Houston 160-62). The failure of Tyler's proposed treaty had not come as a complete surprise, and Hous- ton had even gone so far as to authorize a joint alliance with Great Britain and France on the basis of independence (Houston to Jones, Sept. 24, 1844, Jones Manuscripts, San Antonio, Tex.). When annexation was at length certain, however, he made light of the doubts and hesi- tations in which he had necessarily passed the last three years (Niks' National Register, June 14,1845, p. 230; Dec. 27,1848, p. 413). His ene- mies were soon able to prove that he had con- sidered more than one alternative, but they could not deny to him his place as the one commanding figure in the history of the Republic of Texas, whose brief career was now coming to a glorious and unexpectedly successful end. In March 1846, Houston was again in Wash- ington, to serve for almost fourteen years as a senator from the recently admitted state of Texas. He was still a great talker, his clothes were still showy and unusual, once at least he made a speech when under the influence of un- dignified excitement, but the man had mellowed with the passing years, and his personal enmities were chiefly those that he had inherited from earlier stages of his career. He spoke seldom, sometimes with careless lack of preparation; but in support of the Union and again when the rights of the Indians were at stake he rose more than once to real heights of impassioned and well-controlled eloquence. During the Mexican War he, as well as his old friend and colleague, Thomas J. Rusk, cordially supported the policies of Polk. Houston was offered a generalship in the army but declined. He was bitterly disap- pointed with Trist's treaty of peace, and to the end of his life continued to advocate at least a protectorate over the whole of Mexico. As time went on, he found himself an increas- ingly lonely figure among his Southern col- leagues. On the organization of Oregon tinder the anti-slavery provisions of the Northwest Or- dinance of 1787, from all the South only Thomas Hart Benton \_q.v.] voted with him. Houston was the only Southern senator who voted for every item in the compromise measures of 1850, and only John Bell [q.v.~\ of Tennessee agreed with him in opposing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. On this heated question Houston made the ablest, because the most moderate and prophetic, speech. On only one question, that of a railroad to the Pacific by a Southern route, did he occupy a position that was distinctly South- ern. When in 1856 he became an advocate of the principles of the Know-Nothing party and was mentioned for the presidency, he had alienated Houston even the Germans, who on other questions often agreed with him. Two years before the close of his term, the legislature of Texas signified its displeasure by electing his successor. In an elo- quent valedictory to the Senate, Feb. 28, 1859, Houston summed up his career (Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., pp. 1433-39)- Some weeks before, Jan. 13, 1859, in a colloquy with his new colleague, Ward, he had said: "I make no distinction between southern rights and north- ern rights. Our rights are rights common to the whole Union. I would not see wrong inflicted on the North or on the South, but I am for the Union, without any 'if in the case; and my motto is, it shall be preserved I" To which Ward re- plied : "I will only remark to my honorable col- league, that there is a difference of that 'if be- tween us" (Congressional Globe, 35 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 355). Houston's name was still one to conjure with in Texas. In 1857, while still in the Senate, and resting under the obloquy of his recent Know- Nothing heresy, he put his popularity to the test by running for the governorship, and though defeated he managed to poll a vote that was in the circumstances quite surprising. Two years later, as he was leaving the Senate, the result was reversed, and he was elected over the same opponent on a platform which called for a new Indian policy to make the frontiers safe and for the preservation of the Union. His brief term as governor coincided with the heated canvass which resulted in the election of Abraham Lin- coln. Houston believed that even now, with smaller sacrifices than had been necessary to establish it, the Constitution might be preserved. Again and again, before excited audiences, he pointed out the certainty of war and the danger of defeat. He did not believe that even the elec- tion of a "blade Republican" would justify se- cession. Unfortunately for his policies, how- ever, the tide was running strong against him. Even before his inauguration, the bloody con- flicts in Kansas, John Brown's Harper's Ferry raid, and the indorsement of Helper's Impending Crisis by prominent Republicans had set the stage for secession. Indian raids continued and weakened the normal Union sentiment of the frontier. A series of unusual fires were charged to Abolitionists, and in the heated atmosphere of the times such charges gained credence. In the circumstances, after the election, Houston's devices to delay or limit the effects of secession proved mere straws in the course of the advanc- ing current. He first hoped to initiate a movement for a Southern convention to arrange some cotnpro- 266