Jackson

bills providing for the construction of internal
improvements at federal expense, and supported
the protective tariff (Bassett, Life, pp. 344-45)-
He was a true representative of the West, favor-
ing an expansionist policy which would result in
the development of the newer states.

It was, therefore, with a political as well as a
military record that Jackson stood before the
country as a presidential candidate in 1824. His
opponents were Henry Clay and John Quincy
Adams, both nationalists. John C. Calhoun, once
a rival, now occupied the second place on the
Jackson ticket. William H. Crawford, the anoint-
ed of the "Virginia Dynasty" and the only strict
constructionist of the five, was strong with the
politicians of Washington and greatly feared by
his opponents. Jackson had quarreled with him
in 1816 over an Indian treaty, and this animos-
ity added zest to the General's ambition. In the
election, Jackson received the highest popular
vote, but, as compared with the votes in suc-
ceeding elections, it was an exceedingly small
one. The military hero had not yet conquered
the nation. In the Southwest, where the memory
of Indian wars was still fresh, his strength was
overwhelming except in the vicinity of New Or-
leans and among the commercial elements else-
where. The movement for him was in the nature
of a popular uprising in this section, and the
conservative elements in the population, though
numerically weak, were inclined to be hostile.
Clay divided the Northwest with him and Craw-
ford split the Southeast. In the East, where In-
dian wars were long forgotten, Jackson's strength
was due more to the work of local politicians
than to any direct appeal which his personality
made to the masses. His support here came part-
ly from the rural democracy, and partly from
the nationalists. Political power was still com-
monly wielded by the few, who were able to
shape public opinion among a people accustomed
to leadership.

When the Clay supporters combined with those
of Adams to elect the latter, the Jackson fol-
lowing sent up a cry of "bargain and corruption"
in which they fully believed, and which furnished
the motive power for a campaign of renewed
intensity to elect their favorite in 1828. It was
during this period that the campaigners were
able to arouse the masses throughout the country
to an active interest in politics and to a pitch of
enthusiasm which was more general than any-
thing that had previously affected the people.
The Jackson movement became a personal mat-
ter, the vindication of a hero who had been
wronged, and the campaigners conjured with
the name of "Old Hickory." No definite pro-

Jackson

gram of reform was proposed; no political ideals
were set forth; the sole aim was the election of
Jackson. Men who could not understand prin-
ciples of any sort could understand this issue.
Before the year 1828 came around, the political
situation had changed radically. Clay withdrew
from the race, and ill health forced the retire-
ment of Crawford. This left the Jackson-Cal-
houn ticket to face Adams alone. Martin Van
Buren of New York had supported Crawford in
1824. Now he turned to Jackson and carried with
him a strong Crawford following in Virginia
and Georgia (C. H. Ambler, Thomas Ritchie,
I9I3» PP- 107-08). Thus a state-rights element
had joined a nationalist group. The question of
the Bank of the United States had not been
before the people In 1824, and Jackson, in spite
of later utterances, had not previously mani-
fested hostility toward that institution. He began
to show a hostile spirit, however, at about the
time of his coalition with Van Buren, and the
fact that some of the branches of the bank op-
posed him during the campaign fixed his ani-
mosity (R. C H. Catterall, The Second Bank of
the United States, 1903, pp. 183-84; R. C. Me-
Grane, ed., The Correspondence of Nicholas Bid-
die, 1919, pp. 87-88). This was Jackson's first
commitment to the strict-constructionist faction
and it is highly probable that Van Buren was
responsible for the change. Since Adams was a
nationalist of strong convictions, it was natural
that his opponent should take the other side, and
the vote in the election of 1828 shows that he
was understood to have done so. The combina-
tion between Jackson and Van Buren was cer-
tain to bring on a struggle between Calhoun and
Van Buren for the succession. When the hero
of New Orleans journeyed to the scene of his
great victory to participate in an anniversary
celebration on Jan. 8, 1828, James A. Hamilton
[#.#.], a trusted friend of Van Buren, went
along to sound him on a reconciliation with
Crawford and to suggest to him the disloyalty
of Calhoun. But Jackson would not believe that
Calhoun had been disloyal, and was not enthusi-
astic over reconciliation with Crawford (Jackson
Papers, Library of Congress, J. A. Hamilton to
Jackson, Feb. 17, 1828; American Historical
Magazine, Nashville, Jan. 1904, pp. 93-98, R. G.
Dunlap to Jackson, Aug. 10, 1831). Thus the
first move failed, but Van Buren bided his time.
When the election occurred, Jackson carried
both New York and Pennsylvania with a solid
West and South except for Maryland. His pop-
ular vote was four times what it had been in
1824 (Edward Stanwood, History of the Presi-
dency, vol. I, 1898, pp. 136,148).

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