Ingersoll afterward, in 1810, tinder the preposterous title of Inchiquin, the Jesuit's Letters, appeared an- other pamphlet indicating the intellectual bold- ness of the young Philadelphian. Both pam- phlets were widely read in America and abroad and were influential in stimulating a sense of national self-sufficiency. They constituted "a declaration of literary, social, and moral inde- pendence" at a time when "the United States were yet British in almost everything except government" (United States Magazine and Democratic Review, October 1839, p. 342). His tendencies away from the Loyalist ideas of his grandfather and the Federalist views of his fa- ther were recognized in 1811 in his nomination by the Republicans for the post of state assembly- man. He was defeated, but in 1812 he was elect- ed to Congress. He at once attained an influen- tial position, becoming chairman of the judiciary committee and a member of the foreign rela- tions committee. Military reverses led to po- litical reverses for the Republicans, whose posi- tion in Philadelphia was precarious at best, and Ingersoll was not reflected. Upon his retirement from Congress he re- turned to Philadelphia and acquired a varied and lucrative practice at the bar. He was ap- pointed to the post of United States district at- torney, which he retained for fourteen years (1815-29). In 1825 he was a member of a con- vention on canals and public improvements meet- ing at Harrisburg. With typical initiative he advocated railroad transportation by means of steam locomotives, but he was defeated by the proponents of canals. Two years later, at the so-called Harrisburg Convention, representing proponents of protective tariff legislation, he was chairman of the committee which prepared a memorial to Congress. Although generally in favor of protection, he was inclined toward mod- erating the more extreme demands, and toward conciliating Southern opponents. Meanwhile he reverted to literary activities. In 1823 he had addressed the American Philosophical Society on "The Influence of America on the Mind," a paper published and read extensively abroad as well as in America. Soon afterward he wrote a play, Mian: a Tragedy, which was published la 1831, In 1830-31 Ingersoll served for one term as a state assemblyman. In the nominations for United States senator he received a plurality vote in each house but was unable to command a majority in the election. In the early thir- ties he was active politically in connection with fee Bank of the United States. He first favored renewal of the charter, but the bank's entry Ingersoll into politics occasioned his reversal of attitude and his avowal of Jackson's cause—a course at that time hardly popular in Philadelphia, the home of the bank. He was one of the authors of the sub-treasury plan. In Pennsylvania poli- tics he participated in the revision of the con- stitution, and in the convention of 1837 he was chairman of a special committee on currency and corporations. He proposed the limiting of the powers of corporations and the rejection of the contract doctrine of charters as enunciated in the noted Dartmouth case. His ideas, though in large part later incorporated into law, were at the time so unpopular that the minority report of his committee, written by himself, was denied publication by the convention. The intensity of feeling and the significance of his views can be appreciated only in the light of the conflict over the Bank of the United States and of the finan- cial crisis of the year of the convention. Upon his defeat for reelection to Congress in 1814, Ingersoll had decided "to be a mere law- yer, jurisconsultus merits, for the next fifteen years." But after he had attained an independent income, apparently he desired to resume his ca- reer in national affairs. He therefore welcomed the nomination in 1837 by the Jacksonian Dem- ocrats, heirs of the Jeffersonian Republicans, for a seat in Congress. At the ensuing special election he and his ticket were defeated. Nor was he successful in the regular election of 1838, but in 1840 he won the election and continued in office until 1849. When his party acquired a majority in Congress he was given the post of chairman of the committee on foreign affairs. It was during his chairmanship and partly as a result of his influence that the joint resolution for the annexation of Texas was adopted (Meigs, post, pp. 259-68). He was an energetic and ef- fective debater on most of the outstanding issues before Congress and was particularly active in connection with the sectional and group contro- versies of the time. He consistently opposed the extremists among the anti-slavery group in the north and held that the vital function of those who represented the central states, "the temper- ate 2one of American republican continental union/' was to arbitrate the differences between "the slave-holding southwest and the slave-hat- ing northeast/' As a result of his views he in- curred the intense antagonism of John Quincy Adams and others. His career in Congress was marked also by an acrimonious controversy with Daniel Webster concerning the latter's handling of public funds, one result of which was the re- fusal of the Senate, under Webster's influence, to confirm his appointment by President Polk 466