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From  the  collection  of  the 


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2007 


For  International  Understanding 


Volume  86,  No.  1 


January,  1924 


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New  Year  Perspectives 
The  Conduct  o 


)ft  Corporatioi 


TAl'^aa«"Siv7<«i3 


iirs 


A  Soldier  on  the  Causes  of  War 


Zoroaster's  Panacea  for  War 


Scandinavian  Parliamentarism 


World  Problems  in  Review 


PUBtrSHED   BY  THE 

AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

.  CQ.LOmpp   BUI.LPINO 


PRICE  PO  CENTS 


■•H^BSfailJ^ 


Ring  out  old  shapes  of  foul  disease, 
Ring  out  the  narrowing  lust  of  gold ; 
Ring  out  the  thousand  wars  of  old. 

Ring  in  the  thousand  years  of  peace ! 

— Lord  Alfred  Tennyson. 


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V 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthub  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 


Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-OIHce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917  ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  being  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 

CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 3 

Editorials 

The  New  Advocate  of  Peace — New  Year  Perspectives — P  e  r  f  e  c  t 
Clarity — Success  of  French  Policy — United  States  and  the  Per- 
manent Court — American  Peace  Award — Editorial  Notes 5-12 

World  Problems  in  Review 

German  Reparations — Internal  Conditions  in  France — French  Debt — 
British  General  Election — Czecho-Polish  Boundary  Dispute — Tan- 
gier— World  Court  or  Hague  Tribunal — Japan  after  the  Earth- 
quake     13-25 

General  Articles 

An  Irreducible  Minimum  in  the  Conduct  of  Foreign  Affairs 26 

By  James  Brown  Scott 

Basic  Causes  of  War 27 

By  Major  C.  R.  Pettis 

Zoroaster  and  War 33 

By  Behman  Sorabji  Banaji 

International  Peace — a  Sermon 37 

By  Theodore  Stanfleld 

The  German   Food   Situation 39 

By  C.  E.  Herring 

Scandinavian    Co-operation 41 

By  A.  Ijauesgaard 

History  v.  Patriotism 45 

By  Lucia  Pym 

Forbearance   (a  Poem ) 47 

By  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson 
International  Documents 

President  Coolidge's  International  Policies 48 

Recognition  of  Soviet  Russia 49 

Allied  Notes  to  Germany 51 

Senator   Borah's   Resolution 53 

International   Notes ,- ■ 54 

Letter  Box !'...,.  59 

Book  Reviews ..', 60 


L    Vol.  86  JANUARY,    1924  No.  1 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
Is  ninety-five  years  old.  It  has  helped  to  make  the 
fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable  peace  known 
the  world  around. 

Its  pnrpofie  is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  In 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

/*  is  built  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 

Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been   one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 


ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century ;  which 
has  done  more  for  the  men,  women,  and  youth  of 
America  by  the  reaction  upon  them  of  the  spirit  of 
justice  and  fair  play  than  it  has  done  even  for  the 
peace  workers  themselves,  who  have  been  the  special 
object  of  its  effort ;  which  is  today  the  defender  of 
the  principles  of  law,  of  judicial  settlement,  of  arbi- 
tration, of  international  conferences,  of  right-minded 
ness,  and  of  understanding  among  the  Powers.  It 
publishes  Advocate  of  Peace,  the  first  in  point  of 
time  and  the  widest  circulated  peace  magazine  in  tlie 
world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated   under   the   laws   of   Massachusetts   since 

1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional   Membership,    twenty-five   dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


to 


OFFICERS 


President  : 

Hon.    Andrew   J.   Montague,   Member   of   Congress 
from   Virginia,  Washington,   D.   C. 
Secretary  : 

Arthur    Deerin    Call,    Secretary    American    Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Treasurer: 

George  W.  White,  President  National  Metropolitan 
Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Miami,  Florida. 

Hon.  Theodore  B.  Burton,  former  President  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Lawyer,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slaydbn,  Member  Council  Interpar- 
liamentary Union,   San  Antonio,  Texas. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  ex  officio. 
Arthur  Deerin  Call,  ex  officio. 
George  W.  White,  ex  officio. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  University,  Alabama. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Walter  A.  Morgan,  D.  D.,  1841  Irving  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  808  Union  Trust 
Building,   Washington,  D.  C. 


Henry  C.   Morris,  Esq.,   Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Evans  Building,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  President  Fairmont  Semi- 
nary,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion  Society,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  West  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N'.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  30  Koun  Machi,  Mita  Shlba, 
Tokyo,  Japan. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New 
York. 

Pres.  William  Lowe  Beyan,  Bloomington,  Ind. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  H.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  University,  Provi- 
dence, R.   I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Esq.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fiske,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Dr.  David  Starr  Jord.an,  Stanford  University,  Calif, 

Bishop  William   Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Mooee,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,   Derry,   N.   H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N'.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Frederic    Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Sallda,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

♦Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

♦Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


♦Emeritus. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hxmdred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences  ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods ; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members ; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report ;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  i)owers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial   decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective :  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


JANUARY,  1924 


NUMBER 
1 


EDITORIALS 


THE  NEW  ADVOCATE  OF 
PEACE 

THE  Advocate  of  Peace  begins  its 
nineteenth  year  in  this  its  new 
format.  Since  1868 — for  fifty-four  years 
— the  magazine  has  been  printed  prac- 
tically nine  by  twelve  inches.  The  reasons 
for  changing  the  form  and  size  have  grown 
out  of  the  need  for  more  space  and  out  of 
other  necessities  incident  to  the  growth  of 
our  work. 

Because  of  the  evolution  of  magazine 
practice,  the  present  style  will  readily  ap- 
pear as  more  appropriate  for  a  monthly 
magazine.  Its  new  column  will  be  more 
easily  read.  The  change  will  be  welcomed 
by  news  stands,  libraries,  and  travelers. 
We  are  sure  that  our  readers  will  view  the 
change  as  an  improvement.  While  it 
costs  more  than  the  regular  subscription 
to  pay  merely  for  the  mechanical  construc- 
tion of  the  paper,  there  has  been  as  yet  no 
increase  in  the  subscription  price. 


OUR  NEW  YEAR  PERSPECT- 
IVES 

THEEE  is  something  about  the  begin- 
ning of  a  new  year  that  challenges  us 
to  examine  into  our  perspectives.  Most 
men,  especially  would-be  peacemakers,  we 
must  grant,  get  their  perspectives  awry 
very  easily. 

During  the  year  just  closed  there  has 
been,  for  example,  a  renewed  emphasis 
upon  the  necessity  for  additional  machin- 
ery for  the  promotion  of  international 
peace,  quite  as  if  there  were  no  means  al- 


ready in  existence  for  the  adjustment  of 
international  differences  save  by  war. 
Advocates  of  more  international  machin- 
ery seem  to  forget  the  vast  amount  of  in- 
ternational machinery  which  we  have. 

DIPLOMATIC  AND  CONSULAR 
SERVICES 

There  are,  for  instance,  the  diplomatic 
and  consular  services  of  the  various  gov- 
ernments. It  is  through  these  agencies 
that  concrete  international  problems,  some 
of  them  most  difficult  and  dangerous,  are 
handled  daily.  In  the  main  they  are 
handled  with  skill,  for  it  is  only  the  ex- 
ceptional case  that  arouses  any  question  of 
war.  The  diplomatic  and  consular  serv- 
ices are  peace-making  agencies  of  the  first 
order.  There  was  no  diplomacy  in  the 
Eoman  Empire;  for,  as  pointed  out  by 
John  W.  Foster,  "Diplomatic  negotiations 
necessarily  imply  a  certain  equality  of  re- 
lations." The  importance  of  diplomacy 
in  these  latter  days  lies  in  the  fact  that  it 
is  the  art  of  conducting  the  intercourse  of 
nations ;  as  defined  by  Satow,  it  is  the  ap- 
plication of  intelligence  and  tact  to  the 
conduct  of  official  relations  between  the 
governments  of  independent  States.  Un- 
der the  genius  of  our  American  institu- 
tions, this  art  is  practiced  by  the  President, 
acting,  in  the  case  of  treaties  and  the  ap- 
pointment of  agents,  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate.  Eules  governing 
our  diplomatic  agents  have  been  worked 
out  with  care.  These  agents  operate  under 
instructions.  They  are  expected  to  main- 
tain the  dignity  of  the  country  they  repre- 


6 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


sent,  not  overestimating  the  importance  of 
their  posts.  Matters  of  rank  and  pre- 
cedence of  diplomatic  representatives  were 
set  forth  in  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in 
1815,  in  the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
in  1818.  Our  State  Department  incor- 
porated certain  of  these  rules  in  the  in- 
structions to  diplomatic  oflScers  in  1897. 
While  the  term  '^ambassador"  appears  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress and  in  Article  II  of  our  Constitu- 
tion, the  United  States  had  no  diplomatic 
representatives  of  a  higher  rank  than 
envoy  prior  to  1893,  when  we  sent  our 
first  ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  and 
soon  after  to  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and 
Russia.  The  conduct  of  our  own  foreign 
relations  under  our  system  has  not  always 
been  satisfactory.  It  is  sometimes  said 
that  from  an  international  point  of  view 
the  United  States  is  ideally  organized  for 
the  purpose  of  getting  nothing  done.  And 
yet,  when  foreign  problems  of  crucial  im- 
portance have  arisen,  a  sufficient  amount 
of  concentrated  authority  has  been  devel- 
oped to  cope  with  them.  In  the  main  it 
may  be  said  that  nations,  ours  included, 
conduct  their  foreign  affairs  with  ability 
and  often  with  distinction.  While  it  is 
inevitable  that  the  conduct  of  foreign  af- 
fairs will  be  controlled  more  and  more  by 
the  people,  to  the  end  that  the  rules  of 
conduct  governing  the  private  relations  of 
citizens  "be  equally  applicable  to  those  of 
enlightened  nations,"  the  executive  power 
will  continue  to  be  responsible.  But  the 
fact  of  importance  here  is  that  diplomacy, 
developed  out  of  the  need  of  States 
through  a  long  period  of  history,  has  been 
the  expression  of  the  international  aspira- 
tion toward  the  extension  of  law,  of  order, 
of  justice  between  nations.  Diplomatic 
and  consular  bodies  are  agencies  of  inter- 
national peace.  A  recognized  French 
authority.  Garden,  says  that  diplomacy 
has  for  its  purpose,  or  ought  to  have,  "the 
maintenance  of  the  peace  and  of  a  right 
harmony  between  the  powers."     Our  New 


Year  perspective  across  the  world  should 
not  miss  the  achievements  of  diplomacy. 

THE  HAGUE  SYSTEM 

If  our  international  perspective  be  clear, 
we  shall  not  lose  sight  of  the  existing 
machinery  for  international  arbitration, 
machinery  for  which  the  United  States  is 
in  no  small  sense  responsible.  Here  is  a 
system  which  has  operated  in  nearly  a 
score  of  disputes,  doing  no  violence  to  our 
traditional  independence.  For  business 
or  for  politics,  there  is  plenty  of  machinery 
for  the  application  of  the  principles  of 
good  offices,  mediation,  inquiry,  and  con- 
ciliation. If  nations  were  peacefully 
minded,  there  is  machinery  enough  at 
hand  to  maintain  the  peace.  If  nations 
are  war-minded,  no  machinery  can  stop 
them  from  war.  We  have  international 
law.  The  World  War  did  not  destroy 
this  international  law;  indeed,  the  war 
was  fought  in  defense  of  international  law. 
International  law  is  the  warp  and  woof 
of  diplomacy  and  of  all  the  other  means 
of  settling  international  disputes.  The 
Hague  system  represents  the  most  rational 
attempt  the  world  has  ever  seen  to  advance 
international  law.  This  Hague  system 
still  exists.  It  was  not  accident  that  led 
the  League  of  Nations  to  place  its  new 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice 
at  The  Hague.  The  nomination  of  the 
judges  for  this  new  court  comes  from  The 
Hague  system.  The  Court  of  Arbitration 
established  at  The  Hague  in  1899  has 
settled  nearly  a  score  of  international  dis- 
putes to  the  satisfaction  of  the  parties. 
There  is  a  Hague  secretariat  capable  of 
carrying  on  the  details  of  a  third  Hague 
conference.  To  forget  or  to  ignore  these 
things  would  indeed  reveal  an  utter  lack 
of  international  perspective. 

DISARMAMENT   POLICY 

International  machinery  is  a  necessity. 
We  may  need  new  international  machin- 
ery. It  is  equally  true  that  machinery 
does  not  operate  itself.     Our  chief  trouble 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


is  not  so  much  that  we  lack  organizations 
as  it  is  that  we  fail  to  utilize  profitably 
the  ones  we  have.  The  cheapest  service 
one  can  render  to  society  is  to  offer  new 
and  cleverly  devised  schemes  for  social  sal- 
vation. The  most  difficult,  costly,  wear- 
ing, and  valuable  service  is  to  do  the  thing 
needful.  Tools  are  not  ends  in  them- 
selves. It  is  what  we  do  with  the  tools  we 
have  that  counts.  Looking  out  across  the 
New  Year,  we  may  wisely  resolve  to  con- 
centrate more  vigorously  than  heretofore 
upon  the  sort  of  an  international  structure 
we  wish  to  build  with  the  tools  at  hand. 

Our  perspective  for  the  New  Year  may 
see  nothing  for  the  nations  except  war. 
War  there  may  be.  At  the  banquet  of 
the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  the  other  day, 
Earl  Beatty,  a  British  admiral,  and  Earl 
Cavan,  a  British  general,  talked  of  the 
next  war  as  a  matter  of  course.  All  the 
nations  are  heavily  armed.  They  are  arm- 
ing increasingly,  our  own  included.  The 
trouble  here  is  not  that  we  have  the  ma- 
chinery of  war.  The  danger  lies  in  the 
policy  behind  it  all.  The  challenge,  there- 
fore, now,  perhaps,  of  all  times  in  history, 
is  not  that  we  should  worry  about  our 
machinery  of  war.  It  is  that  we  should 
disarm — disarm  in  the  only  hopeful  way 
possible,  disarm  policy.  The  only  practi- 
cal and  important  disarmament  which 
right-thinking  people  must  unanimously 
support  is  the  disarmament  of  policy.  Such 
a  disarmament,  to  be  effective,  cannot  be 
established  by  any  one  of  the  major  powers 
alone.  Even  if  it  were  possible,  it  will 
not  be  followed  by  any  single  State.  The 
only  practical  hope  for  the  disarmament 
of  policy  lies  in  the  direction  of  a  general 
co-operative  effort  on  the  part  of  all  the 
nations. 

To  bring  about  this  practical  disarma- 
ment of  policy  requires  little  additional 
machinery.  Any  nation  is  at  liberty  to 
take  the  initiative  in  the  calling  of  a 
world  conference  of  duly  accredited  dele- 
gates for  the  definition  of  policy  in  the 


terms  of  international  law.  All  that  is 
needed  is  the  will  to  go  about  the  business. 
It  will  be  most  unfortunate  if  we  continue 
to  lose  ourselves  in  ill-tempered  discussion 
over  this  or  that  new  device,  for  it  is  not 
new  devices  that  are  needed  so  much  as  it 
is  a  new  spirit.  And  this  applies  to  the 
people  of  no  one  nation  in  particular,  but 
to  the  peoples  of  all  the  powers. 

OUR  NEW  YEAR  RESOLUTIONS 

It  is  not  necessary  now  to  argue  for 
the  overthrow  of  the  war  system.  The 
World  War  has  taught  anew  the  lessons  of 
its  uncivilized  ruthlessness,  of  its  worse 
than  beastly  unreason,  of  its  futilities.  It 
has  left  us  all  in  a  condition  of  mtellecual 
and  moral  shellshock. 

Since,  therefore,  the  methods  of  war- 
fare seem  so  inadequate,  and  since  so 
many  of  the  new  panaceas  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  peace  seem  to  have  failed,  why 
would  it  not  be  wise  just  now  to  recall  that 
the  function  of  States  is  the  establishment 
of  that  justice  without  which  there  can 
be  no  desirable  peace?  Why  not  recall 
that  the  trouble  with  the  war  system  is  not 
that  it  kills  and  destroys,  but  that  it  in 
and  of  itself  is  incapable  of  establishing 
or  promoting  justice? 

If  only  we  can  see  the  simple  truth, 
then  our  resolutions  for  the  New  Year 
may  well  be  substantially  as  follows : 

We  resolve  to  the  best  of  our  ability  to 
study  the  facts  of  our  international  life, 
their  background,  and  the  significance  for 
the  immediate  future. 

We  resolve  to  apply  our  influence,  to  the 
extent  of  our  ability,  in  behalf  of  a  con- 
ference of  duly  accredited  delegates  of  all 
the  nations,  that  there  may  be  certain  re- 
statements, amendments,  reconciliations, 
and,  if  need  be,  new  declarations  of  inter- 
national law. 

We  resolve  to  do  everything  in  our 
power  to  widen  and  to  extend  the  available 
offices  of  diplomacy,  mediation,  inquiry, 
conciliation,  and  arbitration. 


8 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


We  resolve  to  stand  for  the  development 
of  an  independent  international  court  of 
justice,  to  which  all  civilized  States  shall 
of  right  have  direct  access,  to  the  end  that 
justiciable  disputes  may  be  settled  in  ac- 
cordance vi^ith  the  principles  of  law  and 
equity. 

We  resolve  to  go  about  this  high  busi- 
ness with  less  thoughtless  emotion  and 
fewer  personal  animosities  than  hereto- 
fore, and  to  bring  to  it,  as  best  we  may, 
the  teachings  of  history,  the  rules  of  rea- 
son, and  the  integrity  of  common  sense. 


PERFECT  CLARITY 

SECRETAEY  HUGHES'  statement 
rejecting  the  Soviet  bid  for  a  parley 
with  the  United  States  lacks  neither  in 
directness  nor  clarity.  The  President  told 
us  in  his  message  to  Congress,  December 
9,  that  "Russia  presents  notable  difficul- 
ties." He  went  on  to  add  that  we  have 
every  desire  to  see  these  our  traditional 
friends  restored  to  their  position  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  that  our  gov- 
ernment offers  no  objection  to  the  carrying 
on  of  commerce  among  our  citizens  with 
the  people  of  Russia,  going  so  far  as  to 
say,  "America  is  willing  to  make  very 
large  concessions  for  the  purpose  of  rescu- 
ing the  people  of  Russia."  He  closed  with 
this  optimistic  note:  "We  hope  the  time 
is  near  at  hand  when  we  can  act." 

The  Russian  Government  evidently 
looked  upon  this  as  something  of  an  in- 
vitation, and  suggested  a  conference  be- 
tween the  two  governments.  Mr.  Hughes, 
in  reply,  has  served  notice  upon  the  Soviet 
Government  that  America  will  renew 
diplomatic  relations  with  Russia  only 
when  the  Russian  policy  has  been  changed 
in  at  least  four  particulars.  Mr.  Hughes 
demands :  ( 1 )  the  restoration  of  confis- 
cated American  property;  (2)  the  recog- 
nition of  the  $220,000,000  debt  to  this 
nation  contracted  by  the  Kerensky  Gov- 
ernment;  (3)  the  abandonment  of  com- 


munistic propaganda  in  the  United 
States,  as  now  directed  from  Moscow; 
(4)  the  abandonment  of  the  claim  that 
this  government  is  liable  for  damages  to 
Russia  arising  out  of  the  Allied  blockade. 
Surely  there  is  no  equivocation  here. 
Our  government  might  have  demanded 
that  the  Russian  Government  abandon  its 
social  theories,  so  contrary  to  the  social 
theories  which  we  of  America  support. 
We  might  have  suggested  a  mixed  claims 
commission,  such  as  we  set  up  for  negotia- 
tions with  Germany.  Our  government 
might  have  done  a  variety  of  things. 
What  Mr.  Hughes  has  done,  however,  is  tp 
notify  one  of  the  world's  greatest  powers 
how  it  must  act  in  one  of  the  world's 
greatest  problems.  And  this  has  been 
stated  in  one  of  the  world's  shortest  inter- 
national notes,  clear  and  quite  to  the  point. 
It  does  not  strike  us  as  an  ill-tempered 
note.  There  is  about  it,  rather,  a  moral 
directness  which  may  help  clear  away  at 
least  a  little  of  our  international  fog. 


THE  SUCCESS  OF   FRENCH 
POLICIES 

FRANCE  continues  to  have  her  vic- 
tories no  less  renowned  than  war. 
Senator  Paul  Dupuy,  incidentally  owner 
of  the  Petit  Parisien,  the  daily  paper  with 
the  largest  circulation,  has  been  visiting 
in  our  midst.  The  Senator  is  a  confidant 
of  M.  Poincare.  Before  leaving  our  shores 
he  informed  us  that  a  Franco-German  en- 
tente is  the  fundamental  desire  of  the 
French  Government  and  of  the  French 
people.  He  added  further,  that  "nothing 
could  be  more  disastrous  to  us  than  the 
break-up  of  Germany,"  For  the  readers 
of  this  magazine,  such  statements  will 
cause  no  surprise;  but  judging  from  the 
expressions  from  the  anti-French  in  our 
country,  they  need  to  be  repeated.  Sena- 
tor Dupuy  told  us  again  what  we  should 
already  have  known,  that  the  French  Gov- 
ernment has  not  encouraged  the  separist 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


9 


movement;  rather,  that  the  problem  of 
France  is  to  accomplish  the  reconstruction 
of  Germany. 

Of  course,  the  French  are  operating 
under  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  which 
constitutes  the  only  basis  they  know  of 
any  permanent  French  security.  In  the 
face  of  the  German  refusal  to  pay  under 
the  terms  of  the  treaty,  France  has  occu- 
pied the  Euhr.  Addressing  himself  to 
this  phase  of  the  situation,  Senator  Du- 
puy  assured  us  that  the  occupancy  is  to 
extend  only  so  long  as  the  Germans  per- 
sist in  their  refusal.  This  refusal  has 
persisted  longer  than  the  French  antici- 
pated. The  original  plan  was  only  "to 
send  in  engineers  and  technical  men.  But 
Germany  added  passive  resistance  to  her 
refusal  to  pay,  and  we  were  obliged  to 
send  troops.  Now,  since  passive  resistance 
has  been  abandoned,  we  have  begun  to 
withdraw  those  troops.  And  when  Ger- 
many begins,  in  real  earnest,  to  meet  its 
obligations,  we  will  relinquish  our  hold 
even  further.*' 

Senator  Dupuy  reminded  us  of  certain 
other  facts  in  French  policy.  He  said: 
"The  French  people  are  behind  the  present 
French  Government.  Even  though  ef- 
forts should  be  made  to  create  an  Anglo- 
German  alliance,  I  do  not  believe  our 
policy  would  be  altered.  What  is  needed 
is  a  Franco-British-German  alliance  to 
restore  the  whole  of  Europe." 

To  the  charge,  frequently  heard  in 
America,  that  France  does  not  intend  to 
pay  her  debts  to  the  United  States,  Sena- 
tor Dupuy  said:  "One  of  the  last  things 
M.  Poincare  said  to  me  before  I  sailed  was 
this:  'You  can  tell  the  American  people 
that  France  intends  to  pay  its  debt  to  the 
United  States — every  cent  of  it.'  The  re- 
ports which  have  been  circulated  so  widely, 
that  France  does  not  intend  to  pay,  sound 
to  me  very  much  like  German  propaganda. 
They  are,  most  certainly,  not  the  truth. 
The  French  people  are  a  unit  in  their  de- 
termination to  pay." 


It  should  be  added  that  France  has  al- 
ready made  payments  on  her  debt  to  the 
United  States.  On  the  approximately 
three  billion  dollars  which  we  advanced  to 
the  Government  of  France,  France  has  al- 
ready paid  something  over  $64,000,000. 
She  has  also  paid  on  account  of  interest 
nearly  $130,000,000.  For  the  surplus 
war  materials,  amounting  to  over  $407,- 
000,000,  which  we  sold  France,  interest 
has  been  paid  to  date. 

Furthermore,  the  consistency  of  French 
policy  in  the  matter  of  reparations  seems 
now  to  have  won  the  support  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, Italy,  Belgium,  the  United  States, 
and  Germany  herself.  The  new  European 
effort  to  solve  the  reparations  tangle,  call- 
ing for  an  investigation  by  two  expert 
committees,  one  of  which  will  consider 
means  for  balancing  the  budget  of  Ger- 
many and  stabilizing  her  currency,  the 
other  for  investigating  the  capital  that  has 
been  spirited  out  of  Germany,  was  pro- 
posed by  Premier  Poincare.  Thus  French 
policy  in  this  matter,  following  the  failure 
of  British  and  American  effort,  seems  to 
have  produced  an  agreement  among  the 
powers,  and  to  have  advanced  materially 
the  solution  of  the  economic  problems  of 
Europe. 


OUR     UNITED    STATES    AND 
THE  PERMANENT  COURT 

HOW  the  United  States  can  become 
a  member  of  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  and  at  the  same 
time  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  League 
of  Nations  has  been  explained  to  us  with 
a  metaphysical  elaboration  which  is  almost 
clear.  When  it  comes  to  the  election  of 
judges,  the  Council  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions simply  becomes  the  "electoral  coirn- 
cil"  and  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of 
Nations  simply  becomes  the  "electoral 
assembly."  They  are  then  entities  en- 
tirely distinct  from  the  League  of  Na- 
tions.    These  new  organizations  elect  the 


10 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


JanvAj/ry 


judges  of  the  court,  after  which  they  cease 
to  be  the  "electoral  council"  and  the 
"electoral  assembly"  and  become  simply 
the  Council  and  the  Assembly.  All  the 
United  States  would  have  to  do,  there- 
fore, would  be  to  sit  down  with  the  "elec- 
toral council"  and  the  "electoral  assem- 
bly." 

After  the  election  is  over  and  the 
"electoral  council"  and  the  "electoral  as- 
sembly" become  the  Council  and  the 
Assembly,  all  that  remains  for  the  United 
States  to  do  is  to  take  its  hat.  That  is 
simplicity  itself. 

But  when  we  turn  to  the  protocol  which 
we  are  asked  to  sign — albeit  with  reser- 
vations— when  we  turn  to  the  statute  un- 
der which  the  court  operates,  we  find, 
under  Article  4,  that  "the  members  of 
the  court  shall  be  elected  by  the  Assem- 
bly and  by  the  Council."  Under  Arti- 
cle 3  we  read:  "the  number  of  Judges 
and  deputy  judges  may  hereafter  be  in- 
creased by  the  Assembly,  upon  the  pro- 
posal of  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations."  Under  Article  14  it  is  provided 
that  vacancies  in  the  court  shall  be  filled 
by  the  same  method  as  that  laid  down  for 
the  first  election.  The  salaries  of  the 
judges  are  provided  for  in  Article  33, 
which  says:  "The  judges  shall  receive  an 
annual  indemnity  to  be  determined  by  the 
Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations  upon 
the  proposal  of  the  Council."  Article  33 
provides  that  "the  expenses  of  the  court 
shall  be  borne  by  the  League  of  Nations 
in  such  a  manner  as  shall  be  decided  upon 
the  proposal  of  the  Council." 

All  of  this  language  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  present  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  is  somewhat  de- 
pendent upon  the  League  of  Nations.  In 
no  section  of  the  protocol  or  of  the  statute 
under  which  the  court  operates  do  we  find 
any  provision  for  an  "electoral  council"  or 
an  "electoral  assembly."  Eeal  friends  of 
the  International  Court  wish  these  diffi- 
culties removed. 


THE   AMERICAN    PEACE 
AWARD 

IT  IS  our  purpose  to  print  the  winning 
plan  under  the  terms  of  the  American 
Peace  Award,  offered  by  Mr.  Bok,  in  the 
February  number  of  this  magazine.  We 
are  informed  by  the  policy  committee  that 
the  jury  will  announce  its  decision  on  or 
about  the  1st  of  January.  As  we  have 
previously  said,  we  shall  not  only  print  the 
plan,  but  we  shall  print  a  ballot,  and  call 
upon  our  members  to  express  their  opin- 
ions as  to  whether  or  not  they  would  wish 
to  see  our  country  adopt  such  a  policy  in 
substance.  While  we  shall  be  but  one  of 
over  4,000  papers  to  do  this  thing,  of 
course  the  vote  from  our  membership  will 
be  of  peculiar  importance.  No  doubt  our 
subscribers  will  welcome  this  opportunity 
to  register  their  individual  opinions  as  to 
what  is  the  proper  relation  of  the  United 
States  to  any  international  action  looking 
toward  the  prevention  of  war. 

We  have  been  told  by  the  committee  that 
23,165  plans  were  received  in  competition 
for  this  $100,000  award.  The  Jury  con- 
sists of  Elihu  Eoot,  chairman;  General 
James  Guthrie  Harbord,  Colonel  Edward 
M.  House,  Ellen  F.  Pendleton,  Roscoe 
Pound,  William  Allen  White,  and  Brand 
Whitlock. 

Probably  the  most  important  aspect  of 
this  competition  will  develop  out  of  the 
referendum  and  the  discussion  which  it 
will  engender.  Daily  and  weekly  papers, 
cities,  universities,  and  various  organi- 
zations will  take  part  in  the  referendum. 
The  attention  of  millions  wiU  be  riveted 
upon  the  plan.  The  committee  wisely  ex- 
presses itself  as  anxious  to  receive  not 
hasty,  unconsidered  votes,  but  the  real 
opinion  of  the  voters. 


WHEN  we  start  out  to  argue  a  propo- 
sition, there  is  nothing  so  indis- 
pensable as  a  fact.  We  are  inclined  to 
grant  that  there  are  economic,  social,  and 


192Ji. 


EDITORIALS 


11 


industrial  sciences.  If  not,  surely  there 
are  economic,  social,  and  industrial  facts 
enough  out  of  which  to  build  such  sciences. 
Furthermore,  such  sciences  are  sorely 
needed.  The  hope  of  any  permanent  ad- 
vance depends  upon  impartial  investiga- 
tion in  these  fields.  Our  colleges  and  uni- 
versities, government  departments,  and 
special  foundations,  conscious  of  the  need, 
are  working,  and  for  the  most  part  with 
intelligence,  to  ascertain  and  to  broadcast 
the  facts.  The  "Economic  Foundation" 
was  organized  in  New  York  December  12 
to  act  as  a  trust  fund  for  donations  made 
by  persons  who  desire  to  have  a  group  of 
impartial  and  scientific-minded  men  seek 
the  important  facts  of  social,  economic, 
and  industrial  problems.  The  primary 
beneficiary  is  to  be  the  National  Bureau 
of  Economic  Eesearch.  Bankers,  laborers, 
manufacturers,  lawyers,  teachers,  agricul- 
turists, social  workers,  and  economists 
have  been  elected  as  officers  of  this  new 
foundation.  Every  sane  social  movement 
will  be  benefited  by  efforts  such  as  this. 


QQEEY:  Are  we  awaking  again  to 
a  livelier  interest  in  books  dealing 
with  the  World  "War?  A  French  critic 
and  journalist,  Jean  de  Pierrefeu,  has 
written  a  book  about  the  war,  "Plutarch 
Lied,"  of  which  750,000  copies  are  re- 
ported to  have  been  sold  within  several 
weeks.  On  this  side  of  the  Atlantic, 
Edith  Wharton  created  widespread  dis- 
cussion with  her  recent  novel  about  the 
war  experiences  of  an  American  family  in 
France — "A  Son  at  the  Front" — while 
Willa  Gather  won  the  Pulitzer  Novel 
Prize  this  spring  with  her  story,  "One  of 
Ours,"  whose  hero  fought  in  the  A.  E.  F. 
Now  Little,  Brown  &  Company  are  pub- 
lishing again,  on  January  2,  "Gun  Fod- 
der," by  Arthur  Hamilton  Gibbs,  the  story 
of  four  years  of  varied  service  with  the 
English  fighting  forces.  First  published 
in  the  autumn  of  1919,  in  the  midst  of  a 


wearying  surfeit  of  "war  books,"  it  nat- 
urally failed  to  secure  a  wide  reading;  yet 
Arthur  Symonds,  the  famous  English  au- 
thor and  journalist,  told  Mr.  Gibbs' 
brother,  Cosmo  Hamilton  (the  author  of 
"Another  Scandal")  that  it  was  one  of 
the  six  best  books  about  the  war.  The 
same  firm  are  also  publishing,  on  January 
2,  a  novel  by  Larry  Barretto,  "A  Con- 
queror Passes."  It  describes  the  difficulty 
experienced  by  the  returned  soldier  in  fit- 
ting himself  again  into  the  pattern  of 
civilian  existence. 

The  war  has  a  fateful  effect  upon  the 
fortunes  of  the  hero  of  "The  Inverted 
Pyramid,"  the  new  novel  by  Bertrand  W. 
Sinclair,  to  be  published  next  month,  but 
his  experiences  overseas  with  the  Cana- 
dian Expeditionary  Forces  are  merely  in- 
cidental to  the  theme  of  the  novel — the 
account  of  the  vicissitudes  of  the  Norquay 
family  traditions  and  wealth  in  the  hands 
of  its  modern  generation.  The  reception 
that  is  accorded  to  all  of  these  books,  es- 
pecially "Gun  Fodder,"  will  indicate 
whether  "war  books"  are  to  be  reinstated 
in  public  favor.    We  shall  see. 


MC.  EORTY,  president  of  the 
•  National  Bureau  of  Economic 
Research,  made  an  arresting  statement  be- 
fore the  newly  organized  "Economic 
Foundation"  at  a  meeting  and  luncheon 
held  at  the  Bankers'  Club,  New  York  City, 
December  12.  We  are  used  to  such  state- 
ments from  propagandists;  but  this  comes 
from  a  scientific  quarter.  According  to 
the  New  York  Times,  Dr.  Eorty  said: 

"I  have  in  the  last  few  months  seen  a 
war  in  the  making.  I  have  talked  with 
the  statesmen,  the  journalists,  and  the 
bankers  and  industrial  leaders  of  the  two 
countries  involved  and  on  both  sides  they 
have  said:  *We  have  nothing  to  quarrel 
about.  We  have  not  the  slightest  real 
cause  for  controversy.  Why,  then,  should 
there  be  rumors  of  war  and  threats  of 
war'?  And  when  the  facts  are  searched 
out,  the  only  possible  cause  for  conflict 


12 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


appears  to  lie  in  the  activities  of  two 
armament  companies,  who  very  success- 
fully, for  their  own  purposes,  have  aroused 
warlike  feeling  in  the  two  countries." 


MUSTAPHA  KEMAL  PASHA, 
President  of  the  new  Turkish  Ee- 
public,  is  evidently  faced  at  last  with  the 
realities  of  governing  in  time  of  peace  his 
new  political  unit.  Established  by  force, 
continued  by  force,  the  problem  of  promot- 
ing peace  and  prosperity  is  one  of  the  most 
difficult  of  problems.  Brigandage,  we  are 
told,  has  increased  both  in  the  rural  dis- 
tricts and  urban  centers.  Foreign  capital 
has  been  slow  in  coming.  The  agrarian 
situation  is  serious.  The  Caliphate,  in- 
deed the  whole  of  Constantinople,  resents 
the  snubs  received  from  Angora.  To 
separate  the  Church  and  the  State  is  not 
proving  to  be  easy.  What  will  happen 
should  Angora  consent  to  free  and  inde- 
pendent elections  is  difficult  to  forecast. 
It  may  prove  to  be  necessary  to  return  the 
capital  to  Constantinople. 


IT  WOULD  appear  that  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  will 
have  to  be  unequivocally  separated  from 
the  League  of  Nations  before  it  can  be- 
come acceptable  to  the  United  States 
Senate.  George  Wharton  Pepper,  one  of 
the  capable  members  of  the  Senate,  de- 
clares that  to  be  the  case.  He  went  on  to 
point  out  that  "if  friends  of  the  League 
object  because  it  would  weaken  the 
League,  they  will  be  disclosing  a  greater 
interest  in  the  League  than  in  the  court." 
In  our  judgment,  that  is  the  fact. 


THE  Chinese  situation  continues  an 
interesting  exhibit.  Dispatches  tell 
us  of  a  new  capture  by  Chinese  bandits, 
this  time  including  a  French  priest  in 
Changli,  of  the  Shantung  province.  The 
forces  of  General  Chen  Chiung-ming  are 
within  a  few  miles  of  Canton,  at  a  time 
when  it  is  reported  and  then  denied  that 


Psao  Kun,  recently  alleged  purchaser  of 
the  presidency  of  the  Eepublic,  has  offered 
Dr.  Sun  one  million  dollars  to  leave  the 
country  for  good.  Dr.  Berthold  Laufer, 
curator  of  the  department  of  anthropology 
of  the  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
Chicago,  announces  that  old  conservative 
China  is  no  more.  Dr.  Laufer,  who  has 
just  returned  from  China,  where  he  made 
an  extensive  archeological  survey,  finds 
that  the  Chinese  people  are  quite  "mod- 
ernized."   Quite  so. 


REPOETS  from  India  state  that  the 
.  recent  elections  for  the  Indian  pro- 
vincial legislatures  have  resulted  in  suffi- 
cient victories  for  the  Swaraj  Party,  now 
headed  by  Mr.  C.  E.  Das,  to  make  the  work 
of  carrying  on  the  government  through 
an  unofficial  majority  extremely  difficult. 
According  to  the  British  press,  so  far  the 
success  of  the  Swaraj  Party  will  embar- 
rass only  the  provincial  assemblies,  whose 
elections  take  place  two  years  earlier  than 
the  all-India  elections;  but  shortly  the 
central  legislatures  will  find  themselves  in 
an  equally  difficult  position.  It-  is  said 
that  the  Liberal  Viceroy  might  eventually 
be  driven  to  government  by  ukase. 

This  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  is 
partly  due  to  the  alleged  "subserviency" 
of  the  moderates  and  partly  to  the  Kenya 
controversy,  but  mainly  to  Lord  Beading's 
certification  of  the  salt  tax.  The  exercise 
by  the  Viceroy  of  his  statutory  power  to 
certify  or  pass,  on  his  sole  authority,  an 
unpopular  tax,  twice  repudiated  by  the 
Indian  Parliament,  gave  the  Indians  an 
excuse  for  asserting  that  the  reforms  were 
always  meant  to  be  a  blind  and  a  parody 
of  self-government.  Lord  Eeading's  in- 
terference with  the  budget  did  much  to 
consolidate  the  opposition  and  to  send  it 
to  the  Swaraj  Party.  According  to  the 
London  Times,  the  position  thus  created 
brings  on  India  the  gravest  crisis  of  re- 
cent years. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


GERMAN  REPARATIONS 

THE  general  economic  and  adminis- 
trative disorder  of  the  country,  which 
had  been  increasing  since  the  advent  of 
Herr  Stresemann  to  the  leadership  of  the 
German  Government,  finally  rendered  un- 
tenable the  position  of  the  Chancellor  and 
his  cabinet.  The  suppression  of  the  Lud- 
endorff-Hitler  coup  d'etat  in  Bavaria  and 
the  return  of  the  Crown  Prince  to  his 
estate  at  Oels,  while  providing  material 
for  considerable  discussion  and  some 
menacing  gestures  on  the  part  of  the 
French  Government,  soon  assumed  their 
proper  proportion,  as  sensational  incidents 
in  the  disorganized  daily  life  of  Germany ; 
but  the  unchecked  fall  of  the  mark  and 
the  consequent  entire  dislocation  of  es- 
sential commodity  prices  had  an  immedi- 
ate repercussion  on  the  Eeichstag,  which 
refused  a  vote  of  confidence  to  Chancellor 
Stresemann  and  his  cabinet  by  155  to  230. 
On  November  23,  therefore,  the  latter  re- 
signed, and  the  task  of  finding  a  new  ex- 
ecutive devolved  upon  President  Ebert, 

This,  it  turned  out,  was  no  easy  thing 
to  do.  Dr.  Friedrich  Heinrich  Albert, 
former  Minister  of  Reconstruction  in  the 
Cuno  Cabinet,  was  the  first  to  attempt 
the  formation  of  a  cabinet.  His  idea  was 
to  organize  a  "cabinet  of  experts,"  which 
should  be  above  party  and  command  at 
least  the  toleration  of  the  Eeichstag;  but 
lack  of  parliamentary  support  doomed  him 
to  failure.  Intrigue  for  position  nat- 
urally ran  high  as  between  the  National- 
ists, Socialists,  and  bourgeois  parties  in 
the  Reichstag. 

THE  NEW  CABINET 

Following  Dr.  Albert's  failure  to  form 
a  cabinet,  it  was  rumored  that  some  sort  of 
arrangements  tending  to  a  coalition  of  the 
bourgeois  groups,  with  Herr  Marx,  of  the 
Center,  as  Chancellor,  had  been  arrived  at 
in  the  Reichstag.  Eventually  Dr.  Marx 
was  called  upon  and  succeeded  in  organ- 
izing the  following  cabinet: 

Dr.  Marx  (Center),  Chancellor. 


Herr  Jarres  (German  People's  Party), 
Vice-Chancellor  and  Interior. 

Dr.  Stresemann  (German  People's 
Party),  Foreign  Affairs, 

Dr.  Gessler  (Democrat),  Defense. 

Dr.  Brauns  (Center),  Labor. 

Herr  Hoefle  (Center),  Posts  and  Oc- 
cupied Territory. 

Herr  Emminger  (Bavarian  People's 
Party),  Justice. 

Dr.  Luther  (German  People's  Party), 
Finance. 

Herr  Oeser  (Democrat),  Communica- 
tions. 

Count  Kanitz  (non-Party,  formerly 
German  National),  Food. 

Herr  Hamm  (Democrat),  Economic 
Affairs. 

The  post  of  Minister  of  Reconstruction 
was  left  vacant. 

Herren  Stresemann,  Luther,  Brauns, 
Gessler,  Hoefle,  and  Oeser  were  all  mem- 
bers of  the  former  cabinet,  from  which 
that  of  Dr.  Marx  is  chiefly  differentiated 
by  the  omission  of  the  Socialist  members. 
Dr.  Marx  is  a  native  of  Cologne,  where 
he  was  born  in  1863.  By  profession  he  is 
a  lawyer  and  was  a  member  of  the  Prus- 
sian Diet  from  1899  to  1918.  In  1910  he 
was  also  elected  to  the  Reichstag,  where 
he  became  leader  of  the  Center,  or  Cath- 
olic, Party  on  the  death  of  Dr.  Trimborn, 
in  1921. 

The  new  cabinet  is  the  last  of  the  pres- 
ent Reichstag,  and,  since  its  existence  de- 
pends upon  the  forbearance  of  the  Social- 
ists and  the  Nationalists,  the  only  ques- 
tion is  how  long  it  will  be  allowed  to  sur- 
vive. The  eight-hour  day  and  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  state  of  siege  reigning  in 
Germany  are  bones  of  contention  likely 
to  provoke  the  wrath  of  the  Socialists  and 
the  Nationalists  respectively,  with  neither 
of  whose  views  can  those  of  the  cabinet 
be  said  to  coincide. 

SITUATION    IN    THE    RUHR    AND    THE 
RHINELAND 

Meanwhile  the  chaotic  situation  in  the 
Ruhr  and  the  Rhineland  showed  few  signs 


13 


14 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


of  abatement.  The  Separatist  Movement, 
headed  by  Herr  Mathes,  met  with  varying 
and,  on  the  whole,  negative  success.  Both 
its  achievements  and  its  failures  may  be 
attributed  to  the  general  belief  on  the 
part  of  the  population  of  the  districts  con- 
cerned that  the  movement  was  primarily 
instigated  and  encouraged  by  the  French 
and  Belgian  authorities. 

Coincident  with  the  fall  of  Dr.  Strese- 
mann  came  the  news  that  the  somewhat 
protracted  negotiations  between  the  Ger- 
man mine-owners  of  the  Kuhr  and  the 
Mission  Interalliee  de  Controle  des  Usines 
et  des  Mines  (the  French  Factory  and 
Mine  Control  Mission  in  the  Euhr,  usually 
known  as  the  M.  I.  C.  U.  M.)  had  at  last 
resulted  in  an  agreement.  This  arrange- 
ment, which  is  said  to  represent  a  con- 
cession on  the  part  of  the  French,  since 
the  coal  to  be  delivered  free  is  to  be  reck- 
oned to  reparation  account,  consists  of 
six  points  and  holds  good  until  April  15, 
1924.  The  principal  features  are  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  The  arrears  of  coal  tax  from  Janu- 
ary 1  to  October  1  are  to  be  paid  to  the 
extent  of  fifteen  million  dollars. 

2.  A  tax  of  10  per  cent  is  to  be  paid 
on  every  ton  of  coal  sold. 

3.  Eighteen  per  cent  of  the  net  output 
of  coal  is  to  be  delivered  free  to  the  Allies. 

4.  Stocks  of  coal  accumulated  up  to 
October  1  to  become  the  property  of  the 
Allies. 

5.  The  export  licensing  system  to  re- 
main in  force.  All  stocks  of  iron  and 
steel  products  are  to  be  released  only 
against  payment  of  taxes  due,  and  may  be 
exported  only  in  quantities  equal  to  the 
average  amount  exported  during  1922. 

6.  By-products  of  coal — sulphate  of 
ammonia,  benzol,  tar,  and  creosote — are 
to  form  the  subject  of  a  special  agreement. 

This  agreement  was  hailed  as  a  great 
victory  by  the  Paris  press,  which  at  the 
same  time  expressed  its  fear  that  some 
difficulty  might  be  raised  by  Great  Britain, 
whose  contention  has  unvaryingly  been 
that  the  occupation  of  the  Ruhr  is  illegal. 

On  December  5  the  French  authorities 
officially  intimated  that  passive  resistance 
in  the  Ruhr  would  be  considered  at  an 
end  in  a  few  days.  A  series  of  signed 
accords  made  it  clear,  stated  the  French, 
that  the  industrialists,  the  workers,  and 
the  Government  of  the  Reich  were  ready 


to  co-operate  with  the  French  in  the  work- 
ing of  the  Ruhr  industry,  and  the  nature 
of  the  occupation  would,  therefore,  be 
modified,  so  as  to  place  it  on  the  "invisi- 
ble" basis  originally  contemplated.  Par- 
dons would  be  granted  to  prisoners  and 
deportes  allowed  to  return. 

MEETING  OF  THE  REPARATION 
COMMISSION 

The  official  communiques  of  the  Rep- 
aration Commission  provide  the  follow- 
ing statements: 

At  its  meeting  of  October  30  last,  the 
Reparation  Commission  decided,  in  view 
of  the  negotiations  then  proceeding  be- 
tween the  Allied  governments,  to  post- 
pone the  examination  of  the  note  trans- 
mitted to  it  on  October  24  by  the  Kriegs- 
lastenkomission,  the  text  of  which  was 
published  on  the  same  day  (see  Com- 
munique No.  219). 

At  the  meeting  held  at  three  o'clock  on 
the  afternoon  of  N'ovember  13,  under  the 
chairmanship  of  M.  Louis  Barthou,  the 
Reparation  Commission  resumed  the  ex- 
amination of  the  above  note. 

At  the  opening  of  the  meeting,  M.  Louis 
Barthou,  as  French  delegate,  made  the  fol- 
lowing declaration: 

The  French  delegation  requests  the  Repa- 
ration Commission  to  fix  at  once  the  date  on 
which  it  will  accord  the  Germans  a  hearing 
on  the  questions  contained  in  their  note  of 
October  24,  and  to  make  this  date  as  early 
as  possible. 

Further,  in  order  to  assure  the  application 
of  Article  234  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  and 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  para- 
graph 7  of  Annex  II,  the  French  delegation 
considers  that  when  the  Germans  have  been 
heard  a  committee  of  experts  belonging  to 
the  Allied  and  associated  countries  should  be 
set  up.  This  committee  would  be  entrusted 
with  estimating  Germany's  present  capacity 
to  pay,  and  with  furnishing  the  Reparation 
Commission  with  information  enabling  it  to 
determine  the  amounts  of  German  payments 
to  be  made  during  1924,  1925,  and  1926.  In 
the  opinion  of  the  French  delegation,  the  ex- 
perts, who  will  take  the  schedule  of  payments 
as  the  basis  of  their  labors,  will  endeavor  to 
estimate  Germany's  resources,  internal  as 
well  as  external,  and  in  particular  German 
assets  abroad. 

It  will  be  for  the  Reparation  Commission  to 


192^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


15 


draw  up  a  definite  program  of  the  commit- 
tee's labors,  after  hearing  the  remarks  of  the 
German  delegation;  these  observations  may 
bring  out  some  or  all  of  the  questions  to  be 
investigated. 

For  the  time  being,  and  without  going  fully 
into  the  question  or  its  practical  application, 
the  French  delegation  desires  merely  to  in- 
form the  Reparation  Commission  of  the  atti- 
tude which  it  intends  to  assume  in  regard  to 
problems,  the  prompt  solution  of  which  con- 
cerns all  the  Allies. 

THE  BRITISH   POSITION 

In  reply,  Sir  John  Bradbury,  the  Brit- 
ish delegate,  made  the  following  declara- 
tion : 

The  statement  of  the  French  delegate  ap- 
pears to  me  to  raise  two  quite  separate  ques- 
tions : 

First.  Should  the  Commission  grant  to  the 
representatives  of  the  German  Government 
the  hearing  for  which  they  have  asked  under 
Article  234  of  the  treaty,  upon  certain  ques- 
tions affecting  the  capacity  of  payment  of 
Germany,  and,  secondly,  assuming  that  this 
hearing  is  granted  and  takes  place,  what 
steps  should  be  taken  by  the  Commission  af- 
ter the  hearing? 

In  regard  to  the  first  question,  I  cannot 
conceal  from  my  colleagues  the  very  grave 
doubts  which  I  entertain  whether,  after  the 
events  of  the  past  eleven  months,  the  ma- 
chinery of  Part  VIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles is  not  so  completely  compromised  as 
to  have  become  incapable  of  functioning. 

In  view  of  these  doubts,  my  first  inclina- 
tion in  regard  to  the  present  application  was 
to  follow  the  policy,  which  I  have  adopted 
since  January  last,  of  leaving  the  whole  re- 
sponsibility for  dealing  with  the  situation 
arising  out  of  the  action  taken  by  certain 
Allied  governments  upon  majority  decisions 
of  the  Commission  with  which  I  was  in  dis- 
agreement with  my  colleagues,  and  to  abstain 
from  taking  part  in  proceedings  which,  until 
certain  fundamental  questions  of  interna- 
tional law  have  been  authoritatively  settled, 
appear  to  me  incapable  of  leading  to  any 
practical  result. 

I  cannot  forget,  however,  that  the  provi- 
sions of  Part  VIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles 
have  still  the  force  of  international  law,  and 
that  I  remain,  for  the  moment,  at  any  rate,  a 
member  of  an  International  tribunal  which 
under  its  constitution  has  the  duty  of  pro- 


nouncing from  time  to  time  on  the  capacity 
of  Germany  to  discharge  her  obligations,  as 
formally  defined  under  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles, and  is  required  under  paragraph  9  of 
Annex  II  of  Part  VIII — quite  apart  from 
Article  234,  under  which  the  present  applica- 
tion is  made — to  hear  evidence  and  arguments 
on  the  part  of  Germany  on  any  question  con- 
nected with  her  capacity  to  pay. 

I  cannot,  therefore,  be  a  party  to  any  re- 
fusal to  hear  such  arguments  without  an  ap- 
parent denial  of  justice,  however  small  may 
be  the  hope  which  I  entertain  in  present  cir- 
cumstances of  practical  advantage  resulting 
from  the  hearing. 

To  abstain  from  voting  on  the  present  pro- 
posal would,  under  paragraph  18  of  Annex 
II,  be  tantamount  to  voting  against  it.  I 
should  indeed  have  preferred  that  the  hear- 
ing should  have  been  given  under  paragraph 
9  of  Annex  II,  rather  than  Article  234;  but 
as  the  German  application  has  been  made  un- 
der the  latter  article,  and  the  proposal  before 
the  Commission  follows  the  application,  I 
shall  give  it  my  formal  support. 

As  regards  the  second  part  of  the  declara- 
tion of  the  French  delegate,  I  propose  to 
maintain  a  suspense  of  judgment  until  after 
the  audition. 

Before  prescribing  remedies,  a  wise  physi- 
cian will  complete  his  diagnosis  of  the  disease. 

I  feel  bound,  however,  to  confess  that  at 
first  sight  the  prescription  of  the  French  dele- 
gate appears  to  me  to  belong  to  the  world  in 
which  a  certain  philosopher  invented  pills  for 
the  treatment  of  earthquakes. 

I  hold  that  the  Commission,  if  it  is  to  at- 
tempt to  discharge  its  duties  under  the 
treaty,  must  investigate  without  fear  or  fa- 
vor the  whole  of  the  causes  which  have  led 
to  the  present  desperate  condition  of  Ger- 
many and  must  fearlessly  apply  (so  far  as  it 
is  within  its  power)  and  recommend  to  those 
who  have  power  to  apply  them  (in  so  far  as 
they  may  be  outside  its  own  powers)  what- 
ever remedies  it  may,  after  such  investiga- 
tions, deem  to  be  necessary. 

After  an  exchange  of  views,  it  was 
unanimously  decided  that  the  representa- 
tives of  the  German  Government  would 
be  heard  as  early  as  possible,  the  exact 
date  of  the  hearing  to  be  fixed  by  agree- 
ment between  the  Kriegslastenkomission 
and  the  General  Secretary  of  the  Com- 
mission. 

(2)   That  the  question  of  the  appoint- 


16 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


ment  of  a  committee  of  experts  would  be 
resumed  after  this  hearing  had  taken 
place. 

GERMAN    REPRESENTATIONS 

The  Eeparation  Commission  met  on  the 
morning  of  November  23,  at  10:15,  under 
the  chairmanship  of  M.  Louis  Barthou, 
to  give  the  representatives  of  the  German 
Government  the  hearing  provided  for  in 
its  decision  of  November  8. 

The  German  delegation  consisted  of 
MM.  Heyer,  Fischer,  Litter,  Michaelis 
(interpreter),  of  the  Kriegslastenkomis- 
sion ;  Dorn  and  von  Brandt,  of  the  Finance 
Ministry;  Schaeffer  and  Eeichardt,  of  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Economy;  Wolf,  of 
the  Ministry  of  Communications,  and 
Simon,  of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

The  chairman  observed  that  the  German 
Government  had  submitted  various  ques- 
tions to  the  Reparation  Commission  in  its 
letters  of  October  24  and  November  2.  He 
invited  the  German  delegates  to  explain 
the  points  raised  in  these  letters. 

Herr  Fischer  first  gave  a  general  sur- 
vey of  the  financial  and  economic  distress 
in  Germany,  of  the  causes  of  this  distress 
and  of  its  repercussion  on  Germany's  ca- 
pacity of  payment.  He  maintained  the 
German  Government's  opinion  that  the 
occupation  of  the  Ruhr  was  illegal. 

He  maintained  that  only  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  Germany's  economic  unity 
could  enable  her  to  restore  her  finances 
and  her  capacity.  He  proceeded  to  give 
a  detailed  account  of  the  measures  already 
taken  or  contemplated  with  a  view  to  the 
restoration  of  German  finance  and  cur- 
rency; for  instance,  the  placing  of  public 
receipts  on  a  gold  basis,  a  drastic  reduction 
of  expenditure  without  regard  to  vested 
rights  or  measures  of  social  relief,  the 
stopping  of  the  printing  of  notes. 

He  explained  that,  in  order  to  introduce 
these  various  reforms,  the  German  Gov- 
ernment found  itself  obliged  to  stop  the 
execution  of  contracts  concluded  for  de- 
liveries in  kind. 

The  German  delegate  indicated  briefly 
the  contents  of  a  memorandum,  which  he 
handed  to  the  Commission,  on  the  Bel- 
gian technical  notes. 

He  stated  that,  subject  to  his  general 
statements,  these  notes  might  form  the 
basis  of  negotiations  for  the  solution  of 
the  reparation  problem. 


In  conclusion,  he  laid  stress  on  the 
gravity  of  the  present  situation  and  ap- 
pealed to  the  Commission's  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility. 

Herr  Fischer  alone  spoke  on  behalf  of 
the  German  delegation,  and  no  questions 
were  asked  by  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mission.    The  meeting  rose  at  12  :30. 

At  its  next  meeting,  following  the  ad- 
dress of  Herr  Fischer,  the  German  dele- 
gate, before  the  Reparation  Commission, 
it  was  unanimously  decided  to  appoint  two 
committees  of  inquiry  with  the  object  of 
determining  Germany's  capacity  to  pay. 
The  Commission's  resolution,  which  was 
supported  by  the  British  delegates,  is  as 
follows : 

In  order  to  investigate,  in  conformity  with 
ttie  terms  of  Article  234  of  tlie  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles, the  resources  as  well  as  the  capacity 
of  Germany,  and  after  having  given  the  rep- 
resentatives of  that  country  an  equitable  op- 
portunity to  make  known  their  views,  the 
Reparation  Commission  decides  to  constitute 
two  committees  of  experts  belonging  to  the 
Allied  and  associated  coimtries;  one  will  be 
instructed  to  seek  the  means  of  balancing  the 
budget  and  stabilizing  the  currency,  and  the 
other  will  investigate  the  means  of  valuing  or 
causing  to  return  to  Germany  the  vanished 
capital. 

This  was  the  first  time  since  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  Ruhr  that  the  Reparation  Com- 
mission came  to  a  unanimous  decision 
with  regard  to  Germany. 

INVITATIONS  TO  POWERS 

Invitations  were  promptly  extended  to 
the  powers  concerned  to  recommend  ex- 
perts for  appointment  on  these  commit- 
tees, and  were  accepted.  No  neutrals  or 
Germans  may,  under  the  terms  of  the 
Reparation  Commission's  decision,  be  in- 
cluded. 

According  to  the  British  press,  the  first 
of  these  committees  is  the  one  to  which 
Great  Britain  attaches  importance;  the 
second  appeals  more  especially  to  the 
French.  English  writers  profess  them- 
selves unable  to  understand  why  M.  Poin- 
care  should  have  rejected  the  British  sug- 
gestion for  a  committee  of  experts  to  in- 
quire into  Germany's  capacity  to  pay  and 
then  have  accepted  another  proposal, 
almost  as  far-reaching.  There  is,  there- 
fore, on  the  whole,  no  very  marked  opti- 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


17 


ism  in  British  circles  as  to  the  outcome  of 
the  inquiry. 

American  opinion  seems  to  have  been 
divided  between  a  certain  bewilderment 
and  a  tendency  to  hail  the  Separation 
Commission's  decision  as  "another  victory 
for  France." 

Paris  circles,  having  satisfied  themselves 
that  the  question  of  the  Kuhr  will  be  en- 
tirely excluded  from  the  scope  of  the 
inquiry,  have  little  or  no  remark  to  offer 
as  to  the  practicality  of  an  attempt  to 
recover  German  capital  from  abroad. 


INTERNAL  CONDITIONS  IN 
FRANCE 

REPOETS  from  the  United  States  De- 
,  partment  of  Commerce  indicate  that 
the  character  of  current  business  in  France 
is  affected  by  a  less  favorable  outlook,  due 
to  an  increasing  national  debt,  rising  in- 
terest rates,  weakening  exchange,  and 
skepticism  as  to  the  duration  of  co-opera- 
tion under  Euhr  adjustments.  A  certain 
cautiousness  as  to  buying  would  seem  to 
be  denoted  by  the  fact  that,  while  activity 
in  the  textile  trade  is  satisfactory,  stocks 
of  raw  materials  are  low  and  forward 
orders  are  lessening.  On  the  other  hand, 
iron  and  steel  production  is  increasing 
and  there  is  an  improvement  in  certain 
other  markets,  such  as  the  fertilizer  and 
chemical,  while  railroad  operations  are 
also  on  the  mend.  The  falling  exchange 
has  hindered  foreign  purchases,  while  at 
the  same  time  stimulating  exports. 

GOVERNMENT  EXPENDITURE 

The  French  Government  recently  asked 
for  authority  to  renew  the  securities  which 
are  to  fall  due  during  the  coming  year, 
and  also  to  issue  thirteen  billion  francs  in 
short-term  bills,  of  which  nine  billion 
francs  are  to  meet  general  budget  ex- 
penses and  four  billion  to  meet  special 
budget  expenses. 

A  BILLION  FRANCS  FOR  MILITARY 
ACTIVITY  ABROAD 

The  Chamber  of  Deputies  has  voted  for 
1924  extraordinary  credits  totaling  one  bil- 
lion francs,  for  military  activities  abroad. 
The  6  per  cent  short-term  treasury  bill 
issue,  which  closed  early  in  November, 
has  given  final  returns  of  over  six  billion 


francs.  The  credit  foncier  is  issuing  6 
per  cent  lottery  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
eight  hundred  million  francs,  with  a 
nominal  value  of  five  hundred  francs  and 
an  issue  price  of  475  francs,  maturing 
within  seventy  years. 

The  statement  of  the  Bank  of  France 
for  November  29  shows  note  circulation 
of  37,330,000,000  francs,  compared  with 
37,848,000,000  francs  on  November  2, 
while  advances  to  the  State  are  unusually 
low,  at  22,800,000,000  francs,  compared 
with  33,400,000,000  francs  on  the  earlier 
date. 

The  instability  and  decline  of  franc 
value  was  continued  at  the  time  of  writing. 

Total  exports  from  France  in  October 
were  valued  at  2,814,000,000  francs  and 
total  imports  at  3,068,000,000  francs.  In 
the  first  ten  months  of  the  year  exports 
reached  a  value  of  24,376,000,000  francs 
and  imports  25,620,000,000  francs,  leav- 
ing an  adverse  balance  of  244,000,000 
francs.  The  principal  exports  were  manu- 
factured articles,  which  totaled  13,142,- 
000,000  francs,  and  the  chief  imports  raw 
materials,  totaling  16,163,000,000  francs. 

LABOR  CONDITIONS 

Very  little  unemployment  is  reported 
from  France,  but  there  have  been  numer- 
ous strikes,  for  the  most  part  unsuccessful. 
A  compromise  settlement  was  reached  in 
the  coal  miners'  strike  which  occurred  in 
the  Departments  of  the  Nord  and  Pas  de 
Calais. 

The  International  Federation  of  Trades 
Unions  reports  that  an  extraordinary  con- 
gress of  the  Unitary  Federation  of  Trades 
Unions  of  France  was  held  at  Bourges  in 
the  third  week  of  November,  at  which 
the  question  of  surrender  to  the  Commun- 
ist Party  and  Moscow  was  hotly  debated. 
The  adherents  of  the  Third  Internationale 
were  in  the  majority,  the  minority  in  gen- 
eral representing  two  sections,  namely,  the 
out-and-out  opponents  of  the  Eed  Trade 
Union  Internationale,  who  regard  the 
latter  as  mere  tools  of  the  Communist 
Internationale,  which  in  this  way  seeks  to 
subordinate  the  workers  of  all  lands  to  the 
Soviet  Government,  and  those  who  are  not 
openly  against  affiliation  with  the  Eed 
Trade  Union  Internationale,  but  do  not 
consider  it  necessary  to  be  so  very  sub- 
servient to  this  organization. 


18 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Januan-y 


A  note  from  the  Red  Trade  Internation- 
ale urged  the  congress,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  to  avoid  a  split,  which  was  done. 
The  second  part  of  the  note,  concerning 
the  question  of  help  from  German  com- 
rades, was  also  discussed,  and  a  majority 
resolution,  appealing  to  all  workers'  or- 
ganizations for  unity  of  action  in  order  to 
assist  the  German  proletariat  in  every 
possible  way,  and  if  necessary  by  means  of 
a  general  strike,  was  adopted  by  971  to 
356  votes. 


THE  FRENCH  DEBT 

THE  status  of  the  French  debt  to  the 
United  States  is  fully  described  in  the 
reply  of  Hon.  Andrew  W.  Mellon,  chair- 
man of  World  War  Foreign  Debt  Com- 
mission, to  an  inquiry  of  Senator  William 
E.  Borah.  The  two  letters,  which  ap- 
peared in  the  Congressional  Record  on 
December  11,  1923,  are  as  follows: 

December  1,  1923. 
Hon.  Andrew  W.  Mellon, 

Chairman  World  War  Foreign  Debt 
Commission,  Washington,  D.  C. 

My  Dear  Mr.  Mellon  :  I  am  addressing 
you  as  chairman  of  the  World  War  Foreign 
Deht  Commission  with  a  view  of  soliciting 
information  touching  the  present  status  of 
the  French  debt. 

I  should  like  to  be  advised  as  soon  as  con- 
venient of  the  present  status  of  the  French 
debt,  giving  the  total  amount  now  due,  in- 
cluding principal  and  interest;  the  amount 
which  has  been  paid  upon  the  French  debt 
since  November  11,  1918;  what  steps  have 
been  taken  looking  toward  the  adjustment 
or  settlement  of  the  debt ;  what,  if  any,  pro- 
posal the  French  Government  has  made  rela- 
tive to  the  settlement  of  this  debt ;  whether 
or  not  the  debt  commission  is  advised  at  this 
time  as  to  the  terms  and  conditions  upon 
which  the  French  Government  is  willing  to 
adjust  the  debt  or  how  it  proposes  to  ulti- 
mately deal  with  it,  either  in  the  way  of  ad- 
justment, payment,  or  nonpayment.  And, 
finally,  whether  the  commission  has  anything 
in  view  at  the  present  time  in  the  way  of  a 
program  or  plan  pending  with  the  French 
Government  for  the  settlement  of  the  debt. 
What  assurance  has  the  commission  of  the 
intention  of  the  French  Government  to  ad- 
just same? 


In  other  words,  I  should  like  to  know  as 
fully  as  practicable  and  as  soon  as  convenient 
the  exact  situation  with  reference  to  this 
debt. 

Very  respectfully, 

Wm.  K.  Borah. 

World  War  Foreign  Debt  Commission, 
Washington,  December  8,  1923. 

My  Dear  Senator  Borah  :  I  received  your 
letter  of  the  1st  instant,  in  which  you  make 
inquiry  concerning  the  present  status  of  the 
debt  of  the  Government  of  France  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  and  am 
glad  to  comply  with  your  request. 

The  amount  of  the  debt  due  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  France  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  under  two  different  categories, 
is  as  follows : 

1.  Total  receipts  from  Liberty  loans,  $2,- 
997,477,800;  less  amounts  repaid,  $64,212,- 
568.04;  leaves  outstanding  obligations  of 
$2,933,265,231.96.  The  total  interest  account 
on  these  obligations  is  $779,621,604.80,  of 
which  $129,570,376.13  have  been  paid.  The 
accrued  and  unpaid  interest  as  of  November 
15,  1923,  was  $650,051,228.67. 

2.  French  obligations  due  to  the  purchase 
of  surplus  war  materials  under  the  act  of 
July  9,  1918,  and  payable  in  1929-30,  amounts 
to  $407,341,145.01.  The  total  of  the  bonds, 
interest  and  supplies  obligations  is,  therefore, 
$3,990,657,605.64. 

Interest  has  been  paid  as  it  came  due  upon 
these  obligations. 

Upon  the  obligations  evidencing  advances 
under  category  No.  1  above,  the  payments  on 
account  of  principal,  viz.,  $64,212,568.04,  were 
made  as  follows : 

Item  1,  January  8,  1919 $3,384,000.00 

Item  2,  March  14,  1919 3,598,000.00 

Item  3,  March  31,  1919 588,000.00 

Item  4,  August  11,  1919 4,577,000.00 

Item  5,  June  21,  1920 17,246,490.00 

Item  6,  August  19,  1920 6,002,082.26 

Item  7,  August  26,  1920 13,300,275.29 

Item  8,  March  30,  1921 15,265,504.26 

Item  9,  September  14,  1922. . . .  111,378.04 

Item  10,  February  23,  1923 139,838.19 

Total 64,212,568.04 

Items  Nos.  1  to  8  in  the  above  schedule  of 
payments  constitute  in  reality  the  result  of 
final  adjustments  of  accounts.  To  explain 
this  more  fully,  in  certain  instances  where  a 


192Jk 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


19 


credit  had  been  established  or  an  advance 
had  been  made  to  the  Government  of  France 
for  some  purpose  and  the  total  amount  of 
the  credit  or  advance  was  not  required,  the 
balance  of  the  credit  was  withdrawn  or  the 
unused  portion  of  the  advance  was  repaid 
and  credited  in  part  as  a  payment  on  account 
of  principal.  Items  Nos.  6  and  7  are  com- 
mented upon  in  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  for  the  fiscal  year  1920,  page 
58.  Item  No.  8  is  commented  upon  in  the 
report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for 
the  fiscal  year  1921,  pages  37  and  38. 

Items  Nos.  9  and  10  represent  claims  of  the 
French  Government  against  the  United  States 
Railroad  Administration.  The  checks  for 
these  amounts  due  to  the  French  Government 
at  the  time  the  claims  were  liquidated  were 
indorsed  over  to  the  Treasury  and  credited 
as  a  payment  on  account  of  principal  of  the 
obligations  of  the  French  Government. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  World  War  Foreign 
Debt  Commission  on  April  19,  1922,  the  fol- 
lowing resolution  was  passed: 

"Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State  be 
requested  to  Inform  each  of  the  governments 
whose  obligations  arising  out  of  the  World 
War  are  held  by  the  United  States,  including 
obligations  held  by  the  United  States  Grain 
Corporation,  the  War  Department,  the  Navy 
Department,  or  the  American  Relief  Admin- 
istration, of  the  organization  of  the  World 
War  Foreign  Debt  Commission  pursuant  to 
the  act  of  Congress  approved  February  9, 
1922,  and  that  the  commission  desires  to  re- 
ceive any  proposals  or  representations  which 
the  said  government  may  wish  to  make  for 
the  settlement  or  refunding  of  its  obligations 
under  the  provisions  of  the  act." 

In  accordance  with  this  resolution,  the  Sec- 
retary of  State  insti-ucted  the  diplomatic  rep- 
resentatives of  this  government  at  the  capital 
of  France  to  communicate  to  the  French  gov- 
ernment the  text  of  the  resolution  and  of  tne 
act  creating  the  World  War  Foreign  Debt 
Commission. 

The  French  Government  in  July,  1922,  sent 
a  special  mission  to  the  United  States.  Re- 
garding the  negotiations  with  this  mission,  I 
quote  the  following  from  the  report  of  the 
World  War  Foreign  Debt  Commission  for 
1922  as  follows  (see  page  26,  Report  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  1922)  : 

"In  July,  1922,  the  French  Government 
sent  a  special  mission,  headed  by  Mr.  Jean  V. 
Parmentier,  director  of  the  movement  of 
funds  of  the  French  treasury,  to  the  United 
States  to  discuss  with   the   commission   the 


French  debt  to  this  government.  Mr.  Par- 
mentier upon  his  arrival  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  commission  certain  data  relating  to  the 
financial  and  economic  situation  of  France. 
He  explained  to  the  commission  the  position 
of  his  government  in  respect  to  the  funding 
of  its  debt  to  the  United  States,  stating  that 
he  had  been  designated  by  the  French  Gov- 
ernment to  afford  the  commission  complete 
information  as  to  the  financial  condition  of 
his  government,  but  that  the  latter  did  not 
consider  it  possible  at  the  present  time  to 
enter  into  any  definite  engagements  for  a 
funding  or  settlement  of  its  debt.  He  further 
stated  that  it  was  his  government's  desire  to 
postpone  for  an  indefinite  period  con.sidera- 
tion  of  this  matter,  until  the  financial  situ- 
ation of  France  should  become  more  clear, 
particularly  as  to  reparation  receipts  from 
Germany.  The  commission's  position  on  the 
subject  was  explained  to  Mr.  Parmentier, 
and  especially  its  desire  that  a  funding  of 
the  French  debt  should  take  place  in  the  near 
future.  On  August  17,  1922,  Mr.  Parmentier 
informed  the  chairman  of  the  commission 
that  he  had  been  keeping  his  government  In- 
formed of  the  progress  made  in  the  negotia- 
tions and  that  he  had  received  a  cable  in- 
structing him  to  return  for  a  full  discussion 
with  his  government  of  the  situation  as  it 
had  developed.  The  chairman  replied  that, 
in  his  view,  it  could  only  be  beneficial  if  Mr. 
Parmentier  should  in  person  discuss  with  his 
government  the  negotiations  which  had  taken 
place  between  him  and  the  commission.  Mr. 
Parmentier  returned  to  France  shortly  after 
this  conference.'' 

I  also  quote  the  following  from  the  report 
of  the  World  War  Foreign  Debt  Commission 
for  1923  (see  page  27,  Report  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  1923)  : 

"An  account  of  certain  preliminary  discus- 
sions held  in  July,  1922,  with  Mr.  Jean  Par- 
mentier, director  of  the  movement  of  funds 
of  the  French  treasury  and  representative 
appointed  by  the  Government  of  France  to 
negotiate  with  the  commission,  appears  in 
the  previous  report  of  the  commission,  on 
page  26  of  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Tresury  for  the  fiscal  year  ended 
June  30,  1922.  Mr.  Parmentier  returned  to 
France  in  August,  1922,  for  a  full  discussion 
with  his  government  of  the  situation  as  it 
had  developed  here.  No  proposals  or  repre- 
sentations have  been  received  since  his  de- 
parture." 

The  World  War  Foreign  Debt  Commission 
has  no  further  information  than  that  set 
forth  in  the  above  quotations. 

You  further  ask  whether  the  commission 
has  anything  in  view  at  the  present  time  in 


20 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


the  way  of  a  program  or  plan  pending  with 
the  French  Government  for  the  settlement  of 
the  debt. 

In  reply  I  would  say  that  the  commission 
has  at  the  present  time  no  program  or  plan 
pending  other  than  as  above  indicated.  It  is, 
however,  the  intention  of  the  commission  to 
continue  its  efforts  in  every  practicable  man- 
ner to  procure  the  funding  of  the  debt. 

Answering  your  inquiry  as  to  what  assur- 
ance the  commission  has  of  the  intention  of 
the  French  Government  to  adjust  the  debt,  I 
have  to  say  that  su(5h  assurance  is  furnished 
by  the  conditions  and  stipulations  upon  the 
part  of  the  French  Government  contained  in 
the  obligations  evidencing  the  debt  and  the 
statements  of  Mr.  Parmentier  quoted  above. 

I  trust  that  I  have  covered  the  information 
which  you  desire. 

Sincerely  yours, 

A.  W.  Mellon, 
Chairman  of  the  Commission. 

Hon.  WiLLLA-M  B.  BoBAH,  United  States 
Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 


THE   BRITISH  GENERAL 
ELECTION 

TOWARD  the  middle  of  November  the 
Pritish  Premier,  Mr.  Stanley  Bald- 
win, declared  his  intention  of  appealing 
to  the  country  on  a  protectionist  platform. 
This  decision  to  call  for  a  general  election 
met  with  surprise,  not  unmingled  with 
resentment,  even  within  the  Premier's 
own  party,  where  Lord  Younger,  the  well- 
known  political  expert,  is  said  to  have  pre- 
dicted a  reduction  of  the  Conservative 
majority  from  80  to  35.  Preparations  for 
a  whirlwind  campaign  were  immediately 
undertaken  on  all  sides. 

Nominations  were  completed  by  the  end 
of  November,  only  fifty  seats  being  left 
uncontested.  In  round  figures  there  were 
540  Conservative  candidates,  450  Liberals, 
and  430  of  the  Labor  Party,  with  a  few 
Independents.  There  were  thirty-four 
women  candidates.  Notable  among  the 
unopposed  members  were  Sir  Frederick 
Banbury  (City  of  London),  Commander 
0.  Locker  Lampson  (Birmingham),  Sir 
Philip  Sassoon  (Hythe),  Hon.  J.  Astor 
(Kent),  all  Conservatives;  the  Right 
Honorable  Ian  McPherson  (Inverness), 
Liberal;  Vernon  Hartshorn  (Glamorgan), 


Labor,  and  T.  P.  O'Connor  (Liverpool), 

Nationalist. 

A  flood  of  speechmaking  then  deluged 
the  country.  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  return- 
ing from  America,  staged  an  elaborate  and 
touching  reconciliation  with  Mr.  Asquith, 
whereafter  divided  Liberal  hearts  once 
more  beat  as  one  and  platform  manifestoes 
made  their  inevitable  appearance. 

PREMIER  BALDWIN'S  ADDRESS 

Mr.  Baldwin's  election  address,  which 
was  issued  from  Downing  Street,  declared 
that  the  most  urgent  problem  facing  Great 
Britain  was  that  of  unemployment.  The 
Premier  did  not  feel  optimistic  about  the 
economic  situation  in  Europe,  to  which 
this  situation  was  largely  attributable,  and 
even,  on  the  contrary,  considered  that 
British  unemployment  was  likely  to  be- 
come further  aggravated,  owing  to  com- 
petition by  foreign  industries  producing 
under  a  depreciated  currency  system, 
which  gave  them  a  price  advantage  over 
British  manufactures.  He  proposed, 
therefore,  with  the  consent  of  the  country, 
as  expressed  in  the  coming  general  elec- 
tion, to  impose  duties  on  imported  manu- 
factured goods  with  the  following  objects : 

1.  Raising  of  revenue  without  further 
taxation  of  home  production. 

2.  Special  assistance  to  industries  suf- 
fering from  foreign  competition. 

3.  To  serve  as  a  basis  for  commercial 
negotiation  with  other  countries. 

4.  To  promote  imperial  preference. 
Mr.  Baldwin  expressly  disclaimed  any 

intention  of  imposing  taxes  upon  food- 
stuffs, and  further  stated  that  special  sup- 
port would  be  given  to  agriculture  by 
means  of  a  bounty.  He  also  noted  the 
desperate  position  of  the  shipbuilding  in- 
dustry and  declared  the  government's  in- 
tention of  laying  down  a  number  of  light 
cruisers  after  the  election. 

LIBERAL   PARTY'S    MANIFESTO 

A  joint  manifesto  was  issued  by  the 
Liberal  Party,  proclaiming  unqualified 
adherence  to  the  doctrine  of  free  trade 
and  also  opposition  to  the  Labor  Policy  of 
a  capital  levy.  At  the  same  time  the 
foreign  policy  of  the  Conservative  Party, 
especially  with  reference  to  the  Franco- 
German  situation  and  the  Turkish  Treaty, 
were  condemned,  and  extended  credit  fa- 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


21 


cilities  for  internal  and  imperial  develop- 
ment were  advocated,  as  well  as  extensive 
public  works.  The  other  points  touched 
on  dealt  with  housing,  local  option,  re- 
vision of  the  insurance  acts,  and  so  on. 

POSITION  OF  LABOR 

The  Labor  Party's  manifesto  declared 
tariffs  to  be  no  remedy  for  unemployment, 
which  was  considered  as  a  recurrent  fea- 
ture of  the  existing  economic  system,  and 
called  for  an  extended  system  of  national 
work,  including  a  national  system  of 
electrical  power  supply,  development  of 
transport,  and  improvement  of  national 
resources  by  land  drainage,  reclamation, 
afforestation,  town  planning,  and  housing 
schemes.  An  elaborate  agricultural  pro- 
gram was  laid  out,  including  a  minimum 
wage  for  laborers,  encouragement  of  co- 
operation, credit  facilities,  and  re-equip- 
ment of  the  land-valuation  department. 
Among  the  objects  of  the  Labor  Party's 
foreign  policy  were  included  a  strengthen- 
ing and  enlarging  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, and  an  international  conference, 
including  Germany,  for  the  revision  of 
the  Treaty  of  "Versailles,  as  well  as  the 
resumption  of  free  trade  and  diplomatic 
relations  with  Kussia. 

Finally,  a  capital  levy  was  stressed. 

THE  RESULTS 

Polling  took  place  on  December  6,  and 
resulted  in  a  very  marked  loss  of  Con- 
servative seats,  which  found  itself  unable 
to  constitute  a  majority  over  the  other 
two  parties  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
The  combined  Asquith  and  Lloyd  George 
Liberals  registered  an  almost  invisible 
gain,  the  most  marked  success  being  that 
of  the  Labor  Party.  Sir  Eobert  Sanders, 
Minister  of  Agriculture  and  originator 
of  the  subsidy  proposal,  was  defeated. 
Seven  or  eight  women,  among  whom  were 
Lady  Astor,  the  Dutchess  of  Atholl,  Miss 
Susan  Lawrence,  and  Miss  Margaret 
Bondfield,  were  elected. 

Owing  to  the  refusal  of  any  party  to 
co-operate  with  another,  the  situation  im- 
mediately following  the  election  was  one 
of  extreme  uncertainty.  Finally  it  was 
decided  by  the  Conservative  Party,  which 
still  retains  the  actual  plurality  over  any 
one  other  party,  that  Mr.  Baldwin  should 
remain  in  office  until  some  clarification  of 
the   position   could   be   made,   either   by 


means  of  a  working  agreement  with  an- 
other party  or  even  by  another  election, 
if  necessary.  Therefore,  like  Mr.  Micaw- 
ber,  the  Conservative  Party  may  be  said  to 
be  waiting  for  something  to  turn  up. 


THE  CZECHO-POLISH  BOUND- 
ARY DISPUTE 

A  TENSE  situation  in  Poland  and 
Czechoslovakia  was  somewhat  less- 
ened on  December  7  when  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  handed 
down  its  advisory  opinions  in  the  Ja- 
worzyna  case.  The  opinions  in  question, 
which  covered  57  folio  pages,  together  with 
seven  annexes,  upheld  the  decision  given 
by  the  Ambassadors'  Conference  on  July 
29,  1920,  thus  awarding  the  frontier  vil- 
lage of  Jaworzyna  to  Czechoslovakia. 

The  dispute  submitted  to  the  Permanent 
Court  dates  from  1920,  when  a  plebiscite 
was  to  have  been  held  in  order  to  decide 
the  fate  of  the  Teschen-Spitza-Orava  ter- 
ritory, which  was  claimed  by  both  Poland 
and  Czechoslovakia.  The  difficulties  of 
taking  the  plebiscite  proved  so  great  that 
finally  both  countries  agreed  to  submit  the 
question  to  the  Council  of  Ambassadors 
and  to  recognize  its  decision.  On  July 
28,  1920,  the  Council  made  known  ite 
decision,  giving  the  town  of  Jaworzyna  to 
Czechoslovakia. 

IMPORTANCE   OF  JAWORZYNA 

The  local  importance  of  this  town,  num- 
bering some  eleven  hundred  inhabitants, 
is  almost  entirely  strategic.  The  heights 
above  Jaworzyna  command  a  pass  leading 
from  the  Polish  plains  to  the  main  line 
of  the  Czech  Eailway.  The  Polish  gov- 
ernment did  not  feel  able  to  give  up  this 
position  without  a  struggle,  and  requested 
the  government  of  Czechoslovakia  to  con- 
tinue negotiations,  in  the  hope  that  some 
friendly  arrangement  might  be  arrived  at. 
These  negotiations  came  to  nothing,  and, 
the  Czecho-Polish  frontier  commission 
having  in  the  meantime  proposed  a  modi- 
fication of  the  boundaries  determined  in 
1920,  the  matter  was  again  carried  to  the 
Council  of  Ambassadors. 

On  July  27  last  the  latter  decided  to 
place  the  problem!  before  the  League  of 
Nations  and  to  request  the  League  to  sug- 
gest  some   means   of   solution.     By   this 


22 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


time  the  question  to  be  decided  had  slightly 
altered  its  complexion,  and  the  Council 
wished  to  ascertain  whether  it  was  litigious 
or  not,  or,  to  put  it  in  another  way, 
whether,  bearing  in  mind  the  Polish  decla- 
ration of  July  10,  1930,  regarding  the 
arbitration  of  the  Council  of  Ambassa- 
dors, the  decision  given  by  the  latter  on 
July  28  definitely  determined  the  Czecho- 
Polish  frontier  or  not.  This  frontier  line 
is  that  fixed  by  the  Treaty  of  Neuilly, 
which  Czechoslovakia  has  ratified,  but 
Poland  has  not.  The  Council  of  Ambas- 
sadors further  suggested  to  the  League  of 
Nations  that  the  matter  might  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  Permanent  Court. 

ACTION  OF  THE  LEAGUE 

This  suggestion  was  favorably  received 
by  the  League,  which  communicated  it  to 
the  powers  interested.  The  Polish  govern- 
ment pointed  out  that  the  litigation  in 
question  was  based  upon  a  note  issued  by 
the  Council  of  Ambassadors  on  November 
13,  1922,  according  to  which  the  Council 
itself  admitted  that  the  frontiers  estab- 
lished by  its  note  of  July  28,  1920,  were 
not  definite.  On  the  other  hand,  M.  Benes, 
foreign  minister  for  Czechoslovakia,  re- 
quested that  the  point  of  law  thus  raised 
be  submitted  to  arbitration  by  The  Hague 
Court.  The  Spanish  delegate,  Mr.  Quin- 
ones,  was  then  asked  to  investigate  and 
report  upon  the  matter  on  behalf  of  the 
League.  Following  his  recommendation 
that  the  matter  be  submitted  to  an  impar- 
tial tribunal.  Count  Ishii,  the  Japanese 
delegate,  urged  the  League  to  decide  that 
the  investigating  delegate  and  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  two  parties  to  the  dispute 
should  come  to  an  agreement  regarding 
the!  method  of  procedure  to  be  followed 
in  order  to  submit  the  case  to  the  Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice. 

The  court's  opinion  further  provides 
that  the  Ambassador's  decision  of  July  28 
must  be  applied  in  its  entirety,  including 
those  provisions  relating  to  the  possibility 
of  introducing  into  the  line  described  in 
the  decision  modifications  to  be  proposed 
by  the  delimitations  commission  and  tak- 
ing into  account  the  local  conditions  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  frontier.  The 
zones  of  the  Spitza,  Orava,  and  Teschen, 
states  the  decision,  must  be  regarded  as 
definitely  fixed,  independently  of  the  con- 
clusions  arrived   at  liy   the  court   as   re- 


gards the  Spitza  zone.  This  decision, 
which  was  submitted  to  the  League  of 
Nations  on  December  10,  thus  clarifies  a 
state  of  affairs  which  might  have  proved 
very  embarrassing  to  the  Council  of  Am- 
bassadors. An  adverse  opinion  would 
also  have  created  a  difficult  position  for  the 
Government  of  Czechoslovakia,  where 
public  opinion  was  sufficiently  aroused  to 
have  demanded  the  resignation  of  Dr. 
Benes. 


THE    SETTLEMENT    OF 
TANGIER 

WITH  the  settlement  of  the  Tangier 
dispute  by  France,  England,  and 
Spain  a  long-standing  thorn  in  the  flesh 
of  Europe  may  be  said  to  have  been 
plucked  out.  The  controversy,  which  had 
gone  on  wearily  for  many  years,  was  fi- 
nally decided  on  November  27  by  special 
conference  sitting  in  Paris. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  convention 
agreed  upon  by  the  plenipotentiaries,  and 
which  will  be  submitted  to  the  govern- 
ments concerned  in  due  course,  full  power 
is  conceded  to  the  Sultan  of  Morocco, 
which  satisfies  the  French,  who  control  the 
Sultan.  On  the  other  hand,  England's 
claim  for  neutrality  in  war  time  and  the 
open  door  was  admitted  by  France.  As 
regards  Spain,  territorial  concessions  were 
made  which  will  have  the  effect  of  consoli- 
dating the  position  in  the  Spanish  zone. 

Tangier  thus  becomes  a  new  zone  in 
Morocco,  an  integral  part  of  the  empire, 
under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Sultan,  whose 
regime  is  to  be  proclaimed  by  a  decree  and 
who  has  entire  authority  over  Moslem  sub- 
jects and  Islamic  law  courts.  Govern- 
ment services  are  under  the  Sultan's  con- 
trol, subject  to  intervention  of  the  inter- 
national municipality.  The  municipal 
council  is  to  be  composed  of  representa- 
tives of  the  various  powers,  including 
Moslems  and  Jews,  with  experts  and  tech- 
nical advisers  attached.  This  will  really 
constitute  the  controlling  force  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  Tangier. 

A  scheme  for  the  development  of  the 
port  has  also  been  laid  out,  which  will  do 
much  to  promote  its  growth.  Tangier  is 
one  of  the  most  important  outlets  for  the 
Moroccan  hinterland. 

Mixed  tribunals  and  sheriffian  control  of 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


33 


the  post-office  form  the  principal  remain- 
ing features  of  the  agreement,  which  is  of 
great  importance  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 


WORLD  COURT  OR  HAGUE 
TRIBUNAL 

Abstract  of  Remarks  of  Senator  George  H. 
Moses,  of  New  Hampshire,  at  the  Annual 
Dinner  of  the  American  Association  of 
Woolen  and  Worsted  Manufacturers,  Wal- 
dorf Hotel,  New  York  City,  Wednesday 
Evening,  December  5,   1923. 

THE  HARD-WORKED  SENATE 

SENATOR  MOSES  admitted  that  he 
was  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  which,  he  declared,  was  a  much- 
misunderstood  body,  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  ninety-five  of  its  Members  are  candi- 
dates for  the  Presidency  of  the  United 
States.  The  Senate,  Senator  Moses 
averred,  is  really  the  hard-working  branch 
of  Congress,  as  might  readily  be  seen  by  a 
summary  of  the  business  accomplished  in 
the  67th  Congress.  In  that  Congress,  the 
Senator  asserted,  there  were  introduced,  in 
round  numbers,  19,000  bills,  of  which 
14,500  originated  in  the  House  and  4,500 
in  the  Senate.  The  House  passed  only 
968  of  its  14,500  bills,  or  less  than  7  per 
cent  of  the  number  which  it  originated, 
whereas  the  Senate  passed  672  of  its  4,500 
bills,  or  about  15  per  cent  of  the  number 
under  scrutiny.  In  final  legislation  the 
Senate  gave  its  approval  to  537,  or  more 
than  half,  of  the  968  House  bills  which 
had  passed  the  lower  body,  whereas  the 
House  adopted  only  287,  or  less  than  40 
per  cent,  of  the  672  Senate  bills  sent  to  it; 
and  this  took  place,  the  Senator  pointed 
out,  under  the  existing  Senate  rules,  which 
have  endured  for  more  than  a  century, 
which  have  been  subject  to  violent  at- 
tack, but  which,  the  Senator  declared,  as 
the  record  shows,  have  never  resulted  in 
keeping  any  desirable  or  desired  piece  of 
legislation  off  the  statute  books. 

These  19,000  bills.  Senator  Moses  as- 
serted, represent  the  present-day  concep- 
tion of  the  functions  of  government,  which 
have  widely  changed  in  the  last  genera- 
tion. To  carry  out  the  intent  of  a  very 
large  percentage  of  these  measures  would 
mean,  the  Senator  declared,  the  addition 
of  innumerable  pieces  of  governmental  ma- 


chinery, the  creation  of  more  bureaus,  the 
employment  of  more  clerks,  the  granting 
of  much  larger  appropriations,  and  the  im- 
position of  additional  taxation. 

THE  WORLD  COURT  AND  THE  PASSION 
FOR  MACHINERY 

"This  passion  for  machinery,"  said  Sen- 
ator Moses,  "not  only  covers  the  entire 
field  of  our  domestic  activities — estab- 
lished, proposed,  proper,  improper,  consti- 
tutional, or  unconstitutional — but  it  seeks 
also  to  embrace  in  its  scope  the  regulation 
of  our  foreign  relations. 

"For  example,  there  is  pending  before 
the  Senate  now  a  proposal  to  bring  about 
American  membership  in  a  so-called  World 
Court,  which  has  been  created  by,  is  sub- 
sidiary to,  is  paid  by,  has  an  advisory  ca- 
pacity to,  and  is  essentially  a  part  of  the 
League  of  Nations — the  latter  an  organi- 
zation which  has  three  times  been  rejected 
by  the  United  States,  twice  by  constitu- 
tional action  of  a  representative  body, 
namely,  the  Senate,  and  once  in  a  great 
and  solemn  referendum  which  took  the 
question  direct  to  the  people. 

"This  League  Court,  as  I  have  said,  rep- 
resents the  passion  for  machinery  which 
has  of  late  so  inexorably  seized  the  mind 
of  man.  It  possesses  no  functions  which 
are  not  already  possessed  by  another  or- 
ganization with  like  purposes.  It  has  no 
jurisdiction  beyond  that  which  already  ex- 
ists in  another  body  and  it  is  differentiated 
from  an  already-established  tribunal  only 
by  the  fact  that  its  personnel  is  continuous 
and  that  it  meets  at  stated  intervals.  It  is 
.  mere  duplication  and  surplusage,  both  in 
purpose  and  in  scope,  and  it  holds  out  no 
new  hope,  lays  hold  upon  no  new  sanc- 
tions, and  points  to  no  new  pathway  for 
peace. 

"It  came  into  being  and  it  exists  now 
as  an  integral  part  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, from  which  it  cannot  be  disentan- 
gled by  a  reservation  or  by  any  textual 
amendment  short  of  the  destruction  of  the 
entire  protocol.  Like  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles, the  League  Court  carried  obliga- 
tions and  implications  which  the  United 
States  cannot  undertake,  unless  we  are  pre- 
pared to  repudiate  the  verdict  of  1920  and 
to  take  the  first  step  in  a  path  which  leads 
to  the  vortex  of  close  and  inescapable  en- 
tanglement in  European  problems. 


24 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


"Yet  those  of  us  who  recognize  the  facts 
and  who  have  the  temerity  to  assert  them 
are  characterized  as  humanely  strabismic 
and  poUtically  paralyzed.  We  are  accused 
of  mere  obstruction  and  are  taunted  with 
having  no  constructive  plan  to  offer  as 
against  one  which  promises  so  high  a  re- 
turn that  nothing  short  of  an  interna- 
tional blue-sky  law  can  properly  interfere 
with  its  operation. 

"And  this  too  in  the  face  of  a  recent 
declaration  by  the  newest  of  all  Senators 
save  one,  that  he  clutches  the  key  to  the 
problem,  possesses  the  formula  for  the 
solution  of  our  difficulties,  and  can  assure 
the  peace  of  the  world,  thus  proving  once 
more  the  old  truth,  that  many  things, 
though  hidden  from  the  wise  and  prudent, 
are  revealed  unto  babes  and  sucklings. 

WHY    NOT    THE    HAGUE    TRIBUNAL? 

"But  from  my  point  of  view  I  look  be- 
yond the  proposed  League  Court  and  I 
see  another  tribunal,  in  the  creation  of 
which  the  United  States  had  no  small  part 
and  to  the  strengthening  of  which  the 
United  States  later  made  the  greatest  con- 
tributory suggestion — a  suggestion  which 
was  rendered  nugatory  only  because  other 
nations  were  not  then  either  sufficiently 
enlightened  or  sufficiently  chastened  to 
meet  our  advanced  opinion.  The  Hague 
Tribunal,  of  which  I  am  speaking,  has  a 
long  and  honored  record.  Once,  at  least, 
we  invoked  its  functions  in  behalf  of  a 
weak  Latin-American  State  which  was 
menaced  by  an  arrogant  empire  overseas; 
and  within  the  last  year  we  have  gone  to 
it  with  an  irritating  and  troublesome  con- 
troversy, the  conclusion  of  which,  though, 
as  it  seemed  to  us,  unnecessarily  severe 
upon  us,  was  nevertheless  accepted  and 
carried  out  by  congressional  action.  That 
which  we  did  in  the  German- Venezuelan 
controversy  twenty  years  ago,  that  which 
we  have  done  within  the  last  few  months 
in  a  controversy  arising  between  the 
United  States  and  Norway,  can  be  multi- 
plied many  times  if  we  search  the  records 
of  The  Hague  Tribunal.  And,  because  of 
this  record,  to  my  mind  The  Hague  Tri- 
bunal now,  as  from  its  inception,  presents 
a  firm  foundation  upon  which  to  erect,  if 
such  a  structure  is  necessary,  an  interna- 
tional temple  of  justice,  permanent  in  its 
character,  broad  in  its  functions,  paid  by 
its  representative  nations,  and  a  tribunal 


to  which  all  peoples  may  repair,  knowing 
that  its  bench  shall  be  impaneled  from  all 
countries  signatory  to  The  Hague  treaties 
without  submitting  its  judges  to  the  in- 
dignity of  running  the  gauntlet  of  any 
council  or  assembly  whose  authority  has 
already  been  disdained  and  flouted  and 
whose  members  feel  that  association  with 
the  United  States  means  only  a  sanction 
and  a  prestige  which  the  founders  of  the 
League  of  Nations  have  never  been  able 
to  give  it. 

"Therefore,  if  it  is  really  incumbent 
upon  us  to  do  anything,  if  our  duty  really 
is  what  salaried  or  sentimental  propagan- 
dists say,  if  the  strong  word  'must,' 
shouted  from  abroad  and  unthinkingly 
echoed  here,  has  entered  at  last  into  our 
concept  of  action,  why  should  we  not  turn 
to  The  Hague  Tribunal,  give  to  it  a  high 
division,  with  permanency  of  personnel, 
with  reassuring  character,  and  with  regu- 
larity of  session — a  high  division  of  a  tri- 
bunal already  existing,  to  which  the  na- 
tions of  the  earth  may  repair — and  thus 
make  the  beginning  at  least  of  that  era 
so  prayerfully  sought,  but,  alas,  apparently 
so  far  distant,  when  law,  and  not  war,  shall 
rule  the  relations  of  all  peoples  ? 

"We  are  daily  assured  by  those  who  wish 
to  profit  by  our  power  and  our  authority 
that  we  possess  the  moral  leadership  of  the 
world.  If  so,  why  not  assert  it — in  better 
phrase,  why  not  reassert  it — ^by  turning 
again  to  The  Hague  Tribunal,  a  living 
body,  which  needs  only  to  be  nurtured  to 
become  what  we  once  sought  to  make  it? 
Why  should  we  turn  our  back  upon  a  child 
of  our  own  creation  in  order  to  fondle  the 
rag  dolls  of  foreign  diplomacy  ?" 


JAPAN  AFTER  THE  EARTH- 
QUAKE 

THE  insurance  deadlock  which  has  been 
retarding  reconstruction  plans  in 
Japan  seems  to  be  gradually  straighten- 
ing itself  out.  According  to  cable  in- 
formation Just  received  from  Tokyo  by 
the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce,  twenty-seven  insur- 
ance companies  of  both  Tokyo  and  Osaka 
have  agreed  to  pay  on  a  basis  of  10  per 
cent  of  their  losses  resulting  from  the 
earthquake.  This  agreement  was  reached 
only  after  the  Japanese  Government  had 


192Jk 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


agreed  to  extend  long-time  loans  to  the 
different  companies  at  a  very  low  rate  of 
interest.  These  loans  will  probably  ex- 
tend over  a  period  of  fifty  years  and  bear 
interest  at  not  more  than  2  per  cent  per 
annum,  and  will  be  repayable  through  the 
establishment  of  a  sinking  fund. 

A  considerable  portion  of  the  losses, 
about  17  per  cent,  were  covered  by  policies 
of  foreign  insurance  companies  operating 
in  Japan,  and  it  has  not  been  definitely 
settled  yet  as  to  what  action  they  intend 
to  take.  So  far,  they  have  stood  on  the 
ground  that  they  are  not  legally  liable  for 
losses  incurred  by  the  earthquake,  since 
all  their  policies  contained  the  "earth- 
quake clause,"  which  relieves  them  legally 
from  all  liability. 

The  question  of  reinsurance  is  also  still 
iinsettled.  The  Japanese  insurance  com- 
panies had  spread  their  risks  by  reinsur- 
ing up  to  about  50  per  cent  of  their  risks 
in  foreign  companies.  These  reinsurance 
policies,  of  course,  carried  the  "earthquake 
clause"  and  the  insurers  are  not  legally 
liable. 

According  to  an  estimate  made  by  the 
Nichi  Nichi  (Tokyo  daily  newspaper), 
Japanese  fire  insurance  companies,  with 
few  exceptions,  could  even  without  the  aid 
of  the  government  pay  10  per  cent  of 
their  outstanding  claims  and  still  be  in 
sound  condition.  The  estimate  of  the 
Nichi  Nielli,  which  is  based  on  the  condi- 
tion of  the  different  companies  as  of  1921 
is  further  strengthened  by  the  fact  that 
during  the  two  and  one-half  years  that 
have  elapsed  each  company  must  have 
added  to  its  assets  to  some  extent  and 
would  therefore  be  better  off  financially 
than  the  1921  figures  indicate.  Accord- 
ing to  this  estimate,  the  amount  to  be 
paid  out  exceeds  the  total  assets  in  only 
three  cases,  and  in  one  of  these,  the 
Mitsubishi  Marine  Insurance  Company, 
the  deficit  is  accounted  for  by  the  short 
career  of  the  company. 

COMPULSORY    EARTHQUAKE 
INSURANCE  PROPOSED 

In  the  opinion  of  the  Osaka  Asahi, 
State  earthquake  insurance  should  be 
compulsory.  It  points  out  that,  in  view 
of  the  serious  consequences  of  the  recent 
earthquake,  it  is  imperative  that  the  State 
should  undertake  the  earthquake  insurance 
business.     The  Tokyo  Chamber  of  Com- 


merce holds  the  same  view  and  has  pe- 
titioned the  government  to  immediately 
form  a  semi-official  company  for  the  pur- 
pose. It  is  suggested  that  this  company 
might  be  organized  at  once,  to  take  over 
the  interests  of  the  existing  fire  insurance 
companies  and  undertake  earthquake  in- 
surance as  well  as  ordinary  fire  insurance 
business.  The  Asahi  estimates  that  the 
total  number  of  houses  throughout  Japan 
is  in  the  neighborhood  of  12,000,000,  and 
that  the  average  charge  of  5  yen  per  house 
per  annum  would  amount  to  60,000,000 
yen.  Considering  that  Japan  is  a  country 
subject  to  earthquakes,  it  is  pointed  out 
that  this  minimum  charge  for  earthquake 
insurance  would  be  money  well  spent. 

It  is  unlikely,  however,  that  any  semi- 
official company,  as  suggested,  will  be 
formed  to  take  over  liabilities  of  the  re- 
cent disaster,  but  it  is  very  probable  that 
some  action  will  be  taken  along  the  lines 
suggested  above  to  prevent  similar  losses 
in  the  future.      

ATTACK  ON  PRINCE  REGENT 

ON  DECEMBEE  27  an  attempt  was 
made  to  assassinate  the  Prince  Re- 
gent of  Japan.  The  prince  was  on  his 
way  to  the  Diet,  when  an  unknown  assail- 
ant fired  a  shot  at  his  car.  The  would-be 
assailant  was  later  on  apprehended  by  the 
police,  and  proved  to  be  a  20-year-old 
youth,  who  declared  that  his  object  in  at- 
tempting to  assassinate  the  Prince  Regent 
was  in  the  hope  that  thereby  a  social  revo- 
lution would  be  provoked  in  Japan. 

Immediately  after  this  event.  Baron 
Goto,  the  Minister  of  Home  Affairs,  re- 
signed from  the  cabinet,  declaring  that  he 
assumed  responsibility  for  the  attack. 
This  led  to  the  resignation  of  the  whole 
cabinet. 

Acording  to  the  latest  reports,  the  Tokyo 
police  fears  the  possibilities  of  anti-Social- 
ist riots.  As  a  result,  all  Socialist  centers 
are  being  guarded  to  prevent  undesirable 
outbreaks.  Baron  Goto,  former  Mayor  of 
Tokyo,  has  long  been  known  for  his  radi- 
cal sympathies,  and  strong  guards  have 
been  posted  around  his  house. 

The  assailant's  bullet  narrowly  missed 
the  prince's  head,  who  proceeded  to  the 
Diet  Building,  went  through  the  cere- 
monies of  opening  the  session,  and  then 
returned  to  the  Imperial  Palace  under 
heavy  guard. 


AN  IRREDUCIBLE  MINIMUM  IN  THE 
CONDUCT  OF  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 

By  JAMES   BROW^  SCOTT 

(A  Translation  of  the  Points  witti  wliicti  the  Author  Closed  His  Course  on  "The  Conduct  of 
Foreign  Affairs  in  a  Democracy"  at  the  Academy  of  International  Law  at  The  Hague.) 


1.  In  order  that  the  conduct  of  foreign 
affairs  may  be  controlled  by  the  people  of 
a  given  nation,  the  government  of  that 
nation  must  be  the  agent  of  the  people. 
While  the  form  of  the  government, 
whether  monarchial  or  republican,  may  be 
of  little  importance,  it  is  essential  that  the 
executive  power  charged  with  the  conduct 
of  foreign  affairs  actually  represent  the 
general  will,  that  there  shall  be  a  public 
opinion,  and  that  that  public  opinion  shall 
be  in  a  position  to  control  the  activities  of 
the  executive  power,  both  abroad  and  at 
home. 

2.  It  is  essential,  as  President  Cleve- 
land has  said,  that  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between 
citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State 
be  equally  applicable  as  between  enlight- 
ened nations." 

3.  It  follows  that  the  people  must  be 
familiar  with  these  rules  of  conduct,  so 
that  public  opinion,  as  enlightened  as  the 
opinion  of  the  individual,  may  insist  that 
the  executive  power  conform  its  policy  to 
them,  exactly  as  the  executive  and  the  leg- 
islative powers  bow  to  public  opinion  in 
domestic  policies. 

4.  The  most  effective  means  of  enlight- 
ening public  opinion  is  by  way  of  com- 
pulsory attendance  upon  the  primary  and 
secondary  school,  leaving  it  to  the  univer- 
sity to  train  the  professor,  the  counsel,  the 
expert.  Collective  opinion,  like  the  opin- 
ion of  the  crowd,  may  differ  greatly  from 
the  enlightened  opinion  of  the  individual. 
It  is  indispensable  that  public  opinion 
should  be  instructed,  so  that  the  opinion 
of  the  crowd  may  be  identical  with  that 
of  the  individuals  composing  the  nation. 

5.  To  this  end  it  is  incumbent  upon  the 
governments  of  all  civilized  nations  to 
teach  the  fundamental  principles  of  jus- 
tice, and  especially  to  furnish  their  citi- 
zens with  adequate  instruction  in  their  in- 
ternational obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  privileges. 

The  government  should  collect  and  give 
to  the  public  day  by  day  the  facts  of  inter- 


national life,  in  order  that  the  people  may 
have  at  hand  the  information  upon  which 
to  form  a  reasonable  judgment  through 
the  analysis  of  the  facts  and  by  the  appli- 
cation of  the  principles  of  international 
law. 

6.  While  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs 
must  be  left  in  the  hands  of  the  executive 
power,  the  treaty  or  international  agree- 
ment must  be  assimilated  to  a  law  of  the 
nation.  It  must  remain  merely  a  project 
of  the  government  until  the  legislature 
has  given  to  it  the  force  of  law. 

7.  Just  as  the  government  lays  a  pro- 
posed law  before  the  legislature  for  its  ap- 
proval, so  the  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
should  lay  a  draft  of  the  proposed  treaty 
or  international  agreement  before  the  leg- 
islature. As  a  proposed  domestic  law  must 
be  considered  and  debated  in  public  ses- 
sions, so  the  proposed  treaty  or  agreement 
should  be  debated  openly  before  it  is  ap- 
proved by  the  legislative  power. 

8.  Just  as  public  opinion  has  an  oppor- 
tunity to  crystallize,  concentrate,  and 
make  itself  heard  in  the  legislative  cham- 
ber in  all  that  concerns  internal  policy,  so 
this  public  opinion  must  prevail  in  foreign 
affairs. 

9.  While  permitting  the  minister  of 
foreign  affairs  to  conduct  negotiations 
without  undue  publicity,  the  democratic 
principle  requires  that  public  opinion 
and  the  legislative  power  be  sounded  in 
advance  regarding  the  desirability  of  such 
negotiations.  This  should  be  the  general 
rule.  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
should  keep  public  opinion  informed  of 
the  progress  of  negotiations.  Neverthe- 
less much  must  be  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  minister  concerning  the  nature,  fre- 
quency, and  contents  of  the  communiques 
to  be  given  to  the  public.  But  public 
opinion  must  exact  that  the  minister  con- 
duct himself  as  an  honest  man  and  that 
he  be  responsible  to  the  legislature  and  to 
the  people  for  his  actions. 

In  any  case,  the  proposed  treaty  or  in- 
ternational agreement  laid  before  the  leg- 


26 


192jk 


MALADJUSTMENTS— BASIC  CAUSES  OF  WAR 


27 


islative  power  should  be  accompanied  by 
a  report  of  the  negotiations,  as  any  bill  is 
accompanied  by  report  and  relevant  docu- 
ments. 

The  draft  treaty  and  the  report  should 
be  published,  so  that  public  opinion  may 
be  in  a  position  to  inform  itself  and  make 
its  voice  heard. 

10.  No  treaty  should  bind  the  nation 
before  it  has  been  approved  by  the  legis- 
lative power;  nor  should  it  bind  the  peo- 
ple before  it  has  been  published  or  pro- 
claimed, as  in  the  case  of  any  municipal 
law. 

11.  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
should  participate  in  the  debates  of  the 
legislative  power  and  answer  questions,  as 
is  required  of  any  member  of  a  parlia- 
mentary government. 

12.  In  a  non-parliamentary  regime,  like 
that  of  the  United  States  of  America,  the 
Secretary  of  State  should  consult  the  For- 
eign Eelations  Committees  before  opening 
negotiations.  He  should  also  furnish 
them   with   the   information   which   they 


may  need  during  the  course  of  the  nego- 
tiations, answering  questions  which  one  or 
the  other  chamber  may  address  to  him,  as 
far  as  the  nature  and  state  of  the  negotia- 
tions permit. 

13.  The  reports  accompanying  the 
treaty  or  other  international  agreement 
should  be  made  public  at  the  moment  of 
the  proclamation  of  such  treaty  or  agree- 
ment, so  that  the  public  may  know  the 
nature  and  the  extent  of  the  obligations 
contracted  and  the  reasons  for  their  con- 
clusion. 

14.  The  minister  of  foreign  affairs 
should,  furthermore,  publish  special  re- 
ports yearly,  giving  detailed  resumes  of 
negotiations  or  collections  of  the  diplo- 
matic documents  pertaining  thereto.  The 
archives  of  the  government  should  be  open 
to  the  public,  under  rules  and  regulations 
to  prevent  abuse,  so  that  by  their  exact 
knowledge  of  the  past  and  the  present  the 
public  may  be  in  a  position  to  foresee  the 
future  and  to  arrange  for  it  accordingly. 


ECONOMIC  MALADJUSTMENTS-BASIC 
CAUSES   OF  WAR 

As  Illustrated  by  American  Experience 

By  Major  C.  R.  PETTIS,  of  the  United  States  Army 


IN  THE  normal  development  of  the 
causes  which  lead  to  any  particular  war 
there  are  three  phases,  namely :  Economic, 
political,  ethical.  This  is  the  logical  order 
of  these  phases,  in  accordance  with  the 
causal  relations  existing  between  them. 
Unsatisfactory  economic  conditions  lead 
to  political  development.  During  the  po- 
litical discussions  of  the  questions  at 
issue,  an  ethical  aspect  is  developed  when 
the  mass  of  the  people  reach  the  opinion 
that  extreme  measures  are  justified.  If 
we  are  searching  for  the  first  cause  of  war, 
it  is  important  that  we  recognize  the 
causal  relations  here  stated,  in  order  that 
we  may  properly  arrange  and  classify  the 
varied  events  connected  with  the  complex 
phenomenon  of  war. 

The  best  way  to  test  this  statement  is 
to  note  certain  facts  of  history.  While 
the  dividing  lines  between  the  economic. 


political,  and  ethical  aspects  are  often  dim 
and  obscure,  they  always  blend  into  one 
another  to  some  extent.  But  if  we  test 
the  phenomenon  of  war  by  the  known 
facts  of  history,  we  shall  see  that  the 
validity  of  our  view  holds  in  such  a  ma- 
jority of  cases  as  fully  to  justify  the  state- 
ment that  economic  maladjustments  are 
the  basic  causes  of  war. 

The  meaning  of  the  term  "economic 
maladjustments"  will  at  once  be  apparent 
to  any  student  of  history.  In  the  discus- 
sion which  follows,  its  meaning  will  be 
further  developed  and  illustrated  by  cer- 
tain specific  instances. 

The  importance  of  economic  maladjust- 
ments as  causes  of  war  is  based  upon  two 
fundamental  facts.  One  of  these  is  human 
nature  as  it  exists  today,  the  product  of 
many  centuries  of  evolution;  the  second 
is  our  modern  industrial  fabric,  the  de- 


28 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


velopment  of  which,  has  taken  place  simul- 
taneously with  the  intellectual  develop- 
ment of  man, 

HUMAN  NATURE 

If  we  analyze  the  motives  behind  human 
actions,  we  find  that  they  can  be  classified 
under  certain  so-called  instincts.  Two 
important  instincts  are  acquisitiveness 
and  combativeness.  We  can  hardly  think 
of  war  without  some  mental  association 
with  combativeness,  since  the  relation  is 
so  obvious.  The  relation  of  acquisitiveness 
to  war  is  more  obscure  and  is  easily  lost 
sight  of. 

It  is  the  healthy  exercise  of  the  instinct 
of  acquisitiveness,  combined  with  some 
other  instincts,  that  causes  a  man  to  work, 
in  order  to  obtain  the  income  which  is 
necessary  in  order  that  he  and  his  family 
may  live  in  comfort,  that  his  children  may 
be  educated,  and  that  they  may  gratify 
their  desires,  along  artistic,  religious,  or 
other  lines.  On  the  other  hand,  acquisi- 
tiveness may  cause  a  man  to  commit  rob- 
bery. It  is  only  when  exercised  within 
proper  limits  that  acquisitiveness  is  a  de- 
sirable trait.  It  may  fairly  be  said  that 
acquisitiveness  has  been  one  of  the  main 
underlying  motives  that  helped  to  bring 
about  our  modern  material  civilization. 

It  would  be  impossible  to  maintain  our 
present  standard  of  living  in  the  United 
States,  even  approximately,  if  we  did  not 
bring  in  raw  materials  from  many  nations. 
To  this  extent  we  are  dependent  on  foreign 
trade.  Some  of  us  may  flatter  ourselves 
that  we  are  not  shopkeepers,  and  that  we 
do  not  live  by  trade;  but  let  us  examine 
and  see  if  such  a  position  is  tenable. 

IMPORTANCE  OF  TRADE 

From  the  United  States  census  of  1920 
we  find  that  about  42  million  persons  over 
the  age  of  ten  were  gainfully  occupied. 
For  the  purpose  of  this  discussion,  we  may 
divide  them  into  two  groups.  In  the  first 
group  let  us  place  agriculture,  forestry, 
mining,  manufacturing,  mechanics,  trans- 
portation, and  trade,  together  with  certain 
professional,  personal,  and  clerical  serv- 
ices directly  connected  with  the  preceding. 
Since  the  main  function  of  the  farmer 
these  days  is  to  produce  certain  things 
which  must  enter  into  commerce  before 
he  can  derive  any  benefit,  we  may  desig- 


nate this  first  broad  group  as  the  "com- 
merciaF'  group.  This  group  comprises  88 
per  cent  of  the  population. 

The  second,  or  "non-commercial"  group, 
includes  the  remaining  12  per  cent  of  the 
population.  In  the  second  group  we  find 
such  occupations  as  government  employees, 
teachers,  authors,  artists,  clergymen, 
lawyers,  physicians,  janitors,  nurses, 
butlers,  waiters,  stenographers,  and  mes- 
sengers. Physicians  perform  their  serv- 
ices indiscriminately  for  sick  people  in 
both  of  our  groups.  We  may  say,  in  a 
general  way,  that  the  average  physician 
receives  88  per  cent  of  his  income  from 
the  commercial  group  and  12  per  cent 
from  the  non-commercial  group.  The 
same  sort  of  statement  could  be  made  of 
the  other  occupations  included  in  the  sec- 
ond group.  The  conclusion  seems  inevit- 
able, therefore,  that  we  all  have  a  very  po- 
tent interest  in  the  trade  and  commerce  of 
the  United  States,  whether  we  generally 
recognize  the  fact  or  not.  The  ultimate 
source  of  our  bread  and  butter  is  to  be 
found  in  production  and  distribution,  and 
anything  that  disturbs  the  orderly  proc- 
esses of  production  and  distribution  has 
an  adverse  effect  upon  the  entire  popu- 
lation. 

TRADE    AND   INTERNATIONAL 
RELATIONS 

Contacts  between  two  nations  must 
necessarily  be  made  through  individuals 
of  the  nations  concerned.  The  principal 
individual  foreign  contacts  may  be 
classified  as  ( 1 )  diplomatic  and  other  gov- 
ernment officials;  (2)  pleasure  travelers, 
tourists;  (3)  scientific  and  research  so- 
cieties; (4)  persons  engaged  in  trade. 

If  secret  treaties  are  taboo  and  diplo- 
matic representatives  properly  perform 
their  duties,  certainly  no  cause  for  war 
should  have  its  beginnings  in  diplomatic 
contacts. 

People  who  travel  for  pleasure  will  avoid 
a  country  where  the  contacts  are  unpleas- 
ant, so  that  this  class  may  be  disregarded 
as  a  source  of  friction. 

Societies  which  bring  together  people 
who  have  similar  scientific,  intellectual,  or 
spiritual  interests  tend  to  promote  peace 
rather  than  otherwise. 

The  interests  of  trade  require  many  con- 
tacts between  people  of  different  nation- 


192Jf 


MALADJUSTMENTS— BASIC  CAUSES  OF  WAR 


29 


alities.  An  economic  map  of  the  world, 
showing  the  sources  of  raw  materials, 
would  be  as  motley  as  a  map  based  on 
race,  language,  or  nationality.  Manufac- 
tures are  located  with  reference  to  labor, 
power,  and  other  considerations;  and  fac- 
tories are  distributed  no  more  evenly  than 
raw  materials.  For  these  reasons,  inter- 
national trade  is  necessary  for  both  the 
development  and  maintenance  of  our 
civilization. 

Trade  contacts  are  generally  amicable, 
tending  to  promote  good  feeling.  The 
maintenance  of  such  satisfactory  contacts 
is  a  matter  of  vital  necessity  to  the  indi- 
vidual trader  and  to  the  company  that  he 
represents.  A  failure  of  the  trader  to 
perform  his  function  wisely  may  mean  a 
shortage  of  some  commodity  that  will  be 
felt  by  the  entire  population  of  the  trader's 
country.  For  this  reason,  friction  arising 
out  of  trade  often  finds  conditions  favor- 
able for  its  growth  into  something  more 
serious  than  a  simple  quarrel  involved  in 
bartering  for  goods. 

TWO    CLASSES    OF    MALADJUSTMENT 

The  economic  maladjustments  which 
cause  war  fall  into  two  general  groups. 
In  the  first  group  we  find  friction,  which 
arises  from  causes  very  closely  associated 
with  trade  or  the  interchange  of  goods. 
For  example,  one  nation  may  actively 
interfere  with  the  shipping  of  another; 
or,  in  a  more  indirect  way,  it  may  pursue 
a  policy  which  tends  to  hamper  and  re- 
strict the  commerce  of  the  second  nation. 
The  commercial  policy  of  a  nation  finds 
its  expression  in  the  laws  of  the  country. 
In  commercial  matters  it  seems  to  be  the 
policy  of  every  nation  to  favor  its  own 
nationals  to  a  certain  extent;  and  the 
practice  would  appear  to  be  justified  as 
long  as  it  does  not  work  undue  hardship 
on  some  foreign  country.  In  international 
commerce,  as  in  individual  bartering,  it  is 
well  to  remember  the  Chinese  precept  to 
the  effect  that  no  trade  is  a  good  one  unless 
both  parties  benefit;  which  is  the  Golden 
Rule  applied  to  trade.  Nations,  as  well 
as  individuals,  often  permit  their  selfish- 
ness to  carry  them  beyond  the  limit  of 
fair  play,  which  results  in  a  bad  national 
policy  or  a  bad  business  policy,  as  the 
case  may  be. 

The   second   group   of   maladjustments 


which  may  lead  to  war  arises  out  of  broad 
economic  conditions  rather  than  from  the 
more  specific  acts  of  commerce  and  trade. 
There  is  a  tendency  for  agriculture  and 
all  other  forms  of  industry  to  seek  out  the 
localities  where  a  given  amount  of  human 
effort  will  receive  the  greatest  amount  of 
productive  reward.  When  the  population 
of  any  country  has  increased  to  such  an 
extent  that  its  home  fields  have  become 
comparatively  less  fertile  than  the  fields 
of  a  neighboring  territory,  there  must 
necessarily  arise  a  temptation  to  aggres- 
sion. The  mind  of  man  revolts  from 
selfishness,  at  least  in  its  crude  and  raw 
forms.  Before  selfishness  can  become  a 
cause  of  war,  it  must  be  glossed  over  with 
a  political  and  ethical  veneer.  This  dis- 
cussion deals  with  the  economic  aspects  of 
the  question. 

Individual  psychology  cannot  be  applied 
in  toto  to  a  nation,  but  the  motives  which 
produce  national  action  may  be  considered 
as  an  integration  of  the  motives  of  a  pre- 
dominant element  of  the  population.  In 
the  United  States  the  predominant  ele- 
ment approximates  fairly  close  to  the  nu- 
merical majority.  In  1914  the  Kaiser 
was  able  to  direct  national  action  along 
certain  lines  because  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  the  German  people  thought  as 
he  did  and  were  with  him. 

Let  us  now  check  up  these  statements 
with  history.  In  order  to  place  a  limit 
on  the  scope  of  this  discussion,  we  will 
confine  our  examples  to  American  history, 
in  which  we  are  naturally  the  most  in- 
terested. 

MALADJUSTMENTS  WITH  THE  INDIANS 

From  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrim 
fathers  almost  to  the  present  day,  a  strug- 
gle went  on  between  the  white  man  and 
the  Indian  in  the  territory  that  is  now 
the  United  States.  The  number  of  white 
men  gradually  and  continually  increased. 
These  white  men  were  always  in  search 
of  more  fertile  fi.elds.  Under  stress  of 
economic  conditions,  the  white  men  kept 
pushing  farther  and  farther  west.  They 
wanted  land  which  they  could  cultivate 
intensively  and  localities  suitable  for 
building  up  industry  and  commerce.  The 
Indians  held  broad  areas  by  hereditary 
right  and  they  resented  the  intrusion. 
The  Indian  brave  roamed  far  in  his  hunt- 


30 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Jarmary 


ing,  while  his  squaw  attended  to  agricul- 
ture and  the  babies.  The  economic  mal- 
adjustments involved  may  be  realized 
when  we  consider  that  in  the  limits  of 
the  United  States  three  hundred  years 
ago  there  were  850,000  Indians  (esti- 
mated). At  the  present  time  there  are 
110  million  inhabitants.  In  other  words, 
one  Indian  was  occupying  an  area  which 
could  potentially  support,  with  ease,  130 
white  men.  The  more  efficient  methods 
of  the  white  man  and  his  superior  utiliza- 
tion of  natural  resources  are  manifest. 

An  inevitable  contest  followed.  The 
struggle  was  almost  continuous,  but  only 
occasionally  did  it  attain  the  political 
dignity  of  war.  From  the  standpoint  of 
the  Indian,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  was 
often  the  victim  of  great  injustice.  The 
moral  code  of  the  Indian  was  different 
from  ours,  and  some  of  us  can  remember 
the  dime  novels  of  our  youth,  in  which  the 
Indian  was  painted  in  such  black  colors 
that  the  killing  of  Indians  seemed  a  most 
virtuous  occupation.  The  main  difficulty, 
however,  between  the  races  was  economic. 

BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
REVOLUTION 

In  looking  for  the  causes  antecedent  to 
the  Eevolutionary  War,  we  find  that  from 
1651  to  1775  the  policy  of  England  to- 
ward the  American  colonies  was  based  on 
the  "mercantile  system,"  which  may  be 
summed  up  as  follows: 

(1)  Colonial  industries  should  be  en- 
couraged or  forbidden,  whichever  would 
most  benefit  home  industry  in  England. 

(2)  English  merchants  should  have  a 
priority  in  buying  from  the  colonies  and 
in  selling  to  the  colonies. 

(3)  English  ships  should  have  a  vir- 
tual monopoly  of  colonial  trade. 

There  were  a  number  of  Englishmen 
who  gradually  came  to  a  realization  that 
such  a  policy  had  necessary  limitations, 
even  though  it  was  the  imiversally  accepted 
theory  at  that  time. 

Let  us  examine  some  acts  in  which  the 
mercantile  policy  was  expressed. 

The  Act  of  1651  provided  that  all  goods 
imported  into  England  from  America  must 
be  carried  in  English-owned  ships,  of 
which  the  master  and  three-fourths  of  the 
crew  were  English.  The  purpose  of  the 
act  was  to  protect  and  encourage  English 


shipping,   chiefly   at   the   expense   of  the 
Dutch.  ^ 

In  order  to  help  English  merchants,^ 
Parliament  in  1660  passed  a  law  providing 
that  sugar,  tobacco,  cotton,  indigo,  ginger, 
fustic  or  other  dyewoods  exported  from 
an  English  colony  should  be  sent  only 
to  England,  Ireland,  or  Wales,  or  to  some 
other  English  colony.  At  later  dates  this 
list  of  "enumerated"  articles  was  increased 
by  adding  molasses,  naval  stores,  rice, 
copper,  and  furs.  Another  act  to  aid  the 
English  merchants  was  that  of  1663,  which  i 
provided  that  the  colonists  must  purchase 
all  goods  of  European  production  through 
England. 

English  manufacturers  secured  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Act  of  1699,  which  forbade  the 
people  of  any  colony  to  export  woolen 
yarn,  woolen  cloth,  or  any  manufactures 
of  wool  either  to  another  colony  or  to  a  for- 
eign country.  In  1732  English  hat  manu- 
facturers secured  the  passage  of  a  similar 
law  restricting  the  exportation  of  hats 
from  the  colonies. 

The  Molasses  Act  of  1733  was  to  benefit 
the  English  sugar  planters  of  the  West 
Indies,  principally  at  the  expense  of  the 
New  England  traders. 

In  1750  the  English  iron  manufac- 
turers secured  the  passage  of  a  law  that 
no  rolling  mill  should  be  erected  or  oper- 
ated in  the  colonies. 

The  English  corn  laws  prevented  the 
colonies  from  shipping  fish,  wheat,  corn, 
flour,  or  meat  to  England.  The  purpose 
of  these  laws  was  to  aid  the  English 
farmers  and  agricultural  interests  by  pro- 
tecting them  from  colonial  competition. 

From  the  above  it  is  plain  that  the  laws 
mentioned,  and  numerous  others  of  the 
same  tenor,  were  passed  by  Parliament  at 
the  request  and  for  the  benefit  of  English 
farmers,  shippers,  merchants,  and  manu- 
facturers. In  other  words,  the  entire 
population  of  England  was  receiving  di- 
rect or  indirect  benefit  from  the  various 
laws  which  embodied  the  so-called  mer- 
cantile policy.  There  is  no  evidence  here 
to  support  the  popular  fallacy  that  wars 
are  brought  about  by  the  selfish  interests 
of  some  one  class  of  the  population.  Try- 
ing to  place  the  blame  for  war  upon  some 
one  class  of  the  population,  such  as  capi- 
talists or  munition-makers,  is  an  argument 
that  is  only  brought  forward  by  those  who 


192Jf 


MALADJUSTMENTS— BASIC  CAUSES  OF  WAR 


31 


would  advocate   some  particular  political 
theory. 

Up  to  the  time  of  George  III  the  various 
laws  were  administered  mildly.  The 
colonies  had  not  developed  to  any  great 
extent  industrially.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  laws,  as  a  whole,  did  not  prove  a  great 
hardship  to  the  colonies.  But  the  laws 
before  1760  formed  a  firm  foundation 
upon  which  was  built  the  events  of  the 
next  few  years.  Wlien  George  III  came 
to  the  throne  the  English  debt  was  130 
million  pounds,  which  was  considered  a 
large  sum  in  those  days.  He  decided  to 
carry  the  mercantile  policy  to  its  logical 
limit,  and  this  he  proceeded  to  do  as  oppor- 
tunity offered.  This  was  made  manifest 
to  the  conolists  by  the  Sugar  Act,  1764; 
the  Stamp  Act,  1765,  and  various  other 
acts  following.  The  colonists  resisted, 
and  the  quarrel  assumed  a  political  aspect. 
The  colonial  legislatures  started  out 
mildly,  with  petitions  to  the  king.  Later 
came  associations  for  non-importation, 
non-consumption,  and  non-exportation ; 
"Sons  of  Liberty,"  committees  of  corre- 
spondence, and  a  Colonial  Congress,  with 
a  Declaration  of  Rights.  In  some  places 
there  was  mob  action — the  Boston  mas- 
sacre and  the  Boston  Tea  Party.  A  com- 
mercial warfare  started  ten  years  before 
the  Battle  of  Lexington. 

During  the  political  agitation  certain 
ethical  ideas  began  to  take  shape.  The 
ethical  concept  found  its  full  flowering  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

WAR  OF  1812 

The  War  of  1812  was  a  result  of  the 
struggle  between  France  and  Great 
Britain,  beginning  in  1793.  For  nineteen 
years  the  United  States  tried  to  remain 
neutral;  but  finally  gave  it  up  as  a  hope- 
less task,  due  to  the  constant  interference 
with  American  commerce  on  the  part  of 
both  belligerents.  There  were  no  subma- 
rines in  those  days,  but  the  story  seems 
strangely  familiar  when  we  think  of  the 
period  1914  to  1917,  some  hundred  years 
later. 

In  1793  both  France  and  Great  Britain 
ordered  their  naval  vessels  to  seize  all 
neutral  ships  laden  with  grain.  In  1807 
Great  Britain  ordered  that  no  neutral 
vessel  should  enter  any  European  port 
without  first  stopping  at  a  British  port 


and  obtaining  permission  to  proceed. 
Napoleon  replied  with  the  Milan  Decree, 
which  declared  that  any  vessel  complying 
with  the  British  order  should  be  subject 
to  capture  and  confiscation,  wherever 
found. 

In  1810  Napoleon,  on  a  flimsy  pretext, 
seized  ten  million  dollars'  worth  of  Ameri- 
can ships  and  cargoes  in  French  ports ; 
but  the  various  restrictions  contained  in 
the  British  orders  in  council  and  the  im- 
pressment of  American  seamen  by  the 
British  seemed  to  arouse  especial  resent- 
ment and  anger. 

The  United  States,  by  the  Embargo 
Act,  the  Non-intercourse  Act,  and  "Macon 
Bill  No.  2,"  tried  to  use  economic  pressure 
to  force  either  one  or  both  of  the  belliger- 
ents to  give  up  the  objectionable  practices ; 
but  without  success.  The  Embargo  Act 
seemed  to  work  a  greater  hardship  on  the 
people  of  the  United  States  than  on  the 
people  of  Europe. 

After  nineteen  years  of  this,  Congress 
declared  war  on  England  two  days  after 
the  objectionable  orders  in  council  had 
been  revoked. 

WAR  WITH  MEXICO 

The  economic  conditions  precedent  to 
the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  war  with 
Mexico  were  so  closely  similar  to  the  mal- 
adjustment involved  in  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  white  man  and  Indian,  already 
described,  that  detailed  consideration  is 
not  necessary.  As  a  result,  the  United 
States  came  into  control  of  a  territory 
which  is  now  the  States  of  Texas,  Cali- 
fornia, Nevada,  Utah,  Arizona,  New 
Mexico,  and  a  large  part  of  Colorado. 

THE  CIVIL  WAR 

The  Civil  War  is  another  illustration  of 
our  theory.  By  the  time  the  war  started, 
there  seems  to  be  but  little  doubt  that  po- 
litical and  ethical  considerations  out- 
weighed the  economic  consideration,  in  the 
minds  of  most  people,  both  North  and 
South;  but  if  we  trace  back  the  political 
and  ethical  aspect  to  its  first  cause,  we  find 
an  economic  maladjustment. 

Even  before  the  Revolution,  the  South 
placed  its  main  reliance  on  agriculture, 
while  the  Northern  colonies,  in  a  more 
severe  climate,  were  turning  to  manufac- 
tures and  commerce.     In  the  history  of 


32 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


the  events  preceding  the  Eevolution,  we 
frequently  find  differences  of  opinion  be- 
tween the  Southern  colonies  and  the 
Northern  colonies,  due  to  their  divergent 
economic  interests. 

The  lack  of  a  complete  community  of 
economic  interest  between  the  Northern 
States  and  the  Southern  States,  which 
condition  finally  resulted  in  the  Civil 
War,  was  vividly  brought  out  in  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention,  1787,  which  drew 
up  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
The  Northern  States,  whose  interests 
were  largely  commercial,  wanted  the  Gov- 
ernment to  have  considerable  latitude  in 
protecting  shipping  and  trading  interests ; 
the  agricultural  South  was  afraid  that  the 
policy  of  protection  might  result  in  taxa- 
tion and  high  freight  charges  on  Southern 
produce.  The  Southern  States  wanted 
to  provide  full  protection  to  the  institution 
of  slavery,  upon  which  they  were  building 
the  economic  structure  of  an  agricultural 
South.  The  Constitution  was,  to  a  large 
extent,  a  compromise  between  conflicting 
interests.  As  a  compromise,  it  was  effec- 
tive until  1861,  when  a  violent  adjustment 
took  place  by  means  of  a  war  and  a  period 
of  recovery  lasting  some  forty  years.  The 
completeness  of  the  readjustment  at  the 
present  time  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
many  Southern  people  now  think  that  the 
South  is  really  the  backbone  of  the  nation, 
so  to  speak. 

At  the  time  of  the  Civil  War  the  greater 
part  of  the  South  might  be  characterized 
as  a  one-crop  country,  in  which  King  Cot- 
ton reigned  supreme.  From  1825  to  1860 
the  value  of  cotton  exported  was  greater 
than  the  value  of  all  other  domestic  ex- 
ports of  the  United  States  combined.  But 
the  South  had  not  even  developed  the 
financial  and  commercial  machinery  for 
handling  its  own  crop. 

The  political  aspect  of  the  struggle  can 
be  traced  through  such  acts  as  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  1820;  the  South  Caro- 
lina Nullification  Ordinance,  1832,  and 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  1854. 

The  ethical  basis  for  the  North  was 
largely  centered  in  the  question  of  slavery 
and  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  The 
ethical  basis  for  the  South  was  to  be  found 
in  the  principle  of  States'  rights,  very 
similar  to  the  more  modern  principle  of 
self-determination  as  applied  to  nations. 


The  strength  of  States'  rights,  as  an  ab- 
stract and  theoretical  principle,  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  Southern  West  Pointers, 
almost  to  a  man,  went  with  their  home 
States. 

In  the  Civil  War  the  North  realized 
clearly  that  the  breaking  up  of  the  Union 
would  threaten  the  economic  development 
of  the  country,  both  North  and  South. 
The  South  was  afraid  that,  whether  they 
remained  in  the  Union  or  not,  the  very 
thing  would  happen  that  actually  did 
happen — the  breaking  up  of  a  prosperous 
economic  system,  the  result  of  two  cen- 
turies of  labor,  and  a  rebuilding  from  the 
ground  up. 

WAR  WITH  SPAIN 

Turning  now  to  the  Spanish-American 
War,  it  may  be  stated  that  every  person 
in  the  United  States  who  likes  candy, 
takes  sugar  with  coffee,  or  smokes  good 
cigars  has  some  interest  in  the  economic 
welfare  of  Cuba.  This  abstract  interest 
very  naturally  includes  within  its  scope 
any  clashing  of  political  conditions  with 
economic  conditions  in  the  sister  country. 
The  battleship  Maine  was  the  dramatic 
incident  which  rounded  out  the  scene, 
economically,  politically,  and  ethically. 

THE  WORLD  WAR 

A  superficial  consideration  of  the  causes 
which  led  the  United  States  into  the 
World  War  might  lead  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  World  War  and  the  War  of  1812 
can  be  placed  in  the  same  class;  but  of 
course  the  causes  were  much  more  deep- 
seated  than  is  indicated  by  such  a  super- 
ficial view.  Many  books  have  been  writ- 
ten on  the  subject,  but  the  events  are  still 
so  close  that  we  have  not  acquired  a  his- 
torical perspective.  Some  historians  al- 
ready call  the  World  War  a  "war  of  re- 
sources"; possibly  future  historians  will 
call  it  a  "war  for  resources." 

The  late  war  has  been  called  a  war  to 
end  war.  Most  of  the  soldiers  knew  that 
they  were  fighting  for  something  much 
more  practical  and  less  visionary  than 
that. 

APPLICATION 

If  we  assume  that  economic  maladjust- 
ments are  the  basic  causes  of  war,  would 
this  assumption  have  any  practical  appli- 
cation ? 


192Jt 


WARFARE  OF  ZOROASTER 


33 


When  a  new  disease  appears,  the  doc- 
tors treat  it  vigorously,  giving  plenty  of 
medicine.  After  the  germ  that  causes  the 
disease  is  discovered,  the  doctors  treat  the 
cause,  rather  than  the  patient,   and  the 

isult  is  generally  more  satisfactory. 

Plans  to  further  the  interests  of  peace 
must  be  founded  on  an  accurate  knovrl- 
edge  of  the  causes  of  war.  Peace  plans, 
to  be  of  any  value,  must  be  based  on  his- 
tory, economics,  common  sense,   and  re- 


ligion; and  the  first  of  these  is  history. 
The  facts  of  history  furnish  absolutely  no 
hope  for  those  who  would  abolish  war 
completely,  except  as  the  result  of  an 
evolutionary  process,  which  may  require 
many  centuries;  but  history  clearly  justi- 
fies the  belief  that  intelligent  and  wide- 
spread effort  to  keep  international  eco- 
nomic conditions  sound  and  healthy  will 
result  in  decreasing  the  chance  of  war. 


THE  WARFARE  OF  ZOROASTER 

By  BEHMAN  SORABJI  BANAJl,  Bombay,  India 


IF  WE  glance  at  the  history  of  mankind, 
we  find  that  from  time  immemorial 
men  have  been  found  fighting  and  killing 
their  fellow-creatures  for  some  cause  or 
another.  And  this  evil  nature  has  not 
been  brought  under  control  as  yet.  Con- 
sequently, innumerable  destructive  wars 
of  different  nations  have  brought  ruina- 
tion to  humanity.  It  appears  that  it  is 
the  weakness  of  human  beings  to  learn 
only  by  sad  experience.  Thus,  after  the 
warfare  of  thousands  of  years  and  its  de- 
structive effects,  now  people  think  seri- 
ously to  control  in  some  way  this  evil 
nature  of  warfare.  So  various  movements 
and  organizations  have  come  into  exist- 
ence. 

One  nation  that  has  favored  the  idea  of 
the  abolition  of  war  and  worked  for  it  for 
years  together  has  been  the  United  States 
of  America.  You  Americans  have  sup- 
ported The  Hague  Peace  Conferences.  In 
the  World  War  you  joined  to  bring  its 
speedy  end,  and  thus  to  avoid  further  de- 
struction of  humanity.  It  was  through 
your  President  Wilson  that  the  League  of 
Nations  came  into  existence,  and  by  the 
grand  American  Bed  Cross  organization 
and  its  arduous  work  millions  of  the 
wounded,  widows,  and  orphans  were  saved 
from  abject  death,  destruction,  and 
misery. 

THE  PROPHETS 

The  first  important  step  to  conquer  this 
evil  of  war  is  to  train  our  young  and  old 
people  in  the  spiritual  teachings  of  the 
great  prophets. 

In  these  days  of  dull,  cold  materialism, 


Satan  very  readily  upsets  the  minds  of  the 
people  to  fight  and  to  declare  war  for 
slight  offense,  because,  owing  to  material- 
istic life,  people  disregard  the  great  spir- 
itual teashings  of  the  great  prophet, 
Christ,  who  said,  "Love  thy  neighbor  as 
thyself."  "Thou  shalt  not  kill"  is  a  part 
of  Christian  ethics.  This  great  war  would 
never  have  caused  such  horrors  and  de- 
struction if  the  Westerners  had  followed 
the  teaching  of  their  great  Prophet,  who 
foresaw  what  was  going  to  happen  in  the 
future  and  who  gave  His  teachings  ac- 
cordingly. And  if  these  teachings  are  still 
not  acted  upon,  an  ill-fated  time  will 
surely  come,  when  the  whole  of  Europe 
will  be  destroyed  in  warfare  with  new 
scientific  researches. 

A  PSYCHOLOGICAL  PROBLEM 

To  abolish  warfare  is  as  much  a  psycho- 
logical question  as  a  political  one.  So  the 
first  important  step  we  have  to  take  is  to 
change  the  psychology  of  the  people.  In 
the  Western  world  young  people  are 
trained  how  to  fight  with  one  another, 
even  in  sports  and  pastimes,  instead  of 
how  to  love  their  neighbors.  Hence  there 
is  no  wonder  that  Western  people  launch 
into  great  wars.  The  whole  psychological 
trend  of  the  mind  is  trained  toward  fight- 
ing. This  trend  of  the  mind  requires  a 
healthy  change,  as  suggested  in  Zoroas- 
trianism.    What  is  Zoroastrianism  ? 

TWO    OPPOSITE    FORCES    OF    NATURE 

When  we  study  nature,  we  find  that 
everywhere  two  conflicting  forces,  con- 
structive   and    destructive,    are    working 


34 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


actively.  It  should  cause  no  wonder  if  the 
same  forces  be  found  working  in  human 
nature.  The  great  work  for  humanity  is 
to  solve  this  problem  in  such  a  way  as  to 
utilize  this  fighting  or  destructive  nature 
in  some  noble  way.  It  is  against  the  prin- 
ciple of  religion  to  kill  human  beings  or 
to  destroy  flourishing  cities;  but  it  is 
noble  to  fight  against  one's  own  evil  na- 
ture. To  kill  one's  fellow-creatures  or  to 
destroy  cities  is  satanic;  but  to  fight 
against  one's  own  evil  and  to  rise  to  per- 
fection is  called  spiritual  warfare.  Of 
course,  to  fight  in  self-defense,  for  the 
preservation  of  one's  government  or  na- 
tion against  foreign  aggression,  may  be 
permissible. 

SPIRITUAL  WARFARE  AS  TAUGHT  BY 
ZOROASTER 

Now,  let  us  study  what  Zoroaster,  the 
great  prophet  of  Persia,  has  to  say  about 
this  spiritual  warfare  as  a  means  to  abol- 
ish this  brutal  warfare. 

Some  thousands  of  years  ago  Zoroaster 
studied  this  great  problem  of  evil,  and  was 
first  to  solve  it.  He  declared  to  the  world 
that  two  spirits,  or  forces,  have  been 
working  in  nature,  one  a  "beneficent 
force"  and  the  other  a  "destructive  force." 
For  the  salvation  of  humanity,  he  strictly 
enjoined  his  followers  to  remain  always 
on  the  side  of  the  "beneficent  force,"  and 
to  control  and  conquer  the  evil  force. 

The  great  author,  Samuel  Laing,  after 
studying  Zoroastrianism,  states  that  the 
prophet  Zoroaster  was  the  first  to  solve 
this  problem  of  evil,  and  that  these  two 
forces  are  the  two  polarities  of  nature, 
which  are  found  everywhere  in  the  uni- 
verse. 

In  this  great  warfare  of  nature  the 
Zoroastrians  are  enjoined  always  to  take 
part  on  the  side  of  the  good  spirit, 
"Spirito  Mainyush,"  and  to  fight  against 
the  evil  spirit,  Ahriman.  Thus  all  Zoro- 
astrians are  spiritual  warriors  and  every 
Zoroastrian  is  a  soldier  of  God. 

THE  SYMBOLISM  AND  MILITARY  UNI- 
FORMS OF  ZOROASTRIAN  SPIRITUAL 
WARRIORS 

Now,  a  soldier  requires  offensive  and 
defensive  weapons  and  armor  to  protect 
himself  against  his  enemies  and  for  de- 
stroying them.  Zoroastrianism  provides 
its  soldiers  for  this  grand  spiritual  war- 


fare unique  and  most  scientific  armor, 
weapons,  and  symbolism.  At  the  time  of 
one's  initiation  ceremony,  Zoroastrian 
symbolism,  armor,  and  weapons  are  given 
to  the  initiate,  or  new  soldier,  for  the 
grand  spiritual  warfare. 

The  following  three  symbols  are  held 
before  the  new  initiate  and  explained  to 
him,  to  carry  on  the  spiritual  warfare: 

I.  THE  HOLY  FIRE 

First,  the  Zoroastrian  symbol  of  holy 
fire  is  held  before  the  initiate,  or  spiritual 
warrior,  to  teach  him  the  ethics  of  spir- 
itual warfare. 

Just  as  the  fire  fights  against  the  dark- 
ness and  illuminates  the  path,  so  a  Zoro- 
astrian soldier  has  to  illuminate  the  holy 
fire  of  his  soul,  and  with  its  power  he  has 
to  fight  against  the  darkness  or  evils  of 
the  world. 

Just  as  the  fire  destroys  or  consumes 
all  dirty  things  of  the  world,  which  injure 
the  happiness  and  progress  of  humanity, 
so  the  Zoroastrian  soldier  has  to  destroy 
in  his  fight  all  evils  and  vices  which  hin- 
der the  spiritual  progress  of  humanity. 

Just  as  the  flames  of  the  fire  always 
point  upward,  never  being  attracted  down- 
ward by  the  law  of  gravitation  of  the 
earth,  so  a  Zoroastrian  soldier  has  always 
to  soar  higher  and  upward  toward  spir- 
ituality, and  never  be  attracted  downward 
by  the  lower  attractions  and  temptations 
of  the  world. 

Just  as  the  fire  is  consumed  while  giv- 
ing light  and  heat  to  the  world,  so  a 
Zoroastrian  soldier  should  be  ready  to 
sacrifice  his  own  self  while  giving  spiritual 
light  to  the  world. 

Just  as  incense  burnt  on  the  fire  gives 
fragrance,  purifying  the  air  and  its  sur- 
roundings, so  a  Zoroastrian  soldier,  by  the 
incense  of  his  good  thoughts,  good  words, 
and  good  deeds,  gives  fragrance  of  purity 
to  his  surroundings. 

These  are  the  ideals  held  out  before  a 
Zoroastrian  soldier  through  the  symbolism 
of  the  holy  fire. 

II.  MILITARY   UNIFORM 

{"Sudreli"  and  "Kusti") 

At  the  ceremony  of  the  investiture,  the 
officiating  priest  places  in  the  hand  of  the 
initiate  the  sacred  white  cotton  shirt, 
called  "sudreh,"  and  makes  him  wear  it 


192Jt 


WARFARE  OF  ZOROASTER 


35 


after  due  ceremonies,  and  then  the  priest 
ties  round  the  waist  of  the  initiate  a  thin 
girdle,  or  belt,  of  white  wool,  called 
"kusti."  This  is  called  the  armor,  or 
military  uniform,  of  the  Zoroastrian  sol- 
dier, the  deep  signification  of  which  can 
be  explained  very  briefly,  thus: 

"Sudreh,"  or  white  shirt,  is  made  from 
thin  cotton  fabric,  because  whiteness 
shows  purity.  It  is  essential  that  we  keep 
our  characters  white  and  spotless.  It  is 
made  of  very  fine  or  thin  fabric,  showing 
that  in  order  to  preserve  purity  we  should 
be  very  particular  in  minute  things.  It 
represents  the  whole  chart  or  philosophy 
of  Zoroastrianism.  It  is  made  of  nine 
parts,  which  remind  one  at  a  glance  of  the 
nine  leading  principles  of  Zoroastrianism, 
and  of  the  nine  points  of  the  campaign 
which  the  spiritual  warrior  has  now  un- 
dertaken. 

Now,  let  us  study  the  significance  of 
these  nine  parts  of  the  Sudreh  for  ethical 
science  and  how  the  ethical  principles  or 
Zoroastrian  canons  of  morality  must  be 
practiced  in  one's  life. 

Part  I.  "Girdo,"  a  small  piece  on  the 
neck  part  of  the  shirt,  signifies  that  a 
person  should  lessen  the  weight  of  his 
actions  and  responsibilities  which  lie  on 
his  neck  by  observing  the  canons  of  purity 
and  by  always  doing  righteous  actions. 

Part  II.  "Gireh-ban,"  a  small  bag  or 
purse  on  the  part  near  the  heart,  means 
the  purse  or  the  bag  of  righteousness. 
The  symbolic  significance  of  this  is  that 
a  person  should  not  only  be  industrious, 
to  fill  his  bag  or  purse  with  money,  but 
to  fill  it  up  with  righteousness.  The  posi- 
tion of  this  bag  is  just  on  the  heart,  signi- 
fying that  the  heart  should  be  always  full 
of  pure  emotions  and  pure  love  for  others, 
and  that  we  should  always  be  charitable 
in  our  feelings  and  actions. 

Parts  III  and  IV.  These  two  parts  are 
made  of  two  angular  forms  called  "tiris." 
They  assume  the  shape  of  a  triangle  on 
the  right  side  of  the  end  of  the  shirt.  The 
three  sides  of  a  triangle  represent  the  well- 
known  triad  of  good  thoughts,  good  words, 
and  good  deeds. 

Parts  V  and  VI.  The  two  sleeves  of  the 
shirt  signify  the  law  of  polarity  or  duality. 
God  is  one,  or  absolute,  while  everything 
in  nature  works  under  dual  laws,  good 
and  evil.    We  should  always  be  on  the  side 


of  the  good  force  and  fight  against  the 
evil. 

Parts  VII  and  VIII.  These  two  parts 
represent  the  front  part  and  the  back  or 
rear  part  of  the  shirt.  The  front  part, 
which  we  see,  is  the  physical,  material  or 
manifested  universe,  while  the  back  part, 
which  we  cannot  see,  is  the  invisible, 
spiritual  world.  They  are  sewn  up  at  the 
sides  together,  reminding  one  of  one's 
duties  toward  both  the  material  and  the 
spiritual  worlds. 

Part  IX.  A  sewn  small  cut  on  the  end 
of  the  left  side  of  the  shirt,  called  "sam- 
atar  tiri,"  shows  the  final  spiritual  union 
of  the  male  and  female  halves  into  one 
individual  soul. 

These  nine  parts  signify  nine  powers  of 
the  spiritual  warrior,  by  the  acquisition 
of  which  he  becomes  proof  against  evil 
forces.  He  thus  makes  his  "sudreh"  an 
armor,  a  protection  against  which  all  at- 
tacks of  demon  or  evil  forces  become 
futile.  Thus  he  becomes  the  real  con- 
queror of  evil  powers. 

THE   SPIRITUAL  GIRDLE   OR  BELT  OF 
THE  SPIRITUAL  WARRIOR 

Just  as  a  belt  is  an  essential  part  of  the 
uniform  of  an  ordinary  soldier,  to  make 
his  uniform  quite  fit  to  his  body  and  to 
enable  him  to  fight  actively  and  energet- 
ically, so  for  the  spiritual  warrior  a  spir- 
itual belt  is  necessary  to  enable  him  to 
fight  energetically  against  the  evil  forces. 
With  that  idea  in  view,  the  great  prophet, 
Zoroaster,  has  prepared  a  spiritual  belt  or 
girdle  called  **kusti."  It  is  derived  from 
Pahalavi  and  Persian  language,  meaning 
waist,  direction,  limit,  or  boundary.  It  is 
tied  on  the  waist  as  a  belt  or  girdle,  so 
that  lower  passions  may  be  checked  down- 
ward. 

This  "kusti,"  or  spiritual  belt,  is  always 
made  of  white  wool  of  the  lamb.  The 
lamb  in  all  ages  is  considered  to  be  the 
emblem  of  innocence  and  purity,  and  its 
wool  also  possesses  the  same  quality.  So 
the  white  wool  of  such  a  lamb  used  in 
"kusti"  reminds  a  Zoroastrian  to  lead  an 
innocent  and  pure  life.  This  "kusti"  is 
woven  from  144  threads,  first  twisted 
double  and  made  72  threads.  The  doub- 
ling, or  twisting  of  144  threads,  signify 
that  the  corporeal  and  spiritual  worlds  are 
intertwined  or  intermixed,   and  that  we 


36 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


have  to  keep  connection  with  both  and 
owe  our  duty  to  each.  There  are  144 
kinds  of  actions  which  are  to  be  spiritual- 
ized by  72  kinds  of  purity. 

This  ^Tjusti"  is  woven  hollow  and  all 
round.  This  hollow  symbolizes  the  space 
between  this  world  and  the  next.  Accord- 
ing to  occult  teachings,  wool  has  great 
power  to  store  up  magnetic  power.  Thus 
this  "kusti"  is  made  of  wool  and  woven 
hollow,  so  that  it  can  store  up  all  spiritual 
forces  of  sacred  prayers  chanted  at  the 
time  of  weaving  it  and  also  during  daily 
prayers  of  a  Zoroastrian.  Also,  both  ends 
of  this  hollow  tube  are  closed  up,  so  that 
the  magnetic  circuit  may  not  pass  out  im- 
mediately while  it  is  charged.  It  is  just 
like  a  storage  battery  of  spiritual  mag- 
netism. The  six  laries,  or  tassel-like 
string  ends,  three  at  each  end  of  the 
"kusti,"  symbolize  the  six  "gahambars," 
or  the  six  season  festivals  of  a  Zoroastrian 
year.  The  weaving,  or  the  uniting  to- 
gether of  all  the  threads  into  one,  sym- 
bolizes universal  union  or  brotherhood. 
This  "kusti"  has  some  symbolic  signifi- 
cance like  that  of  the  cord  worn  by  the 
Franciscan  Fathers. 

This  'Tiusti"  is  untied  and  tied  again 
five  times  a  day.  While  untying,  three 
strokes  are  made,  repeating  three  times 
the  word  "Sakuste-Hariman."  Thus  the 
demon  or  evil  force  is  broken  down.  In 
other  words,  these  three  slashes  or  whips 
are  given  to  evil  powers  for  breaking  down 
their  evil  influences.  This  clearly  indi- 
cates that  ^Tiusti"  is  the  spiritual  belt  or 
girdle  of  the  spiritual  warrior,  or  soldier 
of  God,  to  fight  against  the  evil  powers. 

THE  WEAPONS 

What  are  the  weapons  with  which  this 
spiritual  warrior  fights  against  the  evils? 
They  are  not  the  destructive  weapons; 
namely,  swords,  rifles,  guns.  They  are 
good  thoughts,  good  words,  and  good 
deeds,  together  with  the  chanting  of  es- 
pecially prepared  prayers  in  the  sacred 
Avesta  language.  How  beneficial  these 
weapons  are,  both  to  the  warrior  and  his 
enemy!  If  such  weapons  are  used  in  our 
warfare,  what  an  amount  of  human  car- 
nage and  bloodshed  would  be  saved.  If 
some  such  symbolic  uniform  and  training 
be  given  to  the  youth,  their  minds  would 
be  diverted  from  brutal  warfare  and  be- 
come   concentrated    on    conquering    evil 


passions.  Thus  nobody  would  like  to  kill 
his  own  fellow-creatures.  I  do  not  mean 
that  all  should  become  Zoroastrians,  but 
I  wish  that  some  such  kinds  of  symbolic 
training  might  be  made  necessary  for  all 
young  people. 

THE  SALVATION  ARMY 

Your  Salvation  Army  works  on  princi- 
ples quite  similar  to  the  Zoroastrians. 
The  Salvation  Army  officers  are  always 
trained  up  as  spiritual  warriors  to  fight 
against  the  evils  of  men. 

The  following  favorite  hymns  will  show 
how  they  resemble  Zoroastrian  spiritual 
warriors : 

Equip  me  for  the  war, 

And  teach  my  hands  to  fight; 
My  simple,  upright  heart  prepare. 

And  guide  my  words  aright; 
Control  my  every  thought. 

My  whole  of  sin  remove ; 
Let  all  my  words  in  Thee  be  wrought, 

Let  all  be  wrought  in  love. 

Oh,  arm  me  with  the  mind, 

Meek  Lamb,  which  was  in  Thee, 
And  let  my  knowing  zeal  be  joined 

With  perfect  charity ; 
With  calm  and  tempered  zeal. 

Let  me  enforce  Thy  call. 
And  vindicate  Thy  gracious  will, 

Which  offers  life  to  all. 

Oh,  may  I  love  like  Thee! 

In  all  Thy  footsteps  tread; 
Thou  hatest  all  iniquity, 

But  nothing  Thou  hast  made. 
Oh,  may  I  learn  the  art 

With  meekness  to  reprove; 
To  hate  the  sin  with  all  my  heart. 

But  still  the  sinner  love. 

CONCLUSION 

Thus  we  observe  that  gradually  all  hu- 
man warfares  must  evolve  into  spiritual 
warfare.  Instead  of  fighting  against  and 
killing  our  brethren  for  selfish  purposes, 
how  noble  it  is  to  fight  against  one's  own 
evils  and  shortcomings.  If  each  one  be 
taught  to  fight  against  his  own  evils,  the 
evils  will  soon  disappear  from  the  world. 
Then  nobody  would  have  to  fight  against 
the  evils  of  others.  Only  in  this  way  can 
warfare  come  to  an  end.  May  we  all  try 
to  be  soldiers  of  God  rather  than  soldiers 
of  satan,  to  kill  our  fellow-creatures. 


INTERNATIONAL  PEACE-A  SERMON 


By  THEODORE  STANFIELD 


THE  dark  side  of  the  outlook  for  inter- 
national peace  is  Europe;  the  bright 
side  is  the  God-given  nature  of  man. 
Walter  H.  Page  in  1913  wrote  to  Colonel 
House:  "There's  no  future  in  Europe's 
vision — no  long  look  ahead.  They  give  all 
their  thought  to  the  immediate  danger. 
The  great  powers  are  mere  threats  to  one 
another,  content  to  check,  one  the  other ! 
There  can  come  no  help  to  the  progress  of 
the  world  from  this  sort  of  action — no 
step  forward," 

Europe  is  always  either  at  war,  recov- 
ering from  war,  or  preparing  for  war. 
At  present,  although  it  has  not  yet  recov- 
ered from  the  recent  war,  it  is  already  pre- 
paring for  the  next  war.  There  are  imder 
arms  in  Europe  today  a  million  men  more 
than  there  were  in  1913.  The  relations  to 
each  other  of  the  thirty-two  States  of  Eu- 
rope are  governed  by  might,  not  by  right. 
These  nations  are  not  even  endeavoring  to 
co-operate  with  each  other  to  establish  law 
and  order  among  themselves,  but  are  at 
present  merely  regrouping  themselves  un- 
der their  war-breeding  balance-of-power 
system.  Many  Europeans  believe  that,  on 
account  of  their  national  rivalries,  preju- 
dices, and  hatreds,  peaceful  co-operation  is 
impossible.  Impossible?  As  Edison  well 
said,  "The  impossible  is  merely  that  which 
has  not  yet  been  done." 

The  sad  fact  remains  that  there  is  no 
hope  that  in  the  near  future  lasting  peace 
will  be  established  in  Europe  and  in  the 
rest  of  the  world.  But  when  we  take  the 
long  look  ahead,  the  prospect  brightens, 
for  we  perceive  that  international  peace  is 
ultimately  inevitable.  We  observe  that 
science,  which  formerly  was  devoted  to  the 
service  of  human  welfare,  has  now  been 
dragged  into  the  service  of  death;  and  that 
science  is  advancing  so  quickly  that  it  will 
soon  be  possible  to  destroy  life  faster  than 
to  replace  it.  This  peril  makes  interna- 
tional peace  a  pressing,  a  vital,  necessity. 

During  the  entire  nineteenth  century, 
with  its  Napoleonic  wars  and  our  Civil 
War,  five  million  soldiers  were  killed.  In 
the  recent  war  of  four  years'  duration  ten 
million  soldiers  were  killed,  fifteen  million 
were  wounded,  and  tens  of  millions  of 
civilian  men,  women,  and  children  died  of 


starvation  and  misery.  Formerly,  war  was 
conducted  by  armies  consisting  of  a  smaU 
percentage  of  the  population  of  the  bellig- 
erent nations.  Now  it  has  degenerated 
into  a  struggle  between  all  the  inhabitants 
of  belligerent  nations ;  and  their  every  re- 
source— human,  industrial,  and  finan- 
cial— is  dedicated  to  war.  In  future  there 
will  be  no  civilian  non-combatants.  In- 
deed, the  military  effort  may  be  directed 
toward  the  destruction  of  the  civilians  who 
supply  the  soldiers  in  the  field  as  well  as 
against  the  soldiers  themselves.  The  next 
war  threatens  to  exterminate  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  considerable  sections  of  the 
earth's  crust. 

Will  mankind  abolish  war  before  war 
abolishes  mankind  ?  There  are  those  who 
think  that  mankind  will  annihilate  itself 
and  become  extinct,  as  did  those  gigantic 
prehistoric  monsters,  that  were  as  power- 
ful as  a  locomotive  and  as  big  as  a  house. 
But  who  that  has  faith  in  God  can  accept 
this  view?  If  we  will  but  look  closely  at 
the  nature  of  man,  we  will  perceive  that 
this  very  threat  of  extermination  makes 
international  peace  inevitable.  Already 
men  and  women  sense  what  future  wars 
will  mean  to  their  children  and  their  chil- 
dren's children,  and  they  are  beginning  to 
take  serious  and  active  interest  in  solving 
the  problem  of  international  peace.  This 
is  indeed  a  significant  and  hopeful  sign. 
As  you  know,  in  former  days  only  scholars 
and  dreamers  paid  attention  to  this  prob- 
lem. It  was  a  purely  academic  question. 
Nowadays  it  has  become  a  practical  one. 
Mankind  is  seeking. for  the  practical  steps 
to  establish  peace.  That  itself  is  a  note- 
worthy step  forward. 

Notice,  too,  that  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice,  the  League  of 
Nations,  The  Hague  Court  of  Arbitration, 
and  international  conferences  are  all  of 
them  attempts  in  the  direction  of  a  world 
governed  not  by  brute  force,  as  at  present, 
but  by  justice.  That  is  most  encouraging, 
for  as  Sydney  Smith  said : 

"Truth  is  the  handmaid  of  justice, 
Freedom  is  its  child, 
Peace  is  its  companion. 
Safety  walks  in  its  steps, 


37 


38 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


Victory  follows  in  its  train; 

It  is  the  brightest  emanation  from  the  gospel ; 

It  is  the  attribute  of  God." 

Will  the  problem  be  solved? 

It  may  be  that  further  wars,  much  more 
destructive  of  life  than  the  recent  one,  are 
necessary  to  rouse  the  great  mass  of  the 
earth's  population  to  the  danger  of  self- 
destruction.  But  who,  surveying  the  mar- 
velous accomplishments  of  man,  a  puny 
creature,  scarcely  six  feet  high,  a  mere 
speck  in  comparison  with  the  earth's  diam- 
eter of  42,000,000  feet,  can  believe  that 
this  conscious,  reasoning,  and  moral  being 
will  not,  before  it  is  too  late,  perceive  and 
avert  this  danger?  Who  can  believe  that 
mankind  will  commit  suicide  by  war? 
Man's  every  instinct  cries  out  against  this 
view.  Physically,  man  is  ruled  by  his  in- 
stincts of  self-preservation  and  reproduc- 
tion, which  together  form  an  instinct, 
common  to  the  individual  and  to  the  mass, 
to  maintain  human  life  on  earth.  Spirit- 
ually, he  is  moved  by  his  instinctive  faith 
in  the  worth  and  higher  purpose  of  life. 

How  have  these  powerful,  these  domi- 
nating, instincts  of  man  reacted  in  the 
past  to  any  menace  to  human  existence  on 
earth  ? 

When,  early  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
it  appeared  that  the  population  of  the 
world  was  increasing  faster  than  the  food 
supply,  Eobert  Malthus  pointed  out  that 
only  by  positive  checks,  such  as  starvation, 
disease,  war,  and  misery  in  all  its  forms, 
or  by  preventive  checks  upon  excessive 
births,  could  the  world's  population  be 
kept  within  the  bounds  of  the  world's  food 
supply.  The  world's  population,  which  in 
1810  was  estimated  to  be  six  hundred  and 
eighty-two  million,  has  now  risen  to  about 
one  billion  seven  hundred  million,  and  is 
increasing  annually  by  about  fifteen  mil- 
lion. At  this  rate  it  would  double  in  about 
sixty-five  years ;  so  that  by  the  end  of  this 
century  it  would  be  three  billion  five  hun- 
dred million.  However,  since  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century  the  birth  rate  in 
all  civilized  countries  has  steadily  declined 
and  is  still  falling.  The  population  of 
France  is  already  stationary,  while  Eng- 
land's population  is  expected  to  be  station- 
ary by  about  1950. 

The  threat  to  human  life  of  the  possi- 
bility of  an  insufficient  food  supply  has 
not  been  ignored  by  man's  instincts.    The 


readjustment  of  population  to  food  supply 
has  not  been  left  to  the  positive  checks  of 
starvation,  disease,  war,  and  misery,  nor 
have  the  preventive  checks  upon  excessive 
births  been  consciously  and  knowingly  ap- 
plied. Without  our  being  aware  of  it,  the 
life  instinct  has  guarded  the  human  race 
against  the  danger  of  too  great  a  pressure 
of  population  upon  food  supply. 

Scientific  warfare  is  a  much  more  seri- 
ous threat.  There  is  a  limit  to  the  rate  at 
which  population  can  increase,  but  science 
knows  no  limits  to  the  forces  it  may  dis- 
cover and  learn  to  control.  The  powers  of 
destruction  which  the  application  of  sci- 
ence to  warfare  will  put  into  the  hands  of 
men  are  boundless.  We  can  be  confident 
that  in  the  face  of  such  a  menace  the  life 
instinct  will  summon  to  its  aid  man's  God- 
given  conscience,  reason,  and  faith,  and 
thus  prevent  the  human  race  from  ex- 
terminating itself.  That  is  why  interna- 
tional peace  is  ultimately  inevitable. 

When  will  international  peace  be 
achieved?  That  depends  chiefiy  upon  the 
time  when  the  great  mass  of  men  and 
women  the  world  over  are  impelled  by 
their  divine  instincts  to  take  an  active  in- 
terest in  the  matter.  It  requires  mass 
thinking  and  feeling  to  solve  the  problem. 
No  one  has  as  yet  discovered  just  how  in- 
ternational peace  can  be  created ;  but  as  we 
perceive  that  it  is  inevitable,  we  know  that 
the  germ  of  the  accomplishment  must  at 
this  time  be  present  in  some  human  being 
somewhere.  None  of  us  can  tell  whether 
or  not  we  ourselves  are  the  custodian  of 
that  precious  seed,  which  can  only  blossom 
by  our  own  efforts  for  world  peace. 

What  can  we  do  about  it  ?  We  need  but 
picture  to  ourselves  the  horrors  of  future 
wars,  or  read  such  a  book  as  Irvin  Cobb's 
"The  Next  War,"  to  rouse  us  to  action. 
When  aroused,  each  one  of  us  will  discover 
just  what  he  can  do.  Mr.  Bok  found  it  by 
offering  a  prize  for  the  best  essay  on  world 
peace.  As  a  result,  over  300,000  people 
became  sufficiently  interested  to  ask  for 
the  conditions  of  the  competition  and  over 
22,000  studied  the  matter  and  submitted 
essays.  Of  course,  not  all  of  us  are  as  rich 
as  Mr.  Bok,  but  each  and  every  one  of  us 
in  his  own  way  can  do  his  bit. 

There  is  a  story  that  the  great  and  good 
Fenelon  once  said,  "I  love  my  family  bet- 
ter than  myself;  I  love  my  country  better 


192Jt 


THE  GERMAN  FOOD  SITUATION 


39 


than  my  family ;  but  I  love  the  human  race 
better  than  my  country/' 

We  can  express  our  love  for  the  human 
race  by  developing  within  ourselves  a 
sympathy  for  our  fellow-beings  which  will 
enable  us  to  understand  and  feel  for  those 
with  whom  we  differ,  and  even  those  of 
whom  we  disapprove.     We  can  teach  our 


children  not  to  despise  and  hate  the  for- 
eigner. We  can  teach  them  to  cherish  and 
love  the  good  that  is  in  every  human  be- 
ing, irrespective  of  race,  creed,  or  color, 
and  to  co-operate  with  them  all  for  the  up- 
lift of  man  and  the  glory  of  God, 

As  the  Bible  says  (Prov.  39  :18),  "Where 
there  is  no  vision,  the  people  perish." 


THE  GERMAN  FOOD  SITUATION 

By  C.  E.  HERRING 
U.   S.   Commercial   Attache,    Berlin,   and    Staff  of   the   Department  of   Commerce 


THE  difficulties   in  the   German   food 
supply  are  threefold : 

1.  Inability  of  merchants  or  govern- 
ment to  finance  the  usual  margin  of  im- 
ports. 

2.  Breakdown  of  currency  and  conse- 
quently of  distribution  of  domestic  sup- 
plies from  the  farms  to  the  cities, 

3.  Widespread  unemployment,  both  in 
occupied  and  unoccupied  Germany,  and 
consequently  inability  of  large  masses  of 
people  to  buy,  even  if  supplies  existed, 

IMPORTS   REQUIRED 

This  summer's  harvest  gave  a  yield  of 
approximately  nine  and  one-half  million 
tons  of  bread  grains,  30  million  tons  of 
potatoes,  and  1,200,000  tons  of  sugar. 
The  harvest  a  year  ago  gave  about  seven 
million  tons  of  bread  grains,  41  million 
tons  of  potatoes,  and  1,450,000  tons  of 
sugar.  The  total  food  values  are,  there- 
fore, not  far  different  in  the  two  harvests, 
as  the  increase  of  bread  grains  is  largely 
absorbed  in  the  decrease  of  potatoes  and 
sugar,  although  even  this  phase  of  the 
matter  is  further  complicated  by  the  con- 
siderable use  of  potatoes  for  industrial 
purposes. 

The  supplies  of  meats,  fats,  and  dairy 
products  in  Germany  are  always  less  than 
her  national  needs,  and  have  been  particu- 
larly so  since  the  war,  owing  to  the  con- 
stant shortage  of  imports  of  animal  feed. 
During  the  year  ending  August  1,  1922, 
imports  of  fats  were  approximately  700,- 
000  tons,  including  pork  products,  dairy 
products,  vegetable  oils,  oil  seeds,  etc. 

Taking  last  year  as  a  basis,  a  rough  ap- 
proximation   of    the    imports    necessary 


(provided  normal  distribution  could  be 
re-established)  would  indicate  a  minimum 
of  at  least  50,000,000  bushels  of  bread 
grains  and  the  same  quantity  of  fats  and 
vegetable  oils  and  seeds  as  last  year — that 
is,  about  700,000  tons.  The  volume  of 
necessary  imports  is  likely,  however,  to  be 
increased  by  the  factors  arising  out  of  the 
breakdown  of  internal  distribution,  re- 
ferred to  later. 

Imports  are  still  in  progress  by  the  ex- 
change of  diminishing  exports,  but  sup- 
plies from  this  source  are  further  limited 
by  the  tendency  of  exporters  to  hold  their 
balances  in  stable  currencies  abroad  or  to 
devote  them  to  purchase  of  raw  materials 
which  can  upon  manufacture  be  re-ex- 
ported. This  latter  difficulty  arises  be- 
cause to  convert  foreign  currencies  into 
German  currency  is  to  see  them  disappear 
in  depreciation.  Food  merchants  are  un- 
able to  find  foreign  credits  and  the  gov- 
ernment cannot,  without  the  consent  of 
the  various  powers,  establish  commercial 
credits  on  its  own  behalf  of  a  volume  re- 
quired to  meet  the  situation. 

BREAKDOWN  IN  INTERNAL 
DISTRIBUTION 

Normal  distribution  has  practically 
broken  down  because  of  the  failure  of  the 
old  currency.  The  new  rentenmark  gives 
no  immediate  promise  of  solving  the  situ- 
ation. It  is  difficult  to  induce  a  farmer 
to  deliver  his  production  of  grain,  pota- 
toes, milk,  meat,  etc.,  so  long  as  he  cannot 
be  paid  in  stable  currency.  It  is,  of  course, 
quite  impossible  to  compel  bakers  and 
other  food  distributers  to  receive  paper 
currency  which  may  have  lost  much  of  its 


40 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


value  before  they  can  repurchase  flour 
from  the  millers,  potatoes  from  the  whole- 
salers, and  so  on.  One  effect  of  currency 
collapse  is  that  food  dealers  are  compelled 
to  demand  very  wide  margins  in  order  to 
protect  themselves  from  the  fluctuation  in 
currency,  and  in  consequence  retail  prices 
of  foodstuffs  have  greatly  risen  and  often 
exceed  world  price  levels.  These  diffi- 
culties are  further  complicated  by  food 
riots  in  the  cities,  the  plundering  of  food 
shops,  and  the  seizure  of  food  in  shipment. 

Thus  far,  government  intervention  has 
prevented  the  general  closing  down  of 
bakeries  and  other  food  shops,  and  until 
very  recently  the  government  has  also  been 
able  to  compel  food  distributers  to  accept 
paper  currency;  but  as  the  currency  con- 
fusion and  general  dislocation  increases, 
the  number  of  shops  is  decreasing. 

The  breakdown  results  in  such  regula- 
tions as  those  in  the  cities,  which  provide 
for  the  maximum  purchase  at  any  one  time 
of  one  pound  of  sugar,  one-half  pound  of 
butter  or  margarin,  and  two  pounds  of 
flour ;  and  even  for  these  small  amounts  it 
is  often  necessary  to  stand  several  hours  in 
line  before  police-guarded  food  shops.  The 
population  of  Berlin  recently  has  been  re- 
ceiving but  12  per  cent  of  the  fresh-milk 
supply  of  1913 ;  the  proportion  of  butter  is 
not  much  greater,  and  within  the  last  two 
weeks  a  large  portion  of  the  meat  shops 
have  been  closed  for  lack  of  supplies.  The 
per  capita  meat  consumption  in  the  cities 
had  declined  from  about  10  pounds  per 
month  in  1912  to  a  rate  of  3  pounds  per 
month  before  the  recent  final  breakdown. 

A  further  difficulty  also  arises  from  the 
fact  that  a  large  portion  of  the  city  popu- 
lations usually  purchase  their  potato  sup- 
ply before  cold  weather,  but  this  year  most 
of  them  have  been  unable  to  do  so,  partly 
because  of  the  currency  breakdown  and 
partly  because  a  vast  majority  of  the  wage 
and  salary  earners  had  no  reserves  and 
credit  has  long  ceased  to  exist.  Last  year 
there  was  an  orderly  marketing  of  the  po- 
tato crop,  and  currency  and  credit  condi- 
tions permitted  adequate  provisioning  of 
the  city  population  before  freezing  weather 
made  further  transport  impossible.  This 
year  the  harvest  was  three  or  four  weeks 
delayed  on  account  of  unfavorable  weather, 
although  food  riots  and  threatened  politi- 
cal disturbances  caused  premature  digging 


of  potatoes  in  some  localities.  The  lack 
of  adequate  credits  and  the  currency  chaos 
has  thus  far  prevented  the  prompt  ship- 
ment of  normal  potato  supplies  to  the 
cities,  while  the  inability  to  move  more 
than  a  third  or  less  of  the  normal  supplies 
to  occupied  Germany,  on  account  of  trans- 
port paralysis  and  general  political  and 
economic  confusion,  is  the  crux  of  the 
famine  prospects  in  the  Euhr.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  distribute  potatoes  in  very  cold 
weather,  owing  to  the  lack  of  insulated 
cars,  and  there  is  now  little  possibility  of 
supplying  the  Euhr  and  Ehineland  popu- 
lation with  the  two-thirds  or  more  of  the 
winter  potato  supply  they  normally  receive 
from  middle  and  northern  Germany ;  hence 
this  food  deficit  must  be  compensated  by 
imported  grain  or  other  foodstuffs. 

The  effect  of  the  breakdown  upon  the 
agricultural  classes  has  been  to  stimulate 
farm  consumption  of  human  food  by  the 
tendency  to  increase  the  feeding  of  bread 
grains,  potatoes,  sugar  beets,  skim  milk, 
etc.,  to  animals  in  spite  of  government  ef- 
forts to  prevent  it.  This  is  partly  con- 
tributed to  by  the  inability  to  import  for- 
eign cattle  feed. 

The  ultimate  effect  of  all  the  factors 
mentioned  above  is  to  make  necessary  an 
increase  in  the  volume  of  imports  unless 
currency  is  rehabilitated  and  normal  dis- 
tribution re-established. 

REDUCED  PURCHASING  POWER 

The  purchasing  power  of  millions  of 
the  industrial  population  has  been  so  af- 
fected by  the  great  unemployment  that 
they  can  no  longer  provide  a  minimum 
ration  for  themselves  and  their  families. 
It  is  estimated  that  on  November  1  be- 
tween two  and  three  million  were  totally 
unemployed  in  unoccupied  Germany  and 
seven  million  on  part-time  work,  of  whom 
three  million  were  on  half  time  or  less. 
This  leaves  about  one  and  one-half  to  two 
million  in  unoccupied  territory  on  full 
time.  In  the  occupied  area  from  80  to  90 
per  cent  of  organized  labor  is  still  totally 
or  partly  unemployed. 

The  government  doles  for  total  or  par- 
tial unemployment  are  entirely  inadequate 
and  the  financial  exhaustion  of  the  German 
Government  is  so  great  that  it  is  question- 
able how  long  even  the  present  amounts 
can  be  continued.     Thus,  on  October  18, 


192Ji. 


CO-OPERATION  BETWEEN  SCANDINAVIAN  NATIONS 


41 


when  serious  bread  riots  were  occurring 
in  Berlin,  a  totally  unemployed  worker 
with  a  wife  and  two  children  received  a 
maximum  of  1,800,000,000  marks  per 
week.  These  millions  of  paper  marks 
meant  in  actual  purchasing  power  the 
equivalent  of  lOi/^  pounds  of  bread,  or 
two  pounds  of  margarin,  or  36  pounds  of 
potatoes.  A  Berlin  metal-worker  on  half 
time,  also  with  a  wife  and  two  children, 
received  that  week,  as  wages  and  govern- 
ment allowance,  4,800,000,000  marks,  or 
the  equivalent  of  21^  pounds  of  bread  and 
half  a  pound  of  margarin  daily  for  each 
member  of  the  family. 

GROUPS   AFFECTED 

The  result  of  all  these  forces  is  bringing 
acute  privation  to  about  20,000,000  of  the 


workers  and  professional  groups  in  the 
cities  and  densely  populated  manufactur- 
ing areas.  The  agricultural  population, 
those  in  smaller  towns  in  the  agricultural 
regions  who  can  barter  directly  with  the 
farmers,  the  well-to-do,  and  the  more  ex- 
pensive restaurants  in  the  cities  are  sup- 
plied from  domestic  produce.  The  casual 
tourist  is  often  misled  as  to  the  true  situa- 
tion by  the  fact  that  meals  can  easily  be 
secured  at  reasonable  prices,  according  to 
American  standards,  ignoring  the  fact  that 
the  cost  of  two  dinners  on  the  tourist  hotel 
circuit  may  easily  represent  more  than  the 
weekly  wage  of  a  skilled  workman. 

The  children  in  the  poorer  quarters  are 
showing  grave  signs  of  distinct  under- 
nourishment and  generally  the  situation  is 
one  of  rapid  degeneration,  unless  remedied. 


CO-OPERATION  BETWEEN  SCANDINAVIAN 

NATIONS 

By  A.  LAUESGAARD,  Secretary  Danish  Interparliamentary  Group 

(Translated   from   the   Danish) 


AFTEE  his  visit  to  Denmark  this 
.summer  during  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Conference,  the  editor  of  the  Advo- 
cate OF  Peace  has  desired  to  give  his 
readers  an  impression  of  the  co-operation 
between  the  Scandinavian  countries — 
Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden — which 
exists  in  so  many  domains.  This  desire 
is  a  natural  consequence  of  the  unique 
character  of  the  co-operation  which  at- 
tracts general  attention. 

The  homogeneousness  of  the  three 
Scandinavian  countries  as  far  as  race, 
religion  and  language  are  concerned,  al- 
though now  three  independent  kingdoms, 
has  been  the  natural  basis  of  a  political, 
cultural  and  economic  co-operation.  The 
co-operation  is  called  forth  and  facili- 
tated by  unity  not  only  in  language,  na- 
tional character,  religion,  and  sense  of 
justice,  but  also  in  social  and  economic 
conditions. 

GROWTH   OF   CO-OPERATION 

After  wars  for  centuries  between  the 
countries,  Scandinavian  co-operation  has 
grown  up  and  for  many  years  the  men 


of  science  and  practical  life  of  the  three 
countries  have  met  together  at  confer- 
ences where  not  only  questions  of  a  pro- 
fessional character  were  discussed,  but  also 
questions  of  general  interest  to  the  coun- 
tries such  as  the  establishment  of  a  com- 
mon monetary  unit  and  a  postal  union. 
Steps  were  likewise  taken  for  the  founda- 
tion of  common  Scandinavian  organiza- 
tions and  of  a  homogeneous  legislation  for 
the  countries.  Particularly  during  the 
last  decades  this  movement  has  greatly 
increased  and  the  co-operation  is  now  in 
many  respects  carried  on  on  fixed  lines 
which  secure  a  good  result.  Unfortu- 
nately, space  will  not  allow  us  to  give  an 
historical  survey  of  this  development.  We 
shall  only  mention  some  of  the  common 
Scandinavian  organizations  which  have 
proved  their  vitality,  and  give  a  general 
view  of  the  numerous  domains  in  which 
the  Scandinavian  countries  have  co-oper- 
ated during  the  last  few  years,  with  the 
result  that  the  experiences  gained  by  one 
country  have  in  a  great  measure  been 
turned  to  account  by  the  other  countries. 


42 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


THE      SCANDINAVIAN      INTERPARLIA- 
MENTARY  UNION 

Ever  since  the  foundation  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  in  1888  the  Scan- 
dinavian countries  have  with  great  interest 
taken  part  in  its  work  and  attended  its 
meetings;    this    fact,    however,    did    not 
bring  about  any  intimate  co-operation  be- 
tween the  politicians  in  the  three  Scan- 
dinavian   parliaments.      Apart    from    the 
conferences  of  the  Union  there   were  no 
facilities  for  a  regular  exchange  of  opinion 
about  international  matters  of  the  great- 
est importance,  a  fact  which  called  forth 
coldness  and  reserve,  at  times  even  want 
of   due   appreciation   or   positive   dislike. 
Leading  statesmen  such  as  Mr.  N.  Neer- 
gaard,  the  present  prime  minister  of  Den- 
mark; Mr.   Frederik  Bajer,  the  pacifist; 
Mr.   Bernhard   Hanssen,   member  of  the 
Norwegian  parliament,  and  Carl  Carlson 
Bonde,  Swedish  baron,  to  mention  only  a 
few,  therefore  joined  together  and  founded 
the       Scandinavian       Interparliamentary 
Union,  the  object  of  which  is  co-operation 
between  the  Scandinavian  interparliamen- 
tary groups,  partly  for  the  promotion  of 
mutual  interests  and  a  good  understand- 
ing   between    the    Scandinavian    nations, 
partly  for  the  preparation  of  a  joint  action 
in  international  questions  at  the  interna- 
tional    peace     conferences.       The     idea 
proved  a  great  success,  nearly  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  parliaments  of  the  three  coun- 
tries joined  the  Union,  and  in  1907  the 
first      Scandinavian      interparliamentary 
meeting  of  delegates  was  held  in  Copen- 
hagen; since  that  year  annual  meetings 
have  been  held  almost  uninterruptedly  in 
the  capitals  of  the  three  countries  alter- 
nately.    The  committee   is   composed   of 
representatives  of  all  the  countries,  but 
the  affairs  are  managed  by  the  country 
where  the  annual  meeting  is  held.    In  this 
way  an  organization  has  been  established 
which  is  greatly  instrumental  in  produc- 
ing mutual  good  feeling  and  understand- 
ing, which  imparts  information  about  the 
social  and  political  conditions  of  the  coun- 
tries  and   calls   forth   a   craving   for   co- 
operation wherever  it  is  possible  and  de- 
sirous.    The  meetings  being  open  to  the 
public,  and  the  press  having  shown  the 
debates  great  interest,  the  Union  has  been 
of  great  importance  also  beyond  the  circle 
of    the    members    of    Parliament.      The 


establishment  of  such  a  co-operation  im- 
mediately after  the  dissolution  of  the 
union  between  Norway  and  Sweden  in 
1905  is  very  important;  in  all  three  coun- 
tries the  view  prevailed  that  it  was  now 
necessary  to  re-establish  the  Scandinavian 
co-operation  and  to  do  so  on  a  broader  and 
firmer  basis  than  before. 

First  of  all,  the  subjects  to  be  discussed 
at  the  meetings  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  have  been  debated  by  way  of  prepa- 
ration by  the  Union;  further  a  number  of 
subjects,  particularly  in  connection  with 
the  law  of  nations,  have  been  discussed 
with  a  view  to  making  the  said  subjects 
easily  accessible  to  all  the  members  of 
the  Union.  Among  such  subjects  may  be 
mentioned  the  decisions  made  at  the  sec- 
ond Hague  Conference,  the  question  of 
the  desirability  of  identical  arbitration 
treaties  between  the  Scandinavian  coun- 
tries and  in  this  connection  the  establish- 
ment of  a  special  court  of  arbitration  for 
these  countries,  the  neutralizing  of  straits 
and  canals  between  seas,  the  reduction  of 
armaments,  the  question  of  neutrality, 
the  preparation  of  common  Scandinavian 
legislation  in  various  domains,  questions 
of  a  social  political  and  a  commercial  po- 
litical nature,  etc.  Of  great  importance 
was  also  the  continuance  of  the  activity 
of  the  Union  during  the  Great  War,  which 
did  much  to  create  a  firm  will  to  preserve 
neutrality,  and  which  also  afforded  an  op- 
portunity of  discussing  a  joint  action  after 
the'  war  in  the  treatment  of  the  great 
future  question  of  the  international  legal 
system. 

Finally,  it  should  be  mentioned  that 
since  1918  the  Scandinavian  interparlia- 
mentary co-operation  has  been  reduced  to 
more  settled  forms  by  a  change  in  the 
secretariat,  so  that  the  three  special  secre- 
tariats form  a  secretariat  general,  for  the 
co-operation  of  which  fixed  rules  have  been 
given.  Among  the  tasks  of  the  secretariat 
general  is  the  publication  of  a  common 
Scandinavian  interparliamentary  year- 
book and  of  periodical  communications 
from  the  groups  containing  a  continuous 
account  of  the  legislation  of  the  individual 
countries  and  of  the  most  important  gov- 
ernmental measures  which  are  of  particu- 
lar interest  to  the  Scandinavian  countries. 

It  should  perhaps  be  added  that  the 
Scandinavian    interparliamentary   groups 


192 Jf 


CO-OPERATION  BETWEEN  SCANDINAVIAN  NATIONS 


43 


were  the  only  ones  within  the  Union  which 
during  the  Great  War  kept  up  regular 
meetings,  thus  greatly  facilitating  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  activity  of  the  Union 
after  the  war;  likewise  an  extraordinary 
support  was  given  to  the  Union  during 
the  war  in  order  to  enable  the  secretariat 
general  to  continue  its  activity, 

SCANDINAVIAN    CO-OPERATION    DUR- 
ING THE  GREAT  WAR 

The  Scandinavian  co-operation  was 
naturally  greatly  influenced  by  events 
during  the  war.  Important  meetings  of 
the  Scandinavian  kings  and  ministers  took 
place  in  the  years  1914-18,  which  gave 
rise  to  rather  an  intimate  co-operation  be- 
tween the  administrative  authorities  with 
conferences  and  debates  of  mutual  benefit. 
The  industrial  organizations  and  private 
enterprises  within  trade  and  industry  were 
implicated  in  the  co-operation,  and  the 
necessity  of  this  was  increased  by  the  dis- 
tress which  gradually  arose  in  the  three 
countries.  The  force  of  circumstances 
rendered  it  necessary  to  find  ways  and 
means  which  had  hitherto  been  disre- 
garded, endeavors  in  this  respect  being 
supported  by  the  common  language  and 
common  civilization.  Such  means  were 
found  within  the  domains  of  industry 
and  the  supply  of  food  and  what  was 
wanted  by  one  country  was  promptly 
placed  at  its  disposal  by  the  others.  Even 
in  the  department  of  science  an  intimate 
co-operation  was  established,  which  to 
some  extent  warded  off  the  bad  effects  of 
the  interruption  of  connection  with  the 
great  centers  of  culture. 

This  co-operation  was  decidedly  of  a 
practical  character  and  was  not  borne  up 
by  a  sudden  outburst  of  feeling,  created 
as  it  was  by  mature  deliberation  and  with 
the  understanding  that  the  Scandinavian 
countries  have  much  to  give  each  other 
with  no  question  of  rendering  services, 
but  so  that  it  becomes  advantageous  to 
each  country.  The  co-operation  was  based 
on  the  experience  of  its  utility  to  practical 
life  and  to  mutual  security,  and  by  virtue 
of  this  a  strong  fellow-feeling  grew  up. 
A  detailed  account  of  this  work  would  be 
too  lengthy;  it  should  only  be  mentioned 
that  beside  the  great  exchange  of  goods 
an  exchange  took  place  also  in  the  do- 
mains of  science  and  art ;  there  was  further 


an  exchange  of  technical  remedies,  organ- 
izing modes  of  procedure,  etc.,  in  short,  in 
nearly  all  departments  of  life.  By  way  of 
example  may  be  mentioned  the  co-opera- 
tion between  the  universities  of  the  coun- 
tries, the  theaters,  the  various  departments 
of  science,  agriculture,  federations  of  em- 
ployers and  workmen,  educational  insti- 
tutions, sport,  etc.,  the  press,  a  Scan- 
dinavian Press  Union  having  been  estab- 
lished, the  schools,  through  Scandinavian 
school  conferences,  philanthropy,  and  par- 
ticularly legislation.  The  fact  that  the 
Scandinavain  countries  gradually  get  the 
same  statutory  provisions  in  civil  law  and 
real  law  will  greatly  increase  the  under- 
standing of  the  Scandinavian  unity,  which 
will  be  of  importance  in  the  future.  It  is 
true  of  the  closely  related  Scandinavian 
nations  as  in  any  large  family  that  friction 
may  occur,  but  this  will  always  be  of  a 
transient  nature,  because  the  three  peoples, 
in  spite  of  their  independence,  will  always 
feel  a  great  unity  and  through  intimate 
and  beneficial  co-operation  will  always 
appreciate  each  other's  good  qualities. 

THE  SOCIETY  OF  "NORDEN" 

The  co-operation  outlined  above  natu- 
rally led  to  the  establishment  of  a  central 
organ  of  all  the  Scandinavian  endeavors 
with  a  view  to  securing  a  homogeneous 
system,  avoiding  a  waste  of  energy  in 
co-operation,  and  creating  new  initiative 
for  the  benefit  of  a  concentrated  and  pro- 
ductive work.  This  idea  was  realized  in 
1918  through  the  foundation  of  corre- 
sponding but  independent  Scandinavian 
societies  in  Denmark,  Norway,  and 
Sweden  started  on  a  homogeneous  basis  for 
the  purpose  of  becoming  a  central  organ 
of  all  the  Scandinavian  endeavors.  The 
societies  publish  a  common  year-book ;  the 
one  last  published  (for  1922)  gives  a 
strong  impression  of  the  beneficial  co-oper- 
ation created  and  kept  alive  through  the 
intervention  of  the  societies. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  the 
holiday  course  for  young  students  held 
in  summer  by  the  Danish  society  at  the 
historic  castle  of  Hindsgavl  in  the  island 
of  Funen.  This  castle  is,  through  its  po- 
sition in  a  splendid  scenery  and  its  beauti- 
ful rooms,  an  ideal  meeting  place  for  the 
young  Scandinavian  students,  who  here 
get    an   opportunity    of   hearing   lectures 


44 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


given  by  eminent  men  of  science  on  litera- 
ture, history,  modern  plastic  art,  the 
Danish  schools  for  young  peasants,  trade 
and  navigation,  the  labor  question,  social 
legislation,  etc.  Moreover,  eminent  artists 
make  their  appearance,  and  excursions  are 
arranged  to  places  of  interest  in  the  beau- 
tiful neighborhood,  so  it  is  no  wonder  that 
numerous  and  strong  friendships  should 
be  made  at  these  meetings  between  the 
young  students  from  the  three  countries, 
friendships  which  in  future  will  no  doubt 
be  of  great  importance  to  the  mutual 
understanding  in  the  three  Scandinavian 
countries. 

In  connection  with  this  course  a  similar 
one  was  held  in  the  same  year  in  Sweden 
for  Danish  and  Norwegian  teachers,  and 
at  the  Norwegian  Agricultural  College  a 
course  was  held  for  Danish  and  Swedish 
dairy  farmers.  In  addition  to  these  spe- 
cial courses  a  "study  week"  was  held  at 
Helsingborg  (Sweden)  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  Swedish  crown  prince  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  the  knowledge  of 
culture  in  the  three  Scandinavian  coun- 
tries generally  and  of  Danish  and  Swedish 
civilization  in  past  and  present  ages  on 
both  sides  of  the  sound. 

Through  the  medium  of  the  societies 
there  has  further  been  an  exchange  of  uni- 
versity professors  between  the  Scandi- 
navian countries  as  well  as  of  pupils  of 
secondary  schools  and  of  teachers  and 
pupils  of  schools  for  young  peasants.  It 
will  thus  be  seen  that  an  important  cul- 
tural activity,  which  undoubtedly  wiU 
leave  its  mark  in  the  future,  is  displayed 
by  the  societies.  Likewise  arrangements 
are  made  for  trips  of  school  children  and 
organizations  of  workmen,  numerous  lec- 
tures, the  publication  of  instructive  pam- 
phlets, etc. 

The  societies  have  now  carried  on  their 
activity  between  four  and  five  years,  and 
the  results  attained  leave  no  doubt  that 
there  is  a  vehement  desire  among  these 
closely  related  peoples  to  communicate 
with  each  other,  and  in  practical  as  well 
as  cultural  domains  to  seek  support  and 
information  from  each  other. 

SCANDINAVIAN  CO-OPERATION  IN 
OTHER   DEPARTMENTS 

The  foregoing  is  by  no  means  an  ex- 
haustive account  of  the  Scandinavian  co- 
operation.    Numerous   associations   have 


been  in  existence  for  many  years  and  new 
ones  are  continually  being  formed.  Alto- 
gether we  get  the  impression  of  three 
vigorous  nations,  which,  while  maintain- 
ing their  own  independence,  try  to  obtain 
cultural  development  by  co-operating  with 
peoples  of  a  kindred  race,  and  thus  create 
a  unity  and  a  wealth  which  will  enable 
them  to  hold  their  own  before  larger 
nations. 

It  would  be  too  tedious  to  enter  into 
details,  but  a  simple  enumeration  of  some 
of  the  meetings  and  conferences  held  in 
the  year  1922  will  convey  a  vivid  impres- 
sion of  the  numerous  departments  in  which 
the  nations  co-operate.  Thus  the  twelfth 
conference  of  Scandinavian  lawyers  was 
held  at  Christiana,  where  about  600  mem- 
bers were  present;  among  the  questions 
discussed  was  a  codification  of  the  civil 
law  of  the  Scandinavian  countries.  The 
Scandinavian  Administrative  Union  held 
its  second  meeting  at  Stockholm,  attended 
by  upwards  of  400  civil  servants,  and  dis- 
cussed questions  about  economy  in  the 
administration,  the  administration  versus 
committees,  about  the  libraries  of  the  ad- 
ministrative authorities,  etc.  Eelating  to 
question  of  legislation,  meetings  have  been 
held  about  family  law,  maritime  law,  in- 
surance, right  of  proprietorship  in  in- 
dustry, and  aerial  navigation.  Eelating 
to  traffic  questions,  conferences  were  held 
about  the  postal  service,  the  telegraph 
service,  air  traffic,  tourist  traffic,  motor- 
car traffic,  etc.  Of  great  interest  was  an 
attempt  made  by  the  newspapers,  the 
Svenska  Dagbladet,  the  Norwegian  Aften- 
posten,  and  the  Danish  Berlingske  Ti- 
dende,  to  arrange  Scandinavian  days, 
mutual  tourist  visits  to  the  three  capitals 
with  inspection  of  the  local  sights,  ex- 
cursions, and  Scandinavian  festivals. 
Each  visit  was  attended  by  400  to  500 
people,  and  the  whole  of  this  triangular 
trip  was  a  great  success.  It  is  also  worth 
mentioning  that  quite  a  number  of  organi- 
zations of  workmen  and  employers  held 
meetings,  at  which  questions  concerning 
wages  and  questions  of  a  technical  nature 
were  discussed.  In  the  field  of  science 
conferences  were  held  by  archgeologists, 
geologists,  mathematicians,  physicists, 
physicians,  teachers,  and  undergraduates; 
in  the  domain  of  art  there  is  likewise  a 
constant  and  lively  exchange.  Further 
Scandinavian   missionary   meetings,   boy- 


192Jt 


HISTORY  V.  PATRIOTISM 


45 


scout  meetings,  meetings  of  female  nurses, 
of  housewives,  allotment  owners  and 
unions  of  social-democratic  young  men 
and  women  were  held.  This  certainly 
conveys  a  vivid  impression  of  the  compre- 
hensiveness of  the  Scandinavian  co-oper- 
ation. The  importance  of  it  is  perhaps 
best  appreciated  by  looking  at  the  fact  that 
in  spite  of  linguistic  difficulties  these  meet- 
ings have  of  late  years  been  numerously 
attended  by  people  from  Finland  and  Ice- 
land. 

The  co-operation  between  the  kindred 
nations  of  Scandinavia  is  the  outcome  of 
a  sound  feeling  of  consanguinity,  an  ideal 


endeavor  to  form .  a  connection  among 
people  who  have  the  same  interests  and  the 
same  feelings,  the  natural  outcome  of  the 
need  felt  by  small  nations  to  stand  side  by 
side  over  against  the  forces  at  work  in  the 
great  world.  This  feeling  of  consan- 
guinity manifested  itself  in  the  domain  of 
economy,  when  the  countries  mutually 
supported  each  other  to  the  best  of  their 
ability  during  the  great  war,  and  although 
this  support  is  not  continued  to  the  same 
extent  in  time  of  peace,  the  uninterrupted 
cultural  co-operation  will  always  render 
it  possible  to  resume  the  same,  should  the 
necessity  arise. 


HISTORY  V.  PATRIOTISM 


By  LUCIA  PYM 


THE  periodical  expose  of  British  prop- 
aganda in  the  United  States  took  place 
recently  in  New  York  City,  where,  under 
the  aegis  of  Mayor  Hylan,  Commissioner 
of  Accounts  David  Hirshfeld  issued  a  re- 
port on  the  investigation  of  pro-British 
text-books  of  history  in  use  in  the  public 
schools  of  the  city. 

THE   INVESTIGATION 

According  to  Mr.  Hirshfeld,  complaints 
were  received  by  Mayor  Hylan,  from  per- 
sons unnamed,  concerning  the  following 
histories : 

An  American  History.  Revised  1920.  By 
David  Saville  Muzzey,  Pli.  D.  Barnard 
College,  Columbia  University. 

A  History  of  the  United  States  for  Schools. 
Revised  1919.  By  Andrew  O.  McLaugh- 
lin, A.  M.,  LL.  B.,  Head  of  Department 
of  History,  Chicago  University,  and 
Claud  H.  Van  Tyne,  Ph.  D.,  Head  of  De- 
partment of  History,  Michigan  Univer- 
sity. 

A  History  of  the  American  People.  Revised 
1918.  By  Willis  Mason  West,  some  time 
Professor  of  History  and  Head  of  the 
Department  of  History,  University  of 
Minnesota. 

Our  United  States.  Revised  1923.  By  Wil- 
liam Backus  Guitteau,  Ph.  D.,  Director 
of  Schools,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

Burke's  Speech  on  Conciliation.  Edited  1919. 
By  C.  H.  Ward,  Taft  School,  Watertown, 
Connecticut. 


A  Short  American  History  by  Grades  (Parts 
I  and  II).  Revised  1920  and  1922.  And 
American  History  by  Grammar  Grades. 
By  Everett  Barnes,  A.  M. 

The  investigation  was  conducted  by  Mr. 
Hirshfeld  himself,  who  not  only  read  the 
text-books  in  question,  but,  to  use  his  own 
words,  "did  extensive  research  work"; 
and,  further,  held  five  public  hearings,  to 
which  all  interested  were  invited.  At 
these  hearings  some  twenty-two  witnesses, 
prominent  among  whom  were  Mr.  JuliuS 
Hyman,  representing  the  National  Se- 
curity League  and  the  Jewish  Welfare 
Board;  Mr.  John  Jerome  Eooney,  chair- 
man of  District  School  Board  No.  15, 
Manhattan;  Mr.  William  Pickens,  Field 
Secretary,  National  Association  for  the 
Advancement  of  the  Colored  People ;  Mrs. 
Marie  Stuart,  representing  National  As- 
sociation for  the  Advancement  of  the  Col- 
ored People,  and  Mr.  Thomas  P.  Tuite, 
Executive  Secretary  of  the  Star  Spangled 
Banner  Association,  appeared  for  what 
may  be  termed  the  prosecution,  and  two 
for  the  defense.  No  recognized  authori- 
ties on  historical  questions  were  present. 

The  standpoint  from  which  the  investi- 
gation was  conducted  may  best  be  ex- 
plained in  Mr.  Hirshf eld's  own  words: 

I  do  not  for  one  moment  contend  that 
everything  contained  In  our  American  his- 
tory text-books  prior  to  the  pro-English 
propaganda  in  America  was  absolutely  true. 


46 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janvury 


However,  those  American  histories  were 
written  from  the  American  point  of  view, 
intended  to  awaken  love  for  everything 
American,  to  instill  patriotism  in  the  breasts 
of  the  young,  and  to  excite  their  admiration 
for  the  heroic  men  and  splendid  women  who 
laid  the  foundation  of  our  independence  and 
made  this  nation  a  fact.  If  any  of  the  old- 
time  history  books  contained  any  inaccura- 
cies of  particular  events,  they  erred  in  favor 
of  Americanism,  and  I,  for  one,  would  rather 
have  it  that  way. 

MR.  HIRSHFELD'S  AMERICANISM 

Bearing  in  mind  the  fact  that  Amer- 
icanism, as  implied  both  in  Mr.  Hirsh- 
feld's  own  words  and  by  his  critical  an- 
alysis of  the  text-books  under  investiga- 
tion, cannot  exist,  as  a  patriotic  institu- 
tion, divorced  from  active  hatred  of  the 
British  Empire  and  all  its  works,  the  re- 
port assumes  a  certain  seriousness.  After 
careful  examination  of  the  accused  his- 
tories, part  quotations  from  which  are 
reproduced  in  the  report,  together  with 
Mr.  Hirshfeld's  expert  comments  on  their 
veracity,  the  investigator  comes  to  the 
categorically  stated  conclusion  that  there 
are  certain  recognized  influences  which 
have  been  working  long  and  powerfully  to 
suborn  our  college  and  university  profes- 
sors in  order  that  our  national  history 
may  be  rewritten,  the  value  of  our  na- 
tional characters  underestimated,  and  the 
fixed  principles  upon  which  our  nation 
was  built  undermined.  Prominent  among 
these  influences,  which  are  working  for  a 
reincorporation  of  the  United  States  into 
the  British  Empire,  the  New  York  Com- 
missioner of  Accounts  cites,  of  course,  the 
"international  money  and  banking  power," 
the  Rhodes  Scholarship  Alumni;  Elihu 
Root,  chairman  of  the  Carnegie  Council; 
the  various  Carnegie  endowments,  such  as 
the  Carnegie  libraries,  the  Foundation  for 
the  Advancement  of  Teaching,  the  Di- 
vision of  Intercourse  and  Education,  the 
Aid  for  Vocational  Education,  the  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation, 
and  the  Carnegie  Pension  Fund  for 
American  professors  and  judges.  With 
these  pernicious  and  subterranean  powers 
are  also  cited  the  Sons  of  St.  George,  the 
English-speaking  Union,  the  Sulgrave 
Institute,  the  Pilgrim  Society,  the  Church 
Peace  Union,  the  World  Alliance  for  Pro- 
moting International  Friendship  through- 


out the  World,  the  American  Association 
for  International  Co-operation,  the  Magna 
Charta  Day  Association,  the  National  Se- 
curity League,  and  especially,  either  in 
connection  with  one  or  the  other  of  the 
above  societies,  George  Haven  Putnam, 
John  W.  Davis,  George  W.  Wickersham, 
Prof.  Matthew  Page  Andrews,  President 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  President  Wil- 
liam Allen  Nielson  of  Smith  College, 
Frank  A.  Vanderlip,  George  E.  Roberts, 
and  so  on. 

But  this  organized  effort  to  pervert  the 
young  American  mind  by  causing  it  to 
recognize  the  connection  between  English 
and  American  institutions,  such  as  the 
Magna  Charter  and  the  civil  liberties 
guaranteed  by  the  American  Constitution, 
English  common  law  and  the  basis  of 
American  law,  is  not  an  isolated  and  un- 
supported movement.  It  is  not  enough  to 
attempt  to  mitigate  the  historical  and  ac- 
tual turpitude  of  the  English  nation  as  a 
whole  by  depriving  an  individual  subject 
of  a  deep  and  constant  desire  to  torture, 
oppress,  and  enslave  the  heroic  and  free- 
dom-loving American  colonist  (descendant 
of  a  hitherto  unknown  but  noble  race, 
born,  perhaps,  like  Aphrodite,  from  the 
sea).  This  whole  scheme  is,  states  Mr. 
Hirshfeld,  part  of  a  definite  and  open 
movement  to  "tie  up  for  good  the  United 
States  with  England,"  which  is  being 
made  by  the  "international  bankers," 
who  have  "succeeded  in  gaining  con- 
trol of  certain  American  ambassadors, 
United  States  Senators,  congressnien, 
governors,  legislators,  judges,  political 
leaders  in  both  major  parties,  and  others 
high  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,"  and 
now  no  longer  hide  their  true  purpose 
of  "bringing  about  a  British-American 
union,  to  be  controlled  by  England."  In 
the  mind  of  Mr.  Hirshfeld,  these  gentle- 
men's advocacy  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
the  Four  Power  Treaty,  and  the  World 
Court  has  no  other  meaning  than  "their 
willingness  to  subordinate  American  in- 
terests to  those  of  England." 

A    DISTURBING    SITUATION 

The  situation  thus  vividly  presented  by 
the  commissioner  of  accounts  contains  ele- 
ments of  perturbation.  In  view  of  the 
fact  that  no  expert  historian  was  called 
upon  to  refute  the  actual  truth  of  the 
various  texts  examined,  it  may  be  taken. 


192  If 


HISTORY  V.  PATRIOTISM 


47 


on  Mr.  Hirshfeld's  own  statement,  that  it 
is  less  a  matter  of  absolute  historical  ac- 
curacy that  concerns  Mayor  Hylan  and 
other  protestants  than  the  coincidence  of 
this  accuracy  with  the  type  of  patriotism 
so  aptly  defined  by  George  Bernard  Shaw 
as  a  man's  belief  in  the  moral,  spiritual, 
and  material  supremacy  of  his  country  be- 
cause he  was  born  there.  Americanism, 
according  to  Mr.  Hirshfeld  and  his  pa- 
triotic associates,  primarily  consists  of 
hatred  and  distrust  of  Great  Britain, 
coupled  with  an  unquestioning  belief  in 
*'the  people."  Any  alleviation  of  this  feel- 
ing strikes  at  the  very  roots  of  American 
independence  and  American  nationality. 
Meanwhile  the  most  renowned  and  re- 
spected citizens  in  the  country,  working 
through  the  various  educational  institu- 
tions, as  well  as  through  the  better-known 
organizations  devoted  to  the  cause  of  in- 
ternational understanding  and  friendship, 
are  bent  upon  destroying  the  independ- 
ence of  their  native  land  and  placing  her 
once  more,  as  a  vassal,  under  the  spurred 
heel  of  oppressing  Britain.  The  plot 
reaches  far.  At  any  moment  the  patriotic 
citizens  of  New  York  may  awaken  to  find 
that  the  "international  banking  interests" 
have  hoisted  the  Union  Jack  over  the 
Woolworth  Building,  and  the  British 
minions  have  seized  Tammany  Hall  and 
thrown  Messrs.  Hylan  and  Hirshfeld  into 
the  deepest  dungeon  of  the  Tombs;  what 


time,  perverted  and  misled,  the  public- 
school  children  chant  "Rule  Britannia," 
under  the  guidance  of  their  bribed  and 
subservient  teachers. 

Commander  Owsley,  of  the  American 
Legion,  declares  that  we  "must  keep  on 
the  alert  and  not  let  this  protest,  that  has 
been  so  well  started,  dwindle  away  into 
nothing  for  want  of  the  real  facts  about 
the  hostile  influences  at  work." 

SOME   PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS 

Perusal  of  Mr.  Hirshfeld's  report  and 
its  conclusions  gives  rise  to  the  question, 
Is  watchful  waiting  sufficient  at  this  junc- 
ture to  meet  the  situation  adequately? 
More  drastic  measures,  such  as  the  exclu- 
sion from  public  office  of  all  persons  of 
British  descent,  however  remote;  a  com- 
plete revision  of  history  text-books  by  a 
commission  composed  of  Mr.  Hirshfeld, 
Mr.  Jeremiah  O'Leary,  and  similar  pa- 
triotic Americans;  revision  of  the  staffs 
of  all  educational  institutions  throughout 
the  country  by  a  commission  appointed  by 
Mayor  Hylan;  suppression  of  the  New 
York  Times,  the  Christian  Science  Mon- 
itor, and  various  weeklies,  all  other  pub- 
lications to  be  censored  by  an  Emergency 
Board  headed  by  Mr.  William  Randolph 
Hearst,  and  immediate  closing  of  all 
banks  and  monetary  institutions,  includ- 
ing the  United  States  Treasury,  appear  to 
be  called  for. 


FORBEARANCE 

By  RALPH  WALDO  EMERSON 

HAST  thou  named  all  the  birds  without  a  gun? 
Loved  the  wood-rose  and  left  it  on  its  stalk? 
At  rich  men's  tables  eaten  bread  and  pulse? 
Unarmed,  faced  danger  with  a  heart  of  trust? 


And  loved  so  well  a  high  behavior, 

In  man  or  maid,  that  thou  from  speech  refrained, 

Nobility  more  nobly  to  repay? 

0,  be  my  friend,  and  teach  me  to  be  thine! 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


PRESIDENT  COOLIDGE'S  MES- 
SAGE TO  CONGRESS 

The  following  extracts  from  President 
Coolidge's  address  to  Congress,  delivered  on 
the  occasion  of  its  reassembly,  December  9, 
deal  with  the  international  relations  of  the 
United  States: 

FOREIGN  AFFAIRS 

For  us  peace  reigns  everywhere.  We  de- 
sire to  perpetuate  it  always  by  granting  full 
justice  to  others  and  requiring  of  others  full 
justice  to  ourselves. 

Our  country  has  one  cardinal  principle  to 
maintain  in  its  foreign  policy.  It  is  an  Amer- 
ican principle.  It  must  be  an  American  pol- 
icy. We  attend  to  our  own  affairs,  conserve 
our  own  strength,  and  protect  the  Interests 
of  our  own  citizens;  but  we  recognize  thor- 
oughly our  obligation  to  help  others,  reserv- 
ing to  the  decision  of  our  own  judgment  the 
time,  the  place,  and  the  method.  We  realize 
the  common  bond  of  humanity.  We  know  the 
inescapable  law  of  service. 

Our  country  has  definitely  refused  to  adopt 
and  ratify  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. We  have  not  felt  warranted  in  assum- 
ing the  responsibilities  which  its  members 
have  assumed.  I  am  not  proposing  any 
change  in  this  policy,  neither  is  the  Senate. 
The  incident,  so  far  as  we  are  concerned,  is 
closed. 

The  League  exists  as  a  foreign  agency. 
We  hope  it  will  be  helpful.  But  the  United 
States  sees  no  reason  to  limit  its  own  free- 
dom and  independence  of  action  by  joining 
it.  We  shall  do  well  to  recognize  this  basic 
fact  in  all  national  affairs  and  govern  our- 
selves accordingly. 

WORLD  COURT 
Our  foreign  policy  has  always  been  guided 
by  two  principles.  The  one  is  the  avoidance 
of  permanent  political  alliances  which  would 
sacrifice  our  proper  independence.  The  other 
is  the  peaceful  settlement  of  controversies 
between  nations.  By  example  and  by  treaty 
we  have  advocated  arbitration.  For  nearly 
twenty-five  years  we  have  been  a  member  of 
The  Hague  Tribunal,  and  have  long  sought 
the  creation  of  a  permanent  World  Court  of 


Justice.  I  am  in  full  accord  with  both  of 
these  policies.  I  favor  the  establishment  of 
such  a  court,  intended  to  include  the  whole 
world.  That  is,  and  has  long  been,  an  Ameri- 
can policy. 

Pending  before  the  Senate  is  a  proposal 
that  this  government  give  its  support  to  the 
permanent  Court  of  International  Justice, 
which  is  a  new  and  somewhat  different  plan. 
This  is  not  a  partisan  question.  It  should  not 
assume  an  artificial  importance.  The  court 
is  merely  a  convenient  instrument  of  adjust- 
ment to  which  we  could  go,  but  to  which  we 
could  not  be  brought.  It  should  be  discussed 
with  entire  candor,  not  by  a  political  but  by 
a  judicial  method,  without  pressure  and  with- 
out prejudice.  Partisanship  has  no  place  in 
our  foreign  relations. 

As  I  wish  to  see  a  court  established,  and 
as  the  proposal  presents  the  only  practical 
plan  on  which  many  nations  have  ever  agreed, 
though  it  may  not  meet  every  desire,  I  there- 
fore commend  it  to  the  favorable  considera- 
tion of  the  Senate,  with  the  proposed  reserva- 
tions clearly  indicating  our  refusal  to  adhere 
to  the  League  of  Nations. 

RUSSIA 

Our  diplomatic  relations,  lately  so  largely 
interrupted,  are  now  being  resumed,  but  Rus- 
sia presents  notable  diflSculties.  We  have 
every  desire  to  see  that  great  people,  who  are 
our  traditional  friends,  restored  to  their  po- 
sition among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  We 
have  relieved  their  pitiable  destitution  with 
an  enormous  charity.  Our  government  offers 
no  objection  to  the  carrying  on  of  commerce 
by  our  citizens  with  the  people  of  Russia. 

Our  government  does  not  propose,  however, 
to  enter  into  relations  with  another  regime 
which  refuses  to  recognize  the  sanctity  of  in- 
ternational obligations.  I  do  not  propose  to 
barter  away,  for  the  privilege  of  trade,  any 
of  the  cherished  rights  of  humanity.  I  do 
not  propose  to  make  merchandise  of  any 
American  principles.  These  rights  and  prin- 
ciples must  go  wherever  the  sanctions  of  our 
government  go. 

But  while  the  favor  of  America  is  not  for 
sale,  I  am  willing  to  make  very  large  conces- 
sions for  the  purpose  of  rescuing  the  people 


48 


192Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


49 


of  Russia.  Already  encouraging  evidences  of 
returning  to  tlie  ancient  ways  of  society  can 
be  detected.  But  more  are  needed.  Wlien- 
ever  there  appears  any  disposition  to  compen- 
sate our  citizens  who  were  despoiled,  and  to 
recognize  that  debt  contracted  with  our  gov- 
ernment, not  by  the  Czar,  but  by  the  newly 
formed  Republic  of  Russia;  whenever  the 
active  spirit  of  enmity  to  our  institutions  is 
abated;  whenever  there  appear  works  meet 
for  repentance,  our  country  ought  to  be  the 
first  to  go  to  the  economic  and  moral  rescue 
of  Russia.  We  have  every  desire  to  help  and 
no  desire  to  injure.  We  hope  the  time  is 
near  at  hand  when  we  can  act. 

DEBTS 

The  current  debt  and  interest  due  from 
foreign  governments,  exclusive  of  the  British 
debt  of  $4,600,000,000,  is  about  $7,200,000,000. 
I  do  not  favor  the  cancellation  of  this  debt, 
but  I  see  no  objection  to  adjusting  it  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  principle  adopted  for  the 
British  debt.  Our  country  would  not  wish  to 
assume  the  role  of  an  oppressive  creditor, 
but  would  maintain  the  principle  that  finan- 
cial obligations  between  nations  are  likewise 
moral  obligations  which  international  faith 
and  honor  require  should  be  discharged. 

Our  government  has  a  liquidated  claim 
against  Germany  for  the  expense  of  the  army 
of  occupation  of  over  $255,000,000.  Besides 
this,  the  Mixed  Claims  Commission  have  be- 
fore them  about  12,500  claims  of  American 
citizens,  aggregating  about  $1,225,000,000. 
These  claims  have  already  been  reduced  by 
a  recent  decision,  but  there  are  valid  claims 
reaching  well  toward  $500,000,000.  Our 
thousands  of  citizens  with  credits  due  them 
of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  have  no 
redress  save  in  the  action  of  our  government. 
These  are  very  substantial  interests,  which 
it  is  the  duty  of  our  government  to  protect 
as  best  it  can.  That  course  I  propose  to 
pursue. 

It  is  for  these  reasons  that  we  have  a  di- 
rect interest  in  the  economic  recovery  of 
Europe.  They  are  enlarged  by  our  desire 
for  the  stability  of  civilization  and  the  wel- 
fare of  humanity.  That  we  are  making  sac- 
rifices to  that  end  none  can  deny.  Our  de- 
ferred interest  alone  amounts  to  a  million 
dollars  every  day.  But  recently  we  offered 
to  aid  with  our  advice  and  counsel.  We  have 
reiterated  our  desire  to  see  France  paid  and 
Germany  revived.  We  have  proposed  dis- 
armament.     We    have    earnestly    sought    to 


compose  differences  and  restore  peace.  We 
shall  persevere  in  well-doing,  not  by  force, 
but  by  reason. 

FOREIGN  SERVICE 

The    foreign    service    of    our    government 
needs  to  be  reorganized  and  improved. 


RECOGNITION  OF  SOVIET 
RUSSIA 

Note.— Following  President  Coolidge's  ref- 
erence to  the  question  of  recognition  of  the 
Soviet  Government  in  Russia  in  his  message 
to  Congress,  the  Soviet  Commissary  for  For- 
eign Affairs,  George  Chicherin,  addressed,  on 
December  16,  a  note  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  making  a  bid  for  negotiations 
on  the  matter.  On  December  18  Secretary 
Hughes  caused  a  statement  to  be  transmitted 
to  Moscow,  through  the  American  Legation 
in  Riga,  enunciating  the  position  of  the 
United  States  Government  on  the  subject. 
On  December  19  Chicherin  issued  a  state- 
ment dealing  with  the  Hughes  pronounce- 
ment. On  the  same  day.  Senator  Ladd,  of 
North  Dakota,  introduced  a  resolution  in  the 
United  States  Senate  attacking  the  position 
of  the  State  Department.  Simultaneously 
with  the  Ladd  resolution  the  State  Depart- 
ment made  public  an  intercepted  set  of  in- 
structions from  Moscow  to  the  Communist 
groups  in  the  United  States.  Following  is  the 
text  of  these  documents : 

1.  CHICHERIN'S  NOTE 

It  has  been  the  constant  endeavor  of  the 
Soviet  Government  to  bring  about  a  resump- 
tion of  friendly  relations  with  the  United 
States  of  America  based  upon  mutual  trust. 
With  this  in  view,  it  has  repeatedly  an- 
nounced its  readiness  to  enter  into  negotia- 
tions with  the  American  Government  and  to 
remove  all  misunderstandings  and  differences 
between  the  two  countries. 

After  reading  your  message  to  Congress, 
the  Soviet  Government,  sincerely  anxious  to 
establish  at  last  firm  friendship  with  the  peo- 
ple and  Government  of  the  United  States,  in- 
forms you  of  its  complete  readiness  to  discuss 
with  your  government  all  problems  mentioned 
in  your  message,  these  negotiations  being 
based  on  the  principle  of  mutual  non-inter- 
vention in  internal  affairs.  The  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment will  continue  wholeheartedly  to  ad- 
here to  this  principle,  expecting  the  same 
attitude  from  the  American  Government. 

As  to  the  question  of  claims,  mentioned  in 
your  message,  the  Soviet  Government  is  fully 
prepared  to  negotiate  with  a  view  toward  its 
satisfactory    settlement    on    the    assumption 


50 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


that  the  principle  of  reciprocity  will  be  rec- 
ognized all  around.  On  its  part,  the  Soviet 
Government  is  ready  to  do  all  in  its  power, 
so  far  as  the  dignity  and  interests  of  its 
country  permit,  to  bring  about  the  desired 
end,  of  renewal  of  friendship  with  the  United 
States  of  America. 

Chicherin, 
People's  Commissary  for 
Foreign  Affairs. 

2.  STATEMENT   BY   SECRETARY 
HUGHES 

There  would  seem  to  be  at  this  time  no 
reason  for  negotiations.  The  American  Gov- 
ernment, as  the  President  said  in  his  message 
to  the  (Congress,  is  not  proposing  to  barter 
away  its  principles. 

If  the  Soviet  authorities  are  ready  to  re- 
store the  confiscated  property  of  American 
citizens  or  make  effective  compensation,  they 
can  do  so.  If  the  Soviet  authorities  are  ready 
to  repeal  their  decree  repudiating  Russia's 
obligations  to  this  country  and  recognize 
them,  they  can  do  so.  It  requires  no  confer- 
ence or  negotiations  to  accomplish  these  re- 
sults, which  can  and  should  be  achieved  at 
Moscow  as  evidence  of  good  faith. 

The  American  Government  has  not  incurred 
liabilities  to  Russia  or  repudiated  obligations. 
Most  serious  is  the  continued  propaganda  to 
overthrow  the  institutions  of  this  country. 
This  government  can  enter  into  no  negotia- 
tions until  these  efforts  directed  from  Mos- 
cow are  abandoned. 

3.  CHICHERIN'S  COMMENT 

For  the  peace  of  the  world,  it  would  be  of 
great  advantage  if  the  United  States  came  to 
an  agreement  with  us — a  great  step  toward 
the  settlement  of  world  conditions;  but  Mr. 
Charles  Hughes  is  still  using  his  influence 
against  such  a  result. 

His  statement  said  that  Russia  must  give 
back  all  the  confiscated  property,  satisfy 
claims,  and  pay  debts  before  he  would  even 
negotiate.  We,  then,  on  our  part,  might  ask 
that  all  our  counter-claims,  all  our  demands 
for  compensation  because  of  American  inter- 
vention, should  be  settled  before  there  were 
any  negotiations. 

He  said  also  that  negotiations  are  impos- 
sible until  Moscow  ceases  to  be  the  center  of 
propaganda.  New  York  is  also  the  center  of 
propaganda.  Many  of  the  revolutionary 
parties    have    executives    there.      We    have 


many  times  declared  that  no  support  was 
given  by  our  government  to  the  revolutionary 
parties  there.  At  the  time  Martens  was  ex- 
pelled no  evidence  of  such  support  was  given. 

So  we  declare  that  now  and  in  the  future 
we  do  not  and  will  not  give  support  from  our 
government  to  the  revolutionary  parties  in 
America ;  that  our  principle  is  non-inter- 
ference with  the  internal  affairs  of  another 
country. 

We  know  that  the  section  of  public  opinion 
in  America  which  understands  the  advances 
of  relations  with  us  is  gradually  growing, 
and  we  continue  to  fix  our  hopes  on  a  change 
in  public  opinion  in  America. 

4.  SENATOR  LADD'S  RESOLUTION 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  State  be, 
and  is  hereby,  requested,  if  not  incompatible 
with  the  public  interest,  to  transmit  to  the 
Senate,  for  its  information,  all  papers,  docu- 
ments, or  other  matter  in  his  possession  per- 
taining to  the  indebtedness  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  Russia  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States ;  the  names  of  all  persons, 
companies,  and  corporations,  if  any,  owing 
allegiance  to  the  United  States,  to  whom  the 
Russian  Government  is  indebted,  and  the 
terms  and  circumstances  under  which  the  in- 
debtedness was  contracted. 

The  amounts  of  indebtedness  to  each  per- 
son, company,  and  corporation  heretofore 
mentioned,  together  with  the  rules,  regula- 
tions, and  requirements  formulated  by  the 
Department  of  State,  if  any,  which  are  made 
a  condition  precedent  to  the  exercise  of  the 
incontrovertible  right  of  every  American 
citizen  to  exchange  his  products  for  the 
products  of  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  a 
friendly  nation,  with  whom  we  are  not  now 
and  have  never  been  at  war ;  and  information 
as  to  whether  there  exists  at  this  time,  or 
has  existed  since  the  armistice,  any  secret 
agreements,  confidential  understandings,  dip- 
lomatic arrangements,  or  verbal  compacts  be- 
tween officials  of  the  Department  of  State 
and  the  officials  of  any  foreign  governments, 
with  the  view  of  prohibiting,  restricting,  or 
retarding  trade  between  the  peoples  of  these 
countries  and  the  people  of  Russia;  also  all 
documentary  evidence,  if  any,  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Department  of  State  as  to  the 
activities  of  the  Russian  Government  in 
spreading  propaganda  during  the  past  three 
years,  detrimental  to  our  institutions  and  en- 
couraging the  overthrow  of  our  form  of  gov- 
ernment. 


192Jk 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


61 


5.  STATEMENT  ISSUED  BY  THE  STATE 
DEPARTMENT 

The  Department  of  State  made  public  to- 
day the  text  of  instructions  given  by  Zinoviev, 
President  of  the  Communist  International 
and  President  of  the  Petrograd  Soviet,  to  the 
Workers'  Party  of  America,  the  Communist 
organization  in  the  United  States. 

The  Department  of  Justice  has  assured  the 
Department  of  State  of  the  authenticity  of 
these  instructions.  The  Communist  Inter- 
national, with  headquarters  at  Moscow,  is  the 
organ  of  the  Communist  Party  for  inter- 
national propaganda.  The  Soviet  regime  in 
Russia  is  the  organ  of  the  Communist  Party 
for  the  governing  of  Russia.  As  Steklov, 
member  of  the  Russian  Communist  Party  and 
of  the  All-Russian  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee and  editor  of  the  Izvestia,  official 
organ  of  the  Soviet  regime,  has  stated  in  his 
official  paper: 

The  close  organic  and  spiritual  connection 
[between  the  Soviet  Republic  and  the  Com- 
munist International  cannot  be  doubted.  And 
even  if  this  connection  had  not  been  admitted 
many  times  by  both  sides,  it  would  be  clear 
to  everybody  as  an  established  fact.  .  .  . 
This  connection  is  not  merely  of  a  spiritual, 
but  also  of  a  material  and  palpable  character. 
.  .  .  The  mutual  solidarity  of  the  Soviet 
republics  and  the  Communist  International  is 
an  accomplished  fact.  In  the  same  degree  as 
the  existence  and  the  stability  of  Soviet  Rus- 
sia are  of  importance  to  the  Third  Inter- 
national, the  strengthening  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Communist  International  is  of 
great  moment  to  Soviet  Russia. 

Zinoviev's  instructions  are  as  follows : 

The  Communist  International  notes  with 
great  satisfaction  that  the  work  of  the  W. 
P.  A.  (Workers'  Party  of  America)  for  the 
past  year  has  been  expressed  in  a  satisfac- 
toi-y,  broad,  and  real  revolutionary  work. 
Particularly  pleasing  to  us  is  the  fact  that 
all  dissensions  existing  up  to  the  present  time 
in  the  ranks  of  the  party  have  finally  been 
liquidated  and  we  hope  that  the  W.  P.  A.,  the 
advance  guard  of  the  revolutionary  prole- 
tariat of  the  United  States  of  North  America, 
will  now  more  successfully  conduct  its  revo- 
lutionary work  among  the  millions  of  Ameri- 
can proletarians. 

For  more  intensive  revolutionary  work  we 
suggest  that  following  instructions  be  ad- 
hered to : 

1.  All  the  activity  of  the  party  must  at  the 
present  time  be  directed  among  the  workers 
of  the  large  industries,  such  as  the  raih'oad 
workers,  miners,  weavers,  steel  workers,  and 
simila'*  workers  engaged  in  the  principal  in- 
dustries of  the  United  States. 

2.  Among  these  workers  in  the  factories, 
mills,  plantations,  clubs,  &c.,  there  must  be 
organized  units  of  ten.    The  head  of  this  unit 


of  ten  must,  in  so  far  as  possible,  be  an  old 
trusted  member  of  the  party,  who  must  once 
a  week,  together  with  his  ten,  study  the  Com- 
munist program  and  other  revolutionary 
literature. 

3.  These  units  of  ten  must  be  organized  by 
occupation  and  nationality. 

4.  The  head  of  the  unit  must  know  inti- 
mately each  individual  member  of  his  ten, 
his  character,  habits,  the  degree  of  his  revo- 
lutionism, &c.,  and  report  everything  direct 
to  the  central  committee  of  the  party. 

5.  Each  of  these  units  of  ten  must  have  had 
their  own  fighting  unit  of  not  less  than  three 
men,  who  are  appointed  by  the  leader  of  the 
unit  with  the  approval  of  the  central  com- 
mittee of  the  party.  The  members  of  the 
fighting  unit,  in  addition  to  all  other  mat- 
ters, must  once  a  week  be  given  instructions 
in  shooting  and  receive  some  instruction  in 
pioneer  work    (sapper  work). 

6.  All  the  vmit  leaders  of  each  district  must 
meet  once  every  two  months  to  discuss  the 
progress  of  their  work  and  their  plans  for 
further  activities  in  the  presence  of  a  mem- 
ber of  the  central  committee  of  the  party. 

We  are  firmly  convinced  that  work  in  the 
direction  designated  by  us  will  give  enormous 
results  in  the  sense  of  preparing  thousands 
of  new  propagandists,  future  leaders  of  the 
military  forces  of  the  party  and  faithful 
fighters  during  the  social  revolution. 

With  reference  to  the  organization  by  the 
W.  P.  A.  of  the  Federated  Farmer-Labor 
Party,  the  Communist  International  expresses 
its  complete  satisfaction  and  its  approval  to 
the  central  committee  of  the  party  for  its 
boldness  and  tact  in  putting  this  idea  into 
effect.  We  hope  that  the  party  will  step  by 
step  conquer  (embrace)  the  proletarian  forces 
of  America,  and  in  the  not-distant  future 
raise  the  red  flag  over  the  White  House. 


THE  ALLIED  NOTES  TO 
GERMANY 

The  two  Allied  notes  to  Germany  regard- 
ing the  ex-Crown  Prince  and  the  resiunption 
of  military  control  are  as  follows : 

The  Allied  governments  take  cognizance  of 
the  declaration  made  by  the  German  Govern- 
ment, that  it  has  no  intention  whatever  of 
disputing  the  obligations  imposed  upon  it  by 
the  Treaty  of  Versailles.  They  must,  how- 
ever, point  out  that  the  German  Government 
notwithstanding  persists  in  bringing  forward 
reasons  of  fact  for  continuing  to  evade  in 
practice  the  exercise  of  military  control.  It 
is  true  that  the  German  Government  in  this 
instance  does  not  base  its  case  on  the  partici- 
pation of  French  and  Belgian  officers  in  the 
control  operations  in  oi'der  to  escape  them ; 
but  it  maintains  that  the  resumption  of  the 
control  would  tend  to  aggravate  the  internal 
difficulties  and  would  inevitably  give  rise  to 
incidents. 


53 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


The  conference  must  first  of  all  inform  the 
German  Government  that  the  control  opera- 
tions have  been  impeded  for  many  months 
past.  It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  on  the 
gravity  of  such  a  situation.  The  conference 
can  still  less  permit  it  to  be  prolonged,  as  it 
would  be  entitled  to  question  whether  the  ob- 
stacles thus  raised  to  the  fulfilment  of  the 
work  of  the  Commission  of  Military  Control 
have  not  precisely  favored  the  development 
of  disorderly  elements,  and  thus  contributed 
to  the  growth  of  the  difficulties  of  which  the 
German  Government  complains. 

NO  PRETEXT  FOR  INCIDENTS 

The  Allied  governments  cannot,  moreover, 
admit  that  the  resumption  of  control  opera- 
tions would  be.  In  themselves,  a  fresh  source 
of  difficulties  or  would  give  rise  to  incidents. 
Not  only  do  the  major  part  of  these  opera- 
tions, by  reason  of  their  character  and  car- 
ried out  under  these  conditions,  furnish  no 
pretext  for  such  incidents,  but  the  Control 
Commission  (and  the  German  Government  is 
not  unaware  of  the  fact)  has  always  acted 
in  the  interest  of  the  accomplishment  of  its 
mission,  so  as  to  facilitate  the  work  of  the 
German  authorities  (and  its  tact  in  this  con- 
nection may  be  relied  on). 

In  these  conditions  the  Allied  governments 
consider  it  necessary  to  uphold  the  right, 
which  belongs  to  the  Commission  of  Military 
Control  as  well  as  to  the  Air  Control  Com- 
mittee, to  carry  out  fully  control  operations. 
The  Commission  of  Control  and  the  Air  Con- 
trol Committee  are,  moreover,  in  a  position  to 
estimate  the  operations,  the  carrying  out  of 
which  appears  for  the  time  being  feasible  and 
necessary. 

The  Allied  governments  remind  the  German 
Government  that  whenever  the  two  commis- 
sions of  control  and  observation  may,  accord- 
ing to  rules  already  laid  down  and  agreed, 
notify  the  German  authorities  that  they  in- 
tend making  a  visit,  the  German  Government 
is  compelled,  according  to  article  206  of  the 
Versailles  Treaty,  to  afford  the  Interallied 
Commission  of  Control  and  their  members  all 
the  facilities  necessary  for  the  carrying  out 
of  their  work.  Consequently  the  Allied  gov- 
ernments have  decided  that  the  operations  of 
military  control  and  aircraft  inspection 
should  be  resumed  without  delay,  under  con- 
ditions which  will  be  notified  to  the  German 
Government  by  the  presidents  of  the  respect- 
ive commissions. 

In  the  event  of  these  operations  being  op- 
posed either  by  the  German  authorities  or  by 
German  subjects,  the  Allied  governments  re- 
serve the  right  to  take  such  measures  as  may 
appear  proper  for  the  carrying  out  of  the 
treaty. 

(Signed)  PoiNCABfi. 


THE  EX-CROWN  PRINCE 

The  note  of  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors 
on  the  subject  of  the  ex-Crown  Prince  of 
Germany  is  as  follows : 

In  a  note  addressed  by  Herr  von  Hosch  on 
November  10,  1923,  the  German  Government 
notified  the  conference,  in  reply  to  the  ques- 
tion raised  on  November  9,  that  it  had  au- 
thorized its  representative  in  Holland  to  give 
the  ex-Crown  Prince  a  passport  to  return 
to  Germany.  ITie  Allied  governments  take 
cognizance  of  this  statement. 

They  also  take  cognizance  of  the  letter 
addressed  on  November  18,  1918,  by  the  Ger- 
man charge  d'affaires  to  the  Director  of  Po- 
litical Affairs  at  the  Ministry  for  Foreign 
Affairs  for  communication  to  the  French 
premier  (a  copy  of  which  is  annexed  to  this 
letter).  The  Allied  governments  take  note  of 
the  declarations  contained  in  the  above-men- 
tioned document,  both  as  regards  the  renun- 
ciation by  the  ex-Crown  Prince  of  his  rights 
to  the  crown  of  Prussia  and  the  imperial 
crown  and  the  formal  undertaking  by  the 
German  Government  not  to  authorize  the  re- 
turn to  Germany  of  the  ex-Emperor. 

They  point  out  that  the  German  Govern- 
ment, by  communicating  to  the  French  Gov- 
ernment the  text  of  the  renunciation  of  the 
Crown  Prince,  has  thus  shown  that  it  con- 
siders the  renunciation  to  be  valid,  and  that 
it  does  not  admit  of  its  annulment.  At  the 
same  time  the  Allied  governments  point  out 
that  the  German  Government,  which  in  order 
to  evade  the  obligations  of  the  Peace  Treaty 
in  the  matter  of  military  control,  cited  the 
difficulties  of  the  internal  situation  in  Ger- 
many and  the  state  of  unrest  there,  has,  in 
full  knowledge  of  the  facts,  authorized  the 
return  of  the  ex-Crown  Prince,  whose  pres- 
ence in  German  territory  they  cannot  fail  to 
know  is  likely  to  provoke  serious  complica- 
tions for  Germany,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

In  these  circumstances  the  Allied  powers 
feel  obliged  to  inform  the  German  Govern- 
ment that  they  hold  it  fully  responsible  for 
the  consequences  which  may  result  from  its 
having  granted  permission  to  the  ex-Crown 
Prince  to  reside  in  Germany.  They  also  feel 
it  necessary  to  warn  the  German  Government 
of  the  danger  which  might  result  from  this 
situation,  and  which  might  compel  the  Allied 
powers  to  consult  together  upon  the  necessary 
measures  to  deal  with  the  situation. 

(Signed)  Poincab^. 

THE  HOHENZOLLERN  RENUNCIATION 

In  the  letter  of  Herr  von  Hosch,  referred 
to  above,  it  is  stated : 

First,  the  ex-Crown  Prince  renounced  by 
an  act,  which  he  signed  on  December  1,  1918, 
his  rights  to  the  Crown  of  Prussia  and  the 
imperial  crown.  The  substance  of  the  docu- 
ment in  question  is  as  follows  [according  to 
the  translation  from  the  German  text]  : 

"By  this  document  I  expressly  and  finally 
renounce  all  rights  to  the  Prussian  and  im- 


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INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


63 


perial  crowns  to  which  I  might  be  entitled 
either  by  virtue  of  the  renunciation  of  the 
throne  by  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  and  King 
or  by  virtue  of  any  other  title.  Signed  by  my 
hand  at  Wieringen  on  December  1,  1918. 

"WiLHELM." 

Secondly,  the  ex-Kaiser  has  made  no  re- 
quest to  the  German  Government  in  which  he 
expressed  his  desire  to  return  to  Germany. 

Thirdly,  the  German  Government  can  only 
once  more  formally  confirm  its  declaration, 
which  I  made  known  to  you  the  day  before 
yesterday,  that  it  will  not  permit  the  return 
of  the  ex-Kaiser  to  Germany. 


SENATOR 


BORAH'S  RESOLU- 
TION 


December  20,  Senator  Borah  introduced  in 
the  Senate  what  is  known  as  Senate  Resolu- 
tion 101. 

The  resolution  was  ordered  to  lie  on  the 
table,  as  follows : 

Whereas  war  is  the  greatest  existing  men- 
ace to  society,  and  has  become  so  expensive 
and  destructive  that  it  not  only  causes  the 
stupendous  burdens  of  taxation  now  afflicting 
our  people  but  threatens  to  engulf  and  destroy 
civilization;  and 

Whereas  civilization  has  been  marked  in  its 
upward  trend  out  of  barbarism  into  its  pres- 
ent condition  by  the  development  of  law  and 
courts  to  supplant  methods  of  violence  and 
force;  and 

Whereas  the  genius  of  civilization  has  dis- 
covered but  two  methods  of  compelling  the 
settlement  of  human  disputes,  namely,  law 
and  war,  and  therefore,  in  any  plan  for  the 
compulsory  settlement  of  international  con- 
troversies, we  must  choose  between  war  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  process  of  law  on  the 
other;  and 

Whereas  war  between  nations  has  always 
been  and  still  is  a  lawful  institution,  so  that 
any  nation  may,  with  or  without  cause,  de- 
clare war  against  any  other  nation  and  be 
strictly  within  its  legal  rights;  and 

Whereas  revolutionary  war  or  wars  of  lib- 
eration are  illegal  and  criminal,  to  wit,  high 
treason,  whereas  under  existing  international 
law  wars  of  aggression  between  nations  are 
perfectly  lawful;  and 

Whereas  the  overwhelming  moral  senti- 
ment of  civilized  people  everywhere  is  against 
the  cruel  and  destructive  institution  of  war; 
and 

Whereas  all  alliances,  leagues,  or  plans 
which  rely  upon  force  as  the  ultimate  power 
for  the  enforcement  of  peace  carry  the  seeds 


either  of  their  own  destruction  or  of  military 
dominancy  to  the  utter  subversion  of  liberty 
and  justice;  and 

Whereas  we  must  recognize  the  fact  that 
resolutions  or  treaties  outlawing  certain 
methods  of  killing  will  not  be  effective  so 
long  as  war  itself  remains  lawful;  and  that 
in  international  relations  we  must  have,  not 
rules  and  regulations  of  war,  but  organic 
laws  against  war;  and 

Whereas  in  our  Constitutional  Convention 
in  1787  it  was  successfully  contended  by 
Madison  and  Hamilton  that  the  use  of  force 
when  applied  to  people  collectively — that  is, 
to  States  or  nations — was  unsound  in  princi- 
ple and  would  be  tantamount  to  a  declaration 
of  war;  and 

Whereas  we  have  in  our  Federal  Supreme 
Court  a  practical  and  effective  model  for  a 
real  international  court,  as  it  has  specific 
jurisdiction  to  hear  and  decide  controversies 
between  our  sovereign  States;  and 

Whereas  our  Supreme  Court  has  exercised 
this  jurisdiction,  without  resort  to  force,  for 
135  years,  during  which  time  scores  of  con- 
troversies have  been  judicially  and  peaceably 
settled  that  might  otherwise  have  led  to  war 
between  the  States,  and  thus  furnishes  a 
practical  exemplar  for  the  compulsory  and 
pacific  settlement  oif  international  controver- 
sies; and 

Whereas  an  international  arrangement  of 
such  judicial  character  would  not  shackle  the 
independence  or  impair  the  sovereignty  of 
any  nation :    Now,  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  view  of  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  that  war  between  na- 
tions should  be  outlawed  as  an  institution  or 
means  for  the  settlement  of  International  con- 
troversies, by  making  it  a  public  crime  under 
the  law  of  nations,  and  that  every  nation 
should  be  encouraged  by  solemn  agreement  or 
treaty  to  bind  itself  to  Indict  and  punish  its 
own  international  war  breeders  or  instigators 
and  war  profiteers  under  powers  similar  to 
those  conferred  upon  our  Congress  under  Ar- 
ticle I,  section  8,  of  our  Federal  Constitution, 
which  clothes  the  Congress  with  the  power 
"to  define  and  punish  offenses  against  the  law 
of  nations" ;  and  be  it 

Resolved  further,  That  a  code  of  interna- 
tional law  of  peace  based  upon  equality  and 
justice  between  nations,  amplified  and  ex- 
panded and  adapted  and  brought  down  to 
date,  should  be  created  and  adopted; 

Second,  That  a  judicial  substitute  for  war 
should  be  created    (or,  If  existing  In  part, 


54 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Janua/ry 


adapted  and  adjusted)  in  the  form  or  nature 
of  an  international  court,  modeled  on  our 
Federal  Supreme  Court  in  its  jurisdiction 
over  controversies  between  our  sovereign 
States,  such  court  to  possess  afflrmative  juris- 
diction to  hear  and  decide  all  purely  interna- 
tional controversies,  as  defined  by  the  code, 
or  arising  under  treaties,  and  to  have  the 
same  power  for  the  enforcement  of  its  de- 
crees as  our  Federal  Supreme  Court,  namely, 
the  respect  of  all  enlightened  nations  for 
judgments  resting  upon  open  and  fair  inves- 
tigations and  impartial  decisions  and  the  com- 
pelling power  of  enlightened  public  opinion. 


International  Notes 


Persia  adds  a  hopeful  note  to  the  New 
Tear  orchestra  of  the  world.  Hussein  Alai, 
Persian  minister  to  the  United  States,  has 
recently  pointed  out  that,  being  let  alone,  at 
last  Persia  is  "getting  along  famously."  The 
American  commission  headed  by  Dr.  A.  C. 
Millspaugh,  formerly  of  our  State  Depart- 
ment, and  Prof.  E.  L.  Bogart,  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Illinois,  together  with  a  staff  of  twelve 
Americans,  has  upon  invitation  been  in  Persia 
since  September  last.  Under  the  supervision 
of  this  commission,  there  has  been  a  balanc- 
ing of  the  budget,  a  centralization  of  finances, 
the  beginning  of  a  Persian  national  bank, 
and  a  survey  for  a  complete  reassessment  of 
taxes.  Oil  there  is  in  Persia — possibly  in 
north  Persia  and  certainly  in  south  Persia. 
The  oil  in  south  Persia  is  being  exploited  by 
British  interests.  When  the  Standard  Oil 
Company  of  New  Jersey  was  about  to  take 
over  a  concession  for  the  oil  rights  in  north- 
ern Persia,  British  interests  objected  on  the 
ground  that  they  had  acquired  these  northern 
rights  from  the  Russians.  The  Persian  Par- 
liament has  objected  to  the  extension  of  Brit- 
ish operations  to  the  north;  and  there  the 
matter  stands. 

The  Oongeess  of  Women  of  the  Litle  En- 
tente, which  was  recently  held  at  Bucharest, 
has  an  interesting  story  behind  it. 

The  Women's  Little  Entente  was  founded 
at  Rome  during  the  summer  international 
feminist  congress,  and  was  joined  by  Poland, 


Czechoslovakia,  Jugoslavia,  Greece,  Bulgaria, 
and  Rumania ;  but  since  the  delegates  of  these 
countries  had  received  no  authority  from 
their  organizations  to  form  such  a  feminist 
federation,  the  Women's  Little  Entente  has 
been,  up  to  the  present,  of  a  provisional  char- 
acter, and  has  only  just  now  been  formally 
established  at  the  Bucharest  Congress. 

At  the  congress,  the  rules  of  the  Women's 
Little  Entente  received  full  sanction,  and  the 
aim  of  the  work  is  as  follows :  The  political 
enfranchisement  of  women,  with  the  desire 
for  the  ultimate  legal  recognition  of  all  fem- 
inist ideals;  the  protection  of  the  socially 
weak;  work  for  permanent  peace,  and  the 
protection  of  national  minorities.  Special  at- 
tention was  paid  to  the  last  question.  The 
feminist  organizations  will  collect  data  on 
the  subject  of  national  minorities  independ- 
ently, and  will  work  for  their  protection  ac- 
cording to  their  numbers. 

For  the  better  acquaintance  and  rapproche- 
ment of  the  peoples  forming  the  Little  En- 
tente, a  complete  plan  has  been  worked  out, 
which  includes  exchange  of  university  stu- 
dents, organization  of  scientific  excursions, 
sending  of  journalists  from  one  country  to 
another,  small  investigations  of  the  most  im- 
portant problems,  holding  of  conferences,  etc. 

At  the  Bucharest  Congress,  Bulgaria  was 
excluded  from  the  Women's  Little  Entente 
because  at  the  Women's  Congress  at  Podje- 
drad,  near  Prague,  the  Bulgarian  delegates 
had  unjustly  accused  Serbia  of  the  oppres- 
sion of  national  minorities  in  Macedonia, 
But  at  the  same  time,  Bulgaria  was  given  to 
understand  that  it  will  be  received  again  into 
the  entente  if  Bulgarian  feminist  organiza- 
tions show  in  the  future  that  they  really  wish 
for  pacificism  and  will  apologize  for  the  inci- 
dent at  Podjedrad. 

Next  year  the  congress  of  the  Women's 
Little  Entente  will  be  held  at  Belgrade. 

An  Office  of  Intellectual  Property  is 
created  by  an  Italian  decree  effective  Septem- 
ber 29,  which  introduces  certain  changes  in 
the  Italian  patent  laws,  principally  with  ref- 
erence to  the  duration  of  the  patent  and  the 
fees  payable  and  the  organization  of  the 
patent  oflice.  All  matters  relating  to  patents, 
trade-marks,  designs,  models,  and  copyrights 
will  fall  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Office 
of  Intellectual  Property,  which  is  under  the 
Ministry  of  Industry,  Commerce,  and  Labor. 
Patent  rights  will  run  for  a  period  of  15 
years  from  the  date  of  application.    Formerly 


192Jk 


INTERNATIONAL  NOTES 


56 


patents  were  granted  from  1  to  15  years,  at 
the  election  of  the  patentee.  The  application 
and  description  of  the  discovery  or  the  in- 
vention must  be  drawn  up  in  the  Italian 
language.  Applications  for  rights  in  connec- 
tion with  additions  to  or  modifications  of 
already  existing  patents,  if  filed  by  the  owner 
within  the  six  months  following  the  date  of 
the  original  patent,  will  have  priority  over 
similar  applications  which  may  be  presented 
by  third  parties  within  the  stated  period. 
The  following  fees  are  charged  in  connection 
with  obtaining  and  maintaining  patent 
rights:  Application,  100  lire;  an  annual  tax 
beginning  with  50  lire  for  the  first  year  and 
increasing  by  50  lire  for  each  succeeding 
year ;  a  special  tax  of  100  lire,  in  addition  to 
the  application  fee,  for  additions  to  or  modi- 
fications of  already-existing  patents.  The 
application  tax,  the  first  annual  tax,  and  the 
tax  on  modifications  or  additions  will  be  pay- 
able at  the  time  the  applications  are  filed. 
The  application  fee  will  not  be  refunded  on 
withdrawal  or  rejection  of  the  application  for 
patent.  Subsequent  annual  fees  are  payable 
in  advance  each  year,  during  the  month  cor- 
responding to  that  in  which  the  application 
was  originally  filed.  If  taxes  are  not  paid 
when  due,  they  will  be  accepted  within  the 
three  months  following,  on  payment  of  an 
extra  charge  of  25  lire.  The  terms  of  the 
present  decree  will  apply  to  patent  rights 
already  obtained,  but  taxes  previously  paid 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  and  rules  then 
established  will  stand  good  and  valid.  Those 
taxes  which  are  unpaid  will  have  to  be  set- 
tled in  conformity  with  the  terms  of  this 
decree.  Patentees  holding  patents  which 
have  been  granted  for  a  period  of  less  than 
15  years  may  continue  to  enjoy  their  priv- 
ileges until  the  expiration  of  a  total  period 
of  15  years,  taxes  to  be  paid  in  accordance 
with  the  provisions  of  this  decree. 

Mahjongg  sets  valued  at  $849,833  figure 
in  imports  of  merchandise  into  the  United 
States  from  Shanghai,  China,  for  the  first 
nine  months  of  this  year,  which  show  an  in- 
crease of  almost  33  per  cent,  compared  with 
the  corresponding  period  of  1922.  Shipments 
to  the  United  States  were  valued  at  $47,582,- 
423  in  1923,  compared  with  $38,709,080  dur- 
ing the  same  period  of  last  year,  but  gold 
bars  and  coin  were  valued  at  $6,062,712  that 
year,  while  they  only  amounted  to  $4,249,034 
in  1923,  resulting  in  a  net  increase  of  exports 


aggregating  $10,687,021  over  the  preceding 
year.  Based  on  these  returns,  it  is  estimated 
that  the  total  declared  exports  from  China 
to  the  United  States  for  the  full  year  will  In- 
crease about  23  per  cent  over  the  exports  of 
1922. 

Protests  against  the  batification  of  the 
treaty  with  Turkey  are  making  their  appear- 
ance. Senate  Resolution  54,  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  reads : 

Whereas  the  United  States  on  the  23d  day 
of  April,  1920,  recognized  Armenia  as  an  Inde- 
pendent State  and  the  Senate  by  resolution 
of  May  14,  1920,  extended  congratulations  to 
Armenia  upon  the  attainment  of  her  inde- 
pendence; and 

Whereas  the  President  of  the  United  States 
on  November  20,  1920,  pursuant  to  the  stipu- 
lations of  the  treaty  of  Sevres  and  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  powers  signatory  to  said  treaty, 
defined  the  southwestern  boundaries  of  Ar- 
menia, and  the  President  of  the  United  States 
on  November  10,  1922,  declared  that  "every- 
thing which  may  be  done  will  be  done  to  pro- 
tect the  Armenian  people  and  reserve  to  them 
the  rights  which  the  Sevres  treaty  undertook 
to  bestow" ;  and 

Whereas  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy,  Ja- 
pan, Belgium,  Greece,  Poland,  Portugal,  Ru- 
mania, Yugoslavia,  Czechoslovakia,  and  Tur- 
key on  the  10th  day  of  August,  1920,  formally 
recognized  Armenia  as  a  free  and  independ- 
ent State  and  solemnly  pledged  themselves  to 
protect  the  national  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
Armenian  people ;  and 

Whereas  the  people  of  the  United  States 
view  with  misgiving  and  disappointment  the 
failure  of  the  powers  to  protect  the  independ- 
ence of  Armenia,  to  bring  to  an  end  the  reign 
of  violence  and  terrorism  to  which  the  Ar- 
menians had  been  subjected  at  the  hands  of 
the  Turks,  and  to  remove  impediments  to  the 
maintenance  of  an  independent  Armenian 
State  and  to  the  peaceable  settlement  of  Ar- 
menians within  the  territories  ascribed  to 
said  State  in  the  treaty  of  Sevres  and  de- 
limited by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
in  accordance  with  said  treaty:  Now  there- 
fore be  it 

Resolved,,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  the  Senate 
that  the  United  States  do  not  resume  diplo- 
matic relations  with  Turkey,  or  permit  its 
nationals  to  advance  any  financial  aid  to 
Turkey,  until  the  Turkish  Government  shall 
have  withdrawn  all  its  military  forces  and 
occupation  from  the  territories  allocated  to 
Armenia  in  the  treaty  of  Sevres  and  delimited 
by  the  President  of  the  United  States  in  con- 
formity with  said  treaty,  and  shall  have  re- 
moved all  impediments  to  the  peaceable  set- 
tlement of  Armenians  within  said  territory, 
and  shall  have  consented  to  the  setting  up  of 
an  independent  Armenian  State  therein,  free 
from  any  claim  of  sovereignty  thereover  by 
the  Turkish  Government. 


66 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


The  Intebnatinal  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions  reports  that,  of  late,  increasing  num- 
bers of  German  workers  are  leaving  Germany 
in  order  to  escape  the  distressing  conditions 
in  their  own  country.  All  the  countries  bor- 
dering on  Germany  announce  a  growing 
stream  of  German  immigration.  In  most  of 
these  countries  it  is  necessary  to  have  a 
special  permit  for  entry,  but  many  Germans 
manage  to  cross  the  frontiers  secretly.  Jugo- 
slavia, Rumania,  and  Portugal  also  report  an 
increase  in  the  number  of  immigrant  Ger- 
mans. 

Emigration  overseas  has  also  increased. 
Every  one  who  can  by  any  possibility  amass 
the  necessary  amount  of  money  emigrates. 
The  number  of  German  emigrants  leaving 
German  and  Dutch  ports  during  the  first  half 
year  of  1923  was  40,872,  of  whom  23,910  were 
males  and  16,962  females.  In  June  of  this 
year,  the  emigration  reached  higher  figures 
than  any  since  the  beginning  of  the  nineties 
of  last  century.  Most  German  emigrants  go 
to  South  America,  but  emigration  to  the 
United  States  has  also  increased  recently. 
American  newspapers  note  the  growing  num- 
bers of  German  immigrants,  who  are  often 
helped  to  defray  the  costs  of  the  journey  by 
relatives  living  in  the  States.  In  many  cases, 
also,  German  families  send  over  some  young 
member  of  the  family  in  order  that  he  may 
help  to  maintain  the  rest  of  the  family  and 
pay  for  their  subsequent  removal  to  the 
States.  The  quota  of  German  immigrants  to 
the  United  States  is  now  exhausted  and  no 
new  immigrants  will  be  admitted  before  the 
end  of  June,  1924. 

The  huge  submersible  steel  dock  for 
testing  submarines,  one  of  the  engineering 
wonders  of  the  war,  is  to  be  broken  up.  It 
was  designed  by  a  Hamburg  engineer,  first 
submitted  to  the  Russian  Government  and 
rejected,  and,  in  1916,  ordered  for  the  Ger- 
man navy.  It  was  not  completed  until  1918, 
coming  into  the  possession  of  Great  Britain 
on  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  The  dock  con- 
tains a  great  cylinder  for  the  reception  of 
the  U-boat  to  be  tested,  and  berth  space  for 
two  other  submarines  on  either  side  of  the 
cylinder.  This  dock  is  to  be  broken  up  at 
Queensborough  by  British  iron  and  steel 
merchants. 

Czechoslovakian  goods  may  be  trans- 
ported again  to  France  via  Germany,  accord- 
ing to  a  published  statement  of  German  rail- 


ways. Since  the  beginning  of  1923  the  ex- 
change of  goods  between  Czechoslovakia  and 
France  has  had  to  go  by  a  round-about  route 
over  Austrian  and  Swiss  roads. 

The  fifth  annual  council  meeting  of 
the  International  Confederation  of  Students 
was  held  last  September  in  England.  Two 
outstanding  results  of  the  meeting  are: 
First,  an  international  students'  magazine, 
to  be  published  six  times  a  year,  in  French 
and  English;  second,  the  commissioning  of 
the  national  unions  in  those  countries  which 
were  neutral  during  the  war  to  act  as  inter- 
mediaries to  approach  the  students'  unions 
not  now  in  the  Federation.  It  is  the  wish 
of  the  Confederation  to  include  representa- 
tives from  every  country  that  has  its  own 
students'  organization. 

The  Baltic  republics  of  Esthonia,  Lat- 
via, and  Lithuania  are  showing  a  trend  to- 
ward more  stable  business  conditions.  The 
purchasing  power  of  the  people  has  risen, 
which  means  larger  imports.  Exports  also 
show  an  increase.  Agricultural  industry  is 
neariy  at  pre-war  level,  reducing  the  impor- 
tation of  foodstuffs.  Government  finances 
have  improved,  showing  a  close  balance  be- 
tween revenue  and  expense,  and  the  inflation 
of  paper  currency  in  these  republics  has 
stopped. 

An  American  Chamber  of  Commerce,  with 
a  charter  membership  of  32,  has  been  orga- 
nized in  the  Dominican  Republic.  Though 
the  majority  of  the  executive  committee  are 
to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States,  honorary 
membership  is  to  be  extended  to  presidents 
of  other  chambers  of  commerce  in  Santo 
Domingo.  It  is  intended  to  make  clear  to 
these  organizations  that  the  American  cham- 
ber is  in  no  sense  a  rival,  but  a  body  of  men 
ready  to  co-operate  in  the  promotion  of  trade 
between  the  Dominican  Republic  and  the 
United  States  for  the  benefit  of  both  coun- 
tries. 

The  ZR3,  constructed  in  Germany  for  the 
United  States  Navy,  will  be  employed  on  a 
mail  service  between  New  York  and  London, 
according  to  a  statement  by  Admiral  Moffett, 
chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Aeronautics.  The  Zep- 
pelin is  expected  to  fly  to  the  United  States 
over  France,  Spain,  and  the  South  Atlantic. 
She  will  be  able  to  carry  a  crew  of  24  men 
and  30  passengers,  with  their  baggage.     The 


i 


192Jt 


INTERNATIONAL  NOTES 


67 


seating  and  sleeping  arrangements  compare 
favorably  with  the  finest  American  Pullman 
cars.  The  cooking  compartment  is  to  be 
equipped  with  electric  appliances.  Large 
windows  give  the  passengers  an  excellent 
view  of  the  world  as  they  skim  above  it. 
The  maximum  speed  of  the  ZR3  will  be  about 
80  miles  an  hour,  with  a  cruising  radius  of 
8,600  miles.  Midway  in  the  Atlantic  a  ship 
will  be  stationed  to  direct  or  otherwise  aid 
the  great  air  vessel. 

Shipping  thbough  the  Kiel  Canal  for 
the  first  half  of  1923  aggregated  6,639,023 
registered  net  tons.  This  amount  was  more 
than  half  the  tonnage  for  the  year  1922, 
though  the  first  six  months  are  invariably 
poorer  for  shipping  in  the  canal  than  are  the 
later  months.  The  heaviest  traflSc  is  always 
during  the  summer.  Since  German  ships 
carried  only  40  per  cent  of  this  tonnage,  it 
is  evident  that  foreign  companies  are  discov- 
ering the  saving  of  time,  coal,  and  insurance 
to  be  made  by  using,  whenever  possible,  the 
Kiel  Canal. 

The  Sukkur  barrage  in  India  is  the 
largest  irrigation  scheme  of  its  kind  in  the 
world.  Two  bridges,  each  more  than  five 
times  the  length  of  London  Bridge,  will  cross 
the  Indus.  Seven  canals  will  be  constructed, 
three  of  which  will  be  wider  than  the  Suez 
Canal,  and  the  largest  305  miles  long.  One 
canal  will  have  a  discharge  equal  to  that  of 
the  Thames.  It  is  estimated  that  this  sys- 
tem will  irrigate  500,000  acres,  which  is  more 
than  the  total  cultivated  area  of  Egypt.  The 
irrigated  lands  will  produce  annually  about 
2,000,000  tons  of  grain  and  cotton.  To  Sir 
George  Lloyd,  retiring  governor  of  Bombay, 
is  ascribed  the  credit  of  forcing  the  solution 
of  a  problem  involving  the  future  prosperity 
of  Sind,  a  problem  which  has  baffled  two 
generations.  The  system  will,  therefore,  bear 
Sir  George  Lloyd's  name. 

Recovery  of  normal  activity  in  the 
Ruhr  will  be  a  slow  process,  says  Commerce 
Reports,  Issued  by  the  U.  S.  Department  of 
Commerce.  This  paper  voices  the  opinion 
that  there  cannot  be  an  early  solution  to  the 
problem  of  shortage  of  supplies  with  which 
the  French  market  has  been  laboring.  Not 
only  must  the  Ruhr  equipment  be  put  in  sat- 
isfactory condition  for  operation,  but  it  will 
be  some  time  before  the  labor  yield  can  be 
brought  back  to  normal,  and,  what  is  quite 
as  important,  the  transportation  system  must 


be  re-established.  These  developments  may 
easily  take  so  long  that  available  stocks  of 
coke  and  coal  may  become  exhausted.  More- 
over, so  much  of  the  first  yield  will  be  needed 
to  rehabilitate  the  Ruhr  industries  them- 
selves that  for  some  time  little  will  be  free 
for  export.  Only  by  such  rehabilitation  can 
the  local  population  become  again  self-sup- 
porting. So,  if  the  greatest  yield  from  the 
Ruhr  is  finally  to  be  attained,  the  French 
market  will  probably  have  short  supplies 
from  that  source  until,  at  least,  well  into 
1924.  To  increase  the  difficulties  of  France, 
Belgium  has  recently  restricted  her  own  coal 
exports  50  per  cent.  All  this  points  to  a 
continued,  possibly  an  increasing  depend- 
ence of  France  upon  coal  supplies  from  Brit- 
ish and  other  foreign  sources,  where  pur- 
chases must  be  made  with  the  franc  at  a  low 
rate  of  exchange. 

Southern  Rhodesia  is  now  a  self-govern- 
ing colony  of  the  British  Empire.  The  Brit- 
ish South  African  Company  has,  since  the 
beginning  of  this  State,  over  thirty  years 
ago,  been  responsible  to  the  Crown  for  its 
administration.  On  October  1,  1923,  that  re- 
sponsibility terminated.  The  first  governor 
is  Sir  John  Chancellor. 

Great  Britain  and  Czechoslovakia  have 
recently  concluded  provisional  negotiations 
for  the  opening  of  a  new  air-line  between 
London  and  Prague.  The  agreement  expires 
March  31,  1924,  when  it  will  be  superseded 
by  a  definitive  treaty  for  ten  years.  The  rea- 
son for  the  provisional  nature  of  this  agree- 
ment lies  in  the  fact  that  the  English  Gov- 
ernment now  aids  aviation  undertakings  by 
direct  subvention.  Before  March  31,  1924, 
however,  a  private  national  air  company  is 
to  be  formed  which  will  absorb  all  air  service 
to  foreign  countries.  The  government  will 
then  put  its  subvention  in  the  hands  of  the 
national  company  in  one  lump  sum.  The  im- 
portance of  Prague  as  a  junction  of  interna- 
tional communication,  it  is  believed,  will  be 
greatly  enhanced  by  the  opening  of  this  air- 
line to  England. 

Chile  is  reported  to  have  made  great 
efforts  to  establish  a  non-aggression  pact  be- 
tween herself,  Argentina,  and  Brazil,  with 
the  view  of  reducing  armaments.  It  is,  how- 
ever, reported  from  Santiago  that  Chile  will 
have  to  look  to  her  own  interests  In  case 
Brazil  and  Argentina  continue  their  naval 


58 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Januwry 


and   military   expenditures   as   now   contem- 
plated. 

The  financial  situation  of  Spain  is  still 
difficult,  in  spite  of  increased  revenues.    The 
first  six  months  of  the  current  fiscal  year 
show  an  increase  in  collections  of  47,000,000 
pesetas  above  the  budget,  but  with  expendi- 
tures   120,000,000    pesetas    higher    than    the 
budget.    Compared  with  last  year,  there  was 
an    increase    in    collections    during    the    six 
months'  period,  exclusive  of  loans,  of  89,000,- 
000  pesetas.     There  was  a  reduction  of  75,- 
000,000  pesetas  in  the  same  period  in  Moroc- 
can war  expenses,  compared  with  last  year. 
In   November  total   revenue   collections   ex- 
ceeded last  November's  by  20,250,000  pesetas. 
A  large  volume  of  domestic  business  is  re- 
ported, especially  in  textiles;  but  consump- 
tion of  raw  cotton  and  activity  of  the  Barce- 
lona textile  mills  has  been  reduced  50  per  cent 
from  last  year  because  of  the  competition  of 
imported  British  goods.    The  metal  and  min- 
ing situation  has  improved  of  late.     Ore  ex- 
ports have  been  resumed  from  Bilbao,  and 
there  is  a  prospect  of  an  additional  market 
for  steel,  iron,  and  coal  in  Italy.     This  im- 
provement of  trade  is  expected  to  follow  the 
commercial  treaty   recently   concluded   with 
Italy,  which  gives  Spain  most-favored-nation 
treatment  on  metallurgical  products.    In  ag- 
riculture, the  cereal  crop  is  in  excellent  con- 
dition because  of  recent  abundant  rains.    It 
is  estimated  that  there  will  be  a  slight  sur- 
plus over  the  country's  needs  in  wheat  pro- 
duction for  the  coming  year,  as  final  statistics 
show  the  crop  to  have  been  considerably  over 
the  average  for  the  past  ten  years.    In  order 
to  aid  Spanish  agriculture,  it  is  now  proposed, 
according  to  advices  to  the  Department  of 
Commerce,  to  appropriate  one  hundred  mil- 
lion   pesetas    for    agricultural    development, 
part  of  this  money  to  be  used  for  the  pur- 
chase of  agricultural  machinery,  fertilizers, 
seeds,  and  any  other  materials  necessary  to 
modern  intensified  farming.     In  addition  to 
this    amount,   20,000,000   pesetas   that   have 
hitherto  been  used  in  connection  with  expen- 
ditures on  public  granaries  will  now  be  turned 
over  to  this  new  fund.     The  conditions  re- 
garding the  disposition  of  the  appropriation 
will  be  decided  upon  within  the  next  few 
months  by  the  directorate. 

Chakles  G.  Dawes  and  Owen  D.  Young, 
the  American  representatives  on  the  more 
Important  of  the  two  Reparation  Commis- 
sion committees  of  experts  that  will  study 
Germany's  condition  with  a  view  to  a  solu- 


tion of  the  reparations  problem,  sailed  from 
New  York  for  Paris  December  29.  Before 
sailing  they  held  long  conferences  with  Presi- 
dent Coolidge  and  Secretary  Hughes.  Gen- 
eral Dawes  was  accompanied  by  one  of  his 
brothers,  Rufus  C.  Dawes,  of  Chicago,  while 
Stuart  M.  Crocker  accompanied  Mr.  Young. 
It  is  reported  that  Secretary  Hughes  is  aid- 
ing in  the  formation  of  a  technical  staff  of 
assistants  to  aid  the  American  experts.  It  is 
understood  that  Henry  M.  Robinson,  presi- 
dent of  the  First  National  Bank  of  Los  An- 
geles, selected  as  American  member  on  the 
second  committee  of  experts  which  will  study 
the  means  of  returning  Germany  capital 
which  has  been  sent  to  the  United  States  and 
other  countries,  will  come  to  Washington  to 
confer  with  President  Coolidge  and  Secretary 
Hughes  before  sailing  for  Paris  in  the  near 
future.  The  first  committee  of  experts  is 
scheduled  to  meet  in  Paris  on  January  14, 
while  the  second  committee  will  not  meet 
until  January  21. 

A  special  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Times,  writing  from  Paris  under  date  of  De- 
cember 27,  announces  that  when  Foreign 
Minister  Benes  left  Paris  that  day  for 
Prague  he  took  with  him  the  draft  of  a 
treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and  Czecho- 
slovakia. The  correspondent  is  of  the  opinion 
that  this  political  treaty  will  almost  surely 
be  followed  by  a  military  treaty  which  will 
tie  together  the  fortunes  of  the  two  republics. 
In  connection  with  this  alliance,  which  is 
quite  open,  it  is  interesting  to  recall  that  the 
French  parliament  has  just  consented  to  a 
credit  of  300,000,000  francs  to  Czechoslovakia. 

It  is  reported  that  prices  in  Germany  have 
dropped  appreciably  since  the  first  of  De- 
cember, and  that  the  effort  to  create  a  stable 
currency  appears  to  have  succeeded  beyond 
hopes.  A  correspondent  of  the  Baltimore  Sun, 
writing  from  Berlin  under  date  of  December 
11,  says :  "Prices  have  dropped  nearly  or 
quite  fifty  per  cent  in  the  last  ten  days." 

The  cost  of  the  World  War  to  the  Ameri- 
can people  in  cash,  according  to  final  calcula- 
tions made  by  officials  of  the  United  States 
Treasury,  has  been  $40,000,000,000.  This,  it 
is  believed,  exceeds  in  dollars  and  cents  the 
outlay  of  any  other  belligerent,  with  the  pos- 
sible exception  of  Great  Britain  and  Germany, 
and  probably  exceeds  the  total  of  the  Allied 
Powers  during  the  period  this  country  was 
at  war.  .; 


19^ 


INTERNATIONAL  NOTES 


59 


Eleuthebios  Venizelos,  who  represented 
Greece  at  the  Paris  Peace  Conference  and 
whom  President  Wilson  considered  the 
strongest  man  at  the  conference,  has  accepted 
the  invitation  to  return  to  Athens  and  to  take 
his  part  in  the  reconstruction  of  Greece.  Mr. 
Venizelos  had  not  been  in  Greece  since  1920. 
The  influence  of  his  personality  upon  the 
highly  disturbed  situation  is  being  watched 
with  keenest  interest.  He  has  already  an- 
nounced his  aim  to  be  to  bring  his  country 
back  into  a  normal  path.  He  does  not  in- 
tend to  form  a  government,  neither  does  he 
intend  to  remain  active  indefinitely.  In  plac- 
ing his  services  at  the  disposal  of  his  coun- 
try, it  is  the  r61e  of  arbitrator  and  counselor 
that  he  wishes  to  fill.  He  has  no  hankering 
for  party  strife.  Whether  he  will  pronounce 
for  a  republic  or  a  monarchy  has  not  yet 
been  disclosed.  Whatever  his  decision,  it  will 
idoubtedly  be  the  decision  of  his  country, 
le  may  suggest  a  plebiscite  upon  this  ques- 
[tlon.  It  is  reported  that  the  republicans  are 
'not  altogether  pleased  with  the  prospects, 
especially  since  the  regime  is  unsolved.  The 
report  of  his  return  created  an  unfavorable 
influence  upon  the  market  and  upon  ex- 
change rates.  Part  of  the  Greek  press,  dis- 
cussing the  possibilities  of  foreign  interven- 
tion in  favor  of  the  Gluckburg  dynasty,  an- 
nounces a  forthcoming  demarche  on  the  part 
of  the  Balkan  powers.  Following  King 
George's  departure  from  Athens,  the  Ruma- 
nian representative,  a  confidential  friend 
of  the  Greek  royal  family,  suddenly  left.  The 
Rumanian  legation,  however,  denies  that  it  is 
trying  to  interfere  with  the  internal  affairs 
of  Greece. 

The  Russian  question  has  precipitated  a 
lively  tilt  between  certain  sections  of  the 
Senate  and  the  Department  of  State.  The 
temper  of  the  Russian  reaction  to  Mr. 
Hughes'  recent  note  is  illustrated  by  an  accu- 
sation by  the  editor  of  Izvestia,  the  Soviet 
organ,  edited  by  Mr.  SteklofE.  This  organ 
accused  Mr.  Hughes  of  changing  the  sense 
of  the  article  from  which  he  quoted.  Mr. 
SteklofC  writes:  "Mr.  Hughes,  having  ex- 
tracted a  few  lines  out  of  the  general  con- 
text of  the  article,  added  several  lines  of 
his  own,  thus  changing  the  sense.  Despite 
the  external  coincidence  of  the  separate 
words,  I  still  categorically  declare  that,  by 
citing  my  words  in  the  manner  Mr.  Hughes 
did,  he  consciously  committed  forgery." 


LETTER  BOX 


International  Federation  of 
Trade  Unions,  Amsterdam,  Holland. 

To  the  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 

Dear  Sir:  In  the  November  number  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace,  page  370,  it  is  stated 
that  Professor  Sir  Gilbert  Murray,  President 
of  the  League  of  Nations  Union  of  Great 
Britain  and  League  delegate  from  South 
Africa,  tactlessly  presented  to  the  Assembly 
at  Geneva,  on  September  22  last,  "a  petition 
from  the  International  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions,  asking  for  some  settlement  of  the 
reparations  problem  and  its  attendant  diffi- 
culties, with  a  view  to  European  peace,"  and 
you  add  that  "the  Federation  represents  some 
twenty  million  workers,  who,  as  Sir  Profes- 
sor Gilbert  Murray  all  too  truthfully  re- 
marked, had  never  before  shown  any  sign 
of  confidence  in  the  League." 

Although  we  have  not  yet  received  the  offi- 
cial report  of  the  Fourth  Session  of  the  As- 
sembly of  the  League  of  Nations,  we  venture 
to  suggest  that  there  is  something  slightly 
misleading  in  this  statement,  due  no  doubt  to 
the  separation  of  a  few  words  from  their 
context.  We  have  every  reason  to  believe 
that  Professor  Murray,  when  he  used  these 
words,  was  far  from  casting  any  aspersion 
upon  the  International  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions  for  apparent  lack  of  confidence  in  the 
League  of  Nations;  he  was  merely  regret- 
ting the  fact  that  the  workers  in  general 
have  not  yet  the  full  confidence  in  the  League 
which  he  would  like  them  to  have.  Moreover, 
when  he  used  them,  he  was  quite  possibly 
unaware  of  certain  facts  to  which  we  should 
like  to  call  your  attention,  and  which  will, 
we  think,  entirely  dispose  of  the  suggestion 
that  the  International  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions  has  never  shown  any  confidence  in 
the  League  of  Nations.  These  facts  are  the 
following : 

(1)  On  March  5,  1920,  we  wrote  to  the  Su- 
preme Council  of  the  League  of  Nations  on 
the  subject  of  the  economic  condition  of 
Central  Europe,  begging  the  League  of  Na- 
tions to  take  steps  to  save  these  countries 
from  economic  ruin. 

(2)  At  the  Peace  Congress,  which  we  held 
at  The  Hague  in  December,  1922,  we  adopted 
a  resolution  on  Imperialism,  Militarism  and 
the  Transformation  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, demanding  public  control  over  the 
armaments  industry  by  means  of  the  League 
of  Nations.  This  resolution  also  called  for 
"the  transformation  of  the  League  of  Nations 
into  an  all-embracing  society  of  peoples." 


60 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


(3)  Certain  of  the  leaders  of  the  Interna- 
tional Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  namely, 
Oudegeest  and  Jouhaux,  have  for  some  time 
past  been  members  of  the  Mixed  Temporary 
Commission,  appointed  by  the  League  of  Na- 
tions to  discuss  the  possibilities  of  disarma- 
ment. 

The  International  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions,  of  course,  does  not  regard  the  League 
of  Nations  in  its  present  form  as  the  ideal 
of  a  world  alliance  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace,  but  no  doubt  you  are  aware  that  there 
are  not  many  pacifist  organizations  which 
take  that  view.  That  is,  however,  a  very 
different  thing  from  an  assertion  that  we 
have  never  shown  "any  sign  of  confidence" 
in  the  League  of  Nations. 

Yours  faithfully, 
On  Behalf  of  the  International  Federa- 
tion OF  Trade  Unions  : 

J.  Oudegeest, 

Secretary. 


Sir: 


Cleveland,  Ohio. 


We  are  thankful — 

That  there  has  not  been  signed  away  with 
the  pen  that  which  our  forefathers  were  only 
able  to  get  with  the  sword. 

That  the  Monroe  Doctrine — "Friendship 
for  all;  entangling  alliances  with  none" — 
still  lives. 

That,  under  the  leadership  of  Washington, 
Lincoln,  and  Roosevelt,  America  is  to  be  pre- 
served and  protected  as  "the  home  of  Amer- 
icans." 

Obed  Calvin  Billman. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


A  Son  at  the  Front.  By  Edith  Wharton. 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York.  Pp. 
426.     Price,  $2.00. 

Mrs.  Wharton  has  been  for  many  years  a 
resident  of  Paris.  She  has  in  this  book  made 
use  of  her  personal  knowledge  of  the  war 
period  in  France,  and  against  that  dark 
background  she  has  painted  a  character  novel 
of  universal  truth. 

There  is  no  trace  of  peace  propaganda  in 
the  book,  not  even  sugar-coated  medication. 
Yet,  because  it  is  true  to  life  and  to  history, 
and  because  it  has  the  truth  of  art,  the  peace 
lessons  to  be  drawn  from  this  war  book  are 
many  and  various.  It  is  an  odd  fact  that  the 
one  professed  pacifist  among  the  characters 


in  the  story  is  so  nearly  a  caricature  that  he 
almost  cheapens  the  whole  group ;  almost, 
but  not  quite.  The  author's  real  artistry  re- 
fused to  let  her  play  up  the  foibles  of  this 
pompous  pacifist,  whom  the  touch  of  a  per- 
sonal grievance  changed  overnight  to  a  no 
less  pompous  compiler  of  "atrocities." 

The  book  severely  arraigns  war  from  the 
first  shadow  of  its  approach.  In  the  begin- 
ning war  is  unthinkable.  "It's  too  stupidly 
uneconomic,  to  begin  with,"  says  George. 
"That's  the  way  we  all  feel.  Think  of  every- 
thing that  counts — art  and  science  and  poetry 
and  all  the  rest — going  to  smash  at  the  nod 
of  some  doddering  old  diplomatists!  .  .  . 
People  are  too  healthy  and  well  fed  now. 
They  are  not  going  off  to  die  in  a  ditch  to 
oblige  anybody."  And  "George,  so  fresh  and 
cool  and  unafraid,  seemed  to  prove  to  his 
father  that  a  world  that  could  produce  such 
youths  would  never  again  settle  its  differences 
by  the  bloody  madness  of  war."  Neverthe- 
less, like  one  who  carries  his  umbrella  lest 
it  may  rain,  the  American  artist,  Crampton, 
set  about  trying  to  keep  his  French-born  son, 
George,  out  of  any  chance  of  service.  Yet 
the  war  comes,  and  one  by  one  the  youth  of 
the  book  fling  themselves  into  its  fiery 
furnace. 

The  hero  of  the  story  is  the  artist.  Cramp- 
ton.  It  is  through  his  eyes  that  we  see  the 
whole  action  as  truly  as  if  it  were  written  in 
the  first  person.  His  complex  nature,  help- 
less in  dealing  with  practical  affairs,  has  led 
him  over  a  rough  path.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  story,  which  coincides  with  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  he  is  a  lionized  painter  of  por- 
traits— eccentric,  bitter,  impractical,  but,  for 
his  son's  sake,  rapidly  accumulating  money. 
The  bright  star  of  his  existence  is  that  son, 
George,  whom  he  is  about  to  enjoy,  as  they 
live  and  journey  together.  The  dark  shadow 
is  his  scornful  jealousy  of  the  boy's  wealthy 
stepfather.  Brant,  who,  after  marrying  the 
materialistic  woman  who  has  divorced 
Crampton,  has  cared  for  the  boy  and  loved 
him  generously  and  dumbly.  The  jealousy  is 
all  on  account  of  the  boy,  not  the  woman; 
for  Crampton  and  his  former  wife  have  a 
"fundamental  lack  of  things  to  say  to  each 
other." 

The  two  men  are  admirable  foils  to  each 
other:  the  irascible  father,  great  in  his  art, 
but  temperamentally  unsuccessful  in  every- 
thing else;  the  little,  stiff,  conventional 
banker,  practical,  but  inarticulate.  Julia 
Brant,  the  wife,  superficial,  fashionable,  and. 


J 


192A 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


61 


except  in  her  real  love  for  her  son,  trivial,  con- 
trasts strongly  with  Adele  Anthony,  the  true 
friend  of  them  all — "good  old  Adele,"  with 
her  antiquated  dress,  her  face  "haloed  with 
tumbling  hairpins,"  her  untidiness  and  in- 
congruities making  "a  loose  mosaic  over  the 
solid  crystal  block  of  her  character." 

Other   contrasting   characters   are   clearly 

drawn.     There  is   Madge   Talkett,   shallow, 

but  lovely  in  her  nurse's  uniform;  her  face 

"wistful,  haggard  with  the  perpetual  hurry 

of  the  aimless."    There  is  Boylston,  the  quiet, 

efficient  relief  worker,  the  "perfect  listener," 

who   knows   and   helps   everybody.     All   are 

drawn  with  naturalness ;  but  we  do  not  quite 

experience  the  emotions  of  any  of  them  as  we 

do  those  of  Crampton.     We  see  them,  as  it 

rere,  through  the  keen  visual  sense  of  the 

rtist;  yet  nothing  matters  quite  so  much  as 

le  upheaving  emotions  in  Crampton's  own 

)ul.     Even    George,   the   son,   is   perceived 

irough  a  dazzling  mist.     As  his  father  lost 

le  distinct  visual  image  of  him  at  times,  so 

10  we.    The  death  of  George  we  are  prepared 

for.    It  is  the  tragedy  of  Crampton  which  we 

feel. 

The  theme  of  the  novel  is  an  old  one  in  a 
new  guise — the  struggle  of  love  with  jealousy. 
The  love  motive  is  that  of  the  artist  for  his 
son,  the  jealousy  that  of  the  thwarted  father 
for  the  successful  stepfather.  During  a 
nightmare-ridden  and  war-torn  period  the  son 
is  snatched  away  from  both.  Meanwhile  we 
watch  the  two  motives  struggling  in  the  com- 
plex nature  of  Crampton.  The  two  men  are 
compelled  to  work  together  for  the  boy. 
Crampton  hates  it,  puts  up  with  it,  forgets  it, 
until  at  last  the  simplicity  and  inarticulate 
goodness  of  Brant  disarms  the  jealousy.  The 
realization  of  the  artist  that  at  the  last  his 
son  was  completely  at  one  with  himself  as 
with  no  one  else  gratifies  his  love;  he  sees 
the  Brants  suffering  a  loss  more  overwhelm- 
ing than  his  own,  because  they  have  had  less 
than  he,  and,  aided  by  the  good  offices  of 
Boylston  and  Adele  Anthony,  the  kindlier 
impulses  of  his  heart  triumph.  The  real 
monument  to  George  is  a  father  at  peace 
with  himself  and  just  to  those  who  are  un- 
like himself. 

Memories  of  the  Russian  Court.  By  Anna 
Virouhova.  The  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 
Pp.  400.    Price,  $— . 

In  an  age  when  it  is  not  entirely  fashion- 
able to  be  nice  about  the  great,  a  volume  such 


as  Anna  Viroubova's,  breathing  loyalty  and 
devotion  to  dead  and  fallen  royalty,  neces- 
sarily excites  a  certain  sympathetic  interest. 
As  a  record  of  the  intimate,  and  somewhat 
humdrum,  life  of  the  doomed  imperial  family 
of  Russia,  these  memoirs  have,  on  the  face 
of  them,  a  convincing  air.  One  feels  very 
clearly  both  the  charm  and  the  weakness  of 
the  Emperor  and  Empress;  their  mentalities, 
governed  by  the  rigid  principles  of  an  almost 
medieval  idealism,  simply  could  not  cope  with 
the  actual  situation,  even  if,  in  the  first  place, 
it  had  been  realized  by  them. 

Anna  Viroubova's  account  of  Rasputin  is 
one  of  the  most  interesting  things  in  the 
book,  more  especially  when  it  is  completed 
by  the  story  of  Rasputin's  death  as  related 
by  Purishkevitch,  who  took  an  active  part  in 
the  murder.  From  these  two  relations  it 
would  seem  obvious  that  the  hostile  court 
displayed  hardly  less  superstition  touching 
Rasputin  than  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
themselves.  The  man  must  have  been  pos- 
sessed of  an  extraordinary  vital  magnetism, 
which,  under  other  circumstances,  might 
have  made  him  one  of  the  great  constructive 
figures  in  history.  With  nothing  else,  it  gave 
us  the  blindly  tragic  pawn  of  destiny  which 
did  much  to  precipitate  the  fall  of  the  Rus- 
sian Empire. 

The  whole  effect  of  the  book  is  one  of  in- 
evitability. In  all  the  imperial  entourage, 
there  was  not  one  great  or  selfless  figure.  An 
almost  Oriental  atmosphere  of  petty  intrigue 
seems  unredeemed  by  the  slightest  vision  or 
vigor  of  mind,  and  it  is  a  little  sad  to  reflect 
that  not  even  the  representatives  of  foreign 
owners  appear  to  have  been  entirely  un- 
affected by  their  miasmic  surroundings. 

As  They  Abe.    French  Political  Portraits 

BY  .     Translated  by  Winifred  Katzin. 

Alfred   Knopf   Company,   New   York.     Pp. 

217.     Price.  $2.50. 

This  excellently  translated  book  might  also 
have  been  entitled  "What  Raymond  Poincar6 
Thinks  of  His  Opponents";  for,  with  admi- 
rable consistency,  every  political  figure  in 
France  which  the  present  Premier  might 
have  reason  to  fear  is  described  in  terms  all 
too  closely  approaching  the  language  of  a 
Poincar6  Simday  sermon  dealing  with  Ger- 
many or  Great  Britain. 

Caillaux,  Herriot,  Painleve,  Briand,  each 
receive  their  measure,  pressed  down  and 
flowing  over,  of  contempt,  anger,  and  hinted 


62 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


accusation ;  but  it  must  be  conceded  that  the 
chapter  concerning  Andr6  Berthelot  is  a  mas- 
terpiece of  its  kind.  Nothing  could  equal  the 
mind  that  conceived  it,  including  the  allusion 
to  Philippe  Berthelot  as  the  tool  of  his  wicked 
and  designing  brother,  except  the  mind  that 
finds  a  satisfaction  in  suppressing  the  very 
office  once  held  by  the  victim  of  its  enmity. 

French  political  life,  however,  has  always 
been  notorious  for  its  personal  venom.  What 
is,  perhaps,  a  little  pathetic  about  this  par- 
ticular political  squib  is  that  the  author  is 
almost  as  clumsy  in  his  efforts  at  praise  as 
he  is  in  his  efforts  at  detraction.  It  is  pos- 
sible to  be  amused  by  the  condescending 
patronage  extended  to  Monsieur  Clemenceau, 
or  by  the  would-be  adulatory  description  of 
Monsieur  Poincar^  himself  as  a  "national 
statesman  of  a  new  type";  but  surely  the 
chapter  on  Ren6  Viviani  should  not  have 
been  written.  If  it  is  meant  as  a  very  subtle 
depreciation  of  Monsieur  Viviani,  it  seems 
hardly  kind  or  loyal  on  the  part  of  M.  Poin- 
car^'s  admirers;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
intended  as  a  somewhat  defensive  attempt  at 
praise,  the  incidents  selected  to  illustrate 
Monsieur  Viviani's  personal  character  are  ill- 
chosen,  though  a  certain  joy  cannot  but  be 
derived  from  the  idea  of  M.  "Viviani  as  "un 
peu  brusque — mais  de  si  bon  coeur.''  On  the 
whole,  nevertheless,  it  is  always  better  to 
pass  over  M.  Viviani's  social  achievements  in 
silence. 

In  France,  of  course  a  publication  of  this 
kind  is  accepted  as  one  of  the  amenities  of 
political  life,  and  read  or  discarded  in  pro- 
portion to  its  wit,  however  cruel  or  malicious 
that  may  be.  Placed  before  the  American 
public,  however,  even  without  its  preface, 
such  a  book  is  not  calculated  to  enhance  our 
understanding  of  that  unhappy  country  whose 
purely  intellectual  achievements  have  been 
the  glory  of  our  civilization. 

The  Bubning  Speab.    By  John  OaUworthy. 

Scribner's,    New   York,      Pp.    251.      Price, 

$1.50. 

This  book  was  anonymously  published  just 
after  the  war,  and  met,  Mr.  Galsworthy  says, 
with  "the  coolness,  not  to  say  disfavor,  that 
one  would  expect."  He  assumes  that  the 
reason  for  this  disfavor  rested  with  the  pub- 
lic psychology  of  the  period.  The  time  has 
now  come,  he  thinks,  to  reissue  his  book. 

But,  however  good  the  purpose  underlying 
it,  the  book  does  not,  we  think,  justify  itself 


as  a  work  of  art.  It  does  not,  in  our  opinion, 
enhance  the  literary  reputation  of  Mr.  Gals- 
worthy. The  comparison  with  Don  Quixote 
is  a  bit  unfortunate,  since  Dr.  Lavendar,  the 
knight-errant  of  this  book,  does  not  at  all 
measure  up  to  his  Spanish  prototype.  As  a 
caricature  it  is  dull  and  bears  about  the  same 
relation  to  Don  Quixote  as  the  comic  strip 
in  the  newspaper  bears  to  the  inimitable 
drawings  of  Cruikshank  or  of  Max  Beerbohm. 

The  really  worth-while  part  of  the  book 
lies  in  the  preface,  which  does  express  clearly 
a  truth  which  we  should  think  upon.  This 
truth  relates  to  war  propaganda.  "The  war 
had  its  desperate  verities,"  he  says,  "and 
please  let  no  one  think  that  this  writer  ever 
budged  an  inch  from  his  conviction  that  his 
country  had  to  fight,  and  to  a  finish.  But 
the  fighting  that  was  done  with  words  often 
seemed  to  drag  our  cause  down,  and  to  blur, 
rather  than  to  sharpen,  its  reality.  ...  I 
do  not  believe  it  was  necessary  to  'dope' 
and  'gas'  in  my  country.  I  believe  the  man- 
agement underrated  the  qualities  of  the  pub- 
lic, as  it  almost  always  does." 

Mr.  Lavendar  was,  therefore,  intended  to 
be  farcically  idiotic.  If  only  the  author  could 
have  given  his  character  enough  verisimili- 
tude to  point  the  wit  and  make  us  laugh,  we 
could  have  better  remembered  the  story  and 
its  moral. 

NEW  BOOKS  RECEIVED 

Social  Change.  By  William  Field  Ogden. 
365  p.    B.  W.  Huebsch,  New  York. 

A  HisTOEY  OF  Ancient  Gbeek  Litebatube. 
By  H.  N.  Fowler,  Ph.  D.  467  p.  Appen- 
dices and  index.  Maemillan  Co.,  New  York. 
$3.00. 

When  Thebe  Is  No  Peace.  By  the  author 
of  The  Pomp  of  Power.  308  p.  and  index. 
George  H.  Doran  Co.,  New  York.    $3.00. 

The  Stoby  of  Utopias.  By  Lewis  Mumford. 
315  p.  Bibliography.  Boni  &  Llveright, 
New  York.    $3.00. 

The  Washington  Confebence.  By  Ray- 
mond Leslie  Buell.  461  p.  Appendices  and 
index.  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York. 
$3.00. 

The  Russian  Immigbant.  By  Jerome  Davis, 
Ph.  D.  210  p.  Bibliography.  The  Mae- 
millan Co.,  New  York.    $1.50. 

Revolution.  By  J.  D.  Beresford.  357  p. 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 


192Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


63 


Gebman  Official  Documents  Relating  to 
THE  World  War.  Translated  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment 
for  International  Peace.  Two  volumes. 
Oxford  Press,  New  York. 

As  We  See  It.  By  Bend  Viviani.  314  p. 
Harper  &  Brothers,  New  York.     $3.50. 

Economic  Effect  of  the  War  upon  Women 
AND  Children.  By  Irene  Osgood  Andrews. 
190  p.    Oxford  Press,  New  York. 

Negro  Migration  During  the  War.  By 
Emmett  J.  Scott.  189  p.  Bibliography  and 
index.    Oxford  Press,  New  York. 

Prize  Cases  Decided  in  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court.  Prepared  under  the  su- 
pervision of  James  Brown  Scott.  Two  vol- 
umes.   Clarendon  Press,  Oxford. 

Report  of  the  International  Peace  Con- 
gress, Decembeir  10-15,  1922.  210  p.  Inter- 
national Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  Am- 
sterdam. 

Judicial  Review  of  Legislation.  By  Robert 
von  Moschzisker.  139  p.,  addenda  and  in- 
dex. The  National  Association  for  Con- 
stitutional Government,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Robert  Bacon,  Life  and  Letters.  By  James 
Brown  Scott.  448  p.  and  index.  Double- 
day,  Page  &  Co.,  New  York,  $5.00. 

The  Equality  of  States.  By  Julius  Goebel. 
89  p.  Columbia  University  Press,  New 
York. 

Woodbow  Wilson's  Case  for  the  League  of 
Nations.  Compiled  by  Hamilton  Foley. 
208  p.  and  appendices.  Princeton  Univer- 
sity Press,  $1.75. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  AMERICAN 

PEACE  SOCIETY 

612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C 

Limited  numbers  of  the  following  pamph- 
lets are  available  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  the  price  quoted 
being  for  the  cost  of  printing  and  postage 
only: 

PAMPHLETS 
Ethical     and     General     Peace 
Literature : 

Published. 
Butler,  Nicholas  Murray : 

The  International  Mind 1912     $0.05 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 

Cumber    and   Entanglements 1917  .10 

Carnegie,  Andrew : 

A  League  of  Peace 1905  .10 


Crosby,  Ernest  H. : 

War  From   the  Christian  Point  of 

View   1905         .05 

Franklin  on  War  and  Peace .10 

Gladden,  Washington  : 

Is  War  a  Moral  Necessity? 1915         .10 

Green,  Thomas  E. : 

The  Burden  of  the  Nations 1914  .  10 

The  Forces  that  Failed 10 

Stanfleld,  Theodore : 

The  Divided  States  of  Europe  and 

the  United  States  of  America...   1921  .10 

Tolstoi,  Count  Leon : 

The  Beginning  of  the  End 1898  .  10 

Wales,  Julia  G. : 

"The  Conscientious  Objector" 1918  .  10 

Christ    of    the    Andes     (illustration) 

7th  edition    1914  .06 

Palace  of  Peace  at  the  Hague  (illus- 
trated)       1914  .05 

Peace  and  Children : 

Darby,  W.  Evans : 

Military  Drill  in  Schools 1911  .05 

Military  Training  for  Schoolboys : 

Symposium  from  educators 1916         .05 

Walsh,  Rev.  Walter : 

Moral  Damage  of  War  to  the  School 

Child 1911  .06 

Von  Oordt,  Bleuland  : 

Children     Building    Peace    Palace, 

post-card  (sepia) .06 

Historical  Peace  Literature : 

Kant,  Immanuel : 

Perpetual    Peace.      First    published 

In   1795,   republished  in 1897  .26 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 

The  Will  to  End  War 1920  .  16 

Levermore,  Charles  H. : 

Synopsis  of  Plans  for  International 

Organization    1919  .05 

Penn,  William : 

Peace  of  Europe.     First  published 

in   1693,   republished  in 1912  .10 

Trueblood,  Lyra : 

18th  of  May,  History  of  Its  Ob- 
servance       -06 

Scott,  James  Brown  : 

The  Development  of  Modern  Di- 
plomacy       1921  . 10 

Trueblood,  Benjamin  F. : 

International    Arbitration    at    the 

Opening  of  the  20th  Century 10 

William    Penn's    Holy    Experiment 

in  Civil   Government .10 

Tryon,   James  L. : 

A      Century      of      Anglo-American 

Peace    1914  05 

New    England    a    Factor    in     the 

Peace   Movement    1914  .  05 

Washington's  Anti-Militarism 06 

Worcester,  Noah : 

Solemn  Review  of  the  Custom  of 
War.  First  published,  Christ- 
mas, 1914,  republished  In 1904  .10 


•  A  number  of  these  books  will  be  reviewed  later. 


64 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


January 


Biographical : 
Beals,  Charles  E. : 

Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Prophet  of 

Peace    1916 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 

James  Brown  Scott.  Sketch  of  his 
services  to  the  cause  of  Inter- 
national Justice    1918 

Hemmenway,  John  : 

William  Ladd,  The  Apostle  of 
Peace    1891 

Japan  and  the  Orient : 
Deforest,  J.  H. : 

Conditions   of   Peace    Between    the 

East  and  the  West 1908 

Is  Japan  a  Menace  to  the  United 

States? 1908 

Green,  Thomas : 

War  with  Japan? 1916 

Kawakami,  Isamu  : 

Disarmament,    The    Voice    of    the 

Japanese  People 1921 

Sakatani,  Baron : 

Why  War  Between  Japan  and  the 
United  States  Is  Impossible.  . . .    1921 
Tolstoi,  Count  Leon : 

Letter  on  the  Russo-Japanese  War  1904 


International  Law : 
Call,  Arthur  D. : 

Coercion  of   States    

Three   Facts  in   American   Foreign 

Policy   

Governed    World,    A.      Three    Docu- 
ments   

Pepper,  George  Wharton: 

America  and  the  League  of  Nations 
Ralston,  Jackson  H. : 

Should    any    National    Dispute    be 

Reserved   from    Arbitration? 

Root,  Elihu: 

"The  Great  War"  and  International 

Law    

Scott,  James  Brown  : 

Organization  of  International  Law 

Public  Opinion  versus  Force 

Snow,  Alpheus : 

International    Legislation   and   Ad- 
ministration     


1908 


1921 


1917 
1915 


1917 


.10 


.10 


.10 


.05 
.05 
.10 

.10 

.10 
.10 


1920 

.05 

1921 

.10 

1921 

.10 

1921 

.10 

.05 


.10 


.10 
.05 


.10 


BOOKS 

A  limited  number  of  the  following  books 
are  on  hand  and  can  be  had  at  the  follow- 
ing reduced  prices  plus  postage: 

A        i  ^      .  Published. 

American  Foreign  Policy.  State- 
ments of  Presidents  and  Secre- 
taries of  State.  Introduction  by 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler.      132  pages  1920     $0.90 

Angell,  Norman  : 

America  and  the  New  World  State. 

305  pages 1915  qq 

Arms  and  Industry.     248  pages...   1914  .90 

Great  Illusion,  The.     416  pages . . .   1910         .  9o 


Problems   of   the   War,    The   Peace 

(paper) .    99  pages 1914-18     .  15 

Bacon,  Corinne : 

Selected   Articles   on   National   De- 
fense.    243  pages 1916  .90 

Balou,  Adin : 

Christian  Non-resistance.     278 
pages.  First  published  1846,  and 

republished    i9io         .50 

Choate,  Joseph  H. : 

The  Two  Hague  Conferences.     109 

pages 1912  .  50 

Crane,  William  Lelghton  : 

The   Passing  of   War.      298   pages. 

January   1914  .50 

Crosby,  Ernest : 

Garrison,    the    Non-resistant.      141 

pages    1905  .40 

Dymond,  Jonathan  : 

Inquiry    into    the    Accordancy    of 
War  with   Christianity    (paper). 

182  pages.     (1892  edition) 1834  .50 

Estournelle  de  Constant : 

Report  on  International  Commission 
to  Inquire  Into  the  Causes  of  the 

Balkan  Wars.     419  pages 1914  .90 

Graham,  John  William : 

Evolution     and     Empire     (paper). 

230  pages.     April 1914  .  40 

Gulick,  Sydney  L. : 

The  Fight  for  Peace.     192  pages..    1915  .30 

Hull,  William  I. : 

The  Two  Hague  Conferences.     516 

pages    1908  .  90 

Janson,  Gustaf. : 

The    Pride   of    War    (novel).      350 

pages 1912  .  90 

Jordan,  David  Starr : 

The  Human  Harvest.     122  pages..    1907  .50 

Unseen   Empire.     209  pages 1912  .60 

Ladd,  William: 

Essay   on    a   Congress   of   Nations. 
Introduction    by    James    Brown 
Scott.      162    pages.      Frist    pub- 
lished in  1840,   republished  in..    1916       1.00 
La  Fontaine,  Henri : 

The  Great  Solution.     177  pages.  .  .    1916         .70 
Lynch,  Frederick : 

The  Peace  Problem,  127  pages 1911  .75 

Through    Europe    on    the    Eve    of 

War.     152  pages 1914  .  25 

Morltzen,  Julius : 
The   Peace   Movement  of  America. 

419   pages    1912  .  90 

Scott,  James  Brown  : 

Grotius    on    the    Freedom    of    the 
Seas.      (Grotius,    first    published 

in   1608).     83   pages 1916  .90 

Peace  Through  Justice.     102  pages  1917  .70 

Second  Pan-American  Congress.     The 
Final  Act.    Commentary  by  James 

Brown  Scott.     516  pages 1916       1.00 

Von  Suttner,  Berthe : 

Lay   Down   Your   Arms    (a  novel). 

435  pages 1914       1 .00 

White,  Andrew  D. : 

The  First  Hague  Conference.     123 
pages    1905  .  50 


ADVOCATE   OF 

PEACE 

THROUGH  JUSTICE 


oAdrocate  of  ^eace,  published  regularly  since  1834 — ^the 
oldest,  largest,  and  most  widely  circulated  peace  magazine  in 
the  world — celebrates  its  ninetieth  birthday  today  by  appearing 
in  this  its  new  dress.  Until  now,  the  general  form  of  this  well- 
known  periodical  has  not  been  changed  since  1869. 


oAdvocate  of^eace  assumes  thus  a  shape  more  conform- 
able with  such  standard  monthly  magazines  as  the  National 
Geographic  and  the  Atlantic  Monthly.  The  amount  of  printed 
matter  has  been  increased  over  that  of  any  previous  year  by 
20  per  cent. 


oAdvocate  of^eace  is  the  peace  magazine  which,  when 
America  entered  the  war,  placed  upon  its  cover  these  words: 
"The  clarion,  unmistakable  call  to  every  one  of  us  now  is  that 
we  must  end  this  war  by  winning  it." 


oAdvocate  of  ^eace  is  the  official  organ  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  with  headquarters  in  Washington,  founded  by 
William  Ladd  in  1828.  Its  purpose — the  m.agazine  is  in  no 
sense  a  money-making  enterprise — is  to  promote  a  better  in- 
ternational understanding. 

American  Peace  Society 

612,  13,  14  Colorado  Building 

Washington,  D.  C. 


THE  PURPOSE 

C^OHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
iO    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
—Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  11. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthoe  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  "Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEIT  SEPTEMBER 


Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subBcriptlon 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917  ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  being  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 


Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 67 

Editorials 

Propaganda — Pro  and  Con,  the  American  Peace  Award — French  Im- 
perialism— The  Health  of  Germany — Mexican  Problem — Russia's 
Difficulty— Editorial  Notes 69-80 

World  Pbobi-ems  in  Review 

Internal  Conditions  in  France — The  German  Situation — German  Ac- 
tivities in  Holland — Italian-Spanish  Trade  Treaty — Another  Peace 
Prize  81-85 

General  Articles 

The  Winning  Plan  (including  the  full  text) 86 

By  Edward  W.  Bok 

War  (address  before  the  American  Peace  Society,  1838) 92 

By  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson 

Centenary  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 100 

By  the  Secretary  of  State 

The  Last  Cost  of  War 110 

By  David  Starr  Jordan 

Relief  of  German  Children 114 

By  Ernest  Lyman  Mills 

International  Documents 

The  Committee  of  Experts 116 

French  Economics  and  Finance 117 

The  Danish  Finance  Act 118 

News  in  Brief 119 

Letteb  Box 123 

Book  Reviews 126 


\ 


Vol.86  FEBRUARY,    192  4  No.  2 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
is  nlnety-flve  years  old.  It  has  helped  to  make  the 
fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable  peace  known 
the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  Is  to  prevent  the  Injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  built  on  Justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

/*  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  In  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World, 

Its  claim  upon  you  Is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 


ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century ;  which 
has  done  more  for  the  men,  women,  and  youth  of 
America  by  the  reaction  upon  them  of  the  spirit  of 
justice  and  fair  play  than  it  has  done  even  for  the 
peace  workers  themselves,  who  have  been  the  special 
object  of  its  effort ;  which  is  today  the  defender  of 
the  principles  of  law,  of  Judicial  settlement,  of  arbi- 
tration, of  international  conferences,  of  right-minded 
ness,  and  of  understanding  among  the  Powers.  It 
publishes  Advocate  of  Peace,  the  first  in  point  of 
time  and  the  widest  circulated  peace  magazine  in  the 
world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  In 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  Americao  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters In  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  since 
1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional   Membership,    twenty-five   dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    Include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.    Avdkew   J.   Montague,   Member   of   Congress 
from   Virginia,   Washington,   D.   C. 
Secretary : 

Aethuk    Deerin    Call,    Secretary    American    Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Treasurer: 

Geokge  W.  White,  President  National  Metropolitan 
Bank,  Washington,  D,  C, 


Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Miami,  Florida. 

Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  former  President  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon,  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Lawyer,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slayden,  Member  Council  Interpar- 
liamentary Union,   San  Antonio,  Texas. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  ex  officio. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  ex  officio. 

George  W.  White,  ex  officio. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  University,  Alabama, 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American   Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Walter  A.  Morgan,  D.  D.,  1841  Irving  Street 
N,  W.,  Washington,  D.  C, 

George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  808  Union  Trust 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Henry  C.   Morris,  Esq.,   Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Evans  Building,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  President  Fairmont  Semi- 
nary,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion  Society,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  West  74th  Street,  New 
York,   N'.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jank  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J, 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  30  Koun  Machi,  Mita  Shiba, 
Tokyo,  Japan. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New 
York. 

Pres.  William  Lowe  Bryan,  Bloomington,  Ind. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa, 

Dr.  Francis  B.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt,  Rev.  Bishop  J.  H.  Darlington,  Harrlsburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H,  P,  Faunce,  Brown  University,  Provi- 
dence, R.   I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Esq.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fiske,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Bishop   William   Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Lude.n,  Reading,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Mooee,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,  Derry,   N.  H, 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.   Frederic   Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C, 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Salida,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

•Pres.  M.  Carey  Tho.mas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

♦Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio, 

Pres.  Mart  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


•Emeritus. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  In  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth," 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  Tor  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  ci-eation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  Involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives: 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective :  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME      FEBRUARY,  1924 


NUMBER 

2 


EDITORIALS 


PROPAGANDA 


PROPAGANDA  is  a  word  with  a  per- 
fectly good  parentage,  but  its  reputa- 
tion has  suffered  of  late.  It  has  been 
rather  loosely  employed.  It  is  viewed  as 
covering  a  multitude  of  sins. 

Propaganda  is  simply  a  scheme  or  plan 
for  propagating  or  promoting  ideas  or 
doctrines.  It  ought  to  be  legitimate  to 
promote  ideas  or  doctrines.  The  church 
is  doing  that  thing  without  serious  criti- 
cism. Schools  and  missions  and  political 
parties  do  that.  A  great  deal  of  money 
is  spent  every  day  in  advertising  tenets  or 
opinions.  It  ought  to  be  proper  to  use 
propaganda  in  a  democracy.  There  is  no 
reason  for  eliminating  the  word  from  the 
upper  levels  of  word  society. 

A  distinguished  Senator  submitted  in 
the  United  States  Senate  December  20, 
1923,  a  resolution  calling  for  a  special 
committee  of  five  to  investigate  and  report 
to  the  Senate  "whether  there  is  any  or- 
ganized effort  being  made  to  control  public 
opinion  and  the  action  of  Congress  upon 
legislative  matters  through  propaganda  or 
by  the  use  of  money,  by  advertising  or  by 
the  control  of  publicity,  and  especially  to 
inquire  what,  if  any,  such  methods  are  be- 
ing employed  to  control  the  action  of  Con- 
gress .  .  .  and  what,  if  any,  such  in- 
fluences are  being  employed,  either  by 
American  citizens  or  the  representatives 
of  foreign  governments  or  foreign  institu- 
tions, to  control  or  affect  the  foreign  or 
domestic  policies  of  the  United  States." 
From  later  developments,  it  appears  that 


this  resolution  was  aimed  at  the  American 
Peace  Award,  of  which  Mr.  Bok  is  the 
leader.  Other  aims  of  the  resolution  wiU 
appear  later. 

There  surely  is  a  difference  between 
legitimate  and  illegitimate  propaganda. 
Societies  such  as  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety are  carrying  on  propaganda.  They 
are  not  ashamed  of  it;  on  the  contrary, 
they  are  proud  of  it  and  wish  they  could 
carry  it  on  more  effectively.  There  is 
nothing  underground  in  the  promotion  of 
propaganda  by  such  bodies.  Names  of 
their  officers  are  printed  from  time  to 
time.  All  moneys  received  by  them  for 
the  promotion  of  their  work  are  carefuUy 
accounted  for,  and  all  but  small  sums  are 
accredited  personally  in  their  annual  re- 
ports and  elsewhere.  It  never  has  oc- 
curred to  them  that  they  could  do  other- 
wise. They  wish  the  world  to  know  not 
only  what  they  stand  for,  but  the  people 
and  organizations  who  stand  for  them. 
This,  we  suspect,  is  an  essential  character- 
istic of  legitimate  propaganda. 

Where  the  sources  of  revenue  are  un- 
known or  are  obscure,  propaganda  is  prob- 
ably illegitimate.  Honest  propaganda  ad- 
vertises, while  dishonest  propaganda  hides, 
its  support.  That  is  the  essential  differ- 
ence. 

It  would  be  perfectly  proper — indeed, 
desirable  —  for  the  States  to  require, 
through  legislative  action,  that  every  or- 
ganization engaged  in  propaganda  should 
make  public  the  sources  and  the  amounts 
of  its  revenue. 


70 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


PRO  AND   CON— THE  AMERICAN 
PEACE  AWARD 

WE  FIND  no  reason  for  criticizing 
the  origin  or  purpose  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Award.  It  originated,  we  have 
no  doubt,  in  worthy  motives.  It  all  seems 
to  have  been  wholly  above-board.  Its  pur- 
pose as  set  forth  by  Mr.  Bok  is,  we  have 
no  reason  to  doubt,  as  he  describes  it. 
Since  in  a  democracy  progress  can  be 
achieved,  seemingly,  only  through  clash 
of  opinion  and  attrition  of  ideas,  Mr.  Bok 
is  not  only  within  his  rights;  he  is,  we 
believe,  pursuing  his  duty  as  he  sees  it. 
He  has  already  achieved  results.  In  con- 
sequence of  his  award,  men  and  women 
everywhere  are  thinking  in  terms  of  inter- 
national peace.  He  has  dramatized  the 
peace  movement.  He  has,  as  he  says, 
"stimulated  idealism  by  the  golden  spur 
of  self-interest."  Whether  or  not  the  re- 
sult will  mean  "a  united  national  mind 
within  definable  terms"  remains  to  be 
seen.  We  are  not  sure  that  his  referen- 
dum will  end  in  "an  expression  of  the 
national  will."  But  it  is  an  encourage- 
ment to  peace  workers  to  have  a  man  of 
affairs  thinking  peace,  paying  for  it,  and 
saying  "that  world  peace  can  be  attained 
if  enough  people  think  of  it,  and  desire  it, 
and  say  they  desire  it."  So  much  for  Mr. 
Bok.    With  him  we  have  no  quarrel. 

The  Judges 

The  people  whom  Mr.  Bok  called  to 
help  in  the  promotion  of  his  purpose  are 
above  reproach.  As  is  generally  known, 
practically  all  of  them  were,  before  their 
appointment,  predisposed  to  favor  the 
League  of  Nations;  but  we  are  perfectly 
confident  that  they  have  selected  the  plan, 
printed  elsewhere  in  these  columns,  in 
perfect  good  faith. 

Merits  of  Plan 

As  for  the  plan,  there  are  things  to  be 
said  in  its  favor.     Its  author  is  probably 


interested  "to  achieve  and  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  world."  He  seems  to  be  op- 
posed to  a  policy  "of  isolation  and  aloofness 
in  the  world."  He  has  discovered  that  an 
international  organization  for  the  pro- 
motion of  international  peace  based  upon 
a  force  of  arms  has  been  found  to  be 
unworkable  in  practice.  Indeed,  he  grants 
that  the  present  League  of  Nations  cannot 
operate  under  its  covenant.  While  ad- 
miring the  League,  he  condemns  its 
covenant.  He  thinks  he  sees  that  the 
League  is  moving  to  "the  foundations  so 
well  laid  by  the  world's  leaders  between 
1899  and  1907  in  the  great  international 
councils  of  that  period."  He — of  course, 
it  may  be  a  she — realizes  that  the  people 
of  the  United  States  are  "favorable  to 
international  conferences  for  the  common 
welfare,  and  to  the  establishment  of  con- 
ciliative, arbitral,  and  judicial  means  for 
settling  international  disputes."  He  real- 
izes that  moral  judgment  and  public 
opinion  are  the  ultimate  sanctions  of  any 
hopeful  agency  for  the  control  of  interna- 
tional policies.  He  knows  that  the  United 
States  Government  will  accept  no  respon- 
sibility and  assume  no  obligation  in  con- 
nection with  any  duties  imposed  upon  the 
League  by  the  peace  treaties,  "unless  in 
any  particular  case  Congress  has  author- 
ized such  action."  Perhaps  most  worthy 
of  all,  he  realizes  the  importance  of  re- 
suming the  lawmaking  processes  in  the 
realm  of  international  affairs.  He  also 
grants  without  seeming  to  realize  that  it 
offsets  the  major  part  of  his  argument, 
that  "anything  else  than  a  world  confer- 
ence, especially  when  great  powers  are  ex- 
cluded, must  incur,  in  proportion  to  the 
exclusion,  the  suspicion  of  being  an  alli- 
ance rather  than  a  family  of  nations." 
These,  in  our  opinion,  represent  all  that 
can  be  said  favorable  to  the  views  as  set 
forth  by  the  author  of  this  plan.  Since 
we  submitted  no  "plan,"  we  write  with  no 
prejudice  natural  to  a  disappointed  com- 
petitor. 


192}f 


EDITORIALS 


71 


The  Method 

There  are  objections  to  the  method 
adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Award. 
We  cannot  see  how  plural  voting  can  be 
entirely  avoided.  Only  one  plan  has  been 
submitted  to  the  public.  A  simple  affirma- 
tive and  negative  vote  under  these  cir- 
cumstances cannot  be  very  illuminating. 
Those  prejudiced  in  favor  of  the  plan  will 
vote  for  it  in  a  larger  proportion  than 
those  who  are  opposed.  It  is  wholly  un- 
likely that  the  ballot  will  give  anything 
like  an  accurate  picture  of  public  senti- 
ment. It  all  savors  of  an  organized  propa- 
ganda in  favor  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Misrepresentations  of  Fact 

The  plan  as  a  whole  is  surprisingly 
filled  with  misrepresentations  of  fact.  It 
seems  incredible  that  any  one  can  say 
seriously  that  "there  is  not  room  for  more 
than  one  organization  to  promote  inter- 
I  national  co-operation.''  There  are  at  least 
one  thousand  such  organizations  now 
working  at  that  very  business. 

The  author  tells  us  that  the  members 
of  the  League  "cannot  and  will  not  aban- 
don this  system,"  while  the  very  substance 
of  his  proposal  is  that  we  co-operate  and 
participate  in  the  work  of  the  League  with 
the  hope  that  the  League  will  abandon  its 
system. 

He  says  that  the  United  States  main- 
tains theoretically  a  policy  of  isolation, 
which  according  to  his  own  statement  of 
facts  is  not  true. 
I  Contrary  to  his  implication,  the  Wash- 

[  ington  Conference  for  the  Limitation  of 
Armaments  had  nothing,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, to  do  with  the  League  of  Nations. 

He  says  that  the  settlement  of  the 
Aaland  Islands  dispute  by  the  League  of 
Nations  "averted  a  war,"  which  is  a  mere 
assumption  and  probably  untrue. 

He  says  that  it  is  "immediately  practi- 
cable" for  the  United  States  to  extend 
co-operation  with  the  international  labor 
organizations.    Whether  or  not  it  be  "im- 


mediately practicable"  would  seem  to  de- 
pend upon  the  question  whether  or  not 
the  United  States  considers  such  co- 
operation desirable.  The  same  thing  is 
true  of  the  author's  remarks  about  our 
adherence  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  In- 
ternational Justice.  It  certainly  is  not 
true  that  these  last  suggestions  "are  in 
harmony  with  policies  already  adopted  by 
our  government,"  because  thus  far  the 
United  States  has  not  considered  them 
"practicable." 

The  author  tells  us  that  these  sugges- 
tions of  his  "do  not  involve  a  question  of 
membership  in  the  League  of  Nations  as 
now  constituted,  but  it  cannot  be  denied 
that  they  lead  to  the  threshold  of  that 
question."  His  metaphor  is  a  bit  subtle, 
and  we  miss  any  reference  to  the  good 
manners,  taste,  and  dignity  of  the  United 
States. 

He  tells  us  about  "important  modifica- 
tions" in  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  "foreshadowed"  by  its  "practical 
experience."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there 
have  been  no  such  "modifications." 

The  author  agrees  that  Articles  X  and 
XVI  of  the  covenant  "suggest  the  action 
of  a  world  State."  Here  we  believe  the 
author  is  riglit.  But,  since  the  League 
exists  still  under  this  same  unmodified 
covenant,  how  can  he  announce  that  such  a 
world  State  "does  not  now  exist"?  The 
author  imfortunately  neglects  to  teU  us 
that  leaders  of  the  League  tried  to  get  the 
League  to  act  as  a  super- State  in  the  con- 
test between  Greece  and  Italy  over  Corfu. 

He  goes  too  far  when  he  says  that  "no 
one  now  expects  the  League  Council  to 
try  to  summon  armies  and  fleets,"  for 
Lord  Eobert  Cecil,  "Savonarola  of  the 
League,"  has  from  time  to  time  expressed 
directly  a  contrary  view.  Many  of  the 
French  supporters  of  the  League  still  be- 
lieve in  armies  and  fleets  for  that  body. 

The  author  grants  that  Article  X  gives 
to  the  League  "a  protective  power  .  .  . 
on  paper."     Since  the  League  still  exists 


72 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


under  this  "paper"  and  under  no  other 
**paper,"  Article  X  does  not  seem  to  have 
disappeared  in  any  sense. 

Certainly  it  is  an  extravagance  to  say 
that  the  small  States  are  faced  with  the 
alternative  of  preserving  "a  form  of  words 
in  the  covenant"  or  of  making  it  possible 
for  the  United  States  to  sit  in  the  League 
of  Nations. 

His  reference  to  attempts  to  change 
Article  X  and  XVI  has  no  bearing  upon 
his  argument.  They  have  not  been 
changed.  Indeed,  as  he  shows,  "a  small 
group  of  weak  States,  like  Persia  and 
Panama,"  have  successfully  blocked  the 
last  attempts  at  such  changes.  So  long  as 
these  articles  remain  as  parts  of  the  cove- 
nant, it  is  difficult  to  see  how  in  any  sense 
they  have  been  reduced  "to  something  like 
innocuous  desuetude."  They  are  alive 
until  repealed. 

It  is  ],ot  true  that  the  Council  of  the 
League  has  been  unwilling  "to  inter- 
vene in  any  American  controversy."  As 
pointed  out  by  Philip  Marshall  Brown  in 
an  interview  published  in  the  New  York 
Times  under  date  of  January  8,  "the  Sec- 
retary General  of  the  League  did  actually 
proffer  the  mediation  of  the  League  in  the 
controversy  between  Panania  and  Costa 
Rica  in  1921,  concerning  an  award  by 
Chief  Justice  White,  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court.'"  The  League  interested 
itself  actively  in  the  dispute  between 
Chile  and  Peru  over  the  provinces  of 
Tacna  and  Arica.  It  is  also  true  that 
representatives  of  Latin  America  have 
been  chosen  as  presidents  of  the  League, 
and  that  the  League  has  maintained  a 
special  Bureau  on  Latin-American  affairs. 
The  author  will  find  it  difficult  to  convince 
the  United  States  of  the  importance  of  his 
statement  that  there  is  "an  unwritten  law 
limiting  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
League  Council,  defined  in  Article  XI  of 
the  covenant,  to  questions  that  seem  to 
threaten  the  peace  of  the  Old  World." 

It  is  wholly  an  unwarranted  assump- 


tion, quite  contrary  to  the  facts,  that 
under  the  Monroe  Doctrine  the  United 
States  claim  leadership  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere;  it  certainly  is  not  true  that 
the  Pan  American  Union  is  "already  a 
potential  regional  league." 

When  he  tells  us  that  the  world  of  busi- 
ness and  finance  is  already  unified,  he 
directly  contradicts  his  other  statement, 
that  "there  is  not  room  for  more  than 
one  organization  to  promote  international 
co-operation." 

Since  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  has  not  been  changed,  and  since 
he  grants  that  the  covenant  provides  for 
a  world  State,  there  is  no  justification  for 
his  conclusion  that  the  League  has  no 
"actual  powers"  except  "to  confer  and  ad- 
vise, to  create  commissions,  to  exercise  in- 
quisitive, conciliatory,  and  arbitral  func- 
tions and  to  help  elect  judges  of  the 
Permanent  Court." 

Since  the  covenant  has  not  been  changed 
in  any  of  these  particulars,  it  is  improper 
to  say  that  "the  League  has  moved  to  the 
foundations  laid  by  The  Hague  confer- 
ences of  1899  and  1907."  The  organs  of 
the  League  are  in  no  sense  "successors  to 
The  Hague  conferences.'"  The  Hague 
conferences  did  not  lack  "the  resources" 
to  create  a  "secretariat";  they  created 
one. 

These  are  some  of  the  misstatements  of 
fact  which  face  one  as  one  reads  through 
this  interesting  document. 

The  New  Thing 

The  plan  submits  two  proposals:  (1) 
that  the  United  States  Government  should 
be  authorized  to  propose  co-operation  with 
the  League  and  participate  in  the  work 
of  its  Assembly  and  Council  without  be- 
coming a  member  of  the  League  and  with 
a  variety  of  reservations;  (3)  that  the 
United  States  adhere  to  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice,  according 
to  the  proposals  of  Secretary  Hughes  and 
President    Harding    in    February,    1923. 


1924 


EDITORIALS 


n 


The  only  new  thing  in  these  proposals  is 
that  the  author  is  to  receive  $50,000  at 
once,  and,  if  his  plan  meets  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  United  States  Senate  or  with 
an  adequate  degree  of  popular  support  on 
or  before  March  4,  1935,  he  is  to  receive 
$50,000  more.    That  is  new. 

The  Proposals 

The  proposals  themselves  are  not  alto- 
gether happy. 

It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  United 
States  could  participate  in  the  work  of  the 
Assembly  and  Council  without  being  a 
member  of  the  League.  To  suggest  that 
the  United  States  should  do  so  if  it  could 
is  not  particularly  inspiring. 

How  the  United  States  can  accept  the 
League  as  an  instrument  of  mutual 
counsel,  participate  in  its  work,  without 
interfering  "with  political  questions  of 
policy  or  international  administration  of 
any  foreign  State"  does  not  readily  appear. 

Unwittingly,  evidently,  the  author  has 
submitted  a  plan  which,  taken  as  a  whole, 
is  a  thorough-going  condemnation  of  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations.  Yet 
this  covenant  is  still  the  written  law  of 
the  League.  It  has  not  been  changed. 
So  far,  it  has  been  found  impossible  to 
amend  it,  none  of  the  proposed  amend- 
ments having  been  ratified  under  Article 
26,  which  requires  a  unanimous  vote  of 
the  States  represented  on  the  Council  and 
of  a  majority  of  the  States  represented  in 
the  Assembly.  And  yet  the  author  pro- 
poses that  we  of  the  United  States  should 
participate  in  the  work  of  the  Assembly 
and  Council  operating  under  a  covenant 
condemned  not  only  by  the  author,  but 
by  the  League  itself. 

Under  the  terms  of  his  own  definition, 
the  League  of  Nations  is  open  "to  the 
suspicion  of  being  an  alliance  rather  than 
a  family  of  nations.** 

If  the  League  as  organized  is  incapable 
of  amending  its  own  statute,  what  reason 
is  there  for  believing  that  the  United 
States  can  help  "to  reconstitute"  it? 


It  Would  Have  Been  Better 

Had  Mr.  Bok  chosen  for  his  committee 
of  award,  say,  three  persons  known  to  be 
intelligently  opposed  to  the  League  of 
Nations,  three  known  to  favor  it,  and  one 
outstanding  neutral — if  such  there  be — 
and  if  a  number  of  plans  had  been  selected 
for  the  referendum,  then  something  might 
have  been  developed  likely  to  meet  with 
support  in  the  United  States  Senate. 
That  would  have  been  better. 

Another  observation:  The  whole  pro- 
ceeding is  simply  another  illustration  of 
our  modern  and  not  altogether  happy 
drift  away  from  the  moorings  fixed  by  the 
builders  of  our  Republic.  Under  the  first 
amendment  to  our  Constitution  it  is  pro- 
vided that  Congress  shall  make  no  law 
abridging  the  right  of  the  people  peace- 
ably to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  gov- 
ernment for  a  redress  of  grievances.  This 
referendum  of  the  American  Peace  Award 
comes  under  the  terms  of  this  amendment 
only  by  a  most  liberal  interpretation. 
Anyhow,  the  amendment  added  nothing  to 
the  powers  of  the  United  States  and  sub- 
tracted nothing  from  the  authority  of  the 
States.  Mr.  Justice  Marshall,  speaking 
the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  well- 
known  case  of  McCuUoch  v.  Maryland, 
said :  "No  political  dreamer  was  ever  wild 
enough  to  think  of  breaking  down  the 
lines  which  separate  the  States,  and  of 
compounding  the  American  people  into 
one  common  mass.  Of  consequence,  when 
they  act,  they  act  in  their  States." 

A  Worthier  Precedent 

Eighty-four  years  ago  the  American 
Peace  Society  offered  an  award  for  the 
best  essay  on  a  Congress  of  Nations.  The 
prize  offered  at  that  time  was  only  $1,000. 
Some  forty  plans  were  submitted.  The 
American  Peace  Society,  according  to  the 
record,  "concluded  to  accept  the  advice  of 
the  first  committee  of  award — the  Hon. 
Messrs.    Story,    Wirt,    and    Calhoun— to 


74 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


publish  the  five  best  essays,  as  the  second 
committee,     consisting     of     ex-President 
Adams,  Chancellor  Kent,  and  the  Hon. 
Daniel  Webster,  did  not  agree  on  the  suc- 
cessful competitor.    The  Peace  Society  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  their  own  body  to 
select   five  of  the   best  dissertations   for 
publication,  "having  an  eye  to  the  awards 
of   the   above-named   committees/'     The 
society    directed    its    secretary,    William 
Ladd,  to  add  a  sixth  essay.     This  Mr, 
Ladd  did.    He  noted  down  the  points  of 
the  various  essays  submitted  and  presented 
them  in  his  essay,  "with  such  reflections, 
additions,    and    historical    facts:"    as    oc- 
curred to  him  during  his  labor.    His  own 
comment  upon  his  work  reads:  "so  that 
my  claim  to  originality,  in  this  production, 
rests  much  on  the  thought  of  separating 
the  subject  into  two  distinct  parts,  viz: 
1st.  A  congress  of  ambassadors  from  all 
those  Christian  and  civilized  nations  who 
should  choose  to  send  them,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  settling  the  principles  of  inter- 
national law  by  compact  and  agreement, 
of  the  nature  of  a  mutual  treaty,  and  also 
of  devising  and  promoting  plans  for  the 
preservation  of  peace  and  meliorating  the 
condition  of  man.    2.  A  court  of  nations, 
composed  of  the  most  able  civilians  in  the 
world,  to  arbitrate  or  judge  such  cases  as 
should  be  brought  before  it,  by  the  mutual 
consent  of  two  or  more  contending  nations, 
thus  dividing  entirely  the  diplomatic  from 
the  judicial  functions,  which  require  such 
different,  not  to  say  opposite,  characters 
in  the  exercise  of  their  functions,    I  con- 
sider the  Congress  as  the  legislature  and 
the  court  as  the  judiciary,  in  the  govern- 
ment of  nations,  leaving  the  functions  of 
the   executive  with   public   opinion,   'the 
queen  of  the  world.'    This  division  I  have 
never  seen  in  any  essay  or  plan  for  a  con- 
gress   or    diet    of    independent    nations, 
either  ancient  or  modern,  and  I  believe  it 
will  obviate  all  the  objections  which  have 
been  heretofore  made  to  such  a  plan." 
This  essay  by  William  Ladd,  written  in 


1840,  according  to  a  leading  international 
authority  of  our  day,  "contains  every 
worthy  thing  that  has  been  said  or  can  be 
said  upon  the  problem  of  international 
peace."  The  Hague  system,  toward  which 
the  author  of  the  Bok  plan  tells  us  the 
League  of  Nations  is  rapidly  drifting,  de- 
veloped out  of  the  principles  set  forth  in 
this  essay.  Should  Mr.  Bok  be  minded  to 
publish  a  number  of  the  plans  submitted 
in  competition  for  his  award,  possibly  an- 
other William  Ladd  may  arise  in  this 
century  to  advance  the  methods  of  peace. 
The  author  of  this  plan  is  not  he. 


AS  TO  FRENCH  IMPERIALISM 

FRANCE  does  not  consider  that  she  is 
bent  upon  a  policy  of  imperialism,  if 
by  imperialism  is  meant  a  policy  of  ex- 
tending control,  dominion,  or  empire  over 
another  nation.  She  entertains  no  such 
purpose.  She  insists  that  she  is  as  demo- 
cratic as  any  other  nation.  Her  occupa- 
tion of  the  Ruhr  started  in  no  plan  to  dis- 
member Germany,  to  destroy  Germany,  or 
to  dominate  Europe.  As  pointed  out  by 
M.  Poincare,  had  France  desired  to  dis- 
member Germany,  France  would  have 
taken  Frankfort,,  occupied  the  valley  of 
the  Main,  separated  Bavaria  from  Prussia, 
and  broken  Germany  in  two.  She  did 
nothing  of  the  sort. 

France  entered  the  Ruhr  because  Ger- 
many had  defaulted  her  obligations  for 
three  years.  Germany  became,  France  be- 
lieves, deliberately  an  insolvent  debtor. 
As  is  the  practice  in  such  cases,  France 
applied  economic  pressure.  M,  Poincare 
explained  the  motives  of  France  as  fol- 
lows: "We  have  not  the  slightest  wish  to 
appropriate  the  property  of  others  or  to 
do  violence  to  the  conscience  of  men.  We 
have  no  intention  of  annexing  any  portion 
of  German  territory,  and  we  dismiss  with 
the  contempt  they  deserve  the  accusations 
of  imperialism  brought  against  France." 

The  Treaty  of  Versailles  is  a  fact.    As 


192J^ 


EDITORIALS 


75 


such  it  ranks  among  the  supreme  laws  for 
the  nations  that  ratified  that  instrument. 
France  cannot  change  that  treaty.  It  is 
the  duty  of  all  parties  to  the  treaty  to 
maintain  it  until  it  has  been  changed  ac- 
cording to  methods  mutually  accepted  for 
such  a  proceeding.  In  defending  the 
treaty,  the  French  believe  they  are  defend- 
ing the  cause  of  peace.  "And,  what  is 
more,"  says  the  Prime  Minister  of  France, 
"they  are  defending  the  future  of  the  Ger- 
man Republic  against  the  consequences  of 
its  aberrations.  They  will  complete  their 
work  of  justice  and  once  again  will  have 
deserved  well  of  their  country." 

France  has  no  designs  of  occupying 
German  territory  permanently.  Nothing 
is  further  from  her  aims.  In  the  lan- 
guage of  W.  D.  Guthrie,  of  the  New  York 
Bar: 

"The  French  are  too  intelligent  and 
fair-minded  not  to  appreciate  that  their 
permanent  welfare  and  prosperity  as  well 
as  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  their 
allies  demand  that  normal  economic  con- 
ditions should  be  restored  in  Europe  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  I  am  confident  that 
they  are  sincerely  desirous  of  co-operating 
to  that  end  and  ready  to  make  any  addi- 
tional sacrifices  that  may  be  found  to  be 
equitable  and  reasonably  within  their 
power  to  make.  But,  while  willing  to  co- 
operate, they  are  not  willing  further  to 
handicap  their  future  and  security.  They 
profoundly  apprehend  that  if  Germany, 
intact,  undevastated,  and  unimpaired  in 
productive  resources  and  national  wealth, 
be  rehabilitated  economically,  while 
France  is  left  drained  of  capital  resources 
by  the  unreimbursed  cost  of  reconstruc- 
tion and  pensions  and  the  burden  of  her 
war  debts  and  taxation,  it  will  only  be  a 
few  years  before  an  impoverished  and 
economically  weak  France — impoverished 
and  weakened  through  no  fault  of  her 
own — will  lie  at  the  mercy  of  a  restored 
and  strong  Germany,  with  the  probability, 
in  the  light  of  the  experiences  of  the  past, 
that  France  will  be  again  invaded  and 
devastated." 

France  believes  that  she  is  safeguarding 
civilization.     She  believes  that  she  is  do- 


ing this  by  carrying  out  her  pledges.  She 
believes  also  that  she  is  carrying  out  the 
pledges  of  her  allies.  She  has  not  forgot- 
ten what  she  and  all  her  allies  believed  in 
1914,  that  Germany's  offense  was  an  of- 
fense against  civilization.  She  believes  by 
all  the  laws  of  war  and  by  all  the  laws  of 
morality  that  Germany  has  not  been  asked 
to  pay  too  much.  She  has  seen  the  amount 
assessed  against  Germany  whittled  down 
from  800  billion  gold  marks  to  480  bil- 
lion, proposed  by  the  British  at  Paris,  to 
132  billion,  named  by  the  Committee  on 
Reparations,  to  50  billion  under  the  terms 
of  the  London  settlement,  notwithstand- 
ing that  the  figure  approved  by  the  Amer- 
icans in  Paris  was  120  billion  and  by 
Bonar  Law  in  December,  1922,  60  billion. 

France  knows  that  Germany*s  wealth  in 
natural  resources,  in  the  number  of  her 
people,  and  in  the  ability  of  those  people 
is  greater  than  her  own.  France  knows 
that  Germany  produces  per  acre  more 
wheat,  rye,  barley,  oats,  and  potatoes  than 
France,  Austria,  Hungary,  or  the  United 
States.  France  remembers  the  great  in- 
crease in  German  wealth  during  the  dec- 
ade preceding  1913.  She  knows  that  Ger- 
many has  four-fifths  of  the  coal  on  the 
continent  of  Europe  and  iron  a  plenty. 
She  knows  that  water  power,  potash,  min- 
eral salts,  zinc,  copper,  lead,  and  tin  are 
found  in  abundance  in  Germany. 

The  Haber  process  of  nitrogen  fixation 
by  direct  synthesis  is  one  of  the  world's 
most  colossal  sources  of  wealth.  There 
are  two  plants  in  Germany  manufacturing 
nitrogen  under  this  process  with  a  capac- 
ity of  300,000  tons  annually.  This  con- 
stitutes an  annual  supply  of  nitrogen  ex- 
ceeding that  of  all  the  rest  of  the  world 
put  together.  It  means  15,000,000  tons 
of  fertilizer  for  Germany — an  amount 
twice  that  ever  used  by  the  United  States 
in  one  year.  Furthermore,  every  one 
knows  that  this  same  nitrogen  can  be 
turned  into  explosives  at  a  moment's  no- 
tice. 


re 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


Taxes  per  capita  in  Germany  for  the 
year  1920  found  her  tenth  in  the  list  of 
the  larger  powers. 

Germany's  wealth  is  intact,  while 
French  wealth  has  been  largely  ruined. 

France  believes  that  Germany  had  the 
means  to  pay;  that  she  only  lacked  the 
will. 

France  believes  that  the  logic  of  her 
policy  is  irrefutable.  France  was  attacked. 
She  bore  the  brunt  of  the  war.  She  was 
all  but  destroyed.  With  the  aid  of  her 
friends,  she  defeated  Germany.  She  has 
made  no  claim  save  that  the  destructions 
wrought  by  Germany  should  be  made 
good.  She  was  deceived  by  Mr.  Wilson 
and  by  Lloyd  George.  She  waited  four 
years  without  results.  The  methods  which 
she  finally  employed  were  not  as  brutal  as 
were  the  methods  adopted  by  Bismarck  in 
1871.  She  entered  the  Euhr  with  the  pur- 
pose of  creating  in  Germany  the  will  to 
pay.  She  met  resistance.  She  saw  Ger- 
many counting  on  a  split  between  France 
and  England.  She  saw  the  German  mark 
follow  the  curve  of  German  prodigality 
and  the  willful  sequestration  of  German 
money.  She  saw  Germany  pursue  delib- 
erately the  policy  of  self-ruin.  France 
ended  the  resistance.  She  is  now  evacu- 
ating German  territory  in  proportion  as 
she  is  receiving  payments.  She  is  stand- 
ing by  the  treaty.  She  denies,  therefore, 
!;he  charge  of  imperialism  and  war-bait- 
ng.  She  believes  that  she  is  safeguarding 
.jivilization  by  carrying  out  her  pledges 
and  ours,  by  applying  her  mind  to  the 
facts  and  by  pursuing  the  logic  of  the 
situation. 

French  policy  in  the  Ruhr  is  not  M. 
Poincare's  policy;  it  is  French  policy. 
The  support  of  the  Prime  Minister 
throughout  France  is  more  nearly  unani- 
mous than  is  the  support  of  any  other 
statesman  in  Britain  or  the  United  States. 
He  was  recently  re-elected  to  the  Senate 
in  his  own  Department  by  almost  a  unani- 
mous vote.    In  the  recent  election  France 


assumed  a  solid  front  in  the  face  of  the 
British  political  contest. 

France  was  not  imperialistic  when  she 
gave  up  large  parts  of  Canada,  following 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  1713,  nor  when 
she  retired  from  India  a  few  years  later. 
She  was  not  imperialistic  when  she  signed 
a  treaty  of  alliance  with  our  forefathers 
February  6, 1778.  So  generous  was  France 
in  that  treaty  that  the  Prime  Minister 
of  Spain  called  her  "a  glaring  instance  of 
Quixotism."  These  same  forefathers  of 
ours  did  not  consider  France  imperialistic 
when,  following  our  Revolutionary  War, 
she  asked  for  no  advantage  under  the 
treaty  or  for  any  reimbursement  because 
of  the  costs  which  had  been  imposed  upon 
her  because  of  our  war  for  liberation. 
France  was  not  considered  imperialistic 
when  she  was  the  inspiration  of  democ- 
racy everywhere  before  and  after  Napo- 
leon. It  was  France  who  liberated  Greece 
at  Navarino  in  1827;  who  did  the  same 
for  Belgium  before  the  walls  of  Antwerp 
in  1832;  who  later  helped  toward  the  es- 
tablishment of  independence  in  Rumania, 
and  who  made  possible  the  unity  of  Italy 
when  she  stood  at  Magenta  and  Solferino, 
without  which  there  could  have  been  no 
peace  of  Villafranca.  Reviewing  these 
last  contributions  of  France,  Charles  Dow- 
ner Hazen,  professor  of  history  in  Colum- 
bia University,  does  not  call  France  im- 
perialistic. He  calls  her  the  "liberator  of 
nations." 

The  very  existence  of  the  third  Repub- 
lic is  the  supreme  answer  to  the  charge 
that  France  is  imperialistic. 

"La  duce  France."  "There  is  no  cul- 
ture but  the  French,"  said  Nietzsche. 
"The  most  beautiful  kingdom  after  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven,"  wrote  Grotius. 
And  our  own  Benjamin  Franklin,  after 
years  of  residence  in  France,  expressed 
the  sentiment  that  "every  man  has  two 
mother  countries,  his  own  and  then 
France."  Surely  there  are  no  people  more 
socially   developed,   more   gracious,  more 


192  Jf 


EDITORIALS 


77 


artistic,  more  "infinitely  civilized,"  than 
the  French.  No  people  ever  become  more 
exalted  in  crises  than  the  French.  No 
race  has  a  greater  hatred  for  cant,  senti- 
mentality, insincerity,  brag,  and  bombast 
than  the  French. 

It  is  natural  and  inevitable  that  France 
should  indignantly  deny  the  charge  of 
imperialism.  She  believes  that  she  is  safe- 
guarding civilization  by  carrying  out  her 
pledges,  by  defending  her  treaty  obliga- 
tions, by  helping  the  rest  of  us  to  fulfill 
our  pledges,  by  carrying  on  in  the  name 
of  all  those  high  purposes  with  which  she 
is  thrilled  when  she  utters  these,  her  most 
sacred  of  words.  La  Patrie. 


THE  HEALTH  OF  GERMANY 

THE  expert  committee  on  reparations 
is  evidently  to  look  after  Germany's 
health.  That  is  encouraging  news.  Gen- 
eral Charles  G.  Dawes  has  discovered  al- 
ready that  Germany  is  ill.  Her  capacity 
to  pay  is  weak ;  so  the  General  has  decided 
that  the  economic  processes  of  Germany 
will  have  to  revive  under  a  stable  currency 
and  under  a  balanced  budget  before  the 
doctors  can  go  further.  The  basic  and 
controlling  lesions  being  brought  to  light, 
the  treatment  can  be  administered. 

In  his  address  to  the  expert  committee 
January  14  he  said:  "Any  common-sense 
individual  can  estimate  the  distance  a  well 
man  can  run.  Fifty  medical  experts  gath- 
ered around  the  bedside  of  a  dying  patient 
will  give  fifty  estimates  of  how  far  he  can 
run  if  he  gets  well.  The  Keparations 
Commission  and  the  world,  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  Germany's  capacity  to  pay,  have 
been  listening  thus  far  to  the  medical  ex- 
perts. Let  us  first  help  Germany  to  get 
well." 

That  sounds  like  common  sense;  it  also 
sounds  like  sympathy.  That  is  an  encour- 
aging note. 

We  do  not  realize  the  barriers  erected  by 
national  pride  and  selfish  interest.     The 


General  is  right.  During  his  short  so- 
journ in  France  the  General  has  seen 
things.  He  tells  us  "of  those  foul  and 
carrion-loving  vultures — the  nationalistic 
demagogues  of  all  countries — who  would 
exploit  their  pitiful  personalities  out  of  a 
common  misfortune."  So  far,  nobody 
seems  to  have  arisen  to  ask  to  whom  the 
General  referred.  The  General  feels  that 
since  there  was  a  complete  allied  co-oper- 
ation when  the  nations  were  faced  with  an 
overwhelming  emergency  in  1914,  there 
should  be  now  a  complete  allied  co-oper- 
ation and  for  the  same  reason.  That  is  a 
general  proposition,  but  it  sounds  good. 

The  economists  who  have  written  books 
recently  on  the  economic  situation  in  Eu- 
rope get  little  comfort  from  General 
Dawes'  speech.  The  General  tells  them 
that  they  have  stirred  up  "an  impenetrable 
and  colossal  fog  bank  of  economic  opin- 
ion" based  upon  rapidly  shifting  premises. 
So  in  his  attempt  to  crown  common  sense 
as  king  he  begins  by  recognizing  that  the 
foundations  of  economic  Germany  have 
well-nigh  crumbled  away,  and  with  them 
the  productivity  of  the  German  people. 
Having  lost  their  capacity  for  work,  Ger- 
many has  lost  her  capacity  to  pay.  The 
remedies  offered  have,  in  the  main,  been 
surcharged  with  political  poisons.  Evi- 
dently the  expert  committee  on  repara- 
tions propose  to  apply  their  business 
minds  uninfluenced  by  political  ambitions 
or  thought  of  personal  consequences. 
They  are  going  at  once  about  the  business 
of  stabilizing  Germany  and  balancing  the 
German  budget.  Every  right-thinking 
person  wishes  them  success.  The  German 
people  may  well  be  encouraged,  for  out  of 
this  new  and  disinterested  examination  of 
the  facts  there  ought  to  come  the  begin- 
nings of  the  new  day  for  the  stricken  Ger- 
man people. 

There  is  in  Germany  an  abiding  belief 
in  this  great  new  day  for  that  people. 
There  is  every  historical  reason  for  believ- 
ing that  those  highly  intelligent  folk  will 


78 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


come  again  to  the  principles  of  self-gov- 
ernment, take  up  their  industrial,  social 
and  educational  work,  and  become  re- 
spected once  more  by  their  neighbors. 


AGAIN,  THE  MEXICAN  PROBLEM 

MEXICO  has  become  again  a  cloud 
on  the  Pan-American  sky.  At  a 
time  when  we  had  begun  to  breathe  easily 
over  this  situation  because  of  the  resump- 
tion of  normal  diplomatic  relations  with 
Mexico,  De  la  Huerta,  until  recently  a 
member  of  the  Obregon  Cabinet,  now  a 
candidate  for  the  high  ofifice  of  President 
of  the  Eepublic,  has  been  able  to  finance 
and  to  carry  on  a  revolutionary  movement 
of  no  mean  proportions.  Our  Executive 
Department,  wishing  to  aid  the  Mexican 
Government,  which  we  have  recently  rec- 
ognized, decided  to  furnish  military  sup- 
plies to  President  Obregon.  Public  opin- 
ion of  the  United  States  hoped  that  this 
would  mean  the  speedy  termination  of  the 
revolution.  To  date  such  has  not  been  the 
result. 

The  situation  is  highly  complicated. 
Rebels  have  had  a  way  of  winning  out  in 
Mexico.  Madero  was  successful  against 
Diaz;  Huerta  was  successful  against  Ma- 
dero; Carranza  was  successful  against 
Huerta.  Is  the  present  Huerta  to  be  suc- 
cessful against  Obregon? 

Huerta  has  attempted  to  blockade  Tam- 
pico.  He  may  be  able  to  shut  off  com- 
merce with  that  city,  including  United 
States  commerce.  As  a  belligerent  he 
claims  to  be  within  his  rights.  But  the 
United  States  has  not  recognized  the 
Huertistas  as  belligerents.  So  far  as  the 
United  States  is  concerned,  Huerta  is 
therefore  without  status  in  international 
law.  President  Obregon  has  asked  the 
privilege  of  transferring  his  troops  across 
United  States  territory.  From  a  military 
point  of  view,  Obregon's  request  should  be 
granted.  Texas  has  agreed.  In  the  mean- 
time Huerta  has  succeeded  in  getting  war 


supplies  from  England.  Obregon,  with  no 
fighting  ships  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  has 
been  unable  to  stop  Huerta  from  landing 
these  supplies  at  Vera  Cruz.  Thus  the 
United  States  furnishes  military  supplies 
to  Obregon,  while  English  manufacturers 
supply  the  revolutionists.  In  the  mean- 
time our  commerce,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
rights  of  our  nationalists  in  Mexico,  is 
threatened. 

The  United  States  has  sent  battleships 
to  Mexico.  Shall  we  have  to  send  troops 
to  the  aid  of  Obregon?  We  have  started 
out  to  help  Obregon  defeat  Huerta. 
Where  shall  we  draw  the  line? 

Of  course,  what  we  are  to  do  in  Mexico 
will  depend  largely  upon  the  state  of  pub- 
lic opinion  in  our  country.  At  the  mo- 
ment there  is  no  demand  that  American 
forces  be  used  against  Huerta.  Our  policy 
of  establishing  an  embargo  on  shipments 
of  arms  to  Mexico  has  not  been  effective 
in  similar  situations  heretofore.  It  may 
not  prove  effective  now. 

The  issue,  of  course,  is  clear.  General 
Obregon  wishes  his  successor  in  office  to 
be  his  friend  Calles.  De  la  Huerta,  wish- 
ing the  presidency  himself,  has  started  the 
revolution  to  thwart  the  will  of  Obregon. 
The  only  hopeful  solution  of  a  situation 
like  this  would  seem  to  lie  in  the  good 
sense  and  patriotism  of  the  Mexican  peo- 
ple themselves. 


RUSSIA'S  DIFFICULTY 

RUSSIA  has  had  a  hard  time  convinc- 
ing the  nations  of  the  world  that  she 
is  a  fit  companion.  Her  governmental  ex- 
periment does  not  appeal  either  to  the 
common  sense  or  the  imagination  of  other 
governments.  The  agencies  in  control  of 
that  country  are  a  Soviet  Government,  a 
Russian  Communist  Party,  and  the  Third 
International.  Collectively  they  repre- 
sent a  united  and  energetic  opposition  to 
capitalistic  forms  of  government,  to  capi- 
talistic society  wherever  organized.    True, 


192  Jf 


EDITORIALS 


79 


the  Eussian  Communists  have  found  that 
their  theories  do  not  work  in  their  own 
country.  So  far  as  they  have  been  able  to 
bring  anything  like  order  out  of  their 
chaos,  they  have  found  it  necessary  to 
adopt  the  methods  of  the  capitalists.  In 
the  main,  their  movement  seems  to  have 
been  the  evolution  of  an  adolescent  enthu- 
siasm coming  slowly  at  last  to  the  sense  of 
an  approaching  maturity. 

Under  date  of  December  22  we  wrote  to 
Senator  William  E.  Borah  as  follows: 

"Please  tell  me  if  I  am  wrong  in  the 
following  assumptions  relative  to  the  posi- 
tion of  Eussia  in  our  modern  world.  I 
understand  the  facts  to  be — 

"First,  that  there  are  three  agencies  in 
control  of  affairs  in  Eussia:  a  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment, controlled  by  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Eussian  Communist 
Party,  which  Communist  Party  is  theo- 
retically under  the  control  of  the  Central 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Third  Inter- 
national. In  practice,  however,  I  under- 
stand that,  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Communist  Party  controls  at  present 
the  Third  International. 

"Scond,  that  the  Third  International 
is  organized  under  the  constitution  of  the 
Second  World  Congress,  held  in  1920, 
which  constitution  has  not  been  changed. 

"Third,  that  under  this  constitution  the 
scheme  for  the  organization  of  the  world 
is  that  there  shall  be  one  Communist 
Party  in  each  country,  which  Communist 
Party  shall  control  the  Soviet  Government 
in  each  country,  and  which  shall  itself  be 
under  the  control  of  the  Central  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Third  Interna- 
tional, as  a  world  organization. 

"Fourth,  that  a  number  of  the  impor- 
tant members  of  the  Soviet  Government 
in  Eussia  are  also  members  of  the  Central 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Eussian  Com- 
munist Party,  and  in  turn  they  are  also 
members  of  the  Central  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  the  Third  International,  For, 
example,  Lenin,  Trotsky,  and  Kamenev 
are  members  of  all  three  organizations. 
Zinoviev,  the  president  of  the  Central  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  of  the  Third  Interna- 
tional, is  a  member  of  the  Central  Execu- 
tive Committee  of  the  Eussian  Communist 
Party. 


"Do  not  these  facts  make  Zinoviev  fully 
as  responsible  for  the  policies  and  actions 
of  the  Soviet  Government  as  Lenin, 
Trotsky,  and  Kamenev  for  the  policies  and 
actions  of  the  Third  International?  And 
do  not  these  facts  establish  beyond  any 
doubt  the  insoluble  connection  between  the 
Soviet  Government,  the  Eussian  Commu- 
nist Party,  and  the  Third  International? 
Under  this  system  of  interlocking  direc- 
torates, is  it  not  difficult  to  distinguish  be- 
tween the  responsibilities  of  the  three 
agencies  as  proposed  by  the  Third  Inter- 
national? Does  not  Mr.  Tchitcherin  hide 
behind  a  mere  technicality  when  he  says 
that  the  Soviet  Government  has  sent  no 
instructions  to  the  American  Workers' 
Party?". 

To  date  the  Senator  has  been  too  busy 
to  reply. 


OUE  objections  to  the  winning  plan  of 
the  American  Peace  Award  arise 
from  no  criticism  of  its  origin  or  purpose. 
We  grant  that  there  are  merits  in  the  plan. 
While  there  are  objections  to  the  methods 
employed,  we  do  not  object  to  the  plan  on 
that  ground.  We  are  opposed  to  the  plan 
because  it  contains  nearly  a  score  of  mis- 
statements or  misrepresentations  of  fact; 
because  it  proposes  that  we  work  under  a 
covenant  which  the  author  himself  con- 
demns and  which  he  shows  the  League  it- 
self condemns;  and,  more  important,  be- 
cause we  believe  there  is  a  much  better 
plan.  Eeaders  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace 
know  what  that  plan  is. 


WHEN  radicals  come  into  power,  then 
responsibility  gradually  makes  them 
over  into  conservatives.  Mr.  Eamsay  Mc- 
Donald, just  beginning  his  job  as  Prime 
Minister  of  Great  Britain,  will  prove  no 
exception  to  this  rule.  With  the  duties 
of  office  almost  upon  him,  he  complained 
of  Britain's  indecisive  and  ineffective  for- 
eign policies.  He  moaned  over  the  con- 
ditions of  Central  Europe.  He  pleaded 
for  new  policies  and  new  machinery  and 


80 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


for  the  day  when  diplomacy  will  be  han- 
dled more  skillfully,  more  sympathetically 
for  the  susceptibility  of  other  peoples;  but 
he  was  quick  to  add  that  what  England 
wants  at  the  same  time  is  "a  friendly  but 
firm  assertion"  of  her  "own  interests." 
He  went  on  to  add :  "We  must  have  a  new 
beginning.  We  cannot  be  disregarded; 
our  interests  will  not  allow  us  to  be  disre- 
garded, and  I  am  perfectly  certain  that  no 
nation  in  Europe  wishes  to  disregard  us  if 
we  show  enough  self-respect  to  impress  it 
upon  them."  Of  such  is  radical  idealism 
faced  with  the  responsibilities  for  action 
in  government. 


THE  Permanent  Court  of  Interna- 
tional Justice,  organized  by  the 
League  of  Nations,  has  occupied  a  large 
place  in  public  discussion.  Numbers  of 
inquiries  come  to  this  office  asking  for 
material  relative  to  this  project.  We  call 
attention  to  the  little  book  reviewed  else- 
where in  these  columns,  entitled  the  "Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice." 
This  book,  which  can  be  obtained  from 
this  Society,  will  be  particularly  service- 
able for  persons  interested  in  working  up 
debates  for  or  against  the  court. 


THE  Treaty  of  Versailles  may  be  char- 
acterized as  the  curse  of  Europe;  yet 
this  treaty  is  a  fact.  It  is  the  supreme  law 
of  Europe,  now  as  upon  the  day  of  its  rati- 
fication, five  years  ago.  There  will  come 
a  day  when  the  treaty  will  be  altered ;  but 
any  modification  will  have  to  follow  the 
usual  processes  of  the  conference,  redraft, 
and  ratification.  At  the  moment  it  is  the 
foundation  upon  which  rest  the  new  States 
of  Europe  and  the  law-abiding  behavior 
of  all  parties  to  the  treaty.  Mr.  Louis 
Barthou,  President  of  the  Eeparations 
Commission,  in  his  address  of  welcome  to 
the  committee  of  experts,  of  which  our 
General  Dawes  is  now  the  chairman,  said : 
"The  Treaty  of  "Versailles  is  our  charter. 


It  shall  be  yours.  It  is  within  its  scope 
that  in  conformity  with  article  234  you 
will  pursue  your  work  in  full  independ- 
ence and  high  impartiality."  Mr.  Barthou 
here  expresses  the  French  will.  France  is 
determined  that  the  Treaty  of  Versailles 
shall  not  be  considered  as  a  mere  scrap  of 
paper.  This  is  a  fundamental  fact,  the 
starting  point  for  any  reconstruction  of 
Europe. 


AEEPOETER  who  has  devoted  a  num- 
ber of  years  to  interviewing  travelers 
just  returned  from  Europe  has  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  opinions  on  conditions 
in  Europe  can  be  easily  classified  for  the 
convenience  of  the  press.  This  he  believes 
to  be  a  very  simple  matter.  He  finds  that 
practically  every  person  returning  from 
Europe  has  adopted  one  of  seven  theories. 
These  theories  he  summarizes  as  follows: 
(1)  The  Tory  theory — Hurrah  for  Mus- 
solini! (2)  The  Liberal  theory — Hurrah 
for  England!  (3)  The  Eadical  theory- 
Hurrah  for  Eussia !  (4)  The  Professional 
World  War  Veteran  theory — Hurrah  for 
France!  (5)  The  Isolationists'  theory — 
Hurrah  for  Us!  (6)  The  Pro-League 
theory — Hurrah  for  Everybody!  (7)  The 
Average  Man  theory — ^Well,  well,  well! 
We  gather  the  impression  from  the  tenor 
of  his  remarks  that  there  should  be  added 
an  eighth,  the  Eeporter's  theory — Oh, 
» 


IS  France  proceeding  from  worthy  mo- 
tives, safeguarding  civilization  by  car- 
rying out  the  provisions  of  the  treaty? 
Frederick  Bausman,  a  former  member  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  Wash- 
ington, has  written  a  book — "Let  France 
Explain" — published  in  England,  in 
which  he  develops  the  thesis  that  "France 
is  a  spoiled  child,  and  a  dangerously 
spoiled  child."  In  the  next  number  of 
the  Advocate  of  Peace  we  shall  print  a 
review  of  this  book  by  a  well-known  pub- 
licist. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


INTERNAL  CONDITIONS  IN 
FRANCE 

THE  pronounced  decline  of  the  franc 
has  increased  living  costs  in  France 
and  adversely  affected  government  finan- 
ces, according  to  a  cable  to  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  from  Commercial 
Attache  Chester  Lloyd  Jones  at  Paris. 
Manufacturers,  especially  metallurgists, 
are  profiting  temporarily  from  the  export 
demand  created  by  the  declining  franc. 

Exports  in  November  were  valued  at 
3,942,000,000  francs,  compared  with 
2,814,000,000  francs  in  October,  and  im- 
ports at  3,161,000,000  francs,  compared 
with  3,068,000,000  francs.  Eleven  months' 
exports  totaled  27,318,000,000  francs,  of 
which  foodstuffs  constituted  2,885,000,000 
francs;  raw  materials,  8,295,000,000; 
manufactured  goods,  14,685,000,000,  and 
parcel  post  packages,  1,452,000,000 
francs.  Imports  for  the  period  were 
valued  at  28,781,000,000  francs,  of  which 
foodstuffs  constituted  6,672,000,000 
francs;  raw  material,  18,210,000,000 
francs,  and  manufactured  articles,  3,898,- 
000,000  francs.  The  tonnage  of  exports 
in  the  eleven  months'  period  was  22,- 
126,000  metric  tons  and  of  imports  49,- 
756,000  metric  tons,  of  which  coal  formed 
28,000,000  tons. 

Weather  Unfavorable  to  Crops 

Continued  rains,  low  temperatures,  and 
insects  are  retarding  the  progress  of  the 
spring  crops.  The  serious  overflow  of  the 
Seine  has  caused  the  shutdown  of  many 
suburban  factories.  Preventive  measures 
have  been  expensive  to  the  Paris  munici- 
pality. 

Wholesale  prices  in  France  in  November 
showed  a  considerable  increase  from  the 
prices  in  the  preceding  month,  according 
to  statistics  issued  by  the  Statistique 
Generale.  The  basis  for  the  figures  for 
both  months  has  been  changed  from  aver- 
age 1913  prices  to  average  prices  in  July, 
1914.  The  following  table  shows  the  ad- 
vances : 


October,     November, 
Commodities.  1923.  1923. 

General    index,    all    com- 
modities    429  452 

Vegetables 343  358 

Animal  foodstuffs 402  414 

Item  Including  sugar 448  487 

All  foodstuffs 386  404 

Textiles    539  592 

Metals  and  minerals 438  461 

Miscellaneous 441  456 

All  industrials 467  494 

The  Paris  retail  foodstuffs  price  index 
for  November,  also  based  on  July,  1914, 
prices,  was  355,  compared  with  349  for 
October. 


81 


THE  GERMAN  SITUATION 

THE  response  to  the  invitations  ex- 
tended in  December  by  the  Repara- 
tions Commission  to  the  Allied  and  Asso- 
ciated Powers  to  suggest  experts  for  the 
two  committees  decided  upon  resulted  in 
further  invitations  being  sent  to  the  fol- 
lowing nominees,  the  first  two  to  sit  upon 
the  committee  for  inquiry  into  the  Ger- 
man budgetary  situation  and  German  cur- 
rency, and  the  third  upon  the  committee 
to  investigate  the  problem  of  German 
holdings  abroad: 

United  States:  General  Charles  G. 
Dawes,  Mr.  Owen  D.  Young,  and  Mr. 
H.  M.  Robinson. 

Great  Britain:  Sir  Robert  Kindersley, 
Sir  Josiah  Stamp,  and  Mr.  Reginald  Mc- 
Kenna. 

France:  Georges  Parmentier  and  Pro- 
fessor Allix. 

Italy:  Dr.  Alberto  Pirelli,  Professor 
Frederico  Flora,  and  Signor  Mario  Al- 
berts 

Belgium:  Baron  Houtart,  M.  Emile 
Francqui,  and  M.  Albert  Edouard  Jansen. 

The  first  committee  opened  its  sessions 
on  January  14,  the  second  on  January  21. 

The  Reparations  Inquiry 

The  keynote  of  the  experts'  deliberations 
was  given  by  General  Dawes  in  a  speech. 


83 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


at  the  opening  of  the  first  committee,  in  a 
phrase,  namely :  "Strictly  business  and  no 
politics."  Germany's  productivity  was 
the  key  to  the  restoration  of  Europe,  he 
declared,  and  went  on  to  censure  the 
nationalistic  tendencies  of  various  Euro- 
pean statesmen,  which,  in  his  opinion,  had 
obstructed  the  world's  recovery.  Disaster, 
he  predicted,  faced  the  Allies  and  Europe 
unless  common  sense  were  crowned  king. 
While  unable  to  speak  officially  either  for 
the  American  Government  or  for  the 
American  people.  General  Dawes  never- 
theless, as  an  individual,  deplored  dema- 
gogic exploitation  of  the  European  situa- 
tion by  Americans  anxious  to  make  politi- 
cal capital  out  of  it.  He  said  he  did  not 
know  whether  a  common-sense  reparations 
conception  existed,  but  added:  "We  shall 
know.  To  the  knowledge  of  whether  this 
conception  exists  the  result  of  our  work 
and  the  action  of  the  Reparations  Com- 
mission thereon  will,  perhaps,  be  the  final 
contribution." 

M.  Louis  Barthou  promised  French  co- 
operation and  expressed  French  desires 
for  its  success,  upon  which,  in  his  opinion, 
the  pacific  equilibrium  of  the  entire  world 
depended. 

The  first  witness  invited  to  appear  be- 
fore the  committee  headed  by  General 
Dawes  was  Dr.  Schacht,  President  of  the 
Reichsbank  and  German  Currency  Com- 
missioner, in  order  to  avail  itself  of  Dr. 
Schacht's  knowledge  of  the  present  cur- 
rency situation  in  Germany  and  to  receive 
his  suggestions  as  to  measures  which  could 
be  quickly  applied  to  improve  the  status 
of  the  mark  and  stabilize  it. 

The  Food  Loan 

The  German  Government's  attempt  to 
secure  a  seventy-million-dollar  loan,  prin- 
cipally from  the  United  States,  for  the 
purchase  of  foodstuffs,  came  to  nothing 
for  the  time  being,  owing  to  the  action  of 
the  Reparations  Commission,  which  re- 
fused to  accede  to  a  request  for  permis- 
sion to  make  the  credit  a  first  lien  upon 
reparations.  The  French  Government, 
supported  by  the  Belgian  Government,  de- 
termined to  delay  action  by  the  Repara- 
tions Commission  until  the  Dawes  Com- 
mission, so  called,  completed  its  inquiry 
and  made  its  report.  Arrangements  with 
banking  interests  in  America  for  handling 
the  load  had  been  completed. 


According  to  information  received  by 
the  United  States  Government,  Germany 
has  devised  a  temporary  method  of  ob- 
taining fats  and  other  foods  it  needs  from 
abroad  by  collecting  a  tax  on  exports  from 
the  country  to  be  used  for  this  purpose, 
but  professes  itself  unable  to  cope  with 
the  situation  much  longer. 

The  Internal  Situation  in  Germany 

The  continued  stability  of  the  Renten- 
mark  currency  and  the  resumption  of 
production  in  the  Ruhr  caused  some  slight 
industrial  improvement  in  Germany,  but 
the  financial  situation  remained  precarious 
and  the  unoccupied  regions  noted  an  in- 
crease of  business  stagnation  and  unem- 
ployment. The  operation  of  measures  to 
insure  deflation,  which  at  the  time  of 
writing  were  in  the  first  stages,  caused  a 
serious  depression  to  be  felt  among  manu- 
facturers. Subsidies  from  the  government 
were  stopped,  and  railway  rates  and  taxes 
fixed  on  a  gold  basis,  making  them  sub- 
stantially higher  than  the  pre-war  level. 
Cheap  credits  became  no  longer  available, 
since  the  Reichsbank  initiated  a  policy 
under  which  loans  could  only  be  granted 
under  a  guarantee  of  full  indemnity  for 
the  bank  in  case  of  depreciation  before  J 
maturity.  ll 

Some  favorable  elements  in  the  situa- 
tion were  created  by  the  reintroduc- 
tion  of  a  longer  working  day  and  the 
prevalence  of  low  wages,  which,  reckoned 
on  a  gold  basis,  were  at  the  time  of  writ- 
ing only  two-thirds  of  pre-war  scales. 

By  the  middle  of  January  the  note  cir- 
culation of  the  Reichsbank  had  reached 
some  five  hundred  quintillions,  equivalent 
at  the  then  current  official  parity  to  five 
hundred  million  gold  marks.  Treasury 
bills  and  discounts  were  said  to  have  been 
wholly  redeemed.  The  gold  reserve  was 
467,000,000. 

Estimates  by  the  Labor  Ministry  showed 
between  two  and  three  million  totally  un- 
employed in  unoccupied  Germany,  though 
the  rapid  increase  of  earlier  months  was 
said  to  have  ceased. 

German  Concessions  in  Russia 

The  German  Volga  Bank  is  reported  to 
have  obtained  from  the  Supreme  Con- 
cession Committee  a  concession  of  270,000 
acres  of  free  land  in  the  autonomous  reser- 
vation of  the  Volga  Germans.    The  aims 


192Ji. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


83 


of  the  concessionaires  are  said  to  be  the 
restoration  of  agriculture  by  giving  out- 
subconcessions.  Following  the  approval  of 
this  concession  by  the  Council  of  Commis- 
sars, the  bank  began  negotiations  abroad 
which  resulted  in  the  signing  of  a  prelimi- 
nary project  of  a  subconcession  agreement 
in  Berlin,  according  to  which  67,000  acres 
were  to  be  leased  to  the  German  Russian 
Agrarian  Association.  This  agreement 
was  confirmed  by  the  Council  of  Commis- 
sars on  October  23.  The  subconcession  is 
for  36  years.  During  the  first  year  the 
concessionaires  are  bound  to  cultivate  at 
least  10  per  cent  of  the  territory;  on  the 
second,  30  per  cent;  on  the  third,  80  per 
cent,  and  on  the  fourth,  100  per  cent. 
The  plan  of  exploitation  must  be  con- 
firmed by  the  Commissariat  of  Agriculture 
and  mineral  rights  are  retained  by  the 
government. 


GERMAN  ACTIVITIES  IN 
HOLLAND 

CONDITIONS  of  doing  business  in 
Germany  during  recent  months  have 
been  so  difficult  that  both  industry  and 
finance  have  sought  to  transfer  a  certain 
amount  of  their  activities  to  a  country 
where  business  could  be  done  without  the 
restrictions  placed  on  it  at  home,  Hol- 
land, geographically  convenient,  politically 
neutral,  and  for  years  a  favorite  stamping 
ground  for  German  capital  and  business, 
was  the  logical  place  for  such  an  escape, 
and  it  is  estimated  by  a  Dutch  banker  that 
since  the  armistice  several  milliards  of 
gold  marks  of  German  capital  have  been 
sent  to  Holland  to  be  employed  in  various 
ways.  A  large  part  of  this  sum  has  been 
transferred  during  the  last  few  months, 
when  business  in  Germany  was  at  a  stand- 
still, according  to  recent  reports  of  Consul 
General  George  E.  Anderson,  of  the  State 
Department. 

The  greatest  investment  of  this  German 
capital  has  been  in  banking,  since  this 
means  merely  the  transfer  of  money  and 
no  purchase  of  factories.  The  Deutsche 
Bank,  through  a  branch;  the  Disconto- 
Gesellschaft,  through  A.  de  Barg  &  Co., 
and  the  Dresdner  Bank,  through  Proehl  & 
Gutman,  have  long  been  represented  in 
Holland,  and  lately  the  Commerz  und 
Privatbank  of  Berlin  have  secured  direct 


representation  through  Hugo  Kauffmann 
&  Co.'s  bank;  the  Darmstaedter  und  Na- 
tional Bank  have  obtained  control  of 
Hamburger  &  Co.,  while  the  Barmer 
Bankverein,  a  Stinnes  organ,  and  part  of 
the  powerful  Provincial  Bank  Verein,  and 
the  Thyssen  group,  through  the  Discon- 
toen  Effectenbank,  are  preparing  to  extend 
their  operations  considerably. 

Financing  Export  Trade 

With  the  financing  of  export  trade  fa- 
cilitated through  provision  of  the  neces- 
sary banking  facilities,  the  next  step  has 
been  to  found  or  acquire  distinct  export 
concerns,  with  the  intention  of  handling 
German  exports  through  Holland  and  of 
securing  concessions  in  various  countries, 
notably  South  America  and  the  Dutch 
East  Indies.  The  large  rolling  mills,  the 
Linke  -  Hofmann  Werke  -  Lauchhammer, 
have  established  in  Amsterdam  the  Maat- 
schappy  voor  Yzer-Staal-en  Spoorwegin- 
dustrie,  which  co-operates  with  the  Dutch 
rolling-mill  industry  and  is  financed  in  its 
operations  by  a  Dutch  bank.  The  Scheide- 
mandel  chemical  works  are  represented  in 
the  same  way,  and  also  a  large  Berlin 
glass  manufactory.  Directly  or  indirectly, 
the  Stinnes,  Siemens,  and  Allgemeine 
Elektrizitaets  Gesellschaft  have  all  estab- 
lished connections  of  this  character,  while 
the  German  wool  trade  has  made  special 
arrangements  for  the  handling  of  their 
supply  of  raw  material,  with  the  possible 
diversion  to  Amsterdam  of  a  large  part  of 
the  wool  imports  into  Germany.  In  this 
latter  move  Dutch  bankers  are  closely  con- 
cerned. The  Bergmann  Elektrizitaets- 
werke  are  also  represented  in  Amsterdam. 
Large  export  firms,  as  Heckt,  Pfeiifer  & 
Co.,  have  their  own  branches  in  Holland. 

It  is  estimated  that  there  are  some 
$400,000,000  of  German  money  now  on 
deposit  in  Dutch  banks,  and  it  is  known 
that  a  large  part  of  the  stocks  and  bonds 
floated  during  the  last  year  on  the  Amster- 
dam stock  exchange,  including  some 
American  issues,  has  been  acquired  for 
German  account. 

The  primary  purpose  of  the  German  in- 
vestments described  above  is  said  not  to 
be  "economic  penetration'"  or  an  intention 
to  compete  with  Dutch  manufacture,  but 
merely  to  provide  facilities,  unobtainable 
in  Germany  at  present,  for  necessary  ex- 


84 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Feb  mar  y 


port  business.  Nevertheless  Dutch  indus- 
tries have  taken  alarm  and  are  pressing 
for  certain  protective  measures. 


THE  ITALIAN-SPANISH  TRADE 
TREATY 

BY  THE  commercial  treaty  between 
Italy  and  Spain,  effective  December 
10,  1933,  Italy  accords  Spain  conventional 
duties  (rates  below  the  general  tariff)  on 
articles  included  in  43  items  of  the  Italian 
tariff  and  most-favored-nation  treatment 
on  articles  included  in  234  items.  All 
other  articles  are  subject  to  the  general 
rates.  In  exchange,  Spain  accords  Italy 
conventional  duties  (rates  below  the  sec- 
ond column)  on  articles  included  in  96 
items  of  the  Spanish  tariff  and  most- 
favored-nation  treatment  on  articles  in- 
cluded in  809  items. 

The  list  of  Spanish  products  accorded 
conventional  rates  in  the  Italian  tariff,  as 
reported  to  the  Department  of  Commerce 
by  Commercial  Attache  C.  M.  Cunning- 
ham, consists  in  large  part  of  foodstuffs 
and  raw  materials  useful  in  Italian  indus- 
try, and  includes  fish,  fresh  and  salted; 
sardines,  anchovies,  fresh  and  preserved 
fruits,  preserved  vegetables,  fresh  and  pre- 
served olives,  mineral  ores,  pig-iron  and 
steel  billets,  cork,  licorice  root,  crude  tar- 
tar, goat,  sheep,  and  calf  skins,  tanned 
without  the  hair;  dried  and  fresh  orange 
and  lemon  peeling. 

In  many  instances  the  conventional 
rates  granted  Spain  are  merely  those  al- 
ready granted  other  nations  by  treaty,  and 
therefore  do  not  represent  any  new  rates. 
On  a  few  items,  including  sardines  and 
anchovies,  almonds,  preserved  olives,  casks, 
cork  products,  and  tanned  skins,  the  con- 
ventional duties  granted  by  Italy  to  Spain 
by  this  treaty  are  lower  than  previously 
existing  conventional  rates,  but  the  reduc- 
tions are  slight.  Most  other  special  prod- 
ucts are  accorded  most-favored-nation 
treatment  in  Italy. 

The  list  of  Italian  goods  accorded  con- 
ventional rates  in  the  Spanish  tariff  in- 
cludes furniture,  hand  tools,  locomotives 
and  locomotive  tenders  and  spare  parts, 
hydraulic  and  electric  motors,  pumping 
machinery  and  other  machinery,  djrnamos, 
magnetos,  transformers,  and  similar  elec- 
trical equipment,  automobiles  and  auto- 


motive products,  unmanufactured  rubber, 
rubber  tires,  sanitary  supplies,  wearing 
apparel  of  all  kinds,  raw  and  refined  sul- 
phur, pharmaceutical  products,  hemp  and 
sisal  thread,  binder  twine. 

On  the  majority  of  these  articles  the 
conventional  rates  granted  to  Italy  are  the 
same  as  those  previously  granted  by  treaty 
to  other  nations.  Most  of  the  products 
on  which  new  concessions  in  the  Spanish 
duties  are  established  are  distinctive  Ital- 
ian specialties,  in  which  there  is  little  com- 
petitive interest  from  the  United  States. 
The  list  chiefly  comprises  marble,  glass 
beads,  crude  sulphur,  citric  and  tartaric 
acid,  hemp,  sheets  of  unvulcanized  rubber, 
and  hats  and  caps  of  straw  or  of  wool  or 
hair  felt. 

The  list  of  Italian  goods  accorded  most- 
favored-nation  treatment  upon  importa- 
tion into  Spain  is  extensive,  including  a 
large  number  of  manufactures  and  food- 
stuffs. All  Italian  goods  not  entitled  to 
conventional  rates  in  the  Spanish  tariff 
are  subject  to  the  rates  of  the  second 
column. 

Other  provisions  of  the  treaty  relate  to 
import  restrictions,  transit  trade,  sanitary 
measures,  certificates  of  origin,  and  certifi- 
cates of  analysis.  Most-favored-nation 
and  national  treatment  is  reciprocally  ac- 
corded to  the  ships  of  the  two  countries, 
with  the  exception  of  ships  engaged  in 
coastwise  trade.  Most-favored-nation 
treatment  is  also  reciprocally  accorded  to 
the  commercial  travelers  and  to  commer- 
cial, industrial,  and  financial  organiza- 
tions. Spain  reserves  the  right  to  with- 
hold from  Italy  such  special  benefits  as  it 
may  in  the  future  grant  to  colonies,  Portu- 
gal, and  the  Spanish-American  republics. 
A  most  important  provision  of  the  treaty  is 
the  elimination  of  Italian  goods  from  the 
customs  surcharge  levied  on  goods  from 
countries  with  depreciated  currencies. 

The  new  rates  established  by  this  treaty 
in  the  conventional  tariff  of  Italy  are  ex- 
tended to  the  United  States  by  virtue  of 
its  most-favored-nation  status  in  Italy. 
The  few  new  rates  established  in  the  con- 
ventional tariff  of  Spain  are  not,  however, 
extended  to  the  United  States. 

Further  detailed  information  regarding 
the  treaty  will  be  furnished  by  the  Di- 
vision of  Foreign  Tariffs  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Commerce  upon  request. 


192  U 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


85 


WORLD  PEACE  THROUGH 
EDUCATION 

THE  World  Federation  of  Education 
Associations  has  announced  a  new 
contest  for  a  peace  plan.  This  contest  dif- 
fers materially  from  the  American  Peace 
Award  inaugurated  by  Mr.  Edward  Bok. 

$25,000  Award  for  Peace  Plan 

A  gentleman  whose  name  is  withheld 
has  given  the  Federation  twenty-five  thou- 
sand dollars,  to  be  used  as  an  award  for 
the  best  plan  which  will  bring  to  the 
world  the  greatest  security  from  war.  The 
donor  of  this  gift  watched  the  proceedings 
of  the  World  Conference  on  Education 
which  met  in  San  Francisco  in  June, 
1923,  and,  believing  that  lasting  peace  can 
come  only  through  education,  he  desires  to 
encourage  a  movement  calculated  to  pro- 
mote friendliness  among  the  nations. 

The  World  Federation  has  acknowl- 
edged the  gift  to  be  used  in  furthering  the 
world's  greatest  cause,  and  has  accepted 
the  offer.  The  Federation  joins  the  donor 
in  the  belief  that  such  a  reformation  as  the 
award  is  to  promote  must  await  the  longer 
processes  of  education.  It  also  accepts  the 
belief  that  textbook  materials  and  teach- 
ing attitudes  are  all  essential,  and  any 
plan  proposed  must  have  as  its  principal 
object  the  bringing  about  of  a  better 
understanding  between  nations,  with  the 
elimination  of  hatreds,  both  racial  and 
national. 

The  Peace  Plan 

A  plan  of  education  calculated  to  pro- 
duce world  amity  is  desired.  The  contest 
calls  for  a  world-wide  program  of  educa- 
tion which  will  promote  the  peace  of  the 
world.  The  contest  is  likewise  world-wide 
and  open  to  interested  persons  of  all  coun- 
tries. The  plan  does  not  call  for  legisla- 
tive action  unless  necessary  to  back  up  new 
and  fundamental  processes.  It  is  the  con- 
viction of  the  giver  and  of  the  Federation 
that  universal  peace  must  have  universal 
application  and  must  begin  with  unpreju- 
diced childhood.  It  is  rather  desired  to 
create  a  world-wide  thinking  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  Golden  Eule  as  applied  to  in- 
ternational contacts,  and  to  produce  a 
psychology  or  "world  mindedness"  such  as 
will  support  any  system  of  diplomacy  or 
any  functioning  of  the  State. 


Rules  of  the  Contest 

The  rules  of  the  World  Federation  con> 
test  are  as  follows : 

1.  All  manuscripts  must  be  in  typewrit- 
ten form,  with  sufficient  margin  for  the 
notes  of  examiners. 

2.  The  Commission  on  Award  reserves 
the  right  to  reject  such  manuscripts  as  it 
may  desire. 

3.  The  plan  should  contain  a  clear,  con- 
cise set-up  of  not  to  exceed  2,500  words, 
with  not  more  than  an  equal  number  of 
words  in  argument  or  clarifying  state- 
ments. 

4.  Manuscripts  will  not  be  returned. 
The  Federation  reserves  the  right  to  re- 
tain, for  such  use  as  it  may  see  fit,  all 
plans  submitted. 

5.  Only  one  plan  may  be  submitted  by 
one  person  or  organization,  and  no  person 
who  is  a  member  of  an  organization  which 
submits  a  plan  shall  be  allowed  to  partici- 
pate further  in  the  contest. 

6.  In  order  to  secure  impartial  decision 
manuscripts  should  be  unmarked,  but 
should  be  accompanied  by  a  plain,  sealed 
envelope,  unmarked,  in  which  shall  be 
given  the  author's  name  and  address,  so 
that  in  case  of  acceptance  the  award  may 
be  mailed  to  the  proper  person.  Any 
identifying  marks  on  the  manuscript  will 
render  the  sender  ineligible  to  compete. 

7.  Plans  must  be  submitted  to  Augustus 
0.  Thomas,  president  of  the  World  Fed- 
eration of  Education  Associations,  Au- 
gusta, Maine,  U.  S.  A.,  bearing  postmark 
not  later  than  July  1,  1924. 

8.  Twelve  thousand  five  hundred  dollars 
of  the  award  will  be  given  when  the  plan 
is  accepted  and  $12,500  when  the  plan  is 
inaugurated. 

Commission  on  Award 

The  commission  which  will  examine  the 
manuscripts  submitted  and  will  decide  on 
the  award  will  consist  of  the  following 
persons :  Henry  M.  Eobinson,  president, 
First  National  Bank,  Los  Angeles,  Calif., 
and  member  of  Board  of  International 
Arbitration;  Henry  Noble  McCracken, 
president,  Vassar  College,  Poughkeepsie, 
N.  Y. ;  Percival  P.  Baxter,  Governor  of 
Maine,  Augusta,  Maine ;  Herbert  S.  Hous- 
ton, publisher  of  Our  World,  New  York, 
N.  Y. ;  P.  W.  Henry,  Scarborough-on-the- 
Hudson,  N.  Y. ;  Olive  M.  Jones,  president, 


86 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


National  Education  Association,  Public 
School  120,  New  York,  N.  Y. ;  Henry  E. 
Dunnack,  State  Librarian,  Augusta, 
Maine ;  J.  W.  Crabtree,  secretary,  National 
Education  Association,  Washington,  D.  C. ; 
Cora  Wilson  Stewart,  chairman,  Illiteracy 
Commission,  Frankfort,  Ky.;  George  T. 
Moody,  Bound  Brook,  N.  J.;  Carleton  E. 


Ladd,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. ;  William  Gibbs  Mc- 
Adoo,  Los  Angeles,  Calif.;  Milton  A.  Mc- 
Eea,  Script-McKea  Newspaper  Bureau, 
Detroit,  Mich.,  and  San  Diego,  Calif.; 
Alfred  Lucking,  Ford  Building,  Detroit, 
Mich. ;  E.  A.  Milliken,  president.  Institute 
of  Technology,  Pasadena,  Calif. 


THE  WINNING  PLAN 
No.  1469  Selected  by  Jury  of  American  Peace  Award 


Mr.  Bok's  Statement 

WITH  deep  satisfaction  I  present  for 
the  consideration  and  vote  of  the 
American  people  the  plan  selected  by  the 
jury  as  entitled  to  the  American  Peace 
Award  under  the  conditions. 

The  award  brought  forth  22,165  plans. 
Since  many  of  them  were  the  composite 
work  of  organizations,  universities,  etc.,  a 
single  plan  often  represented  the  views  of 
hundreds  or  thousands  of  individuals. 
There  were  also  received  several  hundred 
thousand  of  letters  which,  while  they  did 
not  submit  plans,  suggested  in  almost  each 
instance  a  solution  of  the  peace  problem. 

The  jury  had,  therefore,  before  it  an 
index  of  the  true  feeling  and  judgment  of 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  American  citi- 
zens. The  plans  came  from  every  group 
in  American  life.  Some  were  obviously 
from  life-long  students  of  history  and  in- 
ternational law.  Some  were  from  persons 
who  have  studied  little,  but  who  have 
themselves  seen  and  felt  the  horror  of  war, 
or  who  are  even  now  living  out  its  tragedy. 

However  unlike,  they  almost  all  express 
or  imply  the  same  conviction :  That  this  is 
the  time  for  the  nations  of  the  earth  to 
admit  frankly  that  war  is  a  crime,  and  thus 
withdraw  the  legal  and  moral  sanction  too 
long  permitted  to  it  as  a  method  of  settling 
international  disputes.  Thousands  of 
plans  show  a  deep  aspiration  to  have  the 
United  States  take  the  lead  in  a  common 
agreement  to  brand  war  in  very  truth  an 
"outlaw." 

The  plans  show  a  realization  that  no 
adequate  defense  against  this  situation 
has  thus  far  been  devised,  and  that  no  in- 
ternational law  has  been  developed  to  con- 
trol it.  They  point  out  that  security  of 
life  and  property  is  dependent  upon  the 


abolition  of  war  and  the  cessation  of  the 
manufacture  of  munitions  of  war. 

Some  of  the  plans  labor  with  the  prob- 
lem of  changing  the  hearts  of  men  and 
disposing  them  toward  peace  and  good- 
will ;  some  labor  to  find  a  practicable  means 
of  dealing  with  the  economic  causes  of 
war ;  some  labor  with  adjusting  racial  ani- 
mosities, with  producing  a  finer  concep- 
tion of  nationalism,  etc.,  etc. 

Through  the  plans  as  a  whole  run  these 
dominant  currents : 

That,  if  war  is  honestly  to  be  prevented, 
there  must  be  a  right-about-face  on  the 
part  of  the  nations  in  their  attitude  toward 
it,  and  that  by  some  progressive  agreement 
the  manufacture  and  purchase  of  the  mu- 
nitions of  war  must  be  limited  or  stopped. 

That,  while  no  political  mechanism 
alone  will  insure  co-operation  among  the 
nations,  there  must  be  some  machinery 
of  co-operation  if  the  will  to  co-operate  is 
to  be  made  effective;  that  mutual  counsel 
among  the  nations  is  the  real  hope  for 
bringing  about  the  disavowal  of  war  by 
the  open  avowal  of  its  real  causes  and 
open  discussion  of  them. 

Finally,  that  there  must  be  some  means 
of  defining,  recording,  interpreting  and 
developing  the  law  of  nations. 

The  jury  of  award  unanimously  selected  ■ 
the  plan  given  below  as  the  one  which  most  ■ 
closely  reflected  several  of  these  currents. 

The  Honorable  Elihu  Root,  chairman 
of  the  jury  of  award,  then  prepared  the 
following  forward-looking  statement  indi- 
cating that  the  mutual  counsel  and  co-op- 
eration among  the  nations  provided  in  the 
selected  plan  may  lead  to  the  realization 
of  another,  and  not  the  least  important, 
of  the  dominant  desires  of  the  American 
public  as  expressed  in  the  plans : 


192Jf 


THE  WINNING  PLAN 


87 


"It  is  the  unanimous  hope  of  the  jury  that 
the  first  fruit  of  the  mutual  counsel  and  co- 
operation among  the  nations  which  will  re- 
sult from  the  adoption  of  the  plan  selected 
will  be  a  general  prohibition  of  the  manufac- 
ture and  sale  of  all  materials  of  war." 

The  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
Award  is  thus  fulfilled:  To  reflect  in  a 
practicable  plan  the  dominating  national 
sentiment  as  expressed  by  the  large  cross- 
section  of  the  American  public  taking  part 
in  the  award. 

I  therefore  commend  the  winning  plan 
as  unanimously  selected  by  the  jury  of 
award,  and,  Mr.  Root's  statement  of  the 
first  object  to  be  attained  by  the  counsel 
and  co-operation  provided  in  the  plan,  to 
the  interest  and  the  widest  possible  vote  of 
the  American  people. 

January,  1924.       Edward  W.  Bok. 

Statement  of  Jury  of  Award 

The  jury  of  award  realizes  that  there  is 
no  one  approach  to  world  peace,  and  that 
it  is  necessary  to  recognize  not  merely 
political,  but  also  psychological  and  eco- 
nomic factors.  The  only  possible  path- 
way to  international  agreement  with  ref- 
erence to  these  complicated  and  difficult 
factors  is  through  mutual  counsel  and  co- 
operation, which  the  plan  selected  contem- 
plates. It  is  therefore  the  unanimous 
opinion  of  the  jury  that  of  the  22,165 
plans  submitted.  Plan  Number  1469  is 
"the  best  practicable  plan  by  which  the 
United  States  may  co-operate  with  other 
nations  to  achieve  and  preserve  the  peace 
of  the  world." 

It  is  the  unanimous  hope  of  the  jury 
that  the  first  fruit  of  the  mutual  counsel 
and  co-operation  among  the  nations  which 
will  result  from  the  adoption  of  the  plan 
selected  will  be  a  general  prohibition  of  the 
manufacture  and  sale  of  all  materials  of 
war. 

Elihu  Eoot,  Chairman. 

James   Guthrie  Harbord. 

Edward  M.  House. 

Ellen  Fitz  Pendleton. 

RoscoE  Pound. 

William  Allen  White. 

Brand  Whitlock. 

Author's  Name  Not  to  Be  Revealed  until 
After  Referendum 

In  order  that  the  vote  may  be  taken 
solely  upon  the  merits  of  the  plan,  the 


policy  committee,  with  the  acquiescence  of 
Mr.  Bok,  has  decided  not  to  disclose  the 
authorship  of  the  plan  until  after  the 
referendum,  or  early  in  February.  The 
identity  of  the  author  is  unknown  to  the 
members  of  the  jury  of  award  and  the 
policy  committee,  except  one  delegated 
member. 

The  Policy  Committee:  John  W.  Davis, 
Learned  Hand,  William  H.  Johnston, 
Esther  Everett  Lape,  member  in  charge; 
Nathan  L.  Miller,  Mrs.  Gifford  Pinchot, 
Mrs.  Ogden  Reid,  Mrs.  Franklin  D.  Roose- 
velt, Henry  L.  Stimson,  Melville  E.  Stone, 
Mrs.  Frank  A.  Vanderlip,  Cornelius  N. 
Bliss,  Jr.,  treasurer. 

The  Plan  in  Brief 

Proposes — 

I.  That  the  United  States  shaU  immediately 
enter  the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice,  under  the  conditions  stated  by  Sec- 
retary Hughes  and  President  Harding  in 
February,  1923. 

II.  That,  without  becoming  a  member  of 
the  League  of  Nations  as  at  present  consti- 
tuted, the  United  States  shall  offer  to  extend 
its  present  co-operation  with  the  League  and 
participate  in  the  work  of  the  League  as  a 
body  of  mutual  counsel  under  conditions 
which 

1.  Substitute  moral  force  and  public  opinion 
for  the  military  and  economic  force  originally 
implied  in  Articles  X  and  XVI. 

2.  Safeguard  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

3.  Accept  the  fact  that  the  United  States 
will  assume  no  obligations  under  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  except  by  act  of  CJongress. 

4.  Propose  that  membership  in  the  League 
should  be  opened  to  all  nations. 

5.  Provide  for  the  continuing  development 
of  international  law. 

Full  Text  of  Plan 

The  complete  manuscript  of  Plan  No. 
1469,  providing  for  co-operation  between 
the  United  States  and  other  nations  "to 
achieve  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
«vorld,"  is  given  below,  including  the  au- 
thor's reasoning: 

Plan  Number  1469 

There  Is  Not  Room  for  More  Than  One  Or- 
ganization to  Promote  International  Co- 
operation 

Five-sixths  of  all  nations,  including  about 
four-fifths  of  mankind,  have  already  created 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


a  world  organization,  the  purpose  of  wliich  is 
"to  promote  international  co-operation  and  to 
achieve  international  peace  and  security." 

Those  nations  cannot  and  will  not  abandon 
this  system,  which  has  now  been  actively  op- 
erating for  three  and  a  half  years.  If  lead- 
ing members  of  the  United  States  Government 
ever  had  serious  hopes  that  another  associa- 
tion of  nations  could  be  formed,  such  hopes 
were  dispelled  during  the  Washington  Confer- 
ence by  plain  intimations  from  other  powers 
that  there  is  not  room  for  more  than  one  or- 
ganization like  the  League  of  Nations. 

The  States  outside  the  organized  world  are 
not  of  such  a  character  that  the  United  States 
could  hopefully  co-operate  with  them  for  the 
purpose  named. 

Therefore,  the  only  possible  path  to  co- 
operation in  which  the  United  States  can  take 
an  increasing  share  is  that  which  leads 
toward  some  form  of  agreement  with  the 
world  as  now  organized,  called  the  League  of 
Nations. 

By  sheer  force  of  social  international  gravi- 
tation, such  co-operation  becomes  inevitable. 

The  United  States   Has  Already  Gone  Far  in 
Co-operation  with  the   League  of  Nations 

The  United  States  Government,  theoreti- 
cally maintaining  a  policy  of  isolation,  has 
actually  gone  far,  since  March  4,  1921,  toward 
"co-operation  with  other  nations  to  achieve 
and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world." 

The  most  familiar  part  of  the  story  is  the 
work  of  the  Washington  Conference,  wherein 
President  Harding's  administration  made  a 
beginning  of  naval  disarmament,  opened  to 
China  a  prospect  of  rehabilitation,  and  joined 
with  Great  Britain,  Japan,  and  France  to 
make  the  Pacific  Ocean  worthy  of  its  name. 

Later  came  the  recommendation  that  the 
United  States  should  adhere  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice. 

Not  long  after  that  action  President  Hard- 
ing wrote  to  Bishop  Gailor : 

"I  do  not  believe  any  man  can  confront  the 
responsibility  of  a  President  of  the  United 
States  and  yet  adhere  to  the  idea  that  it  is 
possible  for  our  country  to  maintain  an  atti- 
tude of  isolation  and  aloofness  in  the  world." 

But  since  the  proposed  adhesion  to  the  Per- 
manent Court  would  bring  this  country  into 
close  contact  at  one  time  and  point  with  the 
League  of  Nations,  and  since  such  action  is 
strenuously  opposed  for  exactly  that  reason, 
it  is  pertinent  to  inquire  not  only  how  much 
co-operation  with  the  League  and  its  organs 


has  been  proposed  during  the  life  of  the  pres- 
ent administration,  but  also  how  much  has 
been  actually  begun. 

Officially  or  Unofficially,  the   United  States  Is 
Represented  on  Many  League  Commissions 

The  United  States  Government  has  ac- 
credited its  representatives  to  sit  as  members 
"in  an  unofficial  and  consulting  capacity" 
upon  four  of  the  most  important  social  wel- 
fare commissions  of  the  League,  viz  :  Health, 
Opium,  Traffic  in  Women  and  Children,  and 
Anthrax  (Industrial  Hygiene). 

Our  government  is  a  full  member  of  the 
International  Hydrographic  Bureau,  an  organ 
of  the  League.  Our  government  was  repre- 
sented by  an  "unofficial  observer''  in  the 
Brussels  Conference  (Finance  and  Economic 
Commission)  in  1920.  It  sent  Hon.  Stephen 
G.  Porter  and  Bishop  Brent  to  represent  it 
at  the  meeting  of  the  Opium  Commission  last 
May. 

Our  Public  Health  Service  has  taken  part 
in  the  serological  congresses  of  the  Epi- 
demics Commission  and  has  helped  in  the  ex- 
perimental work  for  the  standardization  of 
serums. 

Our  government  collaborates  with  the 
League  Health  Organization  through  the  In- 
ternational Office  of  Public  Health  at  Paris, 
and  with  the  Agriculture  Committee  of  the 
League  Labor  Organization  through  the  In- 
ternational Institute  of  Agriculture  at  Rome. 

In  February,  1923,  Secretary  Hughes  and 
President  Harding  formally  recommended 
that  the  Senate  approve  our  adhesion  to  the 
Pei'manent  Court  under  four  conditions  or 
reservations,  one  of  which  was  that  the 
United  States  should  officially  participate  in 
the  election  of  judges  by  the  Assembly  and 
Council  of  the  League,  sitting  as  electoral 
colleges  for  that  purpose. 

Unofficial  co-operation  from  the  United 
States  with  the  work  of  the  League  includes 
membership  in  five  of  the  social  welfare  com- 
missions or  committees  of  the  League,  in  one 
on  economic  reconstruction,  and  in  one 
(Aaland  Islands)  which  averted  a  war. 
American  women  serve  as  expert  assessors 
upon  the  Opium  and  Traffic  in  Women  Com- 
missions. 

Two  philanthropic  agencies  in  the  United 
States  have  between  them  pledged  more  than 
$400,000  to  support  either  the  work  of  the 
Epidemics  Commission  or  the  League  in- 
quiry into  conditions  of  the  traffic  in  women 
and  children. 


192Jt 


THE  WINNING  PLAN 


89 


How  Can  Increasing  Co-operation  Between  the 
United  States  and  the  Organized  World  Be 
Secured? 

The  United  States  being  already  so  far 
committed  to  united  counsels  with  League 
agencies  for  the  common  social  welfare,  all 
of  which  have  some  bearing  upon  the  preser- 
vation of  world  peace,  the  question  before  us 
may  take  this  form : 

How  can  increasing  co-operation  between 
the  United  States  and  the  organized  world 
for  the  promotion  of  peace  and  security  be 
assured,  in  forms  acceptable  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  and  hopefully  practicable? 

The  United  States  Can  Extend  Its  Present  Co- 
operation with  the  League's  Social  Welfare 
Activities 

Without  any  change  in  its  present  policy, 
already  described,  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment could,  first,  show  its  willingness  to  co- 
operate similarly  with  the  other  humane  and 
reconstructive  agencies  of  the  League.  To 
four  of  these  agencies  that  government  has 
already  sent  delegates  with  advisory  powers. 
It  could  as  properly  accept  invitations  to  ac- 
credit members  with  lilie  powers  to  each  one 
of  the  other  welfare  commissions.  It  has 
already  received  invitations  from  two  of  the 
latter. 

It  is,  secondly,  immediately  practicable  to 
extend  the  same  kind  of  co-operation,  when- 
ever asked  to  do  it,  so  as  to  include  participa- 
tion in  the  work  of  the  commissions  and 
technical  committees  of  the  Labor  Organiza- 
tion. The  record  shows  that  such  co-opera- 
tion is  already  begun. 

The  single  common  purpose  of  all  these 
committees  is  the  collection  and  study  of  in- 
formation on  which  may  be  based  subsequent 
recommendations  for  national  legislation. 

All  conventions  and  resolutions  recom- 
mended by  the  first  three  congresses  of  the 
International  Labor  Organization  have  al- 
ready been  laid  before  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States  and  without  objection,  referred 
to  the  appropriate  committee.  No  different 
procedure  would  have  been  followed  if  the 
United  States  were  a  member  of  the  Labor 
Organization  of  the  League. 

An  Immediate   Step  Is   Adherence   to  the 
Permanent  Court 

A  third  immediately  practicable  step  is  the 
Senate's  approval  of  the  proposal  that  the 
United  States  adhere  to  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  for  the  reasons  and 


under  the  conditions  stated  by  Secretary 
Hughes  and  President  Harding  in  February 
1923. 

These  three  suggestions  for  increasing  co- 
operation with  the  family  of  nations  are  in 
harmony  with  policies  already  adopted  by 
our  government,  and  in  the  last  case  with  a 
policy  so  old  and  well  recognized  that  it  may 
now  be  called  traditional. 

They  do  not  involve  a  question  of  member- 
ship in  the  League  of  Nations  as  now  consti- 
tuted, but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  they  lead 
to  the  threshold  of  that  question.  Any 
further  step  toward  co-operation  must  con- 
front the  problem  of  direct  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Assembly  and 
Council  of  fifty-four  nations  in  the  League.* 

In  Actual  Operation  the  League  Employs 
No  Force 

The  practical  experience  of  the  League 
during  its  first  three  and  a  half  years  of  life 
has  not  only  wrought  out,  in  a  group  of  prece- 
dents, the  beginnings  of  what  might  be  called 
the  constitutional  law  of  the  League,  but  it 
has  also  shifted  the  emphasis  in  activities  of 
the  League  and  foreshadowed  important 
modifications  in  its  constitution,  the  covenant. 

At  its  birth  the  Covenant  of  the  League 
bore,  vaguely  in  Article  X  and  more  clearly 
in  Article  XVI,  the  impression  of  a  general 
agreement  to  enforce  and  coerce.  Both  of 
those  articles  suggest  the  action  of  a  world 
State  which  never  existed  and  does  not  now 
exist.  How  far  the  present  League  is  actu- 
ally removed  from  functioning  as  such  a  State 
is  sufl5ciently  exhibited  in  its  dealings  with 
Lithuania  and  Poland  over  Vilna  and  their 
common  boundary  and  with  Greece  and  Italy 
over  Corfu. 

Experience  in  the  last  three  years  has 
demonstrated  probably  insuperable  diflBculties 
in  the  way  of  fulfilling  in  all  parts  of  the 
world  the  large  promise  of  Article  X,  in  re- 
spect to  either  its  letter  or  its  spirit.  No  one 
now  expects  the  League  Council  to  try  to 
summon  armies  and  fleets,  since  it  utterly 
failed  to  obtain  even  an  international  police 
force  for  the  Vilna  district. 

Each  assembly  of  the  League  has  witnessed 
vigorous  efforts  to  interpret  and  modify 
Article  X.  In  the  Fourth  Assembly  an  at- 
tempt  to   adopt    an    interpretation   of   that 


♦Fifty -seven  States,  including  Germany, 
are  members  of  the  International  Labor  Or- 
ganization of  the  League.  There  are  about 
sixty-five  independent  States  In  the  world. 


90 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


article  is  essential  agreement  with  the  sena- 
torial reservation  on  the  same  subject  in  1920 
was  blocked  only  by  a  small  group  of  weak 
States  like  Persia  and  Panama,  which  evi- 
dently attributed  to  Article  X  a  protective 
power  that  it  possesses  only  on  paper. 

Such  States,  in  possible  fear  of  unfriendly 
neighbors,  must  decide  whether  the  preser- 
vation of  a  form  of  words  in  the  Covenant  is 
more  vital  to  their  peace  and  security  and  to 
the  peace  and  security  of  the  world  than  the 
presence  of  the  United  States  at  the  council 
table  of  the  family  of  nations. 

As  to  Article  XVI,  the  Council  of  the 
League  created  a  Blockade  Commission 
which  worked  for  two  years  to  determine 
how  the  "economic  weapon"  of  the  League 
could  be  efficiently  used  and  uniformly  ap- 
plied. The  commission  failed  to  discover 
any  obligatory  procedure  that  weaker  powers 
would  dare  to  accept.  It  was  finally  agreed 
that  each  State  must  decide  for  itself  whether 
a  breach  of  the  covenant  has  been  committed. 

The  Second  Assembly  adopted  a  radically 
amended  form  of  Article  XVI,  from  which 
was  removed  all  reference  to  the  possibility 
of  employing  military  force  and  in  which 
the  abandonment  of  uniform  obligation  was 
directly  provided  for.  The  British  Govern- 
ment has  since  proposed  to  weaken  the  form 
of  requirement  still  further. 

Articles  X  and  XVI,  in  their  original  forms, 
have  therefore  been  practically  condemned 
by  the  principal  organs  of  the  League  and 
are  today  reduced  to  something  like  innocu- 
ous desuetude.  The  only  kind  of  compulsion 
which  nations  can  freely  engage  to  apply  to 
each  other  in  the  name  of  peace  is  that  which 
arises  from  conference,  from  moral  judgment, 
from  full  publicity,  and  from  the  power  of 
public  opinion. 

The  Leadership  of  the  United  States  in  the 
New  World  Is  Obviously  Recognized  by  the 
League 

Another  significant  development  in  the  con- 
stitutional practice  of  the  League  is  the  un- 
willingness of  the  League  Council  to  intervene 
in  any  American  controversy,  even  though 
all  States  in  the  New  World  except  three  are 
members  of  the  League. 

This  refusal  became  evident  in  the  Panama- 
Costa  Rica  dispute  in  1921  and  in  the  quarrel 
between  Chile,  Peru,  and  Bolivia — a  quarrel 
which  impelled  the  last  two  States  to  absent 
themselves  from  the  Third  Assembly,  wherein 
a  Chilean  was  chosen  to  preside. 


Obviously  the  League  intends  to  recognize 
the  leadership  of  the  United  States  in  the 
New  World  precisely  as  the  United  States 
claims  it.  This  is  nothing  less  than  the  ob- 
servance of  an  unwritten  law  limiting  the 
powers  and  duties  of  the  League  Council,  de- 
fined in  Article  XI  of  the  Covenant,  to  ques- 
tions that  seem  to  threaten  the  peace  of  the 
Old  World.  When  the  United  States  is  will- 
ing to  bring  the  two  halves  of  the  world 
together  for  friendly  consideration  of  common 
dangers,  duties,  and  needs,  it  will  be  possible 
to  secure,  if  it  is  desired,  closer  co-operation 
between  the  League  organizations  and  the 
Pan-American  Union,  already  a  potential 
regional  league.  It  is  conceivable  that  the 
family  of  nations  may  eventually  clearly  de- 
fine certain  powers  and  duties  of  relatively 
local  significance  which  may  be  developed 
upon  local  associations  or  imions.  But  the 
world  of  business  and  finance  is  already 
unified.  The  worlds  of  scientific  knowledge 
and  humane  effort  are  nearly  so.  Isolation 
of  any  kind  is  increasingly  impossible,  and 
world  organization,  already  centralized,  is  no 
more  likely  to  return  to  disconnected  effort 
than  the  United  States  is  likely  to  revert  to 
the  Calhoun  theory  of  States'  Rights  and 
Secession. 

In  Actual  Operation,  if  Not  in  Original  Con- 
ception, the  League  Realizes  the  Principle 
and  the  Hopes  of  The  Hague  Conferences 

The  operation  of  the  League  has  therefore 
evolved  a  council  widely  different  from  the 
body  imagined  by  the  makers  of  the  covenant. 
It  can  employ  no  force  but  that  of  persuasion 
and  moral  influence.  Its  only  actual  powers 
are  to  confer  and  advise,  to  create  commis- 
sions, to  exercise  inquisitive,  conciliative  and 
arbitral  functions,  and  to  help  elect  judges 
of  the  Permanent  Court. 

In  other  words,  the  force  of  circumstances 
is  gradually  moving  the  League  into  position 
upon  the  foundations  so  well  laid  by  the 
world's  leaders  between  1899  and  1907  in  the 
great  international  councils  of  that  period. 
The  assemblies  of  the  League  and  the  con- 
gresses of  the  international  labor  organiza- 
tions are  successors  to  The  Hague  confer- 
ences. 

The  Permanent  Court  has  at  least  begun 
to  realize  the  highest  hope  and  purpose  of 
the  Second  League  Conference. 

The  Secretariat  and  the  Labor  Ofiice  have 
become  continuation  committees  for  the  ad- 
ministrative work  of  the  organized   world, 


192Jf 


THE  WINNING  PLAN 


91 


such  as  The  Hague  Conference  lacked  re- 
sources to  create  but  would  have  rejoiced  to 
see. 

The  Council,  resolving  loose  and  large 
theories  into  clean-cut  and  modest  practice, 
has  been  gradually  reconciling  the  League, 
as  an  organized  world,  with  the  ideals  of 
international  interdependence,  temporarily 
obscured  since  1914  by  the  shadows  of  the 
World  War. 

No  one  can  deny  that  the  organs  of  the 
League  have  brought  to  the  service  of  the 
forces  behind  those  ideals  an  efficiency, 
scope,  and  variety  of  appeal  that  in  1914 
would  have  seemed  incredible. 

It  is  common  knowledge  that  public  opin- 
ion and  official  policy  in  the  United  States 
have  for  a  long  time,  without  distinction  of 
party,  been  favorable  to  international  con- 
ferences for  the  common  welfare,  and  to  the 
establishment  of  conciliative,  arbitral  and 
judicial  means  for  settling  international 
disputes. 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  judg- 
ment and  policy  have  been  changed.  Along 
these  same  lines  the  League  is  now  plainly 
crystallizing,  as  has  been  shown,  and  at  the 
touch  of  the  United  States  the  process  can  be 
expedited. 

In  no  other  way  can  the  organized  world, 
from  which  the  United  States  cannot  be 
economically  and  spiritualy  separated,  belt 
the  power  of  public  opinion  to  the  new 
machinery,  devised  for  the  pacific  settlement 
of  controversies  between  nations  and  standing 
always  ready  for  use. 

The    United    States    Should    Participate    in   the 
League's  Work   under   Stated   Conditions 

The  United  States  Government  should  be 
authorized  to  propose  co-operation  with  the 
League  and  participation  in  the  work  of  its 
Assembly  and  Council  under  the  following 
conditions  and  reservations : 

I.  The  United  States  accepts  the  League  of 
Nations  as  an  instrument  of  mutual  counsel, 
but  it  will  assume  no  obligation  to  interfere 
with  political  questions  of  policy  or  internal 
administration  of  any  foreign  State. 

The  United   States  Will   Maintain  the  Monroe 
Doctrine 

In  uniting  its  efforts  with  those  of  other 
States  for  the  preservation  of  peace  and  the 
promotion  of  the  common  welfare,  the  United 
States  does  not  abandon  its  traditional  atti- 
tude  concerning   American   independence    of 


the  Old  World  and  does  not  consent  to  sub- 
mit its  long-established  policy  concerning 
questions  regarded  by  it  as  purely  American 
to  the  recommendation  or  decision  of  other 
powers. 

The  United  States  Proposes  that  Moral  Judg- 
ment  and  Public  Opinion  Be  Substituted  for 
Force 

II.  The  United  States  will  assume  no  obli- 
gations under  Article  X,  in  its  present  form 
in  the  covenant,  unless  in  any  particular  case 
Congress  has  authorized  such  action. 

The  United  States  will  assume  no  obliga- 
tions under  Article  XVI,  in  its  present  form 
in  the  covenant  or  in  its  amended  form  as 
now  proposed,  unless  in  any  particular  case 
Congress  has  authorized  such  action. 

The  United  States  proposes  that  Articles 
X  and  XVI  be  either  dropped  altogether  or  so 
amended  and  changed  as  to  eliminate  any 
suggestion  of  a  general  agreement  to  use  co- 
ercion for  obtaining  conformity  to  the  pledges 
of  the  covenant. 

The  United  States  Will  Assume  No  Obliga- 
tions under  the  Versailles  Treaty  Except  as 
Congress  Approves 

III.  The  United  States  will  accept  no  re- 
sponsibility and  assume  no  obligation  in 
connection  with  any  duties  Imposed  upon  the 
League  by  the  peace  treaties,  unless  in  any 
particular  case  Congress  has  authorized  such 
action. 

The  United  States  Proposes  That  Membership 
Be  Opened  to  Any  Self-governing  State 

IV^  The  United  States  proposes  that  Article 
I  of  the  Covenant  be  construed  and  applied, 
or,  If  necessary,  redrafted,  so  that  admission 
to  the  League  shall  be  assured  by  any  self- 
governing  State  that  wishes  to  join  and  that 
receives  the  favorable  vote  of  two-thirds  of 
the  Asembly. 

The   Continuing   Development   of   Tnternational 
Law  Must  Be  Provided  for 

V.  As  a  further  condition  of  its  participa- 
tion in  the  work  and  counsels  of  the  League, 
the  United  States  asks  that  the  Assembly 
and  Council  consent — or  obtain  authority — to 
begin  collaboration  for  the  revision  and  de- 
velopment of  international  law,  employing  for 
this  purpose  the  aid  of  a  commission  of 
jurists.  This  commission  would  be  directed 
to  formulate  anew  existing  rules  of  the  law 
of  nations,  to  reconcile  divergent  opinions,  to 
consider  points  hitherto  inadequately  pro- 
vided for  but  vital  to  the  maintenance  of  in- 


92 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


ternational  justice,  and  in  general  to  define 
the  social  rights  and  duties  of  States.  The 
recommendations  of  the  commission  would  be 
presented  from  time  to  time,  in  proper  form 
for  consideration,  to  the  Assembly  as  to  a 
recommending  if  not  a  lawmaking  body. 

Among  these  conditions  Numbers  I  and  II 
have  already  been  discussed.  Number  III 
is  a  logical  consequence  of  the  refusal  of  the 
United  States  Senate  to  ratify  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles,  and  of  the  settled  policy  of  the 
United  States  which  is  characterized  in  the 
first  reservation.  Concerning  Numbers  IV 
and  V  this  may  be  said : 


Anything  less  than  a  world  conference, 
especially  when  great  powers  are  excluded, 
must  incur,  in  proportion  to  the  exclusions, 
the  suspicion  of  being  an  alliance  rather  than 
a  family  of  nations.  The  United  States  can 
render  service  in  emphasizing  this  lesson, 
learned  in  The  Hague  Conference,  and  in  thus 
helping  to  reconstitute  the  family  of  nations 
as  it  really  is.  Such  a  conference  or  assembly 
must  obviously  bear  the  chief  responsibility 
for  the  development  of  new  parts  of  the  law 
of  nations,  devised  to  fit  changed  and  chang- 
ing conditions,  to  extend  the  sway  of  justice, 
and  to  help  in  preserving  peace  and  security. 


WAR 

By  RALPH  WALDO  EMERSON 


Noi-E. — In  the  winter  and  early  spring  of 
1838  the  American  Peace  Society  held  a 
course  of  lectures  in  Boston.  This  lecture 
was  the  seventh  in  the  course.  Mr.  Alcott 
wrote  in  his  diary  at  the  time : 

"I  heard  Emerson's  lecture  on  Peace,  as 
the  closing  discourse  of  a  series  delivered  at 
the  Odeon  before  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety. .  .  .  After  the  lecture  I  saw  Mr. 
Garrison,  who  is  at  this  time  deeply  inter- 
ested in  the  question  of  peace,  as  are  many 
of  the  meekest  and  noblest  souls  among  us. 
He  expressed  his  great  pleasure  in  the  stand 
taken  by  Mr.  Emerson  and  his  hopes  in  him 
as  a  man  of  the  new  age.  This  great  topic 
has  been  brought  before  the  general  mind  as 
a  direct  consequence  of  the  agitation  of  the 
abolition  of  slavery." 

The  lecture  was  printed  in  1849  in  jEs- 
thetic  Papers,  edited  by  Miss  Elizabeth  P. 
Peabody. 

This  reprint,  including  the  "Notes,"  is 
taken  from  the  Centenary  edition  of  the  com- 
plete works  of  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  Vol- 
ume XI,  edited  by  Edward  Waldo  Emerson, 
and  reprinted  by  permission  of  and  by  ar- 
rangement with  Houghton  Mifflin  Company, 
the  authorized  publishers. 


The  archangel  Hope 

Looks  to  the  azure  cope, 
Walts  through  dark  ages  for  the  morn 
Defeated,  day  by  day,  but  unto  Victory  bom. 

IT  HAS  been  a  favorite  study  of  mod- 
ern philosophy  to  indicate  the  steps  of 
human  progress,  to  watch  the  rising  of  a 
thought  in  one  man's  mind,  the  communi- 
cation of  it  to  a  few,  to  a  small  minority, 
its  expansion  and  general  reception,  until 
it  publishes  itself  to  the  world  by  destroy- 
ing the  existing  laws  and  institutions,  and 


the  generation  of  new.  Looked  at  in  this 
general  and  historical  way,  many  things 
wear  a  very  different  face  from  that  they 
show  near  by,  and  one  at  a  time — and  par- 
ticularly war.  War,  which  to  sane  men  at 
the  present  day  begins  to  look  like  an  epi- 
demic insanity,  breaking  out  here  and 
there  like  the  cholera  or  influenza,  infect- 
ing men's  brains  instead  of  their  bowels, 
when  seen  in  the  remote  past,  in  the  in- 
fancy of  society,  appears  a  part  of  the  con- 
nection of  events,  and,  in  its  place,  neces- 
sary. 

As  far  as  history  has  preserved  to  us  the 
slow  unfoldings  of  any  savage  tribe,  it  is 
not  easy  to  see  how  war  could  be  avoided 
by  such  wild,  passionate,  needy,  ungov- 
erned,  strong-bodied  creatures.  For  in 
the  infancy  of  society,  when  a  thin  popu- 
lation and  improvidence  make  the  supply 
of  food  and  of  shelter  insufficient  and  very 
precarious,  and  when  hunger,  thirst,  ague, 
and  frozen  limbs  universally  take  prece- 
dence of  the  wants  of  the  mind  and  the 
heart,  the  necessities  of  the  strong  will 
certainly  be  satisfied  at  the  cost  of  the 
weak,  at  whatever  peril  of  future  revenge. 
It  is  plain,  too,  that  in  the  first  dawnings 
of  the  religious  sentiment,  that  blends  it- 
self with  their  passions  and  is  oil  to  the 
fire.  Not  only  every  tribe  has  war-gods, 
religious  festivals  in  victory,  but  religious 
wars. 

The  student  of  history  acquiesces  the 
more  readily  in  this  copious  bloodshed  of 
the  early  annals,  bloodshed  in  God's  name. 


192J^ 


WAR 


93 


too,  when  he  learns  that  it  is  a  temporary 
and  preparatory  state,  and  does  actively 
forward  the  culture  of  man.  War  edu- 
cates the  senses,  calls  into  action  the  will, 
perfects  the  physical  constitution,  brings 
men  into  such  swift  and  close  collision  in 
critical  moments  that  man  measures  man. 
On  its  own  scale,  on  the  virtues  it  loves, 
it  endures  no  counterfeit,  but  shakes  the 
whole  society  until  every  atom  falls  into 
the  place  its  specific  gravity  assigns  it.^ 
It  presently  finds  the  value  of  good  sense 
and  of  foresight,  and  Ulysses  takes  rank 
next  to  Achilles.  The  leaders,  picked  men 
of  a  courage  and  vigor,  tried  and  aug- 
mented in  fifty  battles,  are  emulous  to 
distinguish  themselves  above  each  other 
by  new  merits,  as  clemency,  hospitality, 
splendor  of  living.  The  people  imitate  the 
chiefs.  The  strong  tribes,  in  which  war 
has  become  an  art,  attack  and  conquer 
their  neighbors  and  teach  them  their  arts 
and  virtues.  New  territory,  augmented 
numbers,  and  extended  interests  call  out 
new  virtues  and  abilities,  and  the  tribe 
makes  long  strides.  And,  finally,  when 
much  progress  has  been  made,  all  its  se- 
crets of  wisdom  and  art  are  disseminated 
by  its  invasions. 

Plutarch,  in  his  essay  "On  the  Fortune 
of  Alexander,"  considers  the  invasion  and 
conquest  of  the  East  by  Alexander  as  one 
of  the  most  bright  and  pleasing  pages  in 
history;  and,  it  must  be  owned,  he  gives 
sound  reason  for  his  opinion.  It  had  the 
effect  of  uniting  into  one  great  interest 
the  divided  commonwealths  of  Greece,  and 
infusing  a  new  and  more  enlarged  public 
spirit  into  the  councils  of  their  statesmen. 
It  carried  the  arts  and  language  and  phil- 
osophy of  the  Greeks  into  the  sluggish  and 
barbarous  nations  of  Persia,  Assyria,  and 
India.  It  introduced  the  arts  of  hus- 
bandry among  tribes  of  hunters  and  shep- 
herds. It  weaned  the  Scythians  and 
Persians  from  some  cruel  and  licentious 
practices  to  a  more  civil  way  of  life.  It 
introduced  the  sacredness  of  marriage 
among  them.  It  built  seventy  cities,  and 
sowed  the  Greek  customs  and  humane  laws 
over  Asia,  and  united  hostile  nations 
under  one  code.  It  brought  different  fam- 
ilies of  the  human  race  together — to  blows 
at  first,  but  afterwards  to  truce,  to  trade, 
and  to  intermarriage.  It  would  be  very 
easy  to  show  analogous  benefits  that  have 


resulted  from  military  movements  of  later 


Considerations  of  this  kind  lead  us  to  a 
true  view  of  the  nature  and  office  of  war. 
We  see  it  is  the  subject  of  all  history ;  that 
it  has  been  the  principal  employment  of 
the  most  conspicuous  men;  that  it  is  at 
this  moment  the  delight  of  half  the  world, 
of  almost  all  young  and  ignorant  persons ; 
that  it  is  exhibited  to  us  continually  in  the 
dumb  show  of  brute  nature,  where  war 
between  tribes,  and  between  individuals 
of  the  same  tribe,  perpetually  rages.  The 
microscope  reveals  miniature  butchery  in 
atomies  and  infinitely  small  biters  that 
swim  and  fight  in  an  illuminated  drop  of 
water;  and  the  little  globe  is  but  a  too 
faithful  miniature  of  the  large. 

What  does  all  this  war,  beginning  from 
the  lowest  races  and  reaching  up  to  man, 
signify  ?  Is  it  not  manifest  that  it  covers 
a  great  and  beneficent  principle,  which 
nature  had  deeply  at  heart?  What  is  that 
principle?  It  is  self-help.  Nature  im- 
plants with  life  the  instinct  of  self-help, 
perpetual  struggle  to  be,  to  resist  opposi- 
tion, to  attain  to  freedom,  to  attain  to  a 
mastery  and  the  security  of  a  permanent, 
self-defended  being;  and  to  each  creature 
these  objects  are  made  so  dear  that  it  risks 
its  life  continually  in  the  struggle  for 
these  ends. 

But  while  this  principle,  necessarily,  is 
inwrought  into  the  fabric  of  every  crea- 
ture, yet  it  is  but  one  instinct ;  and  though 
a  primary  one,  or  we  may  say  the  very 
first,  yet  the  appearance  of  the  other  in- 
stincts immediately  modifies  and  controls 
this ;  turns  its  energies  into  harmless,  use- 
ful and  high  courses,  showing  thereby 
what  was  its  ultimate  design ;  and,  finally, 
takes  out  its  fangs.  The  instinct  of  self- 
help  is  very  early  unfolded  in  the  coarse 
and  merely  brute  form  of  war,  only  in  the 
childhood  and  imbecility  of  the  other  in- 
stincts, and  remains  in  that  form  only 
until  their  development.  It  is  the  igno- 
rant and  childish  part  of  mankind  that  is 
the  fighting  part.  Idle  and  vacant  minds 
want  excitement,  as  all  boys  kill  cats. 
Bull-baiting,  cockpits,  and  the  boxer's 
ring  are  the  enjoyment  of  the  part  of  so- 
ciety whose  animal  nature  alone  has  been 
developed.  In  some  parts  of  this  country, 
where  the  intellectual  and  moral  faculties 
have  as  yet  scarcely  any  culture,  the  ab- 


94 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


sorbing  topic  of  all  conversation  is  whip- 
ping; who  fought,  and  which  whipped? 
Of  man,  boy,  or  beast,  the  only  trait  that 
much  interests  the  speakers  is  the  pug- 
nacity.2  And  why?  Because  the  speaker 
has  as  yet  no  other  image  of  manly  activ- 
ity and  virtue,  none  of  endurance,  none  of 
perseverance,  none  of  charity,  none  of  the 
attainment  of  truth.  Put  him  into  a 
circle  of  cultivated  men,  where  the  conver- 
sation broaches  the  great  questions  that 
besiege  the  human  reason,  and  he  would 
be  dumb  and  unhappy,  as  an  Indian  in 
church. 

To  men  of  a  sedate  and  mature  spirit, 
in  whom  is  any  knowledge  or  mental  ac- 
tivity, the  detail  of  battle  becomes  insup- 
portably  tedious  and  revolting.  It  is  like 
the  talk  of  one  of  those  monomaniacs 
whom  we  sometimes  meet  in  society,  who 
converse  on  horses;  and  Fontenelle  ex- 
pressed a  volume  of  meaning  when  he  said, 
"I  hate  war,  for  it  spoils  conversation." 

Nothing  is  plainer  than  that  the  sym- 
pathy with  war  is  a  juvenile  and  tempo- 
rary state.  Not  only  the  moral  sentiment, 
but  trade,  learning,  and  whatever  makes 
intercourse,  conspire  to  put  it  down. 
Trade,  as  all  men  know,  is  the  antagonist 
of  war.  Wherever  there  is  no  property, 
the  people  will  put  on  the  knapsack  for 
bread;  but  trade  is  instantly  endangered 
and  destroyed.  And,  moreover,  trade 
brings  men  to  look  each  other  in  the  face, 
and  gives  the  parties  the  knowledge  that 
these  enemies  over  sea  or  over  the  moun- 
tain are  such  men  as  we;  who  laugh  and 
grieve,  who  love  and  fear,  as  we  do.  And 
learning  and  art,  and  especially  religion, 
weave  ties  that  make  war  look  like  fratri- 
cide, as  it  is.  And  as  all  history  is  the 
picture  of  war,  as  we  have  said,  so  it  is  no 
less  true  that  it  is  the  record  of  the  miti- 
gation and  decline  of  war.  Early  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  the  Italian 
cities  had  grown  so  populous  and  strong 
that  they  forced  the  rural  nobility  to  dis- 
mantle their  castles,  which  were  dens  of 
cruelty,  and  come  and  reside  in  the  towns. 
The  Popes,  to  their  eternal  honor,  de- 
clared religious  jubilees,  during  which  all 
hostilities  were  suspended  throughout 
Christendom,  and  man  had  a  breathing 
space.  The  increase  of  civility  has  abol- 
ished the  use  of  poison  and  of  torture, 
once  supposed  as  necessary  as  navies  now. 
And,  finally,  the  art  of  war,  what  with 


gunpowder  and  tactics,  has  made,  as  all 
men  know,  battles  less  frequent  and  less 
murderous. 

By  all  these  means  war  has  been  steadily 
on  the  decline ;  and  we  read  with  astonish- 
ment of  the  beastly  fighting  of  the  old 
times.  Only  in  Elizabeth's  time,  out  of 
the  European  waters,  piracy  was  all  but 
universal.  The  proverb  was,  "No  peace 
beyond  the  line";  and  the  seamen  shipped 
on  the  buccaneer's  bargain,  "No  prey,  no 
pay."  The  celebrated  Cavendish,  who  was 
thought  in  his  times  a  good  Christian 
man,  wrote  thus  to  Lord  Hunsdon,  on  his 
return  from  a  voyage  round  the  world: 
"Sept.  1588.  It  has  pleased  Almighty 
God  to  suffer  me  to  circumpass  the  whole 
globe  of  the  world,  entering  in  at  the 
Strait  of  Magellan,  and  returning  by  the 
Cape  of  Buena  Esperanga;  in  which  voy- 
age, I  have  either  discovered  or  brought 
certain  intelligence  of  all  the  rich  places 
of  the  world,  which  were  ever  discovered 
by  any  Christian.  I  navigated  along  the 
coast  of  Chili,  Peru,  and  New  Spain, 
where  I  made  great  spoils.  I  burnt  and 
sunlc  nineteen  sail  of  ships,  small  and 
great.  All  the  villages  and  toivns  that 
ever  I  landed  at,  I  burned  and  spoiled. 
And  had  I  not  been  discovered  upon  the 
coast,  I  had  taken  great  quantity  of  treas- 
ure. The  matter  of  most  profit  to  me  was 
a  great  ship  of  the  kings,  which  I  took  at 
California,"  &c.  And  the  good  Cavendish 
piously  begins  this  statement,  "It  hath 
pleased  Almighty  God." 

Indeed,  our  American  annals  have  pre- 
served the  vestiges  of  barbarous  warfare 
down  to  the  more  recent  times.  I  read  in 
Williams's  History  of  Maine  that  "Assa- 
combuit,  the  Sagamore  of  the  Anagunti- 
cook  tribe,  was  remarkable  for  his  turpi- 
tude and  ferocity  above  all  other  known 
Indians;  that,  in  1705,  Vaudreuil  sent 
him  to  France,  where  he  was  introduced 
to  the  king.  When  he  appeared  at  court, 
he  lifted  up  his  hand  and  said,  'This  hand 
has  slain  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  your  maj- 
esty's enemies  within  the  territories  of 
New  England.'  This  so  pleased  the  king 
that  he  knighted  him,  and  ordered  a  pen- 
sion of  eight  livres  a  day  to  be  paid  him 
during  life."  This  valuable  person,  on  his 
return  to  America,  took  to  killing  his  own 
neighbors  and  kindred  with  such  appetite 
that  his  tribe  combined  against  him,  and 


192J^ 


WAR 


95 


would  have  killed  him  had  he  not  fled  his 
country  forever. 

The  scandal  which  we  feel  in  such  facts 
certainly  shows  that  we  have  got  on  a 
little.  All  history  is  the  decline  of  war, 
though  the  slow  decline.  All  that  society 
has  yet  gained  is  mitigation :  the  doctrine 
of  the  right  of  war  still  remains. 

For  ages  (for  ideas  work  in  ages,  and 
animate  vast  societies  of  men)  the  human 
race  has  gone  on  under  the  tyranny — shall 
I  so  call  it  ? — of  this  first  brutish  form  of 
their  effort  to  be  men;  that  is,  for  ages 
they  have  shared  so  much  of  the  nature  of 
the  lower  animals,  the  tiger  and  the  shark, 
and  the  savages  of  the  water-drop.  They 
have  nearly  exhausted  all  the  good  and  all 
the  evil  of  this  form:  they  have  held  as 
fast  to  this  degradation  as  their  worst 
enemy  could  desire ;  but  all  things  have  an 
end,  and  so  has  this.'  The  eternal  germi- 
nation of  the  better  has  unfolded  new 
powers,  new  instincts,  which  were  really 
concealed  under  this  rough  and  base  rind. 
The  sublime  question  has  startled  one  and 
another  happy  soul  in  different  quarters 
of  the  globe,  Cannot  love  be,  as  well  as 
hate?  Would  not  love  answer  the  same 
end,  or  even  a  better?  Cannot  peace  be, 
as  well  as  war? 

This  thought  is  no  man's  invention, 
neither  St.  Pierre's  nor  Eousseau's,  but 
the  rising  of  the  general  tide  in  the  hu- 
man soul,  and  rising  highest  and  first 
made  visible  in  the  most  simple  and  pure 
souls,  who  have  therefore  announced  it  to 
us  beforehand ;  but  presently  we  all  see  it. 
It  has  now  become  so  distinct  as  to  be  a 
social  thought :  societies  can  be  formed  on 
it.  It  is  expounded,  illustrated,  defined, 
with  different  degrees  of  clearness;  and 
its  actualization,  or  the  measures  it  should 
inspire,  predicted  according  to  the  light 
of  each  seer. 

The  idea  itself  is  the  epoch;  the  fact 
that  it  has  become  so  distinct  to  any  small 
number  of  persons  as  to  become  a  subject 
of  prayer  and  hope,  of  concert  and  discus- 
sion— that  is  the  commanding  fact.  This 
having  come,  much  more  will  follow. 
Revolutions  go  not  backward.  The  star 
once  risen,  though  only  one  man  in  the 
hemisphere  has  yet  seen  its  upper  limb  in 
the  horizon,  will  mount  and  mount,  until 
it  becomes  visible  to  other  men,  to  multi- 
tudes, and  climbs  the  zenith  of  all  eyes. 
And  so  it  is  not  a  great  matter  how  long 


men  refuse  to  believe  the  advent  of  peace : 
war  is  on  its  last  legs;  and  a  universal 
peace  is  as  sure  as  is  the  prevalence  of 
civilization  over  barbarism,  of  liberal  gov- 
ernments over  feudal  forms.  The  ques- 
tion for  us  is  only  How  soon? 

That  the  project  of  peace  should  appear 
visionary  to  great  numbers  of  sensible 
men;  should  appear  laughable  even  to 
numbers;  should  appear  to  the  grave  and 
good-natured  to  be  embarrassed  with  ex- 
treme practical  difficulties  is  very  natural. 
"This  is  a  poor,  tedious  society  of  yours," 
they  say;  "we  do  not  see  what  good  can 
come  of  it.  Peace !  why,  we  are  all  at 
peace  now.  But  if  a  foreign  nation  should 
wantonly  insult  or  plunder  our  commerce, 
or,  worse  yet,  should  land  on  our  shores  to 
rob  and  kill,  you  would  not  have  us  sit 
and  be  robbed  and  killed?  You  mistake 
the  times;  you  overestimate  the  virtue  of 
men.  You  forget  that  the  quiet  which 
now  sleeps  in  cities  and  in  farms,  which 
lets  the  wagon  go  unguarded  and  the 
farm-house  unbolted,  rests  on  the  perfect 
understanding  of  all  men  that  the  musket, 
the  halter,  and  the  jail  stand  behind  there, 
ready  to  punish  any  disturber  of  it.  All 
admit  that  this  would  be  the  best  policy 
if  the  world  were  all  a  church,  if  all  men 
were  the  best  men,  if  all  would  agree  to 
accept  this  rule.  But  it  is  absurd  for  one 
nation  to  attempt  it  alone."  * 

In  the  first  place,  we  answer  that  we 
never  make  much  account  of  objections 
which  merely  respect  the  actual  state  of 
the  world  at  this  moment,  but  which  ad- 
mit the  general  expediency  and  permanent 
excellence  of  the  project.  What  is  the 
best  must  be  the  true ;  and  what  is  true — 
that  is,  what  is  at  bottom  fit  and  agreeable 
to  the  constitution  of  man — must  at  last 
prevail  over  all  obstruction  and  all  oppo- 
sition. There  is  no  good  now  enjoyed  by 
society  that  was  not  once  as  problematical 
and  visionary  as  this.  It  is  the  tendency 
of  the  true  interest  of  man  to  become  his 
desire  and  steadfast  aim. 

But,  further,  it  is  a  lesson  which  all  his- 
tory teaches  wise  men,  to  put  trust  in 
ideas  and  not  in  circumstances.  We  have 
all  grown  up  in  the  sight  of  frigates  and 
navy  yards,  of  armed  forts  and  islands,  of 
arsenals  and  militia.  The  reference  to 
any  foreign  register  will  inform  us  of  the 
number  of  thousand  or  million  men  that 
are  now  under  arms  in  the  vast  colonial 


96 


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February 


system  of  the  British  Empire,  of  Eussia, 
Austria,  and  France;  and  one  is  scared  to 
find  at  what  a  cost  the  peace  of  the  globe 
is  kept.  This  vast  apparatus  of  artillery, 
of  fleets,  of  stone  bastions  and  trenches 
and  embankments;  this  incessant  patrol- 
ing  of  sentinels ;  this  waving  of  national 
flags;  this  reveille  and  evening  gun;  this 
martial  music  and  endless  playing  of 
marches  and  singing  of  military  and  naval 
songs  seem  to  us  to  constitute  an  impos- 
ing actual,  which  will  not  yield  in  centu- 
ries to  the  feeble,  deprecatory  voices  of  a 
handful  of  friends  of  peace. 

Thus  always  we  are  daunted  by  the  ap- 
pearances, not  seeing  that  their  whole 
value  lies  at  bottom  in  the  state  of  mind. 
It  is  really  a  thought  that  built  this  por- 
tentious  war  establishment,  and  a  thought 
shall  also  melt  it  away.'*  Every  nation  and 
every  man  instantly  surround  themselves 
with  a  material  apparatus  which  exactly 
corresponds  to  their  moral  state  or  their 
state  of  thought.  Observe  how  every  truth 
and  every  error,  each  a  thought  of  some 
man's  mind,  clothes  itself  with  societies, 
houses,  cities,  language,  ceremonies,  news- 
papers. Observe  the  ideas  of  the  present 
day  —  orthodoxy,  skepticism,  missions, 
popular  education,  temperance,  anti-ma- 
sonry, anti-slavery;  see  how  each  of  these 
abstractions  has  embodied  itself  in  an  im- 
posing apparatus  in  the  community;  and 
how  timber,  brick,  lime,  and  stone  have 
flown  into  convenient  shape,  obedient  to 
the  master  idea  reigning  in  the  minds  of 
many  persons.^ 

You  shall  hear  some  day  of  a  wild  fancy 
which  some  man  has  in  his  brain,  of  the 
mischief  of  secret  oaths.  Come  again  one 
or  two  years  afterwards,  and  you  shall  see 
it  has  built  great  houses  of  solid  wood  and 
brick  and  mortar.  You  shall  see  a  hun- 
dred presses  printing  a  million  sheets; 
you  shall  see  men  and  horses  and  wheels 
made  to  walk,  run,  and  roll  for  it:  this 
great  body  of  matter  thus  executing  that 
one  man's  wild  thought.  This  happens 
daily,  yearly  about  us,  with  half  thoughts, 
often  with  flimsy  lies,  pieces  of  policy  and 
speculation.  With  good  nursing  they  will 
last  three  or  four  years  before  they  will 
come  to  nothing.  But  when  a  truth  ap- 
pears— as,  for  instance,  a  perception  in  the 
wit  of  one  Columbus  that  there  is  land  in 
the  Western  Sea,  though  he  alone  of  all 
men  has  that  thought,  and  they  all  jeer — 


it  will  build  ships;  it  will  build  fleets;  it 
will  carry  over  half  Spain  and  half  Eng- 
land; it  will  plant  a  colony,  a  State,  na- 
tions, and  half  a  globe  full  of  men. 

We  surround  ourselves  always,  accord- 
ing to  our  freedom  and  ability,  with  true 
images  of  ourselves  in  things,  whether  it 
be  ships  or  books  or  cannons  or  churches. 
The  standing  army,  the  arsenal,  the  camp 
and  the  gibbet  do  not  appertain  to  man. 
They  only  serve  as  an  index  to  show  where 
man  is  now;  what  a  bad,  ungoverned  tem- 
per he  has;  what  an  ugly  neighbor  he  is; 
how  his  affections  halt;  how  low  his  hope 
lies.  He  who  loves  the  bristle  of  bayonets 
only  sees  in  their  glitter  what  beforehand 
he  feels  in  his  heart.  It  is  avarice  and 
hatred;  it  is  that  quivering  lip,  that  cold, 
hating  eye,  which  built  magazines  and 
powder-houses. 

It  follows,  of  course,  that  the  least 
change  in  the  man  will  change  his  cir- 
cumstances; the  least  enlargement  of  his 
ideas,  the  least  mitigation  of  his  feelings 
in  respect  to  other  men;  if,  for  example, 
he  could  be  inspired  with  a  tender  kind- 
ness to  the  souls  of  men,  and  should  come 
to  feel  that  every  man  was  another  self 
with  whom  he  might  come  to  join,  as  left 
hand  works  with  right.  Every  degree  of 
the  ascendancy  of  this  feeling  would  cause 
the  most  striking  changes  of  external 
things :  the  tents  would  be  struck ;  the 
man-of-war  would  rot  ashore;  the  arms 
rust;  the  cannon  would  become  street- 
posts;  the  pikes  a  fisher's  harpoon;  the 
marching  regiment  would  be  a  caravan  of 
emigrants,  peaceful  pioneers  at  the  foun- 
tains of  the  Wabash  and  the  Missouri. 
And  so  it  must  and  will  be:  bayonet  and 
sword  must  first  retreat  a  little  from  their 
ostentatious  prominence;  then  quite  hide 
themselves,  as  the  sheriff's  halter  does 
now,  inviting  the  attendance  only  of  rela- 
tions and  friends ;  and  then,  lastly,  will  be 
transferred  to  the  museums  of  the  curious, 
as  poisoning  and  torturing  tools  are  at  this 
day. 

War  and  peace  thus  resolve  themselves 
into  a  mercury  of  the  state  of  cultivation. 
At  a  certain  stage  of  his  progress  the  man 
fights,  if  he  be  of  a  sound  body  and  mind. 
At  a  certain  higher  stage  he  makes  no 
offensive  demonstration,  but  is  alert  to 
repel  injury  and  of  an  unconquerable 
heart.'''  At  a  still  higher  stage  he  comes 
into  the  region  of  holiness;  passion  has 


192Jf 


WAR 


97 


passed  away  from  him ;  his  warlike  nature 
is  all  converted  into  an  active  medicinal 
principle;  he  sacrifices  himself,  and  ac- 
cepts with  alacrity  wearisome  tasks  of  de- 
nial and  charity;  but,  being  attacked,  he 
bears  it  and  turns  the  other  cheek,  as  one 
engaged,  throughout  his  being,  no  longer 
to  the  service  of  an  individual,  but  to  the 
common  soul  of  all  men. 

Since  the  peace  question  has  been  before 
the  public  mind,  those  who  aflSrm  its  right 
and  expediency  have  naturally  been  met 
with  objections  more  or  less  weighty. 
There  are  cases  frequently  put  by  the 
curious — moral  problems,  like  those  prob- 
lems in  arithmetic  which  in  long  winter 
evenings  the  rustics  try  the  hardness  of 
their  heads  in  ciphering  out.  And  chiefly 
it  is  said.  Either  accept  this  principle  for 
better,  for  worse,  carry  it  out  to  the  end, 
and  meet  its  absurd  consequences ;  or  else, 
if  you  pretend  to  set  an  arbitrary  limit, 
a  "Thus  far,  no  farther,"  then  give  up  the 
principle,  and  take  that  limit  which  the 
common  sense  of  all  mankind  has  set,  and 
which  distinguishes  offensive  war  as  crim- 
inal, defensive  war  as  just.  Otherwise,  if 
you  go  for  no  war,  then  be  consistent  and 
give  up  self-defense  in  the  highway,  in 
your  own  house.  Will  you  push  it  thus 
far?  Will  you  stick  to  your  principle  of 
non-resistance  when  your  strong  box  is 
broken  open,  when  your  wife  and  babes 
are  insulted  and  slaughtered  in  your 
sight  ?  If  you  say  yes,  you  only  invite  the 
robber  and  assassin;  and  a  few  bloody- 
minded  desperadoes  would  soon  butcher 
the  good. 

In  reply  to  this  charge  of  absurdity  on 
the  extreme  peace  doctrine,  as  shown  in 
the  supposed  consequences,  I  wish  to  say 
that  such  deductions  consider  only  one- 
half  of  the  fact.  They  look  only  at  the 
passive  side  of  the  friend  of  peace;  only 
at  his  passivity;  they  quite  omit  to  con- 
sider his  activity.  But  no  man,  it  may  be 
presumed,  ever  embraced  the  cause  of 
peace  and  philanthropy  for  the  sole  end 
and  satisfaction  of  being  plundered  and 
slain.  A  man  does  not  come  the  length  of 
the  spirit  of  martyrdom  without  some 
active  purpose,  some  equal  motive,  some 
flaming  love.  If  you  have  a  nation  of  men 
who  have  risen  to  that  height  of  moral 
cultivation  that  they  will  not  declare  war 
or  carry  arms,  for  they  have  not  so  much 
madness  left  in  their  brains,  you  have  a 


nation  of  lovers,  of  benefactors,  of  true, 
great  and  able  men.  Let  me  know  more 
of  that  nation;  I  shall  not  find  them  de- 
fenseless, with  idle  hands  swinging  at 
their  sides.  I  shall  find  them  men  of  love, 
honor,  and  truth;  men  of  an  immense  in- 
dustry ;  men  whose  influence  is  felt  to  the 
end  of  the  earth;  men  whose  very  look 
and  voice  carry  the  sentence  of  honor  and 
shame ;  and  all  forces  yield  to  their  energy 
and  persuasion.  Whenever  we  see  the  doc- 
trine of  peace  embraced  by  a  nation,  we 
may  be  assured  it  will  not  be  one  that  in- 
vites injury;  but  one,  on  the  contrary, 
which  has  a  friend  in  the  bottom  of  the 
heart  of  every  man,  even  of  the  violent 
and  the  base;  one  against  which  no  wea- 
pon can  prosper ;  one  which  is  looked  upon 
as  the  asylum  of  the  human  race  and  has 
the  tears  and  the  blessings  of  mankind. 

In  the  second  place,  as  far  as  it  respects 
individual  action  in  difficult  and  extreme 
cases,  I  will  say,  such  cases  seldom  or 
never  occur  to  the  good  and  just  man ;  nor 
are  we  careful  to  say,  or  even  to  know, 
what  in  such  crises  is  to  be  done.  A  wise 
man  will  never  impawn  his  future  being 
and  action,  and  decide  beforehand  what  he 
shall  do  in  a  given  extreme  event.  Nature 
and  God  will  instruct  him  in  that  hour. 

The  question  naturally  arises.  How  is 
this  new  aspiration  of  the  human  mind  to 
be  made  visible  and  real?  How  is  it  to 
pass  out  of  thoughts  into  things  ? 

Not,  certainly,  in  the  first  place,  in  the 
way  of  routine  and  mere  forms,  the  imi- 
versal  specific  of  modern  politics;  not  by 
organizing  a  society,  and  going  through  a 
course  of  resolutions  and  public  manifes- 
toes, and  being  thus  formally  accredited 
to  the  public  and  to  the  civility  of  the 
newspapers.  We  have  played  this  game  to 
tediousness.  In  some  of  our  cities  they 
choose  noted  duelists  as  presidents  and 
officers  of  anti-duelling  societies.  Men 
who  love  that  bloated  vanity  called  public 
opinion  think  all  is  well  if  they  have  once 
got  their  bantling  through  a  sufficient 
course  of  speeches  and  cheerings,  of  one, 
two,  or  three  public  meetings;  as  if  they 
could  do  anything :  they  vote  and  vote,  cry 
hurrah  on  both  sides,  no  man  responsible, 
no  man  caring  a  pin.  The  next  season,  an 
Indian  war,  or  an  aggression  on  our  com- 
merce by  Malays;  or  the  party  this  man 
votes  with  have  an  appropriation  to  carry 
through  Congress:  instantly  he  wags  his 


98 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


head  the  other  way  and  cries,  Havoc  and 
war! 

This  is  not  to  be  carried  by  public  opin- 
ion, but  by  private  opinion,  by  private  con- 
viction, by  private,  dear  and  earnest  love. 
For  the  only  hope  of  this  cause  is  in  the 
increased  insight,  and  it  is  to  be  accom- 
plished by  the  spontaneous  teaching,  of 
the  cultivated  soul,  in  its  secret  experience 
and  meditation,  that  it  is  now  time  that 
it  should  pass  out  of  the  state  of  beast  into 
the  state  of  man ;  it  is  to  hear  the  voice  of 
God,  which  bids  the  devils  that  have 
rended  and  torn  him  come  out  of  him  and 
let  him  now  be  clothed  and  walk  forth  in 
his  right  mind. 

Nor,  in  the  next  place,  is  the  peace  prin- 
ciple to  be  carried  into  effect  by  fear.  It 
can  never  be  defended,  it  can  never  be 
executed,  by  cowards.  Everything  great 
must  be  done  in  the  spirit  of  greatness. 
The  manhood  that  has  been  in  war  must 
be  transferred  to  the  cause  of  peace  before 
war  can  lose  its  charm  and  peace  be  ven- 
erable to  men. 

The  attractiveness  of  war  shows  one 
thing  through  all  the  throats  of  artillery, 
the  thunders  of  so  many  sieges,  the  sack  of 
towns,  the  jousts  of  chivalry,  the  shock  of 
hosts — this,  namely,  the  conviction  of  man 
universally,  that  a  man  should  be  himself 
responsible,  with  goods,  health  and  life, 
for  his  behavior;  that  he  should  not  ask 
of  the  State  protection;  should  ask  noth- 
ing of  the  State ;  should  be  himself  a  king- 
dom and  a  State;  fearing  no  man;  quite 
willing  to  use  the  opportunities  and  ad- 
vantages that  good  government  throw  in 
his  way,  but  nothing  daunted,  and  not 
really  the  poorer  if  government,  law,  and 
order  went  by  the  board;  because  in  him- 
self reside  infinite  resources ;  because  he  is 
sure  of  himself,  and  never  needs  to  ask 
another  what  in  any  crisis  it  behooves  him 
to  do.* 

What  makes  to  us  the  attractiveness  of 
the  Greek  heroes?  of  the  Roman?  What 
makes  the  attractiveness  of  that  romantic 
style  of  living  which  is  the  material  of  ten 
thousand  plays  and  romances,  from  Shak- 
speare  to  Scott;  the  feudal  baron,  the 
French,  the  English  nobility,  the  War- 
wicks,  Plantagenets  ?  It  is  their  absolute 
self-dependence.  I  do  not  wonder  at  the 
dislike  some  of  the  friends  of  peace  have 
expressed  at  Shakspeare.  The  veriest 
churl  and  Jacobin  cannot  resist  the  influ- 


ence of  the  style  and  manners  of  these 
haughty  lords.  We  are  affected,  as  boys 
and  barbarians  are,  by  the  appearance  of 
a  few  rich  and  wilful  gentlemen  who  take 
their  honor  into  their  own  keeping,  defy 
the  world,  so  confident  are  they  of  their 
courage  and  strength,  and  whose  appear- 
ance is  the  arrival  of  so  much  life  and 
virtue.  In  dangerous  times  they  are  pres- 
ently tried,  and  therefore  their  name  is  a 
flourish  of  trumpets.  They,  at  least,  affect 
us  as  a  reality.  They  are  not  shams,  but 
the  substance  of  which  that  age  and  world 
is  made.  They  are  true  heroes  for  their 
time.  They  make  what  is  in  their  minds 
the  greatest  sacrifice.  They  will,  for  an 
injurious  word,  peril  all  their  state  and 
wealth  and  go  to  the  field.  Take  away 
that  principle  of  responsibleness,  and  they 
become  pirates  and  ruffians.® 

This  self-subsistency  is  the  charm  of 
war;  for  this  self-subsistency  is  essential 
to  our  idea  of  man.  But  another  age 
comes,  a  truer  religion  and  ethics  open, 
and  a  man  puts  himself  under  the  domin- 
ion of  principles,  I  see  him  to  be  the 
servant  of  truth,  of  love  and  of  freedom, 
and  immovable  in  the  waves  of  the  crowd. 
The  man  of  principle,  that  is,  the  man 
who,  without  any  flourish  of  trumpets, 
titles  of  lordship  or  train  of  guards,  with- 
out any  notice  of  his  action  abroad,  ex- 
pecting none,  takes  in  solitude  the  right 
step  uniformly,  on  his  private  choice  and 
disdaining  consequences — does  not  yield, 
in  my  imagination,  to  any  man.  He  is 
willing  to  be  hanged  at  his  own  gate, 
rather  than  consent  to  any  compromise  of 
his  freedom  or  the  suppression  of  his  con- 
viction. I  regard  no  longer  those  names 
that  so  tingled  in  my  ear.  This  is  a  baron 
of  a  better  nobility  and  a  stouter  stomach. 

The  cause  of  peace  is  not  the  cause  of 
cowardice.  If  peace  is  sought  to  be  de- 
fended or  preserved  for  the  safety  of  the 
luxurious  and  the  timid,  it  is  a  sham,  and 
the  peace  will  be  base.  War  is  better,  and 
the  peace  will  be  broken.  If  peace  is  to 
be  maintained,  it  must  be  by  brave  men, 
who  have  come  up  to  the  same  height  as 
the  hero,  namely,  the  will  to  carry  their 
life  in  their  hand,  and  stake  it  at  any  in- 
stant for  their  principle,  but  who  have 
gone  one  step  beyond  the  hero,  and  will 
not  seek  another  man's  life;  men  who 
have,  by  their  intellectual  insight  or  else 
by  their  moral  elevation,  attained  such  a 


1924 


WAR 


99 


perception  of  their  own  intrinsic  worth, 
that  they  do  not  think  property  or  their 
own  body  a  sufficient  good  to  be  saved  by 
such  dereliction  of  principle  as  treating  a 
man  like  a  sheep. 

If  the  universal  cry  for  reform  of  so 
many  inveterate  abuses,  with  which  so- 
ciety rings,  if  the  desire  of  a  large  class 
of  young  men  for  a  faith  and  hope,  intel- 
lectual and  religous,  such  as  they  have  not 
yet  found,  be  an  omen  to  be  trusted;  if 
the  disposition  to  rely  more  in  study  and 
in  action  on  the  unexplored  riches  of  the 
human  constitution,  if  the  search  of  the 
sublime  laws  of  morals  and  the  sources  of 
hope  and  trust,  in  man,  and  not  in  books, 
in  the  present,  and  not  in  the  past,  pro- 
ceed ;  if  the  rising  generation  can  be  pro- 
voked to  think  it  unworthy  to  nestle  into 
every  abomination  of  the  past,  and  shall 
feel  the  generous  darings  of  austerity  and 
virtue,  then  war  has  a  short  day,  and 
human  blood  will  cease  to  flow. 

It  is  of  little  consequence  in  what  man- 
ner, through  what  organs,  this  purpose  of 
mercy  and  holiness  is  effected.  The  prop- 
osition of  the  Congress  of  Nations  is  un- 
doubtedly that  at  which  the  present  fabric 
of  our  society  and  the  present  course  of 
events  do  point.  But  the  mind,  once  pre- 
pared for  the  reign  of  principles,  will 
easily  find  modes  of  expressing  its  will. 
There  is  the  highest  fitness  in  the  place 
and  time  in  which  this  enterprise  is  be- 
gun. Not  in  an  obscure  corner,  not  in  a 
feudal  Europe,  not  in  an  antiquated  ap- 
panage where  no  onward  step  can  be  taken 
without  rebellion,  is  this  seed  of  benevo- 
lence laid  in  the  furrow,  with  tears  of 
hope;  but  in  this  broad  America  of  God 
and  man,  where  the  forest  is  only  now 
falling,  or  yet  to  fall,  and  the  green  earth 
opened  to  the  inundation  of  emigrant  men 
from  all  quarters  of  oppression  and  guilt; 
here,  where  not  a  family,  not  a  few  men, 
but  mankind,  shall  say  what  shall  be; 
here,  we  ask,  Shall  it  be  War,  or  shall  it 
be  Peace? 


Notes 
1.  With  regard  to  schooling  a  man's  cour- 
age for  whatever  may  befall,  Mr.  Emerson 
said:  "Our  culture,  therefore,  must  not  omit 
the  arming  of  the  man.  Let  him  hear  in 
season  that  he  is  born  into  the  state  of  war, 
and  that  the  commonwealth  and  his  own  well- 
being  require  that  he  should  not  go  dancing 


in  the  weeds  of  peace,  but  warned,  self-col- 
lected and  neither  defying  nor  dreading  the 
thunder,  let  him  take  both  reputation  and 
life  in  his  hand,  and  with  perfect  urbanity 
dare  the  gibbet  and  the  mob  by  the  absolute 
truth  of  his  speech  and  the  rectitude  of  his 
behavior."  ("Heroism,''  Essays,  First  se- 
ries.) 

"A  state  of  war  or  anarchy,  in  which  law 
has  little  force,  is  so  far  valuable  that  it  puts 
every  man  on  trial."  ("The  Conservative," 
Nature,  Addresses  and  Lectures.) 

2.  Mr.  Emerson  used  to  take  pleasure  in  a 
story  illustrating  this  common  foible  of  man- 
kind. A  returned  Arctic  explorer,  in  a  lec- 
ture, said,  "In  this  wilderness  among  the  ice- 
floes, I  had  the  fortune  to  see  a  terrible  con- 
flict between  two  Polar  bears — "  "Which 
beat?"  cried  an  excited  voice  from  the  audi- 
ence. 

3.  In  his  description  of  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don in  the  journal  of  1834,  it  appears  that 
the  suits  of  armor  there  set  up  affected  Mr. 
Emerson  unpleasantly,  suggesting  half  hu- 
man destructive  lobsters  and  crabs.  It  is,  I 
believe,  said  that  Benvenuto  Cellini  learned 
to  make  the  cunning  joints  in  armor  for  men 
from  those  of  these  marine  warriors. 

In  the  opening  paragraphs  of  the  essay  on 
Inspiration,  Mr.  Emerson  congratulates  him- 
self that  the  doleful  experiences  of  the  abor- 
iginal man  were  got  through  with  long  ago. 
"They  combed  his  mane,  they  pared  his  nails, 
cut  off  his  tail,  set  him  on  end,  sent  him  to 
school,  and  made  him  pay  taxes,  before  he 
could  begin  to  write  his  sad  story  for  the 
compassion  or  the  repudiation  of  his  descend- 
ents,  who  are  all  but  unanimous  to  disown 
him.    We  must  take  him  as  we  find  him,"  etc. 

4.  In  English  Traits,  at  the  end  of  the 
chapter  on  Stonehenge,  Mr.  Emerson  gave  a 
humorous  account  of  his  setting  forth  the 
faith  or  hope  of  the  non-resistants  and  ideal- 
ists in  New  England,  to  the  amazed  and 
shocked  ears  of  Carlyle  and  Arthur  Helps. 

5.  "As  the  solidest  rocks  are  made  up  of 
invincible  gases,  as  the  world  is  made  up  of 
thickened  light  and  arrested  electricity,  so 
men  know  that  ideas  are  the  parents  of 
men  and  things;  there  was  never  anything 
that  did  not  proceed  from  a  thought." 
("The  Scholar,"  Lectures  and  Biographical 
Sketches. ) 

6.  In  the  Problem  he  says  of  the  Parthenon 
and  England's  abbeys,  that 

Out  of  thought's  Interior  sphere 
These  wonders  rose  to  upper  air. 


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ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


7.  Mr.  Emerson  in  his  conversation  frankly 
showed  that  he  was  not  yet  quite  prepared 
to  be  a  non-resistant.  He  would  have  surely 
followed  his  own  counsel  where  he  says,  "Go 
face  the  burglar  in  your  own  house,"  and  he 
seemed  to  feel  instinctive  sympathy  with 
what  Mr.  Dexter,  the  counsel,  said  in  the 
speech  which  he  used  to  read  me  from  the 
Selfridge  trial :  "And  may  my  arm  drop  pow- 
erless when  it  fails  to  defend  my  honor!" 


He  exactly  stated  his  own  position  in  a 
later  passage,  where  he  says  that  "in  a  given 
extreme  event  Nature  and  God  will  Instruct 
him  in  that  hour." 

8.  Thoreau  lived  frankly  and  fearlessly  up 
to  this  standard. 

9.  This  same  view  is  even  more  attractively 
set  forth  in  "Aristocracy.''  {Lectures  and 
Biographical  Sketches,  pp.  36-40.) 


THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 

By  HONORABLE  CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 


FOEEIGN  policies  are  not  built  upon 
abstractions.     They  are  the  result  of 
practical  conceptions  of  national  interest 
arising  from  some  immediate  exigency  or 
standing  out  vividly  in  historical  perspec- 
tive.   When  long  maintained,  they  express 
the  hopes  and  fears,  the  aims  of  security 
or    aggrandizement,    which   have   become 
dominant   in    the   national   consciousness 
and  thus  transcend  party  divisions  and 
make  negligible  such  opposition  as  may 
come  from  particular  groups.     They  in- 
evitably control  the  machinery  of  interna- 
tional accord  which  works  only  within  the 
narrow  field  not  closed  by  divergent  na- 
tional ambitions  or  as  interest  yields  to 
apprehension     or     obtains     compensation 
through  give  and  take.     Statesmen  who 
carry  the  burdens  of  empire  do  not  for  a 
moment  lose  sight  of  imperial  purposes 
and   requirements.     When    a  balance   of 
power  is  deemed  essential  to  national  se- 
curity you  cannot  conjure  it  away  by  any 
form  of  words.     The  best  of  diplomatic 
instruments,  the  conference,  has  no  mag- 
ical potency  to  dispose  of  these  strongly 
held  national  convictions. 

A  Bright  Page  in  History 

We  are  fortunate  in  our  detachment 
from  many  difficulties  and  dangers  which 
oppress  the  imagination  of  other  peoples, 
but  we  should  resist  the  tendency  to  in- 

*  An  address  at  the  meeting  held  under  the 
auspices  of  the  American  Academy  of  Polit- 
ical and  Social  Science  and  the  Philadelphia 
Forum,  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  evening  of 
Friday,  November  30,  1923,  to  celebrate  the 
centenary  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 


dulge  in  self-praise.  When  we  have  a 
clear  sense  of  our  own  interests,  we  are 
just  as  inflexible  as  others.  The  great  ad- 
vantage we  have  had  is  that,  coming  to 
independence  in  a  world  afflicted  with  the 
long  rivalries  of  military  powers,  the  tra- 
ditions of  conquest,  and  the  dreams  of 
empire,  we  sought  simply  the  assurance  of 
freedom,  and  our  national  instinct  has 
been  opposed  to  aggression  and  interven- 
tion. The  Monroe  Doctrine  was  the  em- 
bodiment of  this  sentiment.  Through  the 
one  hundred  years  since  its  announcement, 
despite  the  strife  of  parties  and  opposing 
convictions  as  to  domestic  issues,  it  has 
been  a  unifying  principle,  contributing  not 
only  to  our  security  and  peace  but  to  our 
dignity  and  prestige  as  a  power  capable  of 
thus  asserting  and  maintaining  a  vigorous 
independent  policy.  The  attitude  of 
American  statesmen  toward  this  Doctrine, : 
with  few  exceptions,  has  been  that  ex- 
pressed in  the  familiar  words  of  Daniel 
Webster:  "I  look  on  the  message  of 
December,  1823,  as  forming  a  bright  page 
in  our  history.  I  will  neither  help  to 
erase  it  or  tear  it  out;  nor  shall  it  be  by 
any  act  of  mine  blurred  or  blotted." 

Maintaining  Independence 

The  anxiety  to  escape  the  toils  of  Eu- 
ropean politics  and  intrigues  was  early 
manifested.  John  Adams  in  1782  wrote 
in  his  diary,  "  'You  are  afraid,'  says  Mr. 
Oswald  today,  'of  being  made  the  tools  of 
the  powers  of  Europe.'  'Indeed  I  am,' 
says  I.  'What  powers?'  said  he.  'All  of 
them,'  said  I.  'It  is  obvious  that  all  the 
powers   of   Europe   will   be   continuously 


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THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


101 


maneuvering  with  us  to  work  us  into  their 
real  or  imaginary  balances  of  power,  .  .  . 
Indeed  it  is  not  surprising;  for  we  shall 
very  often,  if  not  always,  be  able  to  turn 
the  scale.  But  I  think  it  ought  to  be  our 
rule  not  to  meddle.'"  We  were  not  iso- 
lated and  could  not  be.  The  European 
powers  were  at  our  doors;  their  conflicts 
had  embroiled  the  New  World  from  the 
beginning.  There  was  no  thought  of  es- 
caping constant  dealings  with  these  pow- 
ers, whose  rivalries  menaced  our  peace,  but 
upon  what  basis  should  these  dealings  be 
had?  We  had  the  choice  of  seeking  the 
protection  of  alliances,  or  the  more  difficult 
course  of  maintaining  independence.  With 
splendid  courage  no  less  than  with  pro- 
found wisdom  the  fathers  chose  the  latter 
course,  at  once  conserving  our  safety  and 
enhancing  our  influence.  It  was  the  choice 
of  an  infant  nation,  but  of  a  nation  con- 
scious of  the  promise  of  its  influence  as  a 
world  power. 

This  was  the  admonition  of  the  Fare- 
well Address:  "Observe  good  faith  and 
justice  toward  all  nations.  Cultivate 
peace  and  harmony  with  all.  .  .  .  The 
great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to 
foreign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our  com- 
mercial relations,  and  have  with  them  as 
little  political  connexion  as  possible.  .  .  • 
Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests 
which  to  us  have  none,  or  a  very  remote 
relation.  Hence,  she  must  be  engaged  in 
frequent  controversies,  the  causes  of  which 
are  essentially  foreign  to  our  concern. 
Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us 
to  implicate  ourselves  by  artificial  ties  in 
the  ordinary  vicissitudes  of  her  politics  or 
the  ordinary  combinations  and  collisions 
of  her  friendships,  or  enmities.  .  .  . 
Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with 
that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our 
peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  Euro- 
pean ambition,  rivalship,  interest,  humour, 

or  caprice  ?" 

Our  Doctrine 

As  our  paramount  interest  dictated  ab- 
stention from  participation  in  European 
politics,  so  it  also  required  that  the 
machinations  of  foreign  powers  should  not 
have  increased  opportunity  here,  and  when 
the  independence  achieved  by  the  Spanish 
colonies  in  this  hemisphere  was  threatened 
by  the  imposing  combination  of  European 
sovereigns,  styled  the  Holy  Alliance,  this 
correlative  policy  found  emphatic  expres- 


sion in  Monroe's  message:  "We  should 
consider,"  said  he,  "any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion 
of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colo- 
nies or  dependencies  of  any  European 
power  we  have  not  interfered  and  shall 
not  interfere.  But  with  the  governments 
who  have  declared  their  independence  and 
have  maintained  it,  and  whose  independ- 
ence we  have,  on  great  consideration  and 
on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could 
not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose 
of  oppressing  them  or  controlling  in  any 
other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  Euro- 
pean power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the 
manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition 
toward  the  United  States."  And  on  the 
same  occasion,  in  response  to  Russian  pre- 
tensions, it  was  announced  with  equal  em- 
phasis "that  the  American  continents,  by 
the  free  and  independent  condition  which 
they  have  assumed  and  maintained,  are 
henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects 
for  future  colonization  by  any  European 
powers." 

These  are  the  two  points  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  The  most  significant  circum- 
stance connected  with  the  form  of  the  dec- 
laration of  the  non-intervention  principle 
was  that  it  was  made  by  the  United  States 
alone.  The  British  Foreign  Secretary, 
George  Canning,  had  proposed  a  joint 
declaration  with  Great  Britain,  and  this 
was  favored  by  both  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son. But,  with  the  advice  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Great 
Britain  had  not  recognized  the  new  repub- 
lics, Monroe  decided  upon  a  separate  dec- 
laration on  our  sole  responsibility  and 
joined  with  it  the  statement  of  the  non- 
colonization  principle,  which  not  only  had 
not  been  suggested  by  Canning,  but  was 
wholly  opposed  to  his  views. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  repeat  what  I 
have  said  in  a  recent  address  with  respect 
to  the  Doctrine,  but  rather,  restating  its 
true  content,  to  inquire  as  to  its  place  in 
the  scheme  of  the  foreign  policies  of  the 
United  States  as  a  world  power  in  the 
twentieth  century  with  respect  to  the  re- 
gion of  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Far 
East,  to  Europe,  and  to  this  hemisphere. 

Two  Modifications 

Certainly,  after  one  hundred  years, 
there  should  be  no  hesitancy  in  defining 


102 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


what  we  mean  by  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
and  this,  despite  those  critics  who  seek  to 
disparage  it  by  professing  to  be  unable  to 
understand  it,  and  those  prophets  of  a  new 
era  who  would  thrust  it  aside,  and  those 
zealots  who  would  use  it  as  a  convenient 
warrant  for  any  sort  of  action  they  may 
favor  in  this  part  of  the  world,  is,  after 
all,  not  a  very  difficult  task.  In  the  orig- 
inal declaration  there  were,  as  I  have  said, 
two  points  stating  the  opposition  of  this 
government,  first,  to  any  action  by  Euro- 
pean powers  to  extend  their  system  to  this 
hemisphere,  or  to  any  interposition  by 
them  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  or  con- 
trolling the  destiny  of  the  new  American 
republics,  and,  second,  to  the  future  colo- 
nization by  European  powers  of  the  Amer- 
ican continents.  In  all  that  has  been  said 
or  done  since  the  declaration  of  Monroe, 
it  can  be  regarded  as  modified  in  only  two 
particulars.  What  was  said  with  Europe 
exclusively  in  view  must  be  deemed 
equally  applicable  to  all  non- American 
powers;  and  the  opposition  to  the  exten- 
sion of  colonization  was  not  dependent 
upon  the  particular  method  of  securing 
territorial  control  and,  at  least  since 
Polk's  time,  may  be  deemed  to  embrace 
opposition  to  acquisition  of  additional  ter- 
ritory through  transfer  of  dominion  or 
sovereignty.  Neither  of  these  modifica- 
tions change  the  Doctrine  in  its  essentials, 
and  it  may  thus  be  summarized,  as  I  have 
elsewhere  stated,  as  being  opposed  (1)  to 
any  non-American  action  encroaching 
upon  the  political  independence  of  Amer- 
ican States  under  any  guise,  and  (2)  to 
the  acquisition  in  any  manner  of  the  con- 
trol of  additional  territory  in  this  hemi- 
sphere by  any  non-American  power.  How 
does  the  Doctrine  thus  defined  stand  in 
the  present  scheme  of  American  policy? 
And  by  policy  I  do  not  mean  the  proposals 
of  any  party  or  group,  but  those  principles 
and  aims  which  have  been  supported  either 
by  definite  action  of  the  Executive  within 
his  authority  or  of  the  treaty-making 
power,  or  by  a  sentiment  so  preponderant 
and  long  cherished  that  it  may  be  called 
the  opinion  of  the  country.  The  changes 
of  one  hundred  years  in  population,  ex- 
tent of  territory  and  developed  resources, 
and  our  military  potency  are  obvious 
enough  and  need  no  recital.  But  have  the 
changes  altered  our  policy  or  has  it  be- 
come inconsistent  with  the  Doctrine? 


The  Pacific  and  the  Far  East 

In  relation  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the 
Far  East  we  have  developed  the  policies 
of  (1)  the  open  door,  (2)  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  integrity  of  China,  (3)  co- 
operation with  other  powers  in  the  decla- 
ration of  common  principles,  (4)  co-oper- 
ation with  other  powers  by  conference  and 
consultation  in  the  interests  of  peace,  (5) 
limitation  of  naval  armament,  and  (6) 
the  limitation  of  fortifications  and  naval 
bases. 

The  Empress  of  China,  fitted  out  by 
Eobert  Morris  and  others,  sailed  to  Can- 
ton in  1784,  and  by  the  year  1805  thirty- 
seven  American  vessels  cleared  for  that 
port.  In  1843  Daniel  Webster,  Secretary 
of  State,  instructing  Caleb  Cushing  as 
Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary to  China,  said:  "You  will  sig- 
nify, in  decided  terms  and  a  positive  man- 
ner, that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  would  find  it  impossible  to  remain 
on  terms  of  friendship  and  regard  with 
the  Emperor  if  greater  privileges  or  com- 
mercial facilities  should  be  allowed  to  the 
subjects  of  any  other  government  than 
should  be  granted  to  citizens  of  the  United 
States."  Most-favored-nation  treatment 
was  secured  in  the  Treaty  of  1844,  with 
respect  to  which  Caleb  Cushing  said: 
"Thus,  whatever  progress  either  govern- 
ment makes  in  opening  this  vast  empire 
to  the  influence  of  foreign  commerce  is 
for  the  common  good  of  each  other  and 
of  all  Christendom."  Thus  was  laid  the 
foundation  for  the  policy  of  the  open 
door,  or  equality  of  opportunity.  When 
the  great  powers  took  advantage  of  the 
weakness  of  China  to  obtain  spheres  of 
interest  in  order  to  facilitate  exploitation 
and  to  restrict  free  commercial  inter- 
course, this  government,  through  Secre- 
tary Hay,  sought  to  establish  by  interna- 
tional accord  the  principle  of  the  open 
door,  and  with  this  to  obtain  the  recog- 
nition and  preservation  of  the  territorial 
and  administrative  integrity  of  China. 
Despite  many  obstacles,  caused  by  the  dis- 
regard of  professions  and  the  desire  to 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunities  af- 
forded by  the  progressive  disintegration 
of  China,  this  government  continued  ear- 
nestly to  press  these  principles,  and  at  the 
recent  Washington  Conference  the  postu- 
lates of  American  policy  were  taken  out 


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THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


103 


of  the  unsatisfactory  form  of  diplomatic 
notes  and,  with  a  more  adequate  and  ex- 
plicit statement,  were  incorporated  into  a 
solemn  international  engagement,  signed 
by  the  nine  powers  especially  interested  in 
the  Far  East.  This  treaty  has  been  rati- 
fied by  all  but  one  of  these  powers,  and  it 
is  hoped  that  ratification  by  that  power 
will  not  be  long  deferred. 

While  the  diplomatic  exchanges  between 
the  powers,  in  which  the  open-door  policy 
was  fully  accepted,  were  not,  of  course, 
satisfactory  and  later  became  largely  in- 
effective, they  were  so  strongly  supported 
by  public  opinion  in  this  country  as  to 
make  it  clear  that  while  we  eschewed  alli- 
ances we  were  ready  to  join  in  declara- 
tions of  common  principles  where  this 
method  of  co-operation  would  supply  the 
best  means  of  attaining  the  desired  object. 
This  was  again  illustrated  by  the  resolu- 
tions adopted  at  the  Washington  Confer- 
ence. 

Again,  through  the  Four-Power  Treaty 
between  the  United  States,  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Japan,  which  is  to  continue 
for  10  years  and  thereafter  subject  to  ter- 
mination on  12  months'  notice,  we  have 
established  another  form  of  co-operation 
with  regard  to  insular  possessions  and  in- 
sular dominions  in  the  region  of  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean.  It  is  provided  that  if  any 
controversy  arises  between  any  of  the  par- 
ties out  of  any  Pacific  question  which  can- 
not be  settled  by  diplomacy,  with  regard 
to  their  rights  in  relation  to  these  posses- 
sions and  dominions,  they  shall  invite  the 
other  parties  to  the  treaty  to  a  joint  con- 
ference, to  which  the  whole  subject  will  be 
referred  for  consideration  and  adjustment. 
Also,  if  the  rights  sought  to  be  safe- 
guarded by  the  treaty  are  threatened  by 
the  aggressive  action  of  any  other  power, 
the  parties  shall  communicate  with  one 
another  fully  and  frankly  in  order  to  ar- 
rive at  an  understanding  as  to  the  most 
efficient  measures  to  be  taken,  jointly  or 
separately,  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the 
particular  situation.  In  giving  assent  to 
this  treaty  the  United  States  Senate  made 
the  reservation,  which  in  no  sense  de- 
parted from  the  intent  of  the  treaty,  that 
it  should  not  be  regarded  as  a  commitment 
to  armed  force,  or  alliance,  or  obligation 
to  join  in  any  defense.  Thus  we  have 
definitely  adopted  the  policy  for  the  pro- 
tection of  our  insular  possessions,  and  for 


the  preservation  of  peace  in  the  Pacific 
region,  of  conference  and  consultation 
with  other  powers. 

Limitation  of  naval  armament  has 
manifest  relation  to  our  policies  in  the  re- 
gion of  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Far 
East,  but  it  has,  of  course,  a  much  wider 
scope  and  expresses  our  strong  desire  to 
avoid  extravagant  outlays  and  the  compe- 
tition in  armament  which  is  provocative 
of  war.  In  the  proposals  which  our  gov- 
ernment made  to  this  end  we  were  carry- 
ing forward  an  American  principle  which 
as  early  as  1794  Alexander  Hamilton  rec- 
ommended for  application  to  the  Great 
Lakes  and  which  was  so  applied  in  the 
Rush-Bagot  Agreement  of  1817.  It  had 
been  the  desire  of  our  government  that  the 
project  of  reduction  or  limitation  of  ar- 
mament which  failed  in  the  First  Confer- 
ence at  The  Hague  in  1899  should  be 
taken  up  in  the  Second  Conference  in 
1907.  And  we  then  considered  this  mat- 
ter, and  we  still  consider  it,  so  far  as  land 
armament  is  concerned,  as  "unfinished 
business,"  to  use  the  phrase  found  in  the 
instructions  to  our  delegates  at  the  Second 
Hague  Conference. 

Further,  in  support  of  this  policy,  we 
were  willing  to  agree  to  certain  defined 
limitations  as  to  fortifications  and  naval 
bases  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  maintaining 
for  15  years,  or  until  the  end  of  the  year 
1936,  and  thereafter  subject  to  termina- 
tion on  two  years'  notice,  the  status  quo 
with  respect  to  fortifications  or  naval  bases 
in  the  Philippines  and  Guam.  This  was 
sufficiently  emphatic  with  respect  to  our 
non-aggressive  and  peaceful  intentions  in 
the  East,  and  yet  it  merely  confirmed  the 
policy  of  Congress,  which  has  never  had 
the  intention  of  fortifying  either  the  Phil- 
ippines or  Guam.  As  indicative  of  this 
phase  of  our  policy  with  respect  to  these 
possessions,  which  we  acquired  as  the  re- 
sult of  the  Spanish  War,  let  me  repeat 
what  Senator  Lodge  said  in  the  course  of 
the  debate  in  the  Senate  on  the  recent 
naval  treaty.  With  respect  to  Guam,  he 
said :  "We  took  that  island  in  the  Spanish- 
American  War.  .  .  .  We  have  had  so 
little  interest  in  the  island  that  we  have 
never  passed  a  line  of  legislation  in  regard 
to  it  or  to  provide  for  its  government  or 
to  make  any  provision  about  it  at  all. 
.  .  .  We  have  never  fortified  it,  and  no- 
body would  vote  to  spend  money  in  forti- 


104 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


fying  it."  With  respect  to  the  Philip- 
pines, he  said:  "The  Philippines  will  be 
in  exactly  the  condition  in  which  they  now 
are  and  have  been  ever  since  they  were 
taken.  .  .  .  We  shall  never  fortify 
them.  It  would  cost  hundreds  of  millions 
of  dollars  to  fortify  them.  .  .  .  We  are 
not  going  to  do  it." 

How  do  these  policies  in  the  region  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean  square  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine?  Is  there  any  inconsistency? 
Has  our  entrance  into  this  region  as  a 
world  power  of  first  rank  led  us  to  violate 
our  traditions?  Manifestly  not.  We 
fought  the  Spanish  War  to  put  an  end  to 
an  intolerable  nuisance  at  our  very  door, 
and  to  establish  and  make  secure  the  in- 
dependence of  Cuba,  not  to  override  it. 
And  as  a  consequence  of  victory  in  that 
war  we  acquired  distant  possessions,  but 
not  with  the  purpose  of  making  these-  a 
basis  for  encroaching  upon  the  territory 
or  interfering  with  the  political  independ- 
ence of  the  peoples  of  the  eastern  nations. 
In  safeguarding  the  integrity  of  China, 
in  securing  equality  of  commercial  oppor- 
tunity, in  endeavoring  to  forestall  efforts 
at  exploitation  and  aggression,  in  seeking 
to  remove  suspicion  and  allay  apprehen- 
sions, and  in  enlarging  through  assured 
tranquillity  the  opportunities  of  peaceful 
commerce,  we  have  been  pursuing  under 
different  conditions  the  same  aims  of  in- 
dependence, security,  and  peace  which  de- 
termined the  declaration  of  Monroe. 

Europe 

With  respect  to  Europe,  our  policy  has 
continued  to  be,  in  the  phrase  of  Jefferson : 
"Peace,  commerce,  and  honest  friendship 
with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with 
none."  We  entered  the  Great  War,  not 
violating  our  tradition,  for  the  cause  of 
liberty  itself  was  at  stake.  We  have 
emerged  from  the  war  with  the  same  gen- 
eral aims  that  we  had  before  we  went  in. 
Though  victors,  we  have  sought  neither 
territory  nor  general  reparations.  Our 
people  have  borne  their  own  burdens,  and 
in  large  part  we  are  bearing  the  burdens 
of  others.  We  are  not  seeking  to  dictate 
to  Europe  or  to  deprive  any  one  of  rights. 
But  we  do  desire  peace  and  economic  re- 
cuperation in  Europe.  We  contributed 
our  arms  in  the  interest  of  liberty  and  to 
destroy  the  menace  of  an  autocratic  power, 
but  not  to  secure  the  economic  prostra- 


tion of  a  vanquished  people.  We  have  the 
deepest  sympathy  with  the  people  of 
France;  we  warmly  cherish  their  ancient 
friendship.  We  desire  to  see  France  pros- 
perous and  secure,  with  her  wounds  healed 
and  her  just  demands  satisfied.  We  de- 
sire to  see  a  united  and  prosperous  Ger- 
many, with  a  will  to  peace,  making 
amends  to  the  full  extent  of  her  power 
and  obtaining  the  appropriate  rewards  of 
her  labor  and  skill.  We  wish  to  see  an  end 
to  the  waste  of  military  efforts  and  the 
easing  of  the  burdens  of  unproductive  ex- 
penditures. We  wish  to  see  the  fires  of 
hatred  quenched.  It  is  because  of  these 
earnest  desires  that  we  have  hoped,  as  was 
stated  in  the  recent  communication  to  the 
British  Government,  that  the  solution  of 
the  present  grave  problems  would  be 
sought  in  fair  and  comprehensive  inquiry 
in  which  all  interested  might  participate 
and  which  would  be  inspired  by  the  de- 
termination to  find  means  to  restore  the 
productive  activities  through  which  alone 
reparations  can  be  paid,  and  to  give  op- 
portunity for  the  reasonable  contentment 
and  amicable  relations  of  industrious  peo- 
ples through  which  alone  peace  and  se- 
curity can  be  assured. 

The  bitter  controversy  which  followed 
the  war  showed  with  what  tenacity  we  still 
hold  to  the  principle  of  not  meddling  in 
the  political  strife  of  Europe.  It  is  true 
that  the  spread  of  democratic  ideas  and 
the  resulting  change  in  governments  have 
removed  the  danger  of  organized  effort  to 
extend  to  this  continent  the  European 
"political  system"  of  100  years  ago.  But 
Europe  still  has  "a.  set  of  primary  inter- 
ests" which  are  not  ours.  As  Washington 
said:  "She  must  be  engaged  in  political 
controversies  the  causes  of  which  are  es- 
sentially foreign  to  our  concern."  Unity 
in  war  did  not  avail  to  change  the  diver- 
gent national  aims  and  policies  in  peace. 
It  is  not  that  our  interests  may  not  be  af- 
fected injuriously  by  such  controversies. 
That  was  true  in  the  days  of  Washington, 
Jefferson,  and  Monroe;  indeed  the  effect 
of  changes  and  developments  is  that  we 
are  far  better  able  to  bear  such  injuries 
today  than  we  were  then,  as  is  sufficiently 
illustrated  by  our  sufferings  during  the 
Napoleonic  wars.  But  it  was,  despite 
such  injuries,  the  abiding  conviction  that 
we  had  better  bear  these  ills  than  suffer 
the  greater  evils  which  would  follow  the 


J 


19U 


THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


105 


sacrifice  of  our  independent  position.  We 
still  hold  to  that  view.  The  preponderant 
thought  among  us  undoubtedly  is  that 
our  influence  would  not  be  increased  by 
pooling  it.  The  influence  that  is  due  to 
our  detachment  and  impartiality  could 
not  long  be  maintained  if  we  should  sub- 
stitute the  role  of  a  partisan  in  European 
quarrels  and  the  constant  efforts  of  propa- 
gandists have  brought  vividly  before  us 
the  fact  that  where  the  direct  American 
interest  is  not  clearly  perceived  foreign 
controversies  afford  abundant  opportunity 
for  the  play  among  us  of  intense  racial 
feeling.  What  was  true  in  Monroe's  day 
is  even  more  true  today  in  view  of  our 
vast  population  drawn  from  many  coun- 
tries and  reproducing  here  the  conflicts  of 
European  interests.  It  is  not  to  our  in- 
terest to  adopt  a  policy  by  which  we  would 
create  or  intensify  divisions  at  home  with- 
out healing  divisions  abroad.  And  it  must 
be  always  remembered  that  the  moral 
force  of  our  expressions  depends  upon  the 
degree  of  the  preponderance  of  the  senti- 
ment behind  them.  Each  group  intent 
upon  the  assertion  of  its  own  demands  for- 
gets the  equal  insistence  of  others.  But 
when  all  is  said  there  is  still  no  doubt  of 
our  desire  to  be  helpful  in  every  practica- 
ble way  consistent  with  our  independence 
and  general  aims.  We  have  poured  out 
our  wealth  without  stint  both  in  charity 
and  investment  and  the  important  pro- 
ductive enterprises  undertaken  abroad 
since  the  war  have  been  supported  by 
American  capital.  The  difficulties  which 
beset  Europe  have  their  causes  within  Eu- 
rope and  not  in  any  act  or  policy  of  ours. 
Generally  our  policies  toward  Europe 
may  thus  be  summarized :  We  are  still  op- 
posed to  alliances.  We  refuse  to  commit 
ourselves  in  advance  with  respect  to  the 
employment  of  the  power  of  the  United 
States  in  unknown  contingencies.  We  re- 
serve our  judgment  to  act  upon  occasions 
as  our  sense  of  duty  permits.  We  are  op- 
posed to  discriminations  against  our  na- 
tionals. We  ask  fair  and  equal  opportu- 
nities in  mandated  territories  as  they  were 
acquired  by  the  Allies  through  our  aid. 
We  desire  to  co-operate  according  to  our 
historic  policy  in  the  peaceful  settlement 
of  international  disputes  which  embraces 
the  policy  of  judicial  settlement  of  such 
questions  as  are  justiciable.  It  is  our  pur- 
pose to  co-operate  in  those  varied  human- 


itarian efforts  which  aim  to  minimize  or 
prevent  those  evils  which  can  be  met  ade- 
quately only  by  community  of  action.  For 
example,  we  are  at  this  moment  leading 
in  the  effort  to  put  a  stop  to  the  abuse  of 
narcotic  drugs.  We  strongly  support,  as 
our  recent  action  has  shown,  international 
conferences  where  the  conditions  are  such 
that  they  afford  an  instrumentality  for 
the  adjustment  of  differences  and  the 
formulation  of  useful  conventions.  We 
seek  to  aid  in  the  re-establishment  of 
sound  economic  conditions.  In  short,  our 
co-operation  as  an  independent  State  in 
the  furtherance  of  the  aims  of  peace  and 
justice  has  always  been  and  still  is  a  dis- 
tinctive feature  of  our  policy. 

An  American  Policy  in  This  Hemisphere 

There  is  plainly  no  inconsistency  be- 
tween these  policies  and  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine. Our  position  as  a  world  power  has 
not  affected  it.  The  question  is  whether 
that  Doctrine  is  still  important  under 
changed  conditions.  The  answer  must  be 
in  the  affirmative.  The  fact  that  the  in- 
tervention of  non- American  powers  in  this 
hemisphere  is  not  threatened  at  this  mo- 
ment cannot  be  deemed  to  be  controlling. 
The  future  holds  infinite  possibilities,  and 
the  Doctrine  remains  as  an  essential  policy 
to  be  applied  wherever  any  exigency  may 
arise  requiring  its  application.  To  with- 
draw it,  or  to  weaken  it,  would  aid  no  just 
interest,  support  no  worthy  cause,  but 
would  simply  invite  trouble  by  removing 
an  established  safeguard  of  the  peace  of 
the  American  continents. 

While  retaining  the  Doctrine,  we  should 
make  every  effort  to  avoid  its  being  mis- 
understood. If  its  import  has  been  ob- 
scure, it  is  largely  because  it  has  often 
been  treated  as  though  it  were  our  sole 
policy  in  this  hemisphere,  and  as  though 
every  action  bearing  upon  our  relations  to 
our  sister  republics  must  be  referred  to  it. 
Attempts  to  stretch  the  Doctrine  have 
made  it  in  some  quarters  a  mystery  and  in 
others  a  cause  of  offense.  Treating  the 
Doctrine  as  a  catch-all  has  not  only  given 
rise  to  much  unnecessary  debate,  but  has 
been  harmful  to  our  just  influence  by 
arousing  fears  of  latent  possibilities  of 
mischief  and  affording  opportunities  to 
those  few  but  busy  persons  who  are  con- 
stantly seeking  to  foster  a  sentiment  hos- 
tile to  this  country. 


106 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


By  correct  definition  of  the  Doctrine,  I 
do  not  mean  a  statement  in  advance  of 
every  application  of  it.  That,  of  course, 
as  in  the  case  of  any  principle,  would  be 
quite  impossible.  The  important  thing  is 
the  understanding  of  the  principle  itself. 
It  should  be  recognized  that  the  Doctrine 
is  only  a  phase  of  American  policy  in  this 
hemisphere,  and  the  other  phases  of  that 
policy  should  be  made  clear.  It  would  not 
be  entirely  correct  to  say  that  the  Doctrine 
is  merely  negative,  for  it  is  a  positive  dec- 
laration that  certain  action  on  the  part  of 
non-American  powers  in  relation  to  this 
hemisphere  will  be  regarded  as  dangerous 
to  our  peace  and  safety  and  as  the  mani- 
festation of  an  unfriendly  disposition. 
But  the  Doctrine  is  a  principle  of  exclu- 
sion. Both  with  reference  to  the  declara- 
tion as  to  non-intervention  and  to  that  as 
to  extension  of  territorial  control,  it  aims 
directly  at  the  exclusion  of  interposition 
by  non-American  powers.  In  recognizing 
these  limitations  of  the  Doctrine,  we  do 
not  detract  from  its  importance;  it  gains 
rather  than  loses  by  such  clarification. 
The  principle  of  exclusion  embodies  a 
policy  of  self-defense  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States;  it  is  a  policy  set  up  and 
applied  by  the  United  States.  While  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  is  thus  distinctively  a 
policy  of  the  United  States  maintained 
for  its  own  security,  it  is  a  policy  which 
has  rendered  an  inestimable  service  to  the 
American  republics  by  keeping  them  free 
from  the  intrigues  and  rivalries  of  Euro- 
pean powers.  The  same,  or  similar,  prin- 
ciples might,  of  course,  be  set  up  and  ap- 
plied by  any  or  all  of  our  sister  republics, 
and  it  is  believed  that  each  of  them  would 
be  benefited  by  having  such  principles  as 
a  definite  part  of  her  foreign  policy.  We 
have  always  welcomed  declarations  by 
other  American  States  as  to  their  deter- 
mination thus  to  safeguard  their  inde- 
pendence. We  have  also  been  gratified  at 
the  acquiescence  in  these  principles  by 
European  powers. 

But  fully  recognizing  the  value  of  the 
Doctrine,  it  still  remains  true  that  it  sim- 
ply states  a  principle  of  opposition  to  ac- 
tion by  non-American  powers.  It  aims  to 
leave  the  American  continents  free  from 
the  described  interposition,  but  it  does  not 
attempt  to  define  in  other  respects  our 
policies  within  this  hemisphere.  Our 
affirmative  policies  relating  to   our   own 


conduct  in  relation  to  other  American 
States,  and  not  merely  our  policy  with  re- 
spect to  the  conduct  of  non-American 
powers,  should  be  clearly  envisaged. 
Those  affirmative  policies,  while  distinct 
from  the  mere  principle  of  exclusion  set 
forth  in  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  are  not  in- 
consistent with  that  Doctrine  but  rather 
constitute  its  fitting  complement. 

First.  We  recognize  the  equality  of  the 
American  republics,  their  equal  rights 
under  the  law  of  nations.  Said  Chief  Jus- 
tice Marshall :  "'No  principle  of  general 
law  is  more  universally  acknowledged 
than  the  perfect  equality  of  nations.  .  ,  . 
It  results  from  this  equality  that  no  one 
can  rightfully  impose  a  rule  upon  an- 
other." 

At  the  first  session  of  the  American  In- 
stitute of  International  Law,  held  in 
Washington  in  the  early  part  of  1916,  the 
jurists  representing  the  American  repub- 
lics adopted  a  declaration  of  the  rights 
and  duties  of  nations.  This  declaration 
stated  these  rights  and  duties  "not  in 
terms  of  philosophy  or  of  ethics  but  in 
terms  of  law,"  supported  by  decisions  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
The  declaration  set  forth  the  following 
principles : 

I.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  exist,  and 
to  protect  and  to  conserve  its  existence ;  but 
this  right  neither  implies  the  right  nor  justi- 
fies the  act  of  the  State  to  protect  itself  or 
to  conserve  its  existence  by  the  commission 
of  unlawful  acts  against  innocent  and  un- 
offending States. 

II.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  independ- 
ence in  the  sense  that  it  has  a  right  to  the 
pursuit  of  happiness  and  is  free  to  develop 
itself  without  interference  or  control  from 
other  States,  provided  that  in  so  doing  it 
does  not  interfere  with  or  violate  the  rights 
of  other  States. 

III.  Every  nation  is  in  law  and  before  law 
the  equal  of  every  other  nation  belonging  to 
the  society  of  nations,  and  all  nations  have 
the  right  to  claim  and,  according  to  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  of  the  United 
States,  "to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the 
earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God  entitle  them." 

IV.  Every  nation  has  the  right  to  territory 
within  defined  boundaries  and  to  exercise 
exclusive  jurisdiction  over  its  territory,  and 


192:, 


THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


107 


all  persons  whether  uative  or  foreign  found 
therein. 

V.  Every  nation  entitled  to  a  right  by  the 
law  of  nations  is  entitled  to  have  that  right 
respected  and  protected  by  all  other  nations, 
for  right  and  duty  are  correlative,  and  the 
right  of  one  is  the  duty  of  all  to  observe. 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  this  declara- 
tion embodies  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  policy  of  the  United  States  in  rela- 
tion to  the  republics  of  Latin  America. 
When  we  recognized  these  republics  as 
members  of  the  family  of  nations  we  rec- 
ognized their  rights  and  obligations  as  re- 
peatedly defined  by  our  statesmen  and 
jurists  and  by  our  highest  court.  We  have 
not  sought  by  opposing  the  intervention 
of  non-American  powers  to  establish  a 
protectorate  or  overlordship  of  our  own 
with  respect  to  these  republics.  Such  a 
pretension  not  only  is  not  found  in  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  but  would  be  in  oppo- 
sition to  our  fundamental  affirmative 
policy. 

Second.  It  follows  that  it  is  a  part  of 
our  policy  to  respect  the  territorial  integ- 
rity of  the  Latin  American  republics.  We 
have  no  policy  of  aggression;  we  do  not 
support  aggression  by  others;  we  are  op- 
posed to  aggression  by  any  one  of  the 
Latin  American  republics  upon  any  other. 
Fortunately,  however,  under  present 
conditions,  there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend 
such  aggression.  History  shows  that 
boundary  disputes  not  infrequently  give 
rise  to  action  which  in  reality  is  of  an  ag- 
gressive character,  but  is  sought  to  be 
justified  by  territorial  claims.  There  are 
but  few  of  these  controversies  still  open  in 
Latin  America.  Argentina  and  Chile  re- 
solved their  boundary  dispute  by  arbitra- 
tion. The  boundary  controversy  between 
Argentina  and  Brazil  was  also  submitted 
to  arbitration  and  the  decision  has  been 
loyally  carried  out.  Chile  and  Peru  have 
found  it  possible,  and  we  were  privileged 
to  give  the  aid  of  our  good  offices  in  the 
matter,  to  provide  for  the  submission  to 
arbitration  of  the  questions  which  have 
long  vexed  their  relation  growing  out  of 
the  Tacna-Arica  controversy  and  the 
Treaty  of  Ancon.  There  are  a  few  minor 
boundary  questions  in  Latin  America,  but 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  will 
be  disposed  of  peacefully.  It  is  believed 
that  no  aggression  is  threatened  in  Latin 
America. 


Third.  States  have  duties  as  well  as 
rights.  Every  State  on  being  received 
mto  the  family  of  nations  accepts  the  obli- 
gations which  are  the  essential  conditions 
of  international  intercourse.  Among  these 
obligations  is  the  duty  of  each  State  to 
respect  the  rights  of  citizens  of  other 
States  which  have  been  acquired  within  its 
jurisdiction  in  accordance  with  its  laws. 
A  confiscatory  policy  strikes  not  only  at 
the  interests  of  particular  individuals  but 
at  the  foundations  of  international  inter- 
course, for  it  is  only  on  the  basis  of  the 
security  of  property  validly  possessed 
under  the  laws  existing  at  the  time  of  its 
acquisition  that  the  conduct  of  activities 
in  helpful  co-operation  is  possible.  Each 
State  may  have  its  code  of  laws  in  accord- 
ance with  its  conception  of  domestic  pol- 
icy, but  rights  acquired  under  its  laws  by 
citizens  of  another  State  it  is  under  an  in- 
ternational obligation  appropriately  to 
recognize.  It  is  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  to  support  these  fundamental  prin- 
ciples. 

Fourth.  It  is  the  policy  of  this  govern- 
ment to  make  available  its  friendly  assist- 
ance to  promote  stability  in  those  of  our 
sister  republics  which  are  especially  af- 
flicted with  disturbed  conditions  involv- 
ing their  own  peace  and  that  of  their 
neighbors.  It  is  the  desire  of  the  United 
States  to  render  this  assistance  by  meth- 
ods that  are  welcomed  and  which  are  con- 
sistent with  the  general  policies  above 
stated.  For  example,  in  the  case  of  the 
Central  American  republics,  it  has  been 
our  constant  endeavor,  in  the  interest  of 
the  maintenance  of  their  integrity  and 
sovereignty,  to  facilitate  by  our  good 
offices  such  agreements  between  them- 
selves and  such  measures  of  security  and 
progress  as  will  favor  stable  and  prosper- 
ous conditions.  This  has  been  the  object 
of  the  conferences  of  Central  American 
republics,  and  at  the  last  conference,  held 
in  Washington  in  December,  1922,  an  im- 
portant advance  was  made.  It  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  if  the  treaties  and  con- 
ventions then  formulated  and  signed  are 
ratified  and  carried  into  effect  there  will 
be  no  probability  of  further  serious  dis- 
turbances in  Central  America,  and  these 
republics,  favored  with  vast  natural  re- 
sources, will  enter  upon  an  era  of  tran- 
quillity and  will  enjoy  opportunities  of 
almost  unlimited  prosperity. 


108 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


In  promoting  stability  we  do  not 
threaten  independence  but  seek  to  con- 
serve it.  We  are  not  aiming  at  control 
but  endeavoring  to  establish  self-control. 
We  are  not  seeking  to  add  to  our  territory 
or  to  impose  our  rule  upon  other  peoples. 

Fifth.  The  United  States  aims  to  fa- 
cilitate the  peaceful  settlement  of  difficul- 
ties between  the  governments  in  this  hemi- 
sphere. This  policy  has  had  notable  illus- 
tration in  our  own  relation  to  our  neigh- 
bor on  the  north,  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
which  is  justly  proud  of  its  position  in 
"the  community  of  nations  known  as  the 
British  Empire."  We  have  a  boundary 
with  Canada,  including  that  of  Alaska,  of 
about  5,500  miles  unfortified.  Through 
arbitration  we  have  disposed  of  such  seri- 
ous controversies  as  those  relating  to  the 
Behring  Sea  fisheries  rights,  the  Alaska 
boundary,  and  the  North  Atlantic  coast 
fisheries.  We  have  an  International  Joint 
Commission  for  the  purpose  of  investigat- 
ing and  reporting  upon  questions  relating 
to  boundary  waters  and  other  questions 
arising  along  the  boundary  between  Can- 
ada and  the  United  States.  Our  100 
years  of  peace  furnish  a  shining  example 
of  the  way  in  which  peoples  having  an  in- 
heritance of  bitterness  and  strife  have 
been  able  to  live  in  friendship  and  settle 
all  their  differences  by  peaceable  methods. 

With  respect  to  the  Latin  American  re- 
publics, it  is  our  policy  not  only  to  seek  to 
adjust  any  differences  that  may  arise  in 
our  own  intercourse,  but,  as  I  have  said, 
to  extend  our  good  offices  to  the  end  that 
any  controversy  they  may  have  with  each 
other  may  be  amicably  composed.  We  are 
seeking  to  establish  a  Pax  Americana 
maintained  not  by  arms  but  by  mutual 
respect  and  good  will  and  the  tranquiliz- 
ing  processes  of  reason.  We  have  no  de- 
sire to  arrogate  to  ourselves  any  special 
virtue,  but  it  should  constantly  be  recog- 
nized that  the  most  influential  and  help- 
ful position  of  the  United  States  in  this 
hemisphere  will  not  be  that  of  the  pos- 
sessor of  physical  power  but  that  of  the 
exemplar  of  justice. 

In  connection  with  this  aim,  it  is  grati- 
fying to  note  that  the  treaties  between  the 
United  States  and  other  countries  provid- 
ing for  commissions  of  inquiry,  in  the  in- 
terest of  full  investigation  and  consider- 
ation of  causes  of  difference  before  resort 
to  hostilities,  and  the  similar  treaty  con- 


cluded in  February,  1923,  between  the 
United  States  and  the  republics  of  Central 
America,  formed  the  basis  of  the  conclu- 
sion at  the  Santiago  conference  for  a  gen- 
eral treaty  for  the  submission  to  commis- 
sions of  inquiry  of  controversies  arising 
between  the  American  republics. 

Sixth.  In  seeking  to  promote  peace,  as 
well  as  to  aid  in  the  reduction  of  unpro- 
ductive expenditures,  this  government  has 
sought  to  encourage  the  making  of  agree- 
ments for  the  limitation  of  armament. 
Through  our  treaty  with  the  great  naval 
powers  we  have  limited  our  capital  ships, 
and  we  have  voluntarily  reduced  our  land 
forces.  One  of  the  treaties  negotiated  at 
the  Central  American  conference  provides 
for  the  limitation  of  armament  on  the  part 
of  the  Central  American  republics.  At 
the  recent  Santiago  conference  it  was  not 
possible  to  reach  an  agreement  between 
the  other  Latin  American  States  upon  this 
subject,  but  undue  importance  should  not 
be  attached  to  this  failure.  I  have  re- 
cently pointed  out  that  whether  we  have 
regard  to  the  total  active  armies  in  the 
world,  or  to  the  total  organized  forces  in 
the  world,  we  have  in  this  hemisphere,  in- 
cluding the  United  States  and  Canada, 
but  6  per  cent  of  the  whole.  Moreover, 
the  discussion  at  Santiago  did  not  reveal 
points  of  view  that  must  be  considered  to 
be  utterly  irreconcilable.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  may  be  hoped  that  in  the  fortu- 
nate absence  of  all  causes  of  serious  con- 
troversy, and  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding 
unnecessary  outlays,  a  basis  of  agreement 
to  limit  armament  may  yet  be  reached. 

Seventh.  The  policies  which  have  been 
described  are  not  to  secure  peace  as  an  end 
in  itself,  but  to  make  available  the  oppor- 
tunities of  peace ;  that  is,  to  open  the  way 
to  a  mutually  helpful  co-operation.  This 
is  the  object  of  the  Pan  American  confer- 
ences. These  will  be  increasingly  helpful 
as  they  become  more  and  more  practical. 
The  object  is  to  create  the  opportunity 
for  friendly  contact,  to  develop  a  better 
appreciation  of  mutual  interests  and  to 
find  particular  methods  by  which  bene- 
ficial intercourse  can  be  aided.  This  bears 
directly  upon  the  facilitation  of  ex- 
changes, the  protection  of  health,  the  pro- 
motion of  education  and  commerce,  and 
the  developing  of  all  the  necessary  agen- 
cies for  disseminating  information  and 
for  improving  means  of  communication. 


192Jf 


THE  CENTENARY  OF  THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE 


109 


With  peace  assured  and  apprehensions  al- 
layed, it  will  inevitably  be  found  that 
there  is  less  diversity  of  interest  than  had 
been  supposed,  and  that  there  is  an  ever- 
widening  opportunity  for  working  to- 
gether for  the  common  good. 

Eighth.  It  should  also  be  observed  that 
in  our  commercial  relations  the  United 
States  is  seeking  unconditional  most- 
favored-nation  treatment  in  customs  mat- 
ters. Prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  pres- 
ent year  preferential  tariff  rates  had  for 
about  20  years  been  conceded  by  Brazil  to 
certain  imports  from  the  United  States. 
This  had  been  an  anomalous  feature  of 
our  tariff  relations,  since  the  general  policy 
of  this  government  has  been  neither  to 
give  or  to  seek  customs  preferences.  In 
view  of  the  adoption  of  the  tariff  act  of 
1923,  section  317  of  which  authorizes  the 
President  to  declare  additional  duties 
upon  the  "products  of  any  country  that 
may  discriminate  against  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  it  was  felt  that  this 
government  could  not  longer  with  consist- 
ency ask  the  Brazilian  Government  to 
grant  to  goods  of  the  United  States  rates 
which  were  lower  than  those  which  were 
accorded  to  similar  imports  from  other 
countries.  In  making  known,  in  January 
last,  its  determination  no  longer  to  seek 
the  renewal  of  preferential  treatment,  this 
government  explained  to  the  Government 
of  Brazil  that  its  policy  henceforth  would 
be  to  seek  from  Brazil,  as  well  as  from 
other  countries,  treatment  for  goods  from 
the  United  States  as  favorable  as  might 
be  accorded  to  the  products  of  any  third 
country.  Notes  have  been  exchanged  with 
Brazil  embodying  this  policy.  The  gov- 
ernment is  contemplating  the  negotiation 
of  new  commercial  treaties  with  Latin 
American  countries  or  the  modification  of 
existing  treaties  in  harmony  with  the 
most-favored-nation  principle,  excepting, 
however,  as  in  the  case  of  the  exchange  of 
notes  with  Brazil,  the  special  treatment 
which  the  United  States  accords  or  here- 
after may  accord  to  Cuba,  in  view  of  our 
special  relations  with  that  republic,  and 
to  the  commerce  between  the  United 
States  and  its  dependencies  and  the  Pan- 
ama Canal  Zone.  Not  only  does  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  not  mean  that  the  United 
States  has  a  policy  of  seeking  in  the  Latin 
American  republics  economic  advantages 


denied  to  other  countries,  but  it  is  not  the 
general  policy  of  the  United  States  to  seek 
preferential  rights.  The  commercial  trea- 
ties which  it  is  proposed  by  this  govern- 
ment to  negotiate  with  the  Latin  Amer- 
ican countries  are,  with  respect  to  the 
principles  involved,  substantially  like 
those  which  it  is  sought  to  negotiate  with 
European  governments. 

Ninth.  We  have  certain  special  policies 
of  the  highest  importance  to  the  United 
States. 

We  have  established  a  waterway  between 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans — the  Pan- 
ama Canal.  Apart  from  obvious  commer- 
cial considerations,  the  adequate  protec- 
tion of  this  canal — its  complete  immunity 
from  any  adverse  control — is  essential  to 
our  peace  and  security.  We  intend  in  all 
circumstances  to  safeguard  the  Panama 
Canal.  We  could  not  afford  to  take  any 
different  position  with  respect  to  any  other 
waterway  that  may  be  built  between  the 
Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  oceans.  Disturb- 
ances in  the  Caribbean  region  are  there- 
fore of  special  interest  to  us,  not  for  the 
purpose  of  seeking  control  over  others,  but 
of  being  assured  that  our  own  safety  is 
free  from  menace. 

With  respect  to  Cuba,  we  have  the  spe- 
cial interests  arising  from  our  treaty  and 
our  part  in  the  securing  of  her  independ- 
ence. It  is  our  desire  to  see  her  independ- 
ence not  weakened  but  safeguarded  and 
her  stability  and  prosperity  assured.  Our 
friendly  advice  and  aid  are  always  avail- 
able to  that  end. 

I  have  sketched  briefly  these  affirmative 
policies  of  the  United  States  in  this  hemi- 
sphere. We  rejoice  in  the  progress  of  our 
sister  republics  and  at  the  enhanced  pros- 
perity which  is  at  their  call.  The  Monroe 
Doctrine  stands,  as  it  has  always  stood,  as 
an  essential  part  of  our  defensive  policy, 
but  we  are  no  less  but  rather  more  inter- 
ested in  the  use  of  the  opportunity  which 
it  created  and  has  conserved.  We  desire 
no  less  than  they  themselves  the  independ- 
ence, the  peace  and  progress  of  all  the 
American  republics,  and  we  seek  to  enjoy 
to  the  fullest  extent  possible  the  blessings 
bestowed  by  the  spirit  of  confraternity, 
those  mutual  benefits  which  should  result 
from  our  intimate  association  and  our 
common  political  ideals. 


THE  LAST  COST  OF  WAR 

By  DR.  DAVID  STARR  JORDAN 


THE  first  cost  of  war  consists  mainly 
in  its  wastage  of  human  life  and  of 
the  products  of  man's  achievements,  its 
degredation  of  morals  and  ideals.  The 
last  cost,  not  to  be  repaired  for  many  gen- 
erations, is  found  in  the  extermination  of 
superior  human  strains.  The  killing  off 
of  so  many  of  the  best  (a  process  insep- 
arable from  warfare)  results  in  the  inev- 
itable lowering  of  the  level  of  racial  vigor 
through  the  partial  limitation  of  male 
parenthood  to  the  less  efficient,  whom  war 
leaves  behind. 

The  general  effect  of  war  on  human 
virility  is  stated  by  Charles  Darwin  in  the 
fewest  possible  words.  In  the  Descent  of 
Man  (1871)  he  writes: 

In  every  country  in  which  a  standing  army 
is  kept  up,  the  fairest  young  men  are  taken 
to  the  conscription  camp  or  are  enlisted. 
They  are  thus  exposed  to  early  death  during 
war  or  are  often  tempted  into  vice,  and  are 
prevented  from  marrying  during  the  prime  of 
life.  On  the  other  hand,  the  shorter  and 
feebler  men,  with  poor  constitutions,  are  left 
at  home,  and  consequently  have  a  much 
better  chance  of  marrying  and  propagating 
their  kind. 

Killing  OfiF  the  Race  at  "The  Top" 

It  is  obvious,  first,  that  armies  demand 
men  above  the  average  physical  efficiency, 
and  further  evident  that  the  most  ener- 
getic and  intelligent  among  these  make 
the  best  soldiers ;  it  is  also  recognized  that 
those  who  fight  most  efficiently  are  most 
likely  to  be  killed.  At  the  same  time,  also, 
both  warfare  and  barrack  life  alike  tend 
to  restrict  men  in  their  prime  from  nor- 
mal parenthood.  Thus  those  excluded 
from  military  service  for  one  reason  or 
another,  certainly  weaker  on  the  average, 
become  in  general  the  fathers  of  the  next 
generation.  By  the  law  of  heredity,  "Like 
the  seed  is  the  harvest,"  and  the  future  of 
the  race  repeats  the  qualities  of  its  actual 
parentage. 

This  thesis  is  logically  without  flaw, 
but  to  demonstrate  historically  its  actual 
validity  through  the  experience  of  nations 
is  a  task  of  the  most  complex  character; 
for  society  does  not  miss  that  which  it  has 


never  known,  and  all  considerations  of  the 
relative  values  of  strains  of  inheritance 
are  mingled  inextricably  with  the  results 
of  education,  organization,  commerce,  in- 
dustrialism, opportunity,  and  emigra- 
tion— influences  which  may  seem  to  trans- 
form a  nation  in  a  manner  quite  independ- 
ent of  the  innate  virility  of  its  people. 

"Blood  Will  Tell" 

Historians  in  general  have  ignored  the 
facts  of  personal  heredity  within  the  race, 
and  the  significance  of  these  facts  in  the 
rise  and  fall  of  nations.  They  have  usually 
assumed  that  outside  events  or  conditions, 
such  as  food  or  climate,  have  molded  races 
as  they  have  helped  to  mold  individuals, 
and  that  the  original  human  material 
passes  from  generation  to  generation  in 
otherwise  unchanging  series;  but  the  con- 
tinuity is  broken  and  the  character  of  the 
life-stream  altered  whenever  any  partic- 
ular type  is  subject  to  extirpation.  To 
kill  off  the  strongest  or  the  best,  or  those 
in  any  way  superior,  is  to  reduce  the  rela- 
tive number  of  the  type  in  generations  to 
come  in  direct  proportion  to  the  extent  of 
elimination.  Killing  in  any  form  is  not  a 
source  of  progress.  Eace  advancement 
results  from  the  propagation  of  exuberant 
life.  Direct  effects  of  racial  environment 
are  potent  only  within  certain  limits.  It 
is  undoubtedly  true  that  climate  affects 
the  activities  of  men  as  individuals  or  in 
the  mass;  education  may  intensify  their 
powers  or  mellow  their  prejudices;  op- 
pression may  make  them  servile,  or  do- 
minion arrogant;  but  these  traits  and 
their  resultants  due  to  external  influences 
do  not  "run  in  the  blood,"  they  are  not 
"bred  in  the  bone."  So  far  as  experiment 
shows,  they  do  not  color  the  stream  of 
heredity.  Older,  deeper  set,  more  perma- 
nent than  climate  or  training  or  experi- 
ence, are  hereditary  traits,  and  in  the  long 
run  it  is  always  "blood  that  tells." 

Perpetuating  Defectives  by  War 

But  even  hereditary  traits  are  not  im- 
mutable. War  and  conquest,  with  other 
influences  of  reversed  selection,  may  mod- 
ify even  these.  It  is  the  man  who  is  left 
who   determines   the   future  trend.     His 


110 


192Jt 


THE  LAST  COST  OF  WAR 


111 


inborn  qualities  the  next  generation  will 
inherit. 

The  facts  of  war  selection  are  recog- 
nized by  Dr.  Nicolai  as  follows : 

Every  victory  of  the  wise  over  the  foolish 
is  a  step  forward ;  every  victory  of  the  stupid 
is  a  step  backward.  Victory  in  war  precludes 
victory  of  wisdom.  War  gives  no  other  se- 
lection than  this :  it  is  a  factor  of  degener- 
ation where  strong  men  are  exterminated 
and  dullards  survive.  War  propagates  unfit- 
ness because  it  destroys  healthy  humanity, 
leaving  those  of  inferior  worth.  The  blind, 
the  dumb,  the  idiotic,  the  deformed,  the 
scrofulous,  the  white-blooded,  the  impotent, 
the  paralytic,  the  dwarf,  all  these  can  rest 
secure  in  wartime.  For  them  no  bugle  calls. 
.  .  .  The  selective  influence  of  war  is  such 
that,  if  it  lasts  long  enough,  it  will  follow 
quite  automatically  that  of  warlike  people 
only  the  weakest  elements  will  be  left.  .  .  . 
The  dogma  that  peace  enfeebles  a  people 
while  war  gives  the  strength  of  steel  is  only 
a  vulgar  error.  The  opposite  is  the  truth. 
...  In  the  longest  peace  not  so  much  folly 
is  spoken  nor  so  many  lies  told  as  in  the 
shortest  war.  (Die  Biologic  des  Krieges, 
1915.) 

The  law  of  human  heredity  is  expressed 
in  common  parlance  by  the  phrase  "Blood 
will  tell."  This  means  that  ancestral 
traits  will  persistently  reappear.  And  it 
must  be  noted  that  these  traits  are  those 
of  actual  ancestors,  not  merely  the  general 
qualities  prevailing  in  the  environments 
of  one's  birthplace.  The  close  resemblance 
existing  between  members  of  the  same  race 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  they  are  largely  de- 
scended from  identical  forebears,  as  is 
clearly  shown  by  genealogical  studies. 
Traits  shared  in  common  have  become  in- 
grained by  repeated  interlocking  mar- 
riages within  the  group. 

In  every  race-group,  no  matter  how 
small,  some  families  or  family  strains  will 
be  superior  to  others.  The  most  gifted  of 
every  group  constitute  the  basis  of  its  race 
progress.  There  are  very  many  types  of 
excellence,  numberless  elements  being  in- 
volved in  racial  advance;  but  the  dispro- 
portionate loss  of  any  superior  factor  is  a 
step  in  race  deterioration. 

The  Greeks  gave  to  the  most  precious 
of  human  products,  the  fine  strains  of 
heredity,  the  name  of  "aristoi,"  "the 
best."     Aristocracy,   "rule   of  the   best," 


was  indicated  as  a  political  ideal.  But  it 
soon  became  evident  that  the  "aristoi" 
and  the  aristocrats  belong  to  very  different 
categories.  The  aristocrat  inherited  his 
father's  title  and  control,  but  not  neces- 
sarily his  superiority  of  mind  or  body. 
Admitting  that  born  leaders  of  earlier 
times  were  the  ancestors  of  modern  aris- 
tocracy, we  must  not  forget  that  the  orig- 
inal blood  has  suffered  great  dilution 
through  marriage  for  money  or  for  "con- 
venience." Marriage  for  love,  the  only 
condition  by  which  personal  initiative  can 
be  maintained  in  the  stock,  is  a  privilege 
of  the  commoner,  seldom  of  the  nobleman, 
almost  never  of  royalty. 

Pampering  Weakness  in  Peace 

The  marks  which  distinguish  the  aris- 
tocracies of  today,  love  of  display,  titles, 
finery,  and  the  sports  of  leisure,  are  not 
indicative  of  any  real  excellence.  They 
are  features  of  the  sheltered  life,  in  which 
whims  and  trivialities  take  the  place  of 
settled  purpose.  In  the  aristocratic  castes, 
as  with  royalty,  the  law  of  primogeniture 
obtains,  an  excellent  thing  according  to 
Dr.  Samuel  Johnson,  'Hjecause  it  ensures 
that  there  will  be  but  one  fool  in  the 
family." 

The  current  aristocracy  of  Europe 
(whose  social  position  depends  on  inher- 
itance) is  largely  identical  with  the  "leis- 
ure class."  But  the  "leisure  class"  is 
never,  as  a  whole,  made  up  of  men  of 
racial  value.  No  man  of  force  and  initia- 
tive is  content  to  remain  "at  leisure." 
Strong  men  do  not  bask  in  idleness  from 
lack  of  economic  compulsion.  Dillettant- 
ism  is,  of  course,  an  "acquired  character," 
but  every  such  trait  must  have  a  basis  of 
inheritance,  else  it  cannot  be  acquired. 
"Moreover,  of  all  the  criteria  for  the  se- 
lection of  a  ruling  class,  careful  dressing, 
correct  dancing,  and  mastery  of  etiquette 
are  by  far  the  most  preposterous."  (Gue- 
rard.) 

One  of  the  most  important  advantages 
of  democracy  is  that  it  allows  those  really 
"best"  to  rise  to  their  highest  possibili- 
ties— not  necessarily  as  officials.  In  a 
democracy,  there  are  always  men  in  the 
rank  and  file  as  good  as  those  distin- 
guished by  office-holding.  Only  in  equal- 
ity before  the  law  can  latent  force  be  ade- 
quately utilized. 


112 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


Variety  in  Perfection 

It  is,  of  course,  by  no  means  true  that 
all  races  of  men  have  equal  potential 
values.  It  is  also  not  certain  that  all  ge- 
netic advantages  are  the  privilege  of  any 
one  race,  even  were  there  such  a  thing  as 
"race  purity"  among  civilized  peoples. 
The  best  examples  of  the  lowest  races  offer 
more  hope,  so  far  as  their  line  of  descent 
is  concerned,  than  the  feeble-minded  or 
feeble-willed  of  the  highest.  Not  long 
since,  in  Adelaide,  the  writer  met  a  full- 
blooded  Australian  "Black-fellow"  named 
David  Unaipon,  broad-minded  and  com- 
petent, a  mechanical  engineer  by  profes- 
sion, who  would  be  respected  in  any  com- 
munity. The  chief  test  of  racial  rank  is 
this — that  race  is  lowest  which  possesses 
fewest  men  capable  of  self -elevation.  Op- 
portunity and  education  come  to  no  race 
as  gifts.  Powerful  strains  create  their 
own  opportunity;  there  can  be  no  other 
leverage. 

"There  is  for  races  or  nations  more  than 
one  way  to  be  superior.  One  race  may  be 
superior  to  the  other  by  the  simple  process 
of  getting  on  top  and  holding  the  other  down. 
It  may  become  superior  by  learning  to  do 
some  one  thing  better  than  any  one  else  in 
the  world.  And  this  may  be  a  very  simple 
thing ;  it  may  be  raising  cotton,  or  it  may  be 
writing  a  book."     (Booker  T.  Washington.) 

There  is  No  "Self-made  Man" 

There  exists,  of  course,  in  the  mass  a 
certain  number  of  individuals  of  superior 
potentiality  who  have  not  yet  found  them- 
selves or  found  means  of  self-extrication. 
There  are  others  yet  to  be  brought  forth 
through  happy  combinations  of  ancestral 
traits,  drawn  from  varied  lines.  But  high 
endowments  never  spring  from  all-round 
nonentity.  "Ability  is  never  careless  of 
its  ancestry.  .  .  .  There  are  no  *self- 
made  men.' "  For  each  man  has  within 
him,  derived  from  his  intertangled  ances- 
try, the  potentiality  of  whatever  he  be- 
comes. Where  an  individual  seems  to 
overtop  his  parentage,  it  was  because  his 
forebears  were  of  actually  superior  ma- 
terial, very  likely  misjudged  by  undis- 
criminating  society.  The  genuine  upper 
classes  are  those  who  in  any  race  possess 
brains  and  character  and  can  "steadily 
will." 

Many  writers  have  loosely  assumed  that 


education  operates  to  raise  the  level  of 
heredity ;  but  it  is  amply  proved  that  edu- 
cation of  the  individual  does  not  train  his 
progeny,  except  as  it  may  provide  for 
them  a  favorable  environment.  In  each 
generation,  intellect  must  be  disciplined 
anew. 

The  word  "progress"  is  commonly  used 
with  a  double  meaning,  including  "nur- 
ture" as  well  as  "nature" — that  is,  im- 
provement through  education  as  well  as 
race-development.  The  two  are  entirely 
distinct.  Race-improvement  is  very  slow, 
depending  mainly  on  survivals  of  the  fit- 
test. Eesults  of  education  may  be  imme- 
diate and  impressive. 

But  education  is  effective  only  if  im- 
posed "on  the  solid  ground  of  Nature." 
By  training  we  may  increase  the  range  of 
the  individual  man;  education  gives  him 
access  to  the  accumulated  stores  of  the 
ages.  Civilization  has  been  defined  as  "the 
sum  total  of  those  agencies  and  conditions 
by  which  a  race  may  advance  independ- 
ently of  heredity." 

In  various  essays,  the  present  writer  has 
tried  to  gather  the  facts  concerning  the 
downfall  of  nations  as  a  resultant  of  re- 
versed selection  by  war.  It  is  easy  to  show 
that  the  decay  of  Greece  was  of  the  nature 
of  suicide.  Her  never-ending  wars,  in- 
ternal and  external,  exhausted  the  race. 
The  fall  of  Eome  was  plainly  due  to  sim- 
ilar causes — ruinous  struggles  at  home, 
far-flung  campaigns  abroad.  "The  Em- 
pire perished  for  want  of  men"  at  a  time 
when  Eome  was  crowded  with  people. 
But  the  "human  harvest  was  bad."  The 
"men  about  town"  were  unfit  for  warfare. 
Toward  the  end,  "only  cowards  remained, 
and  from  their  brood  sprang  the  new  gen- 
erations." 

The  Fate  of  Other  Nations 

In  the  history  of  every  warring  nation 
appears  more  or  less  clearly  the  same  rela- 
tion of  cause  and  effect.  Some  recent 
observations  in  England  may  help  to  illus- 
trate. "Scotland,"  say  D.  James  A.  Mac- 
donald,  "speaks  from  long  and  sad  experi- 
ence. Every  heathery  hill  looks  down  on 
a  glen  that  generation  after  generation 
sent,  in  answer  to  the  fiery  cross  and  pipes 
of  war,  the  best  its  home  had  bred.  .  . 
The  weaklings  died  in  infancy.  By  th« 
law  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  there  was 
bred  a  race  of  giants,  whole  kilted  regi- 


192Jt. 


THE  LAST  COST  OF  WAR 


113 


ments,  every  man  six  feet  or  more,  were 
the  pride  of  their  race  and  the  glory  of 
British  arms.  .  .  .  Tell  me,  have  the 
fittest  survived?  Go  through  their  cities 
and  over  their  moors  and  down  their  glens. 
More  than  800  kilted  soldiers  of  the  giant 
mold  went  out  of  my  ancestral  glen  at  Cul- 
loden  Mor." 

To  London  at  the  opening  of  the  war 
came  up  from  the  English  and  Scotch  uni- 
versities one  group  after  another  of  young 
volunteers,  the  very  cream  of  the  race,  to 
be  drilled  for  service  across  the  channel. 
In  sharp  contrast  to  those  splendid  boys 
we  remarked  the  crowds  of  youths  from 
the  East  End  (said  to  be  over  100,000  in 
number),  undersized,  undervitalized,  sat- 
urated with  liquor  and  shot  through  with 
vice,  who  lay  about  on  the  grass  watching 
the  companies  drill.  Great  Britain  has  no 
use  for  them  today ;  their  fathers  were  re- 
jected in  the  Boer  War,  their  grandfathers 
from  the  war  in  India — three  generations 
of  in  efficients  kept  at  home  to  build  up  the 
London  slums. 

From  the  'Varsity  for  October  28,  1916, 
containing  names  and  records  of  1,320 
Oxford  men  killed  and  missing,  I  quote, 
almost  at  random,  the  following  typical 
entries  from  Balliol  College : 
Ashton,    E.    D.       1908.       Second    lieutenant, 

Lancashire  Fusiliers  ;  aged  26 ;  B.  A. 
Asquith,  R.      1897.      Aged  38;  eldest  son  of 
the   Prime   Minister ;    a   brilliant   scholar ; 
won  an  open  scholarship;  1st  class  honor- 
able Mods. ;  1st  Class  Lit.  Hum.  prox.  ac- 
cess-Hertford Scholarship,  Ireland;  Craven 
and    Derby    scholarships;    Fellow    of    All 
Souls  1902-1919  ;  M.  A. 
Buch,  C.  J.     1900.     Lieutenant,  Bedfordshire 
Regiment,  aged  36;  history  lecturer,  Min- 
ister of  Education,  Cairo ;  B.  A. 
Darbishire,   A.   D.      1897.      14th  Argyll   and 
Sutherland  Highlanders ;  a  well-known  re- 
search student;  professor  elect  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  British  Columbia. 
Dickenson,  H.  N.      1900.      Lieutenant,  Royal 
West  Kent  Regiment ;  died  of  wounds ;  aged 
34 ;  B.  A. ;  had  gained  some  distinction  as  a 
novelist. 
Wallace,  A.      1912.      Sergeant,  New  Zealand 
Fusiliers ;  died  of  wounds  at  Gallipoli,  aged 
24 ;    Rhodes    scholar ;    mentioned    in    dis- 
patches. 

And  so  on  through  the  whole  long  roster. 
The  records  of  Cambridge  University  read 


in  the  same  fashion.  In  the  first  two 
years  14,450  Cambridge  men  had  entered 
the  servce.  Of  these,  1,872  were  reported 
killed,  2,622  wounded  or  missing.  Such 
irredeemable  losses  point  toward  a  rela- 
tively emasculated  Britain  a  quarter  cen- 
tury hence.  A  like  fate  awaits  France, 
Germany,  and  Austria  as  well.  But  this, 
the  last  and  most  enduring  cost  of  war, 
will  then  as  now  pass  unnoticed  by  the 
statesman,  the  diplomatist,  and  "the  man 
on  the  street." 

Salvaging  Human  Waste 

We  do  not  yet  know  how  many  men, 
women,  and  children  were  killed,  maimed, 
or  wounded  in  the  World  War.  The  num- 
ber runs  very  high,  far  into  the  millions — 
thirty,  forty,  or  more — according  to  the 
completeness  of  our  statistics.  To  replace 
these  incalculable  losses  is  a  problem  be- 
yond statesmanship.  Restoration  of  num- 
bers, however  slow,  is,  of  course,  a  matter 
relatively  simple;  renewal  in  quality  is 
well-nigh  hopeless. 

As  has  been  abundantly  pointed  out, 
war  first  devours  the  young,  selected  for 
strength  and  endurance,  "the  best  that  the 
nation  can  bring."  But  the  devastaton, 
immeasurable  as  it  is,  by  no  means  stops 
there.  For  with  each  man  who  falls,  per- 
ishes also  the  great  widening  wedge,  reach- 
ing forward  through  time,  of  those  who  by 
rights  should  be  his  descendants.  "Giv- 
ing his  life  for  his  country,"  a  man  gives 
far  more  than  that — he  yields  up  his  pro- 
portion of  the  "slain  unnumbered"  who  are 
never  to  be. 

Again,  in  addition  to  the  million  fallen 
in  battle,  war  takes  its  quota  of  civilians. 
Eefugees  of  every  description,  men  and 
women,  children  often  lost  or  abandoned, 
trampled  or  starved  in  the  rush,  perish 
along  the  road,  or  are  slain  through  "mili- 
tary necessity."  Furthermore,  everywhere 
behind  the  lines,  far  or  near,  war  takes  a 
corresponding  toll — high-minded  men  and 
women  breaking  under  the  strain  of  a 
topsy-turvey  world,  the  feeble  and  aged 
dying  from  want  and  neglect.  It  is  often 
estimated  that  for  each  soldier  who  falls 
two  or  three  noncombatants  also  perish. 

As  an  accompaniment  of  all  this,  the 
shadow  of  enforced  celibacy  has  spread 
over  the  womanhood  of  Europe.  A  world 
in  which  women  hopelessly  outnumber  the 
men  is  sadly  unnatural.      It  means  that 


114 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


thousands  fitted  for  love  and  motherhood 
are  to  be  debarred  from  the  richest  joys  of 
life. 

To  recapitulate :  Restoration  in  quantity 
is  a  matter  of  time;  restoration  in  qual- 
ity— in  values,  moral,  mental,  and  physi- 
cal— will  be  a  much  longer  and  more  diffi- 
cult process.     Still  for  a  century  to  come, 


the  history  of  Europe  will  disclose  its  fail-  ■ 
ure  adequately  to  conserve  the  most  force-  ^ 
ful  elements  of  its  population.  But  as,  in 
the  long  run,  the  strong  and  intelligent 
tend  to  outlast  the  futile,  the  dissipated, 
and  the  lawless,  we  may  expect  after  this, 
as  after  every  war,  an  ultimate,  though 
very  tardy,  recovery. 


WHY  RELIEF  FOR  GERMAN  CHILDREN 

By  ERNEST  LYMAN  MILLS 


The  author,  resident  of  Geneva,  Switzer- 
land, has  spent  months  studying  conditions  in 
Germany. — EorroE. 

ON  THE  face  of  it,  the  appeal  of  the 
Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  in  America  for  German  relief  would 
seem  an  impertinence.  But  is  it?  Is  it 
not  true  that  the  basis  of  all  reform  rests 
upon  a  vital  change  in  human  character, 
something  akin  to  what  the  old-time  re- 
vivalists call  conversion  ?  There  is  not  the 
slightest  difficulty  in  writing  a  Plato's 
"Republic,"  a  Moore's  "Utopia,"  or  any 
of  the  dreams  of  the  Marxists  or  others 
of  a  world  where  strife  has  changed  to 
co-operation.  Even  Soviet  Russia  looks 
good  on  paper. 

One  can  easily  card-catalogue  all  of  the 
features  of  such  an  ideal  society  and  put 
it  up  in  pictures  of  "Spotless  towns." 
The  League  of  Nations  is  not  a  new 
dream,  but  is  the  embodiment  of  the  ideals 
and  ideas  of  a  thousand  dreamers  of  all 
lands  and  ages.  Any  well-balanced  econ- 
omist or  religious  visionist  could  write 
the  constitution  and  most  of  the  by-laws 
of  a  model  earthly  government.  Our  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  is  almost  a  per- 
fect document  of  this  sort.  The  only  ob- 
stacle to  the  acceptance  of  these  programs 
is  to  be  found  in  human  nature  itself. 
The  innate  desires  of  the  various  units 
making  up  our  distressed  and  divided 
humanity  to  fight  for  individual  rights 
and  prerogatives  tips  over  the  set-up  plans. 
A  radical  change  in  the  moral  sentiments 
of  the  bulk  of  mankind  is  essential  to  the 
adopting  of  any  program  of  peace.  We 
have  not  gone  beyond  or  even  yet  reached 
the  program  of  the  Nazarene,  who  said, 
"Peace  among  men  of  good-will."    Unless 


we  can  somehow  change  human  nature 
into  a  nature  charged  with  good-will,  we 
shall  not  get  very  far  with  our  moral 
programs. 

Now,  any  move  which  aims  to  develop 
the  spirit  of  good-will  is  contributing  to- 
ward a  change  in  human  nature  which 
will  help  banish  wars.  It  is  with  this  con- 
viction that  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America  plans  to 
initiate  a  campaign  of  German  relief, 
stressing  particularly  the  undergirding  of 
the  agencies  of  relief,  especially  the  church 
agencies,  which  are  now  at  work  in  that 
distressed  land.  By  personal  first-hand 
contact  of  trusted  leaders,  it  has  ascer- 
tained that  the  need  constitutes  a  real 
emergency.  General  Allen  is  responsible 
for  the  statement  that  "the  mortality  rate 
of  babies  during  the  last  three  months  was 
21  per  cent  higher  than  last  year,  although 
the  birth  rate  in  Berlin  declined  by  30  per 
cent.  Half  of  the  newly  born  children 
have  been  transferred  to  orphan  asylums, 
since  the  parents  cannot  provide  for  them. 
The  shortage  of  clothing  for  children  dur- 
ing the  coming  winter  will  affect  their 
state  of  health  very  much.  Approximately 
3,000,000  people  are  without  undercloth- 
ing and  shoes.  Babies  are  without  swad- 
dling clothes,  and  in  many  instances  bed- 
clothing  is  entirely  missing. 

"These  figures  are  consistent  with  the 
estimates  given  in  a  recent  report  from 
the  representative  in  Berlin  of  the  United 
States  Department  of  Agriculture.  Ac- 
cording to  this  report,  meat  consumption, 
not  including  imports,  was  133  pounds 
per  capita  in  1912  and  84  in  1922,  but 
the  estimates  for  the  first  six  months  in 
1923  show  a  consumption  of  34  pounds 
per  capita." 


192Jt 


WHY  RELIEF  OF  GERMAN  CHILDREN 


115 


The  Federal  Council  proposes  to  show 
to  the  German  people  an  expression  of 
good-will  which  can  rise  above  war-time 
hatred.  If  the  American  public  does  rise 
above  its  deep-seated  distrust  and  extend 
a  brotherly  and  helpful  hand,  we  shall  go 
a  long  way  toward  developing  in  Germany 
and  America  that  good-will  which  alone 
is  fundamental  for  world  peace.  Will  the 
American  people  be  as  large  and  as  gen- 
erous in  creating  and  revealing  good-will 
as  it  was  in  propagating  war  to  a  success- 
ful conclusion?  We  venture  to  hope  that 
American  generosity  will  be  more  potent 
for  world  peace  than  even  its  armies  were 
in  their  courageous  and  wholly  idealistic 
prosecution  of  the  war. 

The  Federal  Council  realizes  that  many 
Americans  are  apt  to  look  with  suspicion 
on  any  such  move.  There  are  those  among 
us  who  will  detect  the  subtle  hand  of  Ger- 
man propaganda  and  see  in  it  an  effort 
to  annul  our  interest  in  the  Allied  cause. 
There  are  people  who  are  still  fighting  the 
War  of  the  Eevolution  and  cannot  see  any 
reason  for  a  close  understanding  with 
Great  Britain.  Probably  some  can  yet  be 
found  who  do  not  yet  accept  the  verdict 
of  our  Civil  War,  and  there  will  always 
be  those  who  can  never  be  satisfied  because 
America  did  not  blast  her  way  through 
ruined  German  cities  to  Berlin.  For  some 
small  souls  and  misguided  patriots,  no 
war  ever  ends.  A  part  of  their  plan  seems 
to  be  to  perpetuate  war-time  hatreds. 
From  such  the  Federal  Council  will  only 
receive  damnation.  But  most  of  those 
who  recognize  the  spirit  of  good-will 
which  prompts  the  action  will  rejoice  that 
the  Federal  Council  has  the  courage  to 
help  in  an  emergency  which  confronts  a 
former  enemy. 

I  was  waiting  for  my  train  at  a  Berlin 
station  and  engaged  in  conversation,  as  is 
my  custom,  with  a  German  baggage- 
master,  and  in  the  course  of  our  remarks 
we  mentioned  the  fighting  ability  of  the 
American  soldiers.  He  appreciated  the 
situation,  probably  saw  a  generous  Ameri- 
can tip  in  the  distance,  and  said,  "The 
French  grenade?  Poof,  and  that  was 
about  all;  we  were  not  much  afraid  of 
them;  but  when  the  Americans  came  and 
began  to  throw  their  grenades  !  Ach,  Gott ! 
Bang!  they  left  only  a  hole.  They  were 
terrible  V     We    laughed    together,    as    I 


slipped  him  a  couple  of  billion  marks  for 
the  children. 

But  he  started  me  to  thinking. 

Our  grenades  cleared  out  the  old  Ger- 
man imperialism — with  the  help  of  half 
of  the  world.  We  did  the  job  thoroughly. 
Now,  we  are  Anglo-Saxon,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  million  Slavs,  Latins,  etc., 
but  in  the  main  we  have  the  Anglo-Saxon 
fighting  spirit — we  aim  to  finish  the  job 
when  we  start.  When  the  foe  falls,  we 
count  him  out  to  make  sure  that  he  knows 
he  is  beaten.  Then  we  take  hold,  lift  him 
to  his  feet,  tell  him  what  a  fine  fight  he 
put  up,  lead  him  to  the  cloak-room,  clean 
him  up,  give  him  pocket  money,  hire  a 
taxi,  and  send  him  home.  Later  in  the 
day  we  call  or  send  in  our  cards  to  inquire 
how  he  does.  Eemember  the  quarrel? 
Hold  the  grudge  ?  Not  for  more  than  ten 
seconds!  This  is  about  the  finest  thing 
one  knows  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the 
mixed  American.  This  is  why  I  believe 
in  the  truly  American,  Anglo-Saxon  call 
of  the  Federal  Council  for  the  starving 
German  children.  Of  course,  it  means  a 
change  of  heart ;  but  who  cares  ?  It  is  the 
American  way ! 


DAYS 

Note. — This  poem  appeared  in  the  first 
number  of  the  Atlantic  Monthly.  Mr.  Emer- 
son, often  ranked  as  America's  greatest  poet, 
once  referred  to  it  as  perhaps  his  best  poem. 

Daughters  of  Time,  the  hypocritic  Days, 
Muffled  and  dumb  like  barefoot  dervishes. 
And  marching  single  in  an  endless  file, 
Bring  diadems  and  fagots  in  their  hands. 
To  each  they  offer  gifts  after  his  will. 
Bread,  kingdoms,  stars,  and  sky  that  holds 

them  all. 
I,  in  my  pleached  garden,  watched  the 

pomp. 
Forgot  my  morning  wishes,  hastily 
Took  a  few  herbs  and  apples,  and  the  Day 
Turned  and  departed  silent.     I,  too  late. 
Under  her  solemn  fillet  saw  the  scorn. 
— Ralph  Waldo  Emerson. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


THE  SCOPE  OF  THE  COMMITTEES 
OF  EXPERTS 

Correspondence  between  M.  Barthou,  French 
Delegate,  Reparation  Commission,  and  Mr. 
Logan,  Unofficial  American  Representative, 
Reparation  Commission 

M.  Barthou  to  Mr.  Logan 

Delegation  Francaise   a  la  Commission  des 
Reparations 

Pabis,  December  5,  1923. 

My  Dear  Me.  Logan  : 

I  have  just  had  a  conversation  with  our 
colleague,  Monsieur  Delacroix,  upon  the  ob- 
servations w^hich  you  have  exchanged  w^ith 
us.  In  order  to  give  you  more  definite  infor- 
mation and  to  clear  up  points  which  might 
leave  doubts  in  your  mind,  we  desire  to  fur- 
nish you  with  more  precise  details. 

The  first  committee  of  experts  will  en- 
deavor to  find — 

(a)  The  means  of  balancing  the  budget; 

(&)  The  measures  to  be  taken  to  stabilize 
the  currency. 

Concerning  the  stabilization  of  the  cur- 
rency, the  experts  would  be  invited  first  of  all 
to  determine  the  conditions  to  be  realized  in 
order  that  a  currency  may  be  stabilized,  and 
then  the  measures  to  be  progressively  taken 
so  as  to  realize  all  of  these  conditions. 

As  the  stabilization  of  the  currency  neces- 
sitates budget  equilibrium,  the  experts  would 
similarly  be  invited  to  study  in  detail  the 
receipts  and  the  expenditures  of  the  Reich 
and  also  of  the  different  States. 

The  Reparation  Commission  would  ask  the 
experts  to  give  it,  in  all  sincerity,  their  pro- 
fessional opinion  on  the  questions  submitted 
to  them. 

Monsieur  Delacroix  and  I  greatly  hope  that 
this  further  information  may  lead  your  gov- 
ernment to  acquiesce  in  the  acceptance  by 
American  experts  of  the  invitations  which 
will  be  sent  to  them  to  participate  in  the 
labors  of  the  committees.  Furthermore,  if 
you  accept  this  suggestion,  I  am  quite  pre- 


pared to  submit  it  to  the  Reparation  Com- 
mission. 

(Signed)  Louis  Barthou. 


Mr.  Logan's  Reply  to  M.  Barthou 

United  States  Unofl5cial  Delegation 
Reparation  Commission 

18  Rue  de  Tilsitt, 
Paris,  December  12,  1923. 

My  Dear  M.  Barthou  : 

I  have  not  failed  to  inform  my  government 
of  your  letter  of  December  5.  My  govern- 
ment is  deeply  interested  in  the  economic  < 
recuperation  of  Europe  and  is  gratified  to 
learn  of  the  proposal  for  the  establishment 
by  the  Reparation  Commission  of  two  com- 
mittees of  experts  for  the  purposes  stated. 
My  government  notes  the  statement  in  your 
letter,  that  the  first  committee  of  experts  will 
endeavor  to  find — 

(o)  The  means  of  balancing  the  budget  of 
Germany,  and 

(6)  The  measures  to  be  taken  to  stabilize 
its  currency ; 

and  that  to  this  end  the  experts  will  be  in- 
vited to  determine  the  conditions  to  be  real- 
ized in  order  that  a  currency  can  be  stabilized 
and  the  measures  to  be  progressively  taken 
so  as  to  realize  all  of  the  conditions,  and  also 
that  they  will  be  invited  to  study  in  detail 
the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  the  Reich, 
as  well  as  of  the  different  States. 

It  has  been  made  clear  in  our  interviews 
that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
not  in  a  position  to  be  represented  on  these 
committees,  but  my  government  believes  the 
proposed  inquiries  will  be  of  great  value,  and 
it  views  with  favor  the  acceptance  by  Ameri- 
can experts  of  invitations  to  participate  in 
the  work  of  the  committees. 

It  is  hoped  that  through  these  committees 
a  practicable  and  just  solution  of  the  pend- 
ing problems  may  be  found. 
Faithfully  yours, 

(Signed)       James  A.  Logan,  Jr. 

116 


192Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


117 


THE  ECONOMIC  AND  FINANCIAL 
SITUATION  OF  FRANCE 

Complete  Text  of  the  Speech  of  the  Minister 

of  Finance,  Delivered  on  December  26, 

Before  the  French  Senate 

Pessimism  in  certain  quarters  concerning 
the  economic  situation  of  France  is  abso- 
lutely unjustified.  Every  indication  about 
our  economic  and  financial  situation  shows, 
on  the  contrary,  a  real  improvement.  The 
alarmist  feeling  which  is  being  shown  origi- 
nates from  foreign  countries  and  not  from 
France.  Foreigners,  who  have  invested  con- 
siderable sums  in  German  marks,  are  afraid 
Germany's  bankruptcy  will  cause  Europe's 
bankruptcy  and,  first  of  all,  France's. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  French 
"franc,"  after  a  rise  at  the  beginning  of  1922, 
has  since  then  depreciated  in  an  exaggerated 
way.  Is  the  lowering  of  the  international 
value  of  the  franc  due  to  our  financial  or  to 
our  economic  situation?  An  analysis  of  those 
two  factors  allows  up  to  answer  that  ques- 
tion :  From  a  financial  point  of  view,  France 
has  made  during  the  last  few  years  a  con- 
siderable effort  for  restoration  without  hav- 
ing received  one  cent  from  Germany.  The 
balancing  of  our  "ordinary  budget"  has  been 
obtained,  and  even  more — an  annuity  of 
about  3,500  millions  has  been  included  in  that 
budget,  in  order  to  meet  the  charge  of  loans 
issued  to  make  good  for  Germany's  default, 
while  this  annuity  might  have  been  included 
in  the  budget  of  "recoverable  expenditures.'' 
This  result  has  been  obtained,  thanks  to  an 
increase  in  tax  collections. 

In  1922  the  government  collected  2,464  mil- 
lions more  in  taxes  than  in  1921.  In  1923, 
during  the  first  eleven  months  of  the  fiscal 
year,  we  collected  2,900  millions  more  than 
during  the  preceding  year,  and  the  surplus 
for  the  whole  year  will  probably  reach  3,200 
millions ;  this  means  that  in  the  course  of 
those  two  years  the  French  taxpayer  will 
have  paid  5,650  millions  more  than  in  1921 ; 
and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  one-third  of  the 
surplus  is  not  of  a  transitory  character,  but 
represents  a  permanent  increase  from  per- 
manent causes,  among  which  is  the  coming 
back  to  economic  life  of  the  devastated  re- 
gions. Three  years  ago  the  taxes  collected 
in  the  liberated  regions  amounted  to  1,250 
millions ;  this  year  they  will  reach  2,500  mil- 
lions ;  next  year  the  treasury  will  receive 
700  or  800  millions  more ;  perhaps  even  one 
billion. 


The  income  tax  on  personal  property 
yielded,  in  1920,  567  millions  and  it  will  yield 
this  year  1,300  millions,  which  represents  ten 
times  the  yield  of  1913,  which  amounted  to 
only  136  millions.  The  income  tax  in  1919 
yielded  190  millions,  and  for  the  ten  first 
months  of  this  year  it  yielded  2,194  millions. 
These  are  proofs  that  the  important  surplus 
in  tax  collections  is  suflJcient  to  solve  the 
problem  of  the  "ordinary  budget,"  and  the 
result  is  that  every  loan  issued  by  the  French 
Government  is  exclusively  applijed  to  the 
"budget  of  recoverable  expenditure."  In  1920 
the  total  amount  of  our  loans  was  38,686  mil- 
lions ;  in  1921  it  was  26,540  millions ;  in  1922 
it  was  17,947  millions,  and  on  November  30, 
1923,  it  reached  only  15,356  millions.  This 
decrease  in  our  loans  will  be  more  and  more 
important  in  the  future.  Next  year  the 
amount  to  be  put  at  the  disposal  of  the 
"budget  of  recoverable  expenditure"  will  be 
reduced  by  three  billions. 

It  is  remarkable,  moreover,  that  some  re- 
payments were  made  to  foreign  countries : 
1,100  millions  of  francs  (or  204  million  pe- 
setas) to  Spain,  13  million  dollars  to  the 
United  States  and  50  million  yen  to  Japan. 

The  economic  and  financial  situation  for 
the  first  eleven  months  of  1923  is  even  much 
more  favorable.  Our  commercial  balance 
shows  a  deficit  of  1,475  million  francs,  which 
is  not  far  from  the  figures  for  1913,  which 
were  1,360  million  francs,  if  one  takes  into 
account  not  merely  the  trade  balance,  but 
also  the  balance  of  payments,  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  commercial  balance  is  favorable.  A 
few  figures  will  show  clearly  the  main  points 
of  this  economic  revival :  Statistics  concern- 
ing our  seaports  showed  in  1921,  for  outgoing 
ships,  19,684,000  tons;  in  1922,  24,368,000 
tons ;  in  1923,  28,083,000  tons.  The  coal  out- 
put amounted  in  1919  to  22  million  tons;  in 
1921,  to  20  million ;  in  1922,  to  31  million ;  in 
1923,  to  36  million,  and  in  1913,  to  40  million 
tons.  So  that,  in  spite  of  the  destruction  of 
the  coal  mines  of  northern  France,  we  are 
now  nearly  back  to  the  pre-war  situation. 
On  the  other  hand,  while  in  1921  we  had 
91,000  unemployed,  we  had  only  2,674  on 
January  1,  1922,  and  on  December  20,  1923, 
statistics  give  the  number  of  men  unemployed 
as  441  only. 

There  is,  then,  a  complete  contradiction  be- 
tween the  real  situation  of  France  and  the 
exchange  rate  of  her  "franc,"  and  this  con- 
tradiction is  not  justified  by  any  financial  or 
economic  reason. 


118 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


Some  people  think  that  the  cause  of  the 
depreciation  of  the  franc  should  be  found  in 
a  policy  of  exaggerated  expenditure,  and 
they  speak  of  the  liberated  regions  as  of  a 
bottomless  abyss.  It  is  a  mistake,  as  is  well 
proved  by  the  reconstruction  of  those  regions. 
Of  3,300,000  hectares  (8,151,000  acres)  of 
land  which  has  been  devastated,  2,930,000 
hectares  (7,237,100  acres)  have  been  put 
again  into  cultivation.  Of  22,900  destroyed 
factories,  20,175  have  been  put  again  in  op- 
eration; of  741,983  destroyed  dwellings,  599,- 
000  have  already  been  rebuilt.  In  three  years 
from  now  the  main  part  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion work  in  the  liberated  regions  will  be 
completed. 

The  real  cause  of  the  deterioration  of  our 
exchange  is  the  non-execution  Jyy  Germany  of 
the  Versailles  Treaty.  As  long  as  the  repa- 
rations question  has  not  been  settled,  there 
will  remain  in  the  world  many  elements  of 
uncertainty  and  of  trouble  which  will  prevent 
that  peace  for  which  we  have  paid  so  dearly 
from  becoming  the  durable  order  of  things, 
to  which  we  all  aspire.  The  exchange  crisis 
in  France  and  Belgium,  as  well  as  the  unem- 
ployment problem  in  Great  Britain,  are  the 
result  of  a  lack  of  solidarity  among  the  vic- 
torious nations,  which  enabled  Germany  to 
evade  her  obligations. 


DANISH  PLAN  FOR  CURRENCY 
STABILIZATION 

Bill  for  the  Establishment  of  a  Currency 

Equalization  Fund 

(As  Approved  by  the  Folketing  at  the  Third 

Reading,  November  15,  1923) 

Section  1.  By  agreement  between  the  State, 
the  Danish  National  Bank,  and  the  four 
leading  private  banks,  a  Currency  Equaliza- 
tion Fund  is  established  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  large  fluctuations  of  the  daily 
quotations  through  continued  intervention  on 
the  currency  market,  and  of  co-operating  in 
the  improvement  of  the  value  of  the  Danish 
crown  to  the  extent  to  which  conditions 
necessary  for  this  may  be  brought  about. 

Sec  2.  The  State  participates  in  the  fund 
with  two-fifths,  the  Danish  National  Bank 
with  two-fifths,  the  four  leading  private 
banks  with  one-fifth  together.  The  responsi- 
bility of  the  four  leading  private  banks  in 
case  of  loss  (cfr.  section  7)  is,  however,  not 
to  exceed  three  and  one-quarter  million 
crowns. 


Sec.  3.  For  the  promotion  of  its  purpose  as 
described  in  section  1,  the  fund  shall  procure 
a  supply  of  foreign  currency  equivalent  to  a 
sum  of  five  million  pounds  sterling.  This 
supply  shall  be  provided  by  foreign  credit, 
for  which  the  State  and  the  National  Bank 
are  guarantors,  jointly  and  separately,  having 
recourse  to  the  four  leading  private  banks  for 
one-fifth  thereof  within  the  limit  mentioned 
in  section  2. 

Sec  4.  Tlie  fund  shall  be  administered  by  a 
board  of  eight  members:  two  representatives 
of  the  State,  two  of  the  directors  of  the 
National  Bank,  and  one  director  of  each  of 
the  leading  private  banks.  The  representa- 
tives of  the  State  and  of  the  National  Bank 
shall  have  three  votes  each,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  leading  banks  one  vote  each. 
The  board  elects  a  chairman,  who  shall  be 
in  charge  of  the  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  fund.  In  case  of  a  tie  of  vote,  the  vote 
of  the  chairman  shall  be  decisive.  The  man- 
date as  a  member  of  the  board  of  the  fund 
shall  be  unpaid.  The  fund  may  engage 
salaried  assistance  to  such  extent  as  the 
chairman  deems  necessary. 

Sec  5.  The  board  of  the  fund  shall  hold 
meetings  as  often  as  decided  by  the  chairman 
or  desired  by  one  of  the  representatives  of 
the  State  or  one  of  the  representatives  of  the 
National  Bank  or  by  two  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  leading  private  banks.  The  board 
decides  the  maximum  rate  of  exchange  at 
which  the  fund  may  be  willing  to  sell,  and 
whether  the  fund  shall  buy,  and,  if  so,  at 
which  rate  of  exchange ;  otherwise  the  board 
itself  adopts  the  methods  of  procedure. 

Sec.  6.  The  agreement  shall  be  valid  for 
two  years.  The  credit  mentioned  in  section  3 
shall  be  sought  for  the  same  period.  After 
the  expiration  of  the  two  years  the  activity 
of  the  fund  shall  be  liquidated,  provided  that 
the  continuation  be  not  adopted  by  a  new  law 
and  agreed  to  by  all  the  members. 

Sec  7.  At  the  expiration  of  this  agreement, 
or  if  the  activity  of  the  fund  ceases  before, 
because  its  resources  have  been  exhausted, 
in  which  case  the  cessation  of  the  activity 
can  be  resolved  by  the  board  by  simple  ma- 
jority, account  shall  be  rendei'ed  and  dis- 
tribution of  loss,  respectively  profit,  shall  take 
place  in  the  proportion  in  which  the  partici- 
pants, in  accordance  with  section  2,  are  part- 
ners in  the  fund,  in  case  of  the  four  leading 
banks  with  due  regard  to  the  maximum 
amount  for  which  they  may  be  held  liable 
according  to  section  2. 


1924 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


119 


Sec.  8.  Should  the  final  liquidation  of  the 
fund  result  in  loss,  and  the  National  Bank, 
in  order  to  cover  foreign  obligations,  use  any 
part  of  its  gold  reserve,  the  excess  rate  of  ex- 
change, compared  to  the  par  value,  which 
may  be  obtained  by  the  realization  hereof 
shall  be  used  to  cover  the  loss  resulting  from 
the  activity  of  the  fund. 

Sec.  9.  With  regard  to  covering  the  foreign 
debt  which  may  exist  at  the  time  of  the 
liquidation  of  the  fund,  the  State  assumes 
one-half  of  the  obligations  and  receives  in 
return  one-half  of  the  assets  augmented  by 
the  quota  of  the  loss,  for  which  the  four 
leading  private  banks  are  liable.  The  Na- 
tional Bank  assumes  the  other  half  of  the 
obligations  and  receives  in  return  the  other 
half  of  the  assets. 

Sec.  10.  The  quotations  at  the  Exchange  of 
Copenhagen  on  the  day  of  liquidation  shall 
be  used  as  basis  for  the  account  of  loss, 
respectively  profit. 

Sec.  11.  Should  the  National  Bank,  in 
order  to  cover  its  quota,  dispose  of  so  much 
of  its  gold  reserve  that  the  said  reserve  is 
reduced  to  less  than  50  per  cent  of  the  bank 
notes  in  circulation,  the  reduction  of  the 
bank-note  guarantee  caused  thereby  shall  not 
have  any  influence  on  the  tax  due  to  the 
State  from  the  National  Bank,  according  to 
the  amendment  to  the  Octroi  of  August  30, 
1919. 

Sec  12.  All  expeditions  pursuant  to  this 
law  are  exempt  from  stamp  duty  to  the 
Danish  State. 

Sec  13.  The  act  becomes  effective  at  once. 


News  in  Brief 


committee  will  be  a  member  of  the  Women's 
Peace  Union.  The  Union  has  no  money  for 
a  prize,  but  we  expect  to  secure  through  the 
press  wide  publicity  for  the  plans  selected. 
Access  to  all  plans  received  as  well  as  to  the 
three  plans  selected  will  be  given  to  all  rep- 
resentatives of  the  press,  since  our  object  Is 
to  give  wide  circulation  to  all  the  original 
and  valuable  Ideas  which  the  Bok  Prize  has 
drawn  forth  from  the  public.  Plans  must  be 
received  by  February  15." 

The  Pkince  of  Wales,  as  Earl  of  Chester, 
made  a  semi-official  public  appearance  in 
Paris  for  a  few  days  in  January.  Like  his 
grandfather,  who  created  the  necessary  at- 
mosphere for  founding  the  Entente,  the 
Prince  is  considered  "sympathetique"  by  the 
French,  However  great  the  coolness  between 
the  Quai  d'Orsay  and  Downing  Street,  this 
unofficial  ambassador  is  regarded  with  affec- 
tionate interest  in  Paris. 

French  Births  Increased  for  the  first  nine 
months  of  1923,  according  to  official  statistics. 
In  the  ninety  departments  of  France,  there 
was  an  excess  of  78,451  births  over  deaths 
in  that  period. 

Rome  is  being  considered  by  the  Council 
of  the  League  of  Nations  as  the  place  for 
holding  a  conference,  probably  about  Febru- 
ary 14,  on  the  question  of  the  universal  ap- 
plication of  the  principles  of  the  Washington 
Naval  Conference.  Before  any  official  an- 
nouncement is  made,  however,  the  Swiss  Gov- 
ernment will  be  discreetly  sounded  on  its 
feelings  with  regard  to  taking  the  conference 
outside  of  Switzerland.  The  League  of  Na- 
tions is  not  willing  to  offend  Swiss  suscepti- 
bility by  having  the  conferees  meet  elsewhere 
than  in  Switzerland,  In  order  to  secure  the 
attendance  of  delegates  from  Russia,  which 
country  has  declined  to  be  represented  at  the 
meeting  if  it  is  held  in  Switzerland. 


The  Women's  Peace  Union  announced 
January  13  that  it  invites  all  contestants  for 
the  Bok  Prize  who  are  not  satisfied  with  the 
award  to  send  copies  of  their  plan  to  its  head- 
quarters, 244  Lexington  Avenue,  New  York 
City. 

"The  Union,"  says  Miss  Raden,  "will  or- 
ganize a  committtee,  made  up  of  people 
known  to  have  widely  different  points  of  view, 
to  read  the  plans  and  select  the  three  which 
seem  the  most  valuable.     No  member  of  the 


The  Ghandi  non-conformists  and  the 
ultra  radicals  in  India  are  losing  ground, 
says  Dr.  Westel  W.  Willoughby,  professor  of 
political  science  in  Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity. Dr.  Willoughby  has  recently  returned 
from  India.  He  thinks  that  the  diarchic 
form  of  government  now  in  effect  eventually 
will  solve  the  political  problems  of  India  and 
give  that  State  a  form  of  government  similar 
to  other  British  dominions,  such  as  Canada 
and  Australia. 


130 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Fehrtiary 


Fbance  has  eatified  two  of  the  four  sets 
of  treaties  drawn  up  by  the  Washington  Con- 
ference. These  are  the  Naval  Limitations 
Treaty  and  the  Four-Power  Pact.  Of  the 
other  two,  one  makes  new  rules  for  subma- 
rine warfare,  the  other  binds  the  signatories 
to  the  policy  of  the  open  door  and  equal  op- 
portunity in  China.  It  seems  improbable 
that  either  of  these  last  two  sets  of  treaties 
will  be  ratified  by  the  present  chamber,  whose 
mandate  continues  to  the  April  elections. 
On  the  one  hand  the  Italo-Spanish  agreement 
is  considered  as  a  threat  to  French  commu- 
nications with  the  North  African  colonies  in 
time  of  war  and  has  re-emphasized  France's 
need  of  naval  power.  As  under  present  con- 
ditions the  chief  strength  of  the  French  navy 
in  adjacent  waters  is  submarines,  it  is  felt 
that  France  can  ill  afford  to  tie  her  hands 
in  advance  regarding  the  use  she  might  be 
obliged  to  make  of  this  form  of  weapon.  On 
the  other  hand,  France  at  present  is  making 
strenuous  efforts  to  increase  her  activities  in 
what  has  long  been  regarded  as  its  sphere  of 
influence  in  China,  namely,  the  populous 
province  of  Yunnan,  adjoining  the  French 
colony  in  Indo-China,  just  as  the  British  are 
reported  to  be  making  similar  efforts  in  Tibet 
and  Turkestan. 

An  expedition  sent  out  by  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  recently  shipped  to  Phila- 
delphia some  85  tons  of  ancient  relics  from 
Egypt  and  Palestine.  Some  of  the  articles  in 
the  consignment  weighed  five  tons  each,  nota- 
bly the  doorways  and  columns  from  the  Pal- 
ace of  Pharaoh  Meneptah,  at  Memphis,  Egypt. 
A  number  of  complete  mosaic  floors  are  part 
of  the  Egyptian  collection.  From  ruins  in 
Palestine  numerous  historical  monuments  are 
In  the  consignment,  together  with  notable  ex- 
amples of  ancient  sculpture. 

King  George  and  Qtteen  Elizabeth  of 
Greece,  traveling  like  ordinary  citizens,  went 
to  Italy  early  in  January  to  attend  the  serv- 
ices commemorating  the  death  of  the  exiled 
Greek  King  Constantine,  who  is  buried  in 
Naples.  It  was  rumored  that  the  Greek  royal 
family  hoped,  during  their  stay  of  several 
weeks  in  Naples,  to  keep  in  close  touch  with 
affairs  in  Greece. 

The  Pobto  Rican  legislature  sent  ten  of 
its  members,  accompanied  by  Horace  M. 
Towner,  Governor  of  Porto  Rico,  to  the 
United  States  in  January.  The  commission 
had  for  its  object  an  attempt  to  secure  from 


Congress  the  modification  of  the  organic  law 
of  the  island.  The  joint  resolution  passed 
by  the  last  legislature,  creating  the  commis- 
sion, requests  legislation  covering  six  points, 
designed  to  give  the  insular  government  and 
people  substantially  the  same  rights  in  their 
own  country  as  are  now  enjoyed  by  the 
States ;  also,  that  all  national  measures  that 
tend  to  benefit  education,  agriculture,  and 
other  sources  of  knowledge  or  of  wealth  in 
the  island  be  extended  to  Porto  Rico  in  the 
same  proportion  that  they  are  extended  to  all 
the  States  in  the  Union. 

The  Danish  section  of  the  Woman's  Na- 
tional League  for  Liberty  and  Peace  held  re- 
cently an  all-country  meeting  in  Denmark. 
After  some  revision,  the  object  of  the  league 
now  stands  as  follows :  To  promote  the  work 
for  a  just  peace  between  nations,  races,  and 
classes ;  to  make  war  illegal  and  instead 
adopt  a  state  of  affairs  which  insures  con- 
flicts being  settled  by  mediation,  arbitration, 
or  other  peaceful  means ;  to  work  for  the 
above  theories  being  made  the  foundation  for 
the  bringing  up  and  education  of  the  young 
both  at  school  and  in  the  home ;  to  co-operate 
with  women  in  other  countries  working  for 
the  same  aims. 

Hungarian  war  loans  quotations  have 
recently  improved.  The  rise  is  attributed  to 
hopes  placed  in  the  impending  reform  of 
State  finances. 

The  Czechoslovak  Committee  for  Educa- 
tional and  Cultural  Relations  with  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America 
held  a  meeting  on  December  5,  1923,  in  the 
English  seminar  of  Charles  University, 
Czechoslovakia.  Dr.  Mathesius,  professor  of 
English  language  and  literature  at  the  uni- 
versity, is  chairman  of  the  committee.  The 
initiative  for  the  founding  of  such  a  com- 
mittee is  largely  to  be  attributed  to  President 
McCracken,  of  Vassar  College,  who  paid  a 
visit  to  Prague  a  year  ago  in  connection  with 
the  proposed  American  Institute  there.  Ex- 
change of  professors,  students,  and  books 
between  Czechoslovakia,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  on 
the  other,  are  among  the  methods  proposed 
to  promote  cultural  relations.  In  the  United 
States  Dr.  S.  P.  Duggan,  Director  of  the  In- 
stitute for  International  Education,  is  work- 
ing with  the  Czechoslovakian  committee. 

The  second  international  conference  of 
the   Women's  Engineering  Society   is  to  be 


192Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


121 


held  In  Manchester,  England,  in  the  spring 
of  1924,  There  are  now  about  200  working 
members  of  this  society,  besides  a  number  of 
honorary  members  who  give  some  support. 
Though  a  new  organization,  the  Woman's 
Engineering  Society  was  invited  to  partici- 
pate, on  an  equality  with  other  engineering 
institutions,  in  an  exhibit  recently  held  in 
England. 

The  first  vocational  school  ever  oper- 
ated in  Albania  was  organized  two  years  ago 
by  the  American  Junior  Red  Cross.  The 
students  in  this  institution  represent,  it  is 
said,  the  brightest  boys  in  the  new  Balkan 
Republic. 

Yugoslavian  pboduction  of  sugar  was 
said,  in  a  recent  meeting  of  beet-growers  and 
sugar  manufacturers  in  Belgrade,  to  be  un- 
satisfactory. Only  30,000  tons  of  sugar  were 
turned  out  last  year,  although  the  factories 
had  a  capacity  of  120,000  tons.  The  confer- 
ence proposed  the  raising  of  customs  duty  on 
imported  sugar  2  dinars  per  kilogram. 

The  Dutch  Foreign  Office  announces  a 
temporary  commercial  and  shipping  treaty 
between  the  Netherlands  and  Finland.  It 
came  into  force  on  November  20,  1923,  and 
will  remain  in  force  until  a  definite  trade  and 
navigation  treaty  can  be  concluded,  unless 
upon  a  three  months'  notice  it  be  abrogated 
by  either  contracting  parties  after  January  1, 
1925.  The  two  countries  are  giving  each 
other  most-favored-nation  treatment  as  far 
as  commerce,  customs  duties,  shipping,  and 
various  dues  and  taxes  are  concerned.  Cer- 
tain exceptions  have  been  made  with  regard 
to  border  and  coasting  traffic.  This  treaty 
will  not  alter  the  commercial  relations  be- 
tween the  Netherlands  and  the  United  States, 
but  will  give  the  Netherlands  decided  advan- 
tages over  the  United  States  in  trade  with 
Finland,  pending  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
between  this  government  and  Finland. 

Cuba  has  made  a  government  appropria- 
tion of  $40,000,  which  will  be  used  for  an 
athletic  field  and  stadium  at  Habana  Uni- 
versity, and  another  of  $200,000,  for  the  con- 
struction of  new  buildings  at  the  asylum  and 
school  for  nurses  at  Mazorra. 

The  Chilean  minister  at  London  has 
procured  a  loan  from  England  of  500,000 
pounds  for  the  completion  of  a  breakwater 
and    for   pier   construction    at   Antofagasta, 


Chile.  The  first  quota  of  the  loan,  amount- 
ing to  100,000  pounds,  is  available  immedi- 
ately. The  Chilean  Government  plans  to 
make  Antofogasta  one  of  the  best  ports  on 
the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America. 

Information  fbom  Bergen,  Norway,  states 
that,  because  of  the  lack  of  ice-breakers,  the 
harbor  authorities  at  Archangel  have  an- 
nounced that  the  White  Sea  will  be  closed  to 
navigation  this  winter. 

President  Coolidge  has  accepted  the  hon- 
orary presidency  of  the  Pan-Pacific  Union. 
This  union  is  in  no  sense  an  agency  of  any 
government,  though  it  enjoys  the  good-will 
of  all  the  countries  bordering  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  Invitations  to  attend  its  conferences 
are  forwarded  through  Federal  and  other 
sources.  Afl31iated  or  working  with  the  union 
are  educational  and  scientific  bodies,  cham- 
bers of  commerce,  and  like  organizations 
striving  for  the  advancement  of  Pacific  com- 
munities. Its  central  office  is  at  Honolulu, 
at  the  ocean  cross-roads.  In  accepting  the 
presidency  of  the  Pan-Pacific  Union,  Presi- 
dent Coolidge  says :  "My  services  will  always 
be  enlisted  in  behalf  of  the  cause  of  peace 
and  good  neighborship,  to  which  the  union  is 
devoted." 

A  NEW  linen  factoby  has  been  established 
at  Ribierinha,  in  the  Azores.  Flax  has  been 
grown  in  these  islands  for  many  years  and 
the  new  enterprise  is  seeking  to  capitalize 
the  possibilities  of  the  industry.  At  the  pres- 
ent time  the  mill  is  treating  about  one  ton 
of  flax  daily,  but  it  is  intended  to  increase 
this  amount.  Coarse  linen  cloth,  sheetings, 
toweling,  and  handkerchiefs  are  being  made, 
and  the  plant  is  able  to  produce  thread  of  a 
fineness  of  Nos.  35  to  40. 

The  Public  Health  Nursing  Service  of 
the  Siamese  Red  Cross  has  been  recently  in- 
augurated. The  first  nursing  center  was 
formally  opened  in  Bangkok,  Siam,  with  re- 
ligious ceremonies,  and  inspection  by  Prince 
Nagara  Svarga.  The  center  is  purely  for 
consultation,  advice,  and  instruction.  Miss 
Wan  Piroshaw,  who  heads  this  public  health 
nursing  center,  received  her  training  in  Ma- 
nila, through  the  friendly  hospitality  of  the 
Philippines  Red  Cross  chapter  there. 

A  great  demonstration  against  war  and 
armaments  has  been  determined  upon  by  the 
management  committee  of  the  International 


123 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  with  lieadquar- 
ters  in  Amsterdam,  Holland.  The  demonstra- 
tion is  planned  to  take  place  in  all  countries 
on  September  21,  1924. 

Sixty  million  Douglas  fib  seeds  were 
sent  as  a  New  Year's  gift  to  Great  Britain  by 
the  American  Tree  Association.  The  presi- 
dent of  the  Association,  Charles  Lathrop 
Pack,  presented  the  seeds  to  Henry  G.  Chil- 
ton, the  British  charge,  at  the  embassy  in 
Washington.  The  seeds  are  to  be  used  by 
the  British  Forestry  Commission  to  reforest 
areas  that  were  cut  over  in  that  country  for 
war  purposes. 

The  new  Peace  House  in  New  York  has 
been  recently  opened  with  a  pageant.  It  has 
a  large  auditorium,  where  a  forum  will  be 
organized  and  where  other  meetings  can  be 
held.  The  Women's  Peace  Society  head- 
quarters have  been  moved  to  Peace  House. 

The  only  woman  representative  of  any 
nation  to  a  foreign  government  is  the  Rus- 
sian Soviet  Minister  to  Norway,  Anna  Kol- 
lontay. 

A  BEPOBT  FROM  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  COM- 
MERCE States  that  the  new  Turkish  Republic 
is  attempting  to  replace  the  half  of  the  Turk- 
ish commercial  fleet  lost  in  the  war.  At  the 
time  of  her  entry  into  the  war  Turkey's  mer- 
chant marine  amounted  to  about  110,000 
tons.  Of  this  tonnage  it  is  estimated  that 
less  than  50,000  tons  remain,  and  that  the 
greater  portion  of  this  is  in  bad  condition 
or  obsolete.  The  comparatively  small  ton- 
nage of  the  merchant  fleet  at  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  was  primarily  due  to  the  in- 
ability of  the  Ottoman  Empire  to  reserve 
Turkish  coastal  trade  to  ships  under  Turkish 
registry.  Now  that  Turkey  has  limited  its 
coastal  shipping  exclusively  to  vessels  under 
Turkish  registry,  where  heretofore  Greece 
and  Italy  figured  most  prominently,  a  new 
impetus  has  been  given  to  the  development  of 
a  national  merchant  marine,  says  Vice-Consul 
E.  A.  Plitt,  of  the  State  Department.  This 
effort  to  build  up  a  purely  Turkish  domestic 
carrying  trade  appears  to  have  been  without 
other  discrimination  against  foreign  shipping 
hitherto,  except  in  the  matter  of  a  sanitary 
tax  of  5  piasters  per  ton  on  foreign  vessels, 
where  Turkish  vessels  pay  only  2  piasters. 
The  Seir  Sefaine  has  inaugurated  a  service 
between  Black  Sea,  ^gean,  and  Mediterra- 
nean ports,  and  is  trying  to  augment  its  ton- 


nage through  the  purchase  of  additional 
units  and  to  improve  its  methods  of  opera- 
tion. At  present  a  great  need  is  felt  for 
large-sized  vessels  to  handle  the  passenger 
traffic,  but  this  is  only  temporary,  the  future 
of  the  country's  merchant  fleet  being  depend- 
ent largely  upon  the  demand  created  by  the 
development  of  Turkey's  resources  and  in- 
dustries. 

International  art  is  a  feature  of  the 
midwinter  exhibition  of  the  Chicago  Art  In- 
stitute this  year.  There  are  a  worthy  number 
of  sketches  and  paintings  by  contemporary 
artists  on  exhibition.  These  come  from 
Russia,  Finland,  Italy,  and  France,  as  well  as 
the  United  States.  Handicrafts  also,  both  old 
and  modern,  form  a  feature  of  the  exhibition. 

Forty-eight  American  institutions  are 
co-operating  in  archeological  research  in  the 
Near  East.  A  wonderful  civilization  is  be- 
lieved to  be  fully  preserved  beneath  the  des- 
ert sands  from  southern  Mesopotamia  to  Mo- 
sul, where  the  present  survey  is  being  made. 

The  one  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniver- 
sary of  the  founding  of  this  Republic  is  al- 
ready attracting  attention.  A  joint  resolu- 
tion of  the  legislature  of  Wisconsin  memori- 
alizing Congress  to  celebrate  the  anniversary 
was  recently  laid  before  the  United  States 
Senate.     The  resolution  reads  as  follows : 

Whereas  in  three  years  a  century  and  a 
half  have  elapsed  since  the  signing  on  July  4, 
1776,  of  that  memorable  assertion  of  freedom 
and  human  rights,  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence ;  and 

Whereas  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  followed  by  seven  years  of  struggle — 
fraught  with  suffering,  hunger,  and  defeat- 
in  which  three  and  one-half  million  frontiers- 
men wrested  their  freedom  from  the  tyranny 
of  Great  Britain  and  made  real  upon  this  con- 
tinent their  ideals  of  self-government ;  and 

Whereas  the  nation  which  was  founded 
through  the  sacrifices  of  these  patriots  has 
grown  into  the  greatest  and  richest  nation 
on  the  earth  and  is  now  not  only  the  most 
powerful  but,  with  a  single  exception,  also 
the  oldest  of  republics ;  and 

Whereas  the  ideals  of  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  for  all  upon  which  this 
nation  was  founded,  can  only  be  preserved  by 
recurring  again  and  again  to  these  foundation 
principles  in  which  it  was  conceived,  and  the 
struggles  and  suffering  of  the  brave  men  and 
women  who  believed  in  them  with  passionate 
faith  :   Therefore  be  it 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  (the  Assembly 
concurring) ,  That  Congress  be,  and  is  hereby, 
memorialized   to  pass  the  necessary  legisla- 


192J^ 


LETTER  BOX 


123 


tion  to  fittingly  celebrate  the  one  hundred 
and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  founding  of 
this  Republic,  and  to  give  prominence  in  such 
celebration  to  an  exposition  of  the  documents 
and  relics  related  to  the  heroic  struggle  for 
freedom  of  this  nation ;  and  be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  properly  attested  copies  of 
this  resolution  be  sent  to  the  presiding  officers 
of  both  houses  of  Congress  and  to  each  mem- 
ber thereof  from  Wisconsin. 

According  to  the  International  Federa- 
tion OF  Trade  Unions,  import  and  export  sta- 
tistics have  just  been  published  in  France  for 
the  first  ten  months  of  the  year  1923.     Both 
imports  and  exports  have  risen  considerably 
and  the  figures  for  October,  1923,  are  higher 
than  any  of  the  other  months.      This  pros- 
perity is  mainly  attributed  to  the  disappear- 
ance of  German  competition  in  both  the  for- 
eign and  home  markets.    Even  now,  however, 
France's  trade  balance  cannot  be  regarded  as 
entirely  satisfactory,  since  it  still  shows  an 
excess  of  imports  over  exports.     La  Journee 
IndustricUe,  an  employers'  journal,  had  this 
fact  in  view  when  it  declared  some  ten  days 
ago  that  France's  foreign  sales  and  purchases 
would  have  balanced  had  it  not  been  for  the 
milliards  of  additional   expenditui'e  necessi- 
tated during   the  year  for   the  purchase   of 
coal  and  coke.      Since  then  agreements  have 
been  concluded  with  the  German  industrial- 
ists, and  Poincar^  has  made  skillful  use  of 
this  news  to  strengthen  his  position  in  the 
Chamber.     The  event  is  greeted  with  joy  by 
the    French  employers'   press.      La   Journee 
Industrielle   is   already   chuckling  with   glee 
over  the  advantages  to  be  reaped  from  the 
agreements,  which  "were  proposed  to  the  Ger- 
man industrialists  weeks  ago  with  great  pa- 
tience."    If  all  goes  well,  the  French  will  get 
17  or  18  million  tons  of  fuel  from  the  Ruhr 
next  year.      The  article  concludes  with  the 
words :    "This  will  be  ample  to  meet  our  re- 
quii-ements  in  coal." 

With  the  intention  of  counteracting  by 
statistics  the  impression  that  France  is  ex- 
ceptionally militaristic,  the  Foreign  Ofllce 
has  made  public  the  budgetary  estimates  for 
military  expenditures  by  the  United  States, 
England,  and  France.  The  figures  are  com- 
pared as  follows:  The  United  States  esti- 
mates 3,544,853,270  francs,  or  $708,970,654; 
British  Isles,  3,212,500,000  francs,  or  £128,- 
500,000,  or  $642,500,000;  British  Empire, 
4,726,694,475  francs,  or  £189,067,779,  or  $945,- 
338,890,  while  the  figures  for  France  are 
4,595,002,335  francs,  or  $919,000,467. 


LETTER  BOX 


Cambridge,  Mass.,  Jan.  12,  1924. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  congratulate  you  and  the  Society  on  the 
great  change  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace.  It 
is  much  more  convenient  in  size,  more  comely 
in  color,  easier  to  read  on  account  of  the  soft . 
paper,  attractive  from  the  variety  of  print, 
and  most  promising  in  power,  in  view  of  the 
distinguished  men  mentioned  among  its  offi- 
cers, directors,  and  committees.  The  title  is 
not  quite  pleasing.  "Advocate  of  Peace 
Through  Justice"  sounds  to  me  a  bit  cold, 
unsympathetic,  rigid,  frigid,  unappealing. 
"Use  every  man  after  his  desert,  and  who 
would  'scape  whipping."  Justice  must  have 
consideration;  but  will  men  want  to  do  jus- 
tice unless  they  love?  Isn't  love  necessary 
for  a  right  approach  to  justice? 

"And  earthly  power  doth   then  show  llkest  God's 
When   mercy   seasons  justice." 

It  was  Shylock  who  asked  his  pound  of 
flesh  in  the  name  of  justice  resting  on  agree- 
ment. "In  the  course  of  justice  (alone)  none 
of  us  should  see  salvation."  "God  is  love." 
The  Christmas  message  of  peace  rests  upon 
and  springs  out  of  love.  The  Cross  speaks 
of  love.  I  wonder  if  a  better  title  would  not 
be  "The  Advocate  of  Peace  Through  Love 
and  Justice."  The  Good  Book  says,  "The 
fruit  of  the  Spirit  is  love,  joy,  peace."  I 
wish  you  and  the  other  officers  might  think 
this  over  and  see  if  spiritually  such  an 
amended  title  of  the  Advocate  might  not 
seem  warmer,  more  instinct  with  life,  more 
attractive  as  an  advocate  of  peace.  Our 
Lord,  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  is  our  "Ad- 
vocate." Looking  at  His  life  and  death  and 
church,  would  we  conclude  that  through  the 
centuries  the  appeal  has  been  simply  for 
peace  through  justice?  What  do  you  think 
as  you  look  over  human  life?  In  the  main 
the  "Advocate"  is  much  bettered.  It  is  so 
good  I  should  like  to  see  it  made  best.  With 
all  good  wishes  and  among  them  one  wish 
for  a  happy  New  Year, 
Sincerely  yours, 

(Rev.)  Emelius  W.  Smith. 


124 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


Sofia,  Bulgaria,  December  24,  1923. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 

Deab  Sir  :  I  am  in  the  receipt,  regularly,  of 
your  valuable  paper,  I  believe,  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  Chancellor  David  Starr  Jordan. 
Your  paper  is  above  all  an  organ  vporking  for 
universal  peace.  This  can  be  attained  only 
by  good,  sincere  relations  between  nations. 
Falsehood  is  ruinous  to  such  relations ;  truth 
alone  will  contribute  to  that  end.  My  state- 
ment, as  enclosed,  is  the  truth,  and  the  pub- 
lishing of  it  can  do  only  good ;  it  may  serve 
to  prevent  a  repetition  of  incidents  as  the  one 
in  question.  I  have  no  objection  to  your  ton- 
ing down  any  harsh  word  I  may  have  used. 

Last  year  you  very  kindly  published  a  re- 
ply of  mine  to  Mr.  Gordon  Gordon-Smith's 
unseemly  attack  upon  Bulgaria.  It  was  not 
the  first  time  I  had  an  exchange  of  words 
with  him. 

In  the  international  notes  of  your  issue  of 
December  you  give  a  version  of  the  incident 
that  occurred  between  Jugoslavia  and  Bul- 
garia— the  attempt  to  assassinate  the  Ser- 
bian military  attache  in  Sofia,  as  reported 
from  Belgrade,  and  you  add:  "The  Belgrade 
press  was  unanimous  in  its  praise  of  the  gov- 
ernment for  having  shown  the  necessary  firm- 
ness with  a  view  to  obtaining  complete  repa- 
rations and  also  the  safeguarding  of  the 
country's  dignity." 

I  do  regret  to  have  to  say  that  every  word 
of  the  account  of  the  incident  as  given  to  you 
is  false,  and  trust  that,  for  the  sake  of  the 
advocacy  of  peace  and  better  relations  among 
nations,  you  will  give  me  the  opportunity  to 
place  the  real  facts  of  the  case  before  the 
public. 

The  incontrovertible  facts  of  the  incident 
are  as  follows :  Two  men  obtained  admittance 
to  Colonel  Kristich's  (the  Jugoslav  military 
attache  in  Sofia)  apartment  at  an  hour  when 
he  was  habitually  out,  and  at  once  attacked 
the  servant.  The  Colonel,  by  chance  at  home, 
rushed  to  the  assistance  of  his  servant,  and 
in  the  scuffle  received  two  scratches  in  the 
head.  No  alarm  was  given  in  the  house  or 
the  street.  The  servant,  with  a  dagger  stick- 
ing in  his  shoulder,  runs  off  to  the  Jugoslav 
legation,  some  two  hundred  yards  away,  re- 
ports what  has  happened,  and  thus  only  are 
the  authorities  informed.  The  police  and 
ministers  crowd  to  the  scene  and  receive  the 
Colonel's  account:  "One  man  fled  on  my  ap- 
pearance; the  other  I  knocked  down  and  se- 


cured his  revolver,  with  which  he  made  two 
attempts  to  fire  at  me,  but  he  succeeded  in 
getting  off."  He  showed  the  two  wounds  in 
his  head,  the  wound  in  the  servant's  shoul- 
der, a  flesh  wound,  and  the  captured  dagger. 
The  revolver  turned  out  impossible  to  fire 
off;  it  was  rusted  and  the  cartridges  were  in 
the  same  condition.  There  was  no  reason  to 
doubt  the  Colonel's  account  or  his  belief  that 
an  attempt  had  been  made  on  his  life. 

A  Jugoslav-Bulgarian  commission  was  sit- 
ting in  Sofia  to  adjust  outstanding  questions. 
The  incident  was  put  down  to  some  desperate 
Communists  or  Agrarians  intent  upon  frus- 
trating the  good  results  promised  by  the  ne- 
gotiations. 

The  police  authorities,  the  Minister  Presi- 
dent, and  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  there 
and  then  expressed  their  sorrow  and  pre- 
sented their  apologies  to  the  Colonel.  The 
man,  the  police  more  than  suspected,  had 
meanwhile  taken  refuge  in  the  Jugoslav  lega- 
tion, which  refused  to  deliver  him  up. 

The  next  day  the  Jugoslav  minister  pre- 
sented to  the  Bulgarian  Government  an  ulti- 
matum :  Within  24  hours  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior  and  the  prefect  of  police  to  make 
apologies;  a  company  of  250  men  to  salute 
the  Jugoslav  flag ;  a  strict  inquiry  to  be  made 
and  a  payment  of  indemnity  to  be  fixed  by 
The  Hague  Court.  There  was  no  time  to 
protest  or  discuss,  and  the  Bulgarian  Govern- 
ment, fearing  immediate  occupation  of  Bul- 
garian territory,  a  coveted  object,  considered 
it  wiser  to  comply  with  the  ultimatum,  which 
it  did  on  the  following  morning.  The  Bul- 
garian Government  looked  forward  to  right 
itself  before  The  Hague  Court.  The  Jugoslav 
Government,  however,  has  taken  the  precau- 
tion to  deprive  Bulgaria  of  such  a  possibility. 
The  Jugoslav  minister  has  waited  upon  the 
Bulgarian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  and 
has  declared  that  his  government  withdrew 
the  last  two  points  of  the  ultimatum;  that 
they  should  be  considered  as  null  and  void; 
that  the  incident  was  closed. 

I  repeat,  such  are  the  real  facts. 
If  Italy  bullied  Greece,  why  should  not 
Jugoslavia  improve  the  lesson  upon  Bulgaria. 
Where  is  the  power  to  stop  such  ruinous  con- 
duct for  any  hope  of  peaceful  conditions 
among  nations?  And  neither  Italy  nor  Jugo- 
slavia appear  to  regret  having  been  drawn 
into  such  a  false,  dishonorable  situation,  as 
regards  respect  due  to  others,  to  interna- 
tional relations.  Both  are  proud  of  the  exer- 
cise of  power  to  humiliate  a  smaller  nation 


1921 


LETTER  BOX 


125 


in   one   case   and    a   defenseless   one   in   an- 
other— defenseless  by  treaty. 

On  tlie  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the 
anniversary  of  the  Fascisti  revolution  Signor 
Mussolini,  addressing  the  massed  demonstra- 
tion, said :  "For  the  first  time  in  Italian  po- 
litical life,  Italy  has  accomplished  an  act  of 
absolute  independence,  having  the  courage  to 
deny  the  competence  of  the  Areopagus  at 
Geneva.  ...  If  tomorrow's  sacrifices 
should  be  graver  than  yesterday's,  would  you 
undertake  them?"  And  answer  came:  "Yes, 
we  swear  it !" 

If  there  was  ever  an  attempt  to  raise  a 
home  scandalous  incident  to  one  of  virtue  it 
Is  this  one,  cynically  invented,  attempt  on  the 
life  of  the  Jugoslav  military  attach^. 

There  is  little  else  to  add. 

P.  M.  Matth^eff. 


The  ChAteau  Thierry  Apartment, 
Washington,  D.  C,  Jan.  17,  1924. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 

Sir:  It  is  difficult  to  see  in  what  way  the 
action  of  the  Government  of  the  Kingdom  of 
the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  (popularly 
known  as  Jugoslavia),  in  the  matter  of  the 
attempt  to  assassinate  Colonel  Kristich,  its 
military  attach^  in  Sofia,  can  be  criticised. 
Taking  the  facts  as  stated  by  M.  Matth^eff 
himself,  what  do  we  find?  Two  Bulgarians, 
armed  with  daggers  and  revolvers,  entered 
the  residence  of  Colonel  Kristich  at  Sofia 
with  the  evident  intention  of  murdering  him. 
As  his  servant  barred  their  entrance,  they 
stabbed  him.  On  Colonel  Kristich  coming  to 
his  servant's  assistance,  he  was  attacked  in 
his  turn.  One  man  attempted  to  shoot  him, 
but  his  revolver  missed  fire.  The  other 
struck  him  on  the  head,  infiicting  two  wounds. 
Colonel  Kristich  knocked  one  of  his  assail- 
ants down ;  whereupon  both  fled. 

Colonel  Kristich,  as  military  attache,  be- 
longed to  the  diplomatic  corps  of  Sofia.  In- 
ternational law  knows  no  greater  crime  than 
an  attempt  on  the  life  of  any  one  accredited 
to  a  country  in  a  diplomatic  capacity.  If 
such  a  crime  was  allowed  to  go  unpunished, 
a  very  bad  precedent  would  be  created.  All 
that  the  Belgrade  Government  demanded  was 
that  the  Bulgarian  Government  should  offi- 
cially express  its  regrets  to  the  Jugoslav 
minister  at  Sofia,  and  that  (Colonel  Kristich, 
the  victim  of  the  outrage  being  a  military 
oflScer)  a  company  of  Bulgarian  infantry, 
with  the  colors,  should  render  military  honors 


to  the  legation  that  had  thus  been  attacked 
in  the  person  of  one  of  its  members  by  Bul- 
garian criminals.  There  was,  further,  a  de- 
mand that  the  matter  should  be  referred  to 
the  International  Tribunal  at  The  Hague, 
which  was  to  be  asked  to  fix  what  indemnity, 
if  any,  was  due  for  this  outrage. 

In  view,  however,  of  the  fact  that  the  Bul- 
garian Government  promptly  accorded  the 
satisfaction  demanded,  the  Belgrade  Govern- 
ment later  waived  all  question  of  an  in- 
demnity and  declared  the  incident  closed. 
In  doing  so  it  considered  that  it  was  showing 
a  friendly  spirit.  M.  Matth^eff,  for  some 
mysterious  reason,  seems  to  think  that  this 
is  not  so.  He  surely  does  not  think  that  be- 
fore the  International  Tribunal  Bulgaria 
hoped  to  justify  the  crime  committed? 

That  there  is  only  too  much  reason  to  fear 
such  acts  of  violence  in  Bulgaria  is  proved 
by  recent  events.  Since  the  Tsankoff  Gov- 
ernment came  into  power  M.  Stambulisky, 
the  Agrarian  leader  and  former  premier;  M. 
Dashkaloff,  the  former  Bulgarian  minister  to 
Prague,  and  M.  GennadiefiC,  a  former  prime 
minister,  have  been  assassinated,  while  M. 
Guechoff,  also  a  former  premier,  was  severely 
wounded  in  the  streets  of  Sofia.  All  this, 
taken  with  the  political  activities  of  Todor 
Alexandroff,  the  leader  of  the  Bulgarian 
Comitadjis,  whose  armed  bands  have  repeat- 
edly raided  the  territory  of  Serbian  Mace- 
donia, burning  the  villages  and  massacring 
the  inhabitants,  has  inspired  considerable 
anxiety  in  Jugoslavia,  as  these  incidents  do 
not  make  for  good  neighborly  relations.  This 
is  regrettable,  but  as  long  as  such  conditions 
prevail  it  is  difficult  to  foresee  any  improve- 
ment. The  late  Alexander  Stambulisky  was 
sincerely  desirous  of  establishing  friendly 
relations  with  Jugoslavia  and  did  much  to 
promote  these.  Many  people  believe  that  this 
was  the  reason  for  the  reactionary  party 
driving  him  from  power  and  murdering  him. 
Yours  vei-y  sincerely, 

G.  Gordon-Smith. 


Internation  Institute  of  China, 

Peking,  China, 

Sir:  I  derive  much  benefit  from  the  Advo- 
cate op  Peace.  Some  of  its  articles  are 
translated  into  my  Chinese  Weekly,  the  in- 
ternational journal.  I  am  working  all  the 
time  for  peace,  especially  in  China. 

China  is  without  a  head.  For  twelve  years 
China  has  had  no  emperor;  and  yet  the 
young  emperor,  at  the  close  of  the  Tsing,  or 
Manchu,  Dynasty,  still  lives  in  the  imperial 


126 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


palace  and  holds  court  for  his  Manchu  sub- 
jects. He  also  draws  revenue  from  the  Chi- 
nese Republic,  though  not  as  much  as  was 
originally  stipulated. 

Adjoining  the  imperial  palace  is  the  presi- 
dential palace,  or  mansion,  but  for  a  second 
time  in  two  years  it  is  left  vacant,  without 
a  president.  President  Hsu  Shih-chang,  who 
was  forced  out  of  office  in  the  summer  of  last 
year,  and  fled  to  his  sumptuous  residence  in 
Tientsin,  was  the  first  to  go.  President  Li 
Yuan-hung,  who  was  forced  out  of  office  in 
June  of  this  year,  and  fled  to  another  sumptu- 
ous residence  in  Tientsin,  has  been  the  second 
one  to  go. 

No  emperor  can  satisfy  the  Chinese  of  to- 
day. And  it  seems  as  if  no  president  can 
succeed  any  better.  There  are,  however, 
plenty  of  aspirants,  not  for  the  throne,  but 
for  the  seat.  Whether  emperor  or  president, 
there  is  supposed  to  be  glory  and  honor,  and, 
what  is  more,  money,  in  being  the  head  of  a 
great  and  vast  country  like  China. 

When  President  Li  fled  to  Tientsin,  and 
later  on  wandered  forth  to  Shanghai  to  dab- 
ble further  in  politics,  it  was  supposed  that 
his  departure  was  to  make  room  for  another 
aspirant,  Marshal  Tsao  Kun,  who  is  military 
governor  of  three  provinces,  wherein  lies  the 
national  capital.  This  ambition  has  not  been 
crowned  with  success,  and  no  one  knows 
whether  a  legal  election  is  to  take  place  or 
not.  There  are  many  fears  and  even  premo- 
nitions that  even  if  an  election  takes  place 
and  Tsao  Kun  is  the  man,  there  will  at  once 
begin  another  civil  war. 

Should  Tsao  Kun  not  be  elected  by  legal 
methods,  and  the  dozen  provinces  which  now 
favor  him  insist  on  a  dictatorial  procedure, 
there  will  also  result  civil  war.  The  mass  of 
the  people,  however,  without  caring  whether 
there  is  a  head  to  the  government  or  not,  are 
sincerely  anxious  to  avert  war.  Hence  a 
peace  movement  is  the  countercurrent  to  con- 
fusion and  strife. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  China  not  only  has  no 
emperor  and  no  president,  and  gets  along 
very  well  without  either,  but  has  no  mon- 
archy and  no  real  republic.  It  also  seems  to 
some  that  China  has  no  government.  This 
is  not  so.  China  has  always  had  local  self- 
government,  and  in  addition  there  are  pro- 
vincial governments,  with  both  civil  and  mili- 
tary rulers,  and  also  various  competitors. 
There  is  also  a  kind  of  central  government, 
with  which  foreign  diplomats  can  still  hold 
concourse.  This  is  called  a  cabinet  or  dubbed 
a  regency  or  administrative  council.  Dr. 
Wellington  Koo  is  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs. 

This  system  of  ruling  a  nation  is  unlike  all 
others.  It  is  not  the  Soviet  system,  for  work- 
men and  peasants  are  far  from  ruling  in 
China.  It  is  not  the  Swiss  system,  for  in  the 
first  place  these  administrators  have  not  been 
chosen  by  the  people  or  by  Parliament  (how 
they  got  in  need  not  be  stated),  and  in  the 
second  place  these  men  have  chosen  no  one 
as  chairman  or  president. 


Thus  it  is  that  China  is  without  a  head. 
This  would  not  matter  if  there  were  only  a 
strong  central  government.  Under  the  pres- 
ent divisive  condition  of  the  country,  the 
revenue  coming  to  the  Peking  Government  is 
insufficient  for  meeting  obligations,  and,  what 
is  worse,  there  is  no  recognized  authority  for 
the  whole  country.  There  is  a  government 
recognized  by  foreign  powers,  but  not  by  the 
Chinese  people. 

There  are  many  Chinese  who  recommend 
that  each  province  concern  itself  with  its  own 
affairs  and  not  bother  about  the  national 
government  at  Peking  or  anywhere  else. 
This  policy,  if  carried  out,  would  be  a  form 
of  dismembering  China  by  her  own  hands 
and  not  by  foreign  powers.  There  is  good 
sense  in  the  proposal  for  greater  provincial 
autonomy  and  for  federalism  in  democracy, 
but  a  country  which  persists  in  continuing  to 
have  no  government  will  destroy  its  own  ex- 
istence. 

Thus  politics  in  China  are  fascinating. 
We  all  wonder  what  Is  going  to  happen  next. 
We  are  all  perforce  becoming  prophets. 

Gilbert  Reid. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Understanding  Italy.     By  Clayton  Sedgwick 

Cooper.     New  York,  The  Century  Co.     Pp. 

306.     Price,  $3.00. 

Mr.  Cooper  is  an  American  who  has  al- 
ready written  books  of  appreciation  on  South 
American  countries ;  he  has  also  written 
books  dealing  with  foreign  trade  and  mar- 
kets. In  this  volume  he  attempts,  quite  suc- 
cessfully, to  make  modern  Italy,  the  young 
Italy  of  enterprise  and  liberty,  understood 
by  his  own  countrymen. 

He  finds  that  individualism  is  the  key  to 
the  Italian  character,  and  that  Italy  gives 
unique  freedom  for  the  expression  of  indi- 
viduality. In  fact,  he  suspects  that  country 
is  freer  today  than  the  United  States,  Great 
Britain,  or  Switzerland. 

A  chapter  on  Fascismo  and  the  new  Italian 
nationalism  is  perhaps  the  most  interesting 
and  interpretive  of  the  book.  He  gives  in 
full  the  "Rules  of  discipline  for  the  black- 
shirted  princes  of  Italy.''  Mussolini,  of 
course,  threatened  force  in  capturing  the 
government  for  the  people,  but  he  really  had 
so  large  a  majority  of  the  public  enrolled 
under  his  banner  that  it  amounted  to  a  pub- 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


127 


lie  endorsement.  Mr.  Cooper  thinks  that 
Mussolini  is  the  first  premier  who  has  truly 
represented  United  Italy,  who  has  drawn  his 
adherents  from  every  section.  That  the 
Fascismo  used  such  vigorous  methods  merely 
illustrates  the  fact  that  they  are  Italians  and 
not  Anglo-Saxons;  that  they  have  not  the 
same  attitude  toward  parliamentary  and  con- 
stitutional law  as  have  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

This  is  a  fact  which  he  does  not  see  fit  to 
mention  again  when,  later,  he  appreciatively 
outlines  the  Italian  objections  to  our  limita- 
tion of  immigration  by  the  law  of  1922.  The 
American  reader,  however,  will  remember  the 
fact  that  the  Italian  does  not  feel  toward 
constitutional  law  as  we  do.  It  will  influence 
his  attitude  toward  Italian  immigration. 

Further  chapters  give,  in  readable  fashion, 
the  strength  of  Italy  in  agriculture,  industry, 
and  trade ;  in  man-power  and  in  water-power, 
with  which  she  is  planning  to  run  her  rail- 
ways and  most  of  her  industries. 

Opportunities  for  American  investment  are 
enumerated  in  somewhat  the  same  fashion 
in  which  Mr.  Malcolm  Davis,  a  few  years 
ago,  pointed  out  similar  opportunities  in 
Russia,  in  his  book,  "Open  Gates  to  Russia." 

Numerous  photographic  illustrations  are 
sprinkled  through  the  book,  but  with  no  par- 
ticular relation  to  the  chapters  in  which  they 
occur. 

Mr.  Cooper  sums  up  the  present  European 
situation,  defending,  by  the  way,  the  position 
of  France  in  respect  to  reparations.  He  sees 
the  new  Italy  as  a  strong  power  for  recon- 
struction in  Europe.  Her  spiritual  and  na- 
tional development  is,  he  thinks,  working 
toward  the  building  up  of  good-will,  toler- 
ance, and  ideals  of  national  patriotism  and 
international  brotherhood. 

The  Ieeesistible  Movement  of  Democracy. 
By  John  Simpson  Penman.  Macmillan, 
New  York.     Pp.  729.     Price,  $5.00. 

Mr.  Penman  was  led  to  undertake  the  pres- 
ent study  of  democracy  by  the  famous  sen- 
tence which  President  Wilson  used  in  his  war 
address  to  Congress,  April  2,  1917:  "The 
world  must  be  made  safe  for  democracy." 
Taking  the  word  democracy  in  its  usual 
meaning,  as  a  form  of  popular  government, 
he  asked  himself  what  it  meant  and  if  it 
was  worth  saving. 

This  scholarly  but  charmingly  written  book 
aims  to  answer  these  questions. 


Democracy,  as  it  sprang  up  in  the  latter 
quarter  of  the  18th  century,  went  through 
somewhat  parallel  lines  of  development  in 
America,  France,  and  England.  These  move- 
ments are  traced  separately  in  the  three  main 
divisions  of  the  book.  Due  recognition,  how- 
ever, is  given  in  each  to  the  interaction 
of  the  democratic  impulse  among  the  three 
countries. 

The  main  thesis  of  the  book  is  that  the 
onward  movement  of  democratic  liberty  is 
really  irresistible ;  that,  as  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, its  growth  and  expansion  is  the  epic 
history  of  the  modern  world;  and  that  it 
maintains,  by  its  own  inherent  strength,  a 
steady  and  irresistible  advance  in  spite  of  the 
opposition  of  individuals,  governments,  or 
classes. 

In  the  face  of  the  many  depressing  and 
critical  books  on  democracy  now  coming  from 
the  press,  it  is  indeed  heartening  to  read  a 
convincing  statement  that  we  have  come  to 
a  point  in  development  when  class  interest 
must  ultimately  be  "broken  against  the  move- 
ment of  popular  government  which  expresses 
the  rule  of  all  the  people  for  the  general  wel- 
fare." 

One  of  the  very  best  features  of  the  book, 
however,  accordng  to  our  way  of  thinking,  is 
the  sympathetic  spirit  in  which  we  are  led 
to  follow  the  adventures  of  our  sister  democ- 
racies, France  and  England,  in  their  quest 
for  popular  liberty.  We  of  America  may 
well  recall  from  time  to  time  that  we  are  not 
the  only  liberty-loving  people  in  the  world. 
It  is  wholesome  business  to  follow  the  process 
through  which  two  other  nations  have  as- 
serted the  same  irresistible  principle  of  free- 
dom. 

Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice. 
The  Reference  Shelf.  Vol.  11,  No.  12. 
Compiled  by  Julia  E.  Johnsen.  Pp.  117. 
H.  W.  Wilson  Co.,  New  York.  Price,  90 
cents. 

This  little  handbook,  primarily  designed 
for  debaters,  presents  in  compact  form  most 
of  the  arguments  heretofore  given  for  and 
against  the  World  Court.  They  are  first 
presented  in  a  brief,  or  outline,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  book.  It  seems  to  us  that  some 
of  the  arguments,  at  least  on  the  negative 
side,  are  contradictory.  This  means  that  de- 
baters will  need  to  choose  carefully  state- 
ments that  are  not  mutually  exclusive  of 
each  other.    It  is  true,  however,  that  the  out- 


128 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


February 


lines  do  group  together  arguments,  all  of 
which  are  sometimes  used,  if  not  always  by 
the  same  person. 

A  valuable  bibliography  follows  the  brief, 
and  this,  in  turn,  is  followed  by  reprints,  19 
in  number,  of  all  or  parts  of  speeches  and 
articles  on  the  subject,  by  representative 
persons.  No  official  documents  are  given, 
since  these  are  readily  obtainable  elsewhere. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ; 
Its  Sources  and  Its  Application.  By 
Thomas  James  Norton.  Little,  Brown  and 
Co.,  Boston.     Pp.  298.     Price,  $2.00. 

If  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  to 
discuss  intelligently  the  various  proposals  for 
international  association  that  are  now  before 
them,  they  must  understand  the  principles  in- 
volved in  an  association  of  States.  They 
must  know  where  we  stand  now  and  why 
we  are  here.  They  should  know  what  has 
been  found  workable  in  policies  and  what  has 
already  been  discarded  as  useless  or  danger- 
ous. 

To  this  end,  few  better  means  of  obtaining 
a  clear  view  can  be  imagined,  at  least  for  us 
common  run  of  folk,  than  this  well-planned 
and  simply  written  book  of  Mr.  Norton's. 

His  plan  is  to  "explain  the  Constitution  by 
a  note  to  every  line  or  clause  that  has  a 
historical  story  or  drama  back  of  it,  or  that 
has  contributed  during  the  one  hundred  and 
thirty-three  years  of  our  life  under  this  in- 
strument to  the  national  or  the  international 
welfare  of  mankind."  Not  only  does  the 
author  frequently  give  the  arguments  origi- 
nally made  in  framing  the  Constitution  as  it 
stands,  but,  also  he  often  shows  by  example 
or  contrast  wherein  its  provisions  have 
proved  salutary.  For  instance,  under  the 
phrase  "to  declare  war,"  he  reviews  the 
declaration  of  war  on  Serbia  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  Austria-Hungary  in  1914,  and 
shows  how  it  could  not  have  happened  under 
our  Constitution,  since  by  its  provisions  no 
one  man  or  coterie  can  declare  war. 

As  in  most  books,  there  are  some  slips  of 
interpretation  and  in  statements  of  fact.  In 
his  interpretation  of  "We,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,"  the  author  does  a  little  vio- 
lence to  Mr.  Chief  Justice  Marshall's  objec- 
tion to  compounding  our  people  "into  one 
common  mass."  The  author  ignores  through- 
out his  book  the  fact  that  it  was  the  "Federal 
Convention,''  not  "Constitutional  Conven- 
tion," which  met  in  Philadelphia  in  1787. 


A  separate  table  of  cases  for  the  special 
use  of  lawyers,  a  good  index  and  two  well- 
printed  and  well-arranged  charts,  complete 
the  usefulness  of  this  excellent  text. 

Of  What  Use  Abe  the  Common  People?  By 
Heinrich  Buchholz.  Warwick  and  York, 
Baltimore.    Pp.  25. 

The  author  of  this  defense  of  democracy 
speaks  from  the  standpoint  of  the  common 
people.  He  is  disturbed  by  the  disintegrating 
effect  of  the  criticism  of  the  people  which  he 
continually  reads.  Many  criticisms  are  true, 
not  because  of  the  inherent  defects  of  the 
rank  and  file,  but  because  of  unjust  usurpa- 
tions of  authority  by  politicians  on  the  one 
hand  and  by  "Intelligencia"  on  the  other. 
His  special  quarrel  seems  to  be  with  the 
latter. 

Mr.  Buchholz  is  perhaps  unduly  acid  in 
speaking  of  clergymen,  educators,  and  other 
"uplifters."  He  seems  to  have  a  certain  fog- 
giness  as  to  the  difference  between  intelli- 
gence tests  and  school  examinations.  Of 
course,  it  is  not  true  that  the  term  "common 
schools"  is  any  more  a  contemptuous  term 
than  are  the  phrases  "common  laws''  or  "the 
common  good." 

But  his  comparison,  all  the  way  through 
the  book,  of  the  body  politic  to  an  ideal  fam- 
ily, where  the  balance  is  kept  between  the 
interests  of  the  group  and  of  the  individual, 
is  a  good  one.  His  plea  for  the  common  man 
is  eloquent.  On  the  whole,  the  book  offsets 
wholesomely  the  sarcastic  essays  appearing 
elsewhere  nowadays,  as  well  as  those  other 
scholarly,  but  text-book-like,  volumes  which 
aim  to  defend  democracy. 

Deutschland  und  der  Genfer  Volkerbund. 
By  Dr.  Hans  WeMerg.  Ernst  Oldenberg, 
Leipzig.     Pp.  112. 

This  little  paper-covered  book  on  the 
League  of  Nations  contains,  in  well  organized 
form,  much  that  will  interest  a  German  read- 
ing public. 

Beginning  with  Hugo  Grotius,  Dr.  Weh- 
berg  runs  rapidly  through  the  history  of  in- 
ternational law,  as  well  as  other  methods  of 
war  prevention.  An  eloquent  chapter  on  the 
reasonableness  of  Germany's  admission  to  the 
League  finishes  the  body  of  the  booklet. 

An  appendix  follows,  containing  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  and  a  brief  bibliography 
of  German  books  on  the  subject. 


For  Debaters 

Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice 

JULIA  E.  JOHNSEN,  Compiler 


AFFIRMATIVE 

and 

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ARGUMENTS 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Price  90   Gents 


Any  Book  on 
International  Peace 


FOR  SALE  AT  OFFICE  OF 

The  American  PEACE  Society 

612-614  Colorado  Building 
Washington,  D,  C, 


THE  PURPOSE 

OOHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
vQ    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
—Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


J ' 

ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Aethub  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-Oflttce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  heing  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 

CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 131 

Editorials 

Woodrow  Wilson — Legitimate  Self-interest — Not  Wholly  Selfish — 
Peace  as  an  American  Ideal — The  Hope  for  an  International 
Peace — What  of  the  Franc? — Another  Worthy  Contest — Editorial 
Notes 133-142 

World  Problems  in  Review 

American  Trade  with  Europe — The  New  British  Government — De- 
velopments in  American  Cable  Facilities — Aviation  in  Europe — 
Reconstruction  Work  in  Japan 143-151 

General  Articles 

Academy  of  International  Law  at  The  Hague 151 

Announcement  by  the  Bureau  of  the  Curatorium 
The  Maintenance  of  Peace 157 

By  Colonel  S.  C.  Vestal 
Great  Preaching  in  England  and  America 165 

By  Walter  A.  Morgan 
A  Misleading  Book 171 

By  Gordon  Gordon-Smith 
International  Documents 

British  Note  to  Russia 179 

Soviet  Congress's  Response 180 

Britain  and  France,  Premiers'  Letters 180 

Chicherin  on  Mr.  MacDonald's  Decision 181 

Treaty  between  Italy  and  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes  182 

News  in  Brief 183 

Letter  Box 188 

Book  Reviews,  Oood  Reading  for  Children 189 

-^  Vol.  86  MARCH,    1924  No.  3^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


I 


/*  is  the  first  of  Its  kind  in  the  United  States.  It 
is  ninety-five  years  old.  It  has  helped  to  make  the 
fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable  peace  known 
the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  built  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 

Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  l)een  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 


ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century ;  which 
has  done  more  for  the  men,  women,  and  youth  of 
America  by  the  reaction  upon  them  of  the  spirit  of 
justice  and  fair  play  than  It  has  done  even  for  the 
peace  workers  themselves,  who  have  been  the  special 
object  of  Its  effort ;  which  is  today  the  defender  of 
the  principles  of  law,  of  judicial  settlement,  of  arbi- 
tration, of  international  conferences,  of  right-minded 
ness,  and  of  understanding  among  the  Powers.  It 
publishes  Advocate  of  Peace,  the  first  in  point  of 
time  and  the  widest  circulated  peace  magazine  in  the 
world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated   under   the   laws   of   Massachusetts  since 

1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  Is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional   Membership,    twenty-five   dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


OFFICERS 


President : 

Hon.   Andrew   J.   Montague,   Member  of   Congress 
from   Virginia,   Washington,   D.   C. 
Secretary : 

Arthur   Deerin   Call,   Secretary   American    Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Treasurer: 

George  W.  White,  President  National  Metropolitan 
Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Miami,  Florida. 

Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  former  President  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Lawyer,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slayden**,  Member  Council  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  San  Antonio,  Texas. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  ex  officio. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  ear  officio. 

George  W.  White,  ex  officio. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  University,  Alabama. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Walter  A.  Morgan,  D.  D.,  1841  Irving  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Gboegb  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  808  Union  Trust 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Henry  C.   Morris,  Esq.,   Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Evans  Building,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  President  Fairmont  Semi- 
nary, Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Washington,   D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  West  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclalr,  N,  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  30  Koun  Machi,  Mlta  Shiba, 
Tokyo,  Japan. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  B.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New 
York. 

Pres.  William  Lowe  Beyan,  Bloomlngton,  Ind. 

Gbobgb  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  H.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Fauncb,  Brown  University,  Provi- 
dence, R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Esq.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.   Fiske,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Bishop  William  Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Mooee,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

L.  H.  PiLLSBURY,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N'.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y, 

Mrs.  Frederic    Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Sallda,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

•Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

♦Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary   E.  Woollby,  South  Hadley,  Mass, 


*  Emeritus.      **  Died   February    24.    1924. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  fouuders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  himdred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences; to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences  ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  fimctions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
Investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  International  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  Interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions In  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  In  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  In  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
In  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  In  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  Its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  Inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  Its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  Involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  Inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  In  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  Instruction  effective :  and  thus 

To  create  that  "International  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  In  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 

86 


MARCH,  1924 


NUMBER 
3 


EDITORIALS 


WOODROW  WILSON* 

WOODROW  WILSON  is  with  us  in 
the  flesh  no  more.    The  mortal  body 
of  him  rests  in  the  bosom  of  an  ecclesi- 
astical shrine  on  a  hill  in  the  capital  of 
the  nation.    Only  record  and  memory  re- 
main to  mark  for  the  oncoming  genera- 
tions the  kind  of  man  he  was,  the  pith 
in  the  work  he  did.     But  we  know  now 
that  on  the  firmament  of  his  day  he  shone 
greatly.    Surely  at  no  time  in  our  modern 
world  has  any  man  arisen  to  occupy  the 
place   in   the  thoughts   and  emotions   of 
mankind  everywhere  as  did  he.     In  the 
forenoon  of  Saturday,  December  14,  1918, 
he  arrived  in  the  city  of  Paris.     Beside 
the  President  of  France  he  rode  down  the 
Champs  Elysee,  across  the  Pont  Alexandre 
III,  by  the  French  Foreign  Office  and  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,   again   across   the 
Seine,  through  the  Place  de  la  Concorde 
and  the  Rue  Royal  to  the  palace  that  had 
been  especially  prepared  for  his  reception 
and  entertainment.    The  streets,  the  build- 
ings, the  trees,  the  statuary,  all  elevated 
places  along  the  route  were  crowded  with 
enthusiastic  thousands  bent  upon  doing 
him  honor,  heralding  him,  indeed,  as  the 
hope   of   humanity.     Limitations   in   his 
views,  his  methods,  his  personality,  are 
of   no   interest   in   this   hour.     A   world 
luminary  has  passed.     Born  of  America, 
one  of  us,  for  a  time  he  spoke  the  voice 
of  his  nation  and  of  peoples.    With  mil- 
lions of  the  earth  we  would  pay  our  tribute 
to  the  greatness  that  was  Woodrow  Wilson. 


LEGITIMATE  SELF-INTEREST 

THE  Advocate  of  Peace  is  not  in 
sympathy  with  the  current  criticism 
that  the  United  States  of  America  is  pur- 
suing a  policy  of  selfish  isolation.  True, 
we  are  not  unmindful  of  our  own  inter- 
ests. It  is  of  no  little  importance  that  we 
should  be  mindful  of  those  interests.  Our 
Secretary  of  State  has  recently  pointed 
out  that  "foreign  policies  are  not  built 
upon  abstractions.  They  are  the  result 
of  practical  conceptions  of  national  inter- 
ests." This  seems  to  be  the  historical  fact. 
Our  United  States  represents  a  reaction 
against  the  governmental  systems  of  the 
Old  World.  Our  growth  has  been  a  na- 
tional development  in  the  pursuit  of  our 
own  interests.  Distance  from  the  old 
home  land,  long  generations  of  time,  prob- 
lems peculiar  to  a  pioneer  people,  the  pur- 
suit of  self-interest— these  developed  on 
this  hemisphere,  perhaps  as  nowhere  else, 
the  spirit  of  individualism  and  self-reli- 
ance, the  notion  of  liberty,  of  freedom 
from  imposed  control.  Out  of  this  kind 
of  self-interest  grew  our  emancipation 
from  the  political  systems  of  Europe. 

School  children  know  the  history  of 
this  growth.  A  grouping  in  colonies,  the 
attempts  to  unite  the  groups  beginning 


♦Woodrow  Wilson,  twenty-eighth  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  1913-1921  born  in 
Staunton.  Virginia.  December  28  lf6;  died 
at  his  home.  2300  S  Street,  Washington.  DC 
Sunday.  February  3.  1924.  at  11:15  o'cloclc 
a.  m. 


134 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


with  "The  United  Colonies  of  New  Eng- 
land/' as  early  as  September  7,  1643 ; 
William  Penn's  plan  for  a  union  of  the 
English  colonies  in  1698;  Benjamin 
Franklin's  plan  for  a  union,  presented  at 
Albany  in  1754,  and  his  later  plan  of 
1775 — here  are  some  of  the  steps  which 
led  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
an  act  of  separation,  itself  an  expression 
of  self-interest. 

When  John  Adams,  as  early  as  Sep- 
tember, 1776,  pleaded  for  "an  entire  neu- 
trality in  all  future  European  wars,''  and 
when  later  he  noted  in  his  diary  of  1782 
he  thought  that  "it  ought  to  be  our  rule 
not  to  meddle"  in  the  politics  of  Europe, 
he  was  giving  expression  to  an  American 
principle  of  self-interest.  The  treaty  of 
1783,  which  closed  our  revolutionary  per- 
iod, was  a  very  practical  expression  of 
American  self-interest.  That  same  year 
the  Congress  passed  a  resolution,  under 
date  of  June  12,  which  contained  these 
words:  "The  true  interest  of  the  States 
requires  that  they  should  be  as  little  as 
possible  entangled  in  the  political  con- 
troversies of  European  nations."  It  is 
out  of  such  documents  that  our  familiar 
principle  of  non-intervention  in  the  inter- 
nal affairs  of  or  controversies  between 
other  States  arose.  Because  of  this  prin- 
ciple we  maintained  the  policy  of  neu- 
trality in  1790,  when  war  threatened  be- 
tween England  and  Spain,  and  again  in 
1793,  when  Citizen  Genet  tried  to  line  up 
this  country  in  a  war  against  England. 
Out  of  that  background  Washington 
pleaded  in  his  farewell  address  that  we 
have  with  other  nations  "as  little  political 
connection  as  possible."  With  such  a 
background  it  was  easy  for  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson to  warn  us  of  entangling  alliances 
in  Europe.  The  Monroe  Doctrine,  with 
its  notice  to  the  nations  of  the  Old  World 
that  they  must  not  extend  their  systems  or 
colonies  in  this  hemisphere,  was  an  ex- 
pression of  the  popular  will — indeed,  of 


self-interest.  "We  should  consider,"  runs 
the  message,  "any  attempt  on  their  part 
to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of 
this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace 
and  safety." 

If  we  examine  this  history  we  find  our 
American  people  pursuing  their  self-in- 
terests, not  wholly  in  a  spirit  of  isolation. 
In  1778  we  were  borrowing  money  from 
France.  We  were  trying  to  borrow  money 
in  1860  from  various  parts  of  the  world. 
We  have  lent  money  lavishly  through  the 
World  War.  We  have  given  generously 
throughout  the  years  in  money.  We  have 
been  doing  business  with  the  world  from 
the  beginning  of  our  history.  Our  social 
and  diplomatic  relations  with  all  nations 
have  been  intimate  and  are  increasingly 
so.  We  have  isolated  ourselves  from  other 
nations  only  in  a  political  sense.  Our 
policy  has  been  based  upon  self-interest. 
The  wisdom  of  this  policy  has  further  ex- 
pression in  the  utterances  of  practically 
all  of  our  statesmen.  Indeed,  Eichard 
Cobden,  an  English  statesman  of  great 
ability,  pointed  out  that  peace  is  brought 
about  by  "as  much  intercourse  as  possible 
betwixt  peoples  and  as  little  as  possible 
betwixt  governments."  We  have  no  right 
to  claim  perfection  for  America.  On  the 
other  hand,  we  are  not  called  upon  to  hang 
our  heads  "in  shame"  because  of  our  politi- 
cal relations  with  foreign  States.  We  as 
a  people  have  worked  according  to  our 
"practical  conceptions  of  national  inter- 
ests." 


NOT  WHOLLY  SELFISH 

IF  THE  United  States  has  pursued  a 
policy  of  self-interest,  it  has  not  been 
wholly  because  of  selfishness.  It  is  an 
extravagance  to  say  that  we  have  sought 
to  live  alone.  We  have  always  had  an 
international  mind  on  this  continent.  The 
Mayflower  Compact  of  1620  begins:  "In 
the  name  of  God,  Amen."    That  is  not  a 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


135 


selfish  utterance.  When  the  drafters  of 
that  document  went  on  to  recognize  their 
allegiance  to  King  James  and  to  promise 
to  set  up  for  themselves  a  "civil  body 
politic/'  for  their  "better  ordering  and 
preservation  .  .  .  just  and  equal  laws/' 
under  which  they  promised  "all  due  sub- 
mission and  obedience/'  they  were  neither 
isolationists  nor  mere  self-seekers. 

And  there  was  a  long  international 
training  in  the  after  years.  The  trading 
companies,  the  colonial  charters,  the 
maritime  and  commercial  disputes,  were 
expressions  of  international  adjustments. 
In  1776  they  were  working  for  reciprocal 
concessions  in  treaties  under  acts  of  Con- 
gress. The  plea  of  our  fathers  for  a  free- 
dom of  the  seas  was  an  international 
plea.  Our  forebears  carried  on  a  war  with 
a  State  in  northern  Africa  in  defense  of 
their  faith  in  the  freedom  of  the  seas. 
They  fought  two  wars  to  overcome  the 
right  of  belligerents  to  visit  and  search 
our  neutral  vessels  in  time  of  war,  and 
won;  albeit  not  finally  until  1862.  When 
they  were  insisting  upon  the  freedom  of 
commerce  in  time  of  war,  they  were  think- 
ing in  international  terms. 

Our  Declaration  of  Independence  is  not 
only  an  international  document,  it  is  re- 
plete with  phrases  indicating  the  inter- 
national mind.  The  author  of  that  docu- 
ment was  not  thinking  of  America  alone. 
He  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  "laws" 
of  Virginia  or  Massachusetts.  He  did  not 
appeal  to  the  "opinions"  of  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania  simply.  He  was  think- 
ing of  "human  events,"  of  "the  powers  of 
the  earth/'  of  "the  laws  of  Nature  and  of 
Nature's  God/'  and  of  "the  opinions  of 
mankind/'  for  which  he  had  "a  decent 
respect."  It  is  "all  men"  who  are  created 
equal.  It  is  "among  men"  that  govern- 
ments are  instituted.  The  "Supreme 
Judge,"  in  his  view,  was  "of  the  world." 
War,  peace,  alliances,  commerce,  are 
mentioned  in  this  document;  and,  further, 
there  is  this  international  sentence:  "Let 


facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world."  If 
there  be  selfishness  in  this  record,  it  is  a 
noble  selfishness,  calculated  not  to  harm, 
but  to  serve. 


PEACE  AS  AN  AMERICAN  IDEAL 

TT  WAS  Edward  Everett  Hale  who 
-i-  used  to  refer  to  the  United  States  as  a 
great  peace  society.  One  of  the  objects  of 
every  Power  is  to  maintain  peace.  But 
throughout  the  history  of  white  civiliza- 
tion on  our  North  American  continent, 
peace  has  been  peculiarly  the  end  sought. 
During  the  colonial  period  the  various 
plans  of  union  proposed  were  for  the 
peace  and  safety  of  the  colonies.  The 
commercial  policies  were  founded  upon 
the  principle  that  enlightened  self-interest 
requires  a  condition  of  peace  for  profitable 
trade.  The  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  not  only  an  international  document; 
it  sprang  from  a  common  will  to  promote 
peace  in  this  western  world.  From  the 
beginning.  Congress,  even  when  carrying 
on  war,  was  struggling  to  extend  the 
boundaries  of  peace.  The  Confederation 
following  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
grew  out  of  a  desire  for  peace.  The  Fed- 
eral Convention  of  1787,  itself  an  inter- 
national conference  made  up  of  duly  in- 
structed delegates,  organized  with  officers, 
committees,  and  plenary  sessions,  satisfied 
the  small  and  large  States,  provided  for 
the  settlement  of  disputes  between  the 
States,  and  substituted  the  coercion  of  law 
for  the  coercion  of  arms — all  to  the  end 
that  there  might  be  peace  between  the 
States  of  the  Union.  In  pursuing  their 
self-interests,  they  were  pursuing  the 
cause  of  peace,  just  as  by  pursuing  the 
cause  of  peace  they  were  pursuing  their 
interests. 

Thus,  if  we  have  been  isolationists,  it 
has  not  been  wholly  selfish.  We  have  been 
mindful  of  the  cause  of  peace.  While 
George  Washington  felt  that  we  should 
avoid  as  much  as  possible  political  con- 


136 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


nections  with  the  Old  World,  he  was 
keenly  aware  of  the  necessity  of  observing 
good  faith  and  justice  toward  all  nations, 
of  cultivating  peace  and  harmony  with  all. 
Jefferson,  who  counseled  us  to  avoid  en- 
tangling alliances,  on  more  than  one  oc- 
casion gave  voice  to  his  opposition  to  war 
and  to  his  belief  in  the  possibility  of  over- 
coming it.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  was 
frankly  an  attempt  to  avoid  certain  things 
"dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety."  This 
doctrine  grew  out  of  a  popular  faith  in 
free  institutions.  It  has  maintained  peace. 
We  beUeve  in  it  and  support  it  as  an 
agency  for  peace. 

The  United  States  has  always  shown  a 
lively  interest  and  sympathy  for  popular 
government  movements,  wherever  they 
might  spring  up.  It  was  so  when  Greece 
was  struggling  for  her  independence  from 
the  Turk,  when  the  reform  movements 
were  on  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  when  the 
colonies  of  Central  and  South  America 
were  evolving  into  statehood.  We  showed 
this  interest  and  sympathy  not  only  in 
words  but  in  deeds.  We  were  quick  to 
send  an  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  Frankfort,  even  before 
the  government  of  the  German  Confedera- 
tion had  been  established.  President 
Zachary  Taylor  stood  keenly  ready  to  rec- 
ognize Hungary  should  she  be  successful 
in  her  struggle  against  the  dynasty  of  the 
Hapsburgs.  When  she  failed,  the  United 
States  Congress  passed  a  resolution  March 
3,  1851,  approved  by  President  Fillmore, 
sympathizing  with  the  Hungarians  who 
had  lost  and  were  living  in  exile  in  Tur- 
key, and  our  government  sent  a  ship  to 
Turkey  for  those  exiles  and  brought  them 
to  this  country.  Indeed,  probably  no 
foreigner  was  ever  received  with  greater 
consideration  than  was  Kossuth.  It  was 
no  accident  that  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment was  the  first  to  recognize  the 
French  Republic  in  1848,  and,  again,  the 
Third  Republic  of  1870.  It  was  instinc- 
tive, genuine,  and  enthusiastic.    The  peo- 


ples of  this  Union  had  from  the  beginning 
an  ingrained  interest  in  the  cause  of  peace. 
They  were  opposed  to  the  systems  of 
armed  camps,  because  they  were  aflame 
with  a  love  for  the  institutions  of  free 
government.  The  United  States  has  pur- 
sued with  consecration  the  principle  of 
arbitration,  with  the  result  that  we  are 
today  bound  by  more  treaties  of  arbitra- 
tion than  any  other  great  power.  The  his- 
tory of  Pan  American  co-operation,  of  the 
conferences  of  1899,  1901,  1906,  1910, 
1923,  is  a  history  of  a  will  to  peace.  This 
will  appeared  again  in  our  co-operation 
with  the  Hague  conferences.  It  found  ex- 
pression in  our  frequent  attempts  to  es- 
tablish the  principle  of  equality  of  Amer- 
ican republics,  to  respect  the  territorial 
integrity  of  Cuba,  to  extend  our  friendly 
assistance,  ofiicially  and  unofficially,  wher- 
ever that  assistance  was  needed. 

If  we  have  seemed  to  be  selfish,  it  has 
been  because  on  occasion  we  were;  but,  on 
the  whole  and  in  the  long  run,  our  coun- 
try, maintaining  its  true  interests  as  it 
saw  them,  has  conspicuously  sought  to  co- 
operate with  other  nations  and  to  extend 
to  them  the  opportunities  of  peace. 


THE  HOPE  FOR  AN  INTER- 
NATIONAL PEACE 

THERE  is  a  hope  that  the  nations  will 
yet  be  able  to  settle  all  their  disputes 
without  resort  to  war.  This  hope  need 
not  wait  overlong  upon  education,  religion, 
or  the  changing  of  human  nature.  It  need 
not  linger  for  some  new  plan  or  panacea, 
some  new  organization.  It  does  not  re- 
quire that  we  give  up  our  two  fundamental 
principles,  that  governments  derive  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned, and  that  only  that  government  can 
endure  which  is  a  government  of  laws  and 
not  of  men.  It  does  not  call  upon  us  to 
forsake  free  institutions,  or  to  join  in  an 
organization  of  a  few  men  with  power  to 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


137 


control,  to  wage  war,  to  dwell,  themselves, 
above  the  law.  It  contemplates  no  league 
to  enforce  peace,  a  contradiction  in  terms 
and  wholly  discredited  because  of  its  in- 
herent inconsistencies.  It  does  not  re- 
quire us  to  believe  that  nations  unwilling 
to  abide  by  their  contracts  can  be  expected 
to  fare  forth  to  war  in  the  interests  of 
other  nations ;  in  other  words,  that  a  com- 
pact to  enforce  peace  has  any  more  value 
from  the  point  of  view  of  honor  than  a 
compact  to  keep  the  peace. 

The  hope  of  an  international  peace  re- 
quires only  a  slight  extension  of  ideas. 
When  nations  announce  themselves  will- 
ing voluntarily  to  accept  just  laws,  uni- 
form principles  of  justice  mutually  agreed 
upon,  show  by  their  actions  that  they  con- 
sider themselves  governed  by  such  laws, 
then,  and  not  until  then,  can  there  be 
any  abiding  peace  between  the  powers. 

As  with  persons,  so  with  States;  they 
must  abide  by  the  eternal  verities.  This 
may  sound  like  an  abstraction,  but  it  has 
a  tangible  content.  States,  like  persons, 
have  rights  and  duties.  In  the  case  of 
persons,  a  superior,  called  the  State,  adopts 
rules  of  action  called  laws,  and  as  a  su- 
perior imposes  them  on  individuals.  In 
the  case  of  persons,  law  is  a  rule  of  action 
imposed  by  a  superior,  called  the  State, 
upon  an  inferior.  International  law  is 
not  so.  As  Dr.  David  Jayne  Hill  says,  in 
itself  international  law  is  ''but  a  system 
of  freely  accepted  rules,  to  which  justice 
requires  a  pledge  of  obedience."  Thus  the 
hope  of  an  international  peace  lies  in  a 
world  made  up  of  States  equal  before  the 
law  which  they  themselves  have  freely 
fashioned  and  agreed  to  accept. 

An  independent  court  of  international 
justice  accessible  to  all  on  equal  terms, 
where  rights  may  be  defended  against  an 
aggressor,  is  an  inevitable  consequence  of 
such  a  system.  Faith  in  the  growth  of 
public  opinion  for  the  enforcement  of  the 
court*8  decisions  is  warranted  by  the  his- 


tory of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  of  the  Privy  Council  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, of  the  prize  courts  of  the  various  na- 
tions. 

Thus  the  hope  for  an  international 
peace  lies  in  international  conferences 
made  up  of  duly  accredited  delegates, 
which  delegates  draft  laws,  return  these 
laws  to  their  various  governments  for 
ratification,  all  with  the  understanding 
that  when  thus  passed  and  thus  ratified, 
they  become  laws  for  the  nations  that  rat- 
ify, all  supported  by  a  free  and  wholly 
independent  court  for  the  settlement  of 
questions  of  interpretation. 

World  peace  is  thought  to  be  man's  most 
diflBcult  problem.  It  is  widely  believed  to 
be  insoluble.  Believers  in  its  solution 
bury  it  in  equations  of  relativity  that  be- 
fog and  baffle.  The  hope  of  an  interna- 
tional peace  may  be  a  far  simpler  thing 
than  we  are  in  the  habit  of  supposing. 


WHAT  OF  THE  FRANC? 

WHAT  are  the  prospects  for  the 
French  franc?  At  the  moment  it 
is  at  its  lowest  point  in  history.  True, 
other  exchanges  are  being  jolted — the 
Japanese  yen,  the  Danish  krone.  The 
Hungarian  crown  has  collapsed.  Even 
the  pound  sterling  has  not  escaped.  But 
the  French  franc  is  more  of  an  inter- 
national barometer  just  now  than,  per- 
haps, any  of  these,  for  it  reflects  not  only 
the  relations  existing  between  France  and 
Germany,  but,  in  its  way,  the  prospects 
of  peace  and  war  for  Europe. 

In  a  sense,  the  picture  is  far  from 
bright.  The  French  have  been  meeting 
their  deficit  by  issuing  short-term  treasury 
bonds.  This  has  compounded  the  difficul- 
ties for  the  French  people,  because  it  has 
meant  more  and  more  interest  and  sinking- 
fund  charges.  And  now,  with  the  fall  of 
the  franc,  even  the  ability  to  float  these 
treasury  bonds  becomes  weaker  and 
weaker. 


138 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


One  result  is  that  the  Poincar^  Govern- 
ment was  threatened  again  with  defeat. 
This  government  is  opposed  by  the  Eoyal- 
ists,  by  the  extreme  right,  by  the  followers 
of  Clemenceau,  by  the  Communists  within 
the  government,  and  now  by  an  increasing 
number  of  the  people,  who  are  feeling  the 
increased  cost  of  living.  Then,  too,  there 
is  a  Teapot  Dome  scandal  over  the  charges 
of  graft  in  the  rehabilitated  areas,  a  fail- 
ure to  get  help  out  of  the  Euhr,  and  a 
developing  lack  of  confidence.  Yet  the 
government  has  withstood  many  a  storm. 
No  one  seems  anxious  for  Poincare's  job. 

In  the  absence  of  payments  from  Ger- 
many, France  knows  that  she  must  do  one 
of  three  things:  She  must  increase  her 
taxes;  she  must  create  emergency  prop- 
erty taxes  in  the  nature  of  a  capital  levy ; 
or  she  must  follow  the  example  of  Eussia 
and  Germany  and  extend  the  processes  of 
paper  inflation. 

This  is  the  picture  of  France  at  a  time 
when  the  Associated  Press,  under  date  of 
February  19,  announces  that  Germany's 
revenues  during  January  showed  an  un- 
expected and  encouraging  growth,  amount- 
ing to  191,000,000  gold  marks  over  the 
government's  revenues  for  December.  The 
December  revenues  already  have  shown  a 
growth  of  approximately  ten  times  those 
of  November. 

And  yet  there  are  factors  offsetting  the 
gloom  in  the  French  situation.  The  deficit 
in  the  French  commercial  balance  has 
steadily  decreased  during  the  last  three 
years,  the  deficit  in  her  trade  balance  de- 
creasing by  21  per  cent  since  1922.  There 
has  been  no  paper  inflation  in  France 
since  1920;  on  the  contrary,  since  that 
time  nearly  2,000,000  paper  francs  have 
been  withdrawn  from  circulation.  The 
general  budget  for  expenditures  is  now 
considerably  less  than  one-half  the  budget 
of  1920.  During  the  last  three  years  the 
treasury  receipts  have  steadily  increased. 

The  French  will  to  weather  the  storm 
is  manifest.    In  spite  of  the  devastations 


due  to  the  war,  France  is  producing  now 
more  wheat  than  in  1913.  There  is  no 
unemployment  in  France.  Trade  between 
France  and  her  overseas  possessions  is  ten 
billions  larger  than  before  the  war.  The 
devastated  regions,  which  could  pay  only 
600,000,000  francs  in  taxes  in  1919,  paid 
during  the  year  1923  more  than  2,000,- 
000,000.  We  are  advised  that  the  general 
budget  for  1924  is  to  be  balanced  without 
resort  to  new  loans.  As  to  the  budget  of 
"recoverable  expenditure,"  the  French 
Government  is  recommending  drastic 
economies  and  raising  also  additional 
fiscal  resources  in  the  nature  of  additional 
taxes.  In  the  main  the  financial  and  eco- 
nomic situation  in  France  on  January  1, 
1924,  represented  a  decided  improvement 
over  that  of  any  other  time  since  the  war. 
If  the  franc  continues  to  fall,  it  will  be 
because  of  speculation  and  a  lack  of  confi- 
dence, not  because  of  any  inherent  disease. 
French  opinion  is  that  German  bankers, 
helped  by  financial  allies  in  other  coun- 
tries, are  the  cause  of  the  present  flight 
from  the  franc.  The  steadying  factor  is 
the  popular  opposition  throughout  France 
to  any  renewed  paper  inflation.  To  avoid 
this  the  people  are  not  only  willing  to 
stand  a  20  per  cent  increase  in  the  taxes, 
but,  if  we  understand  the  French  aright, 
they  will  go  to  any  limit. 


ANOTHER  WORTHY  CONTEST 

DISCUSSION  is  the  hope  of  a  democ- 
racy, especially  if  the  discussion  be 
for  the  purpose  of  promoting  truth.  To 
labor  for  a  prize  is  not  the  most  dignified 
expression  of  the  human  spirit,  but  it  is 
better  to  have  labored  for  a  prize  than  not 
to  have  labored  at  all.  All  contests  for 
prizes  which  start  people  to  work  accom- 
plish good,  at  least  for  the  contestants. 
There  are  higher  merits  to  be  achieved  in 
other  ways,  but  to  struggle  honestly  for 
a  prize  in  a  worthy  field  is  not  aU  to  the 
bad. 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


139 


Over   200   American  newspapers   have 


seven    winners,    having    won    substantial 


to  dis- 
cover among  the  public,  private,  and 
parochial  high  schools  of  America  the 
three  students  with  the  highest  capacity 
interpreting    and    popularizing    the 


for 


just  announced  an  unusual  series  of  prizes,      local  awards  along  the  way,  will  compete 
These  newspapers  are  interested  to  dis-     in  Washington,  D.  C,  on  June  6  for  the 

three  national  prizes  of  $3,500,  $1,000, 
and  $500  respectively.  It  is  announced 
that  President  Coolidge  will  make  an  ad- 
dress at  that  meeting.  It  is  estimated 
that  more  money  will  be  distributed  in  this 
way  throughout  the  United  States  than  is 
expended  by  the  fund  of  the  Rhodes 
scholarships.  Once  again  idealism  is  to 
be  promoted  by  the  golden  spur  of  self- 
interest. 

The  project,  under  the  terms  of  which 
nothing  is  offered  for  sale,  is  endorsed  by 
publicists  and  educators  throughout  the 
nation.  The  contestants  are  not  asked  to 
subscribe  to  anything,  to  clip  coupons,  or 
to  obligate  themselves  in  any  way.  The 
newspapers  announce  that  the  contest  is 
to  be  a  clean-cut  effort  in  behalf  of  better 
citizenship. 

It  would  be  diflScult  to  devise  a  happier 
series  of  prizes,  for  at  no  time  in  our  his- 
tory have  we  needed  more  to  know  our 
America  than  now. 


American  governmental  system.  The 
quest  is  to  take  the  form  of  a  nation-wide 
oratorical  contest.  The  purpose  is  to  in- 
crease interest  in  and  respect  for  the 
United  States  Constitution.  All  young 
men  and  women  attending  high  schools 
and  not  over  nineteen  years  of  age  are  en- 
titled to  compete.  The  orations,  which 
must  be  original,  must  not  require  more 
than  twelve  minutes  for  delivery.  A  con- 
testant may  choose  one  of  the  following 
subjects:  the  Constitution;  Washington 
and  the  Constitution;  Hamilton  and  the 
Constitution;  Jefferson  and  the  Constitu- 
tion ;  Madison  and  the  Constitution ;  Mar- 
shall and  the  Constitution;  Webster  and 
the  Constitution;  Lincoln  and  the  Consti- 
tution. The  only  restriction  as  to  the 
development  of  these  themes  is  that  the 
orations  must  be  of  such  a  character  as  to 
increase  interest  in  and  respect  for  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Here 
is  worthy  business. 

The  system  to  be  employed  is  simple. 
The  low-point  total  system  of  judging  will 
be  used.  The  country  is  to  be  divided  into 
seven  zones,  as  follows:  the  District  of 
Columbia,  New  York,  Philadelphia,  At- 
lanta, Chicago,  Kansas  City,  and  Los 
Angeles.  By  the  familiar  processes  of 
elimination,  classes  in  various  schools  will 
compete,  bringing  to  the  front  the  student 
with  an  oration  best  in  literary  merit  and 
delivery  and,  second,  calculated  most  to 
increase  interest  in  and  respect  for  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Then 
schools  within  a  given  area  will  compete. 
The  eliminations  will  then  proceed  by 
groups  of  schools  and  major  newspaper 
territories  until  the  winner  in  each  of  the 
seven  major  zones  is  determined.     These 


CHARLES  HERBERT  LEVER- 
MORE  has  been  awarded  the  first 
$50,000  of  the  American  Peace  Award. 
If  his  plan  is  sufficiently  acceptable  to  the 
American  people  or  to  the  United  States 
Senate,  Dr.  Levermore  will  receive  an- 
other $50,000.  It  gives  us  pleasure  to 
congratulate  him.  For  years  Dr.  Lever- 
more  has  been  an  honored  laborer  in  the 
fields  of  education  and  of  international 
studies.  Born  in  this  country,  son  of  a 
clergyman,  he  graduated  from  Yale  and 
received  the  degree  of  Ph.  D.  from  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  where  later  he  be- 
came a  University  fellow  in  history.  For 
a  number  of  years  he  was  professor  of 
history  in  Massachusetts  Institute  of 
Technology.  For  six  years  he  was  Presi- 
dent of  the  Adelphi  College.  His  work 
as  an  author  has  extended  from  historical 


140 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


works  to  the  editorship  of  song  books. 
Since  1917  he  has  been  secretary  of  the 
New  York  Peace  Society.  Since  1919 
he  has  also  been  secretary  of  the  League 
of  Nations  Union  in  New  York  City.  He 
is  the  author  of  a  series  of  year  books 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  the  third  of 
which  has  just  appeared  from  the  press  of 
the  BrooMyn  Daily  Eagle. 


THREE  treaties  of  friendship  have 
recently  been  announced  in  Europe. 
It  may  be  believed  that  these,  together 
with  the  report  of  the  special  committees 
on  the  German  financial  conditions,  are 
most  important  international  events. 
France  now  has  a  treaty  of  friendship 
with  Czechoslovakia.  Czechoslovakia  has 
a  similar  treaty  with  Jugoslavia.  And 
now  Italy  also  has  a  similar  treaty  with 
Jugoslavia.  Under  the  circumstances,  it 
is  difiicult  to  imagine  either  Hungary  or 
Bulgaria  attacking  any  member  of  the 
Little  Entente,  or  vice  versa.  This  would 
seem  to  clear  the  air,  so  far  as  any  possi- 
bility of  an  early  war  in  the  Balkans  is 
concerned. 


THE  signing  of  the  treaty  of  friend- 
ship between  Italy  and  Jugoslavia 
puts  an  end  to  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
situations  in  Europe,  one  which  any  time 
in  the  last  four  years  might  have  led  to  a 
war  between  Italy  and  Jugoslavia.  Dur- 
ing that  time  the  trade  of  Fiume  has  been 
at  a  complete  standstill.  Grass  a  foot  long 
was  growing  on  the  quays  and  railways. 
Not  a  ship  has  entered  her  port  for  over 
three  years;  her  commerce  has  been  de- 
stroyed and  the  population  reduced  to 
starvation. 

By  the  treaty  Italy  is  given  the  town  of 
Fiume  proper — that  is  to  say,  the  part  of 
the  city  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Eiver 
Reshina.  The  other  part  of  the  city, 
known  as  the  town  of  Shusak,  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Reshina,  together  with  the 


portion  of  the  harbor  known  as  Porto 
Barros  and  the  delta  of  the  River  Re- 
shina, over  which  the  railway  passes,  is 
given  to  Jugoslavia.  Italy  further  agrees 
to  lease  for  fifty  years,  at  a  rental  of  one 
lira  a  year,  two  of  the  principal  basins  of 
the  port  of  Fiume.  Italy  in  return,  for  a 
nominal  rental  of  one  dinar  per  year,  is 
given  the  right  to  use  the  canalized  branch 
of  the  River  Reshina. 

It  is  clear  from  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
that  Jugoslavia  has  been  given  the  oyster, 
while  Italy  gets  the  shell.  Signor  Musso- 
lini realized  that  Fiume  can  only  live  from 
its  Jugoslav  hinterland,  and  he  has  con- 
tented himself  with  the  admission  of 
Italian  sovereignty  over  Fiume  proper, 
but  leaves  the  working  of  the  port  and  the 
future  development  of  the  city  in  the 
hands  of  the  Jugoslavs.  The  fact  that  a 
majority  of  the  population  of  Fiume 
proper  is  Italian-speaking  makes  the  agree- 
ment a  just  one  from  an  ethnographical 
point  of  view,  though  politically  its  entire 
future  depends  on  Jugoslavia.  With 
time,  the  city  will  surely  lose  such  Itali- 
anity  as  it  now  possesses.  Mussolini,  how- 
ever, was  forced  to  reckon  in  Italian  poli- 
tics with  the  Irredentissimi  of  the  D'An- 
nunzio  type  and  could  not  altogether  aban- 
don Italian  claims.  The  presence  of  a 
few  Italian  gendarmes  in  the  streets  will 
probably  be  in  the  future  the  only  outward 
signs  of  Italian  sovereignty. 


THE  course  of  peace,  like  the  course 
of  true  love,  never  did  run  smooth. 
At  a  time  when  the  United  States, 
under  date  of  January  29,  resumed  diplo- 
matic relations  with  Greece,  troubles  were 
brewing  in  the  Republic  of  Honduras 
which  made  it  necessary  for  our  govern- 
ment, under  date  of  February  13,  to  sever 
relations  with  that  State.  The  reason  why 
our  State  Department  found  it  impossible 
to  recognize  the  Government  of  Honduras 
lay  in  the  fact  that  there  was  no  govern- 


19U 


EDITORIALS 


141 


ment  in  Honduras  to  recognize.  At  the 
moment  there  are  three  political  factions 
in  this  Central  American  State.  With 
the  end  of  the  year  1923  constitutional 
government  ceased  to  exist.  The  reason 
was  that  there  was  no  majority  for  any  of 
the  three  candidates  for  the  presidency, 
either  at  the  polls  or  in  the  Congress.  The 
constitution  of  Honduras  provides  no 
means  of  continuing  the  constitutional 
power  in  such  an  emergency.  The  result 
was  the  end  of  government.  In  this  situ- 
ation each  of  the  parties  proclaimed  its 
candidate  as  president.  Thus  there  was 
nothing  in  the  form  of  a  government  to 
recognize.  Our  American  minister,  Mr. 
Morales,  remains  at  Tegucigalpa,  trying 
to  help  in  his  unofficial  capacity  to  bring 
order  out  of  the  chaos. 


THE  Mediterranean  Sea  has  not  ceased 
to  be  a  bone  of  contention  among  the 
great  powers.  The  objections  not  only  on 
the  part  of  Spain,  but  on  the  part  of 
Britain,  and  perhaps  in  a  lesser  measure 
upon  the  part  of  Italy,  to  the  position  of 
France  in  Tangier  has  brought  the  whole 
Mediterranean  problem  again  to  the  fore. 
The  new  Spanish  dictator  has  recently 
called  attention  to  the  ancient  Spanish 
objection  to  the  British  occupation  of 
Gibraltar.  The  Marquis  de  Estella  calls 
Gibraltar  "a  permanent  national  insult." 
So  strong  is  this  feeling  just  now  in  Spain 
that  certain  writers  of  Britain  are  suggest- 
ing that  Gibraltar  be  returned  to  Spain, 
and  that  Britain  be  given  Ceuta,  including 
both  the  fortress  and  the  bay.  There  is 
no  doubt  that  the  Italian  gesture  against 
Corfu  was  an  expression  of  the  Italian 
will  to  control  the  Adriatic. 

Italy  has  delimited  Albania  for  the 
purpose  of  preventing  Jugoslavia  and 
Greece  from  challenging  her  supremacy 
in  the  Adriatic. 

Of  course,  an  Italian  control  of  the 
Adriatic  constitutes  something  of  a  threat 


to  the  control  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Naturally  Britain  is  concerned,  because  of 
her  desire  to  keep  an  open  route  to  India. 
The  demilitarization  of  the  Straits  at  the 
second  Lausanne  conference  may  or  may 
not  prove  to  be  effective  in  time  of  war, 
but  the  interest  in  the  Straits,  with  the 
great  Russian  hinterland,  is  a  part  of  the 
world's  worries  over  the  Mediterranean. 
The  British  interest  in  Egypt  and  in 
Palestine  is  due  primarily  to  the  Suez 
Canal. 

If  it  be  true  that  all  nations  are  pursu- 
ing what  they  conceive  to  be  their  legiti- 
mate national  interests,  and  if  we  grant 
further  that  no  nation  holds  that  war  is 
a  desirable  end  in  itself,  it  remains  that 
one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  the 
whole  problem  of  peace  and  war  is  the 
Mediterranean. 


THE  problem  of  national  immigration 
continues  to  attract  attention.  At  a 
time  when  the  proceedings  of  the  national 
immigration  conference,  held  in  the  city 
of  New  York  during  the  month  of  De- 
cember, are  just  appearing.  Congress  con- 
tinues its  labors  with  impending  immigra- 
tion legislation.  Secretary  Hughes  has 
written  to  the  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Immigration  Committee,  urging  that  the 
proposed  legislation  should  avoid  any 
"discrimination  of  which  just  complaint 
can  be  made."  He  calls  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  plan  of  the  Johnson  bill  to 
substitute  1890  census  figures  as  the  basis 
for  future  quota  restrictions  had  already 
"evoked  representations  from  Italy  and 
Eumania."  There  is  no  doubt  that  there 
is  considerable  feeling  in  the  Congress 
over  this  problem  of  immigration.  Repre- 
sentative Cable,  a  member  of  the  Immigra- 
tion Committee  of  the  House,  remarked 
recently  that  an  "American  bloc"  should 
be  organized  to  combat  the  "foreign  bloc" 
in  Congress.  It  is  true  that  the  Congress 
is  within  its  rights  in  passing  any  restric- 


143 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


tions  upon  immigration  it  sees  fit.  But 
it  is  sound  moral  sense  that  we  should  not 
pass  any  legislation  involving  any  "dis- 
crimination of  which  just  complaint  can 
be  made." 


PEEMIEE  MaoDONALD,  under  date 
of  January  26,  made  a  friendly  ges- 
ture to  France  in  the  form  of  a  note  to 
M.  Poincare.  It  was  a  kindly  touch,  ex- 
tending greetings  and  good  wishes.  Ex- 
pressing grief  at  the  unsettled  points 
causing  trouble  and  concern,  he  assured 
the  French  Premier  that  it  would  be  his 
"daily  endeavor"  to  help  to  settle  them 
to  the  mutual  benefit  of  both  countries. 
He  said : 

"I  am  sure  by  the  strenuous  action  of 
good  will  these  conflicts  can  be  settled  and 
policies  devised  in  the  pursuit  of  which 
France  and  Great  Britain  can  remain  in 
hearty  co-operation.  We  can  be  frank 
without  being  hostile,  and  defend  our 
country's  interests  without  being  at  en- 
mity. Thus  the  Entente  will  be  much 
more  than  a  normal  thing,  and  France  and 
Great  Britain  can  advance  together  to  es- 
tablish peace  and  security  in  Europe." 

Mr.  Poincar^'s  reply  appears  elsewhere 
in  these  columns.  We  find  no  reason  for 
believing  that  these  gentlemen  are  simply 
sparring  preliminary  to  a  real  set-to.  In 
any  event,  we  sense  a  softening  of  the 
asperities  between  France  and  England. 


COLONEL  VESTAL'S  article,  "The 
Maintenance  of  Peace,"  appearing 
elsewhere  in  these  columns,  is  the  point  of 
view  of  a  distinguished  authority  of  our 
Army  War  College.  He  speaks  for  a  large 
section  of  the  intelligent  men  of  our  army 
and  navy.  His  views  are  of  importance 
for  all  who  are  concerned  to  advance  the 
cause  of  peace  between  nations.  Colonel 
Vestal's  writings  have  appeared  not  only 
in  magazines  such  as  the  Atlantic  Monthly, 
but  he  is  the  author  of  a  carefully  written 
book  entitled  The  Maintenance  of  Peace. 


T^HE  British  Government,  under  date 
-L  of  February  1,  recognized  the  Union 
of  Soviet  Republics  as  the  de  jure  rulers 
of  those  territories  of  the  old  Russian 
Empire  which  acknowledge  their  author- 
ity. There  remain,  however,  details  relat- 
ing to  existing  treaties,  the  settlement  of 
claims,  the  adjustment  of  propaganda, 
and  the  establishment  of  a  treaty  to  settle 
all  questions  outstanding  between  the  two 
countries.  The  Moscow  Government  wel- 
comed this  proposal,  noting  with  satisfac- 
tion that  the  historic  step  was  one  of  the 
first  acts  of  the  first  government  of  Great 
Britain  chosen  by  the  working  classes. 


THE  last  revolution  in  Mexico  seems 
to  be  dying  out.  How  far  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  has  aided  in  this 
process  is  difficult  to  determine.  Measured 
by  the  results,  we  may  be  warranted  in 
believing  that  that  policy  has  not  been 
harmful. 


JAMES  L.  SLAYDEN,  of  San  Antonio, 
Texas,  for  many  years  a  member  of 
the  Executive  Committee  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  and  its  President  from 
1917  to  1920,  died  at  his  home  in  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  Sunday  morning,  Febru- 
ary 24,  at  3  :30  o'clock.  Throughout  his 
career,  Mr.  Slayden's  chief  interest  was  in 
a  better  understandng  between  the  na- 
tions, a  fact  which  marked  his  labors  as  a 
member  of  the  United  States  House  of 
Representatives  from  1897  to  1919. 

In  1888  he  married  Ellen  Maury,  of 
Charlottesville,  Virginia,  who  survives 
him.  Mr.  Slayden's  life  and  work  as  a 
member  of  the  United  States  Congress 
won  for  him  an  enviable  place  in  the  af- 
fections of  both  the  Senate  and  the  House. 
His  princely  bearing,  intelligence,  his  un- 
selfish devotion  to  the  best  things  of  life 
stamped  him  not  only  as  a  gentleman,  but 
as  a  noble  product  of  our  American  civil- 
ization. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


AMERICAN  TRADE  WITH  EUROPE 

TRADE  statistics  of  the  Department  of 
Commerce  covering  1923,  according  to 
Douglas  Miller,  of  the  Western  European 
Division,  Department  of  Commerce,  show- 
that  Europe  absorbed  slightly  more  than 
half  of  American  exports  and  shipped  30 
per  cent  of  our  imports.  During  the  year, 
sales  of  American  wheat,  corn,  and  other 
cereal  products  fell  off,  while  exports  of 
lard  and  bacon  reached  increased  levels. 
The  drop  in  shipments  of  cotton  to  some 
European  markets,  such  as  Spain,  was 
offset  by  increased  takings  by  Germany. 
American  imports  of  crude  rubber,  wool, 
hides,  and  skins  reflect  increased  prosper- 
ity in  this  country.  Sales  of  American 
specialty  products,  such  as  automobiles, 
tires,  typewriters,  and  adding  machines 
show  important  increases.  Exports  to  Eu- 
rope for  the  year  register  a  gain  of  one- 
half  of  1  per  cent  of  previous  yearns  fig- 
ures, with  a  17  per  cent  increase  in  im- 
ports from  Europe. 

Steady   Exports    and   Increased   Imports 

Exports  from  the  United  States  to  the 
continent  of  Europe  in  1933  amounted  to 
$2,093,000,000,  an  increase  of  one-half  of 
1  per  cent  over  the  previous  year's  figures, 
which  were  $2,083,000,000.  Imports  from 
Europe  amounted  to  $1,157,000,000,  an 
increase  of  17  per  cent  over  1922  imports, 
which  were  $911,000,000.  Our  favorable 
balance  of  trade  with  Europe  amounted  to 
$936,000,000,  compared  with  $1,092,000,- 
000  in  the  previous  year.  Europe  took 
slightly  more  than  50  per  cent  of  Ameri- 
can exports  in  1923,  a  drop  from  54  per 
cent  the  year  before.  We  took  30i/^  per 
cent  of  our  total  merchandise  imports 
from  Europe  last  year,  compared  with 
3iy2  per  cent  in  1922.  Thus  Europe  be- 
came slightly  less  important  as  a  market 
for  American  goods  and  a  source  of  im- 
ports. 

These  figures  show  merchandise  im- 
ports and  exports  only  and  take  no  ac- 
count of  the  large  movement  of  invisible 


items  in  our  foreign  balance.  Some  of 
these  items  bulk  very  largely  in  our  Eu- 
ropean accounts.  During  the  year  large 
sums  of  money  were  spent  by  American 
tourists  abroad  and  of  these  sums  Europe 
received  the  greater  share.  At  the  same 
time  emigrant  remittances  from  this  coun- 
try maintained  the  high  figure  of  recent 
years  and  tend  to  offset  the  merchandise 
purchases  which  Europe  is  making  in  our 
markets.  Other  invisible  items  include 
shipping,  insurance,  and  the  interest  on 
invested  foreign  capital.  In  merchandise 
trading  alone,  our  increase  of  one-half  of 
1  per  cent  in  exports  to  Europe  is  less  than 
the  increase  of  9  per  cent  in  exports  to 
the  entire  world,  and  while  imports  from 
Europe  increased  17  per  cent,  imports 
from  all  countries  showed  a  gain  of  22  per 
cent. 

Exports  Rise  in  Closing  Months  of  1923 

During  1923  exports  to  Europe  re- 
mained below  the  1922  level  from  March 
to  August,  but  the  heavy  shipments  of 
agricultural  products  in  the  last  half  of 
the  year  brought  the  1923  figures  above 
those  of  the  previous  year,  ending  with 
record  shipments  to  Europe  of  $246,000,- 
000  in  December,  the  highest  monthly  fig- 
ure for  some  time. 

Imports  from  Europe  were  relatively 
more  important  during  the  early  half  of 
the  year  and  showed  increases  in  raw  ma- 
terials for  use  in  American  manufacture. 
During  the  latter  half  of  1923  our  im- 
ports from  Europe  remained  practically 
the  same  as  the  previous  year. 

Exports  of  American  products  to  Swe- 
den, Switzerland,  Italy,  and  Denmark,  in 
the  order  named,  showed  a  marked  per- 
centage increase,  while  our  shipments  to 
the  United  Kingdom,  our  largest  single 
customer,  France,  Germany,  Hungary, 
Czechoslovakia,  and  Belgium  showed  only 
a  very  slight  change  from  the  preceding 
year.  Shipments  to  the  Netherlands, 
Norway,  and  Spain  declined. 

Our  imports  from  the  following  coun- 


143 


144 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


tries,  in  the  order  named,  showed  large 
percentage  increases  over  1922 :  Denmark, 
Austria,  Italy,  Germany,  Norway,  Bel- 
gium, Netherlands,  and  the  United  King- 
dom. More  moderate  increases  were  re- 
corded from  Sweden,  Spain,  France,  while 
no  substantial  change  occurred  in  im- 
ports from  Czechoslovakia,  and  Switzer- 
land shipped  us  less  goods  than  in  the 
preceding  year. 

Important   Increases   in   Exports   to   Great 
Britain 

The  United  Kingdom  was  again  in  1923 
the  largest  single  purchaser  of  American 
export  commodities.  Exports  to  the 
United  Kingdom  amounted  to  $882,000,- 
000,  an  increase  of  $27,000,000  over  the 
year  before,  or  3  per  cent,  according  to 
figures  compiled  by  the  Western  European 
Division  of  the  Department  of  Commerce. 
Imports  were  $404,000,000,  an  increase  of 
$47,000,000,  or  14  per  cent.  Important 
increases  in  exports  were  copper,  ingots 
and  rods,  which  rose  from  $13,000,000 
to  $25,000,000;  automobiles,  from  $3,- 
500,000  to  $6,000,000 ;  zinc  from  $1,100,- 
000  to  $5,500,000 ;  mineral  oils,  from  $62,- 
000,000  to  $66,000,000 ;  wood  and  manu- 
factures, from  $5,500,000  to  $8,000,000; 
naval  stores,  from  $7,500,000  to  $10,000,- 
000;  lard,  from  $28,000,000  to  $29,000,- 
000;  salmon,  from  $4,000,000  to  $6,000,- 
000.  Decreases  in  exports  occurred  in  the 
following  commodities:  Pork,  from  $82,- 
000,000  to  $78,000,000;  leather,  from 
$13,000,000  to  $11,000,000;  corn,  from 
$21,000,000  to  $10,000,000;  wheat,  from 
$47,000,000  to  $21,000,000;  wheat  flour, 
from  $12,000,000  to  $9,000,000;  sugar, 
from  $23,000,000  to  $15,000,000;  to- 
bacco, from  $86,000,000  to  $76,000,000; 
cotton,  from  $204,000,000  to  $190,000,- 
000.  It  is  thus  evident  that  the  United 
Kingdom  bought  smaller  quantities  of  cot- 
ton and  foodstuffs,  but  increasing  amounts 
of  metals  and  manufactured  products. 

Increases  in  imports  from  the  United 
Kingdom  occurred  in  the  following  com- 
modities: Eubber,  from  $9,000,000  to 
$22,000,000 ;  wool  and  manufactures,  from 
$23,000,000  to  $33,000,000 ;  tea,  from  $4,- 
000,000  to  $5,000,000;  hides  and  skins, 
from  $5,000,000  to  $7,000,000 ;  tin,  from 
$6,000,000  to  $10,000,000;  cotton  cloth, 
from    $27,000,000   to   $37,000,000.     Im- 


ports of  coal  decreased  from  $17,000,000 
to  $4,000,000,  and  pearls  from  $3,000,000 
to  $2,500,000.  The  falling  off  in  the  im- 
ports of  coal  is,  of  course,  accounted  for 
in  the  fact  that  in  1922  strike  in  the 
American  bituminous  industry  caused 
temporary  shipments  of  British  fuel  to 
the  American  market.  The  marked  in- 
crease in  rubber  imported  is  especially 
striking  and  reflects  the  general  increased 
level  of  prosperity  in  the  United  States. 

Exports  to  France  Twice  as  Valuable  as 
Imports  from  France 

American  imports  from  France  in  1923 
showed  a  slight  increase  from  the  previous 
year,  according  to  an  analysis  of  trade 
with  France  by  the  Western  European  Di- 
vision of  the  Department  of  Commerce. 
The  only  important  declines  in  the  major 
articles  were  calfskins,  gloves,  and  wal- 
nuts. Early  in  the  year  the  French  glove 
industry  was  suffering  from  severe  depres- 
sion and  the  export  demand  was  weak,  but 
general  improvement  in  the  industry  oc- 
curred in  later  months,  accompanied  by 
increased  demand  for  French  gloves  from 
the  United  States.  The  number  of  pairs 
of  gloves  received  from  France  increased, 
the  whole  of  the  fairly  important  decline 
being  due  to  lower  values.  The  decline 
in  value  of  walnut  imports  shows  the  same 
feature  of  reduced  value,  with  quantity 
unchanged.  The  decrease  in  our  imports 
of  calfskins  from  France  is  offset  by  in- 
crease in  cattle  hides,  sheepskins,  and  kid- 
skins.  Among  increased  imports,  the 
most  noteworthy  was  raw  silk,  which  was 
four  times  as  great  as  in  1922.  Imports 
of  spun  silk,  silk  fabrics,  and  silk  wearing 
apparel  also  showed  material  increases. 
Cotton  laces  also  were  imported  in  great 
quantities.  Pearls,  always  an  important 
item  of  the  trade,  advanced  slightly  over 
the  previous  year.  Total  imports  in- 
creased 5  per  cent. 

Our  exports  to  France,  which  are  nearly 
twice  as  valuable  as  our  imports  from 
France,  increased  about  2  per  cent,  de- 
spite a  decline  in  vegetable  foodstuffs,  ac- 
counted for  by  increased  European  pro- 
duction and  heavy  stocking  in  previous 
years.  Wheat,  corn,  and  barley  exports 
to  France  showed  a  total  decline  of  up- 
ward of  $11,000,000,  or  more  than  58  per 
cent.    Exports  of  dried  and  canned  fruits 


192  Jl^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


145 


declined  similarly,  while  sugar  exports 
reached  only  one-third  of  their  1932  value. 
Less  important  declines  occurred  in  ship- 
ments of  lead  and  zinc,  leaf  tobacco,  auto- 
mobiles and  automobile  tires,  and  leather. 
Exports  of  American  shoes,  though  still 
of  minor  importance,  increased  consid- 
erably. 

Although  value  figures  show  an  increase 
in  our  raw  cotton  exports  to  France  in 
1923,  quantity  figures  reveal  a  slight  de- 
cline, probably  due  to  supplies  obtained 
from  other  sources  rather  than  to  reduc- 
tion of  total  requirements.  In  contrast 
with  vegetable  food  products,  exports  of 
animal  foodstuffs  to  France  increased  con- 
siderably, including  pork  products  and 
condensed  milk. 

Petroleum  products  showed  little  change 
in  value  on  account  of  reduced  prices,  but 
the  quantity  statistics  show  a  considerable 
increase.  Eefined  copper,  one  of  the  lead- 
ing factors  in  the  trade,  increased  by  one- 
third. 

Exports    to    Germany    Show    Large    Increases 

Exports  of  United  States  goods  to  Ger- 
many gained  only  three-tenths  of  1  per 
cent  in  1923,  while  imports  showed  an  in- 
crease of  38  per  cent.  Important  increases 
in  exports  were  bacon,  from  $6,000,000  to 
$10,000,000;  lard,  from  $26,000,000  to 
$40,000,000;  cotton  and  manufactures, 
from  $131,000,000  to  $144,000,000;  naval 
stores,  from  $1,500,000  to  $3,000,000; 
leaf  tobacco,  from  $4,000,000  to  $5,500,- 
000 ;  sulphur,  from  $1,000,000  to  $1,500,- 
000;  adding  and  calculating  machines, 
from  $150,000  to  $400,000;  typewriters, 
from  $60,000  to  $178,000.  Decreases  in 
exports  to  Germany  occurred  in  corn,  from 
$22,000,000  to  $5,000,000 ;  rice,  from  $13,- 
000,000  to  $12,000,000 ;  wheat,  from  $13,- 
000,000  to  $3,000,000;  wheat  flour,  from 
$10,000,000  to  $2,000,000;  lubricating 
oils,  from  $10,000,000  to  $5,000,000 ;  cop- 
per, from  $27,000,000  to  $22,000,000  j 
lead,  from  $700,000  to  $600,000. 

The  following  imports  from  Germany 
showed  significant  increases:  Laces  and 
embroideries,  from  $1,000,000  to  $3,000,- 
000;  china,  from  $1,000,000  to  $3,600,- 
000 ;  cotton  wearing  apparel  from  $7,500,- 
000  to  $9,000,000;  toys,  from  $6,000,000 
to  $7,000,000.  Imports  of  colors  and  dyes 
decreased  from  $2,500,000  to  $2,000,000, 


while    shipments    of   muriate    of    potash 
dropped  from  $3,500,000  to  $2,000,000. 

Diamonds   Largest   Item   of   Imports   from 
Belgium 

Two  items  stand  out  in  the  American 
statistical  tables  covering  imports  from 
Belguim,  namely,  diamonds  and  flax.  The 
former  article,  which  reached  a  total  value 
of  nearly  $30,000,000  in  1923,  an  advance 
of  25  per  cent  from  the  previous  year,  had 
a  value  only  a  little  less  than  one-third  of 
the  total  trade.  The  latter,  which  was 
valued  at  less  than  a  half  million  dollars, 
declined  slightly  from  1922.  Of  the  re- 
maining important  articles,  for  which 
separate  statistics  are  not  available,  glass, 
a  large  proportion  of  our  imports  of  which 
proceed  from  Belgium,  was  imported  at  a 
greatly  increased  rate  in  1923,  and  the 
amount  received  from  Belgiimi  doubtless 
shared  in  this  advance ;  muriate  of  potash 
dropped  considerably,  and  fabrics  of  flax 
and  hemp  were  also  imported  in  smaller 
quantities.  Imports  showed  an  average 
increase  of  23  per  cent. 

The  decline  of  $1,000,000  in  total  ex- 
ports to  Belgium  is  accounted  for  by  im- 
portant reductions  in  all  cereal  exports, 
which  occurred  because  of  increased  pro- 
duction and  the  previous  accumulation  of 
large  stocks,  aggregating  more  than  $10,- 
000,000.  There  were  also  large  decreases 
in  our  exports  of  sugar,  for  the  same  rea- 
son as  that  of  cereals.  Cotton,  probably 
because  of  increased  Belgian  imports  from 
other  countries  rather  than  a  decline  in 
total  cotton  requirements;  linseed  cake, 
canned  salmon,  and  southern  yellow  pine, 
which  experienced  a  serious  slump.  In 
spite  of  the  general  increase  in  other  items 
of  our  exports  to  Belgium,  there  are  few 
outstanding  instances  of  higher  values. 
Eefined  copper  experienced  the  most  im- 
portant rise,  amounting  to  $3,000,000,  or 
about  60  per  cent,  indicating  the  activity 
of  those  Belgian  industries  requiring  cop- 
per as  one  of  the  raw  materials.  Ameri- 
can automobiles,  both  trucks  and  passen- 
ger cars,  were  shipped  in  greater  numbers, 
and  petroleum  products  showed  a  corre- 
sponding increase,  especially  in  quantity, 
the  prices  of  gasoline  being  considerably 
lower.  In  contrast  with  other  foodstuffs, 
our  exports  of  pork  products  showed  a 
striking    improvement,    while    condensed 


146 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


and  other  prepared  milk  advanced  consid- 
erably in  value.  Total  exports  dropped  1 
per  cent. 

Imports  from  Italy  Increased  44  Per  Cent 

American  imports  from  Italy,  which 
increased  44  per  cent  in  1933,  cover  a 
wide  variety,  only  a  few  of  which  are  out- 
standing. In  first  rank  among  these  in 
1923  was  raw  silk,  which  increased  nearly 
400  per  cent  from  the  previous  year,  partly 
because  of  our  higher  total  imports  of 
this  commodity,  but  primarily  to  the  im- 
proved Italian  crop.  Although  cheese 
was  relegated  to  second  place  by  the  ad- 
vance in  silk  imports,  it  also  showed  an 
important  increase,  amounting  to  about 
50  per  cent.  These  two  commodities  com- 
prised nearly  one-third  of  our  total  im- 
ports from  Italy  in  1923.  Other  com- 
modities for  which  statistics  are  available, 
such  as  gloves,  carpet  wool,  hats,  and  wal- 
nuts, declined  in  value,  but  hat  materials, 
which  form  a  fairly  important  item,  held 
their  own,  and  silk  manufactures  in- 
creased slightly. 

In  spite  of  a  reduction  of  more  than 
$16,000,000  in  exports  of  American  wheat 
to  Italy  in  1923,  there  was  an  increase  of 
$17,000,000  in  the  total  trade.  Most  of 
the  other  commodities,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, showed  increases,  the  only  other 
important  decreases  being  in  imports  of 
corn,  which  dropped  to  insignificance  from 
a  fairly  important  figure.  Leading  all  in 
value  was  cotton,  which  increased  about 
15  per  cent,  because  of  heightened  prices, 
despite  of  moderate  decline  in  quantity. 
Exports  of  lard  and  bacon,  which  were  in- 
significant in  1922,  became  an  important 
part  of  the  trade.  Refined  copper  ex- 
ports rose  nearly  50  per  cent,  forming  the 
third  article  in  point  of  value.  The  in- 
crease in  exports  of  bituminous  coal,  owing 
to  increased  Italian  industrial  require- 
ments and  the  curtailment  of  receipts 
from  Germany,  was  almost  equally  great, 
but  coal  shipments  to  Italy  in  1922  had 
been  very  light.  Important  advances  were 
registered  in  exports  of  all  kinds  of  petro- 
leum products  except  lubricating  oil. 
Leaf  tobacco,  always  an  important  export 
to  Italy,  increased  considerably  in  1923, 
due  apparently  to  improved  demand  from 
Italian  tobacco  manufacturers  to  supply 
their  market.    Among  minor  items  which 


increased  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  are 
automobile  tires,  southern  yellow  pine,  tin 
plate,  typewriters,  and  cotton  textile  ma- 
chinery.   Total  exports  gained  12  per  cent. 

Slump  in  Exports  to  Spain 

Spain  is  one  of  the  very  few  countries 
to  which  the  United  States  exported  less 
in  1923  than  in  1922.  The  decline 
amounted  to  about  $9,000,000,  or  12  per 
cent.  This  is  completely  accounted  for  by 
the  slump  in  exports  of  cotton  to  Spain, 
due  to  the  depression  of  the  Spanish  tex- 
tile industry,  which  has  been  at  a  low  ebb 
all  year  and  was  almost  at  a  standstill 
during  the  strike  at  Barcelona  last  sum- 
mer. The  other  outstanding  declines  in 
exports  to  Spain  were  sugar,  due  to  in- 
creased production ;  corn  and  wheat,  owing 
to  Spanish  import  prohibitions  on  these 
grains,  that  on  corn  being  only  partial; 
refined  copper,  and  sulphate  of  ammonia. 
Many  other  commodities  registered  con- 
siderable gains,  the  most  notable  being 
automobiles  and  motor  trucks,  with  an  in- 
crease of  $3,000,000,  and  leaf  tobacco, 
with  over  $1,500,000.  An  increase  corre- 
sponding to  that  in  automobile  exports 
occurred  in  gasoline,  which  advanced  more 
than  a  half  million  dollars  in  spite  of 
lower  prices.  It  appears  that,  notwith- 
standing the  depression  in  Spanish  indus- 
tries, the  market  for  American  cars  is  by 
no  means  saturated.  Lumber  exports  to 
Spain  also  increased  appreciably,  espe- 
cially staves  required  for  wine  and  olive 
exports.  Exports  of  harvesters  and  reap- 
ers, which  were  almost  nil  in  1922,  in- 
creased to  a  fair  value  in  1923. 

American  imports  from  Spain  are 
largely  raw  materials  and  foodstuffs. 
They  are  of  much  smaller  value  than  our 
exports  to  Spain  and  are  also  considerably 
lower  than  our  imports  from  other  Euro- 
pean countries  of  equal  importance.  Im- 
ports of  hides  and  skins  increased  by  about 
25  per  cent ;  imports  of  iron  ore,  which  is  a 
less  important  item,  rose  by  nearly  50  per 
cent,  and  imports  of  the  minor  commodi- 
ties, carpet  wool  and  walnuts,  also  showed 
small  advances.  These  increases,  how- 
ever, were  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
a  decline  of  over  $1,000,000  in  imports 
of  unrefined  copper.  A  slight  drop  is  also 
shown  in  imports  of  copper  ore.  The  net 
percentage  gain  was  7  per  cent. 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


147 


THE  NEW  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT 

4S  HAD  been  somewhat  dolorously  an- 
XJl tieipated  by  the  Conservative  Party, 
after  its  smashing  losses  in  the  tariff  elec- 
tion, the  reassembly  of  Parliament  saw 
the  immediate  defeat  of  Mr.  Baldwin's 
government  by  a  vote  of  no  confidence 
moved  by  Mr.  Clynes,  representing  the 
Labor  Party,  as  an  amendment  to  the  ad- 
dress in  reply  to  the  King's  speech.  The 
majority  against  the  late  government 
was  72. 

Mr.  Baldwin's  resignation  was  followed 
by  a  royal  summons  to  Mr.  Eamsay  Mac- 
Donald,  the  Labor  leader,  who  had  just 
previously  been  sworn  in  as  a  privy  coun- 
cillor at  the  palace.  Mr.  MacDonald  ac- 
cepted, and  received  his  appointment  as 
Prime  Minister  and  First  Lord  of  the 
Treasury.  In  the  meantime  Parliament 
assembled,  heard  the  announcement  of 
Mr.  Baldwin's  resignation,  and  adjourned 
until  February  12. 

Composition  of  the  First  British  Labor  Cabinet 

The  official  list  of  Mr.  MacDonald's 
government  is  as  follows:  Premier  and 
Foreign  Secretary,  Mr.  MacDonald;  Lord 
Privy  Seal  and  Leader  in  the  Commons, 
Mr.  Clynes;  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer, 
Mr.  Snowden;  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord 
Haldane;  Lord  President  of  the  Council, 
Lord  Parmoor;  Home  Secretary,  Mr. 
Arthur  Henderson ;  First  Lord  of  the  Ad- 
miralty, Lord  Chelmsford;  Colonial  Sec- 
retary, Mr.  J.  H.  Thomas;  Secretary  for 
War,  Mr.  Stephen  Walsh;  Secretary  for 
Air,  Brigadier-General  Thomson;  Presi- 
dent of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Mr.  Sidney 
Webb;  Secretary  for  India;  Sir  Sydney 
Olivier;  Secretary  for  Scotland,  Mr.  W. 
Adamson ;  Minister  of  Health,  Mr.  Wheat- 
ley;  Minister  of  Agriculture,  Mr.  Noel 
Buxton;  Minister  of  Labor,  Mr.  Tom 
Shaw;  Minister  of  Pensions,  Mr.  F.  0. 
Roberts ;  Minister  of  Education,  Mr.  C.  P. 
Trevelyan;  Postmaster  General,  Mr.  Ver- 
non Hartshorn ;  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy, 
Colonel  Wedgwood;  First  Commissioner 
of  Works,  Mr.  F.  W.  Jowett;  Attorney 
General,  Mr.  Patrick  Hastings,  K.  C; 
Solicitor  General,  Mr.  Henry  H.  Slesser, 
K.  C;  Financial  Secretary  to  Treasury, 
Mr.  William  Graham;  Financial  Secre- 
tary to  War  Office,  Mr.  J.  J.  Lawson; 
Parliamentary  Secretary  to  Treasury  and 
Chief  Whip,  Mr.  Ben  C.  Spoor. 


All  the  above  are  members  of  Parlia- 
ment with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Arthur 
Henderson,  Sir  Sydney  Olivier,  Briga- 
dier-General Thomson,  Mr.  Slesser,  and 
Mr.  Sydney  Arnold. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  list  of  appoint- 
ments contains  many  names  which  have 
long  been  familiar  in  English  political 
life.  Mr.  Clynes  (Lord  Privy  Seal)  was 
Food  Controller  during  the  late  war; 
Lord  Parmoor  was  formerly  a  Conserva- 
tive M.  P.;  Lord  Haldane  was  Secretary 
of  State  for  War  from  1905  to  1912  and 
subsequently  Lord  Chancellor  until  1915; 
Mr.  Henderson  was  Paymaster  General 
and  Labor  Adviser  to  Mr.  Asquith's  Lib- 
eral Government  and  afterwards  a  mem- 
ber of  the  War  Cabinet;  Mr.  S.  Walsh 
held  office  between  1917  and  1919  as  Par- 
liamentary Secretary  to  the  Ministry  of 
National  Service;  Sir  Sydney  Olivier  was 
formerly  Governor  of  Jamaica  and  after- 
wards Permanent  Secretary  of  the  Board 
of  Agriculture,  then  Assistant  Comp- 
troller and  Auditor  of  the  Exchequer; 
Mr.  C.  P.  Trevelyan  was  Liberal  member 
for  Yorkshire  in  1899  and  Parliamentary 
Secretary  to  the  Board  of  Education  in 
1908;  Lord  Chelmsford  was  Governor  of 
Queensland,  then  of  New  South  Wales, 
and  subsequently  Viceroy  of  India;  Mr. 
Noel  Buxton  was  formerly  Liberal  mem- 
ber for  Whithy;  Mr.  Arthur  Ponsonby 
was  private  secretary  to  Sir  H.  Campbell- 
Bannerman  and  succeeded  him  as  Liberal 
member  for  Stirling  Burghs, 

First  Steps  of  the  New  Government 

Prior  to  the  reassembly  of  Parliament, 
after  the  adjournment,  Mr.  MacDonald 
opened  preliminary  negotiations  with 
Soviet  Eussia  on  the  question  of  recogni- 
tion and  appointed  a  provisional  charge 
d'affaires  to  Moscow.  At  the  same  tune 
an  exchange  of  courtesies  took  place  be- 
tween the  British  Prime  Minister  and  M. 
Poincare,  the  former  announcing  his  ac- 
cession to  power  by  a  personal  letter,  to 
which  the  latter  replied  in  kind.  A  con- 
ference to  settle  the  boundary  question 
between  North  and  South  Ireland  was  also 
initiated,  and  after  expressing  the  con- 
fidence placed  in  the  League  of  Nations 
by  the  Labor  Party,  the  hope  for  an  equi- 
table arrangement  concerning  Germany, 
and  various  similar  optimisms,  the  now 
government  may  be  said  to  have  settk-d 
into  its  collar. 


148 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  AMERICAN 
CABLE  FACILITIES 

The  past  few  months  have  seen  devel- 
opments in  American  cable  facilities  that 
wiU  have  far-reaching  results  on  interna- 
tional communication  in  the  United 
States.  The  completion  of  the  Commer- 
cial Cable  Company's  new  cable  from  New 
York  via  Canso,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the 
Azores  to  Ireland  and  France  provides  an 
additional  modern  cable  of  much  greater 
capacity  than  any  previously  in  existence 
in  the  Atlantic.  Although  negotiations 
are  not  yet  completed,  there  seems  to  be 
good  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the 
restrictions  now  imposed  on  the  operation 
of  American  cables  to  the  continent  of 
Europe  will  shortly  be  removed,  and  that 
cable  companies  will  be  as  free  to  develop 
their  business  on  the  continent  as  they  are 
now  in  the  United  States,  Canada,  and 
England. 

Following  hard  on  the  announcement 
of  the  completion  of  the  commercial  cable 
comes  the  statement  of  the  Western  Union 
Telegraph  Company  that  a  satisfactory 
solution  of  its  difficulties  in  securing  land- 
ing rights  in  the  Azores  and  Portugal  is 
now  in  sight.  With  the  final  adjustment 
of  this  dispute  the  last  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  the  direct  cable  connection  to  Spain 
and  the  Mediterranean  is  removed.  The 
plans  of  the  Italian  company  to  extend 
this  service  eastward  in  the  Mediterranean 
to  Greece  and  Constantinople  will  make 
available  an  additional  route  to  the  Near 
East  that  has  long  been  necessary  for 
American  business. 

Cable  communication  to  San  Domingo, 
Haiti,  and  a  number  of  the  Lesser  Antilles 
has  long  been  uncertain,  due  to  the  many 
interruptions  that  occur.  Up  to  the  pres- 
ent time,  two  cable  systems  have  operated 
generally  throughout  the  West  Indies — 
the  West  India  and  Panama  Telegraph 
Company  and  the  Compagnie  Frangaise 
des  Cables  Telegraphiques. 

The  Compagnie  Frangaise  des  Cables 
Telegraphiques,  usually  called  the  French 
Cable  Company,  has  exclusive  rights  to 
the  telegraph  business  in  every  island  of 
the  West  Indies  and  in  Venezuela.  These 
exclusive  possessions  have  made  it  impos- 
sible for  many  years  for  any  competitors 
to  enter  these  particular  points  in  the 
territory  of  the  French  company. 


All  America  Cables,  Inc.,  recently  an- 
nounced a  general  meeting  of  the  stock- 
holders for  the  purpose  of  considering  the 
purchase,  by  that  company,  of  the  United 
States  and  Haiti  Company  and  the  West 
Indian  System  of  the  French  Cable  Com- 
pany. The  acquisition  of  these  systems 
by  All  America  Cables  will  mean  direct 
cable  service  from  the  United  States, 
over  the  lines  of  American  companies,  to 
practically  every  point  of  commercial  im- 
portance in  the  West  Indies,  Central  and 
South  America. 

The  total  effect  of  the  changes  produced 
by  these  three  great  developments  would 
make  the  American  cable  system  domi- 
nant in  this  hemisphere,  and  it  can  hardly 
fail  to  have  a  direct  effect  on  all  of  our 
international  business  and  our  relations 
with  the  countries  of  Europe  and  of  South 
America. 


AVIATION  IN  EUROPE 

The  year  1923  was  an  experimental  year 
for  European  aviation,  especially  for  Ger- 
many. Basic  lines  of  an  international  fly- 
ing system  were  planned  and  carried 
through,  giving  Germany  contact  by  air 
service  with  all  neighboring  countries. 
During  the  summer  of  1923  daily  flights 
were  made  on  the  following  19  lines: 

1.  London-Paris. 

2.  London-Brussels-Cologne. 

3 .  Man chester-London-Eotterdam- Am- 
sterdam-Bremen-Hamburg-Berlin. 

4.  Paris-Brussels  -  Rotterdam  -Amster- 
dam. 

5.  Paris-Strassburg-Prague- Warsaw. 

6 .  Paris-Prague- Vienna-Budapest-Bel- 
grade -  Bukharest  -  Constantinople  (1,600 
kilometers). 

7.  Toulouse-  Barcelona  -Aliconte-  Mal- 
aga-Rabat-Casablanca (1,600  kilometers). 

8.  Antibes-Ajaccio. 

9.  Seville-Larache. 

10.  Hamburg-Copenhagen. 

11.  Berlin-Dessau-Leipzig-  Fuerth-  Mu- 
nich. 

12.  Munich-Zurich-Geneva. 

13.  Munich- Vienna-Budapest. 

14.  Berlin-Danzig-Koenigsberg. 

15.  Koenigsberg-Memel-Riga-Reval. 

16.  Reval-Helsingfors. 

17.  Koenigsberg- Smolensk-Moscow. 

18.  Danzig-Warsaw-Lemberg. 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


149 


19.  The  long  stretch  of  2,800  kilome- 
ters— Moscow-Kharkow-  Kostow-  Mineral- 
nuye-Wodu-Grosniy-Baku-Tiflis  ( Junkers 
Air  Service,  Eussian), 

The  Junkers  Werke  and  Aero-Lloyd 
participated  in  eleven  of  the  above  lines. 
These  two  firms  now  largely  control  Ger- 
man commercial  aviation. 

The  former  concern  accomplished  1,- 
070,000  flight  kilometers,  carried  17,750 
passengers  and  85,776  kilograms  of  mail 
and  freight,  while  the  latter  covered  274,- 
465  kilometers,  carried  2,528  passengers 
and  1,415,600  kilograms  of  mail  and 
freight  (including  newspapers  to  and  from 
England). 

Flights  to   China  Contemplated 

It  is  planned  through  international 
agreement  to  extend  activities  during 
1924.  The  Junkers-Werke  proposes  to 
estabhsh  the  following  lines:  A  through 
line,  London-Berlin-Lemberg- Odessa-Ba- 
ku-Teheran; a  through  line,  London-Eot- 
terdam-Cologne-Strassburg-Zurich-Genoa- 
Naples  (with  branches  to  Tripoli  and 
North  Africa)  -  Brindisi  -  Athens  (and 
branch  to  Smyrna) -Crete-Port  Said-Cairo; 
and  a  line  from  Lisbon  to  Madrid,  Barce- 
lona, Marseille,  Genoa,  Trieste,  Vienna, 
Warsaw  and  over  Nizhni-Novgorod  to 
Siberia  and  China. 

It  is  also  planned  to  utilize  the  night 
for  travel  by  a  combination  train  and  air- 
plane service,  using  the  train  for  the  night 
portion  of  the  journey.  Where  routes  in- 
clude a  considerable  journey  over  or  along 
the  edge  of  water,  such  as  the  Genoa- 
Naples-Brindisi-Athens-Smyrna  line,  the 
night  trip  will  be  by  seaplane. 


RECONSTRUCTION  WORK  IN 
JAPAN 

THE  special  session  of  the  diet,  which 
-  was  called  on  December  10  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  Eestoration  Board,  according 
to  the  United  States  Department  of  Com- 
merce, was  able,  in  spite  of  the  short  pe- 
riod of  the  session,  to  pass  upon  the  major 
points  at  issue,  and  in  so  doing  pave  the 
way  toward  permanent  reconstruction  ac- 
tivities. Outstanding  accomplishments  of 
this  session  were  the  settlement  of  the 
amount  to  be  expended  upon  restoration 


of  public  work  during  the  next  five  years 
and  the  authorization  of  municipal  foreign 
loans,  if  found  necessary,  backed  by  the 
security  of  the  central  government 

Foreign  Loans  Authorized 

According  to  bills  passed  by  the  diet  at 
the  special  session,  which  were  subse- 
quently sanctioned  by  the  Emperor  and 
promulgated  on  December  24,  1923,  the 
total  amount  to  be  expended  for  restora- 
tion of  public  works,  both  in  Tokyo  and 
Yokohama  and  in  surrounding  prefec- 
tures, as  well  as  for  fire  prevention  zones, 
during  the  next  five  years— that  is,  up  to 
March  31,  1929— wiU  aggregate  468,438,- 
849  yen,  which  the  central  government  is 
authorized  to  borrow.  At  the  same  time 
an  edict  was  published  authorizing  the 
central  government  to  guarantee  principal 
and  interest  of  restration  loans  floated  by 
the  cities  of  Tokyo  and  Yokohama  to  the 
extent  of  140,000,000  yen  "in  case  such 
loans  were  floated  in  the  foreign  market." 

It  is  understood  that  Japanese  agents 
are  already  in  London  and  New  York  ne- 
gotiating municipal  loans  authorized  by 
this  edict. 

The  total  amount  authorized  for  res- 
toration of  public  works  during  each  of 
the  next  five  fiscal  years  (each  fiscal  year 
begins  on  April  1  of  the  corresponding 
year  and  ends  on  March  31  of  the  follow- 
ing year)  aggregates  342,192,600  yen,  and 
is  split  up  as  follows:  1923,  6,291,800; 
1924,  87,607,000;  1925,  86,855,400;  1926, 
66,190,800;  1927,  56,235,934;  1928,  39,- 
011,866. 

It  is  apparent  from  the  foregoing  fig- 
ures that  little  may  be  expected  in  the  way 
of  permanent  reconstruction  until  after 
March  31,  1924.  The  recommendation  of 
the  Capitol  Eestoration  Board  as  submit- 
ted to  the  diet  called  for  an  expenditure 
during  the  remainder  of  the  fiscal  year 
1923  (ending  March  31,  1924)  for  res- 
toration works  amounting  to  8,850,000 
yen.  The  diet,  however,  cut  this  down  to 
6,291,800  yen.  The  item  receiving  the 
greatest  cut  seems  to  have  been  that  for 
street  improvement.  This  estimate  was 
cut  20  per  cent  with  the  understanding 
that  the  central  government  would  assume 
the  cost  of  improving  all  streets  over  72 
feet  wide  and  also  any  necessary  expense 
arising  out  of  land  condemned  for  such 
purposes.     No   other  expenses,  however. 


150 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


are  to  be  borne  by  the  central  government. 
Of  the  total  to  be  expended  for  restoration 
works,  306,678,400  yen  are  earmarked  for 
Tokyo  and  the  remainder  35,514,400  yen 
for  Yokohama. 

In  addition  to  restoration  works  ex- 
penditures the  plan  calls  for  loans 
amoimting  to  15,325,402  yen  during  the 
period  1923-1928  for  the  restoration  of 
the  prefectures  in  which  Tokyo  and  Yoko- 
hama are  located.  Tokyo  prefectures  will 
receive  12,729,698  yen  of  this  amount  and 
the  remainder  will  go  to  Kanagawa  (Yo- 
kohama) prefecture. 

Construction  of  Fire-Prevention  Zones 

In  the  rebuilding  plan  an  item  of  89,- 
225,917  yen  was  inserted  to  take  care  of 
construction  of  fire-prevention  zones,  in 
order  that  future  fires  may  be  more  easily 
controlled  and  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of 
the  recent  conflagration.  Much  of  this 
amount  will  be  expended  in  the  building 
of  city  parks,  as  it  is  realized  that  such 
open  spaces  are  very  effective  as  fire-breaks 
and  constitute  practically  the  only  means 
of  checking  such  fires  as  that  which  fol- 
lowed the  recent  earthquake.  These  fire- 
prevention  zones  will  be  distributed  over 
the  whole  devastated  area  and  used  in  such 
places  as  required.  Of  the  total  amount 
allotted  for  this  purpose  the  city  of  Tokyo 
will  receive  50,156,707  yen  and  the  city 
of  Yokohama  10,743,333  yen. 

A  subsidy  of  21,694,730  was  also  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  mu- 
nicipalities in  making  interest  payments 
on  their  restoration  loans.  Tokyo  will  re- 
ceive 17,408,274  yen  of  this  amount,  the 
remainder  going  to  Yokohama. 

The  government  is  authorized  to  float 
loans  in  the  open  market  in  excess  of  the 
468,438,849  yen  authorized,  in  order  to 
make  up  the  difference  between  the  face 
value  of  the  issues  and  the  net  proceeds 
from  their  sale.  Another  important  edict 
promulgated  on  December  24  authorized 
the  government  to  issue  5  per  cent  treas- 
ury notes  in  payment  for  land  condemned 
in  the  process  of  carrying  out  the  recon- 
struction work. 

A  bill  authorizing  the  government  to 
make  loans  to  the  insurance  companies 
amounting  to  180,000,000  yen,  in  order 
that  they  might  pay  10  per  cent  on  their 
outstanding  policies,  failed  to  pass  and 
was  held  over  for  the  regular  session.    It 


is  understood  that  its  failure  to  pass  in 
the  special  session  was  not  due  to  any  seri- 
ous objection  being  raised  by  that  body, 
but  because  of  the  lack  of  time.  The  ses- 
sion ended  with  the  bill  still  in  the  House 
of  Eepresentatives. 

Freight  Congestion  on  Japanese  Railways 

Congested  freight  on  Japanese  railroads 
has  been  rapidly  increasing  in  recent 
weeks.  Most  of  the  goods  delayed  are 
destined  for  the  regions  devastated  by  the 
recent  earthquake,  and  as  a  result  of  the 
failure  to  deliver  goods  needed  in  Tokyo 
prices  for  a  number  of  commodities  are 
rising  daily.  After  investigation,  the 
Tokyo  Chamber  of  Commerce  has  offered 
the  following  suggestions  to  alleviate  the 
situation : 

1.  The  general  clearing  away  of  debris 
and  other  impediments  still  on  highways 
and  waterways  in  order  to  permit  greater 
utilization  of  motor  trucks  and  barges. 

2.  The  construction  of  sheds  and  ware- 
houses at  freight-concentration  points  in 
order  that  goods  may  be  unloaded  with 
celerity. 

3.  The  taking  over  by  the  railways  of 
the  management  and  supervision  of  exist- 
ing warehouses. 

4.  A  better  distribution  of  freight  cars 
by  railway  officials. 

The  railway  authorities  assert,  however, 
that  the  present  congestion  is  inevitable 
and  they  do  not  believe  that  efficient  meas- 
ures for  clearing  up  the  situation  can  be 
taken  at  this  time.  Nevertheless,  they  ad- 
mit that,  unless  a  remedy  is  found,  a  gen- 
eral breakdown  of  transportation  facilities 
will  probably  occur. 

Tokyo  Not  Yet  Repopulated 

Temporary  structures  are  still  being 
built  in  Tokyo  at  a  rapid  rate,  and  from 
present  indications  such  work  will  con- 
tinue through  the  winter  and  well  into  the 
summer  months,  since  refugees  are  return- 
ing in  great  numbers,  for  which  shelters 
must  be  provided.  In  spite  of  the  great 
number  that  has  returned  to  Tokyo  since 
the  earthquake,  close  to  half  a  million 
refugees  are  still  living  with  their  friends 
and  relatives  in  the  country  and  in  other 
cities  of  Japan  to  which  they  fled. 

According  to  an  investigation  made  by 
the  Metropolitan  Police  Board,  refugees 
who  are  yet  to  return  to  Tokyo  number 


192Jt 


ACADEMY  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


151 


about  467,000.  A  great  many  are  also 
quartered  with  friends  in  Tokyo  and  some 
86,000  are  living  in  public  barracks. 
Those  still  living  in  temporary  shacks 
built  by  themselves  during  the  earthquake 
period  are  said  to  number  5,200. 

A  total  of  110,223  structures  of  various 
kinds  had  been  erected  in  Tokyo  up  to 
November  23,  at  which  time  work  was  said 
to  be  going  ahead  at  a  rapid  rate.  Of  this 
number  52,908  were  residences,  49,722 
stores  with  living  quarters,   5,039  six)re8 


and  offices,  and  2,555  factories.  Many  of 
these  temporary  structures,  it  is  reported, 
are  as  good,  and  better  in  some  instances, 
than  the  buildings  which  were  destroyed, 
especially  in  the  poorer  sections  of  the 
city. 

No  permanent  buildings  have  been 
erected  to  date,  due  to  the  issuance  of  an 
imperial  decree  prohibiting  such  opera- 
tions until  the  Capitol  Restoration  Board 
has  completed  its  plans  for  such  building. 


ACADEMY  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 
AT  THE  HAGUE 

Founded  with  the  Support  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace 
AN  ANNOUNCEMENT  BY  THE  BUREAU  OF  THE  CURATORIUM 


Inauguration  of  the  Academy 

CREATED  in  the  early  part  of  1914, 
but  delayed  in  the  beginning  of  its 
actual  work,  the  Academy  was  solemnly 
inaugurated  on  July  14,  1923,  at  the  Pal- 
ace of  Peace,  at  The  Hague,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Dutch  Government  and  in 
the  presence  of  the  diplomatic  body,  the 
representatives  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
various  international  institutions,  and  the 
press  of  all  countries. 

The  speeches  delivered  on  this  occasion 
have  been  collected  in  a  special  pamphlet.* 

Work  and  Life  of  Academy  in  1923 

The  Academy  started  its  work  immedi- 
ately. For  the  first  year,  the  term  was 
exceptionally  limited  to  six  weeks,  divided 
into  two  periods  from  July  16  to  August 
3,  and  from  August  13  to  September  1, 
respectively. 

The  syllabus  included  71  courses  or  lec- 
tures for  the  former  period  and  64  for  the 
latter,  bearing  on  various  questions  of 
public  international  law  in  time  of  peace. 
They  were  delivered  by  28  specialists, 
professors,  magistrates  of  high  rank,  dip- 
lomatists or  statesmen  belonging  to  fifteen 
different  nations,  eleven  of  which  are  in 
Europe  and  four  in  America. 

The  courses  were  attended  by  351  per- 
sons of  31  different  nationalities  and  truly 


*  Sfenee  solennelle  d'inauguration.     Paris, 
Imprimerie  Chaix,  1923. 


representing  an  elite;  three-fourths  were 
imiversity  graduates  already  belonging  to 
the  professions. 

While  on  the  one  hand  most  of  these 
students  had  come  to  The  Hague  at  their 
own  expense,  a  good  number  of  them,  on 
the  other  hand,  who  discharge  official  du- 
ties in  their  own  countries,  as  members  of 
diplomatic,  consular,  or  administrative 
departments,  had  been  sent  by  their  gov- 
ernments and  entrusted  with  the  mission 
of  following  the  courses  and  reporting  on 
the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  the 
teaching  of  the  Academy. 

For  reasons  of  expediency,  the  Academy 
did  not  deem  it  advisable,  for  the  present 
at  least,  to  undertake  the  publication  of 
the  lessons.  It  left  it  to  the  members  of 
its  teaching  staff  to  do  as  they  thought  fit. 
Several  courses  and  lectures  have  thus 
been  or  will  be  published  later — some 
under  the  auspices  of  various  institutions, 
others  by  the  editors  of  special  reviews  or 
in  separate  form. 

Results  Obtained 

The  results  obtained  in  the  first  year 
fully  answered  the  expectations  of  the 
promoters. 

It  has  been  shown  that  combined  en- 
deavors with  a  view  to  spreading  and  de- 
veloping international  law  are  within 
practical  possibilities,  and  that  it  is  by  no 
means  chimerical  to  hope  that  people  may 
thus  be  led  to  think  "internationally." 


152 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


In  an  atmosphere  so  remarkable  for  the 
diversity  of  race,  thought,  and  language, 
it  has  been  possible,  thanks  to  the  common 
objects  aimed  at  by  all,  thanks  to  the  sin- 
gle language  used  for  teaching  purposes, 
and  also  by  the  co-operation  of  every  good- 
will, to  establish  a  cordial  scientific  inter- 
course between  the  teachers  and  links  be- 
tween the  students  allowing  of  lasting 
work  in  common. 

The  members  of  the  Academy  know 
that  they  can  henceforth  rely  on  the  con- 
fidence of  governments,  on  the  help  of  all 
experts,  and  on  the  attendance  of  audi- 
ences that  will  grow  more  and  more  nu- 
merous. 

The  success  obtained  in  1923  encour- 
ages them  to  pursue  their  work  in  1924, 
while  profiting  by  the  lessons  of  experi- 


ence. 


General  Organization  of  Academy 


The  Academy  keeps  to  the  same  organi- 
zation. It  is  administered  by  a  managing 
board,  composed  of  the  members  of  the 
Carnegie  Endowment  Directing  Commit- 
tee for  the  Palace  of  Peace,^  and  assisted 
by  a  financial  committee.^ 

From  the  scientific  standpoint  it  is 
placed  under  a  curatorium  of  twelve  mem- 
bers belonging  to  different  countries.' 

*The  managing  board  of  the  Academy  is 
composed  in  the  following  manner :  S.  E.  Cort 
van  der  Linden,  ancien  President  du  Conseil 
des  Ministres  des  Pays-Bas,  president;  MM. 
le  baron  J.  A.  H.  van  Zuylen  van  Nyevelt; 
W.  I.  Doude  van  Troostwyk,  eiivoyfi  extraor- 
dinaire et  ministre  pl6nipopentiaire  en  dis- 
ponibilit6;  le  Jonkheer  A.  M.  Snouck  Hur- 
gronje,  Secretaire  g^n^ral  au  Minist§re  des 
Affaires  etrang^res  ft  La  Haye;  J.  P.  A. 
Frangois,  chef  de  division  au  MinistSre  des 
Affaires  6trang6res  ft  La  Haye,  professeur  de 
droit  International  ft  I'ficole  des  Hautes 
etudes  commerciales  de  Rotterdam,  membres ; 
B.  N.  van  Kleffens,  chef  de  division  au  Mtn- 
istfire  des  Affaires  6trang6res  ft  La  Haye, 
secretaire;  M.  J.  E.  Boddaert,  secretaire  du 
Curatorium  de  I'Universite  de  Leyde,  tr^s- 
orier. 

'The  members  of  the  Financial  Committee 
are :  MM.  B.  C.  J.  Loder,  President  de  la  Cour 
permanente  de  justice  Internationale;  J.  Op- 
penheim,  membre  du  Conseil  d'fitat  des  Pays- 
Bas;  D.  A.  P.  N.  Koolen,  president  de  la 
Seconde  Chambre  des  fitats  g^n^raux. 

*  The  Curatorium  of  the  Academy  includes : 
President,  M.  Ch.  Lyon-Caen,  Doyen  hono- 
raire  de  la  Faculte  de  Droit  de  Paris,  Secre- 
taire perpetuel  de  I'Academie  des  Sciences 
morales  et  politiques  de  I'lnstitut  de  France; 
Vice-President,  M.  N.  Politis,  ancien  ministre 


Organization  of  Teaching 

According  to  its  statute,  the  Academy 
"is  constituted  as  a  center  of  higher  stud- 
ies in  international  law  (public  and  pri- 
vate) and  cognate  sciences,  in  order  to 
facilitate  a  thorough  and  impartial  exam- 
ination of  questions  bearing  on  interna- 
tional juridical  relations'*  (Art.  2). 

Teaching  StaflF 
"To  this  end,  the  most  competent  men 
of  the  various  States  will  be  invited  to 
teach,  through  regular  courses  and  lec- 
tures or  in  seminaries,  the  most  important 
questions,  from  the  point  of  view  of  theory 
and  practice,  of  international  legislation 
and  jurisprudence,  as  they  arise,  inter 
alia,  from  deliberations  of  the  conferences 
and  arbitral  awards"  (Art.  3), 

Periods  of  Teaching 

In  order  to  insure  the  co-operation  of 
all  competent  persons  and  give  facilities 
to  future  students  from  every  country,  the 
courses  of  the  Academy  will  be  held  in 
summer,  from  July  to  October  (Art.  3, 
§2),  during  the  period  which  coincides 
with  the  long  vacation  in  universities  and 
holidays  in  general. 


des  Affaires  etrang&res  de  Gr6ce,  professeur 
honoraire  ft  la  Faculte  de  Droit  de  Paris; 
Membres:  M.  A.  Alvarez,  Conseiller  du  Min- 
ist^re  des  Affaires  etrangSres  du  Chili,  mem- 
bre de  la  Cour  permanente  d'arbitrage  de  La 
Haye;  M.  Catellani,  Senateur  du  Royaume 
d'ltalie,  professeur  ft  I'Universite  de  Padoue; 
M.  le  Baron  Descamps,  Ministre  d'fitat,  Sen- 
ateur du  Royaume  de  Belgique,  professeur  ft 
I'Universite  de  Louvain;  M.  L.  de  Hammars- 
kjold,  Gouverneur  de  la  province  d'Upsal, 
ancien  President  du  Conseil  des  ministres  de 
Suede;  M.  Heemskerk,  ministre  de  la  Justice 
des  Pays-Bas;  lord  Phillimore,  ancien  lord 
Justice  d'appel,  membre  du  Conseil  Prive, 
President  au  Tribunal  des  Prises,  membre  de 
la  Chambre  des  Lords;  Dr.  W.  Schucking, 
professeur  ft  I'ficole  superieure  de  commerce 
de  Berlin,  membre  du  Reichstag  et  de  la  Cour 
permanente  d'arbitrage  de  La  Haye;  M. 
James  Brown  Scott,  Secretaire  general  de  la 
Dotation  Carnegie  pour  la  paix  Interna- 
tionale ;  Dr.  Strisower,  President  de  I'lnstitut 
de  Droit  international,  professeur  ft  I'Univer- 
site de  Vienne ;  M.  le  Baron  de  Taube,  ancien 
professeur  ft  I'Universite  de  Petrograd;  Sec- 
retaire general,  M.  le  Baron  Alberic  Rolin, 
professeur  emerite  ft  I'Universite  de  Gand, 
president  d'honneur  de  I'lnstitut  de  Droit  in- 
ternational ;  Secretaire  de  la  Presidence, 
M.  G.  Gidel,  professeur  ft  la  Faculte  de  Droit 
de  I'Universite  de  Paris  et  ft  I'ficole  des  Sci- 
ences politiques. 


192  Jk 


ACADEMY  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


153 


In  1924  the  term  will  consist  of  nine 
weeks,  divided  into  two  periods,  from  July 
14  to  August  12,  and  from  August  13  to 
September  12,  respectively.  Each  period 
will  include  the  same  number  of  courses 
and  lectures,  which,  while  not  bearing  on 
the  same  matters,  will,  however,  be  of 
equal  importance. 

Syllabus 

The  main  subject  is  to  be  international 
law,  taught  only  in  relation  to  peace,  ex- 
cluding the  laws  of  war,  which,  owing  to 
the  still  recent  memories  of  the  world  con- 
flagration, can  hardly,  it  seems,  be  studied 
in  the  objective  and  impartial  spirit  that 
the  Academy  intends  to  follow. 

Private  international  law  will  also  find 
a  place  in  the  syllabus. 

During  each  of  the  two  periods  main 
courses  will  be  given  on  the  historical  de- 
velopment and  general  principles  of  inter- 
national law,  both  public  and  private, 
while  a  certain  number  of  special  lectures 
will  be  devoted  to  carefully  defined  sub- 
jects, selected  according  to  the  special 
competence  of  professors  and  as  far  as 
possible  among  the  juridical  problems  of 
the  present  time. 

The  regulations  issued  by  the  cura- 
torium  will  mention  the  courses  consid- 
ered as  compulsory  and  those  that  may  be 
freely  chosen  by  the  students  in  order  to 
deserve  the  certificate  of  regular  attend- 
ance. 

Nature  of  Teaching 

The  teaching  is  given  in  French  exclu- 
sively. Free  from  any  national  bias,  con- 
ceived in  a  spirit  that  aims  at  being  both 
very  practical  and  highly  scientific,  it  dif- 
fers essentially  from  the  similar  teaching 
given  in  universities  or  great  national  es- 
tablishments. It  seeks  greater  variety, 
more  definite  specialization,  and,  above  all, 
greater  thoroughness.  Each  subject  is 
studied  in  all  its  bearings. 

In  order  to  make  their  lessons  more  ac- 
cessible to  the  students  for  whom  they  are 
intended,  the  professors  circulate  abstracts 
of  their  lectures  before  delivery,  with  all 
necessary  references,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
course  there  is  also  distributed  a  substan- 
tial summary  of  the  conclusions  to  be 
drawn  from  it. 

Admission 

This  form  of  teaching  is  offered  to  all 
those  who,  already  possessing  some  ele- 


ments of  international  law,  are  prompted 
by  a  wish  to  improve  their  knowledge  of 
that  science,  whether  from  a  professional 
point  of  view  or  a  desire  for  information. 
^  "Admittance  to  the  Academy  will  be 
liberally  granted,  with  the  only  reserva- 
tion of  the  indispensable  supervision  to  be 
exercised  by  the  Board,  which  grants 
leave  to  attend  the  courses,  conferences,  or 
seminaries  and  which  can  withdraw  such 
leave  for  reasons  of  discipline." 

Every  person,  therefore,  wishing  to  fol- 
low the  courses  of  the  Academy  has  only 
to  send  to  the  secretary  of  the  managing 
board  at  The  Hague  an  application  for 
admission,  mentioning  names  and  sur- 
name, nationality,  occupation,  and  ad- 
dress. 

Pees 

"The  Board  may  demand,  on  admission, 
the  payment  of  fees  that  shall  not  exceed 
12  florins"  (Art.  9).  But  in  1924,  as  in 
1923,  the  teaching  will  be  entirely  free. 
No  fees  will  be  charged  either  for  attend- 
ance at  courses,  lectures  and  seminaries 
or  for  access  to  the  great  library  of  the 
Palace  of  Peace. 

Scholarships 

For  the  time  being,  there  will  be  no 
scholarships  such  as  the  board  is  empow- 
ered to  award  with  the  assent  of  the  finan- 
cial committee  and  after  consultation  with 
the  curatorium  (Art.  10).  Subsidies  may 
be  given  or  scholarships  granted  by  gov- 
ernments or  universities,  as  has  been  the 
case  in  1923  in  several  countries.  The 
Academy  hopes  this  example  will  be 
largely  followed  in  1924. 

Certificates  of  Attendance 

Certificates  of  regular  attendance  will 
be  delivered  to  students  deserving  the 
same.  The  curatorium  will  regulate  the 
conditions  under  which  they  may  be  ob- 
tained. 

Facilities  for  Students'  Accommodation  at  The 
Hague 

Special  facilities  will  be  offered  to  the 
students  for  staying  at  The  Hague,  thanks 
to  the  association  founded  by  their  prede- 
cessors of  1923.  Arrangements  concluded 
with  several  hotels  and  boarding-houses 
will  make  it  possible  to  reduce  their  ex- 
penses to  the  average  cost  of  living  in  the 
other  towns  of  Europe.    All  necessary  in- 


154 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


formation  in  this  respect  will  be  supplied 
on  application  to  the  secretary  of  students 
and  former  Students'  Association,  The 
Academy,  Palace  of  Peace,  at  The  Hague. 

PROGRAMME  ♦ 

Et  Horaire  des  Cours  et  Conferences  Pour 
I'Annee  1924  (14  Juillet-12  Septembre) 

L'enseignement  commencera  le  lundi 
14  juillet  1924 :  il  est  divise  en  deux  peri- 
odes  d'egale  duree  et  comprenant  chacune 
mi  meme  nombre  de  cours  et  conferences 
sur  des  matieres  differentes,  mais  de 
meme  importance.  Les  auditeurs  peuvent 
ainsi,  selon  leurs  convenances  et  le  temps 
dont  ils  disposent,  suivre  Fune  ou  I'autre 
des  deux  series,  ou  bien  les  deux,  sans 
s'exposer,  en  ce  dernier  cas,  a  des  doubles 
emplois. 

L'enseignement  s'adresse  a  tous  ceux 
qui,  possedant  deja  quelques  notions  de 
droit  international,  ont,  par  interet  pro- 
fessionnel  ou  curiosite  d'esprit,  le  desir  de 
se  perfectionner  dans  Fetude  de  cette 
science. 

Donne  en  langue  frangaise,  destine  a 
ime  elite  intellectuelle  d'auditeurs  de  dif- 
ferentes nationalites,  congu  dans  un  esprit 
k  la  fois  tres  pratique  et  hautement  scien- 
tifique,  il  se  differencie  essentiellement, 
sous  le  rapport  de  la  methode  et  de  la 
specialite,  des  enseignements  similaires 
des  universites  et  des  grandes  ecoles  na- 
tionals, dont  il  est  le  naturel  complement. 

L'enseignement  est  absolument  gratuit. 
Toute  personne  desirant  le  suivre  n'a  qu'a 
faire  parvenir  au  Secretariat  du  Conseil 
d'administration  de  FAcademie,  au  Palais 
de  la  Paix,  a  La  Haye,  une  demande  d'ad- 
mission  indiquant  ses  noms,  prenoms,  na- 
tionalite,  profession  et  adresse. 

Premiere  Periode:  14  Juillet-12  Aout,  1924 

Le  developpement  historique  du  droit 
international  jusqu'au  XVIP  siecle. — M. 
le  Baron  Taube,  ancien  Professeur  a 
FTJniversite    de    Saint-Petersbourg.      Les 

14,  16,  17,  18,  21,  23,  24,  25,  28,  30  et  31 
juillet  et  le  l^""  aout,  a  9  h.  15  m. 

Principes  du  droit  international  pub- 
lic.— La  structure  de  la  communaute  in- 
ternationale. — M.  Jesse  S.  Eeeves,  Profes- 
seur a  FUniversite  de  Michigan.    Les  14, 

15,  17,  18,  21,  22,  24,  25,  28,  29  et  31 
juillet  et  le  l^""  aout,  a  10  h.  45  m. 

Principes  du  droit  international  prive. — 
La  theorie  anglo-saxonne  des  conflits  de 


lois. — M.  Hugh  H.  L.  Bellot,  Secretaire 
general  de  Flnternational  Law  Associa- 
tion, ancien  Professeur  a  FUniversite  de 
Londres.  Les  14,  15,  17,  18,  21  et  22 
juillet,  a  4  h.  30  m. 

Matieres  speciales  de  droit  internor- 
tional  prive. — La  nationalite. — M.  Ernst 
Isay,  Professeur  a  FUniversite  de  Bonn. 
Les  24,  25,  28,  29  et  31  juillet  et  le  l^-- 
aout,  a  4  h.  30  m. 

Droit  administratif  international. — Les 
Unions  internationales  de  nature  econo- 
miqus. — M.  W.  Kaufmann,  Professeur  a 
FUniversite  de  Berlin.  Les  4,  5,  7,  8,  11 
et  12  aout,  a  9  h.  15  m. 

Droit  commercial  et  economique  inter- 
national. —  Theorie  et  technique  des 
traites  de  commerce. — M.  le  Baron  Nolde, 
ancien  Professeur  a  FUniversite  de  Saint- 
Petersbourg.  Les  4,  5,  7,  8,  11  et  12  aout, 
a  10  h.  45  m. 

Organisation  internationale. — La  8o- 
ciete  des  Nations. — M.  G.  Scelle,  Profes- 
seur a  FUniversite  de  Dijon.  Les  4,  6,  7, 
8,  11  et  12  aout,  a  4  h.  30  m. 

Jurisprudence  internationale.  —  Les 
methodes  de  travail  de   la  diplomatic. — 

M.  N .     Les  15  et  22  juillet,  ^  9  h. 

15  m.,  les  16  et  23  juillet,  a  10  h.  45  m., 
et  les  17  et  24  juillet,  a  3  heures. 

Reglement  des  conflits  internationau^. — 
L'arhitrage  et  la  justice  internationale. — 
M.  N— — .  Les  14,  15,  16,  21,  22  et  23 
juillet,  a  3  heures. 

Droit  penal  international. — Le  domains 
d'application  des  lois  penales. — M.  Andre 
Mercier,  President  du  Tribunal  arbitral 
mixte  franco-allemand,  Professeur  a 
FUniversite  de  Lausanne.  Les  4,  5  et  6 
aout,  a  3  heures. 

Droit  financier  international. — Les  con- 
troles  financiers  internationaux. — M.  An- 
dre Andreades,  Doyen  de  la  Faculte  de 
Droit  de  FUniversite  d'Athdnes.  Les  28, 
29  et  30  juillet,  k  3  heures. 

Organisation  internationale  des  voies 
de  communication. — M.  Bourquin,  Pro- 
fesseur a  FUniversite  de  Bruxelles.  Le  6 
aout,  a  9  h.  15  m.,  et  les  7  et  8  aout,  a  3 
heures. 

Problemes  americains. — Uextension  de 
la  doctrine  de  Monroe  en  Amerique  du 
Sud. — M.  de  Planas  Suarez,  Ministre  de 
Venezuela  a  Lisbonne.  Le  29  juillet,  k 
9  h.  15  m.,  le  30  juillet,  a  10  h.  45  m.,  et 
le  31  juillet,  a  3  heures. 


192Jf 


ACADEMY  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 


155 


Deuxieme  Periode:  13  Aout-12  Septembre,  1924 

Le  developpement  historique  du  droit 
international  depuis  le  XVII^  siecle. — 
M.  0.  Nippold,  ancien  Professeur  a 
rUiiiversite  de  Berne,  President  de  la 
Cour  Supreme  de  la  Sarre.  Les  13,  14, 
18,  20,  21,  22,  25,  27,  28  et  29  aout,  les  l^i" 
et  2  septembre,  a  9  h.  15  m. 

Principes  du  droit  international  pub- 
lic.— Les  regies  fondamentales  de  la  vie 
intemationale. — M.  Ch.  Dupuis,  Membre 
de  rinstitut  de  France,  Professeur  a 
rficole  libre  des  Sciences  politiques  de 
Paris.  Les  25,  26,  28,  29  aout,  les  1",  2, 
4,  5,  8,  9,  11  et  12  septembre,  a  10  h. 
45  m. 

Principes  du  droit  international  prive. — 
La  theorie  continentale  des  conflits  de 
lois. — M.  A.  Pillet,  Professeur  a  I'llniver- 
site  de  Paris.  Les  21,  22,  25,  26,  28  et  29 
aout,  a  4  h.  30  m, 

Matieres  speciales  de  droit  interna- 
tional prive. — La  propriete  indu^trielle. — 
M.  G.  Maillard,  Avocat  a  la  Cour  d'Appel 
de  Paris.  Les  l^^",  2,  4,  5,  8  septembre,  a 
4  h.  30  m.,  et  le  10  septembre,  a  10  h. 
45  m. 

Droit  administratif  international.  — 
Theorie  generate  des  Unions  interna- 
tionales. — M.  E.  Catellani,  Senateur  du 
Royaume  d'ltalie,  Professeur  a  rUniver- 
site  de  Padoue.  Les  3,  5,  9,  10,  11  et  12 
septembre,  a  9  h.  15  m. 

Droit  commercial  et  economique  inter- 
national.— Les  Societes  de  Commerce. — 
M.  Th.  Niemeyer,  Professeur  a  I'Univer- 
site  de  Kiel.  Les  3,  4,  8,  9,  11  et  12  sep- 
tembre, a  3  heures. 

Organisation  intemationale. — Le  Bu- 
reau international  du  Travail. — M.  Ma- 
haim,  Professeur  a  I'Universite  de  Liege. 
Les  18,  20,  22,  25,  27  aout  et  2  septembre, 
a  3  heures. 

Jurisprudence  intemationale.  —  Les 
gouvemements  de  fait. — M.  Gemma,  Pro- 
fesseur a  rUniversite  de  Bologne.  Les  13, 
14,  18,  19,  21  et  22  aout,  a  10  h.  45  m. 

Reglement  des  conflits  internationaux. — 
Les  tons  offices,  la  mediation  et  la  con- 
ciliation.— M.  Ph.  Marshall  Brown,  Pro- 
fesseur a  rUniversite  de  Princeton.  Les 
13,  14,  19,  21  et  26  aout,  a  3  heures,  et  le 
27  aotit,  a  10  h.  45  m. 


Droit  penal  international. — Les  effets 
des  jugements  repressifs  dans  les  rapports 
internationaux.  —  M.  Maurice  Travers, 
Docteur  en  Droit,  Avocat  a  la  Cour  d'Ap- 
pel de  Paris.  Les  10,  11  et  12  septembre, 
a  4  h.  30  m. 

Droit  financier  international. — L'entr'- 
aide  financiere  intemationale. — Sir  John 
Fischer  Williams,  K.  C,  Conseiller  juri- 
dique  britannique  a  la  Commission  des 
Reparations.  Le  18  aout,  a  4  h.  30  m.,  le 
19  aout,  a  9  h.  15  m.,  et  le  20  aout,  k  10 
h.  45  m. 

Droit  colonial  international. — Les  man- 
dats  internationaux. — M.  G.  Diena,  Pro- 
fesseur a  rUniversite  de  Turin.  Les  1^"" 
et  2  septembre,  a  3  heures,  et  le  3  septem- 
bre, a  4  h.  30  m. 

Questions  de  droit  international  concer- 
nant  les  religions. — M.  Hobza,  Professeur 
a  rUniversite  de  Prague.  Le  3  septem- 
bre, a  10  h.  45  m.,  le  4  septembre,  ^  9  h. 
15  m.,  et  le  5  septembre,  k  3  heures. 

Ch.  Lyon-Caen, 
Secretaire  Perpetuel  de  VAcad- 
emie  des  Sciences  Morales  et 
Politiques  de  Vlnstitut  de 
France,  Doyen  Honoraire  de 
la  Faculte  de  Droit  de  I'Uni- 
versite de  Paris,  President  du 
Curatorium. 

N".    POLITIS, 

Ancien  Ministre  des  Affaires 
Etrangeres  de  Grece,  Profes- 
seur Honoraire  d  la  Faculte 
de  Droit  de  I'Universite  de 
Paris,  Vice-President  du  Cura- 
torium. 
Baron  Alberic  Rolin, 

President  d'Honneur  de  I'Insti- 
tut  de  Droit  International, 
Professeur  ^merite  a  I'Uni- 
versite de  Oand,  Secretaire 
General  de  V Academic. 

G.  GiDEL, 

Professeur  a  la  Faculte  de  Droit 
de  I'Universite  de  Paris  et  d. 
I'J^cole  des  Sciences  Politi- 
ques, Secretaire  de  la  Presir 
dence. 


156 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


TABLEAU  DES  JOURS   ET   HEURES   DES  COURS  ET  CONFERENCES 
Premiere    Periode    14    Juillet-12    Aout 


a  9  h.   15  m. 

Lundi        14  JulUet Baron  Taube. 

Mardl        15  —  M.  N. 

Mercredl  16  —  Baron  Taube. 

JeudI         17  —  Baron  Taube. 

Vendredl  18  —  Baron  Taube. 

Lundi        21  —  Baron  Taube. 

Mardi        22  —  M.N. 

Mercredl  23  —  Baron  Taube. 

Jeudl         24  —  Baron  Taube. 

Vendredl  25  —  Baron  Taube. 

Lundi        28  —  Baron  Taube. 

Mardi        29  —  M.  Planas  Suarez. 

Mercredl  30  —  Baron  Taube. 

Jeudl         31  —  Baron  Taube. 

Vendredl  ler    aoflt Baron  Taube. 

Lundi          4  —  M.  Kaufmann. 

Mardi          5  —  M.  Kaufmann. 

Mercredl     6  —  M.  Bourquln. 

Jeudl           7  —  M.  Kaufmann. 

Vendredl     8  —  M.  Kaufmann. 

Lundi        11  —  M.  Kaufmann. 

Mardi        12  —  M.  Kaufmann. 


a  10  h.  45  m. 

a  3  heures. 

a  4   h.   30   m. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Beeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.  N. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Bellot. 

M.N. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

N. 

M.  Isay. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M.  Isay. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

Andr^adfes. 

M.  Isay. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

AndrSadds. 

M.  Isay. 

M.  Planas  Suarez. 

M. 

Andr^adfes. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M. 

Planas  Suarez. 

M.  Isay. 

M.  Jesse  S.  Reeves. 

M.  Isay. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M. 

Mercier. 

M.  Scelle. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M. 

Mercler. 

M. 

Mercier. 

M.  Scelle. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M. 

Bourquln. 

M.  Scelle. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M. 

Bourquln. 

M.  Scelle. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M.  Scelle. 

Baron  Nolde. 

M.  Scelle. 

Deuxieme  Periode:  13  Aout-12  Septembre 


a  9  h.   15  m.  a  10  h.  45  m. 

Mercredl    13  aoflt M.  Nlppold.  M.  Gemma. 

Jeudl         14     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Gemma. 

Lundi        18     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Gemma. 

Mardl        19     —  Sir  J.  Fischer  M.  Gemma. 

Williams. 

Mercredl  20     —  M.  Nlppold.  Sir  J.  Fischer 

Williams. 

Jeudl         21     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Gemma. 

Vendredl  22     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Gemma. 

Lundi        25     —  M.  Nlppold.  M,  Dupuls. 

Mardi        26     —  .  M.  Dupuls. 

Mercredl  27     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Marshall  Brown. 

Jeudl         28     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Dupuls. 

Vendredl  29     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Dupuls. 

Lundi        ler  sept  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Dupuls. 

Mardl  2     —  M.  Nlppold.  M.  Dupuls. 

Mercredl     3     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Hobza. 

Jeudl  4     —  M.  Hobza  M.  Dupuls. 

Vendredl     5     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Dupuls. 

Lundi  8     —  M.  Dupuls. 

Mardl  9     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Dupuls. 

Mercredl   10     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Maillard. 

Jeudl         11     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Dupuls. 

Vendredl  12     —  M.  Catellanl.  M.  Dupuls. 

Le  Bureau  du  Curatorium  de  fAcademie. 


a  3  heures. 
M.  Marshall  Brown. 

M.  Marshall  Brown. 
M.  Mahalm. 

M.  Marshall  Brown. 

M.  Mahalm. 

M.  Marshall  Brown. 

M.  Mahalm. 

M.  Mahalm. 

M.  Marshall  Brown. 

M.  Mahalm. 

M.  Mahalm. 
M.  Diena. 
M.  Diena. 
M.  Nlemeyer. 
M.  Nlemeyer. 
M.  Hobza. 
M.  Nlemeyer. 
M.  Nlemeyer. 

M.  Nlemeyer. 
M.  Nlemeyer. 


a  4   h.   30  m. 


Sir  J.  Fischer 
Williams. 


M.  Fillet. 
M.  Plllet 
M.  Fillet. 
M.  Plllet. 

M.  Plllet. 
M.  Plllet. 
M.  Maillard. 
M.  Maillard. 
M.  Diena. 
M.  Maillard. 
M.  Maillard. 
M.  Maillard. 

M.  Travers. 
M.  Travers. 
M.  Travers. 


THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  PEACE 

By  COLONEL  S.  C.  VESTAL 
Of  the  Army  College 


ANUMBEK  of  years  ago,  when  Theo- 
dore Eoosevelt  was  President  of  the 
United  States  and  Mr.  Taft  was  Secretary 
of  War,  a  letter  was  received  by  the  War 
Department  from  a  minister  of  the  Gospel 
asking  the  department  to  express  an  opin- 
ion as  to  when  the  United  States  could 
disband  its  army  and  navy.  The  depart- 
ment was  reminded  that  these  desirable 
ends  could  be  brought  about  by  the  general 
acceptance  of  arbitration  as  a  means  of 
settling  disputes  between  nations  and  by 
the  general  evolution  of  brotherly  love 
among  men  of  all  nations  and  races.  It 
was  my  good  fortune  at  that  time  to  be 
on  duty  in  the  Military  Information 
Division  of  the  War  Department,  and  I 
was  detailed  to  prepare  an  answer  in  the 
form  of  a  letter.  I  wish  to  bring  out  the 
main  points  which  I  tried  to  establish  in 
that  old  letter. 

Five  Propositions 

The  subject  of  my  talk  is  "The  Mainte- 
nance of  Peace.''  The  first  point  I  wish 
to  bring  out  is  that  I  do  not  use  this  ex- 
pression as  synonymous  with  the  "Com- 
ing of  the  Millennium."  I  use  it  in  an 
entirely  different  sense,  as  will  presently 
appear. 

The  second  proposition  which  I  wish  to 
establish  is  that  there  are  two  kinds  of 
wars,  from  the  political  point  of  view, 
namely,  civil  wars  and  international  wars. 
It  is  very  important  to  make  this  distinc- 
tion and  to  keep  it  clearly  in  mind.  Civil 
wars  take  place  within  a  State  or  nation. 
Our  own  civil  war  was  rightly  named. 
The  Boer  War  and  the  American  Revolu- 
tion were  civil  wars  within  the  British 
Empire,  and  not  international  wars,  as 
we  ordinarily  think  of  them.  The  in- 
numerable wars  in  Latin  America  and 
China  are,  for  the  most  part,  civil  wars. 
International  wars  take  place  between 
States  or  nations.  The  World  War,  the 
Eusso-Japanese  War,  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can War,  the  Mexican  War  of  1846,  and 
the  War  of  1813  were  of  this  type. 
Strange  as  it  may  appear  today,  after  the 
events  of  the  World  War,  more  blood  and 


treasure  are  spent  in  civil  wars,  in  every 
epoch  of  history  than  are  spent  in  interna- 
tional wars.  Until  we  entered  the  World 
War,  our  expenditures  and  our  loss  of 
life  in  international  war  were  insignificant 
as  compared  to  the  cost  of  money  and  lives 
in  our  civil  war.  All  of  the  panaceas 
recommended  to  abolish  and  prevent 
armed  conflict  refer  only  to  international 
wars.  No  one  has  ever  proposed  a  cure- 
all  to  prevent  civil  wars,  except,  of  course, 
good  government ;  but  it  often  fails.  The 
preamble  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  makes  a  very  clear  distinc- 
tion of  the  duty  of  the  general  govern- 
ment in  the  matter  of  civil  and  interna- 
tional wars.  "We,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,''  says  the  preamble,  "in 
order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  estab- 
lish justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote 
the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bless- 
ing of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  pos- 
terity, do  ordain  and  establish  this  Con- 
stitution for  the  United  States  of 
America." 

I  wish  to  discuss  the  maintenance  of 
international  peace  rather  than  the  main- 
tenance of  domestic  peace ;  but  much  light 
may  be  thrown  upon  the  international 
peace  problem  by  a  study  of  the  principles 
involved  in  the  maintenance  of  domestic 
peace.  Darwin  found  that  he  could  ex- 
plain many  of  the  phenomena  of  natural 
selection  as  Nature  applies  it  to  wild 
species  by  man's  selection  as  applied  to 
domestic  species.  In  the  same  way  we 
may  learn  the  basic  principles  of  the  main- 
tenance of  international  peace  by  a  study 
of  our  problems  of  domestic  peace.  I 
would  like  to  point  out  right  here,  that  if 
international  wars  should  ever  be  elimi- 
nated by  the  establishment  of  a  single 
government  over  all  the  races  of  man- 
kind, the  problem  of  domestic  peace  would 
still  remain;  and  we  would  undoubtedly 
find  that  the  maintenance  of  domestic 
peace  throughout  the  world  would  be  a 
much  more  difficult  question  than  our 
present  mixed  problem  of  maintaining  do- 
mestic peace  at  home  and  international 


157 


158 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


peace  with  our  warlike  neighbors.  The 
Romans  found  this  to  be  true  when  they 
established  a  single  government  over  all 
the  civilized  races  of  antiquity. 

The  third  point  which  I  wish  to  estab- 
lish is  that  political  questions,  both  within 
States  and  between  States,  are  settled  by 
war  or  by  a  moral  equivalent  of  war.  In 
all  well-governed  countries  the  ballot  is 
now  the  moral  equivalent  of  war.  We 
settle  domestic  political  questions  by 
means  of  votes.  From  the  decision  of  the 
ballot  there  is  only  one  appeal,  and  that 
is  to  the  bullet.  In  his  first  inaugural 
address,  Thomas  Jefferson  laid  down,  as 
one  of  the  essential  principles  of  our  gov- 
ernment, "absolute  acquiescence  in  the  de- 
cisions of  the  majority,  the  vital  principle 
of  republics,  from  which  is  no  appeal  but 
to  force,  the  vital  principle  and  immedi- 
ate parent  of  despotism."  The  might  of 
the  majority  makes  right.  No  court  of 
justice  can  reverse  the  decisions  of  the 
ballot-box.  Courts  may  be  called  upon  to 
render  decisions  in  the  process  of  count- 
ing the  ballots;  but  when  the  decision  of 
the  majority  is  once  determined,  no  court 
can  set  it  aside.  To  do  so  at  the  behest 
of  a  militant  minority  would  be  to  ac- 
quiesce in  the  dictum  that  the  might  of 
the  minority  makes  right.  The  accepted 
principle  in  all  countries  of  unstable  gov- 
ernment is  that  the  might  of  the  minority 
does  make  right.  In  all  such  countries 
great  political  questions  are  settled  di- 
rectly by  the  use  of  arms,  as,  for  instance, 
in  Mexico.  The  fundamental  principle 
of  government  in  Anglo-Saxon  countries 
is  that  the  might  of  the  majority  makes 
right.  We  all  subscribe  to  this  doctrine 
and  assert  it  every  time  that  we  go  to  the 
ballot-box.  It  is  amusing  to  hear  men, 
whose  happiness,  peace,  and  contentment 
in  life  rest  upon  the  sacredness  of  the 
rights  of  majorities,  madly  exclaiming 
against  the  idea  that  might  makes  right. 
What  they  really  mean  to  condemn  is  the 
idea  that  the  might  of  the  minority  makes 
right.  If  they  would  be  a  little  more  care- 
ful in  their  use  of  language,  we  would  all 
agree  with  them. 

There  are  always,  in  every  country,  ag- 
gressive minority  parties,  which  can  never 
expect  to  secure  a  majority  of  votes  at  the 
polls  and  which  place  their  hopes  upon  the 
direct  use  of  force.    Russia  has  fallen  into 


the  hands  of  such  a  party.  The  I.  W.  W., 
the  Bolsheviki,  the  militant  Socialists, 
and  all  who  attempt  to  bring  about  po- 
litical action  by  the  general  strike  assert, 
in  its  most  odious  form,  the  principal 
that  the  might  of  the  minority  makes 
right. 

In  the  United  States,  as  I  have  said 
before,  we  have  in  the  ballot  a  moral 
equivalent  of  war  for  the  settlement  of 
domestic  political  questions;  and  the  use 
of  force  comes  in  only  to  prevent  extreme 
radicals  from  imposing  their  will  upon 
the  nation.  We  adhere  to  the  principle 
that  the  might  of  the  majority  makes 
right.  I  wish  to  point  out  here  that  our 
primary  duty  as  soldiers  of  the  greatest 
republic  of  all  times  is  to  uphold  the  de- 
cisions of  the  ballot-box. 

The  fourth  proposition  which  I  wish  to 
bring  out  is  that  our  courts  can  never 
settle  a  political  question.*  The  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  from  the  time 
of  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  has  said  over 
and  over  again  that  political  questions 
cannot  be  settled  by  that  court,  and  has 
pointed  out  the  fact  that  political  ques- 
tions are  settled  by  the  President  and  Con- 
gress. We  must,  however,  make  a  sharp 
distinction  between  political  and  legal 
questions.  Our  courts  settle  legal  ques- 
tions; they  interpret  and  apply  the  laws; 
they  do  not  make  the  laws.  The  making 
of  the  laws  is  always  a  political  question. 
The  framers  of  the  Constitution  took  par- 
ticular pains  to  confer  the  power  of 
settling  political  questions  upon  the  Con- 
gress and  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  who  are,  directly  or  indirectly, 
elected  by  the  votes  of  the  people.  The 
framers  were  particularly  anxious  that 
political  questions  should  not  arise  between 
the  States  of  the  Union;  and  such  ques- 
tions ordinarily  do  not  arise  between  the 
States.  When  they  do,  as  in  1861,  the 
Supreme  Court  has  no  remedy.  The  dis- 
putes between  the  States,  which  are  settled 
by  the  Supreme  Court,  involve  purely 
legal  questions,  and  these  are  easily  de- 
cided by  the  court. 

The  fifth  point  which  I  wish  to  estab- 


*  It  is  true  that  if  States  in  a  controversy 
agree  to  submit  their  dispute  to  a  court  of 
law  or  equity,  from  the  time  of  such  submis- 
sion the  question  ceases  to  be  a  political  one 
and  the  court  acquires  jurisdiction. 


192Jf 


THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  PEACE 


159 


lish  is  that  there  is  no  simple  moral 
equivalent  of  war  for  the  settlement  of 
political  questions  between  States.  Man 
has  been  searching  for  this  thing  through- 
out historic  times,  and  undoubtedly  far 
back  in  prehistory.  The  relations  of 
nations  not  actually  in  a  state  of  war  are 
regulated  by  diplomacy;  but  diplomacy, 
as  we  all  know,  rests  upon  force.  To  those 
who  may  regard  this  as  a  horrid  admis- 
sion, I  would  call  attention  to  the  fact  that 
political  questions  within  national  boun- 
daries are  settled  by  force —  i.  e.,  by  ma- 
jority rule. 

Force  Behind  the  Ballot 

In  Anglo-Saxon  countries  we  first  try 
to  settle  political  questions  by  the  ballot- 
box.  Force  comes  into  evidence  and  play, 
only  in  case  that  the  minority  refuses  to 
abide  by  the  decision  of  the  ballot-box. 
But  in  many  countries  political  questions 
are  settled  by  a  direct  appeal  to  arms. 
What  I  want  to  bring  out  is  this:  that 
while  the  machinery  for  settling  political 
questions  between  nations  is  different  from 
that  used  to  settle  domestic  political  ques- 
tions, both  rest  upon  the  same  basic  foun- 
dation, namely,  force. 

And  Behind  Arbitration 

But  how  about  arbitration?  Cannot 
arbitration  settle  international  political 
questions  and  prevent  wars?  The  answer 
is,  "No."  The  question  has  been  asked 
since  remote  antiquity  and  the  answer  has 
always  been  "No."  But  some  will  say: 
Was  not  the  danger  of  war  with  Great 
Britain  in  the  Venezuela  controversy 
averted  by  arbitration?  "No"  is  the 
answer.  The  question  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  was  this: 
Shall  the  boundary  between  British 
Guiana  and  Venezuela  be  settled  by  ar- 
bitration? The  main  question  was  settled 
by  force  when  Grover  Cleveland  stamped 
his  foot  and  served  an  ultimatum  on  Great 
Britain  that  she  must  settle  the  boundary 
question  by  arbitration.  Arbitration  was 
forced  upon  Great  Britain  by  what 
amounted  to  a  threat  of  war.  To  say  that 
arbitration  averted  war  is  very  misleading. 
A  great  advocate  of  international  arbitra- 
tion was  asked  by  some  newspaper  men 
about  three  years  ago  whether  arbitration 
had  ever  prevented  war,  and  he  had  to 


admit  that  it  had  not  yet  done  so;  but  he 
still  had  hopes  that  it  might  do  so  at 
some  time  in  the  future. 

Legal  vs.  Political  Questions 

It  is  well  to  note  that  both  legal  and 
poHtical  questions  arise  between  nations 
just  as  they  both  arise  within  national 
boundaries.  Purely  legal  questions  are 
never  the  real  causes  of  war,-  though,  of 
course,  they  may  be  put  forward  as  a 
pretext  to  cover  political  questions  which 
are  the  real  causes  of  war.  Purely  legal 
questions  between  nations  may  be  and  are 
settled  by  courts — sometimes  by  the  courts 
of  one  nation  and  sometimes  by  the 
courts  of  another,  and  sometimes  by  arbi- 
tration. They  are  the  so-called  justici- 
able questions  which  we  have  heard  so 
much  about.  They  are  constantly  arising 
and  constantly  being  settled  without  the 
general  public,  in  most  cases,  ever  being 
aware  of  the  fact. 

But  no  court  can  settle  a  political  ques- 
tion which  may  arise  between  two  nations, 
any  more  than  our  Supreme  Court  can 
settle  political  questions  which  may  arise 
between  States  of  the  American  Union. 
There  is  a  fixed  unwillingness  in  the 
minds  of  men  against  settling  political 
questions  by  judicial  decisions.  We  do 
not  do  it  in  the  United  States.  We  never 
have  done  it  and  we  never  will  do  it.  If 
our  Supreme  Court  settled  the  political 
questions  which  arise  in  the  United  States 
the  judges  would  become  the  autocratic 
rulers  of  the  State,  and  we  would  cease 
to  have  a  republican  form  of  government. 
Why,  then,  should  we  expect  to  be  able  to 
settle  the  great  political  questions  which 
arise  between  nations  by  a  means  which 
we  utterly  reject  for  the  settlement  of 
domestic  political  questions? 

We  have  seen  that  political  questions 
are  the  causes  of  international  wars. 
There  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  only  one 
species  of  political  question  which  brings 
on  international  wars.  The  pretexts  are 
many  and  belong  to  many  species,  but  the 
causes  are  few  and  belong  to  a  single  spe- 
cies. The  real  causes  of  the  international 
wars  of  history  have  been  the  desire  of 
conquest  on  one  hand  and  the  fear  of  it 
on  the  other.  I  use  the  term  conquest  in 
a  very  wide  sense.  In  1914  Germany  and 
Austria  went  to  war  to  conquer  a  privi- 


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March 


leged  position  in  the  world.  The  nations 
which  rallied  against  them  were  prompted 
for  the  most  part  by  the  fear  of  seeing  an 
aggrandized  Germany  laying  down  laws 
for  the  guidance  of  a  subject  world.  How 
futile  arbitration  showed  itself  to  be  in 
the  presence  of  Germany's  determination 
to  overrun  and  conquer  her  neighbors. 

Thus  far  I  have  been  discussing  the  po- 
litical relations  of  nations  and  I  have  tried 
to  establish  the  fact  that  poHtical  ques- 
tions between  nations  are  settled  by  force, 
in  some  form.  I  wish  now  to  discuss  this 
interplay  of  force  purely  from  the  military 
and  naval  point  of  view. 

Force  from  Military  Point  of  View 

I  desire  to  introduce  this  phase  of  the 
subject  by  asking  and  trying  to  answer  a 
question.  The  question  is  this:  Why  has 
not  the  modern  world  fallen  under  the 
domination  of  a  single  nation,  as  the 
ancient  world  came  under  the  rule  of  the 
Eoman  Eepublic?  The  answer  to  this 
question  will  explain  the  real  reason  we 
sent  two  millions  of  men  to  France  to  fight 
against  a  country  that  we  had  always  ad- 
mired and  considered  as  a  good  friend, 
and  why  we  will,  if  similar  conditions 
arise  the  future,  do  the  same  thing  over 
and  over  again.  To  answer  the  question 
I  will  say  that  the  modern  world  owes  its 
liberties  to  the  fact  that  the  strongest  mili- 
tary power  has  never  been,  at  the  same 
time,  the  strongest  naval  power;  or,  put- 
ting it  the  other  way,  that  the  strongest 
naval  power  has  never  been  the  strongest 
military  power. 

The  ancient  world  fell  under  the  do- 
minion of  the  Eoman  Eepublic  within 
sixty  years  after  Eome,  the  strongest  mili- 
tary power  in  the  world,  secured  command 
of  the  sea.  If  Carthage  had  been  able  to 
defeat  the  Eomans  at  sea,  as  England  has 
been  able  to  defeat  the  Spanish,  French, 
and  Germans  in  modern  times,  Eome 
would  have  never  been  able  to  make  her 
world-wide  conquests. 

Twofold  Character  of  a  Developing  Menace 

Likewise  the  extensive  conquests  of 
Alexander  the  Great  were  made  possible 
by  the  fact  that  his  father,  Philip  of 
Macedon,  conquered  Athens  and  destroyed 
her  sea  power.  The  conclusion  which  I 
wish  to  bring  out  by  these  ancient  exam- 


ples is  that  the  liberties  of  the  free  nations 
can  really  be  in  danger  only  when  the 
strongest  military  power  in  the  world  be- 
comes also  the  strongest  naval  power.  If 
Carthage  had  been  the  strongest  military 
power  in  the  days  when  she  was  the  strong- 
est naval  power,  she  would  have  conquered 
the  ancient  world,  as  Eome  conquered  it. 
I  have  always  believed  that  if  Hannibal 
had  had  command  of  the  sea  he  would 
have  conquered  Eome  and  subjugated  the 
other  independent  nations  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean world. 

The  first  objective  in  a  war  between  two 
nations  separated  by  the  sea,  or  in  a  war 
between  two  great  coalitions,  is  to  gain 
control  of  the  sea;  for  the  side  that  ob- 
tains such  control  secures  immunity  from 
invasion  from  its  sea  fronts  and,  at  the 
same  time,  power  to  invade  the  enemy's 
territory,  and  opens  for  itself  and  closes 
to  the  enemy  the  resources  of  the  neutral 
world.  He  that  hath  command  of  the  sea 
fights  with  the  weight  of  the  terrestrial 
universe  behind  him.  When  Eome  be- 
came the  dominant  naval  power  in  the 
Mediterranean  she  could  isolate  her  weaker 
enemies,  prevent  them  from  assisting  one 
another,  and  conquer  them  separately  by 
means  of  her  invincible  army,  which  was 
superior  as  a  fighting  force  to  any  other 
army  in  the  Mediterranean  world.  If 
Germany  had  defeated  the  British  fleet 
at  Jutland,  she  would  soon  have  made  a 
victorious  peace.  She  would  have  con- 
quered and  overrun  all  the  nations  of 
Europe  and  Asia,  sparing  only  those  that 
became  her  subservient  allies,  and  the 
United  States  would  have  stood  opposed  to 
Europe  and  Asia  united  under  the  nation 
that  went  to  war  for  world  empire.  It 
goes  without  saying  that  we  would  have 
been  at  war  with  Germany  before  she  had 
completed  her  European-Asiatic  conquests, 
and  that  we  would  not  have  made  peace 
with  her.  I  believe  that  we  would  soon 
have  had  the  largest  navy  in  the  world, 
and  that  we  would  have  occupied  the  same 
position  with  regard  to  overgrown  Ger- 
many that  England  occupied  with  regard 
to  overgrown  France  from  1793  to  1815, 
or  that  Athens  occupied  with  regard  to 
Persia  for  more  than  a  century  after  Sa- 
lamis.  The  United  States  can  never  stand 
placidly  by  and  watch  the  strongest  mili- 
tary  power   in   Europe  become   also   the 


192Jt 


THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  PEACE 


161 


strongest  naval  power.  This  was  threat- 
ened in  1916  and  1917  and  was  the  real 
cause  of  our  entry  into  the  World  War. 
Mr.  Wilson  and  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  understood  this  point  in 
1916  and  hence  our  great  naval  program 
of  that  year.  Most  people  think  that  we 
went  to  war  with  Germany  on  account  of 
the  submarine  horrors.  I  want  to  tell  you 
that  we  went  to  war  for  a  deeper  reason. 
;  We  went  to  war  because  our  people  sensed 
the  danger  that  would  come  to  us  if  Ger- 
many became  the  dominant  military  and 
naval  power  in  Europe. 

Some  one  may  ask  what  would  the 
effect  be  if  the  airplane  becomes  as  effec- 
tive against  ships  as  its  advocates  would 
lead  us  to  believe.  Granting  that  the  air- 
plane can  vanquish  the  battleship,  the  sea 
will  be  controlled  by  the  air  ship  instead 
of  the  water  ship,  and  what  I  have  said 
in  regard  to  the  control  of  the  sea  will  still 
remain  true  in  its  essential  details. 

The  Factor  of  Geography 

This  brings  us  up  squarely  to  a  question 
of  political  geography.  As  a  nation,  we 
profess  defense  as  our  military  policy  in 
time  of  peace.  I  do  not  mean  to  discuss 
the  merits  of  this  policy.  I  think  we  will 
all  agree  that  our  non-aggressive  attitude 
toward  our  fellow  nations  is  part  and 
parcel  of  the  highest  wisdom.  But  when 
we  talk  of  defense,  do  we  ever  ask  our- 
selves the  question.  Whence  may  danger 
come?  Do  we  fear  attack  from  Canada, 
or  Mexico,  or  South  America,  or  Africa? 
Certainly  we  do  not.  Danger  may  come 
to  us  from  two  possible  sources — from 
Europe  and  from  eastern  Asia.  One  lies 
across  the  Atlantic  and  the  other  across 
the  Pacific.  If  any  power  threatens  to 
unite  the  teeming  and  warlike  millions  of 
Europe  under  an  efficient  and  aggressive 
government,  we  sit  up  and  take  notice. 
Presently  we  go  to  war  and  we  astonish 
the  world  by  our  earnestness,  by  the  seri- 
ousness of  our  mental  attitude,  by  the 
magnitude  of  our  preparations,  and  by 
our  aptitude  for  making  war  when  it 
comes  to  a  pinch.  Nevertheless,  we  pro- 
fess indifference  to  European  affairs  as 
our  settled  policy.  On  the  other  hand, 
we  frankly  admit  that  we  are  not  indif- 
ferent to  the  possibilities  of  political  com- 
binations in  Asia  which  may  be  danger- 


ous to  us.  We  have  a  settled  policy  to- 
ward eastern  Asia.  We  call  it  the  open- 
door  policy.  It  is  political  in  character, 
though  couched  in  the  language  of  com- 
merce. Why  do  we  profess  indifference 
toward  Europe  and  assert  the  open-door 
policy  toward  Asia  as  pious  creeds?  I 
think  I  can  give  an  answer. 

Between  the  western  shores  of  conti- 
nental Europe  and  the  eastern  shores  of 
Asia  are  two  Anglo-Saxon  naval  powers, 
England  and  the  United  States.  England 
lies  close  to  the  European  continent,  and 
she  has  always  shown  a  peculiar  sensitive- 
ness to  the  efforts  of  ruthless  conquering 
nations  to  unite  Europe  under  a  single 
hegemony.  We  lie  closer  to  Asia  than 
England,  and  we  have  shown  the  same 
sensitiveness  toward  Asia  that  England 
has  shown  toward  continental  Europe. 
England  has  counted  European  battle- 
ships alone  whenever  she  has  discussed  the 
strength  of  her  navy,  and  we  have  kept  a 
watchful  eye  upon  the  number  of  battle- 
ships built  and  building  in  eastern  Asia. 
In  other  words,  we  unconsciously  trust  to 
England  to  pull  our  chestnuts  out  of  the 
European  conflagration;  and  England, 
perhaps  a  little  more  consciously,  trusts  ns 
to  pull  her  chestnuts  out  of  any  fire  that 
may  break  forth  in  Asia.  But  when  Eng- 
land was  on  the  edge  of  disaster  in  the 
last  great  war,  we  suddenly  awakened  to 
the  fact  that  the  success  of  Germany 
meant  the  loss  of  all  that  we  hold  dear  in 
life ;  and  we  entered  the  war.  It  requires 
no  great  stretch  of  the  imagination  to  see 
that  if  England  did  not  exist  or  if  she 
fell  into  a  premature  decay,  we  would  be 
just  as  sensitive  about  European  affairs 
as  we  are  about  eastern  Asiatic  affairs. 
By  the  same  token,  England  would  be  as 
sensitive  about  eastern  Asia  as  she  is 
about  Europe,  if  we  did  not  exist  to  shield 
her  and  her  weak  Asiatic  dependencies 
and  possessions.  Physical  geography,  not 
blood  or  language,  makes  us  the  natural 
ally  of  England.  Physical  geography 
makes  both  England  and  the  United 
States  the  natural  allies  of  the  weaker 
nations  of  Europe  and  eastern  Asia, 
America,  and  Australasia.  We  acknowl- 
edge this  obligation  in  regard  to  the 
American  nations  by  our  Monroe  Doctrine 
and  in  regard  to  eastern  Asia  by  the  so- 
called  open-door  policy. 


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March 


Neutrality 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  European  war 
we  proclaimed  our  neutrality  and  boasted 
of  our  indifference  to  the  results  of  the 
conflict  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 
A  Welch  legend  well  describes  our  phycho- 
logic  state  during  the  first  years  of  the 
World  War.  According  to  this  legend,  a 
happy,  careless  people  once  lived  in  a 
luxuriant  valley  sheltered  from  the  out- 
side world  by  lofty  mountains.  They 
cared  little  for  what  happened  on  the 
other  side  of  the  mountains  or  on  the  sea 
beyond  the  horizon.  One  day  some  of  the 
young  men,  more  hardy  than  the  rest, 
climbed  to  the  top  of  the  mountains  and 
were  astounded  at  what  they  beheld  in 
the  world  on  the  other  side — the  menace 
of  war,  the  law  of  sacrifice.  Thus  lived 
rich  and  heedless  America  in  1914,  1915, 
and  well  into  1916.  And  then  our  Presi- 
dent, who  had  trusted  to  neutrality  as  the 
great  panacea  for  war,  suddenly  saw  what 
the  young  Welshmen  saw  when  they 
climbed  to  the  top  of  the  mountains,  and 
he  made  a  great  speaking  tour  of  the 
United  States,  preaching  preparedness 
for  war.  I  would  recommend  Woodrow 
Wilson's  preparedness  speeches  made  in 
1916.  They  are  sound  and  logical,  good 
reading  matter,  and  should  form  a  part 
of  our  military  literature. 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that  President 
Wilson,  who  proclaimed  the  neutrality  of 
the  United  States  in  1914  with  such  ardent 
fervor,  took  a  leading  part  in  formulat- 
ing a  treaty,  at  the  end  of  the  war,  de- 
signed to  prevent  any  nation  from  being 
neutral  in  future  world  wars.  It  is  still 
more  significant  that  he  desired  the 
United  States  to  ratify  a  treaty  which,  if 
it  were  observed  in  good  faith,  would  take 
from  his  successors  the  discretion  which 
he  himself  exercised  in  1914  in  keeping 
us  out  of  war.  If  we  had  been  a  part  of 
the  League  of  Nations  in  1914,  we  would 
automatically  have  gone  to  war  with  the 
Central  Powers  when  they  began  an  un- 
provoked war  of  aggression  against  their 
immediate  neighbors.  I  do  not  wish  to 
discuss  the  merits  and  demerits  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  but  I  do  wish  to  bring 
out  three  points  which  bear  upon  our  im- 
mediate subject. 


Keep    America    from    Becoming    a    Developing 
Menace 

1.  I  wish  to  cite  Mr.  Wilson  as  an  ex- 
pert witness  to  the  fact  that  the  United 
States  is  most  deeply  interested  in  events 
in  Europe  which  would  unite  500,000,000 
white  men  under  a  single  hegemony,  such 
as  Germany  expected  to  impose  upon 
Europe.  The  United  States  could  not 
live  at  peace  with  such  a  monster  power. 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  such  a  possibility  in  mind 
when,  in  one  of  his  early  speeches,  he  said : 
"All  the  armies  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa  combined,  with  all  the  treasure  of 
the  earth  (our  own  excepted)  in  their  mil- 
itary chest,  with  a  Bonaparte  for  a  com- 
mander, could  not,  by  force,  take  a  drink 
from  the  Ohio  or  make  a  track  on  the 
Blue  Eidge  in  a  trial  of  a  thousand  years." 
I  quite  agree  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  but  I  wish 
to  observe  that  we  cannot  afford  by  indif- 
ference and  neglect  to  allow  things  to  drift 
so  that  we  may  have  to  prove  to  the  world 
that  we  are  invincible  upon  the  American 
continent. 

What   Might   Have   Been 

2.  I  wish  to  express  the  personal  convic- 
tion that  if  Mr.  Wilson's  historic  studies 
had  been  along  lines  that  would  have 
given  him  in  1914  a  little  of  the  back- 
ground of  the  basic  principles  of  interna- 
tional war  and  politics  which  he  acquired 
in  two  years  by  watching  the  European 
war,  he  would  not  have  proclaimed  our 
neutrality  and  indifference  in  1914.  In 
this  connection  it  is  well  to  remember  that 
we  did  not  proclaim  our  indifference  when 
France  attacked  Mexico  in  1862.  We  ex- 
pressed sympathy  for  the  Mexicans  and 
aided  them  in  every  possible  way  short 
of  going  to  war  to  assist  them,  and  finally 
served  what  amounted  to  an  ultimatum 
upon  France,  inviting  her  to  leave  Mexico 
to  its  own  devices.  If  we  had  pursued  a 
similar  enlightened  course  in  regard  to 
Germany  in  1914,  we  may  well  believe 
that  the  Allies  would  have  won  a  victory 
without  the  necessity  of  our  actual  inter- 
vention by  force  of  arms.  Let  us  hope 
that  our  future  statesmen  will  have  been 
educated  by  a  study  of  our  participation  in 
the  First  World  War. 


192  It 


THE  MAINTENANCE  OF  PEACE 


163 


The  Device  of  the  Coalition 


3.  I  wish  to  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  remedy  proposed  by  Mr.  Wilson 
at  Paris  and  embodied  in  Article  X  of 
the  League  of  Nations  Covenant  is  identi- 
cal in  principle  with  the  remedy  embodied 
by  the  Allies  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  in 
1713,  at  the  end  of  the  long  coalition  war 
against  France  under  Louis  XIV.  It  is 
also  identical  with  the  purpose  of  the 
Holy  Alliance  of  1815,  formed  by  three 
of  the  allies  at  the  end  of  the  long  coali- 
tion war  against  Napoleonic  France.  It 
is  also  identical  with  the  central  theme  of 
the  international  law  of  Grotius,  written 
during  the  course  of  the  Thirty  Years' 
War.  Grotius  was  a  native  of  Holland, 
one  of  the  weaker  allies  in  the  coalition 
wars  against  the  aggressions  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire  of  his  day. 

In  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  the  Allies 
agreed  to  maintain  the  balance  of  power. 
The  term  ^'balance  of  power"  has  a  pri- 
mary and  a  secondary  meaning.  In  the 
Treaty  of  Utrecht  the  term  was  used  in 
its  primary  sense.  Now,  one  of  the  best 
definitions  of  the  term  "balance  of  power," 
in  its  primary  sense,  is  the  first  sentence 
of  Article  X  of  the  League  of  National 
Covenant.  It  is  as  follows:  "The  mem- 
bers of  the  League  undertake  to  respect 
and  preserve,  as  against  external  aggres- 
sion, the  territorial  integrity  and  existing 
political  independence  of  all  members  of 
the  League.'* 

The  idea  is  better  expressed  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  if  we  bear 
in  mind  that  the  framers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion used  the  word  United  States  as  a 
plural  noun,  the  subject  of  a  plural  verb. 
The  Constitution  says:  "The  United 
States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in 
this  Union  a  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  invasion."  Note  the  sense  of  the 
words:  "The  United  States  shall  protect 
each  State  against  invasion."  The  pur- 
pose of  the  great  treatise  of  Grotius,  of 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  of  the  Holy  Alli- 
ance, of  Section  4,  Article  V,  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  and  of 
Article  X  of  the  League  of  Nations  is  the 
same.  Each  seeks  to  unite  a  number  of 
States  to  protect  one  another  from  in- 
vasion. Our  Constitution  expresses  the 
idea  in  the  clearest,  plainest  language. 


In  1713,  1815,  and  1919  the  members 
of  successful  coahtions  attempted  to  take 
steps  to  prevent  future  world  conflagra- 
tions. They  had  seen  great  coalitions 
formed  to  resist  aggressive  nations  which 
attempted  to  make  wide  conquests.  These 
coalitions  had  been  gradually  formed,  as 
the  nations  which  composed  them  saw  that 
they  must  join  the  coalition  and  fight 
or  become  a  victim  to  the  universal 
conqueror.  The  same  thought  has  oc- 
curred to  the  treaty-makers  at  the  end  of 
each  great  war,  namely:  Why  not  prevent 
future  wars  of  conquest  by  having  a  ready- 
made  coalition,  prepared  to  take  the  field 
against  the  aggressor?  The  thought  is 
fine,  if  proper  machinery  can  only  be 
found  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Germany 
would  never  have  gone  to  war  in  1914  if 
she  had  realized  that  England  and  the 
United  States  would  join  her  intended 
victims  in  a  league  of  mutual  defense. 

The  victorious  allies  attempted  to  solve 
the  problem  in  1713  and  1815  by  means 
of  a  treaty;  and  they  were  successful  in 
each  case  to  a  degree  that  is  not  ade- 
quately acknowledged  by  historians.  They 
sought  to  accomplish  the  end  in  view  by 
binding  the  signatory  powers  to  go  to  war 
under  certain  circumstances  defined  in  the 
treaty.  Each  nation  signing  the  treaty 
was  the  judge  of  its  own  obligations  under 
the  treaty.  In  1919  a  new  departure  was 
made.  An  international  body  was  formed, 
charged  with  the  duty  of  deciding  when 
the  members  should  go  to  war.  Herein 
lies  the  fundamental  weakness  of  the 
scheme.  You  will  find  that  in  every  nation 
in  existence  today  the  right  to  declare 
war  is  lodged,  for  all  practical  purposes, 
in  a  body  which  has  power  to  raise  and 
support  armies  and  navies  and  to  raise 
revenue  to  carry  on  war.  The  power 
which  controls  the  purse  invariably  con- 
trols the  sword.  This  is  a  universal  rule 
of  human  government.  Thus  our  Con- 
gress has  the  right  to  declare  war  and  it 
controls  the  purse  strings. 

We  all  know  what  a  miserable  failure 
our  government  was  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  when  Congress  had  the 
power  to  declare  war  and  the  various 
State  legislatures  alone  could  tax  the 
people  to  pay  for  war.  You  can  never 
take  from  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  its  power  over  the  sword  and  give 


164 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


it  to  an  international  body  unless  you  give 
the  international  body  the  power  to  tax 
us  to  pay  for  making  war.  Manifestly 
we  will  never  do  that. 

Limitations  of  the  International  Legislative 
Plan 

I  have  stated  that  there  is  no  moral 
equivalent  for  war  for  the  settlement  of 
political  questions  that  arise  between 
States.  If  it  were  possible  to  establish 
an  international  legislature  which  had 
power  to  make  war  and  unlimited  power 
of  taxation,  the  ballot  would,  of  course, 
become  the  moral  equivalent  of  war  for 
settling  political  questons  in  the  world 
State.  The  most  enthusiastic  interna- 
tionalist, however,  has  never  proposed  a 
real  legislative  union  of  the  world.  He 
contents  himself  with  proposing  the  mere 
shadow  of  a  world  State  with  all  of  the 
weaknesses  of  our  government  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation.  Now,  it  is  a 
peculiar  fact  that  there  has  never  been  a 
real  legislative  union  between  peoples 
separated  from  one  another  by  wide 
stretches  of  the  ocean.  For  instance,  a 
legislative  union  of  Canada,  Australia, 
New  Zealand,  and  South  Africa  is  un- 
thinkable. Formerly  it  was  thought  that 
such  unions  were  impracticable  only  be- 
cause the  legislative  bodies  could  not  con- 
veniently assemble.  This  particular  diffi- 
culty has  been  removed  by  increased  trans- 
portation facilities;  but  deep-seated  ob- 
jections still  remain  to  the  union,  even  of 
peoples  of  the  same  race,  language,  origin, 
ideals,  and  religion,  living  in  widely  sepa- 
rated quarters  of  the  globe.  The  Ameri- 
can revolution  illustrates  the  real  diffi- 
culty. Great  Britain  chose  civil  war  with 
the  United  Colonies  rather  than  admit 
them  to  a  full  and  equal  representation 
in  the  British  Parliament.  She  knew,  of 
course,  that  if  the  American  representa- 
tives got  into  her  Parliament,  they  would 
soon,  by  force  of  numbers,  rule  not  only 
themselves,  but  the  mother  coimtry  also; 
and  the  Americans  never  raised  the  ques- 
tion until  the  shrewd  men  amongst  them, 
like  Samuel^Adams,  saw  the  possibilities. 

Absence  of  a  Definitive  Policy 

We  will  all  agree  that  it  would  be  highly 
desirable  to  have  a  ready-made  coalition 
prepared  to  make  war  on  the  international 


bandit  of  the  type  of  the  German  Empire 
of  1914.  The  Treaty  of  Utrecht  furnishes 
the  model  for  such  a  treaty,  and  Section 
4,  Article  V,  of  our  own  Constitution  fur- 
nishes the  language  for  the  binding  clause, 
the  new  Article  X,  if  I  may  use  the  ex- 
pression. Eeduced  to  plain  English,  this 
article  would  read  as  follows :  "The  signa- 
tory powers  shall  protect  each  other 
against  invasion."  But,  coming  down  to 
earth,  I  would  like  to  ask  whether  the 
United  States  would  ever  sign  such  a 
treaty.  I  do  not  believe  it  would.  Our 
relations  with  the  Latin  American  States 
furnish  much  light  upon  the  question.  By 
our  Monroe  Doctrine  we  declare  in  effect 
that  we  will  be  the  ally  of  any  American 
nation  that  is  attacked  by  any  non-Ameri- 
can nation;  but  we  have  steadily  refused, 
for  nearly  a  century,  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
with  these  States  which  would  bind  the 
American  republics,  one  and  all,  to  aid 
each  other  against  invasion.  We  have  de- 
clared our  policy,  we  have  lived  up  to  it 
religiously,  and  it  is  a  national  creed, 
sacred  in  our  eyes,  but  we  refuse  to  em- 
body that  policy  in  a  general  treaty. 
Treaties  of  mutual  aid  and  leagues  of  na- 
tions are  for  others,  not  for  us.  We  will 
be  content  to  declare  policies  which  will 
serve  to  enlighten  our  statesmen,  guide 
our  footsteps,  and  warn  prospective  tres- 
passers. 

In  the  Monroe  Doctrine  we  have  such  a 
policy  as  regards  purely  American  affairs, 
and  in  the  Open-door  Doctrine  we  have 
such  a  policy  as  regards  Asia.  We  lack 
a  wise,  enlightened  policy  toward  Europe. 
Our  professed  indifference  serves  not  to 
keep  us  out  of  war,  but  to  create  the  con- 
ditions which  compel  us  to  go  to  war. 
When  our  Secretary  of  State,  prior  to  the 
outbreak  of  the  World  War,  declared  that 
we  would  never  go  to  war  while  he  was 
Secretary  of  State,  he  did  all  that  was 
humanly  possible  to  create  conditions  that 
would  compel  us  to  go  to  war.  Unwit- 
tingly he  assured  Germany  that  she  need 
fear  no  danger  to  her  world-wide  designs 
by  interference  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States. 

We  entered  the  European  war  not  be- 
cause of  the  submarine  horrors,  but  be- 
cause we  realized  that  German  success 
meant  disaster  for  the  whole  world,  in- 
cluding ourselves.      Since  the  events  of 


1924 


GREAT  PREACHING  IN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA 


165 


1917  and  1918,  no  country  would  deliber- 
ately start  a  war  if  it  knew  that  it  would 
thereby  bring  down  upon  itself  an  ava- 
lanche of  war  from  the  United  States. 

It  is  not  compatible  with  our  peace  and 
safety  for  Germany,  or  France,  or  any 
other  European  country,  to  absorb  its 
neighbors  and  build  up  a  formidable 
power  that  could  compel  the  obedience  and 
active  alliance  of  the  rest  of  Europe.  We 
will  go  to  war  to  prevent  such  a  consum- 
mation, just  as  we  went  to  war  in  1917, 
Why  not  say  so  and  make  a  creed  of  it,  as 
we  have  made  a  creed  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine and  the  Open  Door?  It  will  avert 
the  necessity  of  our  going  to  war.  The 
great  unsolved  problem  of  the  United 
States  is  to  make  the  fact  unmistakably 
known  to  the  world  that  we  will  not  be 
blind  to  any  developing  menace  in  Eu- 
rope. If  necessary,  let  us  use  cryptic 
language,  susceptible  of  many  interpreta- 
tions and  much  discussion,  as  we  did  in 
announcing  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  the 
Open-door  Policy.  To  proclaim  indiffer- 
ence, as  we  are  now  doing,  is  to  invite  war. 

We  have  no  desire  for  territorial  gains ; 
we  have  no  desire  to  take  over  additional 


lands  inhabited  by  races  whom  we  cannot 
admit  on  terms  of  equality  into  our  na- 
tional system.  We  have  no  desire  for 
territory  inhabited  by  people  whom  we  do 
not  choose  to  admit  to  a  full  legislative 
union  with  ourselves.  The  fortunes  of 
war  may  place  such  peoples  under  our 
flag,  but  we  will  never  go  to  war  deliber- 
ately in  order  to  acquire  them.  The  de- 
mands of  one  of  our  insular  possessions 
to  be  admitted  to  statehood  are,  to  say 
the  least,  very  embarrassing  today, 

A  Final  Word 

Our  international  political  policy  in 
time  of  peace  is  defensive;  but  we  must 
remember  that  when  war  comes  upon  us 
our  people  demand  action  and  our  military 
and  naval  policy  must  be  offensive.  We 
have  only  to  recall  the  cries  of  former 
wars,  civil  and  international:  "On  to 
Washington !"  "On  to  Richmond !"  "On  to 
Havana  I"  "On  to  BerUn  1''  In  the  heat  of 
conflict,  our  people.  East  and  West,  North 
and  South,  are  glorious  and  warlike.  We 
must  not  confound  our  peace  doctrine 
when  war  is  far  distant  with  our  war 
policy  in  conducting  military  operations. 


GREAT  PREACHING  IN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA 


By  WALTER  A.  MORGAN 


THE  place  of  the  Christian  preacher 
in  English  and  American  history  is 
very  great.  Mighty  preachers  have  stood 
at  the  center  of  mighty  spiritual  move- 
ments. In  the  records  of  England's  be- 
ginnings there  is  a  chapter  that  tells  of 
men  who  preached  Christ.  The  universi- 
ties and  cathedrals  of  the  motherland  are 
in  debt  to  the  art  of  preaching.  The 
Pilgrim  and  Puritan  migrations  to  Amer- 
ica were  inspired  by  the  spirit  of  God 
made  vocal  through  preachers.  Harvard 
and  Yale  colleges  came  into  life  because 
there  was  a  need  of  preachers.  The  great 
preacher  is  more  potent  than  his  hearers 
know.  In  these  plastic  times,  when  the 
words  of  the  preacher  go  broadcast  upon 
the  waves  of  day  and  night,  we  must  be- 
lieve that  his  place  is  not  a  diminishing 
one.  An  English-speaking  tradition  de- 
mands great  preaching. 


What  Is  Great  Preaching? 

But  what  is  great  preaching?  To  seek 
the  direction  of  the  answer  is  the  purpose 
of  this  paper.  The  question  brings  before 
one's  mind  a  long  line  of  great  preachers. 
No  one  would  question  the  names  of 
Henry  Ward  Beecher  or  John  Jowett.  To 
mention  men  whose  voices  now  are  vibrant 
among  us,  proclaiming  the  Eternal  Gos- 
pel, is  to  select  from  a  great  number  who 
are  shaping  our  spiritual  ideals.  Dean 
Inge  and  George  A.  Gordon  we  recognize 
as  great.  What  shall  we  say  of  Norton 
and  Cadman,  of  Bishop  Gore  and  Bishop 
McDowell,  and  many  others  of  our  time, 
who  are  touched  with  the  prophetic  fire? 
But  to  mention  a  list  of  names,  whether 
they  symbolize  men  whose  tongues  are  dust 
or  whose  tongues  are  living  flames,  is  not 
to  answer  the  question.  These  mighty 
dead  were  great  preachers  when  they  were 


166 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


alive;  but  why  were  they  great?  Those 
who  are  among  us  now  may  preach  our 
hearts  into  high  resolve  and  great  peace; 
but  how  do  they  do  it  ? 

At  the  outset  a  sound  judgment  says 
that  no  adequate  answer  ever  can  be 
given.  The  deep  things  of  man  and  God 
are  beyond  full  analysis.  Hidden  within 
personality  are  the  fires  that  set  other 
souls  aflame.  Or,  to  change  the  figure,  the 
living  springs  well  up  out  of  the  deeps. 
Thirsty  men  drink  and  are  satisfied,  but 
who  can  answer  how  the  needs  of  a  parched 
soul  are  met  by  another  soul?  Here  we 
are  dealing  with  one  of  humanity's  most 
common  facts  and  likewise  one  of  life's 
profoundest  mysteries.  If  this  be  true, 
then  why  try  to  answer  the  question  at 
all  ?  Simply  to  determine  the  direction  in 
which  the  answer  lies.  To  determine  the 
direction  of  the  city,  even  though  one 
may  never  count  her  battlements,  is  to 
make  progress.  So  whither  away  to  great 
preaching  ? 

Six  Illustrations 

During  the  past  few  weeks  the  writer 
has  been  trying  to  answer  this  question  for 
himself.  The  method  has  been  very  prac- 
tical, though  the  results  have  not  been  as 
complete  as  he  could  have  wished.  To 
arrive  at  a  tentative  conclusion  concerning 
direction,  he  selected  six  living  preachers 
who  are  recognized  as  among  the  best. 
Three  of  these  were  English  and  three 
were  American.  Then  he  secured  a  book 
of  sermons  by  each  of  these  men.  To  read 
a  sermon  is  not  always  edifying.  Until  a 
few  weeks  ago,  he  had  an  inward  pride 
that  he  seldom  read  sermons  written  by 
other  men.  But  his  pride  had  a  fall  as  he 
looked  at  six  volumes  of  sermons  piled 
upon  his  desk  with  a  mingled  feeling  of 
expectancy  and  guilt.  The  guilt  has  been 
lulled  into  a  drowsy  non-resistance,  while 
the  expectancy  has  been  merged  into  a 
spiritual  adventure. 

To  read  a  sermon  is  to  miss  the  atmos- 
phere created  by  the  place,  the  time,  and 
the  person  preaching.  Many  a  mighty 
sermon,  as  far  as  results  are  concerned, 
would  make  a  poor  showing  upon  the 
printed  page.  It  often  happens  that  a 
perfectly  written  sermon,  in  form  and 
matter,  is  a  dud  when  delivered.  So, 
obviously,   there   are   many   reasons   why 


reading  sermons  will  not  give  one  aU  that 
is  desired. 

But  here  it  was  the  best  that  coidd  be 
done.  The  fact  that  a  preacher  is  held  to 
his  own  pulpit  every  Sunday  makes  it 
impossible  for  him  to  go  to  hear  other 
men  preach.  So  preachers,  all  of  whom 
were  recognized  as  possessing  personality, 
were  selected.  For  argument's  sake,  the 
personal  equation  was  written  as  follows: 
A=B=C=X=Y=Z.  Of  course,  no  two 
personalities  are  equal,  and  so  this  was  a 
leap  of  faith.  But,  as  our  greatest  dis- 
coveries of  truth  in  every  realm  have  been 
made  through  just  such  leaps,  it  is  worth 
while  taking  it. 

All  the  preachers  are  interesting  men, 
and  they  write  well.  Rev.  J.  D.  Jones, 
of  Bournemouth,  England,  is  a  Congre- 
gational preacher  of  high  standing.  Eev. 
John  Hutton,  of  Glasgow  fame,  now  of 
Westminster  Chapel,  is  well  known  to 
many  Americans,  Eev.  Hubert  L,  Simp- 
son is  a  Glasgow  preacher  who  writes  with 
insight  and  mystic  charm.  Eev.  Charles 
E.  Brown,  Dean  of  Yale  School  of  Ee- 
ligion,  is  one  of  America's  foremost 
preachers.  Eev.  Charles  E.  Jefferson,  of 
New  York,  is,  in  the  words  of  a  leading 
New  York  divine,  "Year  in  and  year  out, 
the  greatest  constructive  force  in  the 
metropolitan  pulpit."  Eev.  Harry  Emer- 
son Posdick  is  not  only  the  target  for  the 
fiery  darts  of  conservatives,  but,  in  the 
judgment  of  many,  the  spiritual  leader  of 
more  thoughtful  young  people  than  any 
other  preacher  in  America. 

Are  these  men  great  ?  Only  time  will 
tell.  They  have  a  wide  hearing,  and  in 
the  realm  of  thoughtful  journalism  as  well 
as  in  the  sphere  of  pulpit  leadership  they 
hold  prominent  places.  Anyhow,  they  will 
serve  as  a  frame  upon  which  to  hang  our 
arrows  pointing  toward  the  high  places  of 
great  preaching. 

Certain  Contrasts 

What  do  they  possess?  It  will  be  well 
to  answer  this  question,  in  part,  by  a  com- 
parison of  the  homiletic  differences  be- 
tween these  men.  The  study  for  such  a 
comparison  will  make  it  easier  to  discover 
the  deeper  elements  which  all  six  men 
possess  in  common.  These  undergirding 
factors,  if  they  can  be  determined,  are  the 
personal  subsoil  out  of  which   all  great 


192  Jf 


GREAT  PREACHING  IN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA 


167 


preaching  grows.  Of  course,  they  differ 
as  English  and  American.  Out  of  a  dif- 
ferent background  have  they  come  and 
toward  somewhat  different  goals  do  they 
aim.  The  Englishman  is  old  in  culture 
and  hoary  with  a  pulpit  tradition.  The 
American  is  a  youth  in  culture  and  his 
pulpit  traditions  are  in  the  making.  The 
Englishman  carries  a  sense  of  assurance; 
God  and  himself  he  never  questions.  The 
American  carries  the  spirit  of  adventure; 
God  is  leading  him  and  his  country  out  to 
untried  ways. 

There  are  five  contrasts  which  are  sug- 
gestive. The  Englishman  is  Biblical  in 
his  preaching.  There  is  a  strong  flavor 
of  the  Word  everywhere.  He  is  steeped 
in  Old  Testament  pictures  and  Old  Testa- 
ment phraseology.  The  Psalms  have  been 
meat  and  drink  for  his  soul.  The  prophets 
have  walked  up  and  down  through  his 
heart.  The  wisdom  of  the  great  books  is 
his  wisdom.  As  a  boy,  he  learned  to  love 
the  Book  and  as  a  preacher  he  reveals  his 
first  devotion.  Jesus  is  a  character  of 
history,  it  is  true;  but  often  more  is  he, 
like  the  prophets,  a  mystical  figure  to 
create  mystical  experiences.  One  cannot 
read  Jones,  or  Hutton,  or  Simpson  with- 
out feeling  that  the  Bible  lives  again  in 
the  souls  of  these  men. 

The  American,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
more  ethical  in  his  preaching.  He,  too, 
knows  his  Bible,  but  it  is  not  bone  of  his 
bone  and  blood  of  his  blood.  Eather  is  it 
a  tool  to  be  used  for  concrete  ethical  re- 
sults. There  are  ethical  ideals  written 
across  its  pages.  These  must  be  brought 
out  and  put  into  operation  in  our  present 
world.  There  are  definite  ethical  results 
much  to  be  desired  in  our  American  pres- 
ent-day civilization.  From  a  study  of  the 
need,  our  American  goes  to  the  Bible  to 
find  the  remedy.  His  approach  is  ethical 
and  concrete.  Of  course,  all  comparisons 
smack  of  partiality  and  none  are  perfect. 
Yet  one  could  say  that  the  Englishman 
goes  to  his  world  from  his  Bible,  while  the 
American  goes  from  his  world  to  his 
Bible.  The  methods  are  different,  and  the 
results  necessarily  show  the  earmarks  of 
national  characteristics. 

Again,  the  Englishman  arrives  at  his 
goal  in  a  roundabout  way.  If  he  desires 
to  reach  the  city  gate,  he  is  quite  liable 
to  take  a  little  stroll  across  a  near-by  hill 
and  reach  the  city,  by  a  circuitous  route. 


after  sunset.  His  descriptions  of  the  view 
from  the  hill  are  beautiful.  The  thoughts 
that  arise  in  one's  mind  as  he  pictures  the 
far-away  hills  of  Moab  or  suggest  snow- 
capped Lebanon  are  long,  long  thoughts. 
He  is  upon  his  way  to  the  city,  but  the 
winding  journey  is  pleasant  and  there  is 
no  sense  of  haste.  To  take  a  weary  man 
upon  a  journey,  to  show  him  old  land- 
scapes, and  to  fill  his  arms  with  flowers 
and  his  heart  with  peace,  and  then  to 
bring  him  to. his  soul's  home  at  eventide, 
is  to  enrich  him  forever.  This  the  Eng- 
lishman can  do.  He  may  journey  far,  but 
his  wanderings  are  across  pleasant  fields 
and  through  fertile  valleys.  To  go  with 
him  is  to  go  toward  God,  and  often  the 
walk  is  in  the  divine  presence. 

The  American  is  no  loiterer  by  the  way. 
If  he  starts  out  for  the  city,  to  the  city 
he  goes.  The  road  can  be  none  too  straight 
for  him.  If  there  are  long  windings,  he 
cuts  across  lots.  If  high  hills  bother,  he 
may  tunnel  through  them.  Away  beyond, 
there  is  the  city  and  every  bit  of  energy  is 
expended  in  reaching  the  gates  while  the 
sun  is  yet  high.  In  other  words,  the 
American  is  direct  in  his  method.  If  he 
wants  to  tell  his  people  about  their  pet 
sins,  he  goes  to  his  task  and  tells  them 
straight  out  of  his  heart.  If  he  feels  that 
America  should  become  a  member  of  the 
International  Court,  he  does  not  leave  his 
hearers  to  discover  his  convictions  as  he 
preaches  a  sermon  upon  Isaiah  and  Egypt. 
Jefferson  is  direct;  Brown  goes  straight; 
Fosdick  keeps  his  eye  upon  the  city. 

This  difference  is  a  fact,  in  part,  because 
of  a  difference  in  logic.  The  Englishman's 
sermon  is  logical,  but  it  is  the  logic  of 
suggestion.  As  an  assistant  in  psychology 
in  Dartmouth  College,  the  writer  often 
tried  this  experiment.  He  would  give  the 
students  a  suggestive  word  and  ask  them 
to  write  it  down.  Then  for  the  next  min- 
ute they  would  write  down  as  many  words 
as  came  into  their  minds,  and  in  the  order 
in  which  they  came.  They  would  then 
write  out  their  reasons  why  one  word, 
such  as  "lie,"  for  instance,  was  followed 
by  "John,"  as  an  illustration.  There  was 
always  some  such  reason  as  this:  "Lie" 
brought  up  John's  face  because  "John  lied 
to  me  once."  This  is  the  logic  of  sug- 
gestion; it  is  the  Englishman's  logic  as 
well.  Not  that  he  lacks  in  the  logic  of 
the  schools,   but  his  sermon  is  not  the 


168 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


product  of  such  a  logic.  He  speaks  of 
Moab.  Moab  suggests  Euth,  and  Euth 
makes  him  think  of  a  great  devotion,  and 
so  on,  and  so  on.  This  is  the  logic  of  the 
poet  and  the  child.  It  is  often  the  logic, 
on  the  one  hand,  of  the  most  cultured  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  of  those  who  have  no 
culture  at  all. 

The  American  lays  down  his  proposi- 
tion. If  it  is  in  the  form  of  a  text,  there 
are  certain  well-formulated  theses  therein 
contained.  These  he  suggests  and  often 
writes  down.  More  than  likely  is  his  text 
a  verse  of  Scripture  that  may  suggest  his 
sermon  subject.  But  there  is  a  funda- 
mental proposition  and  several  logical 
steps  leading  up  to  it  or  away  from  it. 
How  many  American  sermons  have  an  in- 
troduction, followed  by  Eoman  numeral 
one,  with  two  or  three  Arabic  numerals; 
then  Eoman  numeral  two,  and  more 
Arabic  numerals;  and  Eoman  numeral 
three,  etc.,  and  then  a  conclusion?  The 
logic  of  suggestion  is  made  to  stand  back, 
while  the  logic  of  sequence  has  full  play. 
The  American  has  been  busy  in  clearing 
away  the  woods,  buildings  churches  and 
school-houses,  while  his  English  brother 
has  been  looking  out  upon  churches  and 
schools  all  but  crumbling  with  years.  The 
Englishman  has  had  time  to  wander,  while 
the  American  has  been  compelled  to  get 
results  by  the  most  direct  method.  The 
American's  preaching  is  as  relentless  in  its 
logic  as  his  clearing  of  the  woods  and  the 
building  of  cities  is  direct  in  its  method. 
One  is  born  out  of  days  that  are  unhurried ; 
the  other  is  a  child  of  days  that  are  full  of 
falLng  trees  and  the  dust  of  busting  cities. 

Further,  the  Englishman  has  a  peculiar 
cultural  quality.  This  is  revealed  in  the 
language  he  uses.  Not  only  does  he  know 
his  Bible,  but  he  is  familiar  with  a  great 
literature.  While  he  is  not  given  to  quota- 
tion more  than  his  American  brother,  yet 
the  language  and  thought  of  the  master- 
pieces of  English  literature  are  part  of 
the  warp  and  woof  of  his  language  and 
thought.  Shakespeare,  Wadsworth,  Ten- 
nyson— these  he  knows,  and  evidences  of 
his  knowledge  are  found  upon  every  page. 
Centuries  of  history,  a  mighty  literature, 
ancient  universities,  sublime  cathedrals, 
quiet  country  lanes — how  these  suggest  an 
indefinable  something  that  becomes  part 
of  a  man. 

The  American  is  rugged.    He  has  read 


widely,  but  in  a  hurry.  His  thoughts 
shape  themselves  in  the  molds  that  are 
meaningful  to  his  hearers.  Two  genera- 
tions from  the  ax  and  the  plow  are  not 
enough  to  create  a  demand  for  phrases 
that  root  in  an  ancient  cultural  tradition. 
There  is  a  ruggedness  about  the  thought 
and  the  expression  of  our  American 
preachers  that  is  somewhat  like  the  same 
quality  in  the  prophets  of  Israel.  Amos 
and  Isaiah  hroke  away  from  an  old  order, 
and  their  creative  ideas  and  hot  emotions 
had  to  flow  in  new  channels ;  so  the  Ameri- 
can is  picturesque  and  often  abrupt;  but 
there  is  the  strength  of  a  great  passion 
leaping  through  all  his  words.  Culture  is 
a  rich  possession  and  back  of  it  there  must 
be  centuries  of  spiritual  life.  Euggedness 
is  a  human  virtue  and  often  is  akin  to 
honesty  and  high  purpose. 

The  last  comparison  is  from  among 
many  that  might  be  suggested.  The  Eng- 
lishman depends  for  his  results,  in  the 
main,  upon  a  general  impression.  After 
reading  an  Englishman's  sermon  or  hear- 
ing an  Englishman  preach,  one  is  liable 
to  go  away  with  a  sense  of  having  felt 
something.  It  may  not  be  well  for  one  to 
try  to  analyze  this  experience  any  more 
than  it  is  well  to  try  to  analyze  the  emo- 
tions experienced  at  a  symphony  concert. 
Yet  somehow  the  Englishman  makes  one 
feel  things  that  are  beyond  words.  The 
emotions  are  aglow  and  one's  soul  is  pos- 
sessed of  an  indefinable  something  that 
cannot  be  painted  or  told.  In  brief,  the 
Englishman  gives  one  the  mystical  sense 
of  yearning  and  partial  finding,  with  the 
element  of  thought  a  bit  submerged  in  the 
entire  complex  of  a  religious  experience. 
Thought  is  there,  but  beyond  it  and  around 
it  there  is  quiet  and  God.  One  can  throw 
one's  self  back  into  the  arms  of  the  Eternal 
and  for  that  high  hour,  at  least,  be  pos- 
sessed of  a  great  peace. 

The  American  is,  upon  the  whole,  not  so 
much  of  a  mystic.  He  seeks  to  hold  men 
with  a  great  idea ;  it  unfolds  before  us ;  it 
is  seen  in  all  its  logical  bearings;  it  leads 
to  certain  conclusions;  it  is  as  irresistible 
as  a  rushing  tide.  There  is  emotion  there, 
but  it  is  caused  more  by  the  stress  of 
thought.  In  America  men  have  had  to 
think  their  way  along.  The  Puritan 
broke  virgin  ground,  not  only  in  Massa- 
chusetts, but  in  the  universal  area  of  the 
soul.    To  create  a  new  civilization,  lay  the 


192Jt 


GREAT  PREACHING  IN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA 


169 


foundations  of  States,  and  to  live  at  the 
same  time  has  not  been  easy.  The  mind 
has  been  aleap.  It  could  not  rest  upon  a 
couch  made  ready  by  other  generations. 
The  preacher  has  reflected  his  environ- 
ment. This  is  not  saying  that  he  can 
think  beyond  his  English  brother.  But 
his  preaching  places  an  idea  at  the  center 
and  all  else  must  give  way  to  that.  The 
entire  comparison  can  be  summed  up  in 
the  following  imperfect  illustration:  The 
Englishman  makes  one  feel,  "I  can  rest  a 
bit,  because  God  is  sure.  He  is  very  sure." 
The  American  makes  one  say,  "I  must 
work  now  and  ever,  because  the  issues  of 
God  await  my  labors." 

Similarities 

Now,  what  is  great  preaching?  This 
might  be  suggested:  the  combining  of 
these  two  great  schools  into  one  spiritual 
appeal.  It  is  an  Herculean  task.  No  one 
can  realize  it  in  the  bigness  of  its  mean- 
ing. But  the  arrows  point  in  that  direc- 
tion. To  make  men  sure  of  God,  and  then 
to  send  them  forth  to  do  His  will,  is  the 
supreme  task  confronting  all  preachers. 
The  Englishman  does  the  first  well.  The 
American  does  the  latter  with  no  less 
success.  To  make  the  way  toward  this 
prayed-for  goal  a  bit  clearer,  there  are 
several  common  factors  which  are  found 
in  all  six  men.  Beneath  their  differences 
there  are  universal  prophetic  qualities. 
They  are  of  value  as  further  sign-posts 
along  the  way.  Of  course,  all  great 
preaching  grows  out  of  great  souls.  Only 
true  men  can  preach  well.  This  is  as- 
sumed. Not  all  true  men  can  preach, 
however.  There  must  be  more  than  good- 
ness.   What  more  ? 

In  the  first  place,  there  is  a  common 
element  in  all  great  preaching.  Every 
real  prophet  of  God  possesses  it.  To  sense 
its  presence  is  a  commonplace,  but  to 
analyze  it  is  difficult.  For  the  lack  of  a 
better  name,  it  may  be  called  personal 
power.  This  is  something  that  has  its 
roots  in  a  great  mystery.  We  may  under- 
stand a  few  of  the  reasons  why  some  men 
have  power  and  others  do  not.  But  who 
is  able  to  plumb  the  hidden  depths  of  per- 
sonality and  write  the  "whys"  of  personal 
power  so  that  all  may  read?  Why  is  this 
man,  molded  to  look  like  some  old  Greek 
god,  mentally  furnished  with  all  that 
university  and  seminary  can  give,  with  a 
voice  as  rich  as  the  tones  of  a  cathedral 


organ,  a  sickening  fizzle  when  he  attempts 
to  preach;  while  this  other  man,  homely, 
self-trained,  with  a  voice  that  rasps  and 
sobs,  is  able  to  lift  his  hearers  into  the 
August  Presence?  One  may  not  be  able 
to  tell  why,  but  all  recognize  the  presence 
or  the  lack  of  this  personal  power.  All 
great  preaching  must  grow  out  of  it. 

Its  expression  is  threefold.  It  takes 
personal  power  to  win  a  congregation  to 
a  listening  confidence.  Jefferson  makes 
men  want  to  listen.  When  Brown  begins 
to  speak,  most  hearers  are  anxious  to  fol- 
low him,  wherever  he  may  go.  At  the 
very  first,  Hutton  woos  his  congrega- 
tion to  a  receptive  mood.  Beyond  the 
power  to  win,  there  must  be  the  ability  to 
hold  a  congregation.  Not  for  twenty  or 
thirty  minutes  only,  but  for  months,  years. 
Many  a  flashy  parson  owes  his  appoint- 
ment to  the  fact  that  he  can  preach  well 
once  or  twice ;  but  before  a  year  is  over  he 
is  thin  and  tinkling.  The  more  often  one 
hears  Fosdick,  the  more  one  wants  to  hear 
him.  The  spirit  grows  with  what  it  feeds 
upon.  Beyond  the  power  to  win  and  to 
hold,  there  is  the  ability  to  convict.  A 
verdict  is  ever  the  goal.  Some  men  hold 
great  throngs  for  many  years  and  have 
preached  but  very  little.  Pulpit  com- 
mittees often  are  unable  to  judge  spiritual 
results  because  the  bug  for  numbers  has 
got  them.  The  plate  collections  fre- 
quently become  the  standard  of  progress 
in  Christ's  Kingdom.  No  man  has 
preached  until  he  has  convinced  men  of 
the  folly  of  sin  and  inspired  at  least  a  few 
to  seek  God  and  the  new  life.  This  per- 
sonal power,  in  all  three  of  its  manifesta- 
tions, may  be  as  tempestuous  as  lightnings 
and  thunders  or  as  calm  and  sweet  as 
moonlight ;  but  it  is  the  background  of  all 
great  preaching. 

In  the  second  place,  these  six  men  have 
this  further  in  common:  they  all  preach 
under  the  spell  of  the  imperiousness  of 
the  sermon  hour.  They  are  created  of 
God  for  just  such  a  time  as  the  sermon  is 
delivered.  The  mighty  matters  of  the 
Kingdom  hang  in  the  balance.  The 
Eternal  is  voiceless  now  unless  they  speak. 
There  is  an  immeasurable  gulf  between 
the  fussy  self-importance  of  the  parson 
who  wears  the  habiliments  of  his  office  at 
such  a  tilt,  mouthing  his  words  in  tones 
that  tickle  the  ears  of  men,  and  the  man 
who  trembles  with  humility  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  need  of  a  people  and  whe 


170 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


speaks  with  a  "Thus  saith  Jehovah."  "For 
this  hour  was  I  born,"  calls  the  prophet. 
"In  this  hour  I  must  speak  or  die/'  is  the 
necessary  soul  urge  for  the  man  who  would 
follow  in  the  footsteps  of  these  great 
preachers. 

In  the  third  place,  these  men  speak  di- 
rectly to  the  consciences  of  men.  Each 
does  it  in  his  own  way,  but  he  does  it. 
There  is  no  shading  and  no  apologizing. 
The  souls  of  men  are  laid  bare,  and  sins 
are  uncovered  before  their  eyes.  No  op- 
portunity is  given  for  the  sinner  to  hide 
behind  the  faults  of  another.  It  is  as 
though  the  inner  moral  self  had  broken 
through  its  crust  and  now  stood  crying, 
"This  do  or  perish."  Deep  calls  unto  deep, 
and  the  preacher  often  becomes  the  scourge 
of  God.  The  writer  listened  to  Charles 
Jefferson  last  October.  He  spoke  to  the 
individual  conscience  and  through  that  to 
the  conscience  of  America.  He  was  plead- 
ing for  a  warless  world.  How  the  deeps 
were  broken  up  at  these  simple  words, 
"Hear  that,  England.  Listen  to  that, 
Germany.  Pay  attention  to  that,  France. 
Heed  that,  America."  There  was  a  sense 
that  if  the  nations  did  not  heed,  our  civili- 
zation was  only  a  thin  shell,  all  ready 
cracking  for  the  outpouring  of  a  molten 
liquid  that  would  engulf  us.  God  was 
vocal. 

The  fourth  common  element  is  not  so 
much  a  possession  as  the  result  of  posses- 
sions. It  has  to  do  with  the  effect  of 
great  preaching.  These  six  men  produce 
the  same  effect,  each  in  his  own  way.  And 
so  what  is  the  final  test  of  greatness  in 
preaching?  Surely  not  the  learning  of 
the  preacher  nor  the  beauty  of  his  mes- 
sage. Neither  is  it  the  throngs  that  hang 
upon  his  words.  Many  can  draw  the  mul- 
titudes because  they  make  them  laugh. 
Great  preaching  is  not  necessarily  attrac- 
tive. John  the  Baptist  was  a  stem  man, 
and  he  compelled  them  to  listen.  The 
final  test  is  this:  The  hearer  must  say, 
"God  has  spoken  to  me."  If  it  fails  here, 
it  is  not  preaching  at  all.  It  may  be 
lecturing,  entertaining,  saying  the  words 
of  the  prophet  and  wearing  the  robes  of 
the  priest;  but  unless  man  senses  God  the 
words  are  only  sound,  and  there  is  no  voice 
in  the  soul. 

"God  has  spoken  to  me."  This  is  the 
test.  Some  will  know  Him  in  the  sense 
of  moral  guilt.  The  sins  of  other  days 
will  call  with  trumpet  tongues,  and  the 


soul  will  be  lashed  with  great  lashings. 
The  voice  of  the  Eternal  will  ring  through 
all  the  corridors  of  life.  And  more,  the 
Presence  may  be  known  in  the  beauty  of 
some  high  resolve.  Old  duties  that  remain 
undone;  new  tasks  that  call  men  to  high 
endeavor ;  friendships  that  have  been  neg- 
lected and  now  are  vocal  for  renewal; 
fellowship  with  Christ  that  was  com- 
menced and  forgotten;  the  building  of 
the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  in  a  broken 
world — any  of  these  and  many  more  may 
serve  as  the  summons  of  God.  All  great 
preaching  sends  one  forth  saying  in  one's 
heart  of  hearts,  "I  must  serve  Christ's 
Kingdom  today.  Let  me  go  and  tear  down 
the  strongholds  of  sin  in  order  that  the 
children  whom  Jesus  loved  may  live  in 
safety.  Christ  needs  me  and  God  bids  me 
go."  The  great  preacher  makes  men  say, 
"It  was  God." 

Or  at  last,  and  in  another  way,  these 
men  create  the  sense  of  the  Mystic  Pres- 
ence. One  leaves  them  under  the  spell  of 
a  Divine  Mood.  Sins  do  not  trouble  then, 
and  there  is  no  consciousness  of  any  ex- 
alted moral  purpose.  "God  just  is,  and 
He  is  mine,  and  that  is  enough."  For  that 
hour  there  is  assurance,  and  one  throws 
one's  self  back  upon  Him.  Out  of  the  deeps 
of  the  soul  comes  the  glad  cry,  "Oh  God,  I 
have  found  Thee;  for  this  little  hour  let 
me  have  peace."  Conscience  will  lash  one 
later,  and  the  old  ideal  will  glow  afresh 
because  of  this  brief  experience  of  Eternal 
Eeality.  "God  is,  and  He  is  mine,  now/' 
is  the  fulfillment  of  a  human  longing. 
The  great  preacher  meets  life's  deepest 
need  just  here.  Blessed  is  he  who  makes 
God  sure  and  brings  men  peace. 

And   Finally 

Such  is  the  way  of  great  preaching. 
Many  who  are  dust  traveled  the  road  al- 
most to  the  end.  They  left  a  race  richer 
than  they  found  it.  Others  who  are  alive 
today  are  close  to  this  holy  place.  Eng- 
land and  America  thank  God  for  them. 
A  multitude  crave  the  joy  of  pressing 
nearer  to  the  hour  when  they,  too,  shall 
preach  with  authority.  The  way  toward 
the  city  is  known.  For  the  world's  sake, 
may  all  preachers  set  their  faces  in  that 
direction.  Whether  they  arrive  or  not, 
eternally,  may  not  matter.  It  is  not  given 
to  all  to  be  great.  To  fail  to  try  for  the 
journey  is  to  miss  the  meaning  of  a  high 
vocation. 


A  MISLEADING  BOOK 


By  GORDON  GORDON-SMITH 


ONE  of  the  most  insidious  forms  of 
current  propaganda  is  the  tireless  ef- 
fort that  is  being  made  in  certain  quarters 
to  undermine  the  belief  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States  in  the  Justice  of  the 
cause  it  defended  in  the  World  War.  If 
the  nation  could  be  persuaded  that  Ger- 
many was  the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  of 
hostile  powers  to  crush  her,  and  that  she 
was  really  the  victim  of  an  unprovoked 
attack,  the  national  conscience  would  be 
greatly  troubled  and  the  confidence  in  the 
President  and  the  statesmen  who  presided 
over  her  policies  would  be  greatly  shaken. 
If  this  feeling  could  be  transformed  into 
an  active  feeling  of  hostility  to  the  former 
Allies  of  the  United  States,  Germany 
would  benefit  by  it. 

If  public  confidence  can  be  shaken  a 
state  of  distrust  and  anxiety  will  be 
created  such  as  might  again  endanger  the 
peace.  A  nation  that  is  torn  by  doubts 
and  the  unrest  they  cause,  might  easily  be 
brought  to  a  state  of  mind  which  would 
render  it  liable  to  panic.  I  therefore  re- 
gard it  as  an  effort  toward  the  mainte- 
nance of  peace  to  maintain  the  belief  of 
the  American  nation  in  the  justice  of  the 
sacred  cause  for  which  it  fought  and  for 
which  so  many  of  its  sons  died.  It  is  for 
this  reason  that  I  invoke  the  aid  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace  Through  Justice. 
This  work  of  demoralization  is  mostly 
carried  on  by  the  written  word.  A  large 
number  of  books  and  articles  have  been 
written  by  various  writers  inspired  by  so 
much  prejudice  and  parti  pris  that  they 
are  calculated  to  confuse  the  issues  and 
render  the  task  of  presenting  them  fairly 
and  impartially  more  and  more  difficult. 

The  Author 

One  of  the  contributions  of  this  kind  is 
a  work  by  Mr.  Frederic  Bausman,  former 
member  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  of  Washington,  entitled  "Let  France 
Explain."  This  work  constitutes  a  savage 
attack  on  the  French  Eepublic  and  its 
policy  since  1870  and  practically  accuses 
the  French  Government  and  its  allies  and 
associates  of  having  deliberately  planned 
the  war  of  1914  and  forced  it  on  an  unwill- 
ing and  peace-loving  Germany. 


Judge  Bausman  disclaims  all  German 
influence  in  the  writing  of  his  book  and 
states  that  "no  German  suggested  it"  or 
"ever  saw  the  written  page";  but  all  the 
same  it  is  written  in  a  spirit  of  pure  prop- 
aganda and  is  filled  with  so  much  sup- 
pressio  veri  and  suggestio  falsi,  from  cover 
to  cover,  as  to  deprive  it  of  ail  claim  to  be 
an  impartial  contribution  to  history. 
What  is  still  more  extraordinary  is  that 
this  book  found  an  English  publisher. 
There  has  been  no  edition  published  in 
the  United  States;  but  it  is  significant 
that  the  English  edition  has  been  largely 
imported  into  this  country  and  has  been 
sent  out  widely  to  the  press  for  review. 

Now,  there  are  two  ways  of  writing  his- 
tory. One  is  to  have  lived  in  the  coun- 
tries during  the  period  under  description ; 
to  have  studied  and  absorbed  the  feelings 
and  opinions  of  the  peoples,  listened  to 
the  debates  in  their  parliaments,  had  a 
personal  acquaintance  with  the  political 
and  military  leaders,  and  made  a  daily 
study  of  the  public  press.  The  other 
method,  which  is,  of  course,  the  more  usual 
one,  is  to  study  public  documents  and  the 
utterances  of  the  political  leaders,  follow 
the  tendencies  of  public  opinion  as  ex- 
pressed in  the  daily  press  and  the  leading 
reviews,  and  consult  all  possible  authori- 
ties. Judge  Bausman  has,  as  far  as  I  can 
see,  followed,  or  attempted  to  follow,  the 
second  method.  He  seems  to  have  made 
a  number  of  visits  to  Europe,  but  does 
not  seem  to  have  made  any  prolonged 
sojourns  there.  He  therefore  depends 
chiefly  on  his  study  of  the  written  word  as 
expressed  in  public  documents  and  in  pub- 
lications of  all  kinds. 

If  this  study  is  carried  out  in  a  judi- 
cious and  impartial  spirit  and  made  by 
some  one  with  a  clear  and  judicial  mind, 
the  result  should  be  a  valuable  contribution 
to  history ;  but  if  the  writer  starts  out  with 
a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  one  side  and  only 
brings  forward  documents  calculated  to 
support  his  preconceived  ideas,  and  sup- 
presses everything  which  weakens  his 
point  of  view,  the  result  is  a  travesty  of 
the  truth.  This,  I  am  afraid,  is  the  case 
in  Judge  Bausman's  work. 


171 


172 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


A  Personal  Word 

I  would  like  first  to  furnish  my  readers 
with  what  I  regard  as  my  qualifications  for 
criticising  and  replying  to  Mr.  Bausman's 
book.  From  1886  to  1914  I  spent  most 
of  my  time  in  France  and  Germany,  I 
lived  altogether  fourteen  years  in  France 
and  ten  in  Germany.  The  remainder  of 
the  time  I  was  in  London,  in  Eussia,  in 
Austria-Hungary  and  the  Balkans.  I 
have  acted  as  newspaper  correspondent  in 
Paris,  London,  Eome,  Vienna,  Brussels, 
Warsaw,  Belgrade,  Athens,  Sofia,  and 
Constantinople. 

Between  1887  and  1913  I  attended 
twenty  grand  maneuvers  of  the  French 
army  and  seventeen  of  the  German  army. 
The  first  French  maneuvers  I  witnessed 
were  those  of  the  13th  Army  Corps,  at 
Clermond-Ferrand,  in  1887,  then  under 
the  command  of  the  famous  General  Bou- 
langer;  and  my  first  German  maneuvers, 
during  the  reign  of  the  old  Emperor  Wil- 
liam, were  those  of  the  1st  Army  Corps, 
at  Koenigsberg-in-Preussen,  in  the  same 
year.  The  Isist  I  attended  were  the  French 
maneuvers  at  Castel  Sarazen,  under  Gen- 
eral Joffre,  the  year  preceding  the  war, 
and  the  German  maneuvers  at  Preussisch 
Holland,  in  East  Prussia,  in  the  same  year. 
I  have,  therefore,  closely  watched  the  de- 
velopment of  the  armies  of  France  and 
Germany  and  the  growth  of  the  military 
spirit.  I  was  thus  able  to  make  an  exact 
study  of  the  great  general  staffs  of  the  two 
armies  and  to  make  the  personal  acquaint- 
ance of  the  men  responsible  for  the  mili- 
tary leading  in  both  countries. 

I  have  for  over  twenty  years  personally 
known  all  the  leading  men  of  the  Paris 
and  Berlin  press,  of  all  shades  of  opinion, 
and  was  for  years  a  member  of  the  Verein 
Berliner  Presse.  I  was  one  of  the  found- 
ing members  of  the  Anglo-American  Press 
Association  of  Paris  and  an  active  member 
till  I  left  Europe  for  the  United  States  in 
1917. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  know  every 
German  chancellor  from  Prince  Bismarck 
to  Prince  Buelow  and  most  of  the  leading 
French  statesmen  since  1887.  I  was  for 
years  in  close  touch  both  with  the  Wil- 
helmstrasse  and  the  Quai  d'Orsay  and  at- 
tended hundreds  of  debates  in  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  and  the  Reichstag. 

I  was  in  Paris  at  the  outbreak  of  the 


war  and  acted  as  war  correspondent  on  the 
French  front  until  Italy  came  into  the 
war,  when  I  proceeded  to  that  country, 
where  I  remained  till  August,  1915.  In 
that  month  I  went  to  Serbia  and  was  with 
the  Serbian  army  during  the  1915  cam- 
paign and  took  part  in  the  famous  retreat 
through  Albania.  When  the  Serbian 
army  was  reorganized  and  landed  in  Sa- 
loniki,  I  joined  it  once  more  and  was  with 
it  till  after  the  capture  of  Monastir. 

In  February,  1916,  I  was  sent  on  a  spe- 
cial mission  by  the  Prince-Regent  of 
Serbia  to  Paris  and  London  and  was  later 
sent  to  Washington.  My  reason  for  citing 
this  Stat  de  services  is  not  one  of  personal 
vanity.  I  merely  wish  to  show  that  when 
I  speak  of  events  in  Europe  for  the  last 
thirty  years  I  do  so  en  connaissance  de 
cause  and  with  knowledge  of  people  and 
events  learned  on  the  actual  spot.  It  was 
this  knowledge  which  caused  me  to  read 
with  ever-growing  astonishment  the  book 
written  by  Mr.  Bausman. 

Guilty  France 

The  thesis  which  he  adopts  is  that 
France,  after  suffering  a  well-merited  de- 
feat at  the  hands  of  Germany  in  1870,  in 
a  war  which  she  had  forced  on  that  peace- 
ful and  peace-loving  country,  dreamed  of 
nothing  but  a  war  of  revenge,  and  that  her 
preparations  for  this  forced  upon  the 
pacific  and  peace-loving  Germans  the 
necessity  of  continually  increasing  their 
armanents.  Russion  he  represents  as  a 
hopelessly  corrupt  and  reactionary  State, 
governed  by  unscrupulous  scoundrels,  ani- 
mated with  only  one  desire,  that  of  crush- 
ing Austria-Hungary.  These  Russo-French 
ambitions  are  represented  as  keeping  Eu- 
rope in  a  state  of  unrest  and  forcing  the 
peace-loving  Central  Powers  to  embark  on 
an  endless  competition  of  armaments. 
France  is  represented  as  continually  in- 
creasing her  army  and  forcing  the  pacific 
Germany  to  follow  her  lead. 

A  Travestry  of  History 

No  greater  travesty  of  history  could  be 
written  than  Mr.  Bausman's  book.  He 
completely  ignores  the  fons  et  origo  mali, 
the  wresting  by  force  from  France  in 
1870  of  the  two  provinces  of  Alsace-Lor- 
raine. This  the  Germans  knew — no  one 
better — to  be  an  act  of  high-handed  injus- 
tice, such  as  was  bound  to  rankle  in  the 


192J^ 


A  MISLEADING  BOOK 


173 


heart  of  every  Frenchman,  In  order  to 
keep  France  crushed  and  powerless,  Prince 
Bismarck  imposed  a  war  indemnity  on 
France  which  he  thought  and  hoped  would 
take  her  generations  to  pay  and  would 
justify  German  occupation  of  her  territory 
for  decades. 

The  Cause  of  the  War  of  1870 

Mr.  Bausman's  travesty  of  history  be- 
gins with  his  misrepresentation  of  the 
origins  of  the  war  of  1870.  It  was  again 
a  case  of  the  wicked  France  forcing  a  war 
of  aggression  on  the  peace-loving  Germany. 
"The  French  people,"  he  says,  "wished  to 
inflict  some  sort  of  punishment  upon  one 
of  the  German  States  because  it  had  had  a 
successful  war  with  Austria — an  infamous 
attitude,  which  cannot  possibly  be  par- 
doned in  a  people  who  had  successfully 
imposed  their  will  upon  Italy  in  an  exactly 
similar  situation.*' 

Mr.  Bausman  passes  over  in  complete 
silence  the  fact  that  Prince  Bismarck  de- 
sired a  war  with  France,  and  that  his 
whole  policy  was  devoted  to  jockeying  that 
country  into  declaring  it,  thus  placing 
herself  in  a  false  position.  That  this  is 
so  is  today  known  to  everybody  (with  ap- 
parently the  single  exception  of  Judge 
Bausman),  beyond  all  possible  doubt,  from 
the  confession  of  Prince  Bismarck  him- 
self. 

"I  did  not  doubt,"  he  writes  in  his 
memoirs,  "that  a  Franco-German  war 
must  take  place  before  the  constitution  of 
the  United  Germany  could  be  realized.  I 
was  at  that  time  [1866]  preoccupied  with 
the  idea  of  delaying  the  outbreak  of  this 
war  until  our  fighting  strength  should  be 
increased  by  the  Prussian  military  legis- 
lation. This  aim  of  mine  was  not  even 
approximately  reached  in  1867.  Each 
year's  postponement  of  the  war  would  add 
100,000  trained  soldiers  to  our  army." 

When  he  decided  the  moment  had  come 
to  provoke  a  war  with  France  he  launched 
the  famous  candidature  of  a  Hohenzollern 
prince  for  the  throne  of  Spain.  It  would, 
he  knew,  rouse  protest  in  France  and  give 
him  a  chance  to  embroil  the  two  countries. 

Prince  Bismarck  thus  describes  the  in- 
cidents of  the  fateful  dinner  he  gave  to 
von  Moltke  and  von  Eoon,  while  awaiting 
the  dispatch  from  Ems  describing  the 
French  ambassador's  interview  with  King 
William:  "I    put    a    few    questions    to 


Moltke,"  he  writes,  "as  to  the  extent  of 
his  confidence  in  the  state  of  our  prepara- 
tions, especially  as  to  the  time  they  would 
still  require  in  order  to  meet  this  sudden 
risk  of  war.  He  answered  that  if  there 
was  to  be  war  he  expected  no  advantage 
to  us  by  deferring  its  outbreak.  In  pres- 
ence of  my  guests  I  reduced  the  Eras  tele- 
gram by  striking  out  words,  but  not  by 
adding  or  altering." 

Prince  Bismarck  then  informed  his  two 
guests  that  the  result  of  the  telegram  as 
changed  would  undoubtedly  be  to  force 
the  Emperor  of  the  French  to  declare 
war.  "This  explanation,"  he  writes, 
'brought  about  in  the  two  generals  a  re- 
vulsion to  a  more  joyous  mood,  the  liveli- 
ness of  which  surprised  me.  They  sud- 
denly recovered  their  pleasure  in  eating 
and  drinking  and  spoke  in  a  more  joyful 
vein.  Roon  said,  'Our  God  of  old  still 
lives  and  will  not  let  us  perish  in  disgrace.' 
Moltke  so  far  relinquished  his  passive 
equanimity  that,  glancing  up  joyously 
towards  the  ceiling  and  abandoning  his 
usual  punctiliousness  of  speech,  he  smote 
his  hand  upon  his  breast  and  said,  'If  I 
may  but  live  to  lead  our  armies  in  such  a 
war,  then  the  devil  may  come  directly 
afterwards  and  take  this  old  carcass.' " 

These  quotations  from  Prince  Bis- 
marck's own  book  prove  that  the  war  of 
1870  was  deliberately  planned  and  brought 
about  by  him.  I  think  I  can  also  prove 
that  the  war  of  1914  was  equally  well  pre- 
pared for,  definitely  planned,  and  directly 
forced  upon  the  world. 

Backgrounds 

I  will,  therefore,  now  give  my  version 
of  the  causes  of  the  war,  based,  as  I  have 
said,  on  thirty  years  of  close  acquaintance 
with  and  observation  of  the  policies  and 
public  sentiments  both  of  France  and 
Germany. 

The  Germans,  until  1870,  were  a  purely 
agricultural  people,  "ein  ackerbauendes 
Volk,"  as  they  would  themselves  express 
it,  living  from  the  produce  of  the  soil. 
The  population  was  about  forty  million, 
all  that  the  country  could  feed.  The  sur- 
plus population  was  forced  to  emigrate. 
This  accounts  for  the  millions  of  citizens 
of  German  origin  in  the  United  States. 

Then  came  the  war  with  France  and  the 
payment  of  the  French  war  indemnity  of 
five  billion  francs  in  gold,  for  those  days 


174 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


an  enormous  sum.  The  German  Govern- 
ment, by  undertaking  great  public  works, 
brought  this  money  into  circulation.  This 
flood  of  gold  had  the  effect  of  completely 
changing  the  destinies  of  the  nation.  It 
embarked  on  the  creation  of  a  national 
commerce  and  industry  the  growth  of 
which  was  one  of  the  marvels  of  the  sec- 
ond half  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
first  result  of  this  transformation  of  the 
national  life  was  a  practical  cessation  of 
the  stream  of  emigration.  From  several 
hundred  thousand  emigrants  a  year  it  fell 
to  a  few  thousands.  The  demand  for  labor 
in  the  newly  founded  workshops  and  fac- 
tories gave  work  for  all  at  home. 

In  consequence  the  population  increased 
by  leaps  and  bounds,  and  its  support  soon 
exceeded  completely  the  natural  agricul- 
tural resources  of  the  country.  But  the 
immense  revenues  from  the  flourishing 
commerce  and  industry  enabled  Germany 
to  purchase  abroad  the  foodstuffs  neces- 
sary to  feed  the  ever-increasing  popula- 
tion. As  the  nation  grew  in  wealth  and 
power,  its  entirely  justified  ambition  of 
playing  a  leading  role  in  Europe  steadily 
increased.  It  aspired  to  be  a  "Welt- 
macht,"  or  world  Power,  and  under  Prince 
Bismarck  its  "Welt  Politik"  was  inaugu- 
rated. When,  in  1878,  the  Congress  of  the 
Powers  to  settle  the  problems  raised  by  the 
Russo-Turkish  War  was  held  in  Berlin, 
this  fact  consecrated  Germany  as  one  of 
the  Great  Powers  of  Europe.  The  little 
Kingdom  of  Prussia  of  1869  had  become 
the  mighty  German  Empire,  with  its 
boundless  ambitions. 

The  Berlin  Congress  sowed  the  first  seeds 
of  enmity  between  Germany  and  Russia. 
Bismarck  at  the  congress  had  pretended 
to  play  the  role  of  the  "honest  broker" 
("der  ehrliche  Makler,"  as  he  phrased  it)  ; 
but  in  reality  he  played  his  cards  so  skill- 
fully that  Russia,  which  had  won  the  war, 
went  from  the  Congress  nearly  empty- 
handed.  Bismarck  well  knew  the  deep  re- 
sentment he  had  aroused  in  Russia,  and 
henceforth  the  one  object  of  his  policy 
was  to  keep  that  Empire  and  France,  the 
two  countries  to  which  German  policy  had 
been  inimical,  from  joining  hands. 

But  it  was  soon  clear  that,  in  spite  of  his 
efforts  to  keep  them  apart,  the  inevitable 
result  of  German  policy  would  cause  them 
to  gravitate  toward  one  another.  He  pro- 
ceeded  accordingly   to   seek   alliances   to 


counterbalance  any  such  combination. 
The  result  was  the  alliance  with  Austria- 
Hungary,  later  transformed  into  the 
Triple  Alliance  by  the  inclusion  of  Italy. 

Ever  since  1870  Germany  had  been  in- 
creasing her  armed  forces.  The  number 
of  men  with  the  colors  had  steadily  grown. 
The  first  great  addition  was  in  1886,  when 
the  famous  "Septennat"  was  introduced 
in  the  Reichstag,  adding  nearly  50,000 
men  to  the  peace  effective.  In  order  to 
force  the  Reichstag  to  vote  this  measure, 
Prince  Bismarck  engineered  the  notorious 
"Schnaebele  incident"  on  the  French 
frontier  (a  French  police  commisary 
named  Schnaebele  was  lured  on  to  Ger- 
man territory  by  a  trick,  seized,  hand- 
cuffed, and  conveyed  to  Strassburg  and 
charged  with  espionage),  an  outrage  which 
caused  intense  indignation  and  excitement 
throughout  France  and  seemed  to  threaten 
war.  In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  the 
German  elections  were  held  and  the  army 
increase  assured.  As  soon  as  this  was  cer- 
tain, M.  Schnaebele  was  released,  apolo- 
gies were  made  to  the  French  Government, 
and  the  incident  closed.  But  from  that 
moment  a  profound  distrust  of  a  country 
which  could  have  recourse  to  such  unscru- 
pulous political  methods  was  implanted 
in  France.  Such  features  of  German 
policy  are  passed  over  in  silence  by  Mr. 
Bausman. 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  as 
long  as  Prince  Bismarck  was  in  power 
Germany's  policy,  though  strongly  na- 
tional and  aggressive,  did  not  threaten  the 
public  peace.  His  aim  was  chiefly  to 
consolidate  the  advantages  gained  and 
rendered  Germany's  position  in  Europe 
impregnable.  Though  his  methods  were 
sometimes  brutal,  on  the  whole  he  showed 
wise  statesmanship. 

Coming  of  William  II 

But  with  the  disappearance  of  the  Iron 
Chancellor  and  the  advent  of  William  II 
everything  changed.  Everything  in  the 
national  life — the  army,  the  industry,  the 
trade  and  commerce — were  pushed  to  the 
utmost  limits.  Germany  became  at  one 
and  the  same  time  an  armed  camp  and  a 
hive  of  industry.  Soon  her  foreign  trade 
no  longer  satisfied  her  ambitions.  She 
must  have  colonies,  and  the  "scramble  for 
Africa"  began. 

Carl  Peters,  von  Wissmann,  von  Tiede- 


192J^ 


A  MISLEADING  BOOK 


175 


mann,  Emin  Pasha,  and  a  score  of  other 
explorers  headed  expeditions  to  the  Dark 
Continent,  and  German  East  Africa,  Ger- 
man Southwest  Africa,  Togoland,  and  the 
Cameroons  were  annexed  in  rapid  suc- 
cession. Some  German  agents  showed  a 
considerable  amount  of  truculence  and  ar- 
rogance in  their  methods,  which  caused 
friction  with  the  British,  the  Belgians, 
and  the  French;  but  in  the  end  the  new 
frontiers  of  the  African  possessions  were 
drawn  and  a  modus  vivendi  established. 
For  the  colonial  policy  Prince  Bismarck 
showed  little  enthusiasm,  "Ich  bin  kein 
Colonial  Mench  von  Hause  aus,"  he  de- 
clared in  the  Eeichstag;  but  he  bowed  to 
the  national  will  and  carried  out  the  aspi- 
rations of  his  fellow-countrymen  with  his 
habitual  firmness  and  continuity  of  pur- 
pose. 

But  when  he  retired  from  power  the 
Colonial  Party,  the  "Kolonial  Fanatiker," 
as  he  called  them,  had  a  free  hand,  and 
proceeded  "to  paint  the  map  of  Africa 
blue"  with  more  zeal  than  discretion, 
aided  and  encouraged  by  the  young  Kaiser, 
With  the  acquisition  of  colonies  came  the 
necessity  for  a  great  fleet,  and  its  creation 
was  preached  in  season  and  out  of  season. 
The  "Flotten  Verein,"  or  Navy  League, 
was  founded,  to  which  every  commercial 
and  industrial  magnate  with  social  ambi- 
tions and  desirous  of  currying  favor  with 
the  Kaiser  subscribed  largely.  It  soon 
had  a  membership  running  into  the  mil- 
lions and  conducted  a  strenuous  campaign 
with  unlimited  publicity.  In  the  wait- 
ing-rooms of  every  station  on  the  state 
railways  huge  charts  of  the  sea  power  of 
the  various  nations,  but  chiefly  that  of 
Great  Britain,  were  displayed,  Eivalry 
with  that  Power  was  admitted  to  be  Ger- 
many's aim.  Year  by  year  the  national 
fleet  grew  in  power,  until  it  secured  the 
second  place  among  the  fleets  of  the  world. 

Year  by  year  the  growth  of  the  land 
forces  kept  pace  with  it,  until  the  peace 
effective  reached  the  enormous  total  of 
700,000  men.  Each  year  the  grand  ma- 
neuvers of  the  army  increased  in  impor- 
tance. Before  the  advent  of  William  II 
these  rarely  exceeded  a  couple  of  army 
corps,  or  50,000  men;  but  each  year  saw 
some  fresh  innovation  until,  bit  by  bit, 
the  number  of  army  corps  engaged  rose 
to  three,  four,  and  even  five,  strongly  re- 
inforced with  reservists.     The  Kaiser  in 


person  directed  masses  of  troops  number- 
mg  a  quarter  million  of  men.  And  these 
maneuvers  were  no  mere  military  parades. 
Every  effort  was  made  to  realize  actual 
war  conditions,  and  the  press  devoted 
columns  upon  columns  to  the  accounts  of 
this  mimic  warfare.  Day  by  day,  month 
by  month,  and  year  by  year  the  belief  in 
Germany's  military  and  naval  power  was 
forced  on  the  nation,  until  something  like 
military  intoxication  of  the  public  mind 
was  attained.  On  each  of  my  visits  to 
Germany  (and  I  followed  seventeen  grand 
maneuvers  of  her  army)  I  saw  an  increase 
of  the  military  spirit,  an  ever-growing  ar- 
rogance based  on  the  belief  that  Germany 
could,  if  she  desired  it,  crush  all  foreign 
opposition  to  her  "world  policy"  by  force 
of  arms. 

The  country  was  at  the  same  time  a  hive 
of  industry.  Magnificently  equipped  fac- 
tories and  industrial  plants  of  all  kinds 
existed  by  thousands.  Germany's  splen- 
did merchant  marine  carried  her  flag  to 
the  ends  of  the  earth.  Her  world  com- 
merce extended  to  every  part  of  the  globe, 
while  her  teeming  population  was  increas- 
ing by  hundreds  of  thousands  every  year. 
Her  bureaucracy  stood  alone  in  Europe 
for  efficiency  and  devotion  to  duty.  Its 
hands  were  clean;  bribery  and  corruption 
were  practically  unknown  in  her  political 
life.  The  whole  huge  governmental  ma- 
chine worked  at  high  pressure  for  the 
greater  glory  and  advancement  of  the 
Fatherland.  And  all  of  this  power  was 
concentrated  in  the  hands  of  one  single 
man  and  the  statesmen  and  soldiers  se- 
lected by  him  to  carry  out  his  will. 

Many  people  in  foreign  countries  be- 
lieved that  Germany  was  a  State  with  a 
constitution  which  allowed  the  people  to 
decide  their  own  destinies.  Outwardly  it 
seemed  so.  People  saw  the  Eeichstag, 
elected  by  universal  suffrage,  functioning 
like  any  other  parliament.  It  seemed  to 
be  passing  laws  and  carrying  out  its  legis- 
lative duties  in  sovereign  independence. 
This,  however,  was  a  huge  mistake.  Ger- 
many was  an  autocracy  as  complete  (but 
much  more  intelligent)  than  that  of 
Eussia, 

The  constitution  drawn  up  after  1870 
was  a  mere  fagade.  By  it  the  Eeichtag 
could  only  consider  and  vote  upon  meas- 
ures which  already  had  been  approved  and 
adopted   by  the   Bundesrath,  or  Federal 


176 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


Council.  The  Federal  Council  of  61 
members  was  composed  of  the  personal 
representatives  of  the  kings,  princes,  and 
grand  dukes  ruling  the  various  States 
which  composed  the  Empire.  The  Kaiser, 
as  King  of  Prussia,  appointed  17  mem- 
bers, and  nearly  a  score  of  the  smaller 
States  conceded  to  Prussia  the  right  to 
nominate  their  representatives  in  the  Fed- 
eral Council.  These  members  were  the 
personal  representatives  of  the  various 
sovereigns  and  revocable  at  their  pleasure. 
They  merely  carried  out  the  orders  they 
received.  The  Kaiser,  therefore,  had  a 
clear  majority  of  the  votes  of  the  Council, 
which  he  could  thus  force  to  obey  his 
every  wish.  As  the  Eeichstag  could  do 
nothing  the  Federal  Council  did  not  ap- 
prove, and  as  the  Federal  Council  was 
completely  in  the  hands  of  the  Kaiser, 
William  II  behind  this  fagade  of  pre- 
tended constitutionalism  really  ruled  as  an 
autocrat.  And  that  he  actually  did  so 
history  has  shown  beyond  all  doubt. 

As  Germany  increased  in  power  and 
might  the  Kaiser  began  to  dream  a  dream 
of  world  power.  This  was  the  creation 
of  *'Mittel  Europa,"  or  the  Central  Euro- 
pean Empire,  the  founding  of  a  great 
State  which  should  run  from  the  Baltic 
and  the  Atlantic  to  the  Persian  Gulf.  If 
this  was  brought  into  being,  Europe  would 
be  cut  clean  in  two  down  the  center.  With 
Germany  master  of  the  Cattegat  and  the 
Dardanelles,  the  Baltic  and  the  Black  Sea 
would  become  German  lakes.  To  realize 
this  dream,  the  Kaiser  would  have  to  hold 
supreme  power  over  Austra-Hungary,  the 
Balkan  Peninsula,  and  Asia  Minor.  Eus- 
sia  would  thus  be  completely  cut  off  from 
the  rest  of  Europe  and  would,  slowly  but 
surely,  be  pushed  back  in  Asia. 

In  presence  of  such  a  power,  France  and 
Italy  would  be  helpless  and  would  be 
forced  to  bow  to  the  inevitable.  Then 
would  come  the  struggle  with  the  British 
Empire,  the  defeat  of  which  would  spell 
German  domination  of  Europe,  prelimi- 
nary to  the  domination  of  the  world. 

That  such  a  dream  was  dreamed  by 
William  II  and  enthusiastically  adopted  by 
an  immense  majority  of  his  subjects  is 
beyond  all  doubt.  For  thirty  years  before 
the  World  War  Pan-Germanism  was 
preached  as  a  national  doctrine.  Scores 
of  volumes  were  published  describing  the 
great  heritage  of  world  power  to  which 


Germany  was  called.  Maps  were  pub- 
lished broadcast  with  the  future  world 
dominion  of  Germany  indicated,  so  "that 
he  who  ran  might  read."  Societies  were 
founded  all  over  the  Empire  to  preach  its 
future  greatness,  while  the  Flotten  Verein 
and  the  patriotic  and  military  societies 
stoked  the  patriotic  machine  to  white  heat. 

Thrust  at  the  Balkans 

One  by  one  the  necessary  steps  were 
taken  to  realize  this  grandiose  ambition. 
The  first  thing  necessary  was  an  alliance 
with  Austria-Hungary  so  close  as  to 
amount  to  the  absorption  of  that  empire. 
This  alliance  was  effected  in  1879,  and 
year  by  year  the  bonds  were  drawn  tighter, 
till  finally  the  Wilhelmstrasse,  in  matters 
of  foreign  policy,  completely  dominated 
the  Ballplatz.  The  relations  between  the 
Great  General  Staffs  of  the  two  Empires 
were  also  drawn  so  close  that  the  tactics 
and  strategy  of  the  Austrian  army  was 
practically  drawn  up  in  Berlin.  The 
Kaiser's  fiat  thus  ran  from  Koenigsberg- 
in  Preussen  to  the  Serbian  frontier. 

Any  chance  of  Italian  opposition  to 
German  aims  was  eliminated  by  including 
her  in  the  Austro- German  aliance.  In 
order  to  bring  this  about,  Prince  Bismarck 
cleverly  exploited  the  anti-French  feeling 
engendered  in  Italy  by  France's  policy  in 
Tunis  and  elsewhere,  at  which  the  Itali^ne 
took  umbrage. 

The  next  step  was  to  draw  the  Balkan 
States  into  the  combination.  German  in- 
fluence in  Eumania  was  assured  by  placing 
Carl  von  Hohenzollern  on  the  throne  of 
that  country,  and  in  1892  Austria-Him- 
gary  and  Eumania  concluded  a  secret 
treaty  of  alliance.  This  was  renewed  in 
1896,  1903,  and  1913,  and  in  February  of 
the  latter  year  the  alliance  was  extended 
to  Germany. 

German  predominance  in  Bulgaria  was 
assured  by  placing  a  German  prince,  Ferdi- 
nand of  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  on  the  throne 
of  that  country  and  by  sapping  and  min- 
ing the  influence  of  Eussia  (the  country 
to  which  Bulgaria  owed  her  existence  as 
an  independent  State)  by  Austrian  in- 
trigues. 

German  influence  in  Greece  was  assured 
by  the  Kaiser  giving  his  sister  Sophie  in 
marriage  to  the  Crown  Prince  (afterwards 
King)  Constantine.  Prince  Constantine 
was  also  brought  to  Germany,  where  he 


192Jt 


A  MISLEADING  BOOK 


177 


underwent  a  long  period  of  military  train- 
ing as  an  officer  of  the  Prussian  Corps  of 
Guards  and  was  thoroughly  embued  with 
the  idea  that  Germany  as  a  military  power 
was  invincible. 

The  Kaiser  took  advantage  of  the  mar- 
riage festivities  at  Athens  to  push  on  to 
Constantinople,  where,  with  Sultan  Abdul 
Hamid,  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
offensive  and  defensive  Turko-German 
alliance  which  was  to  play  such  a  decisive 
role  in  the  World  War.  It  was,  however, 
necessary  to  weld  this  huge  complex  of 
"Mittel  Europa"  into  a  homogeneous 
whole.  The  means  of  accomplishing  this 
was  the  creation  of  the  Berlin-Bagdad 
Eailway,  which  was  to  be  the  backbone  of 
the  new  world  empire.  From  this  steel 
vertebral  column  lines  would  branch  out 
right  and  left  and  firmly  establish  the  grip 
of  Germany  on  the  immense  empire  of  her 
dreams. 

The  Serbian  Obstacle 

There  was  only  one  link  necessary  to 
complete  the  chain.  This  link  was  Serbia, 
the  courageous  little  nation  for  which  Mr. 
Bausman  cannot  find  enough  insulting 
terms.  This  "most  infamous  people  in 
Europe,"  whose  "whole  history  is  one  of 
crime  and  violence,"  dared  to  commit  the 
crime  of  maintaining  its  independence. 
For  thirty  long  years  nothing  was  left  un- 
done to  force  Serbia  to  accept  German- 
Austrian  domination.  Her  whole  history 
during  that  period  is  one  long  series  of 
arbitrary  and  oppressive  acts  on  the  part 
of  Austria-Hungary.  A  cruel  and  crush- 
ing customs  tariff  was  enforced  against  her 
to  ruin  her  commerce  and  bring  her  to  her 
knees  before  the  Central  Powers.  Threats 
and  cajoleries  were  tried  in  turn.  The 
criminal  weaknesses  of  King  Milan  were 
exploited  to  get  him  to  sell  his  country's 
liberty. 

Hand  in  hand  with  Austria's  hostile 
policy  towards  the  Serbian  Kingdom  went 
her  oppression  of  everything  Serb  in  her 
own  dominions.  Croatia,  Dalmatia,  the 
Voivodina,  the  Slovene  country,  Bosnia, 
and  Heregovina  were  held  in  the  ruthless 
grip  of  Vienna  and  Budapest.  Up  to  the 
beginning  of  the  present  century  it  would 
have  been  possible  for  wise  statesmanship 
to  have  saved  the  Austrian  Empire  from 
dissolution  by  concessions  to  the  Slav  ele- 
ments.    If,  instead  of  holding  them  down 


as  inferior  vassal  States,  the  Slav  element 
had  been  admitted  to  the  government  of 
the  Empire  on  an  equal  footing  with  Aus- 
tria and  Himgary,  transforming  it  from  a 
Dual  to  a  Tri-al  Monarchy,  the  Empire  of 
the  Hapsburgs  might  have  been  saved. 
But  such  a  step  would  have  marked  the 
end  of  purely  German  influence.  The 
Slav  element  in  the  Austrian  Empire,  be- 
ing numerically  the  strongest  of  the  three, 
would  have  caused  a  new  orientation  of 
Austrian  policy,  one  calculated  to  elimi- 
nate the  preponderating  influence  of  the 
German  Empire  in  Austrian  affairs. 

This  had  to  be  prevented  at  all  costs. 
So  the  regime  of  Vienna  and  Budapest 
became  more  and  more  oppressive.  In 
order  to  leave  no  doubt  as  to  the  views  and 
intentions  of  the  reactionaries  of  Vienna, 
Budapest,  and  Berlin,  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment, in  1909,  cynically  informed  the 
other  Powers  that  it  intended  to  tear  up 
the  last  shred  of  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  and 
declared  that  it  would  purely  and  simply 
annex  the  Serbian-speaking  provinces  of 
Bosnia  and  Herzegovina,  temporarily 
handed  over  to  her  in  1878,  to  be  held  till 
pacified  and  a  stable  government  estab- 
lished. 

This  act  of  arrogant  oppression  was  the 
"last  straw."  From  that  time  on  the 
movement  of  the  southern  Slavs  of  the 
Austrian  Empire  for  liberty  and  recog- 
nition within  the  empire  changed  to  a 
frankly  separatist  one,  favoring  secession 
and  union  with  their  brothers-in-race  in 
Serbia  and  Montenegro,  to  form  a  strong 
and  compact  independent  Serbo-Croat 
nation  of  thirteen  million  souls. 

The  Will  to  Power 

Germany  now  saw  that  she  must  force 
Europe  to  admit  her  predominance  and, 
if  it  refused  to  do  so,  must  impose  it  by 
the  sword.  She  made  one  last  desperate 
effort  to  compel  France  to  abandon  the 
struggle  against  German  supremacy.  In 
1912  she  suddenly  decided  to  add  nearly 
200,000  men  to  her  peace  effective,  raising 
it  from  750,000  to  940,000  men.  The 
French  peace  effective  at  that  time  was 
about  500,000  men.  The  national  defense 
law  called  for  two  years'  service  with  the 
colors,  with  two  annual  contingents  of  re- 
cruits of  250,000  men  each.  This  was  all 
that  France,  with  her  population  of  lees 
than  forty  millions  could  furnish.     She 


178 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


would  thus  find  herseK  faced  by  a  Ger- 
man active  army  of  double  her  own.  Ger- 
many, with  her  population  of  nearly  sev- 
enty million,  had  no  difficulty  in  finding 
half  a  million  recruits  every  year. 

The  only  way  France  could  meet  this 
menace  would  be  by  going  back  to  three 
years'  military  service  with  the  colors,  and 
thus  have  three  contingents  of  250,000,  or 
a  total  peace  effective  of  750,000  men. 
The  Germans,  however,  believed  that  the 
French  would  never  go  back  to  three  years' 
military  service.  Nothing,  they  thought, 
would  induce  the  French  peasant  to  send 
his  twenty-year-old  son  to  pass  three  years 
in  a  military  barracks.  This  being  so, 
France,  being  outnumbered  by  two  to  one, 
would  gradually  accept  the  position,  ad- 
mit Germany's  supremacy,  and  bit  by  bit 
allow  the  German  domination  of  Europe 
to  be  established. 

For  months  the  Kaiser  and  his  entour- 
age consulted  every  available  authority. 
All  the  people  they  consulted  were  con- 
vinced that  France  would  never  consent 
to  return  to  three  years'  military  service, 
and  the  German  aim  would  be  attained. 
The  necessary  legislation  was  introduced 
and  railroaded  through  the  Eeichstag. 
And  then  something  happened  which  up- 
set all  the  Kaiser's  calculations.  France 
saw  the  danger  and,  with  a  heavy  heart, 
made  the  necessary  effort  to  meet  it.  The 
Parliament  voted  to  return  to  three  years' 
military  service,  thus  raising  the  French 
peace  effective  to  750,000  men.  The  Ger- 
mans had  underestimated  French  patriot- 
ism and  had  overreached  themselves. 
They  had  added  enormously  to  their  finan- 
cial burdens,  but  the  relative  military 
strength  of  the  two  countries  remained  un- 
changed. It  was,  if  anything,  changed 
to  the  detriment  of  Germany,  as  the 
French  soldier,  serving  three  years,  would 
be  better  trained  than  the  German  soldier 
serving  only  two. 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  from  that 
moment  the  Kaiser  resolved  on  war  as  the 
only  way  out  of  the  impasse  into  which  he 
had  brought  himself  by  his  underestima- 
tion of  French  patriotism.  Germany,  he 
knew,  could  never  permanently  bear  the 
strain  of  maintaining  a  peace  effective  of 
nearly  a  million  men.  An  attack  by  the 
Central  Powers,  therefore,  became  inevita- 
ble. It  was  further  necessary  to  lose  no 
time,  but  to  attack  France  before  the  three 


years'  military  service  Germany  had 
forced  upon  her  bore  its  fruits.  That  this 
meant  a  European  conflagration  Berlin 
and  Vienna  well  knew,  but  they  had  made 
up  their  minds  to  it.  All  that  was  re- 
quired was  a  plausible  pretext. 

Serbia's  Gift 

This  was  furnished  by  the  assassination, 
at  Sarajevo,  on  June  28,  1914,  of  the 
Archduke  Francis  Ferdinand,  the  heir  to 
the  Austrian  throne.  On  the  excuse  that 
the  assassin  was  a  Serb  (how  could  it  be 
otherwise  in  a  Serbian  province),  the  Bel- 
grade Government  was  accused  of  having 
inspired  the  crime.  The  famous  ultima- 
tum, probably  the  most  insolent  diplo- 
matic document  ever  penned,  was  pre- 
sented to  King  Peter's  Government.  It 
was  not  intended  that  it  should  be  ac- 
cepted. And  yet  Serbia,  on  the  advice  of 
the  Entente  powers  and  in  the  interests  of 
peace,  did  accept  it.  M.  Pashitch's  Gov- 
ernment merely  asked  for  further  infor- 
mation regarding  some  points  which  were 
obscure.  But  as  the  Central  Powers  had 
resolved  on  war,  this  sufficed.  Baron 
Giesl  von  Gieslingen,  the  Austrian  minis- 
ter, declared  the  reply  unsatisfactory, 
broke  off  diplomatic  relations,  and  left 
Belgrade.  Twenty-four  hours  later  war 
was  declared. 

Mr.  Bausman  cannot  find  epithets  in- 
sulting enough  for  the  Serbian  people. 
"Infamous,"  "vile,"  and  other  terms  are 
used  to  describe  them.  He  expresses  re- 
gret that  Austria  was  not  allowed  to  crush 
them  under  its  booted  heel.  May  I  be 
permitted  to  give,  in  my  turn,  my  estimate 
of  that  little  people.  I  have  been  with 
them  through  "good  report  and  evil."  I 
have  the  honor  of  knowng  King  Alexan- 
der, one  of  the  most  democratic  and  high- 
minded  sovereigns  in  Europe ;  but  I  have 
also  marched  and  suffered  with  the  peas- 
ants of  the  Shumadia  and  the  Morava  in 
two  campaigns.  I  consider  the  Serbs  to 
be  one  of  the  bravest,  most  hospitable,  and 
kind-hearted  people  I  have  ever  met,  and 
inspired  with  a  love  of  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence for  which  they  would  die  to  the 
last  man. 

As  soldiers,  they  have  few  equals  and  no 
superiors.  They  are  brave,  disciplined, 
and  patient  under  suffering  to  an  incred- 
ible degree.  That  they  aided  to  save 
Europe  from  the  domination  of  the  Teuton 


1924 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


179 


even  more  than  Belgium  did  is  beyond  all 
doubt.  If  their  resistance  had  collapsed 
in  the  first  four  weeks  of  the  war,  as  the 
Kaiser  fondly  hoped  it  would,  what  would 
have  happened?  The  armies  of  the  Cen- 
tral Powers  would  have  swept  tri- 
umphantly down  to  Constantinople,  Bul- 
garia would  have  received  them  with  open 
arms;  Rumania,  having  a  treaty  with 
them,  would  have  joined  them:  Greece, 
too,  would  have  welcomed  them,  and  "Mit- 
tel  Europa"  would  have  come  into  being 
six  weeks  after  the  war  started. 

Under  the  circumstances,  Italy  would 
not  have  moved  or,  if  she  did,  would  have 
remembered  that  she  was  a  member  of  the 
Triple  Alliance.  The  Kaiser  had  then 
only  to  organize  and  weld  together  the 
fighting  forces  of  Rumania,  Bulgaria, 
Greece,  and  the  Ottoman  Empire,  add 
them  to  those  of  Germany  and  Austria, 
and  pour  them  by  millions  against  France 
and  Russia. 

But  Serbia  nobly  did  her  duty.  Single- 
handed  against  the  might  of  the  Austrian 
Empire,  King  Peter's  faithful  troops 
twice  hurled  back,  in  hopeless  rout,  the 
flower  of  Francis  Joseph's  army.  For  one 
long  year,  unaided  by  any  ally,  the  Serbs, 
single-handed,  held  the  Danube  front  and 
prevented  a  European  catastrophe.  Then, 
when  Germans,  Austrians,  and  Bulgarians 
were  banded  against  her,  Serbia  still 
fought  for  months,  outnumbered  three  to 


one,  with  the  courage  of  despair.  When 
her  armies,  shrunk  to  150,000  men,  were 
driven  to  the  frontier  they  still  kept  their 
plighted  word.  They  faced  the  desola- 
tion of  the  snow-clad  Albanian  mountains, 
retreated  to  Corfu,  reformed  their  broken 
ranks,  landed  at  Saloniki,  and  resumed 
the  desperate  struggle. 

The  last  glorious  phase  of  this  great 
Serbian  epopee,  the  attack  on  the  Dobra 
Polje,  the  breaking  of  the  Bulgarian  lines, 
and  their  triumphant  advance  back  to 
their  beloved  Serbia,  proved  them  men  of 
an  indomitable  race,  the  soldiers  of  the 
"nation  that  will  never  die." 

Today  the  Serbs  are  once  more  installed 
in  the  position  they  held  centuries  ago,  the 
"Guardians  of  the  Gate,"  barring  the  route 
to  any  conqueror  who  will  again  try  to 
dominate  the  East.  As  long  as  King 
Alexander's  gaUant  army  fulfills  this  mis- 
sion, Europe  can  sleep  in  peace.  "On  ne 
passera  pas." 

And  it  is  for  such  a  people  that  Mr. 
Bausman  can  only  find  words  of  insult; 
and  all  for  what?  To  justify  his  thesis 
that  the  pacific  and  peace-loving  Kaiser 
was  provoked  and  wantonly  attacked  by 
the  wicked  and  perfidious  France.  A  book 
such  as  he  has  written,  defending  the  Ger- 
man Empire  and  its  attack  on  civilization, 
is  an  insult  to  the  thousands  of  his  gallant 
countrymen  today  lying  dead  on  the  soil 
of  France  and  Flanders. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


BRITISH  NOTE  TO  RUSSIA 

Following  is  the  text  of  tlie  note  sent  by 
the  British  Government  to  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment : 

February  1,  1924. 

1.  I  have  the  honor,  by  direction  of  my 
government,  to  inform  Your  Excellency  that 
they  recognize  the  Union  of  Socialist  Soviet 
Republics  as  the  de  jure  rulers  of  those 
territories  of  the  old  Russian  Empire  which 
acknowledge  their  authority. 

2.  In  order,  however,  to  create  the  normal 
conditions  of  complete  friendly  relations  and 


full  commercial  intercourse,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  conclude  definite  practical  agreements 
on  a  variety  of  matters,  some  of  which  have 
no  direct  connection  with  the  question  of 
recognition,  some  of  which,  on  the  other  hand, 
are  intimately  bound  up  with  the  fact  of 
recognition. 

3.  In  the  latter  category  may  be  cited  the 
question  of  existing  treaties.  His  Majesty's 
Government  are  advised  that  the  recognition 
of  the  Soviet  Government  of  Russia  will,  ac- 
cording to  the  accepted  principles  of  inter- 
national law,  automatically  bring  into  force 
all  the  treaties  concluded  between  the  two 
countries  previous  to  the  Russian  revolution, 
except  where  these  have  been  denounced  or 


180 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


have  otherwise  juridically  lapsed.  It  is  obvi- 
ously to  the  advantage  of  both  countries  that 
the  position  in  regard  to  these  treaties  should 
be  regularized  simultaneously  with  recogni- 
tion. 

4.  Technically  unconnected  with  recognition, 
but  clearly  of  the  utmost  importance,  are  the 
problems  of  the  settlement  of  existing  claims 
by  the  government  and  nationals  of  one  party 
against  the  other  and  the  restoration  of  Rus- 
sia's credit. 

5.  It  is  also  manifest  that  genuinely 
friendly  relations  cannot  be  said  to  be  com- 
pletely established  so  long  as  either  party  has 
reason  to  suspect  the  other  of  carrying  on 
propaganda  against  its  interests  and  directed 
to  the  overthrow  of  its  institutions. 

6.  In  these  circumstances  His  Majesty's 
Government  invite  the  Russian  Government 
to  send  over  to  London  at  the  earliest  possible 
date  representatives  armed  with  full  powers 
to  discuss  these  matters  and  to  draw  up  the 
preliminary  bases  of  a  complete  treaty  to  set- 
tle all  questions  outstanding  between  the  two 
countries. 

7.  In  the  meantime  I  have  been  given  the 
status  of  charge  d'affaires  pending  the  ap- 
pointment of  an  ambassador,  and  I  am  to 
state  that  His  Majesty's  Government  will  be 
glad  similarly  to  receive  a  Russian  charge 
d'affaires  representing  the  Government  of  the 
Union  at  the  Ck)urt  of  St.  James. 


SOVIET  CONGRESS'S  RESPONSE 

A  resolution,  a  copy  of  which  has  been 
forwarded  by  the  Russian  Mission  to  the 
British  Foreign  Office,  was  adopted  by  the 
Second  Union  Congress  of  Soviets  after  Mr. 
Litvinoff's  report  on  the  de  jure  recognition 
of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  by 
Great  Britain.  The  resolution  states  that 
the  congress  "notes  with  satisfaction  that 
this  historic  step  (of  de  jure  recognition) 
was  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  first  Govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain  chosen  by  the  working 
classes.''     The  resolution  continues: 

The  working  class  of  Great  Britain  has 
been  the  true  ally  of  the  working  masses  of 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  In  their  struggle  for  peace. 
The  peoples  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics  remember  the  efforts  of  the  work- 
ing masses  of  Great  Britain  and  the  advanced 
section  of  British  public  opinion  for  the  end- 
ing of  the  boycott,  the  blockade,  and  armed 
intervention.  They  realize  that  the  recogni- 
tion which  has  resulted  is  the  consequence  of 
the  unfaltering  will  of  the  British  people, 
which  unanimously  demanded  the  political 
recognition  of  the  Soviet  Government  as  a 
necessary  condition  for  the  establishment  of 
universal  peace,  the  economic  reconstruction 
of  the  world  after  the  ruin  caused  by  the 
imperialist  war,  and  in  particular  for  a  suc- 
cessful   fight    against    industrial    stagnation 


and  unemployment,  in  Great  Britain  itself. 
As  a  result  of  these  united  efforts  of  the 
pacific  policy  of  the  Soviet  Government  (un- 
der the  guidance  of  V.  I.  Lenin)  and  of  the 
loudly  expressed  determination  of  the  British 
people,  there  has  resulted  at  last  the  estab- 
lishment of  normal  relations  between  the  two 
countries  in  a  form  worthy  of  both  great  peo- 
ples and  laying  the  foundations  for  their 
friendly  co-operation. 

In  the  tense  atmosphere  of  interaational 
relations  today,  fraught  with  the  dangers  of 
new  world  conflicts  and  justly  constituting 
a  subject  for  anxiety  among  the  working  peo- 
ple of  all  countries,  this  step  of  the  British 
Labor  Government  acquires  special  and  strik- 
ing importance. 

This  Second  Congress  of  Soviets  of  the 
U.  S.  S,  R.  declares  that  co-operation  between 
the  peoples  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Union 
of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  remains  as  be- 
fore, one  of  the  first  cares  of  the  Union 
Soviet  Government,  which,  in  keeping  with 
all  its  preceding  policy  of  peace,  will  make 
every  effort  to  settle  all  disputed  questions 
and  misunderstandings  and  to  develop  and 
consolidate  economic  relations,  which  are  so 
necessary  for  the  economic  and  political 
progress  of  the  peoples  of  both  countries  and 
of  the  whole  world. 

This  Second  Congress  of  Soviets  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  R.  stretches  out  its  hand  in  friendly 
fraternal  greeting  to  the  British  people  and 
empower  the  Union  Government  to  under- 
take the  necessary  demarches  before  the 
British  Government  arising  out  of  the  fact  of 
recognition  of  the  Soviet  Government. 


BRITAIN  AND  FRANCE 

Text  of  Premiers'  Letters 

Following  is  the  text  of  the  letters  recently 
interchanged  between  the  Prime  Minister  of 
Great  Britain  and  M.  Poincar6: 

Foreign  Office,  S.  W.  1,  Jan.  26,  1924. 
My  Dear  Premier: 

Our  two  countries  have  gone  through  such 
trying  times  side  by  side  and  have  made  such 
sacrifices  together  for  a  common  cause  that 
on  coming  into  office  I  address  you  a  personal 
note,  not  only  to  inform  you  of  the  change, 
but  to  send  you  my  greetings  and  good 
wishes. 

I  grieve  to  find  so  many  unsettled  points 
causing  us  trouble  and  concern,  and  I  assure 
you  it  will  be  my  daily  endeavor  to  help  to 
settle  them  to  our  mutual  benefit.  You  have 
your  public  opinion,  and  I  have  mine;  you 
have  your  national  interests  to  conserve  and 
protect,  and  I  have  mine.  Sometimes  at  first 
they  may  be  in  confiict,  but  I  am  sure  by  the 
strenuous  action  of  goodwill  these  conflicts 
can  be  settled  and  policies  devised  in  the  pur- 
suit of  which  France  and  Great  Britain  can 
remain  in  hearty  co-operation.  We  can  be 
frank  without  being  hostile,  and  defend  our 


192Jt 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


181 


countries'  interests  witliout  being  at  enmity. 
Thus  the  Entente  will  be  much  more  than  a 
nominal  thing,  and  France  and  Great  Britain 
can  advance  together  to  establish  peace  and 
security  in  Europe. 

Pray  accept  these  assurances  and  my  senti- 
ments of  personal  respect,  and  believe  me  to 
be,  your  obedient  servant, 

Ramsay  MacDonald. 


M.  Poincare's  Reply 

Following  is  M.  Poincar6's  reply: 

Paris,   January  28,   1924, 
My  Dear  Prime  Minister: 

I  am  much  touched  by  the  kind  letter 
which  you  have  been  good  enough  to  write  to 
me,  to  inform  me  yourself  that  you  have  en- 
tered on  your  high  functions  and  to  send  me 
your  personal  good  wishes. 

I  hope  with  all  my  heart  that  your  efforts 
for  the  welfare  of  your  country  will  be 
crowned  with  success.  The  bonds  which 
unite  it  to  my  own  have  been  knit  together, 
as  you  recall,  in  times  of  common  trial  and 
sacrifice.  You  may  be  sure  that  the  memory 
of  these  times  is  ever  present  to  my  mind, 
as  it  is  to  yours. 

I  also  deeply  regret  that  several  questions 
of  importance  to  our  two  countries  have  not 
yet  been  settled.  Like  you,  I  will  do  my 
utmost  to  solve  them  by  friendly  agreement 
and  to  our  mutual  advantage.  If  we  have 
to  take  into  account  public  opinion  in  our 
respective  countries,  if  we  have  both  to  safe- 
guard our  national  interests,  I  am  confident 
that  in  applying,  each  in  his  own  sphere,  the 
vigorous  action  and  the  goodwill  of  which 
you  speak  to  the  settlement  of  problems  aris- 
ing between  us,  we  shall  solve  them  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  maintain  between  Great  Britain 
and  France  the  policy  of  co-operation  essen- 
tial to  our  two  countries  and  to  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  world. 

My  own  frankness  shall  be  no  less  than 
yours,  and  if  in  the  defense  of  French  in- 
terests I  show  the  same  fervor  as  you  in  the 
defense  of  British  interests,  you  may  be  sure 
that  nothing  will  ever  change  the  cordiality 
of  my  deep-rooted  feelings.  It  is  impossible 
that,  animated  as  we  both  are  by  such  senti- 
ments, we  should  fail  to  make  the  Entente 
effective  and  fruitful  of  the  results  which 
it  can  and  ought  to  bear  in  order  that  Europe 
as  a  whole  should  find  once  more  peace,  se- 
curity, and  freedom  to  work.  I  beg  you,  my 
dear  Prime  Minister,  to  accept  the  assurance 
of  my  high  consideration  and  my  most  cor- 
dial good  wishes. 

R.  Poincar6. 


CHICHERIN  ON 
MR.  MACDONALD'S  DECISION 

According  to  the  Manchester  Guardian  of 
February  8,  Mr.  Chicherin,  the  Commissar 
for   Foreign  Affairs,   has   given  Mr.    Arthur 


Ransome  an  exclusive  interview  in  which  he 

spoke  as  follows: 

"Our  Soviet  Congress  characterized  the 
recognition  of  the  Soviet  Republics  by  Great 
Britain  as  an  historical  event.  This  is  quite 
true,  and  it  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  the 
rSle  which  this  event  will  play  in  the  de- 
velopment of  the  world  situation.  Two  fac- 
tors in  Great  Britain  have  brought  about  this 
result.  The  first  was  the  unanimous  demand 
of  the  working  class,  which,  in  the  form  of 
unemployment,  feels  bitterly  the  present  dis- 
ruption of  the  world's  economic  system  and, 
with  the  whole  strength  of  its  just  instincts, 
strives  for  the  only  real  remedy,  namely,  the 
drawing  of  Soviet  Russia  into  completely 
normal  intercourse  with  Great  Britain.  The 
second  factor  was  the  far-seeing  enlightened 
comprehension  of  the  most  thoughtful  ele- 
ments in  English  political  quarters. 

"From  the  first  beginning  of  our  Republic 
I  have  unceasingly  pointed  out  the  unparal- 
leled fiexibility,  capacity,  and  adaptation  of 
the  best  section  of  English  ruling  quarters. 
Many  times,  for  example,  when  the  British 
Government,  alone  among  the  great  powers, 
supported  Esthonia  in  her  desire  to  conclude 
peace  with  Soviet  Russia,  I  pointed  out  that 
on  the  Thames  there  are  most  long-sighted 
statesmen  who  can  perceive  in  advance  the 
coming  of  new  forces  and  the  need  of  adapta- 
tion to  those  new  forces.  Compromise  has 
long  been  the  great  art  of  British  statesman- 
ship. In  the  first  days  of  our  existence,  when 
other  governments  showed  unmitigated  ha- 
tred, the  British  Government  alone  among 
western  powers,  showed  some  willingness  to 
compromise  with  our  new-born  government. 
Even  when  the  wave  of  intervention  was  at 
its  height,  Mr.  Lloyd  George  raised  his  voice 
for  agreement  with  Soviet  Russia,  and  the 
Liberal  press,  which  represented  a  far-seeing 
section  of  British  public  opinion,  has  never 
ceased,  even  in  the  worst  periods,  to  denounce 
intervention  and  speak  out  for  agreement 
with  our  government, 

British   Initiative   in  Trade   Relations 

"The  resumption  of  trade  relations  with 
Russia  was  the  result  of  the  initiative  of  the 
British  Government,  and  through  all  the  vi- 
cissitudes of  the  relations  between  our  two 
countries  the  truly  Liberal  press  never  ceased 
to  advocate  conciliation  and  agreement 
Working-class  opinion  and  enlightened  politi- 
cal thought  are  the  two  forces  which  brought 
about  the  present  admirable  result.  I  com- 
pletely concur  with  the  Liberal  press  in  think- 
ing this  the  wisest  step  yet  taken  by  the 
British  Government  after  the  war.  It  is  a 
great  example  of  the  genuine  statesmanship 
which  understands  the  powerful  psychologi- 
cal forces  that  underlie  the  policies  of  States, 
The  men  who  advocated  and  carried  through 
this  step  obviously  understand  the  effect  it 
will  have  on  the  minds  of  the  130  millions  of 
the  great  Soviet  Federation,  As  the  result 
of  the  enormous  interest  which  the  masses 


183 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


in  Russia  show  for  foreign  politics,  Great 
Britain  will  forthwith  enjoy  such  popularity 
as  will  be  a  real  political  factor.  It  can  be 
said  that  with  a  single  stroke  she  has 
strengthened  her  international  position  and 
has  altered  the  combination  of  forces  on  the 
political  chess-board. 

"But  the  wise  thing  must  be  thoroughly 
wise,  and  must  not  be  left  unfinished.  Wise 
things  cannot  be  done  half-heartedly,  Ham- 
let could  never  have  been  a  real  statesman. 
Why,  then,  in  the  British  note  announcing 
such  a  grand  decision  is  there  a  sort  of  inter- 
mixture of  limitations  of  that  original  de- 
cision? Instead  of  leaving  a  feeling  of  full 
and  complete  satisfaction  and  joy,  the  British 
note  leaves  in  the  mind  some  doubt  and  a 
feeling  of  vagueness  of  purpose.  What  mean 
these  subtle  distinctions  between  recognition 
and  normal  conditions?  After  reading  the 
first  paragraph  of  the  note  I  thought  it  gave 
us  full  recognition,  but  in  the  second  para- 
graph I  found  that  normal  conditions  be- 
tween us  will  be  restored  only  after  vexed 
questions  about  debts,  private  property,  and 
so  on  have  been  solved.  We  have  recogni- 
tion, but  not  normal  conditions.  What  does 
recognition  imply  if  not  normal  relations  be- 
tween the  States  in  question?  Why  cannot 
we  at  once  nominate  an  ambassador?  Obvi- 
ously, because  there  are  no  normal  conditions 
between  us.  What,  then,  remains  of  recog- 
nition? What  demon  of  doubt  has  with  his 
icy  breath  blasted  the  grand  resolution  of  full 
recognition?  Whose  unlucky  influence  has, 
at  least  in  part,  tarnished  the  gilt  of  the  wise 
historical  event  of  the  restoration  of  full  and 
complete  friendly  intercouse  between  our 
peoples? 

"But  let  us  hope  for  the  best.  Let  us  go 
on  with  our  work.  From  the  first  day  when 
Mr.  Krassin  appeared  in  London  we  have 
striven  for  oportunities  of  thrashing  out  all 
our  differences  and  mutual  suspicions.  Until 
now  British  rulers  have  evaded  the  work  of 
complete  outspokenness.  We  have  much  to 
say.  Lord  Curzon's  diplomacy  has  not  been 
tender  towards  us,  and  I  am  especially  glad 
to  have  as  partner  in  this  full  and  complete 
frankness  Mr.  MacDonald,  the  best  friend  of 
the  much-regretted  Keir  Hardie. 

Relations  with  the  East 

"Mr.  MacDonald  will  understand  that  our 
unbreakable  friendship  for  the  peoples  of  the 
East  does  not  mean  aggressiveness  on  our 
part,  but,  on  the  contrary,  means  the  putting 
In  practice  of  the  principles  which  the  great 
Keir  Hardie  so  magnificently  advocated.  In 
so  far  as  my  friend  Mr.  Clifford  Allen  and 
my  friend  Mr.  Fenner  Brockway  are  strug- 
gling for  peace  and  brotherhood  among  na- 
tions, I  may  say  that  the  Soviet  Government 
are  supporting  the  same  cause. 

"When  Gladstone,  who  tried  in  vain,  but 
still  tried,  to  put  in  practice  the  idea  of  a 
non-aggressive  Little  England,  strove  for 
agreement  with  Russia,  he  had  before  him 
the  extremely  aggressive  Russia  of  Alexander 


HI,  and  his  Copenhagen  interview  with 
Rus.siau  statesmen  was  doomed  to  failure  in 
view  of  the  incurable  greed  of  Russian 
Tsarism.  Mr.  MacDonald  is  in  a  better 
position,  for  he  is  faced  not  by  greedy  Tsarist 
Russia,  but  by  a  great  federated  republic  of 
peace,  which  writes  on  its  banner :  "¥u\\  inde- 
pendence, full  freedom,  and  self-disposal  for 
every  nation.'  Alexander  III  in  conciliation 
was  no  match  for  Gladstone.  To  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald I  can  put  the  opposite  question  and 
ask:  'Will  his  love  of  peace  and  his  concilia- 
tory spirit  be  as  great  as  our  own?' " 


TREATY  BETWEEN  ITALY  AND 
THE  KINGDOM  OF  THE  SERBS, 
CROATS,  AND  SLOVENES. 

The  following  treaty  between  Italy  and  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes 
was  ratified  by  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  at 
Belgrade,  February  19,  1924: 

Article  I.  The  Italian  Government  recog- 
nizes the  full  sovereignty  of  the  Kingdom  of 
the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  over  Porto 
Barosh  and  the  Delta,  which  will  be  evacu- 
ated and  handed  over  to  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  two  days  after 
the  exchange  of  ratifications. 

Article  II.  The  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs, 
Croats,  and  Slovenes  recognizes  the  full  sov- 
ereignty of  Italy  to  the  town  and  harbor  of 
Flume,  with  its  territory,  which  will  be 
handed  over  to  Italy  with  the  frontier  lines 
described  in  the  following  article. 

Article  III.  The  frontier  lines  of  the  King- 
dom of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  in 
regard  to  Fiume,  which  were  laid  down  by 
Article  III  of  the  treaty  of  Repallo,  on  No- 
vember 12,  1920,  are  to  be  modified  in  the 
sense  of  the  above-quoted  Article  II.  This 
modification  will  be  carried  out  by  a  mixed 
commission  composed  of  Italian  delegates 
and  delegates  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs, 
Croats,  and  Slovenes.  The  modification  will 
take  place  according  to  the  following  lines: 
the  road  from  Kaslav  to  Fiume  will  be  held 
by  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes  from  a  point  to  the  east  of  Tometich 
to  the  cross-roads  to  the  north  of  Bergudi. 
The  frontier  line  will  be  traced  on  the  ter- 
rain which  lies  between  the  railway  line  and 
the  above-mentioned  road.  In  a  northeast- 
erly direction  from  this  point  the  frontier 
line  will  be  so  modified  that  Belin  will  remain 
in  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes,  and  to  the  north,  near  Drenova, 
it  follows  a  convex  line  to  a  point  on  the 
Fiumara,  which  will  be  drawn  in  the  north- 
ern half  of  the  present  frontier,  between  the 
eighth  and  the  ninth  frontier  boundary  mark. 

Article  IV.  The  Kingdom  of  Italy  recog- 
nizes the  full  sovereignty  of  the  Kingdom  of 
the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  to  the  terri- 
tory which  will  be  handed  over  to  it  and 
which  will  be  evacuated  after  the  delimita- 
tion of  the  new  frontier  line  by  the  Mixed 
Commission.    This  Commission  will  carry  out 


192Ji 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


183 


its  task  in  such  a  manner  tliat  the  above- 
named     territory     will     be     evacuated     and 
handed  over  five  days  after  the  exchange  of 
ratifications. 

Article  V.  The  frontier  between  Fiume 
and  the  Porto  Barosh  along  the  Bankino  will 
be  laid  down  in  conformity  with  the  line  laid 
down  and  marked  on  the  map  accompanying 
the  Repallo  Treaty.  The  line  will  be  laid 
down  in  the  manner  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  frontier  commission,  will  be  most  suitable 
for  the  customs  control  of  the  two  States. 
The  connecting  road,  as  well  as  the  draw- 
bridge between  the  Porto  Grande  on  the 
Fiumara  and  the  harbor  of  Barosh,  remains 
on  Italian  territory.  The  Kingdom  of  Italy 
recognizes  the  full  sovereignty  of  the  King- 
dom of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes  over 
the  Fiumara  River.  The  frontier  line  will 
accordingly  be  drawn  in  such  a  manner  that 
It  will  not  interfere  with  the  navigation  on 
the  Fiumara  itself.  For  the  use  of  this  river 
the  Italian  Government  will  pay  a  yearly  tax 
of  one  gold  dinar  per  annum  to  the  Kingdom 
of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slovenes. 

Article  VI.  The  relations  between  the 
frontier  zones,  the  frontier  committee  of  Kas- 
lav,  and  the  Italian  frontier  territory,  which 
until  the  conclusion  of  a  commercial  treaty 
are  subject  to  the  conditions  in  this  treaty, 
will  be  settled  by  a  frontier  traffic  committee. 
Both  powers  are  in  agreement  that  in  the 
commercial  treaty  all  questions  concerning 
frontier  traffic  will  be  settled  in  such  a  way 
that  due  allowance  will  be  made  for  the  eco- 
nomic relations  between  the  individual  zones, 
and  special  attention  will  be  given  to  the  spe- 
cial interests  of  the  inhabitants. 

Article  VII.  The  Kingdom  of  Italy  leases 
to  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes  for  fifty  years  the  covered  and  un- 
covered spaces  on  the  Porto  Grande,  which 
are  included  in  the  Taon  de  Revel  basin.  In 
conformity  with  Article  XXI  of  the  conven- 
tion annexed  to  this  treaty  this  lease  ex- 
cludes all  exterritorial  character  from  this 
territory  and  extends  to  the  unlimited  use  of 
the  large  warehouses  on  the  Molo  Nepoli,  the 
two  warehouses  along  the  bank  of  the  Taon 
de  Revel  basin,  and  farther  to  the  warehouses 
on  the  Molo  Genova,  as  well  as  to  the  privi- 
leged use  of  that  bank  which  is  on  the  fron- 
tier of  the  basin.  The  officials  and  the  em- 
ployees of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats, 
and  Slovenes  who  will  be  in  charge  of  the 
traffic  in  their  State  in  this  basin,  will  carry 
out  their  functions  in  the  terms  of  the  con- 
vention which  is  annexed  to  this  treaty.  The 
Government  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs, 
Croats,  and  Slovenes  will  pay  the  Italian 
Government  a  yearly  rent  of  one  gold  lira. 

Article  VIII.  The  chief  railway  station  of 
Fiume  will  be  organized  as  an  international 
frontier  station,  to  which  a  delegation  of 
railway  employees,  composed  of  railway  ex- 
perts and  other  persons,  such  as  is  usual  in 
international  railway  stations,  will  be  at- 
tached. This  delegation  will,  together  with 
the  Italian  employees,  regulate  the  traffic 
on  the  section  which  connects  the  railway 
station  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats, 


and  Slovenes  with  the  basin  and  with  Porto 
Barosh.  The  fashion  in  which  this  common 
activity  will  be  regulated  is  laid  down  in  the 
convention  annexed  to  this  treaty.  In  re- 
gard to  the  water  supply  of  Fiume,  this  will 
be  also  regulated  according  to  the  conditions 
laid  down  in  the  convention  annexed  to  the 
treaty. 

Article  IX.  The  Slavic  minority  in  Flume 
will  create  a  regime  on  the  same  lines  as  that 
regulating  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  Italian 
minority  in  Dalmatia. 

Article  X.  This  treaty  will  be  ratified  and 
ratifications  exchanged  in  Rome  within 
twenty  days  from  the  signature  of  the  treaty, 
drawn  up  in  duplicate  in  Rome  on  January 
27,  1924. 


News  in  Brief 


Labor  shobtage  in  India  has  greatly  stim- 
ulated the  use  of  coal-cutting  machinery  In 
the  Indian  coal  mines.  Most  of  the  large 
collieries  in  the  various  fields  are  now 
equipped  with  electric  power.  Forty  elec- 
trically driven  coal-cutting  machines  were  in 
operation  in  the  Ranesgunge  and  Jherrla 
fields,  and  during  1922  these  machines  cut  a 
total  area  of  1,065,456  square  feet.  In  addi- 
tion, three  machines  operating  on  compressed 
air  cut  190,890  square  feet  in  the  Jherrla 
field.  One  colliery  has  introduced  a  mechan- 
ical loading  conveyor  which  operates  by  com- 
pressed air. 

In  Norway  both  pubuc  and  pbtvatb  in- 
terests are  pursuing  conservative  policy  with 
the  object  of  establishing  finances  as  quickly 
as  possible  on  a  sound  basis.  In  a  recent 
message  to  the  Storthing,  the  Norwegian  Gov- 
ernment outlined  its  program,  which  shows 
a  determined  intention  of  balancing  the 
budget  and  carrying  through  economic  re- 
construction. The  message  further  recom- 
mends the  repeal  of  the  prohibition  act  with 
the  express  purpose  of  aiding  government 
finances,  and  the  opening  of  negotiations  with 
Soviet  Russia  for  the  settlement  of  all  pend- 
ing questions.  The  proposed  1924-25  budget 
is  characterized  by  rigid  economy. 

The  German  mercantile  fleet  is  steadily 
recovering  its  former  position  among  the 
world's  maritime  carriers.  Little  by  little 
the    German    fieet    operators    are   exploiting 


184 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


Hues  of  sea  traffic  which  they  were  con- 
strained to  abandon  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
World  War.  German  traffic  via  the  Suez 
Canal  indicates  notably  the  steps  of  this 
progress.  According  to  statistics  furnished 
by  the  Suez  Canal  Company,  the  German  flag 
made  its  first  appearance  along  the  Suez 
route  October  23,  1920,  after  a  total  suspen- 
sion of  86  months.  In  1913,  with  a  total  of 
3,352,000  tons,  Germany  held  first  place  after 
Great  Britain  among  the  nations  represented 
in  the  traffic  of  the  Suez  Canal.  In  1920  only 
three  German  ships  passed  through  the  Suez 
Canal.  Two  belonged  to  the  Deutsch-Aus- 
tralische  Gesellschaft,  sailing  from  Hamburg 
to  Java,  and  one  owned  by  the  Hansa  Line, 
which  sailed  for  the  British  East  Indies.  In 
1921  thirty-five  passages  were  made  through 
the  canal  by  vessels  flying  the  German  flag. 
During  1922,  however,  vessels  under  the  Ger- 
man flag  passed  through  the  Suez  Canal  149 
times,  and  during  the  first  eight  months  of 
1923  the  German  tonnage  passing  through 
the  Suez  Canal  was  greater  than  during  the 
entire  year  1922. 

Zaghlul  Pasha,  the  new  premier  of 
Egypt,  will  be  likely,  under  the  1922  agree- 
ment with  Great  Britain,  to  negotiate  a  final 
treaty  between  that  country  and  his  own. 
This  treaty  will  have  to  cover  four  principal 
subjects — security  of  communications  (in- 
volving the  Suez  Canal),  the  protection  of  the 
rights  of  minorities,  the  problem  of  foreign 
residents  and  the  capitulations,  and  the  con- 
trol of  the  Sudan.  Just  what  the  new  pre- 
mier's attitude  will  be  toward  these  impor- 
tant fundamentals  of  policy  is  not  yet  known. 

The  introduction  of  the  litas  in  place  of 
the  German  mark  and  the  Russian  ruble  as 
standard  currency  in  Lithuania  has  saved  the 
State  from  ruin.  The  litas,  said  the  Finance 
Minister,  in  introducing  his  budget  for  1924 
to  the  Parliament,  is  now  accepted  in  East 
Prussia,  in  Polish  Lithuania,  and  is  quoted 
on  foreign  exchanges.  Agriculture  in  the 
country  has  reached  its  pre-war  volume  and 
every  department  of  industry  shows  an  in- 
crease over  1914.  There  is  great  lack  of 
fertilizer,  unobtainable  during  the  German 
occupation,  and  the  minister  stressed  the 
great  need  for  better  internal  transportation 
facilities.  He  was  able,  however,  to  announce 
a  loan  of  £1,000,000  from  a  British  firm  for 
the  supply  of  materials  for  railways,  eleva- 
tors and  similar  undertakings.     Lithuanian 


state  economy  was,  last  fall,  on  the  brink  of 
an  abyss,  but  with  a  stable  national  currency, 
with  her  wide  field  of  raw  material  in  agri- 
culture and  forests,  and  the  establishment  of 
better  transportation  facilities,  the  outlook  is 
distinctly  encouraging. 

The  Swiss  Federal  Council  has  approved 
the  arbitration  treaty  which  has  been  di'awn 
up  with  Portugal  and  which  will  be  submitted 
to  Parliament  for  ratification.  Other  arbi- 
tration treaties  are  in  preparation  with  Hol- 
land, Sweden,  Norway,  Denmark,  and  Aus- 
tria, and  negotiations  are  also  proceeding 
with  Hungary. 

The  International  Federation  of  Trade 
Unions  has  resolved  to  organize  two  summer 
schools  in  the  year  1924,  one  of  which  will  be 
held  at  Schonbrunn  Castle,  near  Vienna,  from 
July  21  to  August  2,  and  the  other  at  Ruskin 
College,  Oxford,  from  18th  to  30th  of  August. 
Both  schools  are  primarily  intended  for  young 
men  and  women  who  are  active  workers  in 
the  Labor  movement. 

The  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  line  in 
Mexico  is  about  to  complete  a  gap  in  rail- 
way lines  between  Tepic  and  La  Quemada, 
in  Jalisco.  This  will  give  a  direct  outlet  to 
the  west  coast  from  Mexico  City  and  central 
Mexico.  The  distance  to  be  covered  is  about 
103  miles  and  involves  the  expenditure  of 
about  $15,000,000. 

Nicaragua  celebrated  the  102d  anniver- 
sary of  its  independence  September  14  and 
15,  1923.  The  day  was  marked  by  patriotic 
exercises  in  the  schools,  by  parades  and  ad- 
dresses. 

Japan  now  requires  four  years  of  Eng- 
lish for  graduation  from  a  middle  or  secon- 
dary school  and  for  admission  to  a  higher 
institution  of  learning.  For  advanced  tech- 
nical and  commercial  schools  five  years'  study 
of  English  are  required. 

The  Fascisti  Government  has  pursued  a 
policy  in  Italy  which  recognizes  the  principle 
of  a  mutual  interest  between  the  State  and 
private  enterprise.  This  policy  has  done 
much  to  remove  the  former  fear  on  the  part 
of  business  interests  that  their  activities 
would  be  curtailed  by  government  interfer- 
ence. The  improvement  in  the  finances  of 
the  Italian  Government  has  been  accelerated. 


192J^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


185 


The  share  of  the  United  States  in  the 
trade  of  the  Philippine  Islands  has  increased 
from  11  per  cent  in  1900  to  65  per  cent  in  the 
first  ten  months  of  1923.  Manila  hemp  and 
sugar  of  the  islands  are  the  leading  exports, 
and  cotton  manufactures  rank  first  in  im- 
ports from  the  United  States. 

An  impbovement  in  cable  communica- 
tions with  France  has  recently  been  inaugu- 
rated. It  has  been  necessaiy  hitherto  for  all 
messages  to  be  handled  by  the  French  post- 
office,  and  to  be  retransmitted  to  and  from 
Havre.  This  arrangement  left  loopholes  for 
mistakes  and  involved  inevitable  delay.  On 
January  1  the  Western  Union  Telegraph  Co. 
and  the  Commercial  Cable  Co.  began  to  do 
business  directly  with  the  French  general 
public,  thus  eliminating  the  handling  of  mat- 
ter by  the  post-offlce  entirely. 

The  Naval  Disarmament  Conference  at 
Rome  has  begun  the  examination  of  the 
League  of  Nations'  project  for  extending  the 
stipulations  of  the  Washington  Treaty  to  all 
other  States  having  naval  forces,  that  did 
not  sign  the  treaty.  The  main  difficulty  is 
the  maximum  tonnage  to  be  allotted  to  each 
nation.  There  is  a  natural  divergence  of 
views  on  this  point. 

A  delegation  known  as  the  Pan-American 
Highway  Commission  will,  in  the  near  future, 
visit  this  country  to  study  the  highways  and 
highway  transport  system  of  the  United 
States.  It  will  be  made  up  of  forty  delegates 
from  twenty  Latin-American  countries,  men 
of  broad  experience  in  highway  affairs  in 
their  respective  countries.  They  will  be  the 
guests  of  the  Highway  Education  Board,  as- 
sisted by  officials  from  several  of  the  depart- 
ments and  of  the  Pan-American  Union.  It  is 
proposed  to  conduct  the  visitors  on  a  tour  of 
approximately  three  weeks'  duration  through 
several  of  the  States  progressive  in  road 
construction.  It  is  probable  that  the  United 
States  as  well  as  the  visiting  governments 
will  be  benefited  by  exchange  of  views  and 
experience. 

"As  a  mark  of  appreciation  to  a  generous 
people  for  their  beneficence  after  the  recent 
disaster  in  Yokohama  and  Tokyo,''  the  Japa- 
nese Government  has  authorized  the  sending 
of  a  commercial  exhibit  valued  at  more  than 
$100,000  to  this  country  about  April  1.  This 
will  ultimately  be  a  part  of  the  International 


Commercial    Museum    contemplated    by    the 
San  Francisco  Chamber  of  Commerce. 

"Goodwill  Day"  is  the  new  name  given  to 
Peace  Day  by  the  World  Conference  on  Edu- 
cation, held  in  San  Francisco  in  1923,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  National  Education  Asso- 
ciation. Provision  for  the  world-wide  observ- 
ance of  the  18th  of  May  as  Goodwill  Day 
was  made  during  this  conference;  founda- 
tions were  also  laid  for  a  closer  integration 
of  the  work  of  educators  throughout  the 
world. 

Reconstruction  in  Turkey  is  now  going 
forward  rapidly.  Animated  by  national 
pride  and  the  hope  of  permanent  peace,  the 
peasants  are  working  as  they  have  probably 
never  done  before,  and  building  operations 
of  the  cheaper  variety  in  the  interior  are  pro- 
ceeding on  a  large  scale,  both  under  private 
initiative  and  public  subsidy.  All  railroad 
lines  have  been  put  on  an  operating  basis. 
Since  the  fall  of  1923  the  Ministry  of  Recon- 
struction will  have  spent  about  £3,500,000  by 
March  1,  1924.  A  French  company  has  con- 
tracted to  build  over  3,000  houses  in  Aidin 
under  a  municipal  guaranty  of  rentals. 

Turkey's  policy  on  reconstruction  and 
nationalization  lines  may  be  gauged  by  some 
of  its  recent  legislation,  such  as  a  law  requir- 
ing all  business  places  to  exhibit  signs  in 
the  Turkish  language  and  heavily  taxing 
signs  in  foreign  languages ;  the  abrogation  of 
certain  ship-yard  concessions  and  laws  en- 
acted regarding  the  coastwise  trade;  prohib- 
itive duties  on  edible  oils,  flour,  and  box 
shooks;  requirement  that  public  utilities  em- 
ploy only  Moslem  Turks;  that  troops  be  in- 
structed in  the  use  of  farm  machinery ;  and 
the  registration  of  all  residents. 

Unemployment  in  Holland  continues  to 
increase,  the  total-  registered  unemployed 
numbering  106,206  on  February  1,  compared 
with  102,225  on  January  1.  Slight  improve- 
ment is  reported  in  the  building  and  metal- 
working  trades,  but  conditions  in  the  cloth- 
ing industry  are  worse,  as  are  those  among 
office  help,  while  increased  unemployment  is 
most  marked  in  unskilled  labor  irregularly 
engaged.  There  is  no  visible  change  in  pros- 
pects of  the  textile  lockout,  as  both  employers 
and  operatives  refuse  to  make  concessions,  it 
is  said. 


186 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


The  fourth  biennial  congress  of  the 
Women's  International  League  for  Peace  and 
Freedom  will  be  held  in  Washington,  D.  C, 
May  1-7,  1924. 

Settlement  of  the  terms  of  the  Serbian 
war  debt  to  the  United  States  is  the  object 
of  a  delegation  recently  sent  by  the  Jugoslav 
Government  to  the  United  States. 

Legislation  recently  passbu)  by  the  Co- 
lombian Congress  is  one  of  the  most  note- 
worthy achievements  in  current  international 
banking.  A  financial  commission  from  the 
United  States  prepared  and  presented  to  the 
congress,  within  three  months  of  its  arrival 
in  Bogota,  reports  leading  to  legislation 
which  the  Finance  Minister  of  Colombia  char- 
acterizes as  "transcendental  in  importance." 
These  new  laws  placed  the  Colombian  cur- 
rency upon  the  gold  standard.  They  gave 
the  Republic  a  new  general  banking  law,  con- 
forming to  the  best  modem  practices  in  the 
United  States  and  Europe.  They  provided 
for  a  system  of  banking  supervision  and  con- 
trol closely  modeled  on  the  system  of  New 
York  State.  Within  the  brief  period  of  four 
days  the  new  Bank  of  the  Republic  was 
founded,  with  an  authorized  capital  of  $10,- 
000,000.  The  new  budget  law  is  in  harmony 
with  best  modern  budgetary  legislation.  The 
Department  of  Fiscal  Control  is  being  organ- 
ized under  a  capable  Colombian  controller, 
acting  directly  under  the  President.  A  mem- 
ber of  the  American  commission  is  remaining 
in  Bogota  in  an  advisory  capacity  and  will 
help  put  in  operation  a  modern  accounting 
system. 

Poultry  raising  in  Belgium  has  developed 
considerably  since  the  armistice,  owing  partly 
to  the  fact  that  nearly  all  the  fowls  in  the 
country  were  killed  or  taken  away  during  the 
war.  The  comparatively  high  price  of  chick- 
ens and  eggs  has  also  stimulated  the  indus- 
try. Before  the  war  eggs  could  be  bought  in 
Belgium  at  ten  centimes  each,  while  the  pres- 
ent average  price  is  one  franc. 

The  last  session  of  the  legislative  council 
of  Bombay,  India,  adopted  measures  for  miti- 
gating the  hardships  of  the  "untouchables." 
Recently  a  meeting  of  the  depressed  classes 
was  held  in  Bombay,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
request  the  government  to  affix  boards  at  pub- 
lic places,  such  as  law  courts,  schools,  dispen- 
saries, tanks,  wells,  and  so  on,  to  enable  the 


members  of  the  depressed  classes  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  the  resolution  passed  in  the  last 
session  of  the  legislative  council.  It  is  satis- 
factory to  note  that  some  Hindu  religious 
leaders  are  giving  their  earnest  attention  to 
relieving  the  disabilities  of  the  "untouch- 
ables." 

The  Pan  American  Pedagogical  Congress, 
which  is  to  meet  at  Santiago,  Chile,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1925,  is  already  in  process  of  organi- 
zation. It  is  intended  to  be  truly  representa- 
tive of  the  ideals  of  the  twenty-one  democra- 
cies of  the  New  World.  A  writer  in  the  Pan 
American  Union  Bulletin  outlines  the  pur- 
poses of  the  conference  as  follows :  "How 
best  to  advance  knowledge  in  every  field ; 
how  best  to  diffuse  and  apply  the  knowledge 
so  gained ;  how  to  promote  progress  and  still 
to  conserve  the  finer  simplicities  and  hu- 
manities of  life ;  how  best  to  utilize  all  that 
is  most  valuable  in  the  common  experience 
and  effort;  in  brief,  how  best  to  develop  and 
perfect  that  American  civilization  which  is 
to  shed  light  where  before  was  darkness  and 
to  find  a  safe  footpath  in  the  road  toward 
American — and  world — peace  and  unity; 
these  are  the  real  problems  which  confront 
such  significant  gatherings  as  the  Pan  Ameri- 
can Pedagogical  Conference." 

A  Norwegian  company  recently  established 
two  direct  steamship  lines  to  Colombian 
ports.  One  runs  from  Montreal,  Canada,  and 
the  other  from  Antwerp. 

A  Central  American  Air-Mail  Conference 
was  held  in  Guatemala  City  on  October  29. 
A  contract  was  presented  by  the  Central 
American  Aviation  Co.,  discussed  by  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  five  countries  assembled, 
and  taken  back  to  the  governments  interested 
for  further  examination. 

The  Latvian  Prime  Minister,  speaking  to 
a  gathering  of  journalists,  states  that  previ- 
ous to  the  Conference  of  the  Baltic  Border 
States  at  Warsaw  and  Kovno,  a  conference 
will  take  place  at  Riga  in  which  Soviet  dele- 
gates will  take  part.  The  main  subject  of 
discussion  will  be  a  Russo-Latvian  treaty, 
the  terms  of  which  have  been  drafted  by  the 
Moscow  Government.  The  proposed  treaty 
provides  for  mutual  neutrality  In  case  of  at- 
tack from  a  third  party,  for  a  guarantee  of 
existing  interstate  frontiers,  for  freedom  of 
transit  trade,  and  for  neutrality  as  regards 


192Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


187 


I 


the  internal  affairs  of  Germany.  In  view  of 
the  importance  of  the  proposals  put  forward 
by  the  Soviet  Government,  Latvia  has  decided 
to  place  these  matters  before  the  other  Bor- 
der States  for  discussion. 

Danish  agbicultube  is,  on  the  whole,  in 
a  favorable  condition  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  prices  for 
feed  and  much  of  the  fertilizer  used  have 
risen  during  1923,  it  is  calculated  that  the  net 
revenue  from  capital  invested  in  farming  has 
increased  considerably  as  compared  with  the 
year  1922.  Wages  remained  stationary  until 
November  16,  1923,  when  by  agreement  they 
were  increased  10  per  cent.  The  exchange 
situation  is  not  so  encouraging. 

The  Russian  Red  Cross  celebrated  on  No- 
vember 20,  1923,  its  sixth  anniversary  since 
its  reorganization  on  a  working-class  basis. 
Since  November,  1918,  its  activities  may  be 
divided  into  four  periods :  First,  a  period  of 
civil  and  foreign  war;  second,  the  famine, 
third,  the  post-famine  period,  and,  fourth,  the 
present,  when  it  has  turned  its  activities  en- 
tirely to  peaceful  tasks.  It  is  spending  much 
energy  combating  tuberculosis  and  other 
menaces  to  health. 

Traffic  through  the  Panama  Canal  for 
the  year  1923  was  greater  than  in  any  previ- 
ous year.  The  increase  over  1922  was  68  per 
cent  in  the  number  of  ships,  90  per  cent  in 
tonnage,  and  cargo  84  per  cent.  Tolls  col- 
ItJcted  in  1923  amounted  to  $33,966,838,  an 
increase  of  83  per  cent  over  the  previous 
year. 

The  French  Government  is  contemplat- 
ing a  project  for  the  construction  of  a  rail- 
road from  Algeria,  across  the  Sahara  Desert, 
to  the  Niger  River.  When  this  road  is  in 
operation  it  will  permit  of  subsequent  exten- 
sion to  Tchad  and  the  Congo. 

The  effect  of  the  Ruhr  occupation  on 
Netherland  commerce  is  shown  in  a  decrease 
of  19  per  cent  in  the  tonnage  through  Rotter- 
dam in  each  direction  for  the  first  nine 
months  of  1923  as  compared  with  the  same 
period  the  previous  year. 

In  an  effort  to  help  promote  interna- 
tional good  will,  the  National  Kindergarten 
Association,  8  West  40th  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y.,  is  sending  free  of  charge  its  weekly 


articles  on  "Home  Education"  to  every  news- 
paper and  magazine,  located  in  any  part  of 
the  world,  which  desires  to  print  them.  They 
are  now  being  sent  by  request  to  twenty-six 
foreign  countries. 

Peat  mining  is  rapidly  gaining  in  impor- 
tance in  Germany,  owing  to  the  loss  of  pit- 
coal  districts  in  the  eastern  and  western 
parts  of  the  coimtry.  A  law  has  been  drafted 
in  the  State  of  Prussia  regulating  the  work- 
ing of  peat  areas  and  embodying  about  the 
same  regulations  as  the  law  of  December  11, 
1920,  relative  to  the  exploitation  of  bitumi- 
nous coal. 

Markets  of  all  sorts  in  India  depend  to 
an  appreciable  extent  on  the  success  or  fail- 
ure of  the  monsoon.  Good  monsoons  mean 
good  crop  yields,  which  in  turn  improve  the 
purchasing  power  of  India's  millions.  The 
country  has  now  enjoyed  three  good  mon- 
soons in  succession,  and  while  the  inability 
of  Europe  to  purchase  its  surplus  crop  yields 
at  fair  prices  has  somewhat  deterred  its  pros- 
perity, there  has  been  a  general  improve- 
ment of  living  conditions  of  the  masses 
throughout  the  land,  and  the  good  monsoon 
of  the  present  year  will  further  improve  the 
condition  of  the  people  in  1924. 

The  newly  appointed  ambassador  to 
Italy  is  Henry  P.  Fletcher,  now  ambassador 
to  Belgium.  He  will  succeed  Richard  Wash- 
burn Child,  who  some  time  ago  asked,  for 
personal  reasons,  to  be  relieved  from  diplo- 
matic duty.  Mr.  Child's  record,  especially 
during  the  two  Lausanne  conferences,  has  re- 
ceived much  favorable  comment.  Mr.  Fletcher 
is  one  of  the  most  experienced  American  dip- 
lomats, having  been  in  the  foreign  service 
since  1902.  His  first  post  was  secretaryship 
to  the  legation  at  Cuba.  Since  that  time  he 
has  served  in  China,  Portugal,  China  again, 
Chile,  and  in  1916  he  was  appointed  ambas- 
sador to  Mexico,  where  he  served  during  the 
turbulent  times  until  he  resigned,  in  Febru- 
ary, 1920,  to  become  Undersecretary  of  State. 

"There  can  be  no  question  about  any 
proposals  to  reopen  the  settlement  of  the 
British  debt  to  America,"  said  Premier  Mac- 
Donald  in  the  House  of  Commons,  February 
18.  "The  British  Government  having  ac- 
cepted the  terms  of  settlement,"  he  said,  "the 
matter  is  closed." 


188 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


An  Anglo-Polish  commercial  agreement 
was  signed  at  Warsaw,  November  26,  1923, 
to  become  effective  15  days  after  the  excliange 
of  ratifications  and  to  be  binding  for  one  year 
from  tlie  date  of  coming  into  force,  and  if 
not  terminated  at  that  time  by  three  months' 
notice  of  such  intention  by  either  party,  until 
the  expiration  of  three  months  from  the  date 
of  denunciation.  Reciprocal  most-favored-na- 
tion treatment  is  accorded  by  the  contracting 
parties  in  all  matters  relating  to  commerce, 
navigation,  industry,  and  the  exercise  of  pro- 
fessions, and  applies  to  all  that  concerns  im- 
portation, exportation,  customs  duties  and 
formalities,  carriage  and  transit,  the  carry- 
ing out  of  commercial  operations,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  subjects  or  citizens  of 
either  contracting  party  in  the  territories  of 
the  other. 

Chile  now  has  an  income  tax  established 
through  the  passage  and  the  putting  into  ef- 
fect of  the  income-tax  law  as  of  January  1. 
This  law  marks  a  new  departure  in  the  tax 
system  of  Chile,  and  its  passage  has  been  un- 
der serious  discussion  in  the  Chilean  Con- 
gress for  many  years. 


Oak  Park,  III.,  Jan.  25,  1924. 

Gentlemen  : 

Your  communication  addressed  to  my  hus- 
band, Dr.  Philip  S.  Moxom,  was  forwarded 
to  me  here.  Dr.  Moxom  pased  on  to  higher 
work  last  August.  Knowing,  as  I  do,  how 
earnestly  he  has  worked  for  a  world  peace, 
I  have  longed  to  send  you  same  of  his  own 
words  to  show  that  his  vote  would  be  one  of 
approval  for  any  plan  which  would  bring  the 
United  States  into  closer  participation  in 
world  affairs. 

Today  I  found  a  report  of  an  extemporane- 
ous speech  that  he  made  before  the  Twentieth 
Century  Club  of  Boston  the  last  time  he  was 
there,  about  a  year  ago.  These  words  are 
just  what  I  wanted  to  send  to  you : 

"I  believe,"  he  said,  "that  our  opportunity, 


our  resources,  and  our  power  lay  upon  us  a 
supreme  obligation  to  take  our  part  in  the 
problems  of  the  world,  and  not  simply  in  the 
problems  of  local  politics,  and  that  we  owe 
it  to  ourselves  to  have  a  share  in  bringing 
about  the  better  day  in  Europe  and  Asia. 

"We  need  morally  and  materially  to  dispel 
the  horrible  illusion  expressed  by  the  phrase 
'America  first'  We  can  no  more  live  alone; 
for  to  live  alone  is  to  be  accursed.  To  do 
our  duty  is  to  exert  the  great  power  we  have 
attained  and  to  apply  our  enormous  wealth 
and  greatly  diffused  intelligence,  in  taking  our 
place  by  the  side  of  the  best  minds  of  other 
peoples  and  in  working  with  them  for  the 
emancipation  of  humanity  from  the  supersti- 
tions and  the  old  habits  and  memories  of 
bloody  wars,  to  the  bringing  of  the  world  out 
into  the  sunlight  of  peace. 

"Great  changes  are  coming,  and  they  must 
come  through  the  recognition  by  the  Ameri- 
can mind  of  America's  supreme  obligations, 
because  of  its  supreme  opportunity  and  its 
outstanding  power.'' 

I  hope  this  is  not  too  late  to  do  its  work 
for  the  great  cause. 

Sincerely   yours, 

Jessie  Daggett  Moxom 

(Mrs.  Philip  Stafford  Moxom.) 


Dresden,  Germany,  Dec.  28,  1923. 
Dear  Sir: 

I  am  always  glad  to  receive  the  Advocate 
of  Peace,  and  I  thank  you  very  much  for 
sending  it  all  the  year  we  finish  now.  I  show 
many  articles  to  my  friends  and  other  per- 
sons. Sometimes  I  send  a  few  lines,  trans- 
lated and  drawn  from  the  Advocate,  to  a 
newspaper. 

The  peace  movement  highly  needs  support 
in  Germany.  It  was  in  a  gut  stand  a  year 
ago,  but  now  it  is  to  be  deplored,  there  is  a 
change  for  the  worse.  The  cause  of  it  lies 
certainly  in  many  mistakes  of  our  politics, 
but  the  French  could  do  much  more  for  the 
world  peace  with  a  little  more  generosity. 

For  better  sentiments  I  reckon  upon  the 
youth,  especially  the  youth  in  the  elementary 
schools.  There  will  grow  up  a  new  genera- 
ion,  with  more  sense  for  peaceful  interstand- 
ing  between  nations  than  there  is  to  be  found 
in  most  of  the  grown-up  people  of  today. 
Sincerely  yours, 

O.  Waoneb. 


1924 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


189 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


The  Inexcusable  Lie.     By  Harold  R.  Peat 

("Private  Peat'')-     New  York,  Barse  and 

Hopkins.    Pp.  186.     Price,  $1.50. 

It  is  encouraging  to  find  another  of  the  old 
truths  about  the  causes  of  war  freshly  dis- 
covered and  hotly  argued.  Private  Peat  has 
found  that  children  are  alike  the  world  over, 
and  that  hatred  has  to  be  taught.  The  war 
has  demonstrated  to  him  that  the  great  lie, 
the  inexcusable  lie,  continually  taught  to 
children  is  that  war  is  glorious  and  the  sol- 
dier is  to  be  emulated. 

He  looks  down  his  own  past  to  find  the  be- 
ginning of  the  lie  for  him ;  he  looks  over  the 
world  today  and  finds  where  it  is  now  being 
peri)etuated.  Through  rushing  and  indignant 
chapters  he  follows  them — these  lies. 

Will  any  sculptor  mold  the  pitiful  figure 
of  what  is  left  of  a  wounded  soldier — legless, 
armless,  blind,  gibbering  in  insanity,  with 
horribly  mutilated  features?  What  city  will 
put  on  such  a  picture  its  bronze  tablet  with 
gilded  letters,  "Encourage  youth  to  emulate"? 

And  also  with  medals.  "Give  us  medals ; 
give  us  awards ;  .  .  .  but  to  the  youth  tell 
the  truth,  .  .  .  that  every  medal  means 
another,  another,  another,  and  yet  another 
dead  man,  .  ,  .  horribly  dead,  .  .  . 
done  to  death,  .  .  .  murdered.  ...  I 
do  not  deride  the  war  hero.  I  do  not  grudge 
him  the  prominence  earned  and  deserved — 
more  greatly  deserved  than  any  civilian  can 
know;  but  his  very  eminence  lifts  war  to  a 
pinnacle  with  him,  where  the  filthy  institu- 
tion has  no  right,  alongside  honorable  men. 
If  heroes  and  war  cannot  be  thought  of  sepa- 
rately, then  scrap  both.  The  heroic  veteran 
will  be  acquiescent;  .  .  .  more,  he  will  be 
pleased.    He  fought  to  end  wars." 

Through  education,  then,  from  six  to  four- 
teen— those  pathetic,  helpless  years,  "when 
our  progenitors  do  to  us  what  they  will" — 
Mr.  Peat  would  have  the  authorities  defi- 
nitely plan  to  eradicate  the  age-long  propa- 
gation of  a  lie.  History  must  be  unbiassed 
by  so-called  patriotism;  it  must  be  truthful 
history.  Hero-worship  should  be  of  the  great 
constructive  geniuses  of  whatever  race;  there 


should  be  a  comprehension  of  the  brother- 
hood of  man.  In  religion,  images  should  be 
shown  of  the  Christ  in  the  market-place,  the 
friendly,  virile  helper  of  men— a  Christ  which 
a  live  youth  will  wish  to  emulate. 

Every  man  of  common  honesty  and  decency 
wishes  to  leave  a  world  better  for  posterity. 
"We,  ourselves,"  he  says,  "have  started  with 
a  handicap.  .  .  .  Life  has  come  to  us  un- 
filed and  unlisted.  Yet  there  is  no  excuse. 
.  .  .  Our  knowledge  has  been  bought  bit- 
terly. We  know  war."  Therefore  the  author 
concludes  that  it  is  our  task  to  see  that  the 
race  is  re-created  spiritually,  that  the  blind 
echoing  of  old  lies  is  stopped,  and  the  new 
generation  is  given  a  chance  to  win  the  acco- 
lade of  peace. 


GOOD   READING  FOR  CHILDREN 

By  M.  W.  S.  Call 

Parents  and  other  educators  are  wonder- 
ing, in  these  troublous  times,  how  they  can 
modify  the  education  of  the  youth  of  the 
world  so  that  the  generations,  as  they  rise, 
shall  be  less  and  less  disposed  to  war. 

We  are  told  that,  among  other  mistakes, 
we  have  given  the  child  wrong  ideals  through 
his  reading;  that  there  is  a  great  preponder- 
ance of  war  matter  in  our  hero  tales  and 
histories.  Yet  wars  have  happened  in  his- 
tory, and,  hideous  though  war  is,  self-sacri- 
fice and  courage  have  been  shown  by  soldiers. 
Evidently  our  juvenile  literature  has  been 
untrue  to  fact,  in  that  it  has  not  maintained 
a  truthful  balance  between  war  and  peace 
literature.  It  has  been  said  that  the  most 
significant  facts  in  history  have  not  been  in 
the  great  cataclysms.  But,  recognizing  the 
youth's  taste  for  thrills,  we  have  somehow 
written  as  if  only  battles  were  thrilling.  It 
would  be  truer,  as  well  as  wiser,  if  the  bulk 
of  his  reading  were  at  least  non-military  in 
its  appeal. 

It  is  of  no  possible  use,  however,  to  dress 
up  for  a  normal  child  "wax  works  of  high 
moral  principles."  Artificiality  offends  him 
at  once,  and  he  is  instantly  immune  to  all 
that  we  would  teach  him. 

The  first  requisite  of  any  child's  literature 
is  that  it  be  literature.  That  which  is  pom- 
pously or  amateurishly  written  will  not  im- 
pinge upon  his  imagination  and  become  a 
vital  force. 

The  next  consideration  is  that  the  book 
shall  be  true ;  that  is,  if  it  narrates  facts,  it 
should  give  them  in  proper  balance.  It 
should  not  be  necessary,  for  instance,  in  order 


190 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


to  rouse  interest  in  the  liome-land,  to  vilify 
otlier  nations.  The  spirit  of  boastfulness  is 
essentially  untrue.  If  the  book  is  a  work  of 
imagination,  it  should  still  ring  true,  not  so 
much  as  to  material  facts  as  to  psychological 
and  moral  truth. 

The  third  requisite  for  any  worth-while 
book  is  that  it  be  suitable  to  the  child  on  the 
basis  of  his  age  and  interests.  If  it  has  no 
appeal,  if  it  does  not  associate  itself  with 
other  things  he  knows  and  likes,  he  will  not 
re-read  the  book,  talk  about  it,  and  lend  it  to 
his  mates.  He  will  do  all  those  things  if  the 
book  vitally  serves  him. 

When  these  three  requisites  of  good  juve- 
nile literature  are  complied  with,  we  may 
choose  all  we  can  find  of  hero  tales  in  sci- 
ence, exploration,  social  leadership,  or  what- 
ever is  inspiring — including  histories  that  tell 
of  everyday  life  and  adventure.  No  parent 
would  take  away  Robin  Hood,  King  Arthur, 
or  the  romances  of  Scott.  Chivalry,  however, 
contains  much  of  bloodthirstiness  as  well  as 
idealism.  It  must,  in  modern  times,  be  bal- 
anced by  stories  of  life  among  the  people. 
Mark  Twain,  philosopher  as  well  as  humor- 
ist, sent  out  his  "Connecticut  Yankee"  for 
that  pui*pose. 

Then  there  is  national  priggishness  to 
avoid,  that  self-satisfaction  so  beautifully 
satirized  in  the  little  poem  by  Robert  L.  Ste- 
venson, which  ends 

"Little  Turk  or  Japanese, 
Oh,  don't  you  wish  that  you  were  me?" 
To    cultivate    appreciation    for    other    races 
than  our  own,   there  are  folk  tales,   travel 
stories,  and  stories  staged  in  other  lands. 

There  is  a  great  field  of  interest  in  science 
told  for  young  folk,  a  field  broadening  every 
day.  Allied  to  this  is  out-of-door  adventure, 
with  its  nature  lore,  animal  stories,  and 
fables. 

Well-chosen  fairy  tales  have  often  great 
truth  and  beauty,  and  there  are  a  few  great 
parables  liked  by  children. 

The  following  list  of  fairly  recent  books  is 
not  meant  to  be  exhaustive.  It  is  merely  to 
suggest  a  few  of  the  good  things  already  in 
the  market.  Their  number  will  increase 
more  rapidly,  the  more  a  peace-loving  public 
asks  for  them. 

Heroes  of  the  Fabthest  North  and  Far- 
thest South.  By  Kennedy  Mack  an.  Re- 
vised by  J.  Walker  McSpadden.  Thomas 
Crowell,  New  York.     Pp.  288.    Price,  $1.75. 


Here  are  thrills  and  suspense,  daring,  per- 
severance, and  intelligence  enough  to  take 
the  place  of  any  war  tale.  Beginning  with 
the  year  890  and  continuing  until  1922,  the 
strenuous  search  for  the  poles  and  their  final 
discovery  is  graphically  told. 

A  Dutch  Boy  Fifty  Years  After,  By  Ed- 
ward Bok.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New 
York.     Pp.  217.     Price,  $0.80. 

This  is  adapted  from  the  Americanization 
of  Edward  Bok,  which  recently  won  the 
Pulitzer  prize  as  "the  best  American  biog- 
raphy teaching  patriotic  and  unselfish  service 
to  the  nation."  The  children's  edition  suffers 
little  because  of  its  condensation.  A  story 
of  an  every-day  boy  (with,  maybe,  a  little 
more  than  every-day  character)  making  his 
way  in  his  adopted  country,  that  is  the  book. 
Perhaps  the  secret  of  its  success,  both  as  a 
life  and  as  a  story,  lies  in  the  precept  of  the 
grandmother,  so  faithfully  followed,  "Make 
the  world  a  bit  more  beautiful  and  better  be- 
cause you  have  been  in  it." 

The  Pilgrim's  Progress.  By  John  Bunyan. 
Abridged  by  Edith,  Freelove  Smith.  At- 
lantic Monthly  Press,  Boston.  Pp.  152. 
Price,  $1.50. 

This  modern  edition  retains  the  quaint, 
vigorous  language  of  the  17th  century,  but 
omits  the  doctrinal  theology,  which  is  inap- 
propriate to  the  present  day  or  to  children. 
The  idea  of  combat  is  not  avoided.  Indeed, 
among  the  many  lively  silhouette  illustra- 
tions, that  of  Apollyon  is  most  rampantly 
dramatic.  But  it  would  be  a  very  dull  little 
boy,  indeed,  who  would  miss  the  spiritual 
allegory  when  he  reads  the  story  of  the  fight 
between  Christian  and  Apollyon.  Giants, 
dungeons,  and  perils  of  all  sorts  beset  the 
hero.  No  Knight  of  the  Round  Table  ever 
came  through  more  dangers  with  honor  and 
credit  than  does  the  Pilgrim.  No  fairy  tale 
ever  ended  more  happily.  Incidentally,  Pil- 
grim's Progress  is  a  classic  every  educated 
person  should  know. 

Early  Candlelight  Stories.  By  Stella  C. 
Shetter.  Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago. 
Pp.  250. 

Stories  of  every-day  adventure  from  the 
long  ago,  of  the  sort  that  all  real  children 
love,  are  these  which  Grandmother  tells. 
There  is  a  strong  ethical  content  in  the  book, 
but  little  readers  will  not  know  it.  It  will 
be  imbibed  like  wholesome  milk  and  eggs  in 


1924 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


191 


the  daily  diet.    And  is  not  this,  after  all,  the 
best  way  to  be  nourished? 

A  History  of  Eveby-day  Things  in  Eng- 
land, 1066-1799.  By  Marjorie  and  C.  H.  B. 
Quennell.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  New 
York.  Pp.  208.  Price,  $5.00. 
In  this  two-volume  book  the  political  his- 
tory is  merely  outlined  in  parallel  columns 
at  the  beginning  of  each  century.  Then  fol- 
low charmingly  written  chapters,  enriched 
with  striking  drawings  and  colored  illustra- 
tions of  costumes,  castles,  churches,  mills, 
ships,  coaches,  toys,  and  games.  A  windmill 
from  an  early  century  has  its  outer  wall  re- 
moved so  any  boy  can  see  how  the  wheels 
went  round.  Children  in  quaint  dress  are 
shown  playing  at  "Hot  Cockles"  or  some 
other  old  game,  all  of  which  is  explained  in 
the  text,  so  a  modern  child  may  learn  to 
play  it  if  he  likes.  A  13th  century  family  is 
shown  gathered  about  the  fire  in  the  great 
hall  of  the  manor  house,  or  castle.  Anec- 
dotes, too,  are  sprinkled  in  where  they  fit, 
and  altogether  any  child  fond  of  romance  or 
history  will  find  here  the  setting  for  mucli 
of  it. 

Lady  Gbeen  Satin  and  Her  Maid  Rosette. 
By  the  Baroness  des  Chesnes.     Macmillan 
Co.,  New  York.     Pp.  275.     Price,  $2.00. 
This  little  tale,   beloved  by  many   French 
children  of  a  past  generation,  has  been  re- 
cently translated  and  published  in  this  coun- 
try.   It  follows  the  fortunes  of  a  small  peas- 
ant boy  with  such  sympathy  and  imagination 
that  Jean  Paul,  his  itinerant  show  of  white 
mice,  and  his  simple  adventures  in  thrift  and 
friendship  are  very  real  and  living.    France 
will  always  be  one  of  the  home-lands  to  the 
child  who  pores  over  this  book. 

Wisp:  A  Girl  of  Dublin.  By  Katherine 
Ad^ams.  Macmillan  &  Co.,  New  York.  Pp. 
309.    Price,  $2.00. 

The  writer  of  this  wholesome  story  for 
girls  in  their  'teens  knows  her  Ireland,  but 
she  avoids  any  political  slant  in  picturing  it. 
The  place  and  the  people  are  made  lovable. 
Miss  Adams  has  also  written  a  book  with  its 
setting  in  Paris,  and  another  in  a  Swedish 
background.  This  sort  of  book,  when  well 
done,  is  invaluable  in  giving  young  readers 
a  feeling  of  familiarity  with  other  lands. 

African  Adventures.  By  Jean  Kenyan 
Mackenzie.  George  H.  Doran  Co.,  New 
York.     Pp.  182.     Price,  $1.25. 


Adults  who  have  read  Jean  Mackenzie's 
delightful  African  sketches  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  will  gladly  give  this  intimate  pic- 
ture of  the  African  child-mind  to  their  chil- 
dren. The  piquancy  of  life  and  customs  so 
different  from  their  own,  combined  with  the 
essential  similarity  of  human  relations  the 
world  over,  will  hold  the  yoimg  reader's  at- 
tention all  the  way  through.  The  story  of 
Livingstone  is  embodied  in  the  tale.  The 
author  has  strikingly  preserved  in  her  lan- 
guage the  unconscious  poetry,  which  is  a 
natural  gift  of  the  African  negro.  It  is  dedi- 
cated to  the  children  of  Christian  mission- 
aries. 

Fairy  Tales  from  Brazil.  By  Elsie  Spicer 
Eels.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  New  York.  Pp. 
210.     Price,  $1.50. 

This  delightful  collection  of  folk-tales  is 
written  by  the  wife  of  a  superintendent  of 
schools  in  Bahia.  They  are  in  easy,  vigorous 
English — stories  simple  enough  for  very  little 
folk,  but  entertaining  enough  for  any  one. 
Nearly  all  animal  tales,  they  come  from  the 
folk-lore  of  Indian,  African,  and  Portuguese 
peoples. 

Japanese  Fairy  Tales.  By  Teresa  Pierce 
Willisto^i.  Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago. 
Pp.  74. 

To  interest  little  folk  in  the  stories  of 
Japanese  children,  this  is  the  best  book  we 
have  seen.  "Our  practical  little  Jonathans 
and  Columbias,"  says  the  author,  "need  a 
touch  of  the  imagination  and  poetry  era- 
bodied  in  these  tales,  which  have  been  treas- 
ured through  hundreds  of  years  by  the  little 
ones  of  Japan."  Mr.  Ogawa,  a  native  Japan- 
ese artist,  has  lavishly  scattered  beautiful 
illustrations  in  color  through  the  book. 

Green  Willow  and  Other  Fairy  Tales.  By 
Ch-ace  James.  Macmillan  &  Co.,  New  York. 
Pp.  231.     Price,  $2.50. 

These  Japanese  stories,  though  clothed  in 
simple  language,  will  hardly  be  useful  for 
young  folk  below  the  later  'teens.  For  the 
more  adult,  the  poetry,  humor,  and  sadness 
will  be  interpretive  of  the  Orient.  It  is  a 
beatiful  volume,  with  exquisite  illustrations 
in  soft  colors. 

Johnny  Blossom.  By  Dikkon  Zwelgmeyer. 
Translated  from  the  Norwegian  by  Emille 
Poulsson.     Pilgrim  Press.  New  York.     I*p. 

las. 


192 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


March 


There  is  so  much  of  the  universal,  genuine 
boy  in  this  story  that  it  cannot  fail  to  en- 
thrall young  American  readers.  Johnny  is  a 
right-minded,  "square"  little  chap,  with  a 
normal  propensity  for  getting  into  scrapes. 
Something  is  always  happening.  When  sud- 
den wealth  descends  upon  the  lad,  his  parents 
wisely  manage  to  protect  him  from  the  dis- 
integrating effects  of  sudden  power.  He  just 
goes  on  in  his  simple,  unpretentious  way. 
Without  the  cloying  sweetness  of  Pollyanna 
or  Ceddie  Errol,  Johnny  Is,  nevertheless,  a 
warm  and  wholesome  little  comrade  for  those 
who  read  his  story. 

The  Strange  Adventures  of  a  Pebble.  By 
Hallam  Hawksworth.  Scribner's  Sons,  New 
York.  Pp.  296.  Price,  $1.20. 
Children  really  like  this  science  book.  It 
does  not  matter  to  them  in  the  least  that 
adults  call  it  a  physiography.  There  are 
many  pictures  to  arrest  the  eye  and  rouse  a 
question.  The  story  of  the  earth  is  told  In 
plain,  lively  language.  You  know  from  the 
way  it  runs  that  Mr.  Hawksworth  is  thrilled 
with  the  whole  subject  himself,  and,  what  is 
more  to  the  point,  that  he  understands  mod- 
ern boys  and  girls.  There  is  a  chapter  for 
each  month  in  the  year,  and  at  the  end  of 
each  a  chatty  appendix  called  "Hide  and  Seek 
in  the  Library." 

Wings  and  Stings.  By  Agnes  McClelland 
Daulton.  Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago. 
Pp.  203. 

Through  the  form  of  gay  stories,  the  author 
successfully  gives  to  dry  scientific  facts  the 
breath  of  out-of-doors.  Her  object  is  not 
only  to  teach  facts  as  such,  but,  what  is  far 
more  important,  to  help  children  think  of 
insects,  birds,  and  blossoms  as  kinsfolk.  It 
is  a  book  for  younger  readers. 

Jock  of  the  Bitshveld.  By  Sir  Percy  Fitz- 
patrick.  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  New 
York. 

This  Is  a  well-told  and  thrilling  story  of  a 
dog  and  his  master  in  hair-raising  adventures 
in  Africa. 

The  Wonderful  Adventures  of  Nils.  By 
Selma  Lagerlof.  Translated  by  Velma 
Swanston  Howard.  Doubleday,  Page  & 
Co.,  New  York.    Pp.  430.     Price,  $2.00. 

Here  is  an  author  who  seems  akin  to  flow- 
ers, birds,  animals,  sea,  and  childhood,  speak- 
ing the  language  of  them  all. 


She  was  commissioned,  in  1906,  by  the 
Association  of  School  Teachers  in  Sweden, 
to  write  a  book  on  that  country  for  primary 
schools.  This  happy  mingling  of  elves,  geog- 
raphy, adventure,  and  ethics  is  the  result. 
It  has  proved  quite  irresistible,  not  only  to 
little  people,  but  to  their  elders  as  well. 

Soon  after  writing  this  book,  Miss  Lagerlof 
was  awarded,  in  1909,  the  Nobel  prize  for 
literature. 

Other  Juvenile  Books  Received 

Heroes  and  Greathearts  and  Their  Animal 
Friends.  By  John  T.  Dale.  D.  C.  Heath 
Co.,  Boston.     Pp.  240. 

Panama  and  Its  Bridge  of  Water.  By 
Stella  Humphrey  Nida.  Rand,  McNally  & 
Co.,  Chicago.     Pp.  208. 

God's  Troubadour:  The  Story  of  Saint 
Francis  of  Assisi.  By  Sophie  Jewett. 
Thomas  Y.  Crowell  Co.,  New  York.  Pp. 
185.     Price,  $2.00. 

The  King  of  Ireland's  Son.  By  Padraic 
Colum.  New  York,  Macmillan  &  Co.  Pp. 
316.     Price,  $2.20. 

The  Children  of  Ancient  Rome.  By  L. 
Lamprey.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 
Pp.  262.     Price,  $1.50. 

The  Children  of  Ancient  Britain.  By  L. 
Lamprey.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 
Pp.  225.     Price,  $1.50. 

A  Child's  Story  of  American  Literature. 
By  Algernon  Tassvn  and  Arthur  B.  Mau- 
rice. Macmillan.  New  York.  Pp.  353. 
Price,  $2.25. 

This  Earth  of  Ours.  By  Jean  Henri  Fahre. 
Translated  by  Percy  F.  Bicknell.  Century 
Co.,  New  York.     Pp.  339.     Price,  $2.50. 

Animal  Life  in  Field  and  Garden.  By  Jean 
Henri  Fahre.  Translated  by  Florence  C. 
Bicknell.     Pp.  391.     Price,  $2.50. 

The  Adventures  of  Maya,  The  Bee.  By 
Waldemar  B  onsets.  Thomas  Seltzer,  New 
York.     Pp.  224.     Price,  $3.00. 

The  Early  Sea  People.  By  Katherine  Dopp. 
Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago.    Pp.  224. 

The  Early  Herdsmen.  By  Katherine  Dopp. 
Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago.     Pp.  231. 

The  Story  of  Chaucer's  Canterbury  Pil- 
grims Retold  for  Children.  Edited  by 
Katherine  Lee  Bates.  Rand,  McNally  & 
Co.,  Chicago.     Pp.  316. 


For  Debaters 

Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 


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ADVOCATE   OF 

PEACE 

THROUGH   JUSTICE 


oAdvocate  of  ^eace,  published  regularly  since  1834 — the 
oldest,  largest,  and  most  widely  circulated  peace  magazine  in 
the  world. 


Q/idvocate  of^eace  is  supported  by  men  and  women  who 
believe  in  it.  The  subscription  price  of  $2.00  a  year  does  not 
cover  the  cost  of  printing.  The  magazine  is  in  no  sense  a 
money-making  enterprise. 


oAdvocate  of  ^eace  aims  to  interpret  the  problems  of  war 
and  peace  in  the  light  of  history,  of  science,  and  of  international 
law. 


oAdrocate  of  ^eace  is  the  official  organ  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  with  headquarters  in  Washington,  founded  by 
William  Ladd  in  1828.  Its  purpose  is  to  promote  a  better  in- 
ternational understanding. 


American  Peace  Society 

612,  13,  14  Colorado  Building 

Washington,  D.  C. 


For  International  Understanding 


ADVOCATE  OF 

IT 


THROUGH  JUSTICE 


■^^^^^^^^^^^^- 


Volume  86,  No.  4  April,  1924 


International  Convention  of  1787 

Is  Our  Republic  Declining? 

Our  Will  To  End  War 

Treaty  Texts 


PUBLISHED    BY  THE 

AMERICAN  PEACE    SOCIETY 

COLORADO    BUILDING 

WASHINGTON,  D.C  i 

II      - 1     ■       .    "■■'■' 


PRICE  20  CENTS 


THE  PURPOSE 

i'^^'i^HE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
'— Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


J 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

,  ^'i°o*A^'"^^  *"  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2,00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington. 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  'being  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  Woeld 195 

Editorials 

Federal  Convention  of  1787 — Is  It  the  Decline  of  Our  Republic? — 
America  Finding  Herself^The  Government  at  Washington  Still 
Lives — Rift  in  the  Financial  Clouds  of  Eui-ope — Interparliamentary 
Union  Next  Year? — Another  Prize — Sergius  A.  Korff— Editorial 
Notes 197-206 

World  Problems  in  Review^ 

Interparliamentary  Union,  Twenty-first  Annual  Meeting — As  to  Our 
Freedom  of  Speech — Labor  Government  in  Britain — The  Makeup  of 
Soviet  Russia — End  of  the  Ottoman  Caliphate 207-215 

General  Articles 

Recent  Questions  and  Negotiations 216 

By  the  Secretary  of  State 

The  Will  to  End  War 228 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 

Food  and  Peace  around  the  Pacific 238 

By  Alexander  Hume  Ford 

America  and  Japan — An  Appeal 240 

By  Baron  Yoshlro  Sakatani 

International  Documents 

Mr.  Hoover  on  Monopolies 243 

Text  Pan  American  Treaty 244 

Text  Franco-Czechoslovakia  Treaty 247 

Nevps  in  Brief 248 

Book  Reviews 253 


^  Vol.  86  A  P  R I  L  ,    1  9  2  4  No.  4  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  Its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  In  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  Injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  In 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  huilt  on  Justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  international 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  op 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  circu- 
lated peace  magazine  In  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  In 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated   under  the   laws   of   Massachusetts  since 

1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  tnemhership : 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional   Membership,    twenty-five  dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


OFFICERS 


President : 

Hon.   Andrew   J.   Montaqdb,   Member  of  Congress 
from   Virginia,   Washington,   D.   C. 
Secretary : 

Arthur    Deerin    Call,    Secretary    American    Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Treasurer: 

George  W.  White,  President  National  Metropolitan 
Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Vice-Presidents : 
Hon.  William  Jennings  Bryan,  Miami,  Florida. 

Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  former  President  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Lawyer,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slayden**,  Member  Council  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  San  Antonio,  Texas. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon,  Andrew  J.  Montaqde,  ex  offlcio. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  ex  officio. 

George  W.  White,  ex  officio. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Bx-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  University,  Alabama. 

Dr.  Thomas  B.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Walter  A.  Morgan,  M.  A.,  1841  Irving  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  808  Union  Trust 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Heney  C.  Morris,  Esq.,  Chicago,  111. 
Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Evans  Building,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  President  Fairmont  Semi- 
nary,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,   Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfibld,  126  West  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N'.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  30  Koun  Machi,  Mlta  Shiba, 
Tokyo,  Japan. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New 
York. 

Pres.  William  Lowe  Beyan,  Bloomlngton,  Ind. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  B.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  H.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  University,  Provi- 
dence, R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Esq.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fiskb,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Bishop  William   Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Moore,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,   Derry,   N.   H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N'.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Frederic   Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Salida,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

♦Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary   E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 

•  Emeritus.     •*  Died    February    24,    1924. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts wliicli  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  himdred  years 

recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  In  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations"; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 

for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
International  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose, 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report ;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council  • 
and  to  provide  that  ' 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit Its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  m  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  m  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI,  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
*^^^"r^  ^^^^^  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
Jstates  in  controversy  may  submit,  bv 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  International  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII,  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
a  1  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective:  and  thus 

To  create  that  "International  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


APRIL,  1924 


NUMBER 
4 


EDITORIALS 


FEDERAL 
CONVENTION 

MAY-SEPTEMBER  1787 

AN  INTERNATIONAL  CONFERENCE 
ADEQUATE    TO    ITS   PURPOSE 

HISTORY  SIGNIFICANCE  DOC- 
UMENTS RELATING  TO  ONE 
SUCCESSFUL  INTERNATIONAL 
ORGANIZATION- 

The  United  States  of  America 


FRIENDS  of  the  United  States  Con- 
stitution will  be  interested  to  learn 
that  25,000  copies  of  this  little  book  of 
84  pages  have  been  distributed.     A  new, 
revised  and  improved  edition  of  25,000 
copies  has  just  appeared  from  the  press 
of  Rand,  McNally  &  Company,  publishers. 
A  brief  review  of  the  text  appears  else- 
where in  these  columns.    It  is  clear  from 
the  interest  already  shown  that  the  work 
meets  a  real  demand.     Parents,  teachers, 
lecturers,  historians,  and  writers  speak  of 
it  in  the  highest  terms.    For  one  interested 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
in   the   nature   of   our   Federal  form   of 
Union,    in   the   ways    of   effective    inter- 
national conferences,  in  the  possibilities 
of  overcoming  the  fundamental  difficulties 
facing  the  Powers  of  the  world,  here,  in 
convenient   form,    at   a   merely   nominal 
price,  is  an  accurate  and  illuminating  aid. 
One   reading   its   pages   will   understand 
better  the  reasons  behind  the  attitude  of 
our  United  States  toward  the  problems  of 
foreign  governments. 


THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF 
OUR  REPUBLIC? 

THE  contribution  by  the  United  States 
of  America  to  the  science  of  govern- 
ment lies  in  the  fact  that  we  are  a  Union 
of  free,  sovereign,  independent  States, 
"an  indestructible  Union  of  indestructi- 
ble States,"  a  federation  of  sovereign 
units,  a  dual  government,  a  Union  with 
powers  specifically  delegated  to  it  by  the 
States,  a  Union  with  power  to  deal  di- 
rectly with  its  citizens  without  violence 
to  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  That, 
with  a  rather  elaborate  system  of  checks 
and  balances,  is  the  contribution  of  the 
United  States  to  political  science. 

As  pointed  out  by  Professor  Burgess,* 
there  began  about  1898— the  year  of  the 
Spanish-American  War— the  development 
of  new  processes,  threatening  to  undermine 
the  foundations  of  our  political  fabric. 
Before  that  period  we  of  America  had 
prided  ourselves  upon  a  few  definite  prin- 
ciples of  government.  We  believed  that, 
under  the  Union  which  had  been  set  up 
in  1787,  our  central  government  was  the 
agent  of  the  people,  and  that  political 
safety  and  progress  can  only  lie  along  a 
path  midway  between  too  much  and  too 
little  government.  We  believed  that  this 
middle  course  required  that  sovereignty 
must  be  less  an  attribute  of  the  govern- 
ment than  of  the  people;  that  our  social 
safety  rested  upon  "a  government  of  laws 

*  "Recent  Changes  in  American  Constitu- 
tional Theory,"  by  John  W.  Burgess,  Columbia 
University  Press. 


198 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


and  not  of  men,"  by  which  we  meant  a 
government  of  men  acting  strictly  under 
the  law.  We  believed  that  there  must  be 
a  minimum  of  central  government  and  a 
maximum  of  seK-government.  We  held 
that  public  office  is  a  public  trust.  We 
insisted,  also,  with  well-nigh  a  religious  in- 
tensity, that  we  of  America  must  avoid 
entanglements  in  the  political  feuds  and 
broils  of  Europe,  and  that  under  no  cir- 
cumstances should  foreign  governments 
extend  their  colonies  or  systems  in  this 
hemisphere.  At  that  time  we  viewed  gov- 
ernment as  secondary.  To  quote  from 
Professor  Burgess,  "We  believed  that  the 
freedom  of  individual  thought  and  expres- 
sion, of  individual  initiative  and  inven- 
tion, and  the  free  interchange  of  the  re- 
sults of  these  great  spiritual  forces,  are 
the  powers  which  make  for  civilization, 
both  local,  national,  and  universal,  while 
governmental  interference  through  its 
orders,  commands,  directions,  limitations, 
punishments,  and  wars  has  done  much  to 
restrain,  rather  than  always  to  advance, 
the  world's  true  prosperity." 

No  one  can  doubt  that  we  have  been 
abandoning  more  and  more  these  ancient 
faiths.  In  certain  respects  we  are  today 
less  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the 
people,  for  the  people  than  we  were  thirty 
years  ago.  While  we  maintain  as  a  prin- 
ciple that  our  government  derives  its  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
there  are  more  powers  exercised  by  the 
government  without  reference  to  the  con- 
sent of  the  people  than  at  any  time  in  our 
history.  We  have  not  given  up  our  prin- 
ciples of  freedom,  equality,  justice,  and 
humanity;  but  we  have  given  up  no  little 
of  the  substance  of  each.  The  new  taxing 
power  of  the  government  has  brought  us 
nearer  to  a  compulsory  socialism,  to  an 
exaggeration  of  government  at  the  expense 
of  liberty.  What  the  government  has  done 
upon  its  own  initiative,  entering  private 
homes  without  warrant,  holding  persons 
in  confinement  without  due  process  of  law, 


could  never  have  been  suspected  by  the 
men  who  labored  for  the  upbuilding  of  our 
Union  through  the  previous  generations. 
The  centralization  of  power  in  Washing- 
ton has  become  sufficiently  great  to  cause 
one  to  recall  the  course  of  the  Roman 
Empire. 

There  is  another  little  book,  ''Our 
Changing  Constitution/'*  by  Charles  W. 
Pierson,  which  deals  with  this  same  un- 
happy tendency  in  our  modern  American 
life.  This  author  finds  a  tendency  among 
our  people  to  lie  down  upon  the  Supreme 
Court  as  the  sole  upholder  of  the  Consti- 
tution; this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
duty  to  uphold  the  Constitution  "rests 
upon  all  departments  of  government  and, 
in  the  last  analysis,  upon  the  people  them- 
selves." The  author  grants  that  "change 
is  inevitable,"  and  that  the  Constitution 
must  be  adapted  "to  the  conditions  of  the 
new  age."  He  believes,  however,  that  the 
men  who  framed  the  Constitution  "were 
well  advised  when  they  sought  to  preserve 
the  integrity  of  the  States  as  a  barrier 
against  the  aggressions  and  tyranny  of 
the  majority  acting  through  a  centralized 
power."  Alexander  Hamilton,  arch  de- 
fender of  a  strong  central  government, 
pleaded  in  the  Federalist  that  the  people 
may  "always  take  care  to  preserve  the 
constitutional  equilibrium  between  the 
general  and  State  governments."  Mr. 
Pierson  shows  how  Hamilton's  plea  has 
failed  of  realization.  His  book,  not  the 
product  of  so  much  care  and  experience  as 
is  that  of  Professor  Burgess,  is,  however, 
the  same  kind  of  an  argument  against  the 
increasing  federal  encroachment  upon 
State  power.  He  finds  the  leaven  of 
socialistic  ideas  working.  He  sees  that 
representative  government  is  becoming 
more  paternalistic.  He  senses  that  the 
impatience  of  the  reformers  endangers 
real  reform. 

Both  of  these  books  should  be  read  widely. 
It  is  as  important  that  we  avoid  the  pit- 


*  Published  by  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co. 


192JI^ 


EDITORIALS 


199 


falls  ahead  as  that  we  engage  in  that 
favorite  pastime  of  chasing  the  rainbow. 
Evidently,  centralization  cannot  go  on 
forever.  Mr.  Elihu  Eoot,  when  Secretary 
of  State,  back  in  1906,  pointed  out  that 
"the  true  and  only  way  to  preserve  State 
authority  is  to  be  found  in  the  awakened 
conscience  of  the  States,  their  broadened 
views  and  higher  standard  of  responsibility 
to  the  general  public;  in  effective  legisla- 
tion by  the  States,  in  conformity  to  the 
general  moral  sense  of  the  country;  and 
in  the  vigorous  exercise  for  the  general 
public  good  of  that  State  authority  which 
is  to  be  preserved." 

The  truth  in  these  words  is  the  truth 
upon  which  we  may  all  ponder  unto  the 
glory  of  our  country. 


AMERICA  FINDING  HERSELF 

THE  American  people  know  that  the 
pursuit  of  a  policy  for  the  sake  of  de- 
veloping the  policy  is  indefensible.  No 
policy  should  become  an  end  in  itself.  To 
pursue  policies  for  their  own  sakes  is  to 
pursue  trivial  things  of  secondary  impor- 
tance. To  follow  in  the  wake  of  a  policy 
does  not  appear  to  be  an  adequate  program 
for  the  avoidance  of  war.  If  we  in  America 
have  seemed  to  the  friends  of  this  or  that 
policy  to  be  isolationists,  it  has  been  in  no 
small  degree  because  of  this  fact.  When 
confronted  with  the  proposal  that  we  adopt 
a  policy  of  becoming  one  of  a  permanent 
foreign  organization,  agreeing  in  advance 
to  assume  responsibilities  in  situations  the 
nature  of  which  we  cannot  foresee,  we  re- 
fuse. We  Americans  find  it  impossible  to 
accept  an  international  organization  of  a 
number  of  men  dominated  by  representa- 
tives of  a  few  great  Powers  to  control  the 
foreign  policies  of  the  world.  We  steadily 
refuse  to  abandon  our  faith  in  a  govern- 
ment of  laws  rather  than  in  a  government 
of  men ;  in  the  principle  that  governments 
derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent 
of  the  governed.    We  were  not  interested 


to  join  in  any  scheme  to  perpetuate  condi- 
tions as  they  were,  either  at  the  time  of 
the  Holy  Alliance  of  1815,  or  of  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  in  1919.  We  find  it  impos- 
sible to  become  enthusiastic  to  join  a 
league  with  power  to  coerce  recalcitrant 
States  by  force  of  arms,  including,  as  it 
must,  the  power  to  wage  war  against  any 
State,  including  the  United  States.  So 
far,  we  have  not  been  quick  to  give  up  our 
civil  control  of  our  military,  or  our  open 
direction  of  our  foreign  affairs.  We  still 
insist  upon  the  equality  of  States  before 
the  law,  and  we  are  not  disposed  to  accept 
any  international  organization  dominated 
by  the  few.  It  is  perfectly  clear  to  us  that 
the  moment  we  take  sides  in  any  political 
broil  of  Europe  we  will  by  that  act  whittle 
away  a  large  share  of  our  infiuence  in  that 
portion  of  the  world.  We  know  that  the 
moment  we  join  a  superstate,  we  by  that 
act  cease  to  be  independent.  We  believe 
in  political  science  and  in  constitutional 
law,  and  we  believe  that  neither  of  these 
would  be  advanced  by  subordinating  our 
constitutional  independence  to  any  outside 
organization.  In  short,  America  is  more 
resolved  today  than  at  any  time  since  the 
war  to  keep  out  of  the  political  broils  and 
feuds  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  We  shall 
probably  accept  no  policy  which  would 
permanently  entangle  us  with  such  feuds 
and  broils. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  are  probably 
more  ready  today  than  at  any  time  since 
1920  to  render  service  in  any  international 
situation  where  such  service  will  be  ac- 
ceptable and  worth  while.  This  will  be 
particularly  true  should  we  find  it  to  our 
interest  thus  to  help;  not  because  of  a 
fixed  policy,  but  because  of  our  inherent 
American  pragmatism. 

In  other  words,  as  pointed  out  by  Wil- 
liam Hard  in  the  Nation  of  March  19, 
"this  natural  combination  of  reasonable 
aloofness  and  of  reasonable  inclusiveness  is 
now  returning  to  Washington  after  having 
been  artificially  split  for  some  time  into  its 


200 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


two  component  parts,  with  each  part  car- 
ried to  an  absurd  extreme.  ...  As 
the  Senate  becomes  more  radical  it  be- 
comes more  and  more  disinclined  to  join 
in  any  scheme  for  the  indeterminate  per- 
petuation of  the  European  spoils  of  the 
late  European  conflict." 

While  today  we  of  America  are  less  in- 
clined, perhaps,  than  ever  to  believe  that  it 
is  our  duty  to  run  about  the  world  in  un- 
certain attempts  "to  settle  everything 
everywhere,"  on  the  other  hand  we  are  ex- 
tending our  participation  in  concrete  in- 
ternational situations  where  it  seems  to  be 
warranted  by  a  definable  demand,  in  mat- 
ters of  international  finance,  trade,  human 
suffering,  or  social  welfare.  The  French 
have  a  saying:  "Garde  toi  et  Dieu  te  gar- 
dera."  "Discontent,"  said  Emerson,  "is 
the  want  of  self-reliance;  it  is  infirmity 
of  will." 

Writing  in  the  Federalist,  John  Jay, 
particularly  concerned  to  defend  the  de- 
sirability of  the  Union  contemplated  by 
our  Constitution,  and  its  advantages  in 
relation  to  the  nations  abroad,  pointed  out 
that  foreign  nations  will  know  and  view 
our  situation  in  America  "exactly  as  it  is ; 
and  they  will  act  toward  us  accordingly. 
If  they  see  that  our  national  government  is 
efficient  and  well  administered,  our  trade 
prudently  regulated,  our  militia  properly 
organized  and  disciplined,  our  resources 
and  finances  discreetly  managed, .  our 
credit  re-established,  our  people  free,  con- 
tented, and  united,  they  will  be  much 
more  disposed  to  cultivate  our  friendship 
than  provoke  our  resentment."  Otherwise, 
if  they  find  us  divided  into  parts,  "one  in- 
clining to  Britain,  another  to  France,  and 
a  third  to  Spain,  and  perhaps  played  off 
against  each  other  by  the  three,  what  a 
poor,  pitiful  figure  will  America  make  in 
their  eyes !  How  liable  would  she  become 
not  only  to  contempt,  but  to  their  outrage ; 
and  how  soon  would  dearly  bought  experi- 
ence proclaim  that  when  a  people  or  a 
family  so  divide,  it  never  fails  to  be  against 
themselves." 


America,  becoming  increasingly  herself 
again,  stands  more  and  more  by  the  things 
which  are  peculiarly  hers,  extending  her 
hand  here  and  there  wherever  she  sees  her 
hand  may  really  help. 


THE  GOVERNMENT  AT  WASHING- 
TON STILL  LIVES 

SHARP  criticism  of  the  government  in 
a  democracy  is  inevitable  and  usually 
helpful.  The  secret  of  safety  with  a  peo- 
ple such  as  ours  lies  in  a  pitiless  publicity 
and  free  discussion.  Criticism  clears  the 
air  for  the  one  who  criticizes  and  drives 
the  criticized  to  wholesome  self-examina- 
tion. 

Just  now  there  is  an  unusual  amount  of 
criticism.  This  is  proably  due  to  an  un- 
usual number  of  reasons  for  such  criti- 
cism. Washington  is  full  of  investigating 
committees.  Feelings  are  running  high. 
Two  outstanding  facts  appear:  there  has 
evidently  been  dishonesty  in  the  conduct 
of  certain  public  affairs;  this  dishonesty 
is  being  hunted  out,  if  not  always  with  the 
best  of  judicial  temper,  yet  with  admirable 
industry.  Every  healthy  American  wants 
the  guilty  to  be  tried  and  convicted. 

Our  firm  belief  is  that  nowhere  in  the 
world  is  there  a  government  freer  from 
corruption  than  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  Average  the  legislative, 
executive,  judicial  departments;  look 
upon  that  average,  and  the  marvel  of  our 
modern  world  is  the  height  and  purity  of 
that  average.  There  are  in  the  Congress 
96  Senators  and  435  Representatives; 
total,  531.  All  of  these  men  have  been 
elected  to  their  offices  by  the  votes  of  the 
people  whom  they  represent.  Any  man  or 
any  woman  can  compete  for  one  of  these 
offices.  As  they  stand,  they  represent  the 
chosen  531,  each  one  of  them  as  intelli- 
gent as  his  constituents  deserve.  We 
know  of  no  body  of  an  equal  number  that 
ranks  higher  in  intelligence,  be  it  a  group 
of  lawyers,  ministers,  doctors,  engineers, 


192J^ 


EDITORIALS 


201 


social  workers,  or  peace  advocates.  From 
what  we  know  and  hear  of  them,  they  are, 
in  matters  of  public  concern,  clean  as 
hounds''  teeth;  not  entirely  because  they 
are  morally  better  than  the  rest  of  us,  but 
in  part  because  they  are  watching  each 
other  with  an  intensity  unequaled  in  any 
other  similar  group.  A  crook  in  the  Con- 
gress is  short-lived.  The  light  beating 
upon  our  public  men  is  a  very  bright  light. 
A  member  of  the  Senate  or  of  the  House 
faithless  to  his  trust  is  despised  probably 
more  by  his  fellow-members  than  by  his 
constituents. 

We  of  America  will  keep  everlastingly 
at  the  business  of  improving  our  govern- 
ment, but  just  now  it  is  proper  to  remind 
ourselves  that  God  reigns  and  the  govern- 
ment at  Washington  still  lives. 


THE  RIFT  IN  THE  FINANCIAL 
CLOUDS  OF  EUROPE 

THE  financial  world  has  been  disturbed 
because  of  the  recent  fall  in  the  value 
of  the  French  franc.  It  was  announced, 
under  date  of  March  12,  that  J.  P.  Mor- 
gan &  Company,  bankers,  had  established 
a  credit  of  not  less  than  $100,000,000  in 
favor  of  the  Bank  of  France.  The  loan 
is  said  to  be  fully  secured  by  gold  held 
in  the  vaults  of  the  Bank  of  France.  We 
understand  this  to  be  the  first  foreign  gov- 
ernment credit  that  has  been  arranged  in 
this  country.  The  only  similar  banking 
operation  was  the  credit  extended  to  the 
British  Government  during  the  war,  in 
which  British-owned  American  securities 
were  pledged  as  collateral. 

The  immediate  result  of  the  operation 
was  a  marked  rally  in  the  price  of  the 
French  franc.  The  financial  world 
breathed  more  easily.  Stock  quotations 
rose  on  the  various  exchanges. 

The  loan,  however,  has  not  made  every- 
body happy.  Senator  Shipstead,  speaking 
in  the  Senate,  remarked:  "It  will  be  in- 
teresting to  know  what  effect  this  loan  to 
the  imperial  government  of  M.  Poincare 


will  have  in  getting  us  into  the  next  war." 
Economists,  with  their  unyielding  figures, 
find  it  difficult  to  see  how  such  a  loan  can 
be  more  than  a  temporary  help.  The 
French  budget  presents  colossal  difficulties 
still. 

But  leading  financiers  are  hopeful.  The 
French  Senate  has  ratified  the  new  taxa- 
tion measures.  There  is  evidence  that 
Germany  will  be  able  to  furnish  more  in 
the  way  of  reparations  than  for  some  time 
has  been  supposed.  Correspondents  tell  us 
of  a  new  spirit,  friendlier  and  more  for- 
ward looking,  in  Europe.  Mr.  J.  P, 
Morgan,  visiting  at  Nice,  March  18,  is 
quoted  by  the  Associated  Press  as  saying: 

"But  France  has  taken  the  necessary 
steps  to  stabilize  the  situation  in  the  face 
of  all  contingencies.  We  have  absolute 
confidence,  not  only  in  the  resources  of 
your  country,  but  even  more  in  the  intelli- 
gent and  industrious  population,  which, 
after  astonishing  the  world  in  the  war, 
now  is  giving  a  magnificent  example  of 
how  to  win  peace. 

"If  the  ruling  classes  only  make  a  simi- 
lar effort,  France  soon  will  be  invincible 
in  the  economic  domain.  In  any  case  we 
shall  always  be  at  her  side  and  sustain  her 
when  necessary,  because  we  know  we  can 
count  upon  her  as  the  champion  of  right. 

"General  Pershing,  on  stepping  on  the 
soil  of  France,  said,  'Lafayette,  we  are 
here!'  and  behind  him  stood  all  America 
in  arms.  We  have  proved  that  the  finan- 
cial world,  often  represented  as  sunk  into 
selfishness,  can  remember.  My  father 
showed  it  after  the  war  of  1870,  and  it 
was  with  admirable  unanimity  that  the 
big  bankers  of  the  United  States  answered 
the  appeal  to  help  you  vanquish  the  coali- 
tion formed  against  the  franc. 

"Nothing  justified  a  panic,  for  your 
national  wealth  has  increased  to  formida- 
ble proportions  during  the  past  two  years. 
But  your  enemies  counted  upon  succeed- 
ing in  shaking  the  confidence  of  the  coun- 
try. There  were  then  in  existence  more 
than  60,000,000,000  francs  in  treasury  and 
credit  national  bonds  payable  at  short 
notice,  without  any  other  means  of  meet- 
ing them  than  by  recourse  to  the  printing 
press.  AVhen  a  country  embarks  on  that 
course,  it  is  impossible. 


202 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


**When  we  saw  with  what  confidence 
your  country  resisted  that  attack,  and 
that  instead  of  imitating  Germany,  when 
the  mark  began  to  drop,  all  citizens  of 
France  accepted  the  necessary  sacrifices, 
we  were  proud  of  our  former  comrades  in 
arms. 

"Let  France  continue  in  this  course, 
and  before  two  years  have  elapsed  she  will 
have  conquered,  from  the  economic  view- 
point, the  preponderating  situation  she  en- 
joyed before  the  war.  I  shall  be  sincerely 
happy,  for  I  love  your  country,  which  is 
beautiful,  industrious,  and  honest. 

"Yes,  honest,"  Mr.  Morgan  added  with 
a  smile.  "Even  the  hotel  business,  which 
occasionally  is  subject  to  calumny." 


SHALL    THE    INTERPARLIAMEN- 
TARY  UNION   MEET  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES  NEXT  YEAR  ? 

SHALL  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
meet  in  the  United  States  in  1925? 
The  answer  to  this  question  should  be. 
Yes. 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  has  not 
met  in  the  United  States  since  1904. 
Since  that  time  twenty  of  our  delegates 
from  the  United  States  Congress  have 
been  entertained  at  Brussels  in  1905;  8 
at  London,  1906 ;  8  at  Berlin,  1908 ;  4  at 
Brussels,  1910;  4  at  Geneva,  1912;  7  at 
The  Hague,  1913;  8  at  Stockholm,  1921; 
9  at  Vienna,  1922,  and  10  at  Copenhagen, 
1923.  Our  Congress  realized  in  1914  that 
the  time  had  come  for  our  American  group 
to  be  the  host  again  to  this  international 
body  of  parliamentarians,  and  it  passed 
an  act  requesting  the  President  to  extend 
an  invitation  to  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  to  hold  its  annual  meeting  for  the 
year  1915  in  the  city  of  Washington,  and 
in  the  same  act  there  was  carried  an  ap- 
propriation to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
conference. 

The  facts  are  set  forth  in  a  joint  reso- 
lution introduced  by  Eepresentative  Tem- 
ple, of  Pennsylvania,  a  vice-president  of 
the  American  group  and  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  known  as 


House  Joint  Eesolution  204.     The  reso- 
lution reads: 

"Requesting  the  President  to  Invite  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  to  Meet  in 
Washington  City  in  1925,  and  Auth- 
orizing an  Appropriation  to  Defray 
the  Expenses  of  the  Meeting. 

"Whereas  the  Congress,  in  an  act  ap- 
proved June  30,  1914,  requested  the  Presi- 
dent to  extend  an  invitation  to  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  to  hold  its  annual 
meeting  for  the  year  1915  in  the  city  of 
Washington,  and  in  the  same  act  appro- 
priated the  sum  of  $40,000  to  defray  the 
expenses  of  the  said  meeting;  and 

"Whereas  when  the  World  War  led  to 
repeated  postponements  of  the  said  meet- 
ing the  Congress  repeatedly  extended  the 
appropriation:  First,  the  act  of  July  1, 
1916,  extended  it  and  made  it  available  for 
the  calendar  years,  1916  and  1917;  second, 
the  act  of  March  3,  1917,  extended  the 
appropriation  and  made  it  available  for 
the  calendar  year  1918;  third,  the  act  of 
April  15,  1918,  extended  the  appropriation 
and  made  it  available  for  the  calendar 
year  1919;  and 

"Whereas  this  appropriation  repeatedly 
extended  has  lapsed,  and  no  part  of  it 
having  been  expended,  and  the  meeting 
thus  arranged  for  in  Washington  City  has 
not  been  held :  Therefore  be  it 

"Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  Assembled,  That  the 
President  be  requested  to  invite  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  to  hold  its  annual 
meeting  for  the  year  1925  in  the  city  of 
Washington. 

"Sec.  2.  That  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
fraying the  expenses  incident  to  said  meet- 
ing the  appropriation  of  $50,000,  to  be 
expended  under  such  rules  and  regulations 
as  the  Secretary  of  State  may  prescribe, 
is  hereby  authorized." 

Here  is  an  opportunity  for  our  Con- 
gress to  render  needed  service  to  the  cause 
of  a  better  international  understanding. 
Nothing  but  good  could  follow  such  a  fore- 
gathering of  leading  European  statesmen 
in  Washington.  Such  a  conference,  like 
all  similar  conferences  heretofore,  would 
accomplish  benefits  in  two  directions:  it 


102  Jf 


EDITORIALS 


203 


would  acquaint  not  only  the  Congress,  but 
our  American  people  generally,  with  many 
problems  of  other  nations,  which  problems 
are  for  the  most  part  wholly  unfamiliar 
to  us  of  the  Western  Hemisphere ;  it  would 
show  to  statesmen  of  Europe,  Asia,  and 
Africa,  as  would  be  possible  in  no  other 
way,  the  abundant  good  will  and  desire 
to  know  which  are  qualities  characteristic 
of  our  people. 

By  the  time  of  such  a  conference,  pre- 
ferably, we  should  say,  in  October,  our 
political  atmosphere  will  have  greatly 
cleared.  Our  presidential  election  will 
have  left  our  statesmen  ready  to  under- 
take constructive  international  policies. 
All  the  members  of  our  Congress  will  be 
especially  glad  to  welcome  new  acquaint- 
ances among  the  statesmen  from  abroad. 
There  will  be  many  questions  to  ask  on 
both  sides.  The  need  for  intimate  coun- 
sel will  be  general.  The  picture  of  the 
American  Congress  acting  handsomely  as 
the  host  to  the  members  of  the  various 
parliaments  of  the  world,  in  the  month  of 
October,  at  the  capital  of  our  nation,  pre- 
sents a  challenge  of  unusual  importance, 
particularly  at  this  period  of  human  his- 
tory. 


ANOTHER  PRIZE 

WE  NOW  have  an  offer  of  a  prize  of 
$6,000  for  the  best  book  "on  the  con- 
nection, relation  and  mutual  bearing  of 
any  practical  science,  or  the  history  of  our 
race,  or  the  facts  in  any  department  of 
knowledge,  with  and  upon  the  Christian 
religion."  This  prize  is  known  as  the 
"Bross  Prize,"  which  Lake  Forest  Uni- 
versity, of  Lake  Forest,  Illinois,  is  enabled 
to  offer  on  the  foundation  established  in 
1876.  Under  the  terms  fixed  by  the  do- 
nor, "The  offer  must  be  open  to  the  scien- 
tific men,  the  Christian  philosophers,  and 
historians  of  all  nations."  The  object  in 
endowing  this  memorial  to  his  son  was  set 
forth  by  William  Bross  as  follows:    "To 


call  out  the  best  efforts  of  the  highest  tal- 
ent and  the  ripest  scholarship  of  the  world, 
to  illustrate  from  science  or  any  depart- 
ment of  knowledge,  and  to  demonstrate, 
the  divine  origin  and  the  authority  of  the 
Christian  Scriptures;  and,  further,  to 
show  how  both  science  and  revelation  coin- 
cide, and  to  prove  the  existence,  the  provi- 
dence, or  any  or  all  of  the  attributes  of  the 
only  living  and  true  God  infinite,  eternal 
and  unchangeable,  in  His  being,  wisdom, 
power,  holiness,  justice,  goodness,  and 
truth." 

The  first  Decennial  Prize  on  the  Bross 
Foundation,  assigned  in  19  0  5,  was 
awarded  to  Prof.  James  Orr,  D.  D.,  of  the 
United  Free  Church  College,  Glasgow,  for 
his  treatise  on  "The  Problem  of  the  Old 
Testament."  The  next  prize  was  awarded, 
in  1915,  to  Eev.  Thomas  James  Thorburn, 
D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Hastings,  England,  for  his 
book,  "The  Mythical  Interpretation  of  the 
Gospels,"  which  has  been  publishel  as 
Volume  VIII  of  the  Bross  library. 

This,  the  third  Decennial  Prize,  will  be 
given  to  the  author  of  the  best  book — on 
the  lines  indicated — which  may  be  pre- 
sented on  or  before  January  1,  1925.  The 
manuscript,  accompanied  by  a  sealed  en- 
velope containing  the  name  of  the  writer, 
must  be  sent  on  or  before  the  above  date, 
addressed  to  the  President  of  Lake  Forest 
College,  Lake  Forest,  Illinois.  It  is  re- 
quested that  no  manuscripts  be  sent  on  or 
before  October  1,  1924.  Sufficient  postage 
should  be  enclosed  for  the  return  of  the 
manuscripts.  Three  type-written  copies 
of  each  manuscript  must  be  submitted.  If 
the  author  prefers  to  submit  his  manu- 
script in  printed  form,  he  is  permitted 
to  do  so.  In  this  case  the  proof-sheets 
must  be  anonymous;  the  book  must  not 
be  published  until  the  award  is  made ;  the 
author  must  arrange  with  his  prospective 
publisher  to  transfer  the  copyright  of  his 
book  to  the  Trustees  of  Lake  Forest  Uni- 
versity if  he  is  awarded  the  Bross  Prize. 


J04 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


The  regulations  governing  the  competi- 
tion are  as  follows: 

"1.  Three  typewritten  or  printed  copies 
of  each  manuscript  must  be  submitted. 

"2.  Books  by  foreign  authors  must  be 
presented  in  English  translation. 

"3.  The  copyright  of  the  book  to  which 
the  prize  is  awarded  shall  be  the  property 
of  the  "Trustees"  of  Lake  Forest  Univer- 
sity. 

"4.  Manuscripts  must  have  a  minimum 
length  of  fifty  thousand  words. 

"5.  If  any  writer  desires  to  submit  more 
than  one  book  in  competition  for  the  prize, 
he  is  at  liberty  to  do  so. 

"6.  Material  already  published  shall  be 
used  only  in  the  case  that  it  be  a  small  por- 
tion of  a  projected  work,  which  shall  be 
developed  into  a  larger  or  broader  treatise 
for  the  purpose  of  this  competition,  or 
some  pamphlet  containing  the  germ  of  a 
larger  work,  expanded  into  a  treatise  for 
the  purpose  of  this  competition. 

"7.  The  decision  as  to  the  eligibility  of 
any  book  shall  rest  with  the  committee  of 
judges." 

Here  is  a  prize  that  will  appeal  to  the 
world's  best  men  and  women.  Once  again, 
and  on  a  high  plane,  the  spirit  of  idealism 
is  to  be  promoted  by  the  golden  spur  of 
self-interest. 


BARON  SERGIUS  A.  KORFF 

BARON  SERGIUS  A.  KORFF,  Pro- 
fessor of  Russian  History  in  Colum- 
bia University,  lecturer  at  Johns  Hopkins 
and  Georgetown  Universities,  frequent 
contributor  to  the  columns  of  the  Advo- 
cate OF  Peace,  died  suddenly  at  his  home, 
in  Washington,  March  7,  at  the  age  of 
forty-eight.  It  is  difficult  to  speak  within 
measure  of  this  bright,  scholarly  gentle- 
man, realizing  as  we  must,  that  we  are 
to  sit  with  him  no  more.  Educated 
at  the  University  of  Petrograd,  he  be- 
longed to  the  intellectual  liberal  group 
of  Russia.  He  was  at  one  time  Professor 
of  Russian  Law  and  History  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Helsingfors,  Finland,  and  at 
the  Women's  University,  Petrograd,  Rus- 


sia. His  wife,  daughter  of  our  Admiral 
W.  K.  Van  Reypen,  and  two  children  sur- 
vive him.  He  was  one  of  the  most  popular 
lecturers  at  the  Institute  of  Politics,  at 
Williarastown,  Massachusetts.  He  was  the 
first  to  lecture  before  the  Academy  of  In- 
ternational Law  at  The  Hague,  at  its  open- 
ing session,  in  July,  1923.  The  simplicity 
and  modesty  of  this  genial  man  of  rare 
culture  has  left  a  fine  and  deep  impression 
throughout  the  intellectual  circles  of  con- 
temporary America.  He  was  a  linguist  of 
rare  attainment,  speaking  Russian,  French, 
German,  Swedish,  and  English  with  dis- 
tinction. Charles  Downer  Hazen,  of  the 
faculty  at  Columbia  University,  describes 
Baron  Korif's  unwonted  success  in  these 
true  and  fitting  words: 

"In  his  sympathies  and  in  his  outlook 
he  was  as  much  an  American  as  any  of  us. 
It  was  once  said  of  Alexander  Hamilton 
that  he  'divined'  Europe.  Baron  Korff 
not  only  divined  America,  but  he  loved 
her.  He  identified  himself  thoroughly 
with  her  life.  And  that  life  was  honored 
and  greatly  enriched  by  the  presence  here 
and  by  the  activity  of  this  excellent 
scholar,  this  charming,  simple,  unassum- 
ing, friendly,  honest,  and  courageous 
man." 

We  cannot  close  our  all-too-feeble  state- 
ment without  recalling  those  fructifying 
months  we  passed  with  him  at  the  com- 
fortable little  hotel  in  Paris  during  those 
harrowing  daj^s  of  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence, listening  with  wonder  to  his  precise 
French,  and  with  still  greater  profit  to 
his  enlightening  views  on  world  affairs. 
Both  of  us  returning  to  Washington  in  the 
summer  of  1919,  scarcely  a  week  has 
passed  since  without  a  cheering  and  soul- 
refreshing  visit  with  him.  Last  summer 
we  were  together  again,  this  time  at  The 
Hague,  in  lovely  Holland.  His  ten  lec- 
tures before  the  Academy  of  International 
Law  stand  out  in  memory  as  an  epitome 
of  the  fineness  that  marked  him  in  every- 
thing he  said  and  did.  The  world  is 
poorer  because  of  the  untimely  passing  of 
this  gracious  man. 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


205 


THE  Conference  of  Ambassadors,  meet- 
ing in  Paris,  has  been  confronted  with 
the  question,  how  to  resume  control  of  the 
military  operations  in  Germany  under  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles.  The  ambassadors, 
under  date  of  March  6,  presented  to  Herr 
von  Hoesch,  the  German  Ambassador  in 
Paris,  a  note  in  which  Germany  is  notified 
that  her  police  forces  must  be  put  on  such 
a  footing  that  they  cannot  be  used  for 
military  purposes;  that  her  munition  fac- 
tories must  be  rendered  incapable  of  pro- 
ducing war  material;  that  her  excess  war 
material  must  be  surrendered ;  that  docu- 
ments showing  war  material  existing  at 
the  time  of  the  Armistice  and  indicating 
the  production  during  the  war  must  be 
furnished;  and,  finally,  that  all  necessary 
laws  must  be  promulgated  to  prevent  the 
import  and  export  of  war  material  and  to 
prohibit  the  recruiting  and  organizing  of 
the  army  in  any  sense  contrary  to  the 
Versailles  Treaty.  The  note  insists  that 
mobilization  plans  in  Germany  must  be 
discarded  and  superfluous  officers  removed. 
Furthermore,  the  allied  commission  must 
be  given  proper  facilities  for  investigation. 
Thus,  it  is  believed,  Germany  will  find 
it  impossible  to  escape  from  her  military 
obligations  under  the  treaty.  While  there 
is  a  widespread  feeling  in  France  that 
since  Allied  military  control  of  Germany 
ceased  about  a  year  ago,  Germany  has  been 
quietly  at  work  reorganizing  her  military 
resources,  and  while  certain  French  pa- 
pers, such  as  the  Echo  de  Paris,  recall  that 
the  Allies  have  never  shown  a  desire  to 
enter  into  any  engagements  for  the  de- 
fense of  France,  and  that  therefore  the 
new  note  by  the  Conference  of  Ambassa- 
dors is  a  mere  gesture;  yet,  in  the  main, 
public  opinion  in  France  is  encouraged  by 
this  new  evidence  of  co-operation  between 
the  Allies. 


elsewhere  in  these  columns,  between 
France  and  Czechoslovakia,  was  registered 
with  the  League  on  the  day  of  the  final 
session.  This  session  of  the  Council, 
twenty-eighth  in  the  series,  adjourned  in 
an  atmosphere  of  optimism.  The  Council 
elected  a  new  commission  for  the  control 
of  the  Saar  Basin.  Charles  Eosetti,  an 
Italian,  was  chosen  to  fill  the  vacancy  on 
the  Danube  Commission,  an  act  which  is 
felt  to  indicate  a  return  of  a  better  rela- 
tion between  Italy  and  the  League. 

It  was  found  necessary  to  rebuke  Aus- 
tria. Having  balanced  their  budget,  the 
Austrians  want  to  free  themselves  from 
League  control,  but  the  Council,  after 
hearing  the  report  of  Dr.  Zimraermann, 
League  commissioner  at  Vienna,  adopted 
a  resolution  that  "the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment entered  into  a  solemn  undertaking 
and  that  League  control  can  be  withdrawn 
only  when  the  permanent  equilibrium  of 
the  budget  is  established  and  the  financial 
stability  of  Austria  assured." 

Austria  wants  to  use  for  public  works, 
without  League  supervision,  200,000,000 
crowns  remaining  from  the  original  loan. 
The  Council  said  that  the  request  would 
be  studied,  but  that  the  bondholders  must 
be  protected  and  the  Vienna  Government 
should  understand  the  loan  could  be  used 
only  for  purposes  approved  by  Dr.  Zim- 
mermann  and  under  his  direction.  The 
next  meeting  of  the  Council  is  fixed  for 
June  11,  at  Geneva. 


THE  British  proposal  to  establish  a 
naval  base  at  Singapore  has  finally 
been  refused  by  the  House  of  Commons. 
This  ought  to  mean  a  lessening  of  the 
tension  in  the  Far  East. 


THE  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations 
completed  its  work  of  the  present  ses- 
sion  March    15.     The   treaty,   appearing 


WE  AKE  glad  to  print  elsewhere  in 
these  columns  the  arbitration  treaty 
between  the  sixteen  American  republics, 
drafted  and  approved  at  the  fifth  Pan- 
American  Conference  last  May  and  rati- 
fied March  18  by  the  United  States  Senate. 


206 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


REFEREING  to  the  trial  of  Ludendorff 
-in  Munich,  a  correspondent,  writing 
to  the  Manchester  Guardian  of  March  7, 
describes  the  whole  atmosphere  of  the 
trial  as  "that  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
when  princelings,  robber  barons,  and  ad- 
venturers fought  for  and  against  each 
other."  The  trial  reveals  that  last  Novem- 
ber Germany  was  threatened  with  civil 
war,  anarchy,  and  famine,  with  no  hope 
to  assuage  the  situation.  Had  that  coup 
been  successful,  it  undoubtedly  would  have 
meant  terror  and  ultimate  intervention 
from  abroad.  What  Ludendorff  evidently 
had  in  mind  was  a  return  of  the  Hohen- 
zollerns  and  the  elimination  of  the 
Catholic  Church  as  a  political  force,  par- 
ticularly in  Prussia.  Ludendorff's  ex- 
periences in  the  war  have  left  him  sus- 
picious, fearful,  and  bitter. 


THE  overthrow  of  the  Caliphate  ranks 
in  importance  with  the  end  of  the 
Holy  Eoman  Empire  in  the  time  of 
Napoleon.  It  is  difficult  for  the  Western 
mind  to  understand  this  new  move  on  the 
part  of  the  Turk.  The  Caliph  belongs  to 
the  dynasty  which  created  the  Ottoman 
State.  The  Caliph  has  been  to  the  Islamic 
world  what  the  emperor  of  Christendom 
was  until  1801.  Until  1932  the  Caliph 
has  also  been  Sultan,  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral head  of  all  Islam.  In  1922  the 
Sultan-Caliph  was  deposed  by  the  Turkish 
nationalists  and  the  Sultanate  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  Caliphate,  Turkish  sover- 
eignty being  transferred  to  the  National 
Assembly  at  Angora.  The  Caliphate  re- 
mained in  the  form  of  a  new  appointee 
as  the  spiritual  head  only.  And  now  even 
the  spiritual  Caliph  is  banished.  One 
wonders  what  effect  these  radical  steps 
will  have  within  Turkey  and  upon  the 
relations  between  her  own  nationals,  other 
members  of  the  Islamic  faith,  and  the 
peoples  of  the  West. 


EVEN  the  Supreme  Court  of  our 
United  States  is  not  wholly  spared 
from  the  outbreak  of  caustic  criticism 
sweeping  America.  The  argument  is  be- 
ing advanced  again  that  this  our  supreme 
tribunal  should  not  have  the  power  to  de- 
clare legislative  acts  unconstitutional;  or, 
if  that  power  is  to  be  retained,  it  should 
jiot  be  exercised  by  a  5  to  4  vote,  as 
has  been  the  case.  It  is  not  argued  that 
our  Supreme  Court  is  unfitted  for  its 
duties  as  set  forth  in  Article  3  in  our 
Constitution.  The  Court  is  accepted  as 
one  of  our  three  main  organs  of  govern- 
ment, independent  in  its  own  sphere.  In 
its  relation  to  the  Congress,  it  can  only 
inquire  whether  or  not,  in  a  given  case  in- 
volving the  rights  of  actual  litigants,  a 
given  law  passed  by  the  Congress  is  con- 
trary to  the  Constitution.  The  Court  has 
no  jurisdiction  over  political  questions. 
But  since  our  Constitution  is  our  para- 
mount law,  questions  of  interpretation 
arising  under  it  must  be  decided  by  a 
paramount  tribunal,  even  where  such 
questions  involve  the  constitutionality  of 
a  law  of  Congress.  There  seems  to  be  no 
other  way.  We  may  recall  the  language 
of  Chief  Justice  Marshall  in  the  very 
early  case  of  Marbury  vs.  Madison : 

"Those  who  apply  the  rule  to  particular 
cases,  must  of  necessity  expound  and  in- 
terpret that  rule.  If  two  laws  conflict 
with  each  other,  the  courts  must  decide  on 
the  operation  of  each.  So,  if  a  law  be  in 
opposition  to  the  Constitution ;  if  both  the 
law  and  the  Constitution  apply  to  a  par- 
ticular case,  so  that  the  court  must  either 
decide  that  case  conformable  to  the  law, 
disregarding  the  Constitution,  or  con- 
formable to  the  Constitution,  disregard- 
ing the  law;  the  court  must  determine 
which  of  these  conflicting  rules  governs 
the  case:  this  is  of  the  very  essence  of 
judicial  duty.  If,  then,  the  courts  are  to 
regard  the  Constitution,  and  the  Consti- 
tution is  superior  to  any  ordinary  act  of 
the  legislature,  the  Constitution,  and  not 
such  ordinary  act,  must  govern  the  case 
to  which  they  both  apply." 


» 


TWENTY-FIRST  ANNUAL   MEETING  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  GROUP. 

INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION, 

HOUSE  OFFICE  BUILDING. 

FEBRUARY  25. 1924.  8  o'clock  p.  m. 


The  Stenographer's  Record 


THE  meeting  was  called  to  order  at  8 
o'clock  p.  m.  by  the  President,  Sena- 
tor William  B.  McKinley. 

Among  those  present  were  Senator  Wil- 
liam B.  McKinley,  Senator  Joseph  T. 
Kobinson,  Eepresentative  Andrew  J. 
Montague,  Eepresentative  William  A. 
Oldfield,  Eepresentative  Adolph  J.  Sabath, 
Eepresentative  Merrill  Moores,  Eepresen- 
tative John  T.  Eaker,  Eepresentative  John 
J.  McSwain,  and  Mr.  Arthur  Deerin  Call, 
Executive  Secretary. 

The  President:  Gentlemen,  we  wiU 
come  to  order. 

This  is  the  twenty-first  annual  meeting 
of  our  American  Group.  It  is  with  the 
greatest  regret  that  we  have  to  report  the 
death  during  the  last  few  days  of  two  of 
our  members — the  Honorable  James  L. 
Slayden,  a  former  president  of  the  group 
and  a  life  member  of  the  Union,  and  of 
Eepresentative  Henry  Garland  Dupre, 
secretary  of  our  group.  Appropriate  reso- 
lutions will  be  presented  for  your  approval 
later  in  the  meeting. 

During  the  year  1923  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union  has  continued  its  activi- 
ties. The  main  fact  of  interest  to  the 
American  Group  was  the  Twenty-first 
Conference,  at  Copenhagen,  Denmark, 
August  13  to  18  last.  Twenty-six  parlia- 
ments were  represented  at  this  conference 
by  some  430  delegates.  A  full  report  of 
the  proceedings  has  been  prepared  and 
sent  to  all  members  of  the  congress  by  our 
Executive  Secretary.  Our  group  weis  rep- 
resented by  six  Senators  and  four  Eepre- 
sentatives,  as  follows:  Senators  Ashurst, 
Swanson,  Harreld,  Sterling,  Eobinson,  and 
McKinley,    and   Eepresentatives    Burton, 


Chindblom,  Montague,  and  Eaker.  These, 
with  seven  ladies  and  five  secretaries,  made 
a  party  of  twenty-two. 

The  next  in  order  is  the  reading  of  the 
minutes  of  the  last  regular  meeting. 

Mr.  Call:  Gentlemen,  since  the  min- 
utes are  printed  and  distributed  to  all 
the  members  of  the  House  and  Senate,  it 
is  usual  to  omit  the  reading  of  the  minutes. 

The  President  :  If  there  is  no  objec- 
tion it  wiU  be  so  ordered. 

We  have  a  letter  from  Mr.  Burton  which 
the  Secretary  will  read.  Mr.  Burton,  as 
you  know,  is  a  member  of  the  Council  and 
of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union. 

Mr.  Call:  This  letter  is  dated  Febru- 
ary 25,  1924,  and  is  addressed  to  Senator 
McKinley.     (Eeading.) 

"My  Deab  Senatoe  McKinlett: 

"I  most  sincerely  regret  that  I  shall  be 
unable  to  be  present  at  the  meeting  of  the 
group  this  evening.  I  have,  however,  several 
suggestions  to  offer. 

"First,  my  vote  would  be  registered,  If  I 
could  be  present,  for  the  re-election  of  the 
present  officers,  filling  such  vacancies  as  may 
be  necessary. 

"Second,  interest  should  be  maintained  and 
stimulated  in  the  appropriation  of  fifty  thou- 
sand ($50,000)  dollars  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  the  way  for  an  invitation  to  the 
Union  to  meet  in  this  country  next  year. 

"Third,  I  have  already  taken  up  with  the 
Subcommittee  on  Appropriations  the  regular 
appropriation  of  four  thousand  ($4,000)  dol- 
lars, with  the  proviso  that  it  shall  be  im- 
mediately available,  and  have  received  a 
favorable  response. 

"It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  member- 
ship of  a  representative  from  the  United 
States  on  the  Executive  CJommittee  of  the 
Union  terminates  this  year.  The  principle  of 
rotation  is  adopted  and  we  cannot  expect 
membership  again  until  after  an  interval." 

Senator  Eobinson:  May  I  ask  a  ques- 
tion there.  That  means  tliat  it  is  intended 
that  some  other  country  takes  the  represen- 


207 


208 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


tation  that  we  have  enjoyed,  passing  that 
recognition  about  among  the  different 
countries  ?    That  is  the  idea,  is  it  ? 

The  President:  Yes. 

Mr.  Call  (continuing  reading)  : 

"It  is  desirable  that  propositions  which  the 
local  group  may  favor  be  ready  for  presenta- 
tion some  time  prior  to  the  meeting  of  1924. 

"I  am  compelled  to  say  that  the  place 
of  meeting  has  not  yet  been  determined  and 
there  has  been  some  difficulty  in  making 
satisfactory  arrangements  in  the  selection. 
Warsaw  and  Prague  have  both  been  men- 
tioned. 

"One  further  point:  Members  of  tlie  local 
group  have  nominated  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  to  receive  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize  this 
year.  A  formal  resolution  at  the  meeting 
this  evening  or  a  petition  signed  by  members 
would  be  helpful  in  this  regard. 
"Very  cordially  yours, 

"Theodore  E.  Bubton." 

The  President  :  The  next  is  the  Treas- 
urer's report. 

Mr.  Sabath  :  Mr.  Chairman  and  gen- 
tlemen: Following  is  the  Treasurer's 
Eeport : 

Washington,  D.  C,  Feb.  25,  1924. 

On  hand $246.47 

Disbursements : 

March  3,  1923 : 
American      Peace      Society, 
printing  booklet,  Twentieth 
Conference  of  Interparlia- 
mentary Union $95.90 

June  2,  1923 : 
American      Peace       Society, 

printing 124.50 

October  17,  1923: 
American      Peace      Society, 
printing 57.08 

Total    $246.47    $277.48 

Amount  due  Treasurer 31.01 

Mr.  Sabath:  And  there  is  one  check 
that  I  could  not  find  and  I  do  not  know 
what  I  have  done  with  it. 

Mr.  Call  :  How  much  are  we  indebted  ? 

Mr.  Sabath:  $31.01,  but  I  think  there 
is  another  check  that  I  paid  while  I  was 
in  Chicago  last  winter. 

(The  Treasurer's  report  was,  without 
objection,  approved.) 

The  President:  The  next  in  order  is 
the  election  of  officers. 


Mr.  Eaker:  I  move  that  the  present 
officers  be  elected  for  the  ensuing  year,  in 
pursuance  of  Mr.  Burton's  suggestion,  and 
that  we  fill  the  vacancy. 

(The  motion  was  duly  seconded.) 

The  President:  Gentlemen,  are  there 
any  other  nominations? 

(The  question  was  called  for.  Senator 
Eobinson  put  the  motion  to  a  vote,  and 
it  was  unanimously  voted  to  re-elect  the 
present  officers. 

The  President:  There  is  a  vacancy 
caused  by  the  death  of  Mr.  Dupre,  who 
was  our  Secretary. 

Mr.  Oldfield:  I  nominate  Mr.  Mc- 
Swain  as  Secretary. 

Senator  Robinson:  Seconded. 

(The  motion  was  unanimously  carried.) 

The  President:  The  next  in  order  is 
unfinished  business.  The  reports  of  the 
delegates  to  the  Twenty-first  Conference 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  at 
Copenhagen,  Denmark,  August  13  to  18, 
1923. 

Mr.  Montague:  There  is  a  report  by 
Mr.  Call,  which  is  printed,  that  is  a  very 
excellent  report.  I  do  not  believe  any  of 
us  could  either  make  a  report  as  succinct 
as  this  or  elaborate  thereon.  Therefore 
I  suggest  that  we  adopt  Mr.  Call's  report. 
We  have  the  resolutions  all  set  out  in  that 
report.  We  have  the  action  of  the  con- 
ference in  every  respect,  except  the  actual 
votes,  which  are  not  recorded,  but  the  final 
actions  are  recorded,  together  with  the 
resolutions  that  were  adopted.  So,  if  you 
gentlemen  will  accept  that  as  the  report, 
I  submit  it  as  the  report. 

The  President:  Gentlemen,  Mr.  Mon- 
tague suggests  that  the  report  by  Mr.  Call 
be  accepted  as  the  report  of  the  delegates. 
Without  objection  it  is  so  ordered. 

Mr.  Montague:  Mr.  Call  has  made  an 
elaborate  report. 

The  President:  Mr.  Montague,  I  be- 
lieve, has  a  resolution  relative  to  the  death 
of  Mr.  Slayden. 

Mr.  Montague  :  Gentlemen,  I  offer  the 
following  resolution: 

Resolution 
James  Luther  Slayden,  President  of  the 
American  Group  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  from  1915  to  1919,  died  at  his  home, 
in  San  Antonio,  Texas,  Sunday  morning, 
February  24,  at  3  :.30  o'clock.  Mr.  Slayden 
wa.s  born  in  Kentucky,  June  1,  1853.     After 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


209 


attending  Washington  and  Lee  University, 
Virginia,  he  became  a  cotton  merchant  and 
member  of  the  Texas  House  of  Representa- 
tives in  1892,  to  which  he  declined  a  re- 
election. He  represented  the  Twelfth  Texas 
District  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  the  55th  to  the  57th  Congresses,  1897  to 
1903.  From  1903  to  1919,  58th  to  59th  Con- 
gresses, he  represented  the  Fourteenth  Texas 
District.  In  1883  he  married  Ellen  Maury, 
of  Charlottesville,  Virginia,  who  survives 
him. 

Mr.  Slayden's  life  and  work  as  member  of 
the  United  States  Congress  won  for  him  an 
enviable  place  in  the  affections  of  both  the 
Senate  and  the  House.  Perhaps  his  chief  in- 
terest throughout  his  conspicuous  career  was 
a  better  understanding  between  the  nations. 
From  the  beginning  of  this  American  Group 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  in  1904, 
Mr.  Slayden  showed  a  keen  and  active  in- 
terest in  its  work.  For  a  number  of  years 
he  was  President  of  the  American  Peace 
Society  and  trustee  of  the  Carnegie  Endow- 
ment for  International  Peace.  He  attended 
many  of  the  international  conferences  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union,  his  last  being  the 
conference  at  Stockholm  in  1921.  He  was 
recognized  as  an  authority  upon  the  relations 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico. 

It  is  not  only  fitting,  but  a  duty,  for  the 
American  Group  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  at  this,  its  twenty-first  annual  meet- 
ing, to  pause  in  its  deliberation  in  honor  of 
this  valued  friend  of  its  work,  for  the  mem- 
bers to  remind  themselves  of  his  long  and 
valued  services,  and  to  express  as  best  they 
may  their  gratitude  and  appreciation. 

I  therefore  move  the  following : 
Resolved,  That  the  American  Group  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  record  its  deep  ap- 
preciation of  the  services  of  James  Luther 
Slayden  to  the  Interparliamentary  Union  and 
to  the  cause  of  international  friendship ;  that 
the  members  extend  their  sympathy  to  Mrs, 
Slayden,  and  that  a  copy  of  this  resolution 
be  sent  to  Mrs.  Slayden. 

(The  resolution  presented  by  Mr. 
Montague  on  James  Luther  Slayden  was 
unanimously  adopted.) 

The  President:  Of  course  this  resolu- 
tion will  be  incorporated  in  the  record. 

Senator  Robinson  :  I  suggest  that  the 
Secretary  be  requested  to  draft,  and  that 
there  be  incorporated  in   the  record,  an 


appropriate    resolution    relative    to    Mr. 
Dupre. 

Mr.  Montague:  And  that  we  pass  it 
now,  nunc  pi'o  tunc,  so  to  speak,  and  that 
it  be  incorporated  in  the  records  of  this 
meeting. 

The  President:  Without  objection  that 
will  be  done. 

(The  resolution  relative  to  the  death  of 
Mr.  Henry  Garland  Dupre,  which  was 
unanimously  adopted,  is  as  follows:) 

Henry  Garland  Dupr6,  member  of  the 
United  States  Congress  from  Louisiana  since 
1910  and  Secretary  of  the  American  Group 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  for  a  decade, 
died  at  his  home,  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
on  the  morning  of  February  21,  1924.  Mr. 
Dupre,  one  of  the  most  companionable  and 
winsome  members  of  the  Congress,  deprived 
of  his  life  at  the  meridian  of  his  career, 
leaves  in  the  memory  of  his  friends  of  the 
Congress  a  deep  and  abiding  regret  at  his 
untimely  death ;  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Group  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  record  their  sor- 
row because  of  the  death  of  their  esteemed 
Secretary,  and  express  to  the  surviving  mem- 
bers of  his  immediate  family  their  heartfelt 
sympathy  and  condolence. 

The  President:  As  Mr.  Burton  has 
suggested  in  his  letter,  the  annual  grant 
to  the  Interparliamentary  Union  for  main- 
taining the  Geneva  office  and  paying  the 
one  paid  man  as  secretary  is  $4,000  per 
year. 

Senator  Egbinson:  What  bill  is  that 
carried  in? 

The  President:  That  comes  in  the 
diplomatic  bill. 

Senator  Robinson  :  A  State  Department 
bill. 

The  President:  Yes.  The  Interpar- 
liamentary Union  are  asking  this  year  for 
the  Nobel  Peace  Prize.  Mr.  Burton  pre- 
pared a  letter,  and  it  was  signed  by  as 
many  Senators  as  we  could  get  hold  of  at 
the  time,  and  there  were  a  great  many  sig- 
natures of  members  in  the  House.  It  has 
been  sent. 

Mr.  Montague:  You  followed  the  cus- 
tomary form  in  the  application? 

The  President:  Mr.  Burton  prepared 
it. 

Mr.  Montague  :  They  are  quite  particu- 
lar about  their  form.     It  is  some  years 


210 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


since  I  formulated  one  for  a  gentleman  in 
this  country,  and  I  know  then  we  went 
over  all  the  precedents  in  order  to  comply 
with  the  form  for  the  presentation  of  this 
request. 

Mr.  Chikdblom  :  I  saw  a  record  of  the 
meeting  of  the  Swedish  Group  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union,  and  they  took 
the  same  action;  they  asked  for  the  Nobel 
Prize  for  the  Interparliamentary  Union. 

The  President  :  I  imagine  it  was  insti- 
gated by  Mr.  Lange,  was  it  not,  Mr.  Call? 

Mr.  Call:  Yes. 

Mr.  Raker:  Have  you  a  resolution  on 
jhat,  Mr.  Call? 

Mr.  Call  :  No ;  the  only  thing  necessary 
is  that  a  resolution  be  passed  by  this  group 
recommending  to  the  Committee  of  the 
Storthing  that  the  American  Group  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  hopes  that  the 
Nobel  Peace  Prize  for  the  year  1924  may 
be  granted  to  the  Interparliamentary 
Union. 

Mr.  Raker:  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  you 
that  it  is  the  sense  of  this  group  that  the 
Nobel  Prize  for  Peace  be  awarded  to  the 
Interparliamentary  Union,  and  that  the 
necessary  documents  be  forwarded  with 
that  resolution. 

(The  motion  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Mon- 
tague and  unanimously  carried.) 

Mr.  Call  :  You  gentlemen  will  be  in- 
terested to  know,  I  am  sure,  that  the  man 
who  was  the  first  president  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  was  the  first  man 
to  get  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize ;  and  the  man 
who  founded  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  got  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize  for 
founding  the  Interparliamentary  Union — 
William  Randal  Cremer.  There  have  been 
a  number  of  other  persons  prominent  in 
connection  with  this  organization  who 
have  received  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize. 

Mr.  Montague:  Mr.  Chairman,  if  it  is 
appropriate,  I  move  that  we  take  up  the 
matter  of  the  extending  of  the  invitation 
for  the  meeting  in  America  next  year.  I 
just  put  that  out  as  a  suggestion  rather 
than  to  move  it,  for  the  time  being. 

The  President:  Most  of  you  gentle- 
men were  at  the  meeting  the  other  night. 
We  discussed  the  feasibility  of  inviting 
the  group  here  in  1925.  Such  an  invita- 
tion would  probably  necessitate  from  Con- 
gress an  appropriation  of  about  $50,000. 
At  the  meeting  the  other  night  at  my 


house  the  chairmen  of  the  Appropriation 
Committees  of  both  the  House  and  Senate 
were  present  and  seemed  to  take  to  the 
proposition  very  kindly.  Mr.  Madden,  in 
fact,  was  very  outspoken  in  favor  of  it. 
The  committee  was  appointed  that  night 
to  draft  a  joint  resolution. 

Senator  Robinson:  May  I  ask  whether 
it  would  not  be  Avell  to  have  the  matter 
taken  up  with  the  State  Department  and 
secure  an  estimate,  and  incorporate  an 
item  of  appropriation  in  the  State  De- 
partment bill  for  that  purpose?  Other- 
wise, if  that  is  not  done,  we  might  find 
ourselves  in  the  attitude  of  having  invited 
some  guests  without  any  provisions  for 
entertaining  them  or  taking  care  of  the 
necessary  expenses  of  the  meeting. 

Mr.  Raker:  Was  it  not  suggested  at 
that  meeting,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  some- 
body might  make  the  objection  that  it  was 
not  authorized,  and  Mr.  Temple  was  to 
draw  a  joint  resolution  so  we  could  get 
that  through? 

Mr.  Montague:  I  will  state  that  I 
made  the  motion  that  Dr.  Temple  be  ap- 
pointed one  of  the  members  to  examine 
the  precedents.  We  once  voted  $50,000 
for  this. 

Mr.  Call:  Yes,  in  1914;  and  it  was 
carried  over  for  three  years. 

Mr.  Montague:  I  understand  that  Dr. 
Temple  is  to  follow  the  usual  course  in 
the  matter. 

Mr.  Raker:  Dr.  Temple  said  he  would 
do  it. 

The  President:  Dr.  Temple  has  been 
appointed  to  draft  the  joint  resolution  and 
we  will  inquire  as  to  what  has  been  done 
about  it. 

The  President:  Article  V  of  the  By- 
laws of  this  organization  provides : 

"There  shall  be,  in  addition,  a  permanent 
Executive  Secretary,  whose  duty  it  shall  be 
to  keep  the  records  of  the  group;  who  shall 
be  the  custodian  of  its  library  and  permanent 
archives.  He  shall  also  prepare  such  official 
reports  from  the  American  Group  as  may  be 
required  by  the  Interparliamentary  Council 
or  the  Secretary  General  of  the  Union." 

At  our  eighteentli  annual  meeting,  held 
February  24,  1921,  Arthur  Deerin  Call 
was  elected  to  this  office,  succeeding  Dr. 
S.  N.  D.  North,  resigned.  Since  that  time 
Mr.  Call  has  attended  to  the  details  re- 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


211 


quired  under  our  Constitution.  During 
the  last  year  he  has  prepared  three  pam- 
phlets, as  follows : 

1.  The  Interparliamentary  Union ; 

2.  The  American  Group  of  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union,  Proceedings  of  the  Twentieth 
Annual  Meeting;  and 

3.  The  Twenty-first  Conference  of  tlie  In- 
terparliamentary Union  at  Copenhagen. 

Mr.  Call  serves  without  pay.  I  think 
it  would  be  in  order  that  Mr.  Call  be  given 
the  thanks  of  this  body. 

Senator  Eobinson  :  I  move  that  the 
American  Group  tender  to  Mr.  Call  its 
thanks  for  the  very  able  and  efficient  man- 
ner in  which  he  has  performed  the  duties 
of  Executive  Secretary,  and  that  he  be 
requested  to  continue  to  perform  them. 

The  President:  Gentlemen,  I  find  it 
has  been  seconded  by  every  one  here; 
therefore  I  can  hardly  see  how  it  can  be 
opposed,  and  without  objection  the  motion 
is  adopted. 

(Thereupon,  at  9:30  p.  m.,  the  meeting 
adjourned.) 


AGAIN  OUR  FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH 

The  following  letter  and  the  reply  by  the 
President  of  Dartmouth  College  are  of  more 
than  local  importance.  Together  they  pre- 
sent a  telling  picture  of  contemporary  world 
views.  Our  own  opinion  is  that  President 
Hopkins  is  rendering  a  service  to  our  genera- 
tion, conspicuous  as  it  is  needed. — Editor. 

The  American  Defense  Society,  Inc. 
Washington  Bureau,  709  Albee  Bldg. 
R.  M.  Whitney,  Director 
Washington,  D.  C,  Feb.  33,  1924. 
President  Ernest  Martin  Hopkins, 
Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  N.  H. 

Dear  Sir:  May  I  ask  if  you  were  cor- 
rectly quoted  in  this  morning's  papers  as 
saying  that  "if  Lenine  and  Trotsky  were 
available,"  you  would  certainly  bring  them 
in  to  lecture  at  Dartmouth? 

Having  been  a  newspaper  correspond- 
ent all  my  life,  I  know  the  desire  for 
accuracy  on  the  part  of  Associated 
Press  correspondents,  but  I  cannot  be- 
lieve that  the  president  of  a  great  Ameri- 
can college  would  give  expression  to  such 
a  statement.  I  am  not  an  alumnus  of 
Dartmouth,  but  of  another  college,  but  I 
feel  very  deeply  the  seriousness  of  such  a 


statement  credited  to  the  head  of  a  college 
like  Dartmouth. 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  enemies  of 
this  government  have  made  great  capital 
of  the  fact  that  William  Z.  Foster  was 
given  hearing  at  Dartmouth— not  officially, 
but  by  an  undergraduate  body — those  of 
us  who  still  believe  that  we  have  a  form 
of  government  better  in  every  way  than 
that  advocated  by  Lenine  and  Trotsky  had 
hoped  that  the  directors  of  the  studies  of 
the  minds  of  the  youth  of  America  would 
be  careful  of  the  material  they  fed  the  im- 
mature minds  of  the  coming  generations. 

For  nearly  two  years  I  have  made  a 
special  study  of  the  Communist  movement 
in  the  United  States,  This  study  has 
proved  to  me  conclusively  that  such  re- 
marks as  those  credited  to  you  could  well 
have  been  inspired  in  Moscow  and  are  in 
strict  accord  with  the  well-matured  plans 
of  those  who  would  overthrow  this  govern- 
ment by  violence. 

Yours  for  national  loyalty, 
(Signed)        R.  M.  Whitney, 
Director  of  Bureau. 


Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  N.  H. 

Offices  of  Administration 

The  President 

February  26,  1924. 
Dear  Mr.  Whitney  : 

I  am  sorry  that  the  statement  which  I 
made  before  the  Chicago  alumni  is  disturb- 
ing to  you,  I  did  not  say  exactly  what  I 
was  quoted  as  saying  in  the  Associated 
Press  dispatch,  but  I  have  no  right  to 
quibble  over  the  exact  phrasing  of  it,  for 
the  correspondent's  expression  was  accu- 
rate, so  far  as  the  significance  of  what  I 
said  was  involved. 

I  believe  that  truth  has  nothing  to  fear 
from  error  if  truth  be  untrammeled  at  all 
times  and  if  error  be  denied  the  sanctity 
conferred  upon  it  by  persecution  or  con- 
cealment. I  stated  to  the  Dartmouth 
alumni  in  Chicago  what  I  have  frequently 
stated  before — that  education  is  quite  a 
different  thing  from  training,  and  the 
method  of  the  educational  institution  calls 
for  diversity  in  points  of  view  and  em- 
phasis upon  stimulating  the  student's 
thought,  while  the  training  school  almost 
inevitably  emphasizes  instruction  and  de- 
mands conformity  to  the  thought  of  others. 


•312 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


I  stated  further  that  I  knew  of  no  rea- 
son why  there  should  not  be  training 
schools  for  training  the  minds  of  men  to 
various  points  of  view,  if  people  could  be 
found  who  were  willing  to  offer  endow- 
ment for  such  schools,  and  that  it  was  quite 
compatible  with  the  theory  of  democracy 
that  we  should  have  labor  colleges  and 
colleges  for  the  defense  of  capitalism,  or 
schools  of  democracy  and  schools  for  the 
glorification  of  benevolent  despotism,  or 
schools  with  the  purpose  of  arguing  for 
the  validity  of  one  contention  or  another 
in  theological  belief.  But  I  argued  further 
that  there  was  grave  danger  in  the  ficti- 
tious value  which  the  mind  of  youth 
ascribed  to  submerged  or  obscured  theories, 
and  that  there  never  was  such  great  need 
of  true  educational  institutions  as  at  the 
present  day,  and  that  my  desire  for  Dart- 
mouth College  was  that  she  should  stand 
for  freedom  of  thought  and  freedom  of 
speech,  without  which  freedom  of  thought 
is  impossible,  and  as  an  embodiment  of 
confidence  in  the  strength  of  those  things 
which  are  right.  We  should  be  unafraid 
that  harm  could  ever  come  to  us  mentally, 
spiritually,  or  morally  by  the  preservation 
of  those  liberties  which  were  guaranteed 
to  us  by  the  Bill  of  Eights. 

I  further  stated  that  I  consider  it  far 
more  important  to  stimulate  the  minds  of 
college  men  to  thought  than  to  prescribe 
what  should  be  thought  or  where  denial 
should  enter  in  to  tell  them  what  they 
could  not  think.  I  quoted  the  statement 
of  one  of  America's  great  surgeons  in  com- 
menting upon  preventive  medicine,  that 
a  great  mistake  was  made  if  assumption 
arose  that  health  could  be  understood 
without  understanding  disease.  I  further 
stated  my  belief  that  no  good  could  come, 
and  much  possible  harm  could  come,  from 
the  misuse  of  propaganda  designed  for 
the  establishment  of  a  predetermined  point 
of  view.  And  at  that  point  I  stated  that 
I  should  far  prefer  to  have  the  presenta- 
tion of  the  point  of  view  of  a  governmental 
theory  which  dominated  an  eighth  of  the 
earth's  surface  through  a  frank  partisan 
of  that  theory  than  through  the  thoroughly 
prejudiced  presentation  of  opponents,  who 
utilized  now  in  peace  the  methods  of  war 
and  whose  avowed  purpose  was  the  dis- 
crediting of  the  theory  rather  than  learn- 
ing the  evils  of  government  and  society 
which   made   possible   the   imposition   of 


such  a  monstrous  theory  upon  so  vast  a 
geographical  area  and  upon  so  great  a 
number  of  people. 

The  essential  point  in  the  whole  con- 
tention was,  and  remains,  that  the  Ameri- 
can undergraduate  of  from  eighteen  to 
twenty-two  years  old  is  on  the  threshold 
of  manhood  and  is  as  capable  of  stripping 
error  from  truth  as  he  is  capable  of  dis- 
tinguishing hypocrisy  from  genuineness, 
in  both  of  which  he  is  superior  to  the  aver- 
age man,  whose  interest  has  become  highly 
professionalized  as  apart  from  the  general 
interest  of  the  college  undergraduate. 

Of  course,  the  fact  is — and  I  have  heard 
this  said  within  the  last  few  days  by  some 
very  practical  men  of  large  financial  and 
industrial  responsibilities — that  the  cor- 
ruption and  acquisitive  self-interest  re- 
vealed in  the  Teapot  Dome  investigation 
made  more  Bolshevists  in  twenty-four 
hours  than  all  the  agents  of  the  Soviet 
Government  could  make  in  a  year.  Yet 
here  again  I  believe  that  before  we  get 
done  we  shall  all  wish  that  we  had  a 
people  more  judicially-minded  and  more 
capable  of  distinguishing  between  truth 
and  error  than  we  have  at  the  present 
time.  It  is  with  the  aspiration,  at  least, 
to  do  its  part  in  creating  such  a  spirit  that 
I  believe  that  the  American  college  works 
at  the  present  day.  If  Dartmouth  College 
fails,  in  the  course  of  striving  for  this 
end,  to  win  the  approval  of  the  American 
Defense  Society  or  to  gain  the  endorse- 
ment of  its  able  director,  I  am  regretful, 
but  nevertheless  I  do  not  see  that  these 
facts  can  be  allowed  to  change  the  course 
of  events. 

I  am 

Yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)  Ernest  M.  Hopkins. 


THE  LABOR  GOVERNMENT  IN 
GREAT  BRITAIN 

THE  true  significance  of  the  revolu- 
tionary change  in  British  politics 
brought  about  by  the  advent  of  Mr.  Ram- 
say MacDonald's  Government  to  power 
lies  not  in  the  fact  that  it  is  a  Labor  Gov- 
ernment, but  that  it  is  a  minority  govern- 
ment, thus  making,  at  least  for  some  time, 
the  end  of  the  old  two-party  system  of  rule. 
Mr.  Ramsay  MasDonald's  declaration  of 
policy,  which  was  made  immediately  after 
the  parliamentary  recess  in  February,  took 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


213 


full  cognizance  of  this  fact,  with  all  its  im- 
plications, when  he  stated,  in  no  uncertain 
terms,  that  he  would  accept  defeat  on  noth- 
ing less  than  substantial  issues — issues  of 
principle,  issues  that  really  matter.  The 
well-known  parliamentary  sport  of  maneu- 
vering for  what  is  known  as  a  "snap  divi- 
sion"— that  is,  an  unexpected  vote,  which, 
catching  the  government  napping  and 
turning  the  parliamentary  tide  against 
them,  forces  them  to  an  appeal  to  the 
country — is  thus  painlessly  disposed  of, 
and  any  analysis  of  the  new  government's 
problems  and  prospects  must  be  made  in 
view  of  this  novel  development. 

There  is,  in  fact,  but  one  great  problem 
facing  Mr.  MacDonald  today,  but  it  is  a 
problem  which  has  many  imexpected  rami- 
fications. Unemployment  is  the  crucial 
question  confronting  any  statesman  in 
Great  Britain,  and  it  may  safely  be  taken 
that  British  policy  is  at  present  orientated 
entirely  by  this  situation. 

In  the  two  or  three  declarations  of  policy 
made  by  the  new  British  Premier  since  his 
election,  all  of  which  have  been  marked  by 
a  true  Scottish  caution,  this  fact  stands 
out  with  the  utmost  clarity.  Mr,  Eamsay 
MacDonald  approaches  his  problem  from 
two  angles,  namely,  immediate  temporary 
relief  through  unemployment  doles  and 
public  works,  and  an  attempt  at  some  set- 
tlement of  the  continental  situation. 

Among  the  public  works  designed  to 
relieve  the  immediate  strain  may  be  noted, 
rather  surprisingly,  Mr.  MacDonald's  pro- 
posal for  the  laying  down  of  five  cruisers 
and  two  destroyers.  This  plan  evoked 
intense  criticism,  especially  from  certain 
members  of  the  Liberal  Party,  who  issued 
a  manifesto  pointing  out  that  the  cruisers 
are  being  built  on  the  pretext  of  providing 
not  security,  but  profitable  work  for  the 
shipbuilding  constituencies,  and  drawing 
attention  to  the  unhappy  potentialities  of 
such  a  policy,  which,  it  is  claimed,  imme- 
diately caused  a  misunderstanding  with 
Italy.  At  the  same  time  land  armament 
estimates  were  cut  in  half. 

The  outstanding  features  of  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald's  foreign  policy  may  be  comprised 
in  the  two  words :  Russia  and  France.  Im- 
mediately following  his  accession  to  power 
negotiations  for  the  recognition  of  Russia 
were  opened,  the  British  representative  in 
Moscow  being  instructed  to  present  his 
credentials  pro  tempore.  At  the  same  time 


Mr.  MacDonald  took  the  nnprecedented 
step  of  announcing  his  premiership  in  a 
personal  letter  to  M.  Poincare,  which  was 
answered  with  all  cordiality.  Following 
this,  Mr.  MacDonald  addressed  a  further 
communication  to  the  French  Premier, 
dated  February  21,  in  which,  after  a  refer- 
ence to  the  friendly  nature  of  M.  Poin- 
care's  reply  to  his  previous  communica- 
tion, he  stated  his  desire  to  pave  the  way 
for  a  more  complete  mutual  understanding 
by  reciting  without  reserve  the  difficulties 
with  which  he  was  faced  and  the  manner 
in  which  he  himself  envisaged  the  situa- 
tion, and  that  he  was  ready  to  examine  the 
problem  in  its  larger  outlines. 

The  Prime  Minister  then  states  that,  in 
the  view  of  many  in  Great  Britain,  France 
was  endeavoring  to  create  a  situation 
which  would  get  for  her  what  she  failed 
to  get  during  the  peace  negotiations.  He 
recognized,  however,  that  some  people  in 
France  after  the  war  thought  that,  to  avert 
a  future  German  menace,  the  frontiers  of 
France  should  be  extended  to  the  Rhine. 
Instead  of  this  they  were  offered  a  joint 
guarantee  by  Britain  and  America,  which 
lapsed  when  the  latter  withdrew.  The 
French  then,  "with  some  justification/' 
have  sought  more  tangible  safeguards. 

Mr.  MacDonald,  after  outlining  the  eco- 
nomic effects  of  the  German  collapse  upon 
Great  Britain,  points  out  that  the  people 
of  that  country  have  been  rendered  anx- 
ious by  what  appears  to  them  to  be  the 
determination  of  France  to  ruin  Germany 
and  to  dominate  the  continent.  They  are 
apprehensive,  he  says  frankly,  of  the  large 
military  establishments  in  France  and  dis- 
turbed by  the  French  interest  in  the  mili- 
tary organization  of  the  Little  Entente. 
They  cannot  understand  why  France 
should  finance  these  activities  when  Great 
Britain  has  to  pay  over  thirty  million 
sterling  a  year  in  interest  upon  loans 
raised  in  America,  and  also  interest  upon 
loans  raised  by  Britain  for  France.  "Such 
popular  sentiments,"  continues  the  letter, 
'Tiowever  erroneous  they  may  be,  must  be 
considered." 

Security,  in  the  opinion  of  the  British 
Premier,  is  not  a  French,  but  a  European 
problem.  It  is  conceived  of  by  Great 
Britain  not  as  security  for  France  against 
Germany,  but  as  security  against  war,  and 
he  therefore  views  the  present  task  as  com- 
prising the  establishment  of  confidence, 


214 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


which  can  only  be  done  by  allaying  inter- 
national suspicion.  Following  an  agree- 
ment on  policy  between  Great  Britain  and 
France,  this  task  might  be  undertaken  by 
the  League  of  Nations. 

The  question  of  reparations  is  then  dis- 
cussed by  Mr.  MacDonald,  who  declares 
that  the  French  people  desire  reparations, 
which  they  interpret  mainly  in  the  con- 
crete form  of  damage  for  devastations  com- 
mitted on  French  territory,  but  which,  as 
regards  Great  Britain,  must  be  interpreted 
in  wider  terms  of  ruined  markets,  vanished 
purchasing  power,  decline  of  trade,  and 
unemployment.  But,  he  suggests,  this 
problem  cannot  be  approached  by  either 
country  before  the  experts'  reports  have 
been  submitted. 

Finally,  the  letter  calls  for  agreement  on 
the  main  principle  as  the  object  to  be  at- 
tained ;  otherwise  nothing  can  be  hoped  for 
but  the  old  wearisome  round  of  contro- 
versy and  altercation  on  points  that  may 
be  important  but  are  not  fundamental. 

M.  Poincare's  reply  could  not  be  called 
unfavorable.  After  remarking  that  he  is 
in  full  agreement  with  Mr.  MacDonald's 
review  of  the  questions  to  be  settled,  he 
paraphrases  the  latter's  outline  of  the 
French  and  British  definition  of  repara- 
tions and  finds  that  the  interests  and  de- 
sires of  the  two  countries  are  in  harmony 
and  can  be  settled  by  the  same  means. 
That  France  desires  to  destroy  Germany 
or  to  annex  her  territory  is  denied. 
"France  does  not  claim,"  says  M.  Poin- 
care,  "the  Ehine  as  a  frontier,  but  only 
that  it  should  not  be  used  as  a  base  for 
further  attack." 

Referring  to  the  loans  made  to  the  Lit- 
tle Entente,  M.  Poincare  states  that,  pend- 
ing the  grant  of  effective  peace  guaran- 
tees, France  has  been  anxious  to  maintain 
contact  with  all  nations  which  have  a  loyal 
interest  in  the  treaties  which  have  pro- 
duced the  present  European  structure.  He 
reiterates  the  French  assertion  that  the 
Ruhr  occupation  will  cease  when  the  Ger- 
mans have  paid  their  debts,  and  the  occu- 
pation of  the  Rhineland  when  the  treaty 
conditions  have  been  fulfilled  and  French 
security  guaranteed.  After  alluding  to  his 
hopes  for  arriving  rapidly  at  a  comprehen- 
sive settlement  of  the  situation  after  the 
presentation  of  the  experts'  reports,  M. 
Poincar6  expresses  his  pleasure  at  the 
linking  of  the  question  of  interallied  debts 


and  reparations  by  Mr.  MacDonald  and 
states  that  the  French  Government  intends 
to  strengthen  the  role  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, and  feels  that  France  and  Britain 
owe  it  to  civilization  to  remain  united. 

The  trend  of  the  new  government's  poli- 
cies, therefore,  might  be  summed  up  as 
somewhat  favorable,  showing  a  distinct 
basis  of  common  sense,  but  so  far  without 
any  startling  originality  or  definite  crys- 
tallization. 


COMPOSITION  OF  SOVIET  RUSSIA 

THE  British  Stationery  Office  has  pub- 
lished a  Foreign  Office  Memorandum 
entitled  "Soviet  Russia,"  which  contains 
a  description  of  the  various  political  units 
existing  on  territory  subject  to  the  Soviets 
and  the  text  of  the  constitution  of  the 
Union  of  Socialist  Soviet  Republics  of 
July  6,  1923. 

According  to  this,  the  Union  consists  of 
four  States,  which,  in  theory,  retain  their 
sovereign  rights  except  to  the  extent  that 
they,  by  the  terms  of  the  constitution,  sur- 
render them  to  the  central  authority,  and 
they  are,  theoretically,  at  liberty  to  retire 
from  the  Union.  These  four  major  States 
are  Russia,  the  Ukraine,  White  Russia, 
and  Transcaucasia.  To  the  Union  are 
closely  bound  by  treaty  the  Republics  of 
Bokhara  and  Khorezm  (the  former  Kha- 
nate of  Khiva),  but  since  the  memoran- 
dum was  drawn  up  the  latter  has  changed 
its  status  and  may  perhaps  now  form  a 
fifth  major  State. 

Of  the  major  States,  Russia  is  composed 
of  territory  directly  administered  and  of  a 
number  of  autonomous  republics  and  au- 
tonomous regions.  The  Ukraine  and  Wliite 
Russia  have  no  autonomous  subdivisions, 
but  Transcaucasia  is  composed  wholly  of 
the  Republics  of  Georgia,  Azerbaijan,  and 
Armenia,  and  has  no  area  directly  admin- 
istered by  the  Transcaucasian  Govern- 
ment. 

The  subdivisions  of  the  Russian  State 
are  as  follows:  Ten  autonomous  republics 
administered  by  councils  of  people's  com- 
missars, the  Bashkir  (capital,  Ufa),  popu- 
lation, 3,000,000;  the  Tartar  (Kazan), 
3,100,000;  the  Kirghiz  (Orenburg),  4,- 
700,000;  the  Daghestan  (Temir  Khan 
Shura,  now  called  Buinaksk),  1,500,000; 
the  Gorski  or  Mountain  (Vladikavkaz), 
300,000;  the  Turkestan   (Tashkent),  5,- 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


!815 


200,000;  the  Crimean  (Simferopol),  720,- 
000;  the  Yakutsk  (Yakutsk),  300,000; 
the  Karelian  (Petrozavodsk),  200,000, 
and  the  Buryat-Mongol  (Irkutsk), 
175,000. 

Eleven    autonomous    regions,    adminis- 
tered by  regional   executive  committees: 
The    German    Volga    Labor     Commune 
(Marxstadt),  540,000;  the  Chuvash  (Che- 
boxari),  800,000;  the  Votyak   (Izhevsk), 
740,000;  the  Kalmuck  (Ellista),  200,000; 
the  Marisk   (Krasnokokshaisk),  425,000; 
the  Komi-Ziryansk  (Ust-Sisolsk),  20,000; 
the     Kabarda-Balkarskaya      (Nalchik), 
180,000;  the  Karachaevo-Cherkess  (Batal 
Pashinsk),  150,000;  the  Oiratsk  (Ulala), 
112,000;  the  Adigeevsko-Cherkess  (Tokh- 
tomukai),  and  the  Chechensk    (Grosni). 
The    constitution    prescribes    that    the 
Congress  of  Soviets  of  the  Union  of  So- 
cialist Soviet  Republics  is  to  be  the  su- 
preme organ  of  the  Union,  and  that  its 
members  are  to  be  elected  on  a  basis  of  one 
to  every  25,000  electors  and  representa- 
tives of  provincial  congresses  of  Soviets  on 
that  of  one  for  each  125,000  inhabitants. 
The  preamble  to  the  constitution  con- 
tains a  declaration  in  which  the  world  is 
divided  into  two  camps — that  of  Capital- 
ism, containing  "national  enmity  and  in- 
equality, colonial  slavery  and  chauvinism, 
national  oppression  and  pogroms,  imper- 
ialist brutalities  and  wars,"  and  the  camp 
of  Socialism — to  be  found  in  the  Soviet 
dominions,  where  are  "mutual  confidence 
and  peace,  national  freedom  and  equality, 
dwelling  together  in  peace  and  the  broth- 
erly   collaboration    of    peoples.     The    at- 
tempts of  the  capitalist  world  over  a  num- 
ber of  decades  to  settle  the  question  of 
nationality  by  the  combination  of  the  free 
development  of  peoples  with  the  system  of 
the    exploitation   of   man   by   man   have 
proved  fruitless.     .     .     .    The  bourgeoisie 
has  been  found  impotent  to  organize  the 
collaboration  of  peoples.  Only  in  the  camp 
of  the  Soviets,  under  the  conditions  of  the 
dictatorship    of    the    proletariat,     .     .     . 
has  it  proved  possible  to  destroy  at  the 
roots  national  oppression,  to  establish  an 
atmosphere  of  mutual  confidence,  and  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  brotherly  collabora- 
tion of  "peoples."     The  declaration  also 
states  that  "the  danger  of  new  attacks 
renders  inevitable  the  creation  of  a  united 
front  in  the  face  of  capitalist  surround- 
ings.    Finally,  the  very  construction   of 


Soviet  authority,  international  by  its  clasa 
nature,  impels  the  laboring  masses  of  the 
Soviet  Republics  to  the  path  of  amalga- 
mation in  one  Socialist  family. 


THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
OTTOMAN  CALIPHATE 

THE  Mohammedan  world,  numbering 
some  three  hundred  million  turbulent 
souls,  has  been  shaken  to  its  foundations 
by  the  dramatic  action  of  the  Turkish 
Grand  National  Assembly,  where,  after  a 
stormy  session  on  March  3,  a  motion  for 
the  abolition  of  the  Caliphate  was  passed, 
following  which  a  vessel  was  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  Abdul  Mejid  to  transport  him 
and  his  household  to  Alexandria. 

On  November  1,  1922,  the  Grand  Na- 
tional Assembly,  sitting  at  Angora,  de- 
clared that  the  office  of  Sultan  of  Turkey 
had  ceased  to  exist  and  provided  for  the 
election  of  a  Caliph  from  among  the 
princes  of  the  House  of  Othman.  On  No- 
vember 17  the  Sultan,  Mohammed  VI,  left 
Constantinople,  and  his  cousin,  Abdul  Me- 
jid Effendi,  then  58  years  of  age,  was 
elected  Caliph  by  the  Assembly.  The  An- 
gora Assembly,  however,  gradually  became 
restive,  as  the  power  of  the  Caliphate  was 
apparent  to  it,  and  on  March  2  a  prelimi- 
nary debate  was  held  in  a  private  meeting 
of  the  Popular  Party,  which  holds  the 
vast  majority  of  seats  in  the  Assembly,  at 
which  the  abolition  of  the  entire  institu- 
tion was  decided  upon. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  the  oppor- 
tunity thua  offered  them  would  be  neg- 
lected by  the  Arabs,  or  more  especially  by 
King  Hussein,  who,  with  his  two  sons, 
Feisal  and  Abdullah,  rules  over  the  three 
territories  of  Hedjaz,  Mesopotamia,  and 
Transjordania.  A  conference  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  these  territories  was  imme- 
diately held,  at  the  close  of  which  King 
Hussein  was  proclaimed  Caliph.  While 
both  Egypt  and  Afghanistan  claim  the 
reversion  of  the  Caliphate,  the  fait  accom- 
pli thus  produced  has  its  value  enhanced 
by  the  fact  that  the  holy  cities  are  in  the 
possession  of  Hussein,  whose  claim  is  fur- 
ther strengthened  by  the  fact  that  his 
predecessor,  Abdul  Futeh,  was  hailed  as 
Caliph  in  998. 

Reports  from  the  East,  therefore,  seem 
disposed  to  augur  the  recognition  of  Hus- 


216 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


sein,  at  least  by  the  Arabs,  if  not  by  the 
Indian  Mohammedans,  whose  tendency  to 
Anglophobia  would  not,  in  all  probability, 
permit  them  to  consider  any  leader  subject 
to  British  influence.  Nevertheless,  politi- 
cally speaking,  the  assumption  of  the  Cali- 
phate by  Hussein,  who  is  an  avowed  enemy 
of  the  Turkish  State,  represents  a  deliber- 
ate blow  at  Turkish  prestige,  provides  a 
strong  and  hostile  organization  on  the 
Turkish  frontiers,  and  greatly  strengthens 


Mesopotamian  resistance  to  the  Kemalists' 
desire  to  secure  Mosul.  The  Angora  Gov- 
ernment is  thus  faced  by  a  vast  Arab  con- 
federation, disputing  their  territorial 
ambitions  and  probably  demanding  the 
surrender  of  the  holy  relics.  In  the  mean- 
time the  British  view,  with  a  sigh  of  re- 
lief, the  gradual  calming  of  Moslem  agita- 
tion in  India,  which  has  hitherto  been 
largely  inspired  from  Turkish  religious 
sources. 


REGENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


By  HON.  CHARLES  E.  HUGHES 
Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 


IT  IS  an  especial  privilege  to  appear 
before  the  members  of  the  Council  on 
Foreign  Eelations  because  of  their  notable 
endeavor  to  facilitate  an  intelligent  ap- 
preciation by  our  people  of  policies  and 
action  in  the  field  of  foreign  affairs.  Not 
only  have  you  provided  a  forum,  but  in 
establishing  a  quarterly  review  under 
highly  competent  direction  you  have  made 
one  of  the  most  helpful  contributions  to  a 
better  understanding  of  our  foreign  rela- 
tions than  has  ever  been  made  by  private 
enterprise.    The  need  is  obvious. 

I  see  among  you  those  who  have  won 
eminence  by  sound  judgment  and  excep- 
tional facility  in  mastering  facts,  yet  you 
constantly  realize,  I  am  sure,  what  slight 
opportunity  you  have  for  any  but  the 
hastiest  consideration  of  the  more  difficult 
problems  of  the  day,  so  far  as  they  lie  out- 
side your  professional  activities,  and  how 
impossible  it  is  to  reach  any  satisfactory 
independent  conclusion  unless  you  are 
aided  by  earlier  special  studies  or  by  some 
experience  which  gives  you  background 
and  perspective.  Even  then  the  old  ex- 
perience may  be  merely  a  trap  to  hold  the 
mind  in  the  clutch  of  preconceptions 
when  it  should  be  free  for  new  excursions 
and  impressions.  If  those  in  our  com- 
munity who  are  highly  favored  by  train- 
ing and  variety  of  contacts  are  encounter- 
ing such  difficulties,  what  shall  be  said  of 
the  great  host  of  our  people — shrewd, 
fair-minded,  but  busy,  preoccupied  with 


*  An  address  before  the  meeting  of  the 
Council  on  Foreign  Relations,  held  at  the 
Ritz-Carlton  Hotel,  New  York  City,  on  the 
evening  of  Wednesday,  January  23,  1924. 


the  exigencies  of  the  competitive  struggle 
and  living  in  the  midst  of  strident  appeals 
and  multiplying  allurements.  With  count- 
less organizations,  we  especially  prize  the 
few,  such  as  yours,  that  seek  the  careful 
opinion,  the  sober  matured  judgment — an 
effort  prosecuted,  as  your  editors  have 
said,  with  "a  broad  hospitality  to  diver- 
gent views,"  but  none  the  less  controlled 
by  a  sense  of  values  and  of  responsibility. 
It  seems  to  me  that  I  can  make  no  bet- 
ter use  of  this  occasion  than  to  speak  on 
certain  recent  questions  and  negotiations 
with  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  deal  in 
other  addresses.  I  shall  not  confine  my- 
self to  a  single  topic,  and,  although  the 
various  subjects  of  my  remarks  tonight  are 
not  directly  connected  with  each  other,  I 
trust  that,  taken  with  what  I  have  previ- 
ously said,  they  will  aid  you  in  obtaining  a 
conspectus  of  the  present  state  of  our  for- 
eign relations.  The  point  of  view  of  the 
responsible  officer  is  not  that  of  the  debater 
or  the  reviewer.  Others  may  discuss;  he 
must  act  on  his  best  judgment.  In  most 
instances,  when  all  the  circumstances  have 
been  carefully  considered,  he  is  likely  to 
feel  that  there  is  a  certain  inevitableness 
in  that  action.  But  I  am  here  simply  to 
report,  not  to  claim  agreement  or  chal- 
lenge criticism. 

Questions  Arising  from  the  Smuggling  of 
Intoxicating  Liquors 

Foreign  nations  are  naturally  tenacious 
of  their  rights  upon  the  high  seas,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  our  government  cannot 
look  with  indifference  upon  the  attempts 
of  hovering  vessels,  claiming  the  protec- 
tion of  foreign  flags,  illicitly  to  introduce 


19U 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


317 


their  cargoes  of  liquors  into  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  This  government 
must  use  every  proper  means  to  put  a 
stop  to  this  illegal  traffic.  It  should  be 
remembered,  however,  that  authority  with 
respect  to  the  high  seas  cannot  be  effect- 
ively conferred  by  acts  of  Congress,  if 
these  are  in  contravention  of  international 
law,  even  though  such  legislative  acts  as 
municipal  law  would  govern  the  decisions 
of  our  own  courts. 

Where  international  rights  and  obliga- 
tions are  involved,  controversies  not  other- 
wise adjusted  would  naturally  come  before 
an  international  arbitral  tribunal  whose 
decisions  would  be  governed  by  interna- 
tional law  and  would  not  be  controlled  by 
municipal  law.  This  principle  was  ex- 
plicitly recognized  in  the  recent  decision 
by  Chief  Justice  Taft,  as  arbitrator  in  the 
controversy  between  Great  Britain  and 
Costa  Eica,  Avhere  the  Chief  Justice  illus- 
trated the  point  that,  while  in  our  system 
an  act  of  Congress  might  for  municipal 
purposes  repeal  a  treaty,  the  United  States 
could  not  thus  get  rid  of  an  international 
obligation,  which  would  continue  and 
would  be  enforced  by  an  international 
arbitral  tribunal.    The  Chief  Justice  said : 

"This  is  not  an  exceptional  instance  of  an 
essential  difference  between  the  scope  and 
effect  of  a  decision  by  the  highest  tribunal 
of  a  country  and  of  an  international  tribunal. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  makes 
the  Constitution,  laws  passed  in  pursuance 
thereof,  and  treaties  of  the  United  States  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land.  Under  that  pro- 
vision, a  treaty  may  repeal  a  statute  and  a 
statute  may  repeal  a  treaty.  The  Supreme 
Court  cannot  under  the  Constitution  recog- 
nize and  enforce  rights  accruing  to  aliens 
under  a  treaty  which  Congress  has  repealed 
by  statute.  In  an  international  tribunal, 
however,  the  unilateral  repeal  of  a  treaty  by 
a  statute  would  not  affect  the  rights  arising 
under  it  and  its  judgment  would  necessarily 
give  effect  to  the  treaty  and  hold  the  statute 
repealing  it  of  no  effect." 

The  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  repeatedly  asserted  that  the  limits  of 
territorial  waters  extend  to  three  marine 
miles  outward  from  the  coast  line.  This 
has  been  asserted  by  our  government  in 
making  claims  upon  other  governments. 
With  respect  to  Spain's  claim  of  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  waters  adjacent  to   Cuba, 


Secretary   Seward  wrote  to  the   Spanish 
minister  as  follows: 

"It  cannot  be  admitted,  nor  indeed  is  Mr. 
Tassara  understood  to  claim,  that  the  mere 
assertion  of  a  sovereign,  by  an  act  of  legis- 
lation, however  solemn,  can  have  the  effect 
to  establish  and  fix  its  external  maritime 
jurisdiction.  His  right  to  a  jurisdiction  of 
three  miles  is  derived,  not  from  his  own  de- 
crees, but  from  the  law  of  nations,  and  exists 
even  though  he  may  never  have  proclaimed 
or  asserted  it  by  any  decree  or  declaration 
whatsoever.  He  cannot,  by  a  mere  decree, 
extend  the  limit  and  fix  it  at  six  miles,  be- 
cause if  he  could,  he  could  in  the  same  man- 
ner, and  upon  motives  of  interest,  ambition, 
or  even  upon  caprice,  fix  it  at  10  or  20  or  50 
miles,  without  the  consent  or  acquiescence  of 
other  powers  which  have  a  common  right 
with  himself  in  the  freedom  of  a.11  the  oceans. 
Such  a  pretension  could  never  be  successfully 
or  rightfully  maintained.     .     .    . 

"In  view  of  the  considerations  and  facts 
which  have  been  thus  presented,  the  under- 
signed is  obliged  to  state  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  Is  not  prepared  to 
admit  that  the  jurisdiction  of  Spain  in  the 
waters  which  surround  the  island  of  Cuba 
lawfully  and  rightfully  extends  beyond  the 
customary  limit  of  three  miles." 

Secretary  Fish,  writing  to  the  British 
minister  in  1875,  said:  '^e  have  always 
understood  and  asserted  that,  pursuant  to 
public  law,  no  nation  can  rightfully  claim 
jurisdiction  at  sea  beyond  a  marine  league 
from  its  coast."  And  Secretary  Evarts, 
in  a  communication  to  the  minister  of 
Spain  concerning  the  visitation  and  firing 
upon  certain  American  vessels  near  Cuba 
in  1880,  said :  "The  government  must  ad- 
here to  the  three-mile  rule  as  the  jurisdic- 
tional limit,  and  the  cases  of  visitation 
without  that  line  seem  not  to  be  excused 
or  excusable  under  that  rule."  The  gen- 
eral principle  was  thus  stated  by  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  in  the 
recent  case  of  the  Cunard  Steamship  Com- 
pany V.  Mellon  (263  U.  S.,  100,  133): 
"It  now  is  settled  in  the  United  States 
and  recognized  elsewhere  that  the  terri- 
tory subject  to  its  jurisdiction  includes  the 
land  areas  under  its  dominion  and  control, 
the  ports,  harbors,  bays,  and  other  inclosed 
arms  of  the  sea  along  its  coast,  and  a  mar- 
ginal belt  of  the  sea  extending  from  the 
coast  line  outward  a  marine  league,  or 
three  geographic  miles." 


218 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


In  the  Bering  Sea  arbitration  it  was 
held  that  the  United  States  had  no  juris- 
diction in  the  Bering  Sea  fisheries  beyond 
the  three-mile  limit,  and  in  the  case  of 
the  British  schooner  Sayward  the  United 
States  was  required  to  compensate  Great 
Britain  for  interfering  with  its  sealing 
operations  outside  the  three-mile  limit. 
The  American-British  Claims  Arbitration 
Tribunal  in  December,  1920,  awarded 
damages  against  the  United  States  on  ac- 
count of  the  interference  by  officers  with 
the  British  vessel  Coquitlam  because  of 
transfer  of  cargo  off  the  Pacific  coast  out- 
side the  three-mile  limit. 

It  is  quite  apparent  that  this  govern- 
ment is  not  in  a  position  to  maintain  that 
its  territorial  waters  extend  beyond  the 
three-mile  limit,  and,  in  order  to  avoid 
liability  to  other  governments,  it  is  im- 
portant that  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  this  limit  should 
be  appropriately  recognized.  It  does  not 
follow,  however,  that  this  government  is 
entirely  without  power  to  protect  itself 
from  the  abuses  committed  by  hovering 
vessels.  There  may  be  such  a  direct  con- 
nection between  the  operation  of  the  vessel 
and  the  violation  of  the  laws  prescribed 
by  the  territorial  sovereign  as  to  justify 
seizure  even  outside  the  three-mile  limit. 
This  may  be  illustrated  by  the  case  of  "hot 
pursuit,"  where  the  vessel  has  committed 
an  offense  against  those  laws  within  terri- 
torial waters  and  is  caught  while  trying  to 
escape.  The  practice  which  permits  the 
following  and  seizure  of  a  foreign  vessel 
which  puts  to  sea  in  order  to  avoid  deten- 
tion for  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  State 
whose  waters  it  has  entered  is  based  on 
the  principle  of  necessity  for  the  "effect- 
ive administration  of  justice"  (Westlake, 
Part  I,  p.  177).  And  this  extension  of 
the  right  of  the  territorial  State  was  voted 
unanimously  by  the  Institute  of  Interna- 
tional Law  in  1894. 

Another  case  is  one  where  the  hovering 
vessel,  although  lying  outside  the  three- 
mile  limit,  communicates  with  the  shore 
by  its  own  boats  in  violation  of  the  terri- 
torial law.  Thus  Lord  Salisbury  said, 
with  respect  to  the  British  schooner 
Araunah,  that  Her  Majesty's  Government 
were  "of  opinion  that,  even  if  the 
Araunah  at  the  time  of  the  seizure  were 
herself  outside  the  three-mile  territorial 
limit,  the  fact  that  she  was,  by  means  of 


her  boats,  carrying  on  fishing  within  Eus- 
sian  waters  without  the  prescribed  license 
warranted  her  seizure  and  confiscation, 
according  to  the  principles  of  the  munic- 
ipal law  regulating  the  use  of  those 
waters."  A  case  similar  to  this  was  that 
of  the  Grace  and  Ruby  (283  Fed.,  476). 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  the  case  of  the 
Araunah  it  was  the  vessel  herself  that  was 
deemed  subject  to  seizure  outside  the 
three-mile  limit,  and  not  simply  her  small 
boats,  and  this  was  manifestly  because  of 
the  direct  connection  between  the  conduct 
of  the  vessel  and  the  violation  of  the  law 
of  the  territory.  It  may  be  urged  with 
force  that  this  principle  should  not  be 
limited  to  the  case  of  the  use  by  the  vessel 
of  her  own  boats,  where  she  is  none  the 
less  effectively  engaged,  although  using 
other  boats,  in  the  illegal  introduction  of 
her  cargo  into  the  commerce  of  the  terri- 
tory. Such  a  case  was  that  of  the  Henry 
L.  Marshall,  recently  decided  by  the  cir- 
cuit court  of  appeals  of  the  second  circuit 
(292  Fed.,  487-488).  The  Marshall,  a 
vessel  sailing  under  British  registry,  in 
1921  obtained  clearance  from  the  Bahama 
Islands  laden  with  a  cargo  of  intoxicating 
liquors.  She  had  two  clearances,  both 
dated  the  same  date,  signed  by  the  same 
collector  of  revenue,  one  of  which  stated 
that  she  had  cleared  for  Halifax  with  the 
cargo  in  question,  and  the  other  that  she 
had  cleared  for  Gloucester,  Massachusetts, 
in  ballast. 

The  same  collector  furnished  two  bills 
of  health,  simply  differing  as  to  destina- 
tion. It  was  abundantly  proved  that  the 
real  object  and  only  business  of  the  Mar- 
shall was  to  peddle  liquor  along  the  coast 
of  the  United  States,  and  particularly  did 
she  pursue  her  vocation  while  lying  from 
nine  to  ten  miles  off  Atlantic  City  and 
sent  liquor  on  shore,  pursuant  to  previous 
arrangements  made  in  the  United  States, 
by  motor  boats.  She  was  seized  outside 
the  three-mile  limit  and  condemned.  Cir- 
cuit Judge  Hough,  speaking  for  a  unani- 
mous court,  after  referring  to  the  case  of 
the  Grace  and  Ruby,  said : 

"The  difference  between  the  facts  there 
presented  and  those  at  bar  is  that,  instead 
of  arranging  to  unload  and  deliver  the  cargo 
of  the  schooner  by,  through,  or  with  some 
assistance  from  the  schooner's  crew  or  equip- 
ment (as  in  the  case  cited),  the  whole  matter 


192Jf 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


219 


was  performed  by  a  previous  arrangement 
with  ttiose  controlling  the  Marshall,  but  with 
small  boats  that  did  not  belong  to  the 
schooner  and  were  not  even  partially  manned 
by  men  from  her  crew.  But  it  is  just  as  true 
in  this  case  as  it  was  in  the  case  of  the 
Ch-ace  and  Ruby,  that  'the  act  of  unlading, 
although  beginning  beyond  the  three-mile 
limit,  continued  until  the  liquor  was  landed.'  " 

The  vessel  was  thus  found  to  be  en- 
gaged, not  in  the  exercise  of  her  admitted 
rights  upon  the  high  seas,  but  in  unlaw- 
fully unloading  her  cargo  into  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States,  in  "an  actual 
introduction  of  a  part  thereof  into  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States"  contrary 
to  its  laws.  It  should  be  added  that  while 
the  British  Government  originally  made  a 
protest  in  this  case,  it  was  finally  with- 
drawn upon  the  ground  that  the  vessel 
was  not  of  bona  fide  British  registry,  and 
it  should  be  said  that  in  this  withdrawal 
the  British  Government  did  not  acquiesce 
in  the  principle  of  the  ruling.  In  view, 
however,  of  the  historic  practice  of  nations 
in  the  protection  of  their  territory  from 
the  violation  of  their  laws  by  hovering 
vessels,  the  United  States  Government 
cannot  admit  that  the  accepted  rules  of 
international  law  preclude  such  action  as 
that  taken  in  the  circumstances  of  the 
Marshall  case. 

But  it  is  apparent  that,  whatever  meas- 
ures this  government  may  believe  that  it 
is  free  to  adopt  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  international  law,  these,  so 
far  as  they  are  practicable,  are  far  from 
adequate  to  meet  the  exigency;  and,  fur- 
ther, the  diplomatic  history  of  the  United 
States  reveals  the  fact  that  maritime 
powers,  including  the  United  States  itself, 
are  highly  sensitive  to  attempts  by  foreign 
authorities  to  seize  their  vessels  on  the 
high  seas  in  time  of  peace.  In  each  case 
of  seizure  there  are  likely  to  be  serious 
questions  of  fact  and  law,  and  at  any  time 
there  may  be  collisions  of  authority  which 
would  be  embarrassing  to  friendly  rela- 
tions. It  is  precisely  in  matters  of  this 
description,  where  the  sense  of  grievance 
and  resentment  are  so  easily  aroused,  that 
the  effort  should  be  made  to  reach  an  in- 
ternational agreement  suited  to  the  case. 
We  need  to  put  the  measures  that  are  re- 
quired for  the  adequate  enforcement  of 
our  laws  on  an  impregnable  basis  and  to 


invite  and  secure  the  friendly  co-opera- 
tion of  the  maritime  powers. 

Again,  foreign  powers  have  complained 
of  what  they  regard  as  a  departure  from 
international  comity  through  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  present  restrictions  of  law 
under  which  their  vessels  are  not  permit- 
ted to  enter  our  waters  or  call  at  our  ports 
if  they  have  cargoes  of  liquors  on  board, 
although  these  may  be  kept  under  seal  and 
are  not  to  be  delivered  within  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States.  Nations  who 
fully  appreciate  our  authority  and  our 
right  to  enforce  our  own  policy  cannot 
understand  such  a  restriction  which  inter- 
feres with  their  trade  with  countries  other 
than  our  own.  They  cannot  understand 
why  a  ship  from  a  foreign  port  with  a 
cargo  consigned  to  another  foreign  port  is 
unable  even  to  traverse  our  waters,  or  to 
visit  our  ports,  because  the  cargo  on 
board,  which  is  destined  for  other  coun- 
tries, is  of  the  sort  we  do  not  wish  for  our 
own.  In  this  situation  there  is  the  plain- 
est opportunity  for  a  fair  agreement  not 
in  derogation  of  our  principles,  but  to  aid 
in  their  proper  enforcement — ^not  only 
without  the  slightest  departure  from^  but 
with  a  manifest  increase  in,  the  safeguards 
required  for  our  protection  against  the 
introduction  of  intoxicating  liquors. 

Accordingly,  negotiations  have  been 
undertaken  to  reach  an  appropriate  inter- 
national agreement  upon  this  subject,  and 
I  am  happy  to  say  that  such  an  agreement 
has  been  concluded  with  Great  Britain 
today.  There  are  other  powers  which  I 
believe  are  quite  ready  to  act  in  a  similar 
way.  This  will  be  a  long  step  toward  re- 
moving causes  of  irritation,  and  it  is  pre- 
cisely as  we  remove  such  causes  that  we 
shall  really  make  progress  in  furthering 
the  interests  of  peace. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  observe  that 
there  is  no  intention  on  the  part  of  this 
government  to  violate,  in  the  negotiation 
of  such  agreements,  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution.  The  purpose  is  to  facilitate 
their  enforcement.  I  know  there  are  some 
who  have  expressed  doubt  whether  such 
an  international  agreement  can  be  made 
under  our  Constitution.  This  doubt  I  do 
not  entertain.  As  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  has  said,  "It  is  not 
lightly  to  be  assumed  that  in  matters  re- 
quiring national  action,  a  power  which 
must  belong  to  and  somewhere  reside  m 


220 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


every  civilized  government  is  not  to  be 
found"  (Missouri  v.  Holland,  252  TJ.  S., 
415,  433).  It  vrould  be  most  extraordi- 
nary if  the  United  States  were  in  such  a 
situation  that  such  causes  of  international 
friction  could  not  be  removed  by  an  exer- 
cise of  the  treaty-making  power  which  in 
no  way  impaired  the  efficacy  of  our  policy, 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  greatly  aided  in 
preventing  the  illicit  introduction  of  in- 
toxicating liquors. 

But,  viewing  the  question  in  its  techni- 
cal aspect,  it  is  quite  sufficient  to  point 
out  that  the  eighteenth  amendment  has 
expressly  confided  to  the  discretion  of  Con- 
gress the  determination  of  penalties  and 
forfeitures,  and  it  is  manifest  that  this 
discretion  can  be  competently  and  wisely 
exercised  in  maintaining  the  morale  of  en- 
forcement and  in  providing  that  just  and 
adequate  enforcement  which  does  not  in- 
terfere with  the  appropriate  freedom  of 
commerce,  an  interference  with  which 
would  serve  no  interest  of  the  United 
States,  but  would  be  to  its  most  serious 
injury.  Congress  in  the  exercise  of  its 
discretion  is  undoubtedly  entitled  to  pro- 
tect the  substantial  interests  of  the  coun- 
try. Congress  has  already  appreciated 
this  authority  and  has  acted  accordingly 
in  excepting  from  penalties  and  forfeitures 
transit  through  the  Panama  Canal,  an  ex- 
ception which  the  Supreme  Court  in  its 
resent  decision  has  fully  recognized  as 
being  within  the  competency  of  Congress. 
What  Congress  has  thus  done  can  equally 
be  accomplished  through  the  treaty- 
making  power,  which,  under  adequate  re- 
strictions, may  put  such  cargoes  as  those 
to  which  I  have  referred,  not  destined  for 
our  ports  or  to  be  delivered  within  the 
United  States,  in  the  same  status  as  those 
passing  through  the  Panama  Canal. 

Mexican  Relations 

Kecently,  in  connection  with  the  cen- 
tenary of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  I  have  had 
occasion  to  review  our  policy  with  respect 
to  the  republics  of  this  hemisphere,  and  I 
wish  at  this  time  merely  to  add  a  word  as 
to  our  relations  with  Mexico.  It  is  un- 
necessary for  me  to  describe  the  difficulties 
of  the  past  13  years.  Turmoil  and  inter- 
necine strife  produced  political  and  eco- 
nomic instability  and  disregard  of  inter- 
national obligations.  We  had  the  friendli- 
est feelings  for  the  people  of  Mexico  and 


were  sensible  of  their  desire  for  social  and 
political  betterment,  but  revolutionary 
tendencies  and  chaotic  conditions  made  it 
impossible  to  find  a  sound  basis  for  inter- 
course. At  last,  under  General  Obregon's 
administration,  there  was  a  restoration  of 
stability;  commerce  and  industry  began 
to  regain  confidence;  there  was  a  hopeful 
endeavor  to  put  the  finances  of  the  coun- 
try on  a  better  footing;  provision  was 
made  for  the  payment  of  the  foreign  debt. 
When  it  appeared  that  there  was  a  dispo- 
sition to  discharge  the  obligations  which 
are  incident  to  membership  in  the  family 
of  nations,  this  government  was  glad  to 
recognize  the  existing  Government  of 
Mexico  and  to  resume  diplomatic  rela- 
tions. 

Two  claims  conventions  were  at  once 
concluded — a  special  convention  relating 
to  claims  arising  from  revolutionary  dis- 
turbances and  a  general  convention  deal- 
ing generally  with  the  claims  of  the  re- 
spective States  and  their  nationals.  Dip- 
lomatic relations  were  resumed  and  these 
conventions  were  concluded  last  Septem- 
ber; the  special  convention  has  received 
the  assent  of  the  Mexican  Senate  and  the 
general  convention  is  about  to  be  acted 
upon  by  that  body.  Both  conventions 
have  been  submitted  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States. 

After  this  happy  result  had  been 
achieved,  and  as  we  were  looking  forward 
to  a  period  of  quiet  and  to  opportunities 
of  advantage  to  both  peoples,  suddenly 
there  was  an  attempt  to  overthrow  the  es- 
tablished Government  of  Mexico  by  vio- 
lence. It  is  plain  that  the  purpose  of  those 
engaged  in  this  enterprise  of  arms  is  sim- 
ply to  determine  by  forcible  measures  the 
succession  to  President  Obregon.  It  is 
not  a  revolution  instinct  with  the  aspira- 
tions of  an  oppressed  people;  it  is  a  mat- 
ter of  personal  politics.  It  is  an  effort  to 
seize  the  presidency;  it  means  a  subver- 
sion of  all  constitutional  and  orderly  pro- 
cedure. The  contestants,  seeking  to  over- 
throw the  established  government,  have 
taken  possession  of  certain  portions  of  the 
Mexican  territory  and  either  are  claiming 
tribute  from  peaceful  and  legitimate 
American  commerce  or  are  attempting  to 
obstruct  and  destroy  it. 

In  these  circumstances  the  established 
Mexican  Government  asked  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  to  sell  to  it  a 


192Jf 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


221 


limited  quantity  of  arms  and  munitions. 
The  request  was  one  which  could  not  be 
ignored;  it  had  to  be  granted  or  denied. 
This  government  had  the  arms  and  muni- 
tions close  at  hand;  it  did  not  need  them 
and  could  sell  them  if  it  wished.  If  the 
request  had  been  denied,  we  should  have 
turned  a  cold  shoulder  to  the  government 
with  which  we  had  recently  established 
friendly  relations  and,  whatever  explana- 
tions we  might  make,  we  would  in  fact 
have  given  powerful  encouragement  to 
those  who  were  attempting  to  seize  the 
reins  of  government  by  force.  The  re- 
fusal to  aid  the  established  government 
would  have  thrown  our  moral  influence  on 
the  side  of  those  who  were  challenging  the 
peace  and  order  of  Mexico,  and  we  should 
have  incurred  a  grave  responsibility  for 
the  consequent  disturbances.  In  granting 
the  request,  there  was  no  question  of  inter- 
vention, no  invasion  of  the  sovereignty  of 
Mexico,  as  we  were  acting  at  its  instance 
and  were  exercising  our  undoubted  right 
to  sell  arms  to  the  existing  government. 
Nor  was  there  any  departure  from  the 
principle  involved  in  President  Harding's 
policy  as  to  the  sale  of  arms. 

That  particular  declaration  was  simply 
a  feature  of  our  well-known  general  policy 
as  to  the  limitation  of  armaments.  It  is 
our  fixed  purpose  that  our  surplus  war 
equipment  should  not  be  employed  in  en- 
couraging warfare  by  fostering  militarism 
and  the  building  up  of  the  competitive 
armaments  that  threaten  the  peace  of  the 
world.  It  in  no  way  precludes  us  from 
furnishing  arms  to  aid  in  the  putting 
down  of  insurrectionary  attacks  upon  pub- 
lic order  in  a  neighboring  State  whose 
peaceful  development  is  especially  impor- 
tant to  us.  Indeed,  one  of  the  grounds 
upon  which,  under  President  Harding's 
administration,  this  government  declined 
to  become  a  party  to  the  Convention  of 
Saint  Germain  relating  to  the  traffic  in 
arms  was  that  the  convention  not  only 
left  the  signatory  governments  free  to  sup- 
ply each  other  with  arms  ad  libitum,  but 
prevented  the  sale  of  arms  to  governments 
not  signatory,  and  it  was  then  pointed  out 
that  this  would  prevent  our  government 
from  selling  arms  to  our  neighboring  re- 
publics not  parties  to  the  convention,  how- 
ever necessary  that  course  might  be  to  the 
maintenance  of  stability  and  peace  in  this 
hemisphere. 


As  the  question  is  obviously  one  of  ex- 
pediency, each  case  rests  on  its  own  facts. 
So  far  as  precedents  are  concerned,  we 
have  followed  rather  than  departed  from 
them.  In  standing  for  constitutional  pro- 
cedure and  frowning  upon  attempts  to 
conduct  political  campaigns  by  force  of 
arms,  we  create  no  precedent  that  embar- 
rasses us.  Many  of  our  people  are  solic- 
itous with  respect  to  the  contribution  of 
the  United  States  to  the  cause  of  peace. 
That  duty  and  privilege  begin  at  home. 
In  aiding  stability  in  this  hemisphere,  in 
throwing  our  influence  in  an  entirely  cor- 
rect manner  in  favor  of  the  development 
of  constitutional  government  and  against 
unwarrantable  uprisings,  in  protecting  the 
legitimate  freedom  of  commerce,  we  are 
making  the  greatest  contribution  directly 
within  our  power,  and  in  accord  with  our 
established  traditions  and  manifest  inter- 
est, to  the  cause  of  world  peace.  This 
hemisphere  should  be  the  exemplar  of 
peace,  and  we  look  with  confidence  to  the 
creation  of  a  unity  of  sentiment  of  the 
American  republics  against  resort  to  the 
brutal  arbitrament  of  force  in  political 
controversies.  To  this  end  the  United 
States  gladly  gives  its  co-operation. 

The  Near  East— Turkey 

Let  me  now  direct  your  attention  to  af- 
fairs in  the  Near  East.  The  events  of  the 
past  few  years  have  created  a  new  situ- 
ation, and  the  difficulty  in  clarifying  pres- 
ent problems  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that 
so  many  of  our  people  discuss  them  in 
terms  which  belong  to  the  past.  While 
there  was  some  consideration  of  Turkish 
questions  in  1919,  and  certain  inquiries 
were  prosecuted,  it  was  not  until  1920, 
after  the  Austrian  and  Bulgarian  treaties 
had  been  disposed  of,  that  the  Allies  defi- 
nitely took  up  the  Turkish  treaty.  This 
treaty,  called  the  Treaty  of  Sevres,  was 
signed  in  August  of  that  year.  Its  terms 
were  severer  than  those  of  the  European 
peace  treaties,  not  only  depriving  the 
Turks  of  vast  territories,  but  imposmg 
upon  them  an  even  greater  measure  of 
foreign  control  than  had  been  the  ca^  be- 
fore the  war.  In  spite,  however,  of  the 
Allied  occupation  of  Constantmople,  the 
Greek  occupation  of  Smyrna  and  its  hin- 
terland, and  the  French  occupation  of 
Cilicia,  the  Turks  refused  to  ratify  the 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


treaty.  The  Allies  were  not  in  a  position 
to  compel  them  to  do  so. 

As  one  of  the  results  of  the  World  War, 
a  new  spirit  of  nationalism  and  a  desire 
for  freedom  from  outside  control  had 
made  itself  felt  in  the  Near  East.  No- 
where had  the  evangel  of  self-determina- 
tion found  a  more  eager  response.  The 
nationalistic  movement  was  particularly 
significant  in  Turkey.  That  this  move- 
ment had  often  been  accompanied  by  vio- 
lence is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  although 
it  is  none  the  less  to  be  regretted.  The 
outcome  of  the  movement  in  Turkey  was 
the  establishment  of  a  government  which 
claimed  the  right  to  be  dealt  with  as  sov- 
ereign and  which  by  its  military  achieve- 
ments made  good  that  claim. 

As  early  as  January,  1920,  the  so-called 
Turkish  National  Pact  had  been  voted  by 
the  Ottoman  Parliament,  which  was  then 
assembled  at  Constantinople.  This  pact 
set  forth  the  aspirations  of  the  Turks  and 
later  was  adopted  by  the  National  Assem- 
bly at  Angora  as  summarizing  the  object 
of  the  Turkish  Nationalist  movement. 
Among  its  provisions  was  the  following: 

"Article  VI.  It  is  a  fundamental  condition 
of  our  life  and  continued  existence  that  we, 
like  every  country,  should  enjoy  complete 
independence  and  liberty  in  the  matter  of 
assuring  the  means  of  our  development,  in 
order  that  our  national  and  economic  devel- 
opment should  be  rendered  possible  and  that 
it  should  be  possible  to  conduct  affairs  in  the 
form  of  a  more  up-to-date  regular  adminis- 
tration. 

"For  this  reason  we  are  opposed  to  restric- 
tions inimical  to  our  development  in  polit- 
ical, judicial,  financial,  and  other  matters." 

In  March,  1931,  the  allied  powers  clearly 
appreciated  that  it  would  be  impossible, 
short  of  armed  allied  military  interven- 
tion in  Turkey,  to  impose  the  Treaty  of 
Sevres.  It  would  seem  that  at  no  time 
was  such  armed  allied  intervention  seri- 
ously considered,  although  from  time  to 
time  certain  of  the  allied  powers  gave  a 
measure  of  support  to  the  Greek  forces  in 
the  hope  that  the  latter  would  be  able, 
through  their  victory  over  the  Turks,  to 
make  possible  the  realization  of  the  Sevres 
Treaty  at  least  in  part.  There  were  un- 
successful attempts  to  revise  the  treaty. 
At  last  the  total  defeat  of  the  Greek  forces 
and  the  withdrawal  of  the  Greek  army 


from  Anatolia  completely  changed  the 
situation  to  the  advantage  of  Turkey  and 
effected  the  elimination  of  the  Treaty  of 
Sevres  as  a  basis  for  negotiation.  A  vic- 
torious Turkish  army  being  in  complete 
control  of  Anatolia  and  threatening  Con- 
stantinople, the  allied  powers  intervened 
to  bring  about  an  armistice  between 
Greece  and  Turkey,  which  was  signed  at 
Mudania  in  October,  1923.  The  Lau- 
sanne conferences  of  1922  and  1923  fol- 
lowed. 

The  Allies  frankly  recognized  that  the 
situation  of  1918  no  longer  existed  and 
that  after  the  stubborn  resistance  of  the 
Turks,  culminating  in  their  recapture  of 
Smyrna,  it  was  impossible  to  dictate  the 
terms  of  peace.  A  treaty  was  therefore 
negotiated  in  which  the  Turks  ceded  very 
considerable  territories  and  for  the  first 
time  in  their  history  agreed  to  open  the 
Straits  not  only  to  merchant  ships,  but  to 
foreign  warships,  but  in  which  the  Allies, 
on  the  other  hand,  agreed  to  renounce 
their  historic  capitulatory  rights  in 
Turkey. 

In  1919  and  1920  the  question  was  di- 
rectly presented  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  as  to  the  nature  and  extent 
of  its  participation  in  the  political  and 
territorial  readjustments  of  the  Near 
East.  At  that  time  the  spokesmen  for  the 
allied  powers  at  Paris  suggested  that  the 
United  States  assume  a  mandate  for  Con- 
stantinople and  Armenia.  The  former 
proposal  was  never  presented  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Congress,  as  it  was  clear 
as  early  as  1919  that  the  American  people 
would  not  favor  the  assumption  of  a  man- 
date over  Constantinople,  which  would 
immediately  and  directly  involve  this  gov- 
ernment in  one  of  the  most  vexing  polit- 
ical and  territorial  problems  of  the 
world — the  storm  center  of  historic  rival- 
ries and  bitter  contests. 

When  the  question  of  an  Armenian 
mandate  was  formally  presented  in  1920, 
as  a  result  of  the  action  of  the  allied  rep- 
resentatives meeting  at  San  Remo,  the 
Congress  declined  to  sanction  it.  It  thus 
again  became  apparent  that  the  United 
States  Government  was  not  prepared  to 
intervene  in  Near  Eastern  affairs  to  the 
extent  of  assuming  any  obligations  of  a 
territorial  character.  This  course  was  in 
accord  with  our  traditional  policy.  The 
United  States  had  taken  no  part  in  the 


192^. 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


223 


Turkish  settlements  which  were  embodied 
in  the  treaties  of  Paris  in  1856,  of  Berlin 
in  1878,  or  in  those  which  followed  the 
Balkan  Wars  of  1912  and  1913.  Even 
during  the  World  War  we  did  not  declare 
war  on  Turkey  or  take  the  initiative  in 
breaking  relations  with  that  country,  not- 
withstanding the  serious  provocation, 
from  a  humanitarian  standpoint,  of  the 
extensive  Armenian  deportations.  Pre- 
sumably it  was  felt  that  the  policy  then 
adopted  was  better  calculated  to  enable 
the  United  States  to  exert  its  influence 
and  to  protect  its  interests,  so  long  as  this 
country  was  not  to  join  the  military  oper- 
ations on  the  Near  Eastern  front. 

If  there  ever  was  a  time  when  we  could 
have  successfully  intervened  and  have 
backed  up  our  intervention  by  armed 
forces,  it  was  early  in  1919,  when  we  had 
a  large  army  abroad  and  were  in  a  posi- 
tion to  prosecute  such  a  policy  if  deemed 
advisable.  But  this  opportunity  passed. 
It  should  be  added  that,  contrary  to  an 
impression  which  is  somewhat  widespread 
in  this  country,  this  government,  while  it 
has  always  exerted  its  influence  in  a  hu- 
manitarian way,  has  not  assumed  political 
obligations  with  respect  to  the  Armenians 
or  other  Christian  minorities  in  the  Near 
East.  Treaties  concluded  by  other  powers 
undertook,  however,  to  deal  with  such 
questions.  This  government  took  no  part 
in  the  negotiation  of  the  Treaty  of  Sevres. 

Such,  then,  was  the  situation  prior  to 
the  year  1921.  In  developing  our  rela- 
tions with  the  Near  East  subsequently,  it 
was  necessary  to  take  into  account  the  es- 
tablished policy  of  the  government  and  at 
the  same  time  to  serve  American  interests 
and  humanitarian  ends.  It  should  also 
be  remembered  that  a  large  part  of  the 
distress  in  the  Near  East  has  been  caused 
by  encouraging  action  which  failed  of 
adequate  support.  At  various  times  the 
Armenians  and  Greeks  have  been  encour- 
aged to  take  up  arms,  later  to  be  left  to 
their  own  devices.  This  government,  how- 
ever, would  not  be  justified  in  promoting 
such  a  policy  on  the  part  of  others  which 
it  was  not  prepared  itself  adequately  to 
sustain.  It  has  no  mandate  from  the  peo- 
ple to  intervene  by  arms  and  thus  to  im- 
pose by  force  a  solution  of  the  problems 
of  the  Near  East,  and  for  this  very  reason 
it  could  not  essay  the  role  of  a  dictator  in 
order  to  determine  how  others  should 
solve  these  problems. 


This,  however,  did  not  prevent  this 
country  from  co-operating  in  a  spirit  of 
helpfulness  and  from  bringing,  as  it  has 
brought,  its  moral  influence  to  aid  in  deal- 
mg  with  a  situation  of  the  utmost  diffi- 
culty. This  influence  was  brought  to  bear 
at  the  Lausanne  Conference,  where  the 
efforts  of  the  American  representatives 
undoubtedly  contributed  in  no  small  de- 
gree to  the  final  agreement  upon  provi- 
sions regarding  the  protection  of  minori- 
ties, the  recognition  of  charitable,  educa- 
tional, and  philanthropic  institutions,  the 
appointment  of  judicial  advisers,  and  the 
maintenance  of  equality  of  opportunity. 

As  I  have  said,  a  state  of  war  had  not 
existed  between  the  United  States  and 
Turkey,  and  the  course  of  events  follow- 
ing the  German  War  had  reaffirmed  the 
historic  policy  of  refraining  from  inter- 
vention in  political  and  territorial  read- 
justments. Turkey  had  severed  diplo- 
matic relations  with  us  in  1917,  however, 
and  these  had  not  been  resumed.  But  the 
formal  conclusion  of  peace  between  the 
Allies  and  Turkey,  entailing  as  it  would 
the  resumption  of  full  diplomatic  and  con- 
sular relations,  would  leave  the  United 
States,  unless  appropriate  action  were 
taken,  in  a  relatively  disadvantageous 
position.  Accordingly,  negotiations  were 
undertaken  between  American  and  Turk- 
ish representatives  which  resulted  in  the 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  and  the  ex- 
tradition treaty  signed  on  August  6  last. 

The  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  fol- 
lowed very  closely  the  Allied  treaty  with- 
out its  territorial,  political,  and  financial 
features.  The  United  States  gained  the 
same  general  rights  and  privileges  as  the 
Allies,  including  the  freedom  of  the 
Straits,  and,  like  the  Allies,  consented  to 
the  abrogation  of  the  capitulations,  that 
is,  of  the  exercise  of  the  exterritorial 
rights  in  Turkey,  which  the  Turks  re- 
garded as  in  derogation  of  their  sover- 
eignty. 

In  making  this  important  decision  the 
American  representatives  were  obliged  to 
take  account  of  the  following  considera- 
tions :  It  was  quite  apparent  that  the  only 
basis  upon  which  negotiations  could  be 
conducted  was  that  of  most-favored-na- 
tion treatment  and  reciprocity.  Either 
the  Turks  were  to  be  dealt  with  on  this 
footing  or  not  at  all.  In  these  circum- 
stances three  courses  were  open  to  us :  ( 1 ) 
To  compel  the  Turks  by  force  to  give  us 


224 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


better  terms  than  the  Allies;  (2)  not  to 
negotiate  at  all;  or  (3)  to  negotiate  with 
the  Turks  on  equal  terms  as  with  a  State 
enjoying  an  unqualified  sovereignty. 

The  first  course  was  out  of  the  question. 
However  desirable  the  maintenance  of  ex- 
territorial rights  hitherto  enjoyed  might 
be,  it  was  obvious  that  the  public  opinion 
of  this  country  would  not  countenance  a 
war  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  them. 
Neither  did  it  appear  to  be  practicable  to 
forego  negotiations,  in  an  attempt  to 
maintain  the  status  quo.  After  the  armis- 
tice of  1918,  we  sent  to  Constantinople  a 
high  commissioner,  with  a  naval  detach- 
ment under  his  command,  and  in  spite  of 
his  unofficial  status  in  relation  to  the 
Turkish  authorities  he  has  succeeded  in 
affording  American  interests  appropriate 
protection.  But  this  anomalous  situation 
could  not  continue  indefinitely.  When 
the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  Allies  and 
Turkey  comes  into  effect,  and  diplomatic 
and  consular  officials  of  the  allied  powers 
return  to  Turkey,  we  should  find  ourselves 
in  an  extremely  difficult  position  if  action 
meanwhile  had  not  been  taken  to  regu- 
larize our  own  position,  and  in  the  absence 
of  a  treaty  American  interests  in  Turkey 
would  be  without  adequate  safeguards. 
In  this  event  the  humanitarian  interests 
which  are  closest  to  the  American  heart 
would  suffer.  It  was  also  perfectly  clear 
that  no  period  of  waiting  would  avail  to 
secure  for  us  exterritorial  rights  which  on 
their  part  the  Allies  surrendered. 

In  these  circumstances,  the  only  prac- 
ticable course  was  to  negotiate  a  treaty  as 
with  a  fully  sovereign  State.  If  such  a 
treaty  falls  short  of  expectations,  espe- 
cially in  that  it  acquiesces  in  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  capitulations,  it  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  the  only  way  to  maintain 
the  capitulations  was  to  fight  for  them.  It 
should  also  be  borne  in  mind  (1)  that  the 
Lausanne  Treaty  is  such  a  treaty  as  would 
be  negotiated  with  any  other  sovereign 
State,  (2)  that  it  gives  us  the  same  rights 
as  other  countries  will  enjoy  under  the 
new  regime,  and  (3)  that  by  regularizing 
our  relations  with  Turkey,  now  inter- 
rupted for  nearly  seven  years,  it  will  pro- 
vide safeguards  for  American  educational, 
philanthropic,  and  commercial  interests 
in  Turkey. 

Let  me  emphasize  a  further  point.  At 
no  stage  in  the  negotiations  was  the  Amer- 
ican position  determined  by  the  so-called 


Chester  concession.    This  had  been  granted 
before   negotiations    of    our    treaty    with 
Turkey   had  been  begun.     This  govern- 
ment took  no  part  in  securing  it;  this 
government  made  no  barter  of  any  of  its 
rights  for  this  or  any  other  concession. 
Our  position  is  a  simple  one.     We  main- 
tain the  policy  of  the  open  door,  or  equal- 
ity  of   commercial   opportunity;    we   de- 
mand a  square  deal  for  our  nationals.    We 
objected  to  the  alleged  concession  to  the 
Turkish  Petroleum  Company,  owned  by 
foreign    interests,   because    it   had   never 
been  validly  granted,  and  in  so  doing  we 
stood  for  American  rights  generally  and 
not  for  any  particular  interest.     Opening 
the  door  for  American  nationals,  we  give 
them    impartial    and    appropriate    diplo- 
matic support  in  the  assertion  of  what 
appear  to  be  their  legal  rights,  but  with- 
out otherwise  involving  this  government. 
During  the  course  of  our  recent  nego- 
tiations, the  Department  of  State  was  in 
frequent  consultation  with  those  whose  in- 
terests in  Turkey  it  is  its  privilege  and 
duty    properly    to    protect,    particularly 
those  whose  humanitarian  enterprises  have 
long  been  established.     They  have  clearly 
indicated  their  accord  with  the  position 
that    the    present    situation    in    Turkey 
should   be   frankly   faced,   and   that   the 
Turkish  authorities  should  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  show  that  their  expressed  desire 
for   American   friendship    and   help    and 
their  willingness  to  protect  American  in- 
terests are  sincere.    It  is  on  this  basis  that 
our  policy  toward  Turkey  is  being  devel- 
oped.    Let  it  be  understood  that  Turkey, 
while  insistent  upon  unqualified  sovereign 
rights,  does  not  reject  the  international 
obligations  which  are  correlative  to  such 
rights.     Let  it  also  be  appreciated  that 
Turkey  is  not  endeavoring  to  undermine 
our   institutions,  to  penetrate   our  labor 
organizations   by   pernicious   propaganda, 
and  to  foment  disorder  and  conspiracies 
against  our  domestic  peace  in  the  interest 
of  a  world  revolution. 

No  one  is  more  competent  to  speak  on 
the  subject  of  the  treaty  than  Dr.  James 
L.  Barton,  secretary  of  the  American 
Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Mis- 
sions. Permit  me  to  quote  from  his  re- 
cent letter  (November  24,  1923)  : 

"To  say  that  I  have  followed  with  keen 
interest  the  making  of  this  treaty  and  its 
fate  up  to  the  present  time  is  to  express  but 


192Jt 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


225 


mildly  my  own  feeling  as  well  as  the  feel- 
ing of  the  American  board  and  its  friends. 
While  the  treaty  does  not  contain  all  that  we 
would  like,  yet  I  am  sure  I  express  the  judg- 
ment of  the  officers  of  the  American  board 
and,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  missionaries,  both 
on  the  field  and  here  at  home,  when  I  say 
that  it  is  our  earnest  hope  that  the  treaty 
will  be  ratified  by  the  Senate  and  that  with- 
out acrimonious  debate.  We  are  convinced 
that  this  is  the  best  treaty  that  could  be  se- 
cured under  the  circumstances,  but  that  it 
will  furnish  a  basis  for  negotiations  and  for 
securing  privileges  not  covered  in  the  treaty. 
"If  the  treaty  should  be  rejected,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  continuance  of  American  in- 
stitutions in  Turkey,  with  their  large  invested 
interests,  would  be  jeopardized.  Under  the 
treaty,  there  are  grounds  for  believing  that 
they  will  be  permitted  to  continue.  I  refer 
to  educational,  religious,  medical,  industrial, 
and  philanthropic  enterprises  hitherto  car- 
ried on  by  Americans,  representing  large 
American  investments  in  Turkey.  There  are 
indications  that  the  government  will  look 
with  increasing  favor  upon  the  continuation 
of  these  institutions  and  grant  them  enlarg- 
ing privileges.  This  has  already  taken  place 
in  Smyrna,  Tarsus,  and  at  some  other  points.'' 

Let  me  add  to  this  the  statement  of 
the  distinguished  educator,  Dr.  Caleb  F. 
Gates,  president  of  Robert  College  of  Con- 
stantinople. After  referring  to  the  views 
of  objectors,  he  says : 

"Let  us  ask  for  a  moment  why  it  is  that 
we  have  not  made  a  treaty  more  in  con- 
formity with  the  wishes  of  so  many  of  the 
American  people.  Is  it  because  the  American 
representatives  were  not  skillful  and  allowed 
themselves  to  be  outwitted  by  the  Turks? 
The  American  representatives  acquitted  them- 
selves exceedingly  well;  they  gained  the  re- 
spect of  their  opponents  as  well  as  of  the 
representatives  of  the  allied  powers.  They 
came  out  of  the  conference  with  a  reputation 
enhanced  by  the  ability  and  fairness  they 
had  shown,  and  they  gained  for  their  country 
fully  as  much  as  the  representatives  of  the 
allied  powers  gained  for  theirs.  .  .  .  The 
Turks  were  determined  to  become  sovereign 
in  their  own  domain,  and  they  were  willing 
and  prepared  to  fight  in  order  to  obtain  this 
sovereignty,  while  the  Allies  were  not.  Even 
those  Americans  who  now  denounce  this 
treaty    as    unsatisfactory    were    determined 


that  their  country  should  not  go  to  war  over 
these  questions.  .  .  .  It  is  the  only  kind 
of  a  treaty  which  could  have  been  made 
under  the  circumstances,  when  one  party 
knew  exactly  what  they  wanted  and  were 
ready  to  fight  to  obtain  it,  and  the  other 
party  was  not  willing  to  fight,  but  still  wished 
to  retain  the  former  conditions.  ...  As 
to  the  treaty  itself,  what  does  it  give  to  us? 
It  gives  the  good  will  of  the  Turks  instead  of 
their  ill  will.  That  is  certainly  worth  some- 
thing to  all  who  live  and  work  in  Turkey. 
To  them  the  treaty  affords  an  opportunity  to 
work  out  the  problems  which  their  life  in 
Turkey  presents  and  to  exercise  what  influ- 
ence they  may  possess  in  favor  of  the  right. 
It  still  leaves  an  opportunity  for  missionaries 
and  educators  to  try  to  make  the  principles 
of  righteousness  known  and  practiced  In 
Turkey,  and  it  gives  to  business  men  a  field 
for  their  legitimate  activities.  .  .  .  The 
schools  and  colleges  established  by  Amer- 
icans are  carrying  on  their  work  and  many 
of  those  that  had  been  closed  are  reopening." 

In  order  to  accord  adequate  protection 
to  American  interests  in  the  Near  East 
during  the  period  following  the  World 
War,  the  Department  of  State  has  main- 
tained its  representatives  throughout  this 
area  and  a  naval  force  has  been  stationed 
in  Near  Eastern  waters  since  1919.  Until 
October,  1922,  this  force  consisted  of  from 
three  to  nine  destroyers,  with  various 
other  craft  from  time  to  time.  When 
news  was  received  of  the  Smyrna  disaster 
twelve  additional  destroyers  were  imme- 
diately dispatched,  arriving  in  Turkish 
waters  during  October  of  that  year.  These 
vessels  have  been  of  inestimable  service  to 
the  representatives  of  the  Department  of 
State  and  to  all  American  interests  in  the 
Near  East.  Through  their  radio  they 
have  furnished  communication  when  no 
other  means  were  available.  They  have 
transported  American  missionaries,  phil- 
anthropists, relief  workers,  and  business 
men,  saving  days  and  weeks  of  time,  when 
no  other  adequate  means  of  transportation 
were  available.  They  have  assisted  in  the 
evacuation  of  refugees  and  they  have  been 
instrumental  in  serving  manifold  human- 
itarian purposes.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  com- 
mend the  admirable  work  that  has  been 
performed  by  the  officers  and  men  of  these 
vessels. 


•326 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


Mandated  Territories 

Under  the  recent  peace  settlement  be- 
tween the  allied  powers  and  Turkey,  the 
Arab  portion  of  the  former  Turkish  Em- 
pire is  detached  from  Turkey.  In  Syria 
a  mandate  is  being  exercised  by  France 
and  in  Palestine  by  Great  Britain,  while 
in  Mesopotamia  a  native  kingdom  is  being 
developed  under  British  guidance.  These 
territorial  changes  have  made  it  incum- 
bent upon  the  United  States  to  readjust 
its  treaty  relations  which,  with  respect  to 
these  territories,  were  formerly  controlled 
oy  our  treaty  with  Turkey.  In  its  corre- 
spondence with  the  British  and  French 
•governments  in  relation  to  these  terri- 
tories, this  government  has  made  clear  its 
position  that  the  changed  situation  is  a 
consequence  of  the  common  victory  of  the 
allied  and  associated  powers  over  Ger- 
many, and  that  in  view  of  its  relation  to 
this  victory  the  United  States  is  entitled 
to  insist  that  no  measure  could  properly 
be  taken  which  would  subject  the  United 
States  to  discrimination,  or  deprive  its 
nationals  within  these  territories  of  equal- 
ity of  treatment  with  the  nationals  of  any 
other  power. 

The  rights  of  States  which  are  members 
of  the  League  of  Nations  are  set  forth  in 
the  terms  of  the  French  mandate  for  Syria 
and  of  the  British  mandate  for  Palestine, 
respectively.  As  the  United  States  is  not 
a  member  of  the  League  of  Nations,  sepa- 
rate agreements  are  being  negotiated  with 
Great  Britain  and  France,  under  which 
the  United  States  is  to  secure  in  these  ter- 
ritories all  rights  and  privileges  enjoyed 
by  States  which  are  members  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  Under  these  treaties 
American  interests  would  be  adequately 
safeguarded.  There  has  been  a  develop- 
ment in  Mesopotamia  along  slightly  dif- 
ferent lines,  in  view  of  the  establishment 
of  an  Arab  Government  with  which  Great 
Britain  has  concluded  a  treaty,  and  as 
soon  as  this  situation  has  been  further 
clarified  this  government  will  not  fail  to 
take  proper  steps  to  regularize  its  relations 
with  the  appropriate  authorities  of  Irak 
with  a  view  to  the  protection  in  Mesopo- 
tamia, as  in  Syria  and  Palestine,  of  Amer- 
ican interests. 

Persia 

The  Persian  Government  more  than  a 
year  ago  sought  the  aid  of  American  ex- 


perts in  the  reorganization  of  their 
finances.  While  this  government  could 
not  assume  any  responsibility  in  this  mat- 
ter, it  was  glad  that  the  services  of  com- 
petent American  citizens  could  be  secured, 
and  a  financial  mission  accordingly  pro- 
ceeded to  Persia  and  for  the  past  year  has 
been  rendering  important  expert  aid,  as 
Persian  officials,  to  the  Persian  ministers 
in  reorganizing  the  financial  administra- 
tion of  the  country.  While  this  is  not  an 
official  mission  of  this  country  in  any 
sense,  it  has  helped  to  cement  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  making  more 
firm  the  ties  of  mutual  friendship  and 
esteem. 

Greece 

The  death  of  the  late  King  Alexander 
of  Greece  was  followed  in  December,  1920, 
by  the  return  to  Athens  of  Constantine. 
In  accordance  with  the  usual  practice  in 
the  case  of  monarchical  countries,  the 
Greek  representative  in  Washington  ten- 
dered new  letters  of  credence,  the  accept- 
ance of  which  would  have  constituted  for- 
mal recognition  of  the  new  government. 
In  view  of  the  special  circumstances  which 
attended  Constantine's  return  to  Athens, 
it  was  deemed  important,  before  according 
recognition,  to  take  into  account  not  only 
the  part  that  Constantine  had  played  in 
the  war,  but  also  the  policy  of  the  new 
regime  with  regard  to  the  acts  and  obliga- 
tions of  its  predecessor  and  the  attitude  of 
the  associates  of  the  United  States  in  the 
war.  With  respect  to  Constantine's  atti- 
tude toward  the  engagements  of  the  for- 
mer government,  there  was  for  a  time  an 
uncertainty  whether  Constantine  consid- 
ered the  government  of  King  Alexander 
as  a  de  jure  government.  This  was  im- 
portant, for  if  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  had  extended  recognition  it 
might  have  put  itself  in  a  position  of  ac- 
quiescing in  a  possible  review  of  the  acts 
of  King  Alexander's  Government,  which 
had  borrowed  substantial  sums  from  the 
United  States.  It  will  also  be  recalled 
that  none  of  the  principal  allied  powers 
recognized  Constantine  subsequent  to  his 
return. 

So  far  as  the  records  indicate,  these 
considerations  controlled  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  Government  during  the 
period  subsequent  to  Constantine's  return 
and   prior   to    March,    1921.      Upon   the 


1924 


RECENT  QUESTIONS  AND  NEGOTIATIONS 


227 


change  of  administration  the  question 
arose  whether  there  was  a  sufficient  reason 
for  changing  this  policy  and  for  taking  a 
course  of  action  different  from  that  fol- 
lowed by  the  allied  powers.  Other  con- 
siderations had  intervened  making  affirm- 
ative action  in  the  matter  of  recognition 
undesirable.  Constantino  developed  a 
militaristic  policy  in  Asia  Minor,  in  which 
Greece  was  already  engaged,  by  which  he 
desired  to  justify  his  hold  upon  the 
throne. 

Separate  action  by  the  United  States 
at  this  time  could  hardly  have  been  inter- 
preted otherwise  than  as  an  expression  of 
sympathy  and  support  by  this  government 
for  this  policy  of  Constantino  and  as  an 
indirect  participation  in  the  politics  of 
the  Near  East,  which  it  was  desired  to 
avoid.  The  wisdom  of  refusing  recogni- 
tion was  indicated  by  the  overthrow  of 
Constantine  when  Greek  military  plans  in 
Asia  Minor  failed,  an  overthrow  which 
was  attended  by  a  complete  revolution. 
It  will  be  recalled  that  Constantine  fled 
the  country,  and  that  his  prominent  sup- 
porters and  cabinet  ministers  were  ar- 
rested and  after  summary  trials  were  exe- 
cuted. The  British  Government,  which 
previously  had  maintained  a  charge  d'af- 
faires in  Athens,  although  not  recognizing 
Constantine,  withdrew  this  representative, 
while  the  representatives  of  other  powers, 
including  that  of  the  United  States,  took 
occasion  to  interpret  to  the  Greek  author- 
ities the  unfortunate  impression  which 
the  execution  of  the  Greek  ministers  had 
caused. 

The  regime  which  succeeded  that  of 
Constantine  was  frankly  based  on  military 
power  and  did  not  regularize  its  position 
by  holding  elections.  Meanwhile  the  ne- 
gotiation of  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the 
allied  powers,  Greece  and  Turkey,  was 
undertaken  at  Lausanne,  and  it  seemed 
undesirable,  pending  the  conclusion  of 
these  negotiations,  for  the  United  States 
to  take  separate  action  in  the  matter  of 
recognition. 

The  situation  has  now  materially 
changed.  The  Lausanne  negotiations  have 
been  concluded,  peace  has  now  been  rati- 
fied by  Greece  and  Turkey,  and  elections 
were  held  in  Greece  on  December  16, 
1923.  These  elections,  it  is  hoped,  will 
result  in  the  establishment  of  a  govern- 
ment which  will  enable  this  government 


to  extend  formal  recognition.  The  fact 
that  recognition  has  not  been  extended 
during  the  past  three  years  does  not  indi- 
cate an  attitude  of  unfriendliness  toward 
the  Greek  people.  What  American  agen- 
cies have  done  in  assisting  the  refugees  in 
Greece  is  clear  evidence  to  the  contrary, 
and  this  humanitarian  work  could  not 
have  been  carried  out  more  effectively 
even  if  formal  relations  had  been  resumed, 
thanks  to  the  initiative  of  American  agen- 
cies and  the  helpful  co-operation  of  the 
Greek  authorities. 

Egypt 

I  should  not  omit  the  mention  of  the 
recognition  of  Egypt,  where  we  have  had 
a  minister  for  a  considerable  time,  and 
whose  minister  in  turn  we  are  now  receiv- 
ing. We  have  a  deep  interest  in  the  most 
cordial  relations  with  Egypt,  and  it  is  in- 
teresting to  note  that  the  Egyptian  Gov- 
ernment has  been  anxious  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  facilities  offered  in  this  coun- 
try for  perfecting  the  technical  education 
of  Egyptian  students,  particularly  along 
lines  of  trade  and  engineering.  A  group 
of  students  came  to  the  United  States  a 
year  ago  and  other  similar  student  mis- 
sions are  now  on  their  way. 

Conclusion 

In  conclusion,  I  may  say  that  the  new 
spirit  of  the  Near  East  must  be  met  sym- 
pathetically, not  by  arms,  not  by  attempts 
at  dictatorship  or  by  meddlesome  inter- 
ventions, but  by  candor,  directness,  and 
just  appreciation  of  nationalistic  aims  and 
by  a  firm  but  friendly  insistence  upon  the 
discharge  of  those  international  obliga- 
tions the  recognition  of  which  affords  the 
only  satisfactory  basis  for  the  intercourse 
of  nations.  In  this  way  the  Orient  and 
the  Occident  may  find  ground  for  co-op- 
eration and  for  the  maintenance  of  peace 
sustained  by  the  reciprocal  advantages  of 
cultural  relations. 


Prom  Edmund  Burke 

"Sir,  to  speak  the  plain  truth,  I  have 
in  general  no  very  exalted  opinion  of  the 
virtue  of  paper  government  nor  of  any 
politics  in  which  the  plants  to  he  wholly 
separated  from  the  execution. 


THE  WILL  TO   END   WAR 

By  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 


MEIST  have  always  felt  the  paradox  of 
civilization,  especially  of  Christian 
civilization,  to  be  its  wars;  the  amazing 
incongruity  of  human  history  to  be  its  re- 
curring outbursts  of  collective  homicide. 

Before  the  great  war  a  few  of  us  were 
calling  attention  to  the  distressing  cost  of 
it  all  in  the  terms  of  wealth;  to  the  far 
more  unhappy  cost  in  terms  of  misery  and 
perverted  judgments. 

We  were  not  without  hope.  We  saw 
even  in  those  threatening  days  the  slow 
development  of  a  more  rational  interpreta- 
tion of  international  behavior,  the  grad- 
ually increasing  substitution  of  judicial 
and  other  peaceful  methods  of  settling 
disputes  between  States.  We  argued 
that  the  ways  of  justice  make  for  an  in- 
evitable improvement  in  an  otherwise  in- 
tolerable world  situation;  that,  indeed, 
they  mean  the  ultimate  doom  of  inter- 
national wars.  We  aimed  to  make  our 
arguments  against  war  more  than  mere 
emotional,  personal,  and  subjective  ravings 
of  "well-meaning  pacifists."  We  thought 
them  more  than  simply  transcendental  Cul- 
minations of  theorists  and  dogmatists. 
We  believed  them  more  valuable  than  vain 
ex-cathedra  utterances  wholly  lacking  in 
proof.  We  assumed  our  arguments  to  be 
capable  of  scientific  demonstration.  We 
had  long  known  that  it  is  difficult  to  dog- 
matize upon  the  causes  of  war,  and,  simi- 
larly, upon  the  prospects  of  ending  war. 
We  were  always  ready  to  grant  that  the 
world  presents  no  problem  more  intricate 
than  the  problem  of  substituting  reason 
for  force  in  the  settlement  of  international 
disputes.  Hence  with  fear  and  faith,  we 
sought  out  arguments  founded,  we  be- 
lieved, in  logic  and  honest  research.  We 
saw  that  there  have  been  successful  group 
controls  of  individual  crimes  of  violence; 
so  it  should  be  possible  to  develop  methods 
for  the  limitation  of  international  violence. 
The  individual  highwayman  leads  a  pre- 
carious and  a  hunted  career.  The  same 
should  be  true  of  the  nation  highwayman. 
Objective  inquiry  shows  that  the  fighting 
instinct  among  men  has  been  curbed  and 
altered  by  law.  The  same  kind  of  inquiry 
tells  us  that  the  war  instinct  of  nations 
must  accept  the  same  fate;  for  otherwise. 


with  our  growing  scientific  means  of  de- 
struction, the  nations  cannot  long  endure. 
We  saw  all  these  things  clearly  before  the 
war. 

Yet,  as  we  feared,  a  war  came — a  devas- 
tating war.  But  the  supreme  lesson  of 
all  that  now  is  that  we  were  right  before 
the  war ;  and  that  now,  if  civilization  is  to 
survive,  the  nations  must  again  go  collec- 
tively about  the  job  of  ending,  if  possible, 
once  for  all,  this  paradox,  this  amazing 
scourge,  this  incongruous  orgy,  this  need- 
less horror  of  war.  The  war  has  been  a 
sufficing  demonstration  of  the  truth  we 
aimed  then  and  still  aim  to  teach.  Hence 
this  will  to  end  war  is,  partly  because  of 
the  war,  more  apparent  and  outspoken 
among  men  everywhere.  That  is  a  gain. 
There  is  balm  in  Gilead;  there  is  a  physi- 
cian there. 

THE  BENUMBING  COSTS  OF  IT 
In  Money 

Seasons  for  this  will  to  end  war  are 
apparent  and  easy  to  state.  For  example, 
the  money  cost  of  it  all  has  been  brouglit 
home  to  us  anew,  and  the  will  to  stop  it 
strengthened. 

And  that  cost  is  bewildering  as  it  is 
impressive.  The  national  debts  of  the 
world  increased  during  the  seven  years  fol- 
lowing 1913  from  $43,200,931,000  to 
$265,305,022,000.  They  are  still  mount- 
ing. The  per  capita  debt  of  the  United 
States  increased  during  the  same  period 
from  $11  to  $225;  of  Great  Britain,  from 
$78  to  $850;  of  France,  from  $160  to 
$1,150.  The  building  of  the  Panama 
Canal  cost  us  approximately  $400,000,000. 
By  1918  the  direct  money  cost  of  the  war 
had  risen  to  $10,000,000  an  hour— a 
Panama  Canal  every  one  and  two-thirds 
days.  The  total  direct  expense  during  the 
period  of  the  war  was  equivalent  to  465 
Panama  canals.  If  to  the  direct  costs  we 
add  the  no  less  tangible  indirect  money 
costs,  we  have  the  amazing  equivalent  of 
at  least  930  Panama  canals. 

And  the  indirect  costs  are  no  less 
distressing.  The  13,000,000  dead  boys 
mean  at  least  13,000,000  others  prema- 
turely dead  because  of  lowered  vitality. 
But    just    those    13,000,000    dead    boys. 


228 


192  A 


TEE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


229 


representing  a  number  considerably  more 
than  twice  the  total  deaths  due  to  all  the 
wars  of  the  nineteenth  century,  including 
the  twenty-five  years  of  the  Napoleonic 
struggles,  mean  13,000,000  less  among  our 
best  producers.  Prof.  Ernest  L.  Bogart 
finds,  and  he  has  been  confirmed  by  such 
statisticians  as  0.  P.  Austin,  the  direct 
and  indirect  money  costs  of  the  great 
World  War  to  have  been  $337,946,179,657. 
That  was  in  1918.  The  costs  are  still  ac- 
cumulating, let  us  repeat.  As  Professor 
Bogart  adds : 

"The  figures  presented  in  this  summary 
are  both  incomprehensible  and  appalling; 
yet  even  these  do  not  take  into  account  the 
effect  of  the  war  on  life,  human  vitality,  eco- 
nomic well  being,  ethics,  morality,  or  other 
phases  of  human  relationships  and  activities 
which  have  been  disorganized  and  injured." 

Since  a  billion  is  such  an  incomprehensi- 
ble number,  the  staggering  financial  situa- 
tion of  the  world  may  be  more  nearly 
realized  if  the  case  be  put  thus :  One  year 
after  the  war  the  total  debts  of  the  nations 
were  $265,000,000,000,  which  means  $221,- 
000,000,000  more  than  in  1913.  The  an- 
nual interest  on  those  debts  was  over 
$9,000,000,000— five  times  greater  than 
before  the  war.  Now,  according  to  the 
latest  figures,  the  number  of  men,  women, 
and  children  in  all  the  world  is  only  1,692,- 
604,366.  There  were  slightly  over  one  bil- 
lion minutes  from  the  beginning  of  our 
Christian  era  to  the  opening  of  the  war, 
in  1914.  Thus  we  can  sense  in  a  way  the 
magnitude  of  the  debts.  And  yet  these  in- 
conceivable debts  do  not  include  the  money 
value  of  crippled  soldiers,  or  of  invalided 
and  devitalized  armies  and  civilian  popu- 
lations. The  property  loss  in  France, 
$13,000,000,000,  is  not  included.  The  fig- 
ures do  not  tell  us  of  the  destruction  of 
productive  machinery,  the  reduced  pro- 
duction, the  lower  birth-rate,  and  the 
accelerated  race  deterioration  around  the 
world.  Figures  cannot  tell  us  of  the 
broken  hearts. 

It  is  said  that  the  fear  of  costs  does  not 
deter  nations  from  going  to  war.  I  believe 
it  does.  Whether  it  does  or  not,  it  ought. 
When  we  think  of  what  it  all  means  in  the 
way  of  a  continuing  expense  through  the 
century  that  lies  before,  and  try  to  com- 
pute it  in  terms  of  the  unimaginable  bil- 
lions, we  have  to  accept  the  fact  that  all 


of  our  efforts  to  apply  our  theories  of 
social  organization  are  to  be  tragically  re- 
tarded. The  better  homes,  the  more  gen- 
eral education  of  our  people,  the  better 
health  and  the  reduction  of  the  death-rate, 
the  new  machinery,  the  new  artisans,  the 
new  roads  and  river  channels,  the  forest 
conservation,  the  development  of  water- 
power,  of  agriculture,  of  irrigation,  of  the 
arts  and  sciences,  all  must  feel,  and  that 
for  generations  to  come,  the  handicap  of 
our  enormous  expenditures  because  of  war. 

A  member  of  our  war  Cabinet,  when 
asked  what  he  would  do  if  he  had  the  war 
money  at  his  disposal  to  expend  upon  con- 
structive work,  replied  that  he  would  take 
the  carnotite  ores  of  the  West,  reduce  them 
to  radium,  and  eliminate  one-half  the 
cancer.  He  would  go  scientifically  into 
the  business  of  finding  out  what  is  in  our 
mountains.  He  would  search  out  the  de- 
posits of  potash  in  kelp  and  valley.  He 
would  eliminate  the  fly  and  mosquito,  and 
build  up  a  better  national  health.  He 
added : 

"So  is  it  not  plain  that  if  the  world  would 
spend  upon  man-making  rather  than  upon 
man-killing,  wonderful  things  might  be  ac- 
complished? .  .  .  The  curse  of  war  and 
preparation  for  war  is  not  that  men  die,  but 
that  they  do  not  live  to  do  their  share  to- 
wards the  solution  of  the  problems  of  social 
and  commercial  life.  .  .  .  Such  a  people 
as  ours,  encouraged  by  a  century  of  peace, 
would  develop  a  civilization  that  not  only 
materially,  but  artistically  would  surpass 
anything  which  the  world  has  ever  seen." 

Common  sense  leads  us  all  to  wish  that 
the  expense  of  collective  killing  might 
cease.  As  Mr.  Winston  Spencer  Churchill, 
English  First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty  be- 
fore the  war,  speaking  at  that  time  on  the 
expenses  of  the  killing  system,  remarked 
in  substance,  "What  a  wasteful,  purpose- 
less, futile  folly  it  all  is;  what  a  stupid, 
unnatural  chapter  in  the  history  of  human 
endeavor." 

In  Ways  More  Serious  Than  Money 

And  yet  the  least  of  the  influences  lead- 
ing to  our  will  to  end  war  is  that  the  busi- 
ness costs  money.  Belgium  did  not  stop 
to  count  the  cost  when  she  was  overruu 
by  Germany;  neither  did  France.  Eng- 
land's decision  to  enter,  with  her  stand- 
inf'  army  of  only  100,000,  upon  a  conti- 


230 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


nental  land  war  seemed  well-nigh  suicidal. 
When  once  it  was  clear  to  the  United 
States  that  the  only  way  to  end  the  war 
was  to  defeat  the  Central  Powers  of  Eu- 
rope, we  joined  in  the  job,  regardless  of 
cost.    It  was  so  with  all  the  belligerents. 

But  war  means  costs  of  a  more  serious 
nature — costs  in  erroneous  thinking  and 
twisted  judgments. 

For  example,  there  are  honest  and  in- 
telligent men  who  believe  that  war  is  a 
divine  institution  and  as  such  it  is  bene- 
ficial and  desirable.  This  is  the  argument 
of  the  Von  Moltkes,  Bernhardis,  Maudes. 
Mr.  Hudson  Maxim  argues  in  his  De- 
fenceless America  that  war  is  desirable 
because  it  secures  the  "survival  of  the  fit." 
It  is  pointed  out  that  war  is  a  wholesome 
moral  influence,  increasing,  and  often 
creating  the  virtues  of  patriotism  and 
self-sacrifice.  They  say  that  war  gives  rise 
to  efficiency,  courage,  and  discipline;  that 
war  has  made  powerful  States  possible, 
and  the  powerful  States  have  given  to  us 
the  arts,  literatures,  religions.  They  tell 
us  that  war  gives  play  to  physical  virility 
and  advances  the  meritorious  traits  of 
keenness  and  alertness;  that  it  decides 
differences,  promotes  progress,  and  pre- 
vents overpopulation — an  important  eco- 
nomic fact  for  human  society.  They  go  on 
to  argue  that  war  is  the  natural  expression 
of  human  nature,  that  man  is  a  fighter, 
and  by  the  means  of  war  he  reaches  to  the 
supreme  height  of  self-sacrifice,  and  there- 
fore of  his  moral  possibilities.  As  long 
as  human  nature  remains  as  it  is,  differ- 
ences are  inevitable;  hence  the  fighting 
instinct,  the  love  of  adventure,  the  human 
impulse  following  in  the  steps  of  honor 
and  justice,  will  mean  war  for  the  human 
race  throughout  time.  Thus  wars  always 
have  been  and  always  will  be.  The  history 
of  the  world  has  been  practically  a  con- 
tinuous history  of  human  warfare.  One 
authority  finds  that  throughout  nearly 
3,500  years  there  have  been  227  years  of 
peace — thirteen  years  of  war  to  one  of 
peace.  Because  of  such  facts  war  is  in- 
evitable.    So  run  the  arguments  for  war. 

But,  of  course,  thesfe  are  but  half-truths. 
If  men  really  believed  that  war  is  a  divine 
and  helpful  institution,  they  would  sys- 
tematically urge  and  promote  it.  The  uni- 
versal aim  would  be  to  bring  about  war 
for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the  divinity 
of  tlic  institution,  quite  as  now  we  aim 


to  spiritualize  the  church.  By  the  same 
course  of  reasoning  we  should  burn  houses 
to  benefit  firemen,  spread  disease  germs  to 
improve  our  doctors,  rob  banks  systemati- 
cally, and  shoot  up  our  neighbors  gener- 
ously unto  the  efficiency  of  our  police  and 
the  good  of  our  souls. 

Again,  the  history  of  all  animals,  in- 
cluding the  human  animal,  is  not  a  history 
of  fixed  instincts,  but  a  history  of  the 
modifications  of  their  instincts.  The 
social  progress  which  we  have  made  is  due 
to  the  modification  of  our  human  instincts. 
We  not  only  modify  our  instincts,  but  we 
direct  them  to  new  objects  and  subordinate 
them  to  other  and  higher  instincts.  If 
there  seem  to  be  an  inevitable  conflict 
among  men,  there  is  also  an  abiding  in- 
stinct of  mutual  aid.  Man  is  no  longer  a 
fighting  animal.  Men  who  fight  are  shut 
up.  The  great  martial  nations  of  the 
world  have  had  a  hard  time.  Most  of  them 
have  passed  away.  National  pride,  like 
individual  pride,  ends  in  a  paradox,  and 
ever  tends  to  defeat  itself.  Might  cannot 
be  made  synonymous  with  right.  Most  of 
us  thought  we  were  waging  this  war  to 
overcome  a  nation  that  had  not  outgrown 
the  fighting  instinct. 

But  perhaps  no  one  fact  shows  the  fal- 
lacy of  the  pro-war  phrase-mongering  as 
does  the  simple  fact  that  wars  are  them- 
selves waged  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of 
ending  war  and  of  establishing  peace. 
When  the  war  is  on,  all  the  generals  and 
statesmen  tell  us  that.  But,  whatever  the 
views  of  the  military  leaders,  certainly 
the  fathers  and  mothers  give  up  their  sons 
with  pride  and  tears  that  by  the  only  prac- 
tical means  they  are  able  to  see  the  war 
may  be  ended.  At  such  times  war  is  seen 
to  be  an  unmitigated  evil,  to  be  ended  at 
whatever  cost  of  blood  and  treasure. 

Furthermore,  it  is  only  in  a  most 
limited  sense  that  preparation  for  war  is 
an  "insurance  against  war,"  a  "premium 
for  the  maintenance  of  peace."  To  say 
that  it  is  such  an  "insurance"  is  a  fallacy. 
Insurance  is  a  contract  by  the  terms  of 
which  a  first  party  agrees  to  pay  to  a  sec- 
ond party  a  certain  specified  small  amount, 
called  a  premium,  for  which  the  second 
party  agrees  to  pay  the  first  party  a  much 
larger  sum  in  case  of  a  contingency  nomi- 
nated in  the  agreement.  Prior  to  this 
war  we  were  spending  annually  upon  our 
army  and  navy  practically  $300,000,000. 


19U 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


231 


If  that  were  a  premium  as  an  insurance 
against  war,  either  one  of  two  things  would 
have  happened :  we  would  not  have  had  a 
war,  or,  if  we  had  a  war,  we  would  have 
received  from  some  outside  party  a  large 
sum  of  money  as  reimbursement  for  our 
losses.  The  facts  are  we  paid  the  $300,- 
000,000  annually,  and  that  we  had  our 
war,  for  which  we  have  paid  many  billions, 
with  many  more  to  follow.  In  other 
words,  we  have  paid  the  premium  and  the 
loss  besides.  That  is  all  there  is  to  the 
insurance  argument.  The  fact  that  all  of 
the  leading  nations  had  powerful  navies  in 
July,  1914,  did  not  prevent  them  from 
going  to  war.  In  our  present  state  of 
international  anarchy,  preparation  for 
war  may  be  necessary.  I  believe  that  a 
rational  amount  of  it  is.  But  such  prepa- 
ration is  not  insurance.  At  best,  it  is  a 
fire  department.  Great  armaments  do  not 
insure  peace;  they  tend  to  destroy  peace. 
They  do  not  exist  to  preserve  peace;  they 
are  kept  up  for  one  purpose,  and  one  pur- 
pose only;  namely,  to  win  in  war.  Arma- 
ments are  for  victory  and,  if  thought  de- 
sirable, conquest. 

Thus  the  perversion  of  judgments  rep- 
resents a  more  serious  cost  than  the  mat- 
ter of  dollars  and  cents.  The  supporters 
of  the  war  system  do  not  distinguish 
clearly  between  physical  and  moral  hero- 
ism. They  seem  to  forget  that  war  takes 
men  out  of  productive  activities,  thus  re- 
ducing the  veritable  necessities  of  life. 
They  do  not  reckon  the  loss  to  industry, 
the  destruction  of  property,  the  crippling 
of  beneficence,  the  scourge  of  disease,  the 
ruin  in  terms  of  life,  the  injustices,  the 
blood-red  madness,  the  despotism  and 
night  following  the  fights  of  armies,  and 
the  general  hell  of  war.  They  ignore  the 
fact  that  true  freedom  is  found  only  in 
him  who  ruleth  his  own  spirit.  Wars  may 
be  won  and  justice  defeated.  Might  of 
itself  cannot  make  right.  War  is  the  su- 
preme indictment  of  human  civilization. 

As  long  as  men  are  ignorant,  as  long 
as  evils  prevail,  as  long  as  the  forces  of 
nature  are  unsubdued,  men  may  find 
ample  opportunity  to  exercise  their  honor, 
heroism,  sense  of  duty,  love  of  glory,  by 
attacking  the  inanimate  foes — the  floods, 
the  fires,  the  famines,  the  diseases — a  be- 
havior calling  for  all  the  virtues  of  the 
soldier  in  war — indeed,  a  spiritual  war- 
fare where  affections  and  sympathies  will 


bring  about  those  generosities  and  methods 
of  justice  which  alone  can  create  the 
"great  society**  that  is  to  be. 

Following  the  dire  discussions  of  his 
Stygian  council,  Milton  was  led  to  say : 

"O  shame  to  men!  devil  with  devil  damn'd 
Firm  concord  holds;   men  only  disagree, 
Of  creatures  rational,  though  under  hope 
Of    heavenly    grace;    and    God    proclaiming 

peace. 
Yet  live  in  hatred,  enmity,  and  strife 
Among  themselves,  and  levy  cruel  wars, 
Wasting  the  earth,  each  other  to  destroy; 
As  if  (which  might  induce  us  to  accord) 
Man  had  not  hellish  foes  anow  besides. 
That  day  and  night  for  his  destruction  wait." 

War  is  a  monstrous  perversion  of  the 
judgments  and  perspectives  of  men.  The 
magnificence  of  war,  called  "moonshine" 
by  General  Sherman,  is  less  picturesque 
than  ever.  World  armies  and  navies  rest 
on  fear  rather  than  on  reason;  on  hate — 
and  that  of  no  one  in  particular.  The 
huge  armaments  of  the  earth  are  a  cruel 
slander  against  reason,  a  tribute  to  an 
utter  lack  of  sincerity  within  and  of  any 
faith  in  the  sincerity  of  others  without. 
As  said  by  Emerson,  war  is  "an  epidemic 
insanity."  Noah  Worcester  said  in  his 
"Solemn  Review":  "War  is,  in  fact,  a 
heathenish  and  savage  custom,  most  malig- 
nant, most  desolating,  and  most  horrible, 
and  the  greatest  delusion,  the  greatest 
curse,  that  ever  afflicted  a  guilty  world." 
Thomas  Jefferson  called  war  "the  great- 
est of  human  evils."'  Franklin's  words, 
July  27,  1783,  to  Sir  Joseph  Banks,  were: 
"There  never  was  a  good  war  or  a  bad 
peace."  Washington  wrote  of  war  in 
1785:  "My  first  wish  is  to  see  this  plague 
to  mankind  banished  from  the  earth." 
Gladstone  called  war  the  "original  sin  of 
nations."  John  Fiske  characterized  war 
as  an  "intolerable  nuisance."  It  has  been 
condemned  as  detestable  by  Wellington, 
inadequate  by  Napoleon,  self-defeating  b; 
Sheridan,  and  unreasonable  by  Grant 
This  ghastly  institution,  inherited  out  oi" 
savagery,  must  go  the  way  of  the  other 
human  perversions — human  sacrifice,  can- 
nibalism, duelling,  witchcraft,  thumbikiii, 
lynching,  slavery,  the  rack — for  war  is  all 
of  these  and  worse.  What  is  wrong,  as 
God  lives,  shall  be  overcome.  Hence  per- 
sists the  will  to  end  war. 


332 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


A  STILL  DEEPER  REASON  FOR  THE 
WILL  TO  END  WAR 

The  Great  Fact  of  Life 

There  is,  however,  a  reason  for  the  will 
to  end  war  deeper  than  the  cost  of  it  all, 
be  the  cost  in  terms  of  money  or  of  wrong- 
headedness.  It  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
war  runs  counter  to  the  basic  principle  of 
all  life;  namely,  that  life  exists  primarily 
that  there  may  be  more  life.  Every  proto- 
plasmic cell,  every  flower  of  the  field,  every 
child  sent  to  school,  every  social  worker, 
every  courtship  and  marriage,  every  law, 
institution,  invention,  every  worthy  ideal, 
are  all  expressions  of  this  great  fact  of 
life  struggling  to  produce  more  life.  War 
in  practically  all  of  its  phases,  is  the  anti' 
thesis  of  this  principle. 

The  rise  of  the  conception  of  this  truth 
can  be  traced  only  imperfectly.  Our 
earliest  ancestors  seem  to  have  appre- 
hended it  but  dimly.  Unable  to  use  tools 
or  fire,  slowly  developing  the  notion  and 
habits  of  family  life,  frequently  fighting 
literally  tooth  and  nail,  we  think  of  them 
in  the  human  scale  as  savages  merely. 
Thus  they  began — "savages."  Then,  down 
the  ages,  cunning  gradually  crept  into  the 
ends  of  their  fingers,  rude  tools  extended 
the  length  of  their  arms,  wild  weapons  ex- 
panded their  powers  of  conquest,  families 
united  in  clans — still  fighting,  to  be  sure, 
but  no  longer  "savages,"  we  say,  but  "bar- 
barians." Later  the  clans  multiplied  into 
cities  and  states.  The  efficiency  of  their 
weapons  increased.  The  spirit  of  competi- 
tion grew  stronger.  Still  living  under  the 
rule  that  might  is  right,  they  waged  con- 
tinuous and  increasing  wars  against  each 
other,  unpeopling  the  world  by  feud  and 
sword.  As  we  have  seen,  it  has  been  one 
year  of  peace  for  thirteen  years  of  war. 
That  we  call  "civilization." 

But  the  process  does  not  end  there.  The 
great  principle  of  life  has  led  some  men 
out  of  savagery,  out  of  barbarism,  out  of 
mere  civilization,  for  a  new  hope  is  beckon- 
ing unto  them,  a  larger  revelation.  These 
few  have  discovered  all  of  us  to  be  "mem- 
bers one  of  another."  They  have  beheld 
us  related  consciously,  still  more  uncon- 
sciously related  with  each  other  around  the 
globe.  They  have  seen  the  vision  of  a  uni- 
versal solidarity.  Under  this  prime  prin- 
ciple of  life,  the  doctrine  of  strife  has 
tended  to  give  way — gradually,  very  gradu- 


ally, but  surely — to  a  creative  belief  in  the 
social  principle  of  mutuality,  in  a  limit- 
less human  interrelation,  in  a  world-wide 
co-operation.  Thus  men  have  the  will  to 
end  war. 

And  now,  once  again,  therefore,  men  are 
listening  more  readily  and  sympathetically 
to  schemes  for  international  co-operation. 
Because  of  the  war  they  believe  more  than 
ever  that  we  needs  must  base  our  institu- 
tions upon  this  great  fact  of  life — that, 
on  the  whole  and  in  the  long  run,  life 
exists  that  there  may  be  more  life.  Such, 
they  hold,  is  the  supreme  teaching  of  the 
religions — indeed,  of  plain  reason. 

Thus  survives  faith  in  the  still 
more  hopeful  march  toward  the  world's 
"Grleam,"  toward  a  new  humanism  indeed 
— international,  world-wide,  founded  in 
law  and  justice — for  life  means  that  there 
must  be  more  life.  In  the  main,  wars  are 
inconsistent  with  this  most  fundamental 
of  all  laws.  Hence  wars  are  forordained, 
very  gradually,  but  inevitably,  to  cease. 
This  is  what  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  meant 
when,  in  1838,  he  said,  in  his  address  be- 
fore the  American  Peace  Society,  ""All 
history  is  the  decline  of  war,  though  the 
slow  decline." 

THE  WILL  TO   END  WAR  AN 
HISTORICAL  FACT 

The  will  to  end  war  prevailing  through 
the  centuries  means  more  than  a  fear  of 
the  costs,  more  than  a  pious  wish.  It  is 
an  historical  fact  influencing  the  course 
of  events.  Out  of  it  have  arisen  institu- 
tions and  a  worthy  literature,  both  to  be 
reckoned  with. 

Beginnings  of  the  Modern  Peace  Movement 
1815 

The  modern  peace  movement  had  its 
beginning  about  the  year  1815,  a  year 
which  marked  the  dawn  of  an  interesting 
period  in  the  growth  of  the  will  to  end 
war — indeed,  in  the  development  of  a  va- 
riety of  social  organizations  and  recon- 
structions. For  example,  at  that  time 
forces  were  converging  toward  a  more 
militant  democracy,  soon  to  express  itself 
in  a  marked  extension  of  public  education, 
of  agitation  for  woman  suffrage,  of  tem- 
perance, and  of  various  labor  and  political 
reforms.  It  was  at  the  beginning  of  the 
transcendental  movement  of  Kant,  Schel- 
ling,  Emerson.     It  was  the  year  of  the 


192Jf 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


233 


useless  battle  of  New  Orleans  and  of  the 
waste  of  Waterloo ;  of  the  beginning  of  the 
Holy  Alliance,  and  hence  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  In  that  year  Belgium  was 
taken  from  France,  to  be  neutralized  in 
1831.  In  that  year  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Luxemburg  was  added  to  Holland  and 
headed  toward  her  neutralization  in  1867. 
It  was  the  year  in  which  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent  was  ratified,  the  instrument  which 
we  may  well  believe  ended  forever  inter- 
national wars  between  English-speaking 
peoples.  It  was  the  year  that  marked  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  with  its  league  of 
nations  that  established  the  Kingdom  of 
the  Netherlands,  united  Norway  and 
Sweden,  neutralized  Switzerland,  reorgan- 
ized Germany,  maintained  a  sort  of  peace 
in  Europe  for  over  a  generation,  and  di- 
rected its  statesmanship  for  a  century, 
yet  a  league  that  lamentably  failed.  It 
was  the  year  in  which  Benjamin  Lundy 
began  the  first  anti-slavery  societies,  the 
beginning  of  the  end  in  America  of  the 
institution  of  slavery.  Humphrey  Davy 
invented  his  safety  lamp  during  that  year. 
But  more  important  than  any  of  these,  it 
was  the  year  that  found  the  world  sick 
and  tired  of  "seven,"'  "thirty,"  and  "one 
hundred  years"  wars,  of  Napoleonic 
slaughters,  and  of  the  miseries  following 
the  French  Eevolution,  the  American 
Revolution,  the  War  of  1812.  Battles  had 
for  the  time  quite  consumed  in  their  blast- 
.  ing  flames  the  war  passions  of  men.  The 
blood  lust  of  nations  had  been  surfeited  by 
1815.  The  will  to  end  war  had  been 
aroused. 

Beginning  of  Peace  Societies 

As  a  result,  and  for  the  first  time  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  peace  societies  began. 
In  that  year,  1815,  three  peace  societies, 
no  one  knowing  of  the  plans  of  the  others, 
sprang  into  being.  The  first  was  founded 
August  16,  at  the  home  of  Mr.  David  Low 
Dodge,  in  New  York  City;  another  in 
Ohio,  December  2;  another,  upon  the 
initiative  of  Noah  Worcester,  December 
26,  at  the  home  of  William  Ellery  Chan- 
ning,  Boston.  The  following  year  peace 
societies  began  in  Europe.  The  oldest 
existing  peace  society,  "The  Peace  So- 
ciety," London,  was  formed  June  14, 
1816. 

The  peace  societies  had  an  infiuence. 
During  the  nineteenth  century  the  will  to 


end  war  increased  markedly.  AVhile,  be- 
cause of  his  part  in  inserting  arbitration 
clauses  in  the  treaty  between  this  country 
and  Great  Britain,  in  1794,  John  Jay  was 
burned  in  effigy  in  the  streets  of  Boston, 
yet  since  that  time  there  have  been  over 
six  hundred  international  arbitrations  be- 
tween various  countries  of  the  world.  The 
most  rapid  increase  in  the  number  of  these 
treaties  occured  within  the  last  generation. 
The  importance  of  these  treaties  is  illus- 
trated by  the  fact  that  the  violation  of  one 
of  them  turned  a  continental  war  into  a 
world  war.  This  peace  sentiment  grew  in 
no  small  measure  out  of  the  work  of  the 
peace  societies. 

The  countless  reams  of  pamphlets  pub- 
lished by  these  societies  played  their  part 
toward  expressing  this  will  to  end  war. 
The  first  tract  professedly  and  exclusively 
published  for  the  promotion  of  peace  was 
published  by  Mr.  David  Low  Dodge,  mer- 
chant of  New  York  City  and  "father  of 
the  peace  movement,"  in  the  year  1809. 
This  first  pamphlet  by  Mr.  Dodge,  called 
"The  Mediator's  Kingdom  Not  of  This 
World,"  and  a  second  by  the  same  author, 
entitled  "War  Inconsistent  with  the  Re- 
ligion of  Jesus  Christ,"  published  in  1812, 
both  met  with  pronounced  opposition  from 
clergy  and  laity.  Today  tons  of  such 
literature  are  being  constantly  spread  be- 
fore the  world. 

Noah  Worcester  had  great  difficulty  in 
finding  a  publisher  for  his  essay,  "A 
Solemn  Review  of  the  Custom  of  War." 
It  was  published  on  Christmas  Day,  1814, 
but  only  on  condition  that  it  be  issued 
"anonymously."  Yet  this  tract  was  and 
is  spread  broadcast,  appearing  in  trans- 
lated form  in  many  languages.  Its  in- 
fluence has  been  profound.  Largely  be- 
cause of  it,  peace  societies  spread  rapidly. 
It  converted  William  Ladd,  founder  of  the 
American  Peace  Society. 

In  spite  of  the  war,  peace  pamphlets  of 
today  are  sought  far  and  near.'  Further- 
more, and  again  in  spite  of  the  war,  no 
one  has  today  to  apologize  for  writing  in 
defense  of  international  peace.  Indeed, 
that  is  what  most  writers  are  writing  about 
and  all  political  parties  pleading  for.  The 
war,  we  were  told,  was  "a  war  to  end  war." 

Following  the  organization  of  the  so- 
cieties in  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Massachu- 
setts, we  are  able  to  record  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  peace  society  in  Portland,  Maine, 


334 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


January  31,  1817;  in  Providence,  Ehode 
Island,  March  20,  1817;  in  Vermont, 
1819;  in  North  Carolina,  1819;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, December,  1822;  Windham 
County,  Connecticut,  1826;  Hartford 
County,  Connecticut,  1828.  By  1828  there 
were  peace  societies  in  New  Hampshire 
and  Georgia.  Indeed,  it  was  estimated  at 
that  time  that  there  were  over  fifty  peace 
societies  in  the  United  States  alone.  As 
an  indication  of  the  interest  in  the  move- 
ment, it  is  known  that  by  1833  there  was 
a  county  peace  society  in  every  county  in 
the  State  of  Connecticut.  By  that  year 
they  existed  also  in  France,  Ireland,  Eng- 
land, Nova  Scotia,  and  Canada. 

American  Peace  Society 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Maine  Peace  So- 
ciety at  Minot,  Maine,  February  10,  1826, 
a  motion  was  carried  to  form  a  national 
peace  society.  Minot  was  the  home  of 
William  Ladd.  The  first  constitution  for 
a  national  peace  society  was  drawn  by  this 
illustrious  "Apostle  of  Peace,"  at  the  time 
the  corresponding  secretary  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Peace  Society.  The  constitution 
was  provisionally  adopted,  with  altera- 
tions, February  18,  1828;  but  the  society 
was  finally  and  officially  organized, 
through  the  influence  of  Mr.  Ladd,  May 
8,  1828,  and  with  the  aid  of  David  Low 
Dodge,  in  New  York  City.  As  Mr.  Dodge 
wrote  in  the  minutes  of  the  New  York 
Peace  Society :  "The  New  York  Peace  So- 
ciety resolved  to  be  merged  in  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society,  .  .  .  which,  in  fact, 
was  a  dissolution  of  the  old  New  York 
Peace  Society,  formed  16  August,  1815, 
and  the  American,  May,  1828,  was  sub- 
stituted in  its  place." 

Today  this  society,  with  headquarters  at 
Washington,  is  an  incorporated  organiza- 
tion. It  has  initiated  the  American  peace 
congresses;  it  attempts  to  co-operate  with 
the  government,  and  to  influence  legisla- 
tion in  behalf  of  arbitrations  and  inter- 
national good  will.  It  maintains  a  lecture 
bureau,  a  library  of  peace  information, 
and  distributes  tons  of  literature  to 
writers,  speakers,  schools,  colleges,  and 
libraries.  It  co-operates  in  every  possible 
way  with  other  effective  organizations  in 
this  country  and  abroad. 

Its  program,  outlined  so  convincingly 
by  Mr.  Ladd  in  1840,  is  the  basis  of  The 
Hague  conferences,  of  the  conception  of 


a  world  governed  by  self-imposed  laws.  It 
is  a  program  based  upon  American  politi- 
cal experience,  and  calling,  therefore,  for 
a  Congress  and  High  Court  of  Nations  to 
the  end  that  international  relations  may 
be  conducted  in  the  interests  of  that  con- 
crete justice  which  flows  only  from  law 
mutually  made  and  proclaimed.  The 
American  Peace  Society  believes  that  by 
compromise,  intelligence,  and  good  will 
the  nations  will  wish  increasingly  to  de- 
velop for  their  interests  and  protection  a 
more  perfect  union  of  themselves,  a  union 
built  upon  laws  and  not  men,  a  society  of 
all  the  nations  resting  upon  the  free  con- 
sent of  the  governed.  It  believes  that  es- 
tablished States,  large  and  small,  will  wish 
to  remain  free,  sovereign,  and  independ- 
ent; that  they  will  always  retain  certain 
rights,  such  as  the  right  to  exist,  to  con- 
serve their  independence  and  well  being, 
to  preserve  their  territory  and  jurisdiction 
over  it,  to  be  treated  as  equals  before  the 
law,  to  expect  every  respect  and  protection 
from  their  sister  States  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  these  rights.  It  believes  also 
that  States  can  and  should  be  led  to 
observe  certain  duties,  such  as  the  duty  to 
commit  no  unjust  act  against  an  innocent 
State,  to  interfere  with  the  rights  of  no 
other  State;  in  short,  to  cherish  and  up- 
hold the  laws  which  they  themselves  have 
passed  and  accepted. 

In  1916  the  American  Peace  Society  ap- 
proved the  Declaration  of  Eights  and  Du- 
ties of  Nations,  adopted  by  the  American 
Institute  of  International  Law  at  its  first 
session,  in  the  city  of  Washington,  Janu- 
ary 6,  1916;  and  in  1917  the  recommen- 
dations of  Havana,  also  adopted  by  the 
American  Institute  of  International  Law, 
in  the  city  of  Havana,  Cuba,  January  23, 
1917.  In  May,  1921,  the  Society  adopted 
a  series  of  fourteen  proposals  which  it  has 
printed  from  time  to  time  under  the  cap- 
tion Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World. 
In  May,  1923,  the  Society  adopted  the 
following  self-explanatory  resolutions: 

"Whereas  war  as  a  method  of  settling 
international  disputes  has  been  again  re- 
vealed to  us  not  only  in  its  uncivilized  ruth- 
lessness,  but  in  all  its  inadequacy  and 
futility ; 

"Whereas  the  World  War  has  left  the 
nations  for  the  most  part  estranged,  each 
striving  in  unco-ordinated  ways  to  improve 


192Jt 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


235 


the  international  economic  and  political  dis- 
tress; 

"Whereas  it  is  the  ideal  of  all  civilized 
States  that  'Justice  is  the  great  end  of  man 
on  earth'  "; 

"Whereas  the  supreme  indictment  of  the 
war  system  lies  in  the  fact  that  wars  may- 
be won  and  justice  defeated ; 

"Whereas,  as  between  man  and  man,  so  be- 
tween State  and  State,  there  can  be  no  abid- 
ing or  desirable  peace  except  a  peace  of 
justice : 

"Resolved,  That  we  urge  upon  press,  pulpit, 
and  platform,  upon  Congress,  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  all  well  disposed 
people  everywhere,  that  they  make  every  pos- 
sible effort: 

"(1)  To  bring  about  at  the  earliest  prac- 
ticable moment  a  conference  of  all  the  nations 
for  the  restatement,  amendment,  reconcilia- 
tion,  and   declaration   of   international    law. 

"(2)  To  extend  to  those  international  dis- 
putes not  capable  of  solution  through  the 
ordinary  channels  of  diplomacy  the  applica- 
tion of  the  long-established  processes  of  good 
offices,  mediation,  commissions  of  inquiry, 
councils  of  conciliation,  and  arbitration. 

"(3)  To  promote  an  independent  Interna- 
tional Ck)urt  of  Justice,  to  which  all  civilized 
States  shall  of  right  have  direct  access,  to 
the  end  that  justiciable  disputes  may  be 
settled  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of 
law  and  equity." 

As  far  as  the  American  Peace  Society 
adheres  to  a  program,  the  program  is  that. 
It  measures  its  work  by  those  standards. 
Upon  them  it  bases  its  hope  for  that  gov- 
erned world  where  wars  shall  be  lessened 
and  laws  enthroned. 

Up  to  the  rumblings  of  the  World  War, 
the  peace  movement  of  America  was  al- 
most exclusively  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety and  its  work.  And  that  work  was  a 
worthy  and  notable  work.  The  story  of 
it  would  itself  fill  many  volumes.  As  I 
have  said  elsewhere,  William  Ladd  was 
pleading,  in  1828,  for  a  Congress  of  Na- 
tions. It  was  the  American  Peace  Society 
that  stood  for  a  ''^Congress  of  Nations  for 
the  amicable  adjustment  of  international 
disputes"  in  its  Fourth  Annual  Keport  of 
1832.  In  February,  1835,  a  peace  peti- 
tion, "signed  by  several  thousand  per- 
sons," was  presented  to  the  legislature  of 
the  State  of  Massachusetts,  with  the  result 
that  that  body  adopted  the  following  reso- 


lution, first  peace  resolution  to  be  adopted 
by  a  legislature : 

"Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this 
legislature,  some  mode  should  be  established 
for  the  amicable  and  final  adjustment  of  all 
international  disputes  instead  of  to  resort 
to  war. 

"Resolved,  That  the  Governor  of  this  Com- 
monwealth be  requested  to  communicate  a 
copy  of  the  above  report  and  of  the  resolu- 
tions annexed  to  the  Executive  of  each  of 
the  States,  to  be  laid  before  the  legislature 
thereof,  inviting  a  co-operation  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  object  in  view." 

Again,  through  the  influence  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  a  joint  commit- 
tee of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represen- 
tatives of  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
adopted  unanimously,  in  1837,  in  the  Sen- 
ate, and  practically  unanimously  in  tho 
Lower  House,  other  resolutions  condemn- 
ing war  as  a  means  of  adjusting  interna- 
tional disputes,  approving  a  "Congress  or 
Court  of  Nations,"  and  recommending  to 
the  Executive  of  the  United  States  nego- 
tiations, "with  a  view  to  effect  so  impor- 
tant an  arrangement."  The  foUovring 
year  the  Massachusetts  legislature  passed 
four  other  resolutions,  the  third  of  which 
reads : 

"Resolved,  That  the  institution  of  a  Con- 
gress of  Nations  for  the  purpose  of  framing 
a  code  of  international  law  and  establishing 
a  High  Court  of  Abitration  for  the  settlement 
of  controversies  between  nations  is  a  scheme 
worthy  of  the  careful  attention  and  consider- 
ation of  all  enlightened  governments." 

The  fourth  resolution  was  as  follows : 

"Resolved,  That  his  Excellency  the  Gov- 
ernor of  this  Commonwealth  be  requested  to 
transmit  a  copy  of  these  resolves,  with  the 
accompanying  report,  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  to  the  Executive  of  each 
of  the  States,  to  be  communicated  to  their 
respective  legislatures,  inviting  their  co-oper- 
ation in  the  proposed  object." 

The  Society  submitted  petitions  to  the 
United  States  Congress  in  1837,  1838, 
1839,  1840,  1841,  and  1849.  Just  prior  to 
1840  the  agitation  for  a  Congress  of  Na- 
tions for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an 
international  tribunal  was,  because  of  the 
work  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  pop- 


236 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


ular  and  widespread.  In  1849,  for  exam- 
ple, Richard  Cobden  submitted  to  the 
House  of  Commons  on  the  12th  of  June  a 
proposal  that  England  enter  into  commu- 
nication with  foreign  powers  for  the  pur- 
pose of  referring  matters  in  dispute  to  the 
decision  of  arbitrators.  Meeting  with  the 
opposition  of  the  Palmerston  Cabinet,  the 
proposition  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  176 
to  79.  In  1851  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety presented,  through  Eobert  C.  Win- 
throp,  a  petition  to  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, with  the  result  that  Mr,  Foote,  chair- 
man of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  affirmed  that  arbitration  as  a 
system  was  "^perfectly  reasonable,''  and 
with  the  further  result  that  the  committee 
unanimously  reported : 

"That  it  would  be  proper  and  desirable 
for  the  Government  of  these  United  States, 
whenever  practicable,  to  secure,  in  its  treaties 
with  other  nations,  a  provision  for  referring 
to  the  decision  of  umpires  all  misunderstand- 
ings that  cannot  be  satisfactorily  adjusted 
by  amicable  negotiation,  in  the  first  instance, 
before  a  resort  to  hostilities  shall  be  had." 

In  February,  1853,  largely  through  the 
efforts  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  par- 
ticularly because  of  the  work  of  its  Presi- 
dent, the  Hon.  William  Jay,  the  Commit- 
tee on  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United 
States  Senate  adopted  the  following  reso- 
lution : 

"Resolved,  That  the  Senate  advise  the 
President  to  secure,  whenever  it  may  be  prac- 
ticable, a  stipulation  in  all  treaties  hereafter 
entered  into  with  other  nations,  providing  for 
the  adjustment  of  any  misunderstanding  or 
controversy  which  may  arise  between  the 
contracting  parties  by  referring  the  same  to 
the  decision  of  disinterested  and  impartial 
arbitrators  to  be  mutually  chosen." 

The  principle  of  arbitration  was  re- 
established between  this  country  and  Great 
Britain  in  a  treaty  relative  to  fishing 
grounds,  under  date  of  June  5,  1854. 
Among  other  things,  the  treaty  provided 
that: 

"The  Commissioners  shall  name  some 
third  person  to  act  as  an  arbitrator  or  um- 
pire in  any  case  or  cases  on  which  they  may 
themselves  differ  in  opinion. 

"The  high  contracting  parties  hereby 
solemnly  engage  to  consider  the  decisions  of 


the  Commissioners  conjointly,  or  of  the  arbi- 
trator or  umpire,  as  the  case  may  be,  as  ab- 
solutely final  and  conclusive  in  each  case  de- 
cided upon  by  them  or  him  respectively." 

The  American  Peace  Society  continued 
to  plead  with  Congress  and  State  legisla- 
tures for  a  Congress  and  High  Court  of 
Nations  and  for  stipulated  arbitration  up 
to  the  opening  of  the  Civil  War.  In  1866 
it  sent  a  deputation  to  Congress  with  a 
petition  in  behalf  of  stipulated  arbitration 
and  a  Congress  and  High  Court  of  Na- 
tions. In  1872  the  Society  presented  a 
new  memorial  to  Congress  in  behalf  of  a 
permanent  system  of  arbitration  and  a 
High  Court  of  Nations,  a  petition  which 
was  signed  by  some  twelve  thousand  citi- 
zens. The  result  was  that,  with  the  aid  of 
Mrs.  Charles  Sumner,  there  was  reported 
from  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 
of  the  United  States  Senate  a  series  of 
resolutions  advocating  a  permanent  sys- 
tem of  arbitration. 

The  next  year  Mr.  Henry  Richard  se- 
cured a  parliamentary  declaration  from 
the  House  of  Commons,  under  date  of 
July  8,  as  follows : 

"That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to 
Her  Majesty,  praying  that  she  will  be  graci- 
ously pleased  to  instruct  her  principal  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs  to  enter 
into  communication  with  foreign  powers,  with 
a  view  to  the  further  improvement  of  inter- 
national law  and  the  establishment  of  a 
general  and  permanent  system  of  interna- 
tional arbitration." 

In  1874,  because  of  the  influence  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  petitions  from 
different  parts  of  the  country  were  again 
sent  to  Congress,  with  the  result  that  on 
the  17th  day  of  June  of  that  year  the 
House  of  Representatives  unanimously 
adopted  resolutions  in  favor  of  arbitra- 
tion, and  the  Senate  approved  them  also, 
with  unanimity,  on  the  25th  of  that 
month. 

The  Society  sent  repeated  petitions 
through  the  eighties  to  the  Congress,  call- 
ing attention  to  the  desirability  of  a  con- 
ference of  the  States  of  this  hemisphere  in 
the  interest  of  peace  and  better  trade  rela- 
tions. Following  its  memorials,  ten  bills 
were  presented  in  Congress  for  such  a  con- 
gress of  all  the  Americas,  until  finally  the 
Pan-American  Congress,  duly  authorized 
bv  Congress,  met  in  the  autumn  of  1889. 


192Jf 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


337 


In  1888,  235  members  of  the  British  Par- 
liament forwarded  a  communication  to 
the  President  and  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  urging  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty 
of  arbitration  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain.  Petitions  and  memorials 
from  multitudes  of  individuals  and  asso- 
ciations across  the  country,  and  mass  meet- 
ings, particularly  in  New  York,  supported 
the  British  proposal.  As  a  result  of  this 
movement,  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Ee- 
lations  of  the  Senate  reported  a  joint  reso- 
lution embodying  the  principle  of  arbitra- 
tion in  the  case  of  differences  or  disputes 
arising  between  this  government  and  other 
nations.  January  11,  1897,  a  permanent 
treaty  of  arbitration  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  was  signed,  but 
failed  of  ratification  in  the  Senate. 

Perhaps  the  most  important  illustration 
from  those  days  of  the  prevailing  interest 
in  arbitration  was  the  publication  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  in  1898, 
of  John  Bassett  Moore's  six  volumes  deal- 
ing exhaustively  with  the  history  and  di- 
gest of  the  international  arbitrations  to 
which  the  United  States  had  been  a  party. 

Rules  governing  the  procedure  of  inter- 
national tribunals  of  arbitration  were  dis- 
cussed by  the  Institute  of  International 
Law,  at  Geneva,  in  1874,  and  again  at  The 
Hague,  in  1875.  Another  set,  submitted 
by  a  committee  of  lawyers  at  the  Univer- 
sal Peace  Congress,  Chicago,  1893,  re- 
vealed something  of  the  attention  serious- 
minded  men  were  giving  to  the  judicial 
settlement  of  international  disputes.  John 
Hay,  Secretary  of  State,  in  his  instruc- 
tions to  the  American  delegates  to  The 
Hague  Conference  of  1899,  submitted  an 
"annex,"  setting  forth  a  plan  for  an  inter- 
national tribunal. 

Many  resolutions  passed  by  many  con- 
ferences indicate  clearly  the  wisdom  of 
William  Ladd,  founder  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  as  set  forth  especially  in 
his  essay  on  a  "Congress  of  Nations," 
said  by  one  of  America's  leading  authori- 
ties on  international  law  "to  contain  every 
worthy  thing  that  has  been  said  or  can  be 
said  on  international  peace." 

Thus  the  American  Peace  Society  has 
been  a  no  insignificant  factor  in  the  rise 
of  the  will  to  end  war. 


The  First  Peace  Periodicals 

Periodicals  also  have  played  a  part  in 
the  will  to  end  war.  The  first  periodical 
devoted  exclusively  to  the  cause  of  inter- 
national peace  was  entitled  "The  Friend 
of  Peace,"  the  product  of  Noah  Worcest- 
er's intelligent  and  consecrated  spirit,  the 
first  number  being  published  in  Philadel- 
phia in  1816.  Worcester  had  seen  service 
in  the  American  Eevolution.  He  knew 
war,  therefore,  at  first  hand.  For  twelve 
years  he  published  his  worthy  periodical 
at  his  own  expense.  It  is  profitable  read- 
ing still. 

Pages  of  this  magazine  contain  analyti- 
cal accounts  of  campaigns,  war  news  of 
current  interest,  peace  sermons  and  ex- 
hortations, peace  society  notes,  many 
letters,  all  constituting  suggestive  histori- 
cal source  material  of  that  early  period. 
It  is  of  interest  to  note  that  No,  4  of  the 
series  went  through  seven  editions  in 
America. 

A  peace  periodical.  The  Herald  of  Peace, 
published  by  the  Peace  Society,  London, 
the  first  number  appearing  January,  1819, 
appeared  regularly  for  many  years. 

Mr.  Ladd's  Harbinger  of  Peace  first 
appeared,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  in  May,  1828.  The 
first  number  starts  with  a  "Circular  Let- 
ter of  the  American  Peace  Society,"  writ- 
ten by  the  editor.  The  letter  begins  with 
a  historical  summary  of  the  peace  move- 
ment and  closes  with  a  staunch  appeal  for 
international  peace,  mentioning  at  that 
early  period  the  need  of  a  "congress  of 
nations." 

For  the  months  of  May  and  June,  1831, 
llie  Harbinger  of  Peace  was  increased  to 
twice  its  original  size  and  the  name 
changed  to  the  Calumet.  This  was  pub- 
lished bimonthly  by  the  American  Peace 
Society,  under  almost  the  exclusive  editor- 
ship of  Mr.  Ladd,  until  1835,  the  last 
number  being  for  the  months  of  March 
and  April  of  that  year.  Its  editorials,  es- 
says, and  poems  are  for  the  most  part 
excellent  in  thought  and  style,  and,  to- 
gether with  the  many  reports,  they  present 
an  interesting  picture  of  early  nineteenth- 
century  views  in  America. 

In  1835  the  American  Peace  Society 
"relinquished"  the  Calumet  for  the  Amer- 
ican Advocate  of  Peace,  which  had  been 
established  by  William  Watson,  of  the 
Connecticut  Peace  Society,  in  Hartford, 


238 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


beginning  June,  1834.  The  first  number 
of  the  American  Advocate  of  Peace,  "put 
out  for  the  American  Peace  Society,"  was 
printed  in  June,  1835.  It  continued  to 
be  published  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  in  Hartford,  un- 
til the  death  of  William  Watson,  Novem- 
ber, 1836;  after  which  the  society  moved 
to  Boston  and  began  there  the  publication 
of  the  Advocate  of  Peace  in  June,  1837. 
From  August,  1884,  to  June,  1892,  the 
official   organ  was   called   The   American 


AdvocaAe  of  Peace;  but  since  it  has  been 
called  again  simply  Advocate  of  Peace. 
The  virility  of  this  monthly  expression  of 
the  peace  movement  in  America  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  its  circulation  increased 
under  the  editorship  of  Dr.  Benjamin  F. 
Trueblood*  by  over  thirteen  times  that 
at  the  beginning  of  his  administration. 
In  1915  the  magazine  contained  24  pages. 
Beginning  with  Volume  86,  January, 
1924,  it  was  enlarged  to  sixty-four  pages 
and  cover.f 


WORLD    PEACE    THROUGH    CONSERVATION   OF 
FOOD   PRODUCTS   IN  THE   PACIFIC  AREA 

By  ALEXANDER  HUME  FORD 
Director  of  the  Pan-Pacific  Union 


WOELD  peace  through  the  conserva- 
tion of  food  products  in  the  Pacific 
area  is;  the  purpose  of  the  Pan-Pacific 
Food  Conservation  Conference,  to  be  held 
in  Honolulu  in  August. 

Steps  Already  Taken 

In  1920  the  Pan-Pacific  Union  called 
the  first  Pan-Pacific  Science  Conference 
and  induced  the  scientists  of  the  Pacific  to 
organize.  These  scientists  state  that  the 
Pacific  area  must  feed  the  world  in  the 
future,  and  a  hungry  world,  or  even  a 
hungry  Europe,  is  a  terrible  thing  for 
humanity  to  deal  with. 

The  scientists  point  out  that  the  Pacific 
Ocean  is  being  so  rapidly  depleted  of  its 
fish  that  in  another  generation,  under 
present  wasteful  methods,  it  will  cease  to 
be  a  source  of  supply;  yet  if  this  area  is 
brought  under  scientific  methods  of  propa- 
gation and  protection  of  food-fish  and  a 
start  made  at  once,  before  it  is  too  late, 
that  the  Pacific  may  be  made  to  supply  the 
whole  world  with  its  fish  food.  Not  only 
this,  but  they  point  out  that  the  Pacific, 
especially  the  tropics,  can  be  made  to  make 
up  the  world  shortage  of  grain  as  well  as 
animal  food,  as  the  pinch  of  increasing 
population  is  felt  more  and  more. 

The  Pan-Pacific  Union  held  a  Pan- 
Pacific  Press  Conference  in  1921,  followed 
the  same  year  by  a  Pan-Pacific  Educa- 
tional  Conference,  inaugurating  around 
the  greatest  of  oceans  a  desire  for  better 
knowledge  of  each  other's  countries  and 


peoples.  It  is  around  the  Pacific  and 
tributary  to  its  waters  that  two-thirds  of 
the  world's  population  live;  so  that  this 
area  has  become  the  theater  of  the  world's 
commerce.  Here  we  find  traditions  of 
peace  and  co-operation,  and  this  is  becom- 
ing now  a  part  of  the  people's  training. 

In  1922  a  Pan-Pacific  Commercial  Con- 
ference was  called  to  meet  in  Honolulu, 
the  ocean's  central  station,  and  here  con- 
crete steps  were  taken  to  interest  the 
Pacific  countries  in  the  organization  of  a 
permanent  Pan-Pacific  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce, that  will  call  its  own  commercial 
and  industrial  conference.  Practically 
every  country  of  the  Pacific  was  repre- 
sented at  this  conference. 

Food  Conservation  Conference 

Every  country  of  the  Pacific,  it  is 
promised,  will  have  delegates  at  the  com- 
ing Food  Conservation  Conference  in 
August.  The  Director  of  the  Union  has 
just  completed  a  trip  entirely  around  the 
ocean,  visiting  those  who  have  attended 
former  conferences  and  acquainting  him- 
self with  those  who  are  to  attend  the  Food 
Conservation  Conference.  It  is  a  rule  of 
the  Union  to  invite  by  personal  contact 
rather  than  by  correspondence. 


*  Because  of  ill  health  Dr.  Trublood  re- 
signed the  secretaryship  of  the  American 
Peace  Society  in  May,  1915.  He  died  at  his 
home,  in  Massachusetts,  October  2G,  1916. 

t  To  be  concluded  in  the  next  number. 


192J^ 


WORLD  PEACE  THROUGH  CONSERVATION 


239 


The  main  object  of  the  first  of  any 
series  of  Pan-Pacific  conferences  is  to  get 
together  the  leaders  in  some  particular  line 
of  thought  or  action  from  all  Pacific  coun- 
tries, to  meet  each  other  daily;  so,  with- 
out the  outside  distractions  of  a  great 
city,  they  are  kept  together  until  they 
know  each  other  well  and  have  formed 
lasting  friendships.  The  second  and  suc- 
ceeding conferences  are  called  in  the  larger 
Pacific  cities  and  may  have  hundreds  of 
delegates;  but  the  Honolulu  conferences 
are  limited  to  about  one  hundred  carefully 
selected  key  men  from  Pacific  lands  who 
speak  English  fluently,  as  that  is  the 
secondary  language  of  the  Pacific.  These 
key  men  are  urged,  after  the  conference, 
to  organize  permanently  and  to  go  home 
to  sell  the  idea  of  Pan-Pacific  co-operative 
effort  to  their  people;  and  this  they  do. 
In  this  way  there  is  a  constantly  growing 
number  of  groups  of  men  throughout  the 
Pacific  who  are  forming  a  network  of 
interests  for  the  advancement  of  Pan- 
Pacific  co-operative  effort. 

The  chief  executives  of  the  Pan-Pacific 
Union  are  the  heads  of  the  governments 
of  Pacific  lands;  the  directorate  is  made 
up  of  men  of  all  Pacific  nationalities ;  the 
Union  is  an  unofficial  organization,  sup- 
ported in  part  by  government  appropria- 
tions and  in  part  by  private  subscription. 

Newspapers  approve  heartily  the  invi- 
tation in  Pacific  lands  to  co-operate  in  the 
holding  of  Pan-Pacific  Conference.  The 
Portland  Oregonian  recently  said: 

That  is  a  fine  ideal,  to  form  the  nations 
around  the  Pacific  Ocean  into  a  Pan-Pacific 
Union  for  the  purpose  of  conserving  the  re- 
sources of  their  countries  and  of  their  great 
ocean  in  order  to  make  the  Pacific  feed  the 
world. 

Around  the  Pacific  are  some  of  the  world's 
richest  countries,  yet  backward  in  develop- 
ment, and  that  ocean  has  on  Its  shores  two- 
thirds  of  the  world's  population.  Owing  to 
waste  of  its  food  resources  and  to  encroach- 
ment of  the  desert  on  cultivated  land,  many 
of  those  people  are  always  hungry,  and 
hunger  is  a  potent  cause  of  war.  The  vision 
before  the  mental  eyes  of  Mr.  Ford,  the  Di- 
rector of  the  Pan-Pacific  Union,  and  his 
associates  is  a  league  of  Pacific  nations  to 
halt  waste  and  destruction  and  to  increase 
production  of  food  in  order  that  the  Pacific 
countries   may    have   enough   for    their   own 


peoples  and  may  contribute  to  the  supply  of 
all  other  nations.  By  banishing  famine  they 
would  promote  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Effective  Conservation 

All  countries  bordering  on  the  Pacific 
Ocean  have  a  common  interest  in  its  fish, 
for  these  in  their  migrations  become  the  prey 
of  widely  separated  nations,  which  by  de- 
structive methods  of  fishing  deplete  the  food 
supply  not  only  for  themselves,  but  for  far 
distant  nations.  We  know  practically  noth- 
ing of  the  life  history  of  fish,  where  they  are 
spawned  and  whither  they  travel  with  the 
changes  of  seasons.  Until  we  know,  we  can 
not  so  use  this  abundant  source  of  food 
that  we  shall  conserve  and  perpetuate  it. 

Effective  conservation  is  possible  only  by 
concerted  action  of  all  the  Pacific  nations, 
to  which  interchange  of  knowledge  gained 
by  scientific  study,  international  conventions 
founded  on  that  knowledge,  and  a  body  of 
international  law  to  support  those  conven- 
tions are  essential.  We  can  judge  from  what 
has  been  learned  and  accomplished  by  single 
nations  the  possible  results  of  working  to- 
gether for  the  common  welfare.  For  ex- 
ample, the  uloa  fisheries  of  Hawaii  became 
so  exhausted  that  fishermen  went  hundreds 
of  miles  to  sea  In  order  to  make  a  catch 
before  it  was  discovered  that  the  small  fish 
that  were  used  as  bait  were  the  baby  uloa. 
We  on  this  coast  have  revived  the  salmon 
fisheries  by  means  of  hatcheries  and  control 
of  fishing,  but  destructive  fishing  continued 
in  Alaska  till  Secretary  Hoover  stopped  it, 
and  it  continues  in  Siberia.  Meanwhile  New 
Zealand  has  stocked  its  streams  with  salmon 
after  25  years  of  patient  effort.  Nothing  but 
common  action  founded  on  exact  knowledge 
will  preserve  the  far-roving  deep-sea  fish. 

Though  China  is  reputed  to  have  a  dense 
population,  vast  areas  of  once  cultivated  land 
have  been  converted  into  desert  by  destruc- 
tion of  forests  and  by  sands  blown  down 
from  the  north.  Reforestation  on  a  vast 
scale  can  set  bounds  to  the  desert  and  drive 
it  back,  as  it  reclaimed  the  dunes  of  Den- 
mark. If  China  should  suffer  the  fate  of 
North  Africa,  which  was  the  granary  of 
Rome,  and  where,  it  was  said,  a  man  could 
travel  in  the  shade  of  trees  from  the  site 
of  Carthage  to  the  Nile,  the  matter  would 
concern  the  whole  world.  Siberia  might  sup- 
ply the  young  trees,  but  means  of  transporta- 
tion are  so  lacking  that  they  could  be  more 


240 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


economically  taken  from  America.  Not  only 
the  cause  of  humanity,  but  national  self-in- 
terest, forbid  indifference  to  the  fate  of  hun- 
dreds of  millions  whose  ancestors  wasted 
their  timber  much  as  we  have  wasted  ours. 
Ease  of  communication  has  extended  to 
transmission  of  diseases  of  plants  and  ani- 
mals across  broad  oceans,  to  destroy  in  one 
season  whole  herds  and  orchards,  and  with 
them  the  livelihood  of  many  people.  Nothing 
but  free  interchange  of  information  on  these 
subjects,  to  be  followed  by  international  pro- 
tection of  the  health  of  animals  and  plants, 
can  save  these  classes  of  food.  By  the  same 
means  the  food  plants  and  animals  of  one 
country  can  be  colonized  in  another,  just  as 


the  potato  was  transported  from  America  to 
Europe,  to  become  a  staple  article  of  diet. 

Ties  That  Bind 

It  is  to  organize  and  carry  forward  this 
work  of  reciprocal  help  among  nations  that 
a  food  conservation  conference  of  Pacific 
nations  is  to  be  held  at  Honolulu  next  sum- 
mer. Neighborly  help  between  nations,  much 
as  it  is  given  between  families,  should  result, 
A  priceless  by-product  will  be  a  close  friendly 
understanding  among  diverse  peoples  of 
varied  race  in  America,  Asia,  the  isles  of  the 
Ocean,  and  Australasia.  No  thought  of  war 
could  enter  where  men  are  moved  by  such  a 
common  purpose,  and  bonds  will  be  formed 
which  jangling  statesmen  could  not  sever. 


AN  APPEAL  TO  THOUGHTFUL  AMERICAN 

CITIZENS   ON   THE   RECENT   RELATIONS 

BETWEEN  AMERICA  AND  JAPAN 


By  BARON  YOSHIRO  SAKATANI 


BEING  one  of  the  friends  of  America 
and  being  also  an  ardent  worker  for 
peace,  I  should  like  to  call  the  careful  at- 
tention of  American  citizens  to  the  follow- 
ing facts: 

It  is  being  reported  here  that  Senator 
Jones,  from  Washington  State,  has  pro- 
posed as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  the  following 
resolution  for  the  exclusion  from  citizen- 
ship of  all  Japanese. 

The  proposed  amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  provides 
(Article  19)  : 

First,  that  the  children  of  alien  parents 
ineligible  to  citizenship  have  neither  the  right 
of  naturalization  nor  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

Secondly,  that  children  who  have  been  born 
In  America  of  parents  ineligible  to  citizenship 
shall  not  have  the  rights  of  citizenship. 

This  amendment  is  carefully  worded,  so 
as  not  to  show  that  it  refers  to  the  Japa- 
nese, but  it  is  clear  that  the  intention  is 
to  expel  all  Japanese  and  to  prohibit 
Japanese  immigration,  and  to  deprive 
American-born  Japanese  of  citizenship, 
thus  driving  them  into  a  state  of  denation- 
alization. 

That  Japan  has  faithfully  adhered  to 
the   "gentlemen's    agreement"    concluded 


between  the  two  countries  in  1908,  and 
that  far  more  Japanese  leave  America 
than  enter  it,  is  proved  by  the  statistics 
issued  by  the  United  States  Government. 

This  amendment  proposed  is  not  only 
to  exclude  Japanese  from  the  country,  but 
also  to  deprive  Americans  of  Japanese 
blood  of  citizenship  rights.  American 
statistics  show  that  there  are  only  220,000 
-lapanese  resident  in  America,  including 
those  born  in  the  United  States,  to  whom, 
according  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  the  right  of  citizenship  is 
guaranteed;  110,000  of  these  are  in 
Hawaii,  80,000  in  California,  and  the  re- 
maining 30,000  are  distributed  over  the 
other  parts  of  the  United  States. 

These  immigrants  at  the  earliest  period 
were  not  sent  over  by  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment, neither  did  they  go  by  their  own 
wish,  but  were  invited  by  American  capi- 
talists, who  felt  keenly  the  shortage  of 
labor.  These  immigrants  in  California 
are  mostly  engaged  in  farming,  and  have 
cultivated  lands  neglected  by  former  own- 
ers, and  greatly  increased  the  production, 
thus  contributing  considerably  to  the 
wealth  of  America.  During  the  World 
War  they  gladly  offered  themselves  for 
service  with  the  American  army,  or  sent 
their  children,  and  voluntarily  contributed 


192J^ 


RELATIONS  BETWEEN  AMERICA  AND  JAPAN 


241 


to  the  war  loan ;  and  thus  they  have  faith- 
fully done  their  duty  as  American  citizens. 

The  population  of  Hawaii  is  260,000, 
of  which  110,000  are  Japanese.  A  solitary 
island  in  the  Pacific,  Hawaii  was  inde- 
pendent until  it  was  annexed  by  the 
United  States  in  the  year  1898.  The  re- 
lations between  Japan  and  Hawaii  had 
commenced  before  annexation  by  the 
United  States,  and  thus  brings  the  posi- 
tion between  Japan  and  America  regard- 
ing Japanese  in  Hawaii  into  a  different 
standing  from  the  position  regarding  those 
resident  in  America  proper.  In  America 
there  are  110,000  Japanese,  and  of  these 
only  30,000  are  American-born.  It  is 
difficult  for  me  to  understand  why  the 
American  should  persecute  these  Japanese 
American  citizens  so  far  as  to  amend  the 
United  States  Constitution.  Most  of 
these  are  resident  on  the  Pacific  coast,  in 
the  States  of  California  and  Washington, 
and  this  may  be  the  reason  why  Senator 
Jones,  of  Washington,  presented  his  reso- 
lution to  the  Senate  on  December  6.  On 
December  5  Mr.  Lecker,  of  California, 
and  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Washington,  pre- 
sented a  resolution  in  the  same  spirit  to 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives. 

For  some  time  the  anti-Japanese  immi- 
gration movement  in  California  has  been 
growing  severer,  as  witnessed  by  the  dis- 
crimination in  education  and  the  land- 
law  bill.  In  1920  this  law  was  rendered 
much  more  strict  by  a  state-wide  referen- 
dum of  the  same  to  popular  vote.  This 
land  law  was  much  more  assured  by  the 
recent  well-known  decision  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  so  as  to  leave  no 
room  for  any  exception.  Eleven  States 
out  of  48  are  said  to  have  adopted  land 
laws  similar  to  those  of  California,  and 
this  makes  Japan  very  anxious  in  regard 
to  the  future  of  Japanese  in  America. 

Until  the  year  of  1850  A.  D.  Japan  had 
adopted  such  a  strict  "closed-door"  policy 
that  foreign  communication  was  absolutely 
prohibited.  It  was  about  this  time  that 
Commodore  Perry  landed  on  these  shores 
and  invited  Japan  to  take  part  in  inter- 
national affairs.  Thanks  to  this  action, 
the  present  Japan  has  risen  to  its  power 
and  fortune.  Japan  has  always  been 
grateful  to  America  for  this  act,  and  has 
never  dreamed  of  any  ill-feeling  against 
America.  We  Japanese  are  very  sorry  that 
this  anti-Japanese  movement  has  risen  in 


California,  and  thus  clouded  the  relations 
between  the  two  nations.  In  order  to 
avoid  this  situation,  many  methods  have 
been  tried  earnestly  by  the  leaders  and 
governments  of  the  two  nations,  and  yet 
they  have  not  been  satisfactory. 

At  its  earliest  period  the  anti-Japanese 
movement  was  limited  to  California  and 
to  the  laboring  classes,  and  its  reasons 
were  purely  social  and  economic.  Later  it 
has  spread  to  other  States,  and  editors, 
militarists,  statesmen,  and  others  have 
joined  the  movement,  and  recently  it  has 
taken  on  an  international  aspect.  Look- 
ing back  over  these  steps  in  the  progress 
of  this  movement,  we  become  very  pessi- 
mistic as  to  the  future,  as  we  think  of 
what  further  steps  may  be  taken.  If  the 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  is  passed, 
the  results  will  be  very  bad  for  the  rela- 
tions between  the  two  nations,  and  on  this 
account  I  am  very  anxious. 

I  am  happy  to  see  that  the  present  rela- 
tions between  America  and  Japair  are  on 
a  basis  of  good  understanding  and  are 
most  intimate.  This  is  on  account  of  the 
following  reasons : 

(1)  Japan  has  strictly  observed  the 
"gentlemen's  agreement"  and  prohibited 
the  so-called  picture-bride  marriage. 

(2)  At  the  Washington  Conference  we 
paid  due  respect  to  American  wishes  in 
regard  to  naval  limitations  and  in  regard 
to  our  Eussian  and  Chinese  policies,  and 
thus  the  conference  was  smoothly  and  sat- 
isfactorily concluded.  It  is  needless  to  say 
here  that  Japan  has  strictly  observed  and 
enforced  these  naval  limitation  treaties, 
one  after  another. 

(3)  The  prompt  and  sincere  sympathy 
shown  and  the  aid  given  by  the  American 
Government  and  people  at  the  time  of 
Japan's  national  disaster,  the  great  earth- 
quake of  September  1,  1923,  fills  all  Japa- 
nese with  gratitude  towards  Americans. 
At  the  end  of  last  October,  when  Ambassa- 
dor Woods  left  Tokyo  for  a  short  visit  to 
America,  the  Japanese  people,  on  their 
own  initiative,  made  a  wholly  unparalled 
demonstration  at  Tokyo  station.  Such  in- 
ternational feeling  is  a  great  factor  for 
world  peace. 

I  wonder  if  Americans  are  too  much  at 
ease  to  pay  attention  to  such  dangerous 
seeds  as  are  being  sown  by  two  or  three 
Senators  and  Representatives  in  their 
countries.     While  after  the  World  War 


242 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


most  countries  tried  in  vain  to  escape  from 
the  chaos  and  ruin  brought  by  it,  America 
and  Japan  were  comparatively  tranquil, 
because  they  suffered  comparatively  little 
by  the  war.  There  are  people  in  some  por- 
tions of  the  globe  who  would  seize  any  op- 
portunity offered  to  endanger  the  relations 
between  the  two  nations,  and  who  knows 
but  they  are  waiting  their  opportunity  to 
plunge  America  and  Japan  into  war. 

Of  course,  an  amendment  to  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  is  an  internal 
question,  but  the  proposed  one  affects  our 
interests,  and  we  do  request  that  Japanese 
be  treated  equally  with  other  nations  in  re- 
gard to  nationalization  and  other  rights. 
We  also  request  that,  in  regard  to  land  and 
other  laws,  Japanese  should  be  treated 
equally  with  those  of  other  civilized  na- 
tions, according  to  the  existing  treaties 
between  the  two  nations.  The  colored 
people  of  America  enjoy  complete  nation- 
alization rights,  thanks  to  the  efforts  of 
enlightened  statesmen,  such  as  Washing- 
ton and  Lincoln,  who  were  always  mindful 
of  the  rights  of  humanity  and  justice.  It 
is  unfair  that  Japanese  should  be  placed 
on  a  lower  basis  than  the  negroes,  and  we 
wonder  how  America  would  feel  in  Japan's 
position. 

The  resolution  adopted  by  the  Eighth 
World's  Sunday  School  Convention,  Oc- 
tober 13,  1930,  held  in  Tokyo,  runs  as 
follows : 

"1.  We  affirm  our  unshaken  belief  in  the 
solidarity  of  the  human  race,  and  further  af- 
firm our  conviction  that  any  conception  of 
racial  or  national  integrity  that  ignores  this 
basic  fact  imperils  the  security  of  the  world. 

"2.  We  record  our  appreciation  of  every 
movement  that  makes  for  a  deepening  sense 
of  mutual  indebtedness  and  obligation  among 
the  nations,  and  likewise  deplore  every  action 
that  makes  for  misunderstanding,  discord, 
and  dissension. 

"3.  We  attest  our  confidence  in  the  prac- 
ticability of  a  world  brotherhood  and  hold 
that  fealty  to  the  principle  of  the  common 
good  is  more  cohesive  than  mere  similarity 
in  customs,  habits,  and  manners. 

"4.  We  maintain  that  any  national  or  in- 
ternational policy  that  seems  to  discriminate 
in  the  treatment  of  nations  and  races  en- 
dangers bitterness  and  is  subversive  to  the 
best  interests  of  mankind  and  inimical  to  the 
peace  of  the  world." 


(Paragraphs  5,  6,  7,  and  8  are  omitted.) 

At  this  convention  there  were  more  than 
2,000  delegates  present,  representing  over 
30  nations  and  30,000,000  pupils  and 
teachers.  Among  these  delegates  over  500 
were  Americans. 

This  is  a  very  fair  resolution,  and  the 
wise  and  enlightened  statesmen  and  people 
of  the  world  should  be  in  line  with  this 
spirit,  and  it  is  needless  to  say  that  the 
natural  evolution  of  human  society  is  di- 
rected toward  this  line.  I  believe  that 
American  leaders  did  not  hesitate  to  be 
supporters  in  putting  forward  this  resolu- 
tion. Therefore  I  do  not  believe  the  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  Constitution  will 
ever  be  carried.  But  I  earnestly  appeal  to 
all  true  Americans  lest  it  lead  to  a  crisis 
in  world  peace. 

Of  course,  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that 
should  the  amendment  be  carried,  it  would 
at  once  involve  the  two  nations  in  war,  but 
I  do  feel  that  it  would  put  an  end  to  the 
warm  and  sincere  friendship  between 
them.  Should  the  news  come  to  Japan 
that  it  has  been  carried,  the  effect  will  be 
a  resentful  and  hateful  feeling  on  the  part 
of  the  seventy  millions  of  Japanese. 

It  is  seventy  years  since  Commodore 
Perry  opened  the  door  of  Japan,  and  thus 
led  her  to  acquire  her  present  learning  and 
civilization.  Our  thanks  to  America  for 
this  would  give  place  to  a  strong  sense  of 
injury.  This  amendment  will  foster  un- 
pleasant feelings,  and  will  do  away  with 
the  spirit  of  the  agreements  entered  into 
at  Washington,  etc.  The  injustice  will 
not  affect  Japanese  only,  but  will  extend 
to  the  Chinese  and  all  other  Asiatics.  It 
will  build  a  barrier  forever  between 
America  and  Asia  and  will  effectually 
close  the  door  to  permanent  world  peace 
as  promoted  and  longed  for  so  long  by 
peace  workers.  It  is  nothing  short  of  dis- 
astrous to  the  cause  of  world  peace  and 
balks  the  progress  of  civilization. 

It  would  be  a  great  sin  on  the  part  of 
America  to  exclude  the  110,000  Japanese 
in  America,  30,000  of  whom  are  Ameri- 
can-born citizens.  How  can  we  believe 
that  this  will  be  carried  in  the  land  where 
liberty  and  justice  are  most  respected? 
How  can  we  suppose  that  in  this  enlight- 
ened twentieth  century  such  a  crime  will 
be  committed?  Since  the  ''^gentlemen's 
agreement"  was  concluded,  no  Japanese 
laborers  have  been  allowed  to  enter  the 


192J^ 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


243 


country,  and  if  intermarriage  is  allowed 
between  Japanese  and  other  races  in 
America,  Japanese  blood  will  gradually 
diminish  until  it  is  extinguished.  Why, 
then,  does  the  United  States  wish  to  pass 
this  amendment? 

The  reason  for  so  many  Japanese  being 
in  Hawaii  is  that  they  had  entered  before 
the  annexation,  and  on  account  of  the  cli- 
mate and  other  reasons,  it  was  not  possible 
for  white  laborers  to  compete  with  the 
Japanese,  who  made  themselves  indispens- 
able to  the  cultivation  of  the  soil.  The 
Japanese  in  Hawaii  should  not  be  consid- 
ered on  the  same  basis  as  those  in  America, 


and  it  is  needless  to  say  that  they  have 
served  the  Island  of  Hawaii  as  faithful 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  I  wonder  if 
the  two  or  three  Senators  and  Representa- 
tives have  taken  this  up  for  political  pur- 
poses, and  if  Americans  generally  are  not 
aware  of  the  serious  nature  of  the  amend- 
ment? I  wish  that  Americans  would  be 
as  generous  in  justice  as  they  are  in 
charity. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  I  love  America 
as  I  love  Japan,  and  pray  earnestly  for  the 
coming  of  world  peace  and  the  perpetual 
friendship  of  the  American  and  Japanese 
peoples. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


MR.  HOOVER  AND  FOREIGN  MO- 
NOPOLIES 

Eleven  imported  raw  materials  essential  to 
American  industry  are  potentially  or  actually 
in  the  control  of  foreign  monopolies  or  com- 
binations, according  to  the  letter  addressed 
by  Secretai-y  of  Commerce  Hoover  to  Sena- 
tor Capper  under  date  of  March  6.  Mr. 
Hoover  believes  that  there  is  a  way  open 
under  the  Webb-Pomerene  Act  for  the  better- 
ment of  this  situation.  Mr.  Hoover's  letter 
follows : 

Dear  Mr.  Senator: 

In  accord  with  your  request,  I  give  the  fol- 
lowing summary  of  our  conclusions  as  to 
combinations  in  our  import  trade. 

The  last  Congress  made  a  special  appropri- 
ation to  this  department  to  provide  for  inves- 
tigation of  imported  raw  materials  essential 
to  American  industry  which  are  under  con- 
trol of  foreign  combinations  in  restraint  of 
price  or  distribution.  While  the  reports 
upon  this  topic  have  not  all  been  completed, 
they  will  be  ready  at  an  early  date,  and 
abundant  material  is  at  hand  to  prove  un- 
questionably that  foreign  monopolies  or  com- 
binations are  potentially  or  actually  in  con- 
trol of  prices  and  distribution  of  the  follow- 
ing commodities : 

Sisal  for  binding  twine  is  controlled 
through  a  combination  of  producers,  rein- 
forced by  legislative  action  of  the  Yucatan 
Government. 

Nitrates  and  iodine  are  controlled  through 
a  British  selling  agency  and  reinforced  by 
export  duties  in  Chile. 


Potash  is  controlled  by  combinations  of 
German  producers. 

Tin  is  controlled  by  a  combination  of  Brit- 
ish producers. 

Crude  rubber  and  gutta  percha  are  con- 
trolled by  partly  legislative  and  partly  volun- 
tary combinations  of  producers  in  the  British 
and  Dutch  colonies. 

Quinine  is  controlled  by  a  combination  of 
Dutch  producers. 

Mercury  is  controlled  by  common  selling 
agency  of  Spanish  and  Austrian  mines. 

Coffee  is  controlled  by  the  Government  of 
Brazil. 

Quebracho  (for  tanning  purposes)  is  con- 
trolled by  a  combination  of  producers  and 
foreign  manufacturers. 

You  will  note  the  importance  of  most  of 
these  commodities  to  the  farmer. 

The  value  of  our  total  imports  of  the  above 
in  1923  exceeded  $r)25,000,000,  and  prices  are 
undoubtedly  much  higher  than  would  other- 
wise be  the  case.  There  are  several  others 
of  partial  control  or  of  minor  order,  aggre- 
gating altogether  large  sums. 

The  prices  of  these  commodities  enter  into 
the  cost  of  living  of  all  our  people.  An  in- 
stance of  the  special  Importance  to  the 
farmer  lies  in  sisal,  for  binder  twine,  where, 
although  present  prices  are  possibly  not  ex- 
tortionate, yet  a  few  years  ago  they  were 
deliberately  advanced  300  per  cent,  and  dur- 
ing the  period  fully  $100,(Ktf),000  of  excess 
prices  was  taken  from  our  pi-oducers  which 
apparently  did  not  even  reach  the  Mexican 
farmer.  Such  combinations  cannot,  of 
course,  be  effectively  reached  under  the  Sher- 
man Act,  as  they  are  or  can  be  seated  out- 
side of  our  jurisdiction. 

This  department  has  given  a  great  deal  of 
thought  to  measures  which  can  be  taken  in 


344 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


protection  of  the  American  consumer.  Indi- 
rect security  can  be  obtained  in  some  in- 
stances by  the  stimulation  of  production  in 
other  parts  of  the  world  free  from  these  con- 
trols, and  in  other  cases  by  the  encourage- 
ment of  synthetic  manufacture  in  our  own 
borders.  Yet  these  measures  at  best  require 
much  time  before  they  could  afford  protec- 
tion. They  will  not  apply  in  all  cases.  We 
shall  be  able  at  a  later  date  to  offer  some 
recommendations  in  these  directions. 

Legislative  Relief  Proposed 

It  is  our  conclusion  that  some  relief  can 
be  reached  legislatively.  Our  exporters  and 
manufacturers  are  permitted  by  the  Webb- 

Pomerene  Act  to  undertake  joint  selling 
agencies  abroad  under  certain  restrictions. 
If  by  an  extension  of  this  act  our  consumers 
were  allowed  to  set  up  common  purchasing 
agencies  for  these  imported  raw  materials 
where  there  is  positive  combination  in  con- 
trol, I  am  confident  that  our  people  could 
hold  their  own  in  their  dealings  with  such 
combinations.  The  danger  of  such  common 
purchasing  agencies  attempting  to  make  im- 
proper prices  against  our  buying  public  could 
be  met  by  provision  in  the  act  to  include 
proper  assurance  that  all  consumers  who 
wished  to  participate  would  be  allowed  to  act 
through  such  common  buying  agencies  with 
full  equality  of  treatment,  that  such  agencies 
would  not  be  conducted  for  profit  in  them- 
selves, and  any  other  necessary  restrictions. 
You  already  have  before  you  a  legislative 
suggestion  of  this  order  which  I  believe  can 
be  simplified  into  amendments  of  the  Webb- 
Pomerene  Act. 

There  are  comparatively  limited  numbers 
of  primary  purchasers  of  each  of  these  raw 
materials  and  common  purchasing  agencies 
would  not  be  impossible  of  organization. 
There  is  active  competition  among  our  man- 
ufacturers in  the  sale  of  goods  in  the  pro- 
duction of  which  these  raw  materials  are 
used.  It  is  my  belief  that  this  competition 
would  naturally  result  in  passing  along  to 
the  public  economies  that  can  be  made  in  the 
purchase  of  these  materials,  but  in  any  event 
provision  could  be  made  in  the  amendment 
to  the  act  which  could  adequately  protect 
our  own  public  against  any  restraint  of  our 
domestic  trade  by  such  common  buying 
agencies. 

I  am  confident  that  a  unity  of  buyers  is 
in  the  long  run  stronger  than  any  combina- 
tion of  producers,  because  the  producer  usu- 
ally has  the  disadvantage  of  being  compelled 
to  maintain  continuous  production,  whereas 
the  consumer  can  so  organize  his  business,  if 
necessary,  to  become  an  intermittent  pur- 
chaser. 

_It  is  my  belief  that  joint  action  of  our 
consumers  dealing  single-handed  with  such 
combinations  could  in  general  cases  at  least 
greatly  moderate  the  present  cost  of  these 
supplies.  We  seek  nothing  further  than  pro- 
tection against  wrongful  treatment,  and  our 
consumers  are  fully  alive  to  the  necessity  for 


proper  profits  to  foreign  producers,  and  thus 
the  assurance  of  full  supplies. 

I  may  add  that  the  investigations  which 
have  been  in  course  have  already  given  some 
relief,  because  apparently  some  of  those  com- 
binations have  realized  that  immoderate  ac- 
tion on  their  part  would  stimulate  counter 
activities  on  ours. 

The  matter   is   one  of   urgent  importance 
and  should  have  early  relief. 
Yours  faithfully, 

Hebbebt  Hoover, 
Secretary  of  Commerce. 

Secretary  Hoover  expects  soon  to  be  able 
to  submit  to  Congress  reports  in  detail  in 
proof  of  his  statement  that  combinations  are 
in  positive  control  of  the  commodities  he 
named. 


PAN  AMERICAN  TREATY 

A  treaty  to  prevent  or  avoid  conflicts  be- 
tween the  American  States  was  drafted  and 
approved  by  the  delegates  of  sixteen  Ameri- 
can republics  at  the  fifth  Pan  American  Con- 
ference in  May,  1923.  In  executive  session, 
March  18,  1924,  the  following  treaty  was  rati- 
fied by  the  Senate  and,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Lodge,  the  injunction  of  secrecy  was  removed 
therefrom.  With  a  view  of  receiving  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  to  ratifica- 
tion, it  had  been  submitted  by  President 
Coolidge  under  date  of  January  31,  1924.  The 
treaty  reads : 

Treaty  to  Avoid  or  Prevent  Conflicts  Between 
the  American  States 

The  governments  represented  at  the  Fifth 
International  Conference  of  American  States, 
desiring  to  strengthen  progressively  the  prin- 
ciples of  justice  and  of  mutual  respect  which 
inspire  the  policy  observed  by  them  in  their 
reciprocal  relations,  and  to  quicken  in  their 
peoples  sentiments  of  concord  and  of  loyal 
friendship  which  may  contribute  toward  the 
consolidation  of  such  relations,  confirm  their 
most  sincere  desire  to  maintain  an  immutable 
peace,  not  only  between  themselves  but  also 
with  all  the  other  nations  of  the  earth ;  con- 
demn armed  peace  which  increases  military 
and  naval  forces  beyond  the  necessities  of 
domestic  security  and  the  sovereignty  and  in- 
dependence of  the  States ;  and  with  the  firm 
purpose  of  taking  all  measures  which  will 
avoid  the  confiicts  which  may  eventually  oc- 
cur between  them,  agree  to  the  present 
treaty,  negotiated  and  concluded  by  the  pleni- 
potentiary delegates  whose  full  powers  were 
found  to  be  in  good  and  due  form  by  the  con- 
ference : 

Venezuela :  Cesar  Zumeta,  Jose  Austria. 

Panama :  Jos€  Lefevre. 

United  States  of  America :  Henry  P. 
Fletcher,  Frank  B.  Kellogg,  Atlee  Pomerene, 
Willard  Saulsbury,  George  E.  Vincent,  Frank 


\19U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


246 


C.   Partridge,   William   Eric   Fowler,   Leo   S. 
Rowe. 

Uruguay  :  Eugenic  Martinez  Thedy. 

Ecuador:  Jos6  Rafael  Bustamante. 

Chile:  Maunel  Rivas  Vicuiia,  Carlos  Aldu- 
nate  Solar,  Luis  Barros  Borgono,  Emilio 
Bello  Codesido,  Antonio  Huneeus,  Alcibiades 
RoldSn,  Guillermo  Subercaseaux,  Alejandro 
del  Rio. 

Guatemala :  Eduardo  Poirier,  Maximo  Soto 
Hall. 

Nicaragua:  Carlos  Cuadra  Pasos,  Arturo 
Elizondo. 

United  States  of  Brazil :  Afranio  de  Mello 
Franco,  Sylvino  Gurgel  do  Amaral,  Hello 
Lobo. 

Columbia :  Guillermo  Valencia. 
1      Cuba:  Jos6  C.  Vidal  Caro,  Cdrlos  Garcia 
I  Velez,    Arlstides    Aguero,    Manuel    MSrquez 
(  Sterling. 

Paraguay :  Manuel  Gondra. 

Dominican  Republic:  Tulio  M.  Cestero. 

Honduras:  Benjamin  Villaseca  Mujica. 

Argentina  :  Manuel  B.  Malbr^n. 

Haiti :  Arturo  Rameau. 

Article  I 

All  controversies  which  for  any  cause  what- 
soever may  arise  between  two  or  more  of  the 
high  contracting  parties  and  which  it  has 
been  impossible  to  settle  through  diplomatic 
channels,  or  to  submit  to  arbitration  in  ac- 
cordance with  existing  treaties,  shall  be  sub- 
mitted for  investigation  and  report  to  a  com- 
mission to  be  established  in  the  manner 
provided  for  in  Article  IV.  The  high  con- 
tracting parties  undertake,  in  case  of  dis- 
putes, not  to  begin  mobilization  or  concentra- 
tion of  troops  on  the  frontier  of  the  other 
party,  nor  to  engage  in  any  hostile  acts  or 
preparations  for  hostilities,  from  the  time 
steps  are  taken  to  convene  the  commission 
until  the  said  commission  has  rendered  its 
report,  or  until  the  expiration  of  the  time 
provided  for  in  Article  VII. 

This  provision  shall  not  abrogate  nor  limit 
the  obligations  contained  in  treaties  of  arbi- 
tration in  force  between  two  or  more  of  the 
high  contracting  parties,  nor  the  obligations 
arising  out  of  them. 

It  is  understood  that  in  disputes  arising 
between  nations  which  have  no  general 
treaties  of  arbitration  the  investigation  shall 
not  take  place  in  questions  affecting  constitu- 
tional provisions,  nor  in  questions  already 
settled  by  other  treaties. 

Article  II 

The  controversies  referred  to  in  Article  I 
shall  be  submitted  to  the  commission  of  in- 
quiry whenever  it  has  been  impossible  to 
settle  them  through  diplomatic  negotiations 
or  procedure  or  by  submission  to  arbitration, 
or  in  cases  in  which  the  circumstances  of 
fact  render  all  negotiations  impossible  and 
there  is  imminent  danger  of  an  armed  conflict 
between  the  parties.  Any  one  of  the  govern- 
ments directly  interested  in  the  investigation 
of  the  facts  giving  rise  to  the  controversy 
may  apply  for  the  convocation  of  the  commis- 


sion of  inquiry,  and  to  this  end  it  shall  be 
necessary  only  to  communicate  officially  this 
decision  to  the  other  party  and  to  one  of  the 
permanent  commissions  established  by  Article 

Article  III 

Two  commissions  to  be  designated  as  per- 
T^°' ^^^"  be  established,  with  their  seats 
at  Washington  (United  States  of  America) 
and  at  Montevideo  (Uruguay).  They  shall 
be  composed  of  the  three  American  diplomatic 
agents  longest  accredited  In  said  capitals,  and 
at  the  call  of  the  foreign  offices  of  those 
states  they  shall  organize,  appointing  their 
respective  chairmen.  Their  functions  shall 
be  limited  to  receiving  from  the  interested 
parties  the  request  for  a  convocation  of  the 
commission  of  Inquiry  and  to  notify  the  other 
party  thereof  immediately.  The  government 
requesting  the  convocation  shall  appoint  at 
the  same  time  the  persons  who  shall  compose 
the  commission  of  inquiry  in  representation 
of  that  government,  and  the  other  party  shall 
likewise,  as  soon  as  it  receives  notification, 
designate  its  members. 

The  party  initiating  the  procedure  estab- 
lished by  this  treaty  may  address  itself,  in 
doing  so,  to  the  permanent  commission  which 
it  considers  most  efficacious  for  a  rapid  or- 
ganization of  the  commission  of  inquiry. 
Once  the  request  for  convocation  has  been 
received  and  the  permanent  commission  has 
made  the  respective  notifications,  the  question 
or  controversy  existing  between  the  parties 
and  as  to  which  no  agreement  has  been 
reached  will  ipso  facto  be  suspended. 

Article  IV 
The  commission  of  inquiry  shall  be  com- 
posed of  five  members,  all  nationals  of 
American  States,  appointed  in  the  following 
manner :  Each  government  shall  appoint  two 
at  the  time  of  convocation,  only  one  of 
whom  may  be  a  national  of  its  country. 
The  fifth  shall  be  chosen  by  common  ac- 
cord by  those  already  appointed  and  shall 
perform  the  duties  of  president.  However, 
a  citizen  of  a  nation  already  represented 
on  the  commission  may  not  be  elected. 
Any  of  the  governments  may  refuse  to  accept 
the  elected  member,  for  reasons  which  it  may 
reserve  to  itself,  and  in  such  event  a  sub- 
stitute shall  be  appointed,  with  the  mutual 
consent  of  the  parties,  within  30  days  follow- 
ing the  notification  of  this  refusal.  In  the 
failure  of  such  agreement,  the  designation 
shall  be  made  by  the  president  of  an  Ameri- 
can republic  not  interested  in  the  dispute, 
who  shall  be  selected  by  lot  by  the  commis- 
sioners already  appointed  from  a  list  of  not 
more  than  six  American  presidents,  to  be 
formed  as  follows:  Each  government  party 
to  the  controversy,  or  if  there  are  more  than 
two  governments  directly  interested  in  the 
dispute,  the  government  or  governments  on 
each  side  of  the  controversy  shall  designate 
three  presidents  of  American  States  which 
maintain  the  same  friendly  relations  with  all 
the  parties  to  the  dispute. 

Whenever  there  are  more  than  two  govern- 
ments directly  interested  in  a  controver-sy, 


246 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


and  the  interest  of  two  or  more  of  them  are 
identical,  the  government  or  governments  on 
each  side  of  the  controversy  shall  have  the 
right  to  increase  the  number  of  their  commis- 
sioners, as  far  as  it  may  be  necessary,  so  that 
both  sides  in  the  dispute  may  always  have 
equal  representation  on  the  commission. 

Once  the  commission  has  been  thus  or- 
ganized in  the  capital  city,  seat  of  the  perma- 
nent commission  which  issued  the  order  of 
convocation,  it  shall  notify  the  respective 
governments  of  the  date  of  its  inauguration, 
and  it  may  then  determine  upon  the  place  or 
places  in  which  it  will  function,  taking  into 
account  the  greater  facilities  for  investiga- 
tion. 

The  commission  of  inquiry  shall  itself  es- 
tablish its  rules  of  procedure.  In  this  regard 
there  are  recommended  for  incorporation  into 
said  rules  of  procedure  the  provisions  con- 
tained in  articles  9,  10,  11,  12,  and  13  of  the 
convention  signed  in  Washington,  February, 
1923,  between  the  government  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  governments  of 
the  republics  of  Guatemala,  El  Salvador, 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Costa  Rica,  which 
appear  in  the  appendix  of  this  treaty. 

Its  decisions  and  final  report  shall  be 
agreed  to  by  the  majority  of  its  members. 

Each  party  shall  bear  its  own  expenses  and 
a  proportionate  share  of  the  general  expenses 
of  the  commission. 

Article  V 

Tlie  parties  to  the  controversy  shall  furnish 
the  antecedents  and  data  necessary  for  the 
investigation.  The  commission  shall  render 
its  report  within  one  year  from  the  date  of 
its  inauguration.  If  it  has  been  impossible 
to  finish  the  investigation  or  draft  the  report 
within  the  period  agreed  upon,  it  may  be  ex- 
tended six  months  beyond  the  period  estab- 
lished, provided  the  parties  to  the  controversy 
are  in  agreement  upon  this  point. 

Article  VI 

The  findings  of  the  commission  will  be  con- 
sidered as  reports  upon  the  disputes  which 
were  the  subjects  of  the  investigation,  but 
will  not  have  the  value  or  force  of  judicial 
decisions  or  arbitral  awards. 

Article  VII 

Once  the  report  is  in  possession  of  the 
governments  parties  to  the  dispute,  six 
months'  time  will  be  available  for  renewed 
negotiations  in  order  to  bring  about  a  settle- 
ment of  the  difficulty,  in  view  of  the  findings 
of  said  report ;  and  if  during  this  new  term 
they  should  be  unable  to  reach  a  friendly  ar- 
rangement, the  parties  in  dispute  shall  re- 
cover entire  liberty  of  action  to  proceed  as 
their  interests  may  dictate  in  the  question 
dealt  with  in  the  investigation. 

Article  VIII 

The  present  treaty  does  not  abrogate  analo- 
gous conventions  which  may  exist  or  may  in 
the  future  exist  between  two  or  more  of  the 


high  contracting  parties;  neither  does  it 
liartially  abrogate  any  of  their  provisions,  al- 
though they  may  provide  special  circum- 
stances or  conditions  difiCering  from  those 
herein  stipulated. 

Article  IX 

The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the 
high  contracting  parties  in  conformity  with 
their  respective  constitutional  procedures, 
and  the  ratifications  shall  be  deposited  in  the 
Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Republic 
of  Chile,  which  will  communicate  them 
through  diplomatic  channels  to  the  other 
signatory  governments,  and  it  shall  enter  into 
effect  for  the  contracting  parties  in  the  order 
of  ratification. 

The  treaty  shall  remain  in  force  indefi- 
nitely; any  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
may  denounce  it  and  the  denunciation  shall 
take  effect  as  regards  the  party  denouncing 
one  year  after  notification  thereof  has  been 
given. 

Notice  of  the  denunciation  shall  be  sent  to 
the  Government  of  Chile,  which  will  transmit 
it  for  appropriate  action  to  the  other  signa- 
tory governments. 

Article  X 

The  American  States  which  have  not  been 
represented  in  the  fifth  conference  may  ad- 
here to  the  present  treaty,  transmitting  the 
official  documents  setting  forth  such  adher- 
ence to  the  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs  of 
Chile,  which  will  communicate  it  to  the  other 
contracting  parties. 

In  witness  whereof  the  plenipotentiaries 
and  delegates  sign  this  convention  in  Spanish, 
English,  Portuguese,  and  French  and  affix  the 
seal  of  the  Fifth  International  Conference  of 
American  States,  in  the  city  of  Santiago, 
Chile,  on  the  3d  day  of  May,  in  the  year  1923. 

This  convention  shall  be  filed  in  the  min- 
istry for  foreign  affairs  of  the  Republic  of 
Chile  in  order  that  certified  copies  thereof 
may  be  forwarded  through  diplomatic  chan- 
nels to  each  of  the  signatory  States. 

(Signed)  For  Venezuela:  C.  Zumeta,  Jos^ 
Austria ;  for  Panama :  J.  E.  Lefevre ;  for  the 
United  States  of  America :  Henry  P.  Fletcher, 
J'rank  B.  Kellogg,  Atlee  Pomerene,  Willard 
Saulsbury,  George  E.  Vincent,  Frank  C. 
Partridge,  William  Eric  Fowler,  L.  S.  Rowe; 
for  Uruguay :  Eugenio  Martinez  Thedy,  with 
reservations  relative  to  the  provisions  of 
article  1  (first)  in  so  far  as  they  exclude 
from  the  investigation  questions  that  affect 
constitutional  provisions ;  for  Ecuador :  Jose 
Rafael  Bustamante ;  for  Chile :  Manuel  Rivas 
Vicufia,  Carlos  Aldunate  S.,  L.  Barros  B., 
Emilio  Bello  C.  Antonio  Huneeus,  Alcibiades 
Roldan,  Guillei'mo  Subercaseaux,  Alejandro 
del  Rio ;  for  Guatemala :  Eduardo  Poirer, 
Maximo  Soto  Hall ;  for  Nicaragua :  Carlos 
Cuadra  Pasos,  Arturo  Elizondo ;  for  the 
United  States  of  Brazil :  Afranio  de  Mello 
Franco,  S.  Gurgel  do  Amaral,  Helio  Lobo; 
for  Colombia  :  Guillermo  Valencia  ;  for  Cuba  : 
J.  C.  Vidal  Caro,  Carlos  Garcia  Velez,  A.  de 
Agiiero,  M.  Miirquez  Sterling ;  for  Paraguay : 


192}f 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


247 


M.  Gomlra ;  for  the  Dominican  Republic: 
Tulio  M.  Cestero ;  for  Honduras :  Benjamin 
Villuseca  M. ;  for  tlie  Argentine  Republic : 
Manuel  E,  Malbrfln ;  for  Hayti :  Arthur 
Rameau. 

APPENDIX 

Article  I. 

The  signatory  governments  grant  to  all  the 
commissions  which  may  be  constituted  the 
power  to  summon  witnesses,  to  administer 
oaths,  and  to  receive  evidence  and  testimony. 

Article  II 

During  the  investigation  the  parties  shall 
be  heard  and  may  have  the  right  to  be  repre- 
sented by  one  or  more  agents  and  counsel. 

Article  III 

All  members  of  the  commission  shall  take 
oath  duly  and  faithfully  to  discharge  their 
duties  before  the  highest  judicial  authority 
of  the  place  where  it  may  meet. 

Article  IV 

The  inquiry  shall  be  conducted  so  that  both 
parties  shall  be  heard.  Consequently,  the 
commission  shall  notify  each  party  of  the 
statements  of  facts  submitted  by  the  other, 
and  shall  fix  periods  of  time  in  which  to  re- 
ceive evidence. 

Once  the  parties  are  notified,  the  commis- 
sion shall  proceed  to  the  investigation,  even 
though  they  fail  to  appear. 

Article  V 

As  soon  as  the  commission  of  inquiry  is 
organized  it  shall,  at  the  request  of  any  of 
the  parties  to  the  dispute,  have  the  right  to 
fix  the  status  in  which  the  parties  must  re- 
main, in  order  that  the  situation  may  not  be 
aggravated  and  matters  may  remain  in 
statu  quo  pending  the  rendering  of  the  report 
by  the  commission. 

Manuel  Rivas  Vicuna, 

Secretory  Oeneral. 

[Seal  of  the  Fifth  Pan  American  Confer- 
ence.] 

Esta  conforme. 

Alberto  Cruchaga. 

[Stamp  of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  Chile.] 


TEXT  OF  TREATY  BETWEEN 
FRANCE  AND  CZECHO- 
SLOVAKIA 

The  President  of  the  French  Republic  and 
the  President  of  the  Czechoslovak  Republic, 
standing  firmly  by  the  principle  of  respecting 
the  international  obligations  solemnly  con- 
firmed by  the  pact  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
being    equally    anxious    to   safeguard    peace. 


the  maintenance  of  which  is  necessary  for 
the  political  stability  and  the  economic  re- 
covery of  Europe,  determined  for  this  purpose 
to  ensure  respect  for  the  international  jurid- 
ical and  political  order  established  by  the 
treaties  which  they  have  signed  in  common, 
considering  that  in  order  to  attain  these  ob- 
jects, reciprocal  guarantees  of  security 
against  possible  aggression,  with  a  view  to 
the  defence  of  their  common  interests,  are 
indispensable  to  them,  have  appointed  for 
their  plenipotentiaries,  namely,  the  President 
of  the  French  Republic;  M.  Raymond  Poin- 
care.  Prime)  Minister,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs;  the  President  of  the  Czechoslovak 
Republic;  M.  Eduard  Benes,  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  who  after  having  exchanged 
their  full  powers  which  are  recognized  in  due 
and  good  form,  have  agreed  upon  the  follow- 
ing dispositions : 

Article  1.  The  governments  of  the  French 
Republic  and  of  the  Czechoslovak  Republic 
bind  themselves  to  consult  one  another  on 
questions  of  foreign  policy  of  a  kind  which 
might  endanger  their  security  and  threaten 
the  arrangements  established  by  the  treaties 
of  which  the  two  governments  are  signa- 
tories. 

Article  2.  The  high  contracting  parties  will 
agree  on  measures  to  safeguard  their  common 
interests  in  the  event  of  their  being  menaced. 

Article  3.  The  high  contracting  parties,  be- 
ing fully  in  agreement  as  to  the  importance, 
for  the  maintenance  of  universal  peace,  of 
the  political  principles  contained  in  Article  88 
of  the  Ti'eaty  of  Saint-Germain-en-Laye  of 
September  10,  1919,  and  also  in  the  Geneva 
protocols  of  October  4,  1922,  of  which  they 
were  both  signatories,  bind  themselves  to 
consult  one  another  on  the  measures  to  be 
taken  if  there  should  be  any  threat  to  the 
fulfilment  of  these  principles. 

Article  4.  The  high  contracting  parties,  tak- 
ing into  special  consideration  the  declarations 
made  by  the  Conference  of  Ambassadors  on 
February  3,  1920,  and  April  1,  1921,  by  which 
their  policy  will  continue  to  be  guided,  and 
also  the  declaration  made  on  November  10. 
1921,  by  the  Hungarian  Government  to  the 
Allied  diplomatic  representatives,  bind  them- 
selves to  consult  one  another  in  the  event  of 
their  interests  being  menaced  by  the  non- 
observance  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  these 
various  declarations. 

Article  5.  The  high  contracting  parties  con- 
firm  their  full  agreement  on   the  necessity 


248 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


which  is  imposed  upon  them  of  adopting,  for 
the  maintenance  of  peace,  a  common  attitude 
in  the  event  of  any  attempt  being  made  to 
restore  the  Hohenzollern  dynasty  in  Germany 
and  bind  themselves  to  consult  one  another 
on  the  measures  to  be  taken  in  such  a  case. 

Article  6.  In  accordance  with  the  principles 
set  forth  in  the  pact  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
the  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  dis- 
putes which  may  arise  between  them  in  the 
future  and  which  cannot  be  settled  by  friendly 
agreement  and  by  diplomatic  means  shall  be 
submitted  either  to  the  Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice  or  to  one  or  several 
arbitrators  chosen  by  them. 

Article  7.  The  high  contracting  parties  bind 
themselves  to  communicate  to  one  another 
the  agreements  which  they  have  already  made 
affecting  their  policy  in  central  Europe,  and 
to  consult  one  another  before  concluding 
further  agreements.  They  declare  that  noth- 
ing in  the  present  treaty  is  contrary  to  the 
above-mentioned  agreements  and,  in  par- 
ticular, to  the  Treaty  of  Alliance  between 
France  and  Poland,  to  the  agreements  or  ar- 
rangements concluded  by  Czechoslovakia  with 
the  Austrian  Federal  Republic,  Rumania,  and 
the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and  Slo- 
venes, or  to  the  agreement  recognized  by  the 
exchange  of  letters  of  February  8,  1921,  be- 
tween the  Italian  and  Czechoslovak  govern- 
ments. 

Article  8.  The  present  treaty  will  be  com- 
municated to  the  League  of  Nations  in  ac- 
cordance with  Article  18  of  the  pact. 

The  present  treaty  will  be  ratified  and  the 
ratifications  will  be  exchanged  at  Paris  as 
soon  as  possible. 

For  which  purpose  both  plenipotentiaries 
have  signed  the  treaty  and  have  affixed  their 
seals  thereto. 

Given  in  duplicate  at  Paris  this  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  January,  1924. 

Db.  Eduabd  Benes. 
Raymond    Poincab6. 


News  in  Brief 


Db.  Gilbebt  Bowles,  member  of  the 
Friends'  Mission  in  Japan,  is  spending  some 
months  in  the  United  States.     For  a  decade 


Dr.  Bowles  has  devoted  one-half  of  his  time 
to  promoting  international  peace  in  the 
Orient.  He  is  the  secretary  of  the  Interna- 
tional Friends'  Committee  of  the  Federation 
of  Missions  and  chairman  of  the  board  of 
trustees  of  the  Friends'  Girls  School,  Tokyo. 
He  is  an  honorary  vice-president  of  the 
American  Peace  Society. 

The  riNAL  decision  relating  to  the  Hun- 
garian loan  was  taken  on  February  21  by 
the  Reparation  Commission.  The  necessary 
requirements  having  been  met  by  all  the  In- 
terested countries,  the  League  of  Nations  has 
been  enabled  to  proceed  immediately  to  the 
flotation  of  a  loan  to  put  Hungarian  finances 
on  a  sound  basis,  following  the  same  program 
as  that  applied  to  Austria.  By  the  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  commission,  W.  P.  G.  Har- 
ding, former  governor  of  the  Federal  Reserve 
Bank,  was  made  financial  director  in  Hun- 
gary. The  amount  of  the  loan  is  limited  to 
250  million  gold  crowns,  which  is  to  be  re- 
paid during  a  period  of  twenty  years,  but 
short-term  loans,  to  be  repaid  out  of  the  yield 
of  the  principal  of  the  reconstruction  loan 
as  soon  as  issued,  are  possible. 

The  Loan  Reparation  Commission  exempts 
the  gross  receipts  of  customs  on  the  tobacco 
monopoly  and  sugar  tax,  the  net  receipts  of 
the  salt  monopoly,  as  well  as  any  other  such 
government  revenues,  other  than  government 
railways  and  receipts  thereof,  for  twenty 
years  from  the  charge  provided  for  by  Article 
180  of  the  Treaty  of  Trianon.  Virtually,  the 
commission's  proposal  amounts  to  the  follow- 
ing: A  reduction  of  reparation  payments  dur- 
ing the  next  three  years  to  a  maximum  value 
of  880  tons  of  coal  for  each  working  day. 
From  the  beginning  of  1927,  payments  will 
increase  from  five  million  crowns,  by  aver- 
ages of  one  million  a  year,  to  14  million  in 
1942  and  1943. 

The  terms  were  accepted  by  the  Hungarian 
Government.  Meanwhile  the  Hungarian 
financial  situation  continues  in  a  state  of 
slightly  ameliorated  collapse. 

The  besignation  of  Peof.  Arnold  Toynbee, 
author  of  the  "Western  Question  in  Greece 
and  Turkey,"  and  various  other  authorita- 
tive publications  dealing  with  the  Near 
Eastern  situation,  from  the  Chair  of  Modern 
Greek  at  London  University,  is  the  climax 
of  an  interesting  little  drama. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  war  various  chairs 
were  founded  at  the  university  destined  to 


192Jt 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


249 


facilitate  studies  of  the  language  and  history 
of  certain  allies  of  Great  Britain,  and  were 
endowed  by  the  interested  countries.  Thus, 
in  1918  a  group  of  Greeks  inhabiting  Eng- 
land endowed  a  Chair  of  Modem  Greek  and 
Byzantine  Languages,  which  was  accepted 
by  Professor  Toynbee.  Professor  Toynbee 
took  up  his  work  with  enthusiasm  and 
learned  Greek  and  Turkish,  which  greatly 
facilitated  his  work  in  the  East.  His  find- 
ings in  the  matter  of  the  Elovo  massacres, 
which  were  committed  by  Greeks,  were  so 
sensational  as  to  cause  him  to  offer  his  resig- 
nation to  the  rector  of  the  university,  in  view 
of  the  feeling  that  was  likely  to  be  aroused 
against  him.  This  was  not,  at  the  time,  ac- 
cepted. Professor  Toynbee  continued  his 
travels  in  the  East  and  found  himself  obliged 
to  utter  further  disagreeable  truths  in  re- 
gard to  the  Greeks.  At  the  end  of  1923, 
however,  the  founders  of  the  chair  addressed 
a  letter  to  the  rector,  complaining  of  not 
having  received  a  program  of  the  academic 
work  of  the  term  or  a  report  which  would 
enable  them  to  judge  of  its  value.  Neither 
the  rector  nor  Professor  Toynbee  felt  able  to 
accede  to  such  a  demand  and  the  latter's 
resignation,  under  the  circumstances,  was 
accepted. 

Fbance  is  this  yeab  adopting  an  inter- 
esting system  to  simplify  the  re-engagement 
of  seasonal  foreign  labor.  Previously,  long 
and  complicated  formalities  were  involved 
in  re-engaging  in  the  spring  the  foreign 
workers  in  seasonal  industries  which  prac- 
tically cease  work  in  the  winter.  With 
a  view  to  avoiding  the  delay  and  expense 
thus  involved,  arrangements  have  been  made 
to  enable  building  and  public  works  con- 
tractors, instead  of  terminating  the  contract 
with  seasonal  workers,  simply  to  send  the 
workers  back  to  their  own  country  on  leave. 
Forms  are  employed  for  this  purpose  which 
certify  that  the  worker  in  question  has  been 
employed  during  the  1923  season,  and  that 
the  employer  is  prepared  to  take  him  again 
in  the  following  season,  provided  that  he  pre- 
sents himself  for  work  on  receipt  of  the  sum- 
mons, which  will  be  sent  to  him,  and  not 
later  than  April  13th.  This  form  is  delivered 
to  the  worker  at  the  same  time  as  his  identity 
papers  and  serves  as  a  passport.  In  order  to 
re-enter  France,  the  worker  has  merely  to 
show  the  letter  from  his  employer  notifying 
him   to   resume  work.     The  plan   was   tried 


last  year  with  Italian  workers  and  this  year 
is  being  extended  to  all  nationalities. 

New  Zealand  is  eeported  to  be  trying  out 
a  novel  scheme  of  placing  unemployed  work- 
ers in  the  outlying  districts  of  the  country. 
Arrangements  have  been  made  by  the  Labor 
Department  in  Wellington  with  the  Post  and 
Telegraph  Department  by  which  all  post- 
masters act  as  employment  agents.  It  is 
hoped  that  this  will  bring  the  farmers  into 
closer  touch  with  the  labor  markets  in  the 
cities.  Under  this  arrangement,  any  em- 
ployer desiring  the  services  of  a  worker  may 
apply  at  the  nearest  post-offlce,  and  if  no 
suitable  labor  is  available  in  the  locality  the 
postmaster  communicates  with  the  nearest 
office  of  the  Labor  Department.  Similarly, 
workers  in  need  of  employment  communicate 
with  the  nearest  postmaster,  who  endeavors 
to  place  them. 

A  BILL  IS  BEING  DRAFTED  by  the  Ministry  of 
Justice  in  the  Czechoslovak  Republic  for  the 
extension  of  the  powers  of  the  existing  in- 
dustrial courts.  It  is  proposed  to  institute 
labor  courts  in  all  localities.  These  courts 
specialize  in  handling  complaints  growing 
out  of  the  labor  contract.  They  carry  out  a 
specialization  in  judicial  practice  analogous 
to  that  of  juvenile  courts,  domestic  relations 
courts,  and  commercial  courts.  Their  pro- 
cesses emphasize  conciliation  and  simplifica- 
tion in  procedure. 

The  Woman's  National  Committee  for 
Law  Enforcement  will  hold  a  convention  in 
Washington,  D.  C,  April  10  and  11.  The 
committee  is  working  for  enforcement  of  all 
law,  with  special  stress  at  present  on  the 
prohibition  law.  The  Scottish  Rite  Temple 
has  been  offered  the  committee  and  the  ses- 
sions will  be  held  there.  Features  of  the 
convention  will  be  speeches  by  prominent 
men  and  women  and  a  pageant  entitled 
"America  the  Beautiful." 

In  Italy,  houes  of  wobk  in  industry  and 
commerce  are  at  present  governed  by  the 
legislative  decree  of  March  15,  1923,  and  the 
administrative  regulations  of  September  10, 
1923.  The  decree  provides  that  the  normal 
maximum  actual  hours  of  work  may  not 
exceed  eight  per  day  or  forty-eight  per  week. 
When  technical  or  seasonal  conditions  ne- 
cessitate it,  the  eight-hour  day  or  forty-eight- 


350 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


1 

April 


hoiu*  week  may  be  exceeded,  provided  that 
the  period  of  the  extension  does  not  exceed 
the  period  of  greatest  pressure  of  work  in 
seasonal  industries,  and  three  months  in 
industries  working  all  the  year. 

Incrediblt  bad  health  and  sanitary  con- 
ditions, combined  with  native  indifference, 
prevail  in  our  insular  possessions  and  pro- 
tectorates of  the  West  Indies,  says  Ernest  P. 
Bicknell,  of  the  American  Red  Cross.  These 
conditions  vary  greatly  in  the  different  island 
governments ;  but  poverty,  disease,  ignorance, 
and  superstition  prevail  among  the  masses 
of  the  population  to  a  degree  with  which 
nothing  in  the  United  States  is  comparable. 
The  American  Red  Cross  chapters  are,  there- 
fore, plowing  through  a  jungle  of  conditions 
difficult  to  imagine.  Happily,  each  country 
has  its  own  intelligent  and  devoted  men  and 
women,  who  are  leading  their  people  in  a 
long  contest  against  the  adverse  influences 
growing  out  of  generations  of  oppression  and 
neglect. 

A  Canadian  caravan,  under  the  direction 
of  Senator  Baubien,  secretary  of  the  Cana- 
dian group  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union, 
advertising  the  agricultural  and  industrial 
output  of  "New  France,"  as  well  as  its  scenic 
grandeur,  has  been  touring  France  the  past 
winter.  The  caravan  consists  of  some  thirty 
large  motor  trucks  decorated  with  French 
and  Canadian  colors;  the  sides  of  these 
trucks  can  be  displaced,  like  those  of  a  cii'- 
cus  menagerie,  whereupon  each  one  becomes 
a  miniature  exhibition  hall.  Placed  end  to 
end,  they  constitute  a  gallery  nearly  two  hun- 
dred yards  long,  or,  disposed  in  a  circle,  they 
form  an  enclosure  that  can  easily  be  shel- 
tered with  a  canvas  awning.  The  exhibition 
trucks  proper  are  supplemented  by  a  number 
of  other  trucks  utilized  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  lighting  equipment,  cinematographic 
apparatus,  materials  for  repairs,  and  a  gang 
of  workmen.  There  is  a  daylight  cinema, 
which  has  proved  a  great  attraction  by  rea- 
son of  its  novelty  in  Europe,  and  two  open- 
air  screens  for  the  amusement  of  the  popu- 
lace at  night.  Lectures  also  are  provided 
for  the  serious-minded.  This  immediate  vis- 
ual propaganda  is  followed  up  by  an  intel- 
lectual propaganda  of  longer  range,  in  the 
form  of  a  series  of  bright-covered,  copiously 
illustrated  brochures  in  French,  prepared  es- 
pecially for  the  caravan.  And  they  are  so 
attractive  withal   that   they   are   sui'e   to   be 


taken  home,  read,  and  even  preserved  by  the 
visitors,  to  whom  they  are  lavishly  dis- 
tributed. The  exhibition  finished  its  tour  of 
propaganda  in  Paris  at  the  Tuilleries  Gar- 
dens, where  it  was  daily  visited  by  large 
crowds.  In  1921,  France,  on  invitation  of 
Canada,  toured  the  Dominion  with  a  rail- 
way-train exposition,  which  has  resulted  in 
largely  increased  Canadian  imports  from 
France.  The  present  caravan  tour  comes  as 
a  return  courtesy  from  France  to  Canada. 

Certain  complications  between  the  United 
States  and  Canada  are  threatened  over  the 
fisheries  question.  The  Canadian  Govern- 
ment, invoking  a  treaty  of  1818  on  the  At- 
lantic coast,  has  discontinued  the  issue  of 
modus  Vivendi  licenses  to  New  England  fish- 
ing vessels,  enabling  them  to  enter  Canadian 
Atlantic  ports  for  purpose  of  purchasing 
bait,  ice,  seines,  lines,  and  all  other  supplies, 
and  also  for  the  shipping  of  crews  and  the 
transshipment  of  catches  in  bond.  It  is  re- 
ported that  fishing  interests  in  Boston  and 
Gloucester  are  retaliating  by  demanding  in- 
creased duties  on  fish.  In  return  for  this  it 
is  urged  upon  Ottawa  from  some  quarters 
to  bar  American  fishing  vessels  from  British 
Columbia  ports,  except  for  the  four  humani- 
tarian purposes  of  obtaining  wood,  water, 
shelter,  and  repairs. 

In  the  Pacific  the  main  fishing  banks  are 
off  the  western  portion  of  British  Columbia 
or  Alaska,  and  a  large  number  of  United 
States  fishing  vessels  land  their  catches  at 
Prince  Rupert,  the  nearest  railway  port, 
whence  they  are  forwarded  to  the  United 
States  markets  in  bond.  The  United  States 
authorities  refuse  to  give  Canadian  fishing 
vessels  clearance  from  American  ports  to  the 
fishing  grounds,  and  the  application  by 
Canada  of  the  same  policy  to  American  fish- 
ing vessels  would  make  it  impossible  for 
them  to  operate  out  of  Prince  Rupert,  British 
Columbia. 

Many  Canadian  leaders  in  the  fishing  in- 
dustries disapprove  the  action  of  their  gov- 
ernment in  falling  back  upon  the  old  treaty, 
negotiated  in  the  time  of  George  III.  Both 
sides  to  the  controversy  are  aware  that  they 
would  suffer  great  losses  should  a  retaliatory 
war  be  provoked. 

The  Hawaiian  rehabilitation  project  is 
going  forward  rapidly.  Prince  Kalanianaole, 
for  20  years  Hawaii's  delegate  to  Congress, 
first  stressed  the  need   of  placing  as   many 


192Jt 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


251 


native  families  as  possible  back  upon  the 
lands,  once  extensively  tilled  by  natives. 
Plans  were  made,  and  the  work  was  author- 
ized by  act  of  Congress.  Many  acres  on  the 
fertile  island  of  Molokai  were  cleared,  and 
the  Hawaiian  Housing  Commission  organized 
in  Honolulu.  Care  was  exercised  in  choosing 
among  the  many  applicants  for  land,  those 
families  likely  to  be  thrifty  and  permanent 
colonists.  More  than  fifty  families  were 
placed.  With  some  financial  aid  from  the 
territorial  government  and  advice  from  a 
superintendent  v;ho  is  an  expert  in  agricul- 
ture and  animal  husbandry,  these  families 
have  built  up  homes,  a  school,  and  a  flourish- 
ing land  development. 

The  commission  is  now  enlarging  its  home- 
steading  plans  and  many  more  families  can 
soon  be  established  on  the  land.  Pineapple 
packing  corporations  are  also  offering  assist- 
ance in  the  way  of  capital. 

Hungary  follows  Austria  in  giving  the 
Soviet  Government  recognition  de  jure.  It  is 
said  that  the  recognition  treaty  will  contain 
a  clause  guarding  against  the  infusion  of 
Communistic  propaganda  from  Russia.  There 
has  been  much  bitterness  in  Hungary  against 
the  Bolsheviki,  owing  to  experiences  under 
the  Extremist  regime  just  after  the  war. 
Commercial  considerations  have  overcome 
this  feeling,  however,  of  late,  and  the  pros- 
pect of  the  opening  of  southern  Russia's  mar- 
kets to  Hungaiy  has  led  to  the  resumption 
of  diplomatic  relations. 

Rail  motor  vehicles  are  among  the  pro- 
posals under  consideration  in  the  Union  of 
South  Africa  for  reducing  the  cost  of  working 
branch  railway  lines.  Such  vehicles  could 
carry  passengers,  parcels,  and  light  perish- 
able traffic.  The  general  manager  for  rail- 
ways and  harbors  of  the  Union  states  that 
experiments  are  under  way  to  determine  the 
relative  cost  and  efficiency  of  such  vehicles. 

An  Imperial  University  library  is  planned 
at  Tokyo.  The  building  is  expected  to  be 
modeled  on  the  general  plan  of  the  Library 
of  Congress  at  Washington,  D.  C.  While 
700,000  books  were  lost  in  the  fires  of  Sep- 
tember, the  authorities  state  that  foreign 
institutions  have  already  pledged  500,000 
volumes ;  in  addition,  many  purchases  are  to 
be  made  abroad.  The  University  has  also 
been  offered  the  use  of  the  famous  Nanki 
library  of  approximately  110,000  volumes. 


The  Foubth  Child  Welfare  Congeess,  to 
be  held  in  Santiago  de  Chile  this  coming  Sep- 
tember, bids  fair  to  be  of  continental  signifi- 
cance and  interest.  Twenty-one  American 
democracies  will  be  represented  there.  The 
reason  for  American  interest  in  child  welfare 
is  stated  by  a  writer  in  the  Pan  American 
Bulletin  for  March,  as  follows:  "It  is  the 
democracies  of  the  world  which  more  than 
any  other  form  of  government  need  sane  and 
educated  electorates.  They,  more  than  oth- 
ers, must  realize  that  national  progress  can 
best  be  measured  by  their  attitude  toward 
the  nation's  children,  and  that  no  democracy, 
can  be  completely  socialized  until  its  children 
have  entered  into  their  full  and  complete 
heritage." 

The  four  "themes"  to  be  treated  at  the  con- 
gress are  medicine,  hygiene,  sociology,  and 
legislation. 

To  revive  the  activity  of  the  port  of 
Fiume,  the  Italian  government  is  preparing 
to  restore  the  former  Hungarian  fleet  to  its 
pre-war  proportions.  There  were  then  three 
important  Hungarian  navigation  companies 
in  Fiume.  They  were  the  Atlantic  Company, 
the  Levant,  and  the  Adria.  It  is  now  the 
purpose  of  the  Italian  Government  to  recon- 
stitute these  companies  and  return  the  ships 
to  their  former  owners.  Baron  Polnay  is 
carrying  on  negotiations  with  the  Italian 
Government  on  behalf  of  the  three  companies. 
The  Atlantic  Company  has  already  been  re- 
constituted, having  its  headquarters  in 
Fiume.  Baron  Polnay  will  be  its  principal 
manager,  and  has  obtained  already  seven 
ships  against  a  payment  of  4,000,000  lire.  All 
the  ships  will  fly  the  Italian  flag,  but  the 
personnel  is  composed  of  Hungarians,  while 
there  will  be  two  Italian  delegates  in  each 
company. 

Germany's  favorable  balance  of  trade, 
maintained  throughout  the  months  of  No- 
vember and  December,  1923,  was  wiped  out 
during  January,  according  to  figures  just 
issued  by  the  German  Federal  Statistical 
Office  (Statistisches  Reischsamt).  On  a  gold- 
mark  base  these  figures  show  that  January 
imports  totaled  568,000,000  gold  marks  and 
exports  431,000,000  gold  marks,  leaving  an 
adverse  balance  of  137,000,000  gold  marks. 
On  a  quantity  basis,  imports  were  2,050,000 
metric  tons  and  exports  750,000  metric  tons, 
as  against  the  December  figures  of  2,850,000 


252 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


metric  tons  and  1,104,000  metric  tons  respec- 
tively. 

Continued  widespread  interest  is  being 
shown  in  cotton-growing  in  South  Africa,  and 
the  Empire  Cotton  Growing  Corporation  has 
recently  offered  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
three  specially  trained  officers  to  help  de- 
velop the  industry  in  that  country.  Since 
1919  cotton  production  has  been  increasing, 
and  during  the  1922-23  season  it  amounted 
to  2,400,000  pounds  of  lint,  or  about  4,800 
bales  at  500  pounds  each,  compared  with 
1,096,182  pounds  for  the  previous  year.  It  is 
estimated  that  the  area  under  cotton  cultiva- 
tion at  present  is  approximately  20,000  acres. 
Practically  all  of  the  cotton  is  exported  to 
England. 

The  recent  financial  reforms  in  Poland 
have  resulted  for  the  time  being,  at  least, 
in  checking  the  fall  of  the  Polish  mark! 
With  the  stabilization  of  the  currency,  how- 
ever, has  come  a  period  of  commercial  de- 
pression which,  with  the  increased  burden  of 
taxation,  has  been  the  cause  of  a  great  deal 
of  distress.  In  carrying  out  the  new  fiscal 
policy,  which  necessitates  the  payment  of  all 
taxes  in  gold  or  gold  equivalent,  some  diffi- 
culty has  been  experienced  in  making  tax 
collections,  to  the  point  of  obliging  the  govern- 
ment to  take  forcible  measures  against  the 
individual. 

The  Polish  Government  in  the  immediate 
FUTURE  Will  complete  negotiations  with  an 
Italian  syndicate  for  a  loan  of  400,000,000  lire 
for  20  years  at  7  per  cent.  The  security  will 
be,  it  is  reported,  part  of  the  property  and 
profits  of  the  Polish  Tobacco  Monopoly  and 
Poland  will  agree  to  buy  60  per  cent  of  its 
raw  tobacco  requirements  from  Italy.  Min- 
ing and  raw  material  concessions  to  Italy  are 
rumored,  but  unconfirmed. 

The    UNDERTAKING    BY    A    German-RussIAN 

commercial  organization  to  re-establish  the 
old  trade  route  from  Petrograd  to  Persia  via 
the  St.  Mary  Canal  system  and  the  Volga 
River  is  being  carried  on  with  increased  ac- 
tivity. The  venture  began  with  the  dispatch 
of  a  200-ton  vessel  from  Hamburg  on  June 
24,  1922,  which  took  almost  six  months  to 
reach  Enzeli,  on  the  Persian  coast  of  the 
Caspian  Sea.  The  success  of  this  trip  led  to 
the  formation  of  the  Russian-Deutsch  Transit 
and  Handelsgesellschaft,  capitalized  at  250,- 


000  gold  rubles,  of  which  half  was  paid  in  by 
a  consortium  of  German  firms.  The  other 
half  of  the  capital  represents  the  share  of 
the  Soviet  Government,  which  has  reserved 
the  right  to  one-half  of  the  cargo  space  on 
the  boats.  During  the  1923  season  some  half 
dozen  German  vessels  arrived  at  Enzeli,  the 
terminus  of  the  route,  heavily  loaded  with 
German  merchandise.  A  specially  designed 
one-deck  motorship  Ispahan,  of  1,100  tons 
displacement,  was  recently  completed  and 
placed  on  this  route.  In  addition  to  cargo 
space  the  new  vessel  has  three  two-passenger 
staterooms,  a  smoking-room,  and  a  hospital. 
This  boat  reached  Enzeli  in  November,  1923, 
and  discharged  approximately  726,000  kilos 
of  cargo,  consisting  of  sugar,  electrical 
goods,  machinery,  and  miscellaneous  com- 
modities. 

During  1923  the  number  of  Polish  marks 
that  could  be  received  for  $1.00  increased 
from  18,090  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  to 
6,460,000  at  the  end.  In  other  words,  the 
dollar  could  be  exchanged  for  more  than  357 
times  as  many  marks  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
These  figures  are  interesting  in  comparison 
with  the  amount  of  paper  money  in  circula- 
tion. At  the  end  of  the  year  1922  there  were 
in  circulation  less  than  794  billion  Polish 
marks  in  paper  currency.  At  the  end  of  1923 
the  amount  had  increased  to  over  125  tril- 
lions, thereby  reaching  a  figure  more  than 
157  times  that  at  the  end  of  1922.  At  the 
exchange  rate  current  at  the  end  of  1922, 
the  Polish  Government  would  have  needed 
over  43  million  American  dollars  to  redeem 
all  the  Polish  currency  in  circulation, 
whereas  at  the  end  of  1923  the  total  paper 
currency  in  circulation  was  worth,  at  the 
prevailing  rate  of  exchange,  only  about  19 
million  American  dollars. 

The  Austrian  Government,  in  accobd- 
ANCE  with  a  law  passed  on  December  21, 
1923,  has  decided  to  withdraw  from  circula- 
tion bank  notes  of  5,000  and  10,000  crowns 
and  to  replace  them  with  silver  coins.  The 
total  amount  of  such  coins  may  not  exceed 
60,000  crowns  (84  cents)  per  head  of  the 
population,  making  a  total  authorized  issue 
of  about  $5,400,000.  Coins  are  to  be  minted 
with  a  face  value  of  5,000,  10,000,  and  20,000 
crowns.  The  10,000-crown  coin  is  to  be  called 
a  shilling.  They  are  eight  parts  silver  and 
two  parts  copper  and  are  to  be  unlimited 
legal  tender. 


1 
I 


192Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


253 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


tFEDEBAL  Convention  of  1787.  By  Arthur 
Deerin  Call.  American  Peace  Society, 
Washington,  D.  0.  Pp.  80,  illustrated. 
Price,  $0.25. 

There  is  a  renewed  interest  throughout  our 
land  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
iSocieties  for  the  promotion  of  interest  in  this 
fflocument  are  springing  up  in  many  places, 
l^he  newspapers  are  carrying  on  a  prize  con- 
|test  throughout  the  high  schools  of  the  coun- 
try, to  the  end  that  our  young  men  and 
women  may  better  understand  the  place  our 
^Constitution  occupies  in  the  history  of  this 

juntry  and  of  the  world.  The  Department 
)f  Superintendents  of  the  National  Education 
Association  unanimously  adopted  a  set  of 
resolutions  in  Chicago  February  28,  one  of 
which  reads :  "We  recognize  both  that  an- 
other war  would  destroy  civilization  and  that 
the  hope  of  today  and  the  security  of  the 
future  lie  in  an  adequate  education.  To  this 
end  we  demand  a  program  of  education 
which,  by  bringing  about  a  better  under- 
standing among  the  people  of  the  world,  will 
speedily  produce  a  situation  in  which  offen- 
sive wars  will  become  impossible."  In  this 
"pi'ogram  of  education"  familiarity  with  our 
Constitution  is  considered  most  important. 
Much  of  our  Americanization  work  centers 
around  our  Constitution. 

Two  years  ago  the  American  Peace  Society 
published  a  brochure  entitled,  "Federal  Con- 
vention, May-September,  1787,  an  interna- 
tional conference  adequate  to  its  purpose, 
history,  significance,  documents  relating  to 
one  successful  international  organization — 
the  United  States  of  America."  An  edition 
of  25,000  copies  of  this  brochure  has  been 
exhausted.  A  new  edition  of  25,000  copies 
has  just  come  from  the  Rand-McNally  Press. 

The  book  contains  an  introduction  by 
James  Brown  Scott.  There  are  colored  maps 
and  many  illustrations.  The  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
the  Constitution  and  the  amendments  to  date, 
are  included.  There  is  a  list  of  references. 
The  history  of  the  Federal  Convention,  par- 
ticularly in  its  relation  to  international  or- 
ganization, is  clearly  but  briefly  set  forth. 


The  nature  of  the  delegates  to  the  Conven- 
tion, the  kind  of  men  they  were;  steps  lead- 
ing to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  to 
the  Articles  of  Confederation,  to  the  Con- 
vention in  Philadelphia,  are  accurately  de- 
scribed. How  the  Convention  was  an  inter- 
national conference  is  made  plain.  One  sees 
here,  as  in  no  other  book  of  its  size,  how  our 
founding  fathers  established  a  Union  of  free, 
sovereign,  independent  States,  overcoming  all 
difficulties  of  representation  by  the  big  and 
small  States,  of  the  judicial  settlement  of 
international  disputes,  and  of  the  coercion  of 
States. 

The  distribution  of  this  book,  at  the  price 
of  25  cents,  prepaid,  is  in  no  sense  a  money- 
making  enterprise.  The  purpose  is  to  reveal 
to  patriotic  Americans  what  our  forefathers 
did  on  an  international  plane  137  years  ago. 
The  little  book  has  been  used  by  classes  in 
political  science  in  various  universities  and 
in  classes  of  foreign  service.  The  author  is 
Secretary  of  the  American  Peace  Society  and 
Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace.  Ordered 
in  dozen  lots,  copies  may  be  had  at  the  rate 
of  22%  cents  each,  prepaid;  25  or  more, 
20  cents  each,  prepaid. 

The  Westebn  Question  in  Greece  and 
Turkey.  By  Arnold  J.  Toynbee.  Hough- 
ton, Mifflin  Co.,  Boston.  Pp.  408.  Price, 
$5.00. 

The  Turkish  question  is  of  especial  interest 
to  the  world  in  these  days.  It  is  not  well 
understood  by  most  of  us,  because  we  have 
not  the  historical  background  necessary  to 
accurate  judgment. 

The  author  of  this  book.  Professor  of  By- 
zantine and  Modern  Greek  Literature  and 
History  at  London  University,  furnishes  just 
those  elements  lacked  by  the  casual  reader 
of  history.  To  this  knowledge  he  adds  an  im- 
partial and  judicial  temper,  scientific  ac- 
curacy, and  lucid  style. 

Much  of  the  book  is  a  narrative  of  Pro- 
fessor Toynbee's  personal  adventures  in  the 
Near  East  as  correspondent  for  the  Man- 
chester Guardian,  and  an  interpretation  of 
the  facts  thus  gleaned. 

The  Maladt  of  Europe.     By  M.  E.  Ravage. 

Macmillan    Co.,    N.    Y.      Pp.    250.      Price, 

$2.00. 

In  rapid  style  and  with  trenchant  wit, 
Mr.  Ravage  enacts  the  r61e  of  physician  to 
Europe.  If  he  seems  considerably  more  con- 
cerned  with    the   disease   and   its   diagnosis 


254 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


than  with  the  method  of  cure,  there  may  be 
very  good  reason  for  that.  Indeed  we  suspect 
there  is. 

"Who  shall  decide  when  doctors  disagree, 

And  soundest  casuists  doubt,  lilce  you  and  me?" 

The  analysis,  however,  is  suggestive  and, 
on  the  whole,  as  far  as  it  goes,  satisfying. 
He  draws  a  strong  contrast  between  America 
controlling  her  own  foreign  policy,  and 
Europe,  which,  though  blessed  in  many  of 
her  States  with  real  internal  freedom,  is  yet 
at  the  mercy  of  irresponsible  chancelleries  in 
the  matter  of  foreign  relations.  He  is  scorn- 
ful of  much  that  was  American,  both  during 
and  since  the  war.  His  analysis,  however, 
of  the  making  of  the  Versailles  Treaty  and 
the  League  of  Nations  is  both  daring  and 
discriminating.  As  regards  the  French  policy 
in  the  Ruhr,  he  seems  to  pursue  an  opposite 
course  of  reasoning ;  and  if,  as  we  now  hear, 
that  policy  is  founded  upon  a  desire  on  the 
part  of  France  to  gain  a  controlling  voice 
in  the  inevitable  merging  of  interests  in  the 
coal  and  iron  districts  of  Europe,  the  con- 
clusions of  Mr.  Ravage,  here,  are  wide  of  the 
mark. 

The  five  prescriptions  for  the  cure  of 
Europe's  malady  come,  seemingly,  as  an 
afterthought  to  the  body  of  the  book  and  do 
not  quite  win  our  confidence.  Nevertheless 
the  book  as  a  whole  bristles  with  challeng- 
ing thoughts,  sometimes  bewildering,  but 
sure  to  provoke   reflection. 

The  Problem  of  Armaments.  By  Arthur 
Gup  Enoch.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 
Pp.  196.     Price,  $1.50. 

The  appeal  of  this  book  is  indicated  in  the 
subtitle,  which  is  "A  book  for  every  citizen 
of  every  country."  The  body  of  the  work  is 
made  up  of  chapters  which  summarize  facts 
about  the  armies  and  navies,  their  cost,  and 
the  economic  aspect  of  armaments  during  the 
recent  European  war;  also  the  far-reaching 
effects  upon  the  people  of  the  age-long  rivalry 
in  armaments. 

Yet  the  author  disclaims  any  intent  of  con- 
tributing merely  another  book  to  the  aca- 
demic discussion  of  his  theme.  The  back- 
ground of  his  thinking  is  that  of  an  ethical 
and  religious  lover  of  peace.  Being  an  Eng- 
lishman, it  is  not  astonishing  to  find  him 
assuming  that  the  League  of  Nations  can  be 
one  of  many  means  of  restraining  armament 
rivalry.  He  gives  enthusiastic  tribute  to  the 
Washington  Conference  as  well. 


One  of  the  most  hopeful  notes  of  the  book 
is  the  author's  belief  in  the  attainability  of 
one  ideal — that  is,  the  internationalization  of 
human  progress  in  science  and  mechanics. 
If  such  things  were  freely  shared,  as  they 
should  be  and  might  easily  be,  it  would  be 
more  difficult  for  any  nation  to  suspect  the 
uses  to  which  another  nation  might  be  in- 
clined to  put  fresh  discoveries  and  inventions. 

On  British  Freedom.  By  Clive  Bell.  Har- 
court.  Brace  &  Co.  Pp.  86.  Price,  $1.50. 
Mr.  Bell  has  been  known  to  write  causti- 
cally and  illuminatiugly  on  various  phases 
of  modern  art.  Less  effectively,  perhaps,  be- 
cause less  detachedly,  he  turns  to  the  ques- 
tion of  nioeurs,  and  has  given  us,  in  a  series 
of  essays  a  blast  of  warning  as  to  British 
freedom,  which,  according  to  him,  is  in  a  most 
precarious  state. 

Freedom,  of  course,  is  always  in  a  precari- 
ous state.  Somebody  has  very  truly  remarked 
that  one  man's  freedom  ends  where  his  neigh- 
bor's rights  begin.  A  definition  of  freedom, 
however,  is  an  extremely  difficult  achieve- 
ment except  from  the  negative  angle.  It  be- 
comes more  difficult,  as  democratic  forms  of 
government  become  more  prevalent. 

Somewhere  in  our  past  an  optimistic  gen- 
tleman (it  must  have  been  a  man,  because 
only  men  create  truly  vast  and  nebulous 
phrases)  linked  together  the  words  "liberty, 
equality,  and  fraternity"  and  called  the  result 
a  social  and  political  formula.  He  did 
worse — he  believed  in  his  formula.  Unfortu- 
nately, it  is  becoming  apparent  that  nothing 
could  be  more  doubtful  than  the  coexistence 
of  these  three  abstractions,  except  to  the  most 
limited  extent.  Perfect  liberty,  perfect 
equality,  perfect  fraternity,  could  only  exist 
were  there  but  one  human  being  in  the  world, 
and  he,  as  the  Irish  say,  God. 

But  there  has  been — in  the  past,  at  least, 
since  Mr.  Bell  denies  its  present  existence — 
a  practical  compromise,  which  the  English 
characterize  as  British  freedom.  What  it 
amounts  to  is  best  demonstrated  by  the 
phrase  about  the  Englishman's  home  being 
his  castle.  In  an  extremely  overcrowded 
Island,  where  no  expansion  was  possible  ex- 
cept at  the  cost  of  a  severe  wetting — or, 
worse  yet,  of  sea-sickness,  followed  by 
exile — some  practical  method  of  escaping 
from  the  attentions  of  one's  fellowmen  had 
to  be  arrived  at.  Failing  a  general  massacre, 
the  next  best  thing  was  what  has  been  called 
the  mental   chalk-line.     Every   English  man 


192Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


255 


or  woman  instinctively  knows  how  to  draw 
around  himself  or  herself  a  mental  chalk- 
line,  across  which  no  other  English  man  or 
woman  dreams  of  stepping.  Thus  some  sort 
of  privacy  may  be  attained,  and  the  complete 
acquiescence  of  all  England  in  this  system  is 
most  clearly  shown  by  the  horror  of  any 
English  native  when  the  unsuspecting  for- 
eigner, by  addressing  him  in  a  public  place 
unintroduced,  steps  across  the  chalk-line  and 
Intrudes. 

This  chalk-line  has  been  observed,  even  by 
the  church,  which,  in  England,  never  intrudes. 
Reforming  agencies  have  tacitly  confined 
their  exertions  to  the  very  poor,  who  under 
the  social  laws  of  England,  which  seem 
to  assume  poverty  to  be  a  crime,  have  no 
rights.  But  the  World  War  and  the  intro- 
duction of  American  soda  fountains  have 
caused  fatal  rifts  in  the  English  social  struc- 
ture. Lady  Astor,  who  means  well,  was  not 
brought  up  in  a  deep  and  instinctive  observ- 
ance of  the  chalk-line.  She  comes  from  a 
country  where  people  talk  readily  in  public 
places  and  are  formally  and  painfully  intro- 
duced at  gatherings  in  private  houses.  She 
therefore  believes  in  the  value  of  general  re- 
form, and  has  been  returned  to  Parliament  on 
the  strength  of  her  repartee.  These  things, 
some  of  which  Mr.  Bell  omits  to  mention  in 
his  book,  make  for  uncertainty  in  the  social 
future  of  Britain,  and  it  is  quite  probable 
that  British  freedom  is,  as  it  has  been  since 
106G,  a  disappearing  quantity.  Thus  saith 
the  author. 

Monetary  Reform.  By  John  Maynard 
Keynes.  Harcourt,  Brace  &  Co.  Pp.  227. 
Price,  $2.00. 

Mr.  Keynes  once  more  comes  forward  to 
elucidate  the  economic  problems  of  the  age. 
In  his  latest  work  the  author  puts  forward 
proposals  for  the  regulation  of  currency  and 
ci-edit  and  examine  the  main  monetary  prob- 
lems of  the  time  with  especial  reference  to 
the  abandonment  of  the  gold  standard. 

Mr.  Keynes  does  not,  apparently,  share  the 
usual  English  reverence  for  the  gold  stand- 
ard, which  he  makes  no  bones  about  dubbing 
"primitive,"  "obsolete,"  and  so  forth.  He  is 
especially  withering  when  he  considers  the 
Cunliffe  Report  of  1918,  which  he  dubs  an 
"unadulterated  pre-war  prescription.  .  .  . 
belonging  to  an  extinct  and  almost  forgotten 
order  of  ideas.''  "Few  think  on  those  lines 
now,"  says  Mr.  Keynes ;  "yet  the  report  re- 


mains the  authorized  declaration  of  our 
policy,  and  the  Bank  of  England  and  the 
treasury  are  said  to  regard  it  as  their  march- 
ing orders." 

Mr.  Keynes  makes  the  proposal  that  the 
gold  reserve  be  separated  from  the  note  issue, 
the  volume  of  paper  money  to  be  consequen- 
tial on  the  state  of  trade  and  employment 
and  on  bank  rate  and  treasury-bill  policy, 
with  the  gold  reserves  of  the  country  con- 
centrated in  the  hands  of  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
land, to  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding 
short-period  fluctuations  in  the  exchange. 
The  governors  of  the  system,  says  the  writer 
would  be  bank  rate  and  treasury-bill  policy, 
the  objects  of  the  government  would  be 
stability  of  trade,  prices,  and  employment, 
and  the  volume  of  paper  money  would  be  a 
consequence  of  the  first. 

With  reference  to  the  United  States,  Mr. 
Keynes  declares  that  the  theory  on  which 
the  Federal  Reserve  Board  is  suposed  to  gov- 
ern its  discount  policy,  by  reference  to  the 
influx  and  eflSux  of  gold  and  the  proportion 
of  gold  to  liabilities,  is  "as  dead  as  mutton." 
"It  perished,"  says  he,  "as  soon  as  the  Fed- 
eral Reserve  Board  began  to  ignore  its  ratio 
and  to  accept  gold  without  allowing  it  to 
exercise  its  full  influence,  merely  because  an 
expansion  of  credit  and  prices  seemed  at  that 
moment  undesirable.  From  that  day  gold 
was  demonetized  by  almost  the  last  country 
which  continued  to  do  it  lip  service,  and  a 
dollar  standard  was  set  up  on  the  pedestal 
of  the  golden  calf.  For  the  last  two  years 
the  United  States  has  pretended  to  maintain 
a  gold  standard  In  fact  it  has  established  a 
dollar  standard,  and  instead  of  ensuring 
that  the  value  of  the  dollar  shall  conform 
to  that  of  gold,  it  makes  provision,  at  great 
expense,  that  the  value  of  gold  shall  conform 
to  that  of  the  dollar." 

All  of  which  is  very  interesting  and  sen- 
sational and  leads  one  to  wonder  just  what 
Mr.  Keynes  will  do  next.  Mountebank?  Per- 
haps. Nevertheless,  this  is  a  book  deserv- 
ing^  of  persusal  by  every  student  of  inter- 
national conditions. 

Dramatis     Persons.     By    Arthur    Symons. 
Bobbs  Merrill  Company.     Price,  $2.50. 

How  far,  how  fading,  how  nearly  grotesque 
seem  to  us  now  the  artistic  gods  and  god- 
desses of  that  almost-forgotten  epoch  which 
ended  when  war  broke  out.  Rejane,  Ver- 
laine.  the  two  Rossettis,  Maeterlinck,  George 
Moore,  Yeats — the  Belgian  twilight  through 


266 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


April 


which  moaned  Melisande,  the  Gaelic  revival 
in  its  two  aspects  of  material  grossness  as 
personified  by  George  Moore,  and  somewhat 
hazy  poeticism  as  illustrated  by  Mr.  W.  B. 
Yeats — how  curiously  dead  even  those  who 
survive  seem  now  to  be.  And  what  vitality 
they  had  while  they  lived !  What  robust 
heartiness  it  took  to  contrive  and  endure  the 
decadences  of  the  so-called  "yellow  nineties !" 
Only  a  comparatively  young,  comparatively 
unworn,  comparatively  unburdened  genera- 
tion could  have  put  so  much  interest  in  ab- 
sinthe and  purple  passion  and  at  the  same 
time  absorbed  itself  so  much  in  so  often  un- 
necessary literature  and  art.  They  enjoyed 
themselves  so  splendidly,  they  insisted  upon 
their  sinful  decadence  with  such  enthusiasm ! 
And  if,  perhaps,  to  our  somewhat  mournfully 
critical  vision,  their  production  was  not  of 
the  very  greatest  importance,  yet  who  would 
grudge  them  all  that  fun? 

Mr.  Arthur  Symons  is  supremely  the  in- 
terpreter of  that  happy  age.  So  beautifully 
is  he  imbued  with  its  spirit  that  he  can  so 
discuss  Leonardo  or  Joseph  Conrad  as  to 
make  them  appear  contemporaries,  in  spirit 
if  not  in  fact;  and  so  of  Aubrey  Beardsley 
and  Oscar  Wilde.  It  throws  over  his  valu- 
able and  delightful  book  of  criticisms  a  cer- 
tain fascination,  a  certain  charm — if  perhaps, 
a  little  sadness. 

SiLBEEMANN.  By  Jocques  de  Lacretelle. 
Translated  by  Brian  Lunn.  Boni  &  Liver- 
right,  New  York.     Pp.  191.     Price,  $2.00. 

The  publisher's  blurb  compares  Silbermann 
to  Ludwig  Lewisohn's  unfortunate  autobiog- 
raphy, "Up  Stream" ;  but  the  former  is  really 
not  to  be  compared  to  the  latter.  "Up 
Stream"  was,  in  certain  respects,  a  somewhat 
peevish  and  exaggerated  statement  of  the 
Jewish  case  against  the  European  and  his 
American  descendant.  Monsieur  de  Lacre- 
telle, in  a  work  of  consummate  art,  epito- 
mizes the  whole  situation  with  cruel  im- 
partiality. 

Silbermann  is  the  story  of  a  Jewish  youth 
during  a  period  of  his  school  days  at  a  French 
lyc^e.  On  the  face  of  it.  Monsieur  de  La- 
cretelle has  portrayed  an  entirely  unjustifi- 
able persecution  of  one  race  by  another,  but 
there  is  not  a  line  in  his  book  which  does  not 
go  to  show  how  inevitable  such  a  persecution 
becomes,  given  the  two  racial  types  con- 
cerned. His  thesis  is  a  challenge.  The  Jew 
is  disliked,  not  because  he  makes  money,  not 
because  he  has  a  different  religion,  not  be- 


cause he  is  of  a  different  race,  but  because  he 
is  a  Jew,  because  he  is  one  of  a  race  whose 
peculiar  characteristics,  intensified  by  cen- 
tury upon  century  of  inbreeding,  happen  to 
be  basically  alien  to  the  instincts  and  thought 
processes  of  the  races  with  which  he  claims 
equality,  with  which  he  attempts  to  mingle, 
and  which,  violently  or  passively,  refuse  to 
accept  him.  It  is  not  surprising  that,  under 
the  circumstances,  the  Jew  should  feel  bitter ; 
but  neither  is  it  surprising,  given  the  funda- 
mental difference  in  his  approach  to  life,  that 
the  non-Jew  should  dislike,  despise,  and  some- 
times fear  the  Jew,  whose  aggressive  desire 
for  possession  threatens  his  spiritual  herit- 
age. The  ultimate  result  of  this  age-long 
struggle  cannot  yet  be  foreseen ;  its  unhappy 
incidence  has  already  marked  almost  every 
pfige  of  European  history  with  blood  and 
tears. 

Mr.  Brian  Lunn's  translation  of  this  beau- 
tifully written  work  is  excellently  done.  Were 
all  translations  as  adequate  as  his,  the  de- 
mand for  foreign  authors  would  show  a 
decided  increase. 

Additions  to  our  list  of  pamphlets  avail- 
able at  the  headquarters  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  the  price  quoted  being  for  the 
cost  of  printing  and  postage  only. 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 
Federal    Convention,    May- September, 
1787.     Published   1922,   republished 
1924 $0.25 

Dealey,  James  Quale: 
Contributions  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
to  International  Peace.     Published 
1923 10 


Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo :  "War." 

Address   before   the  American   Peace 
Society  in  1838.    Reprinted  1924. . . 

Morgan,  Walter  A. : 

Great     Preaching    in     England     and 
America.     Published  1924 


Snow,  Alpheus  H. : 
International   Reorganization, 
lished  1917  


Pub- 


.15 


.10 


.10 


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Johnsen,  Julia  (Compiler)  : 

Permanent  Court  of  International 
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TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Page 

Introductory    Note 7 

The  New  World's  Gift  to  the  Old—  9 
The  International  Experiment..  9 
The  Ideas  of  the  Founders 10 

Delegates    in    Convention 11 

History  11 

The   Great    Men 12 

Transferring      Sovereignty     of      the 

Crown  to  the  People 13 

The    Declaration 13 

A  Lesson  for  Kings 14 

A  Confederation  of  Free,  Sovereign, 

and   Independent   States 14 

Confederation    14 

Sovereignty  of   States 15 

Trial    and   Difficulty 15 

Troubles   in   the   Way 15 

E£Forts  to  Improve  the  Situation  17 
Logic  of   Events 18 

Evolution    in   America   of   the   Idea 

of   Union  19 

The    First    Union 20 

William  Penn's  Plan 20 

The  Albany  Plan 20 

Proceeding  from   the  Known   to 

the    Unknown    20 

Faced  with   Rebellion 21 

The  International  Conference — ! —  21 
The    Ways    of    an    International 

Conference    21 

A  Bold  Change  of  Plan 22 

Significant   Change  of   Words —  22 

Its   Distinguished    Reporter 22 

James  Madison  of  Virginia 23 

Father  of  the  Constitution 24 

Satisfying  the  Large  and  Small  States  24 

"   Questions    of    Equality 24 

A    Compromise 24 


Page 
Relation  of  Judicial  to  Political  Con- 
troversies   25 

Departments  25 

"The  International   Mind" 25 

An   International    Court 26 

The  Limited  Jurisdiction 26 

Political  Questions  May  Become 

Judicial    26 

As  to  the  Coercion  of  States 27 

Powers  Retained  by  the  People.  27 

A  Union  of  States 28 

Two   Sovereignties    28 

Settlement  of  Disputes 28 

Enforcing  Decisions 28 

Elimination    of    International 

Force    28 

Coercion  of  Individuals  Only —  29 
A  Government  of  Laws  and  Not  of 

Men 30 

Laws  of  Nations 30 

Checks   and   Balances   30 

The  Court  of  Last  Resort 31 

A  Civilian  Not  a  Military  Union  31 

Final  Steps  32 

Submitted   to    People    of    States 

for   Ratification   32 

Ratifications    32 

Opposition 33 

The  Bill  of  Rights 33 

The   Preamble    33 

Declaration    of    Independence 35 

Articles   of   Confederation 37 

Map,  United  States  at  Close  of  Rev- 
olution     40 

Map,  United  States  of   Today 41 

Constitution  of  L^nited   States 50 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution —  66 

The  American's  Creed 75 

Conclusion    76 

Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World —  77 
References    82 


This  pamphlet — 25c.  each,  22>^c.  each  for  twelve  or  more,  20c.  each 
for  twenty-five  or  more — should  be  ordered  from 

The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  n       Washington,  D.  C. 


For  International  Understanding 


-mm 


Volume  86,  No.  5 


May,  1924   | 


Dawes'  Report  Analyzed 

Hughes-Hanihara  Letters 

An  American  Way  Toward  an 
Association  of  Nations 


International  News 


PUBLISH Liv    'j>r    "'  .L 

AMERICAN  PEACr 

COLORADO    Bt-;  L-!  ^^ 
WASHINGTON,  U.C 


PRICE    20    CEMTS 


THE  PURPOSE 


O^HE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace  through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
—^Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Abthdb  Deer  in  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEIT  SEPTEMBER 


Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 


It  heing  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 


Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 259 

Editorials 

Our  "Federal  Convention  of  1787" — Observance  or  Enforcement? — 
Economic  Aspects  of  the  Dawes  Report — Senator  Pepper's  Resolu- 
tion— Can  Nations  Act  as  Gentlemen? — Britain  Extends  Her  Par- 
liamentary Control  of  Foreign  Policies — A  Woman's  Sensible  State- 
ment— Mother  of  Parliaments — The  Republic  in  Hellas — Editorial 
Notes  261-274 

World  Problems  in  Review 

Analysis  of  the  Dawes  Report — ^The  Foreign  Policy  of  Czechoslo- 
vakia—Polish  Finance 275-284 

General  Articles 

An  American  Plan  for  an  Association  of  Nations 286 

By  George  A.  Finch 

The  Political  Situation  in  China 294 

By  Gilbert  Reid 

Esperanto  and  International  Peace 295 

By  Henry  W.  Hetzel 

The  Will  to  End  War   (Part  II) 297 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 

International  Documents 

The  Hughes-Hanihara  Letters 309 

News  in   Brief 312 

Book  Reviews 318 


^  Vol.  86  M  A  Y  ,    1  9  2  4  No.  5  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


f 


It  is  the  first  of  Its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  pnrpoae  Is  to  prevent  the  Injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  In 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  hnilt  on  Justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

/*  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  alt.ir  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  International 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  of 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  circu- 
lated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters In  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1011  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated   under   the   laws   of   Massachusetts   since 

1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Memljership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional    Membership,    twenty-five  dollars; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


OFFICERS 


Presi<lent: 

Hon.   Andrew   J.   Montague,   Member   of   Congress 
from    Virginia,    Washington,    D.    C. 
Becretary : 

Abthdk    Deekin    Call,    Secretary    American    Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Treasurer: 

Geobgb  W.  White,  President  National  Metropolitan 
Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


I 


1 


Vice-Presidents: 

Hon.  William  .Te.vninos  Bryan,  Miami,  Florida. 

Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  former  President  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Lawyer,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Hon.  James  L.  Slayden**,  Member  Council  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  San  Antonio,  Texas. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  ex  officio. 
Arthur  Deeuin  Call,  ex  officio. 
George  W.  White,  ex  officio. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  University,  Alabama. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American   Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Walter  A.  Morgan,  M.  A.,  1841  Irving  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Gboegb  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  808  Union  Trust 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Henry  C.   Morris,  Esq.,   Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Evans  Building,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  President  Fairmont  Semi- 
nary,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  Slesian,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion  Society,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  West  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N'.  y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  House  of  Representatives, 
Washington,  D.  C. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  HI. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  30  Koun  Machi,  Mita  Shiba, 
Tokyo,  Japan. 

Dean  Charlf.s  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New 
York. 

Pres.  William  Lowe  Beyan,  Bloomington,  Ind. 

George  Burnha.m,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  H.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H,  P.  Fadnck,  Brown  University,  Provi- 
dence, R.   I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Esq.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fiske,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

Williasi  p.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 


Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Bishop  William   Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

Mrs.  Philip  N.  Mooee,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N'.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.   Frederic   Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Sallda,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

•Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Maey   B.  Woollet,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 

♦  Emeritus.     ••  Died   February   24,   1924. 


/^ 


r 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  In  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences  ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advanceinent  of  international  law 
convenes;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  goT- 
ernments  which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  In  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable.  In  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VI II.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  Investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  Its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  In  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  International  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial   decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  Involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  International  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  Involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  Inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives: 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective:  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and  desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


MAY,  1924 


NUMBER 
5 


EDITORIALS 


OUR  BOOK 

THE 

"Federal  Convention  of  1787 


"It  is  a  useful  review  wliich  cannot  fail  to 
be  of  value  in  promoting  an  understanding 
of  the  genesis  of  our  institutions." 

Ghables  E.  Hughes, 

Secretary  of  State. 


".  .  .  it  appears  to  me  a  valuable  col- 
lection of  facts  and  documents,  likely  to  be 
very  useful  in  the  educational  institutions  of 
our  country.  I  hope  it  will  have  a  wide 
distribution." 

David  Jayne  Hill, 
Diplomat,  Historian, 
President  National  Association 
for  Constitutional  Government. 


"I  wish  to  express  my  thanks  and  apprecia- 
tion. Your  booklet,  'The  Federal  Convention 
of  1787,'  has  been  received  and  examined. 
You  ask  for  'criticisms.'  No,  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  quite  so  much  vitally  interest- 
ing American  history  was  never  before  pre- 
sented in  so  condensed  a  form.  The  whole 
make-up  is  admirable.  You  may  think  I  ex- 
aggerate, but  the  suggestion  you  speak  of  is 
this— as  an  old  scholar  in  the  half-digested 
records  of  our  nation — there  is  not  a  histor- 
ical library  nor  a  student  digging  into  our 
foundations  that  ought  not  to  obtain  a  copy 
of  this  book  of  ready  reference." 

William  O.  Stoddard, 
Well-known  Author,  Former 
Secretary  to  President  Lincoln. 


This  pamphlet— 25c  each,  22V2C  each  for 
twelve  or  more,  20c  each  for  twenty-five  or 
more,  postpaid— should  be  ordered  from 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 
COLORADO  BUILDING 
WASHINGTON,    D.    C. 


OBSERVANCE  OR  ENFORCEMENT? 

THE  job  of  balancing  Germany's  bud- 
get and  of  stabilizing  her  currency  is 
appreciably  clarified  by  the  reports  of  the 
two  committees  submitted  to  the  Repara- 
tion Commission  April  9.  One  of  these 
committees,  headed  by  Brigadier  General 
Charles  G.  Dawes,  of  Chicago,  deals  in  its 
report  with  Germany's  capacity  to  pay  her 
debts;  the  other,  headed  by  Reginald 
McKenna,  of  England,  submits  its  find- 
ings relative  to  the  flight  of  capital  from 
Germany. 

Following  the  submission  of  the  reports, 
events  moved  rapidly.  Both  reports,  out- 
lined elsewhere  in  these  columns,  were 
unanimously  approved  by  the  Reparations 
Commission  April  11.  Premier  Mc- 
Donald announced  the  British  acceptance 
of  the  entire  report  April  15.  On  the 
same  day  Premier  Poincare  also  accepted 
the  plan.  Foreign  Minister  Stresemann, 
of  Berlin,  sent  Germany's  acceptance  to 
Paris  for  transmission  to  the  Reparations 
Commission,  also  on  April  15.  Italy  was 
favorable  to  acceptance,  also  Belgium,  the 
day  following  the  announcement  of  the 
reports.  The  Allied  governments  are  now 
being  asked  whether  or  not  they  are  ready 
to  accept  the  plan  officially.  Germany  ac- 
cepts it  as  a  basis  for  further  negotiation, 
but  accept  it  she  does,  and  with  a  greater 
relief,  we  believe,  than  we  of  America  at 
first  suspected. 

An  objection  has  been  raised  to  the  plan, 
namely,  that  the  experts  have  not  fixed  the 


262 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


amount  Germany  must  pay.  This  crit- 
icism, of  course,  is  not  tenable.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  not  the  special  com- 
mittee's job  to  fix  this  amount,  and  in  the 
second  place  the  sum  has  already  been 
determined.  Under  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles,  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  Eeparations  Commission  to  fix  the 
amount  of  Germany's  indebtedness  before 
May  1,  1921,  the  treaty  in  the  meantime 
assessing  against  Germany  a  minimum  of 
one  hundred  billion  gold  marks  bearer 
bonds,  twenty  billion  of  which  fell  due 
May  1,  1921.  The  Eeparations  Commis- 
sion then  fixed  the  total  German  indebted- 
ness at  132  billion  gold  marks.  The  Su- 
preme Council  presented  a  plan  for  the 
payment  of  this  amount,  which  plan  was 
accepted  by  Germany.  Germany  has 
known,  therefore,  for  three  years  the 
maximum  which  she  will  be  called  upon 
to  pay. 

There  are  criticisms  of  the  report  which 
may  be  sustained.  It  is  true  that  it  is 
unhappily  wordy  and  not  wholly  free  from 
political  considerations.  Nothing  in  it  in- 
dicates to  the  taxpayer  of  France  what 
amounts  can  be  expected  from  Germany. 
Assuming  that  the  plan  is  put  into  op- 
eration and  funds  are  actually  raised  in 
Germany,  there  can,  of  course,  be  no  trans- 
fer of  these  funds  into  the  pockets  of  the 
French  unless  Germany  has  an  excess  of 
exports  over  imports.  If  this  excess  is  to 
be  accomplished,  it  must  mean  a  vastly  in- 
creased purchase  of  German  goods  by 
France,  England,  America,  and  other 
peoples.  As  yet,  there  seems  to  be  no 
marked  willingness  on  the  part  of  these 
nations  to  open  their  gates  to  German 
goods.  Before  the  plan  can  be  put  into 
operation,  investors  in  the  United  States 
must  come  forward  and  take  over  a  large 
share  of  the  $200,000,000  needed  to  put 
the  bank  of  issue  on  its  feet.  One  wonders 
if  these  investors  can  be  found.  If  the 
plan  is  put  into  operation,  will  Allied  pub- 


lic opinion  accept  the  situation  without 
complaint,  when  it  is  found  that  the  funds 
deposited  in  Germany  to  the  credit  of  the 
Eeparations  Commission  cannot  be 
drawn  out.  The  purely  economic  aspects 
of  the  plan  are  discussed  in  the  next  edi- 
torial ;  but  there  are  other  elements 
complicating  the  situation.  Germany  is 
faced  with  an  election  May  4.  French 
elections  are  to  take  place  May  11.  The 
fact  that  we  of  the  United  States  are  to 
have  our  Presidential  election  next 
November  has  a  bearing.  Politics  not 
only  makes  strange  bedfellows;  it  some- 
times breaks  up  the  furniture.  The  Dawes 
proposals  are  based  on  present  conditions 
in  Germany,  and  those  conditions  are 
changing,  some  of  them  very  rapidly. 
The  reports  are  marked  by  expediency  as 
much  as  by  precise  justice.  There  is  the 
problem  of  the  occupation  of  the  Euhr 
and  of  the  interallied  debts.  One  gathers 
the  impression  from  the  reports  that  Ger- 
many can  pay,  providing  there  is  a  re- 
habilitated Germany.  But  we  are  left  in 
doubt  as  to  how  much  Germany  must  be 
rehabilitated  and  as  to  how  much  of  a 
will  there  is  in  Germany  to  pay.  The 
whole  plan  is  based  upon  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles,  which  is  more  of  a  war  treaty 
than  it  is  an  instrument  of  peace. 

And  yet  in  the  main  the  reports  have 
left  the  problem  of  reparations  much  more 
hopeful  than  at  any  time  heretofore.  The 
president  of  our  National  City  Bank  con- 
siders them  "an  admirable  piece  of  work." 
The  whole  matter  is  now  farther  away 
from  mere  military  and  political  influence. 
Dr.  Kurt  Sorge,  director  of  Krupps,  is 
quoted  as  saying  that  the  plan  "must  be 
accepted."  Stinnes,  just  before  he  died, 
said  the  same  thing.  The  comparative 
unanimity  with  which  the  proposals  have 
been  accepted  in  France,  Great  Britain, 
Italy,  Belgium,  and  by  Germany  is  most 
encouraging.  Evidently  French  pride  re- 
mains intact,  for  the  reports  seem  to  grant 


192 Jf 


EDITORIALS 


263 


that  Germany  has  been  deliberately  de- 
linquent, and  that  the  French  policy  in  the 
Euhr  has  been  effective. 
^  The  success  or  failure  of  the  whole  plan 
depends  upon  the  will  in  Germany  to  ob- 
serve its  terms.  Mere  attempts  to  enforce 
these  terms  can  end  only  in  disappoint- 
ment. President  Coolidge  recently  re- 
marked, "1  sometimes  wish  that  people 
would  put  a  little  more  emphasis  upon 
the  observance  of  the  law  than  they  do 
upon  its  enforcement."  The  McKenna 
committee  sensed  the  fact  that  Ger- 
man capital  now  in  countries  outside 
of  Germany  can  be  brought  back  only  as 
the  Germans  are  led  to  wish  to  bring  it 
back.  There  is  no  known  way  of  com- 
pelling this  capital  to  return.  The  same 
thing  is  true  as  to  the  terms  of  the  Dawes 
report.  Germany  can  pay  reparations  in 
gold,  in  goods,  or  in  services.  There  is  no 
other  way.  Any  effective  payment  in  one 
or  all  of  these  ways  depends  upon  the  good 
will  and  co-operation  of  the  German 
people.  Forced  payments  are  destined 
surely  to  destroy  the  sources  from  which 
the  payments  must  come.  The  future  of 
the  situation,  therefore,  rests  upon  a 
maximum  of  observance  on  the  part  of 
the  German  people  with  a  minimum  of 
enforcement  on  the  part  of  her  creditors. 

Now  is  a  poor  time  for  the  Allies  to 
enter  into  public  debates  over  penalties  in 
the  event  of  German  default,  or  for  Ger- 
many to  take  up  again  any  variety  of 
schemes  for  possible  evasion.  The  Separa- 
tion Commission  should  submit  its  plan 
for  putting  the  scheme  of  the  experts  into 
effect  at  once,  for  time  is  now  of  the  es- 
sence of  things.  Mr.  Poincare  says  that 
his  policy  is  to  safeguard  the  rights  of 
France  and  to  consolidate  the  peace  of  the 
world.  So  be  it.  Both  debtor  and  creditor 
nations  of  Europe  can  afford  just  now  to 
soft-pedal  their  rights  and  to  concentrate 
more  openly  upon  their  duties.  Enlight- 
ened self-interest  demands  fewer  porcupines 
in  the  wilderness  of  European  politics. 


ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  OF  THE 
DAWES  REPORT 

FEOM  the  point  of  view  of  the  sound 
economic  principles  involved  in  the 
problem  of  Germany's  reparation  pay- 
ments, little,  if  any,  criticism  can  be  made 
of  the  report  given  to  the  world  on  April  9 
by  General  Dawes's  committee  of  experts. 
On  the  contrary,  the  report  performs  a 
real  service,  in  that  it  is  the  first  official 
document  dealing  with  the  whole  compli- 
cated subject  of  reparations  in  which  these 
principles  are  stated  clearly  and  with  the 
necessary  distinction,  as  between  the  vari- 
ous phases  of  the  process  of  reparation 
payments. 

It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  these 
various  phases  are  not  presented  in  such  a 
way  as  to  place  them  in  their  proper  per- 
spective with  regard  to  their  comparative 
importance.  Some  of  the  most  important 
propositions  put  forth  in  the  report  are 
buried  in  a  mass  of  much  less  important 
detail.  The  result  of  this  is  that  a  person 
uninitiated  in  the  intricacies  of  national 
and  international  finance  is  apt  to  be  mis- 
led entirely  as  to  the  really  vital  phases  of 
the  plan  contained  in  the  report.  The 
editorial  comment  in  some  of  our  daily 
press  bears  ample  witness  to  this  limitation 
of  the  report. 

Nor  is  this  confusion  helped  by  some  of 
the  statements  contained  in  General 
Dawes's  letter  transmitting  the  report. 
When  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of 
experts  says  that  "with  normal  economic 
conditions  and  with  productivity  restored 
in  Germany,  the  most  hopeful  estimates  of 
the  amounts  receivable  are  justified,"  he 
goes  far  beyond  the  assumptions  warranted 
by  the  report  itself. 

The  report  sets  forth  the  proposition 
that  large  reparation  payments  represent 
a  twofold  process,  involving  the  State 
budget  and  the  foreign  trade  of  the  paying 
country.  Since  the  reparation  payments 
are  to  be  made  by  the  German  Govern- 


264 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


ment,  it  is  necessary,  first  of  all,  that  its 
budgetary  receipts  must  be  in  excess  of  its 
budgetary  expenditures,  at  least  by  the 
amount  of  the  payments  required.  But 
these  budgetary  receipts  from  German  tax- 
payers are  in  the  form  of  German  marks. 
Before  they  can  be  applied  to  foreign  pay- 
ments, they  must  be  converted  into  foreign 
currencies,  aceptable  by  the  creditor  coun- 
tries, by  means  of  the  various  processes  in- 
volved in  foreign  trade. 

This  is  not  a  new  doctrine.  It  has  been 
enunciated  time  and  again  in  the  last  five 
years — by  Keynes  in  England,  by  Eist  and 
Decamps  in  Prance,  by  Moulton  in  the 
United  States.  Its  enunciation  in  the  re- 
port of  the  Dawes  Committee  simply  adds 
to  it  a  new  authoritativeness. 

The  first  task,  therefore,  visualized  by 
the  plan  of  the  Dawes  Committee  is  the 
balancing  of  the  German  budget  in  such  a 
way  that  the  amounts  of  the  reparation 
payments  prescribed  by  the  plan  may  be 
obtained  within  Germany  by  the  German 
Government.  After  a  thorough  study  of 
the  German  resources  and  possibilities,  the 
experts  came  to  the  conclusion  that  a  series 
of  difficult,  but  apparently  feasible,  finan- 
cial reforms  would  make  it  possible  for 
the  German  Government  to  obtain  within 
the  country  large  sums  of  money  that  can 
be  applied  to  reparation  payments.  These 
amounts  would  start  with  one  billion  gold 
marks  and  gradually  rise  to  two  and  one- 
half  billions,  which  would  be  the  fixed  an- 
nuity. 

A  balanced  budget,  achieved  by  means 
of  adequate  taxation,  would  be  a  very  im- 
portant element  in  the  stabilization  of  the 
German  currency.  The  technical  appa- 
ratus for  the  establishment  of  such  stabil- 
ized currency  is  provided  for  in  the  plan 
by  means  of  a  new  bank  of  issue,  which 
would  take  over  the  task  of  providing  Ger- 
many with  a  new  national  currency,  ade- 
quately secured  and  rigidly  controlled. 
This  bank  of  issue  will  also  serve  as  the 
instrument  for  converting  the  sums  ob- 


tained within  Germany  by  the  German 
Government  into  means  of  payment  ac- 
ceptable to  France  and  the  other  creditors. 

On  the  above  two  points,  viz.,  the  balanc- 
ing of  the  budget  and  the  stabilization  of 
the  German  currency,  the  plan  is  clear  and 
specific.  On  the  third  point,  however,  viz., 
the  transfer  of  reparation  payments  across 
the  German  frontiers,  the  plan  is  far  from 
being  definite. 

This  part  of  the  twofold  process  of 
reparation  payments  is  left  very  largely  to 
the  eventualities  of  the  future  and  the 
ingenuity  of  a  transfer  commission  to  be 
set  up  under  the  plan.  It  is  here  that  lies 
the  principal  and  really  vital  limitation  of 
both  the  report  and  the  plan. 

The  bank  of  issue  will  receive  and  de- 
posit to  the  order  of  the  transfer  commis- 
sion— i.  e.,  the  Reparation  Commission — 
the  sums  provided  by  the  German  Govern- 
ment out  of  budgetary  revenues.  There- 
upon the  responsibility  of  the  German 
Eeich  to  the  Reparation  Commission  will 
cease.  The  next  step  will  devolve  upon  the 
creditors  themselves. 

The  normal  process  by  means  of  which 
these  deposits  in  the  bank  of  issue  can  be 
transferred  abroad  is  as  follows:  Every 
time  Germany  sells  goods  abroad,  or  car- 
ries foreign  freight  on  her  railroads  or  in 
her  ships,  or  provides  accommodations  for 
foreign  tourists,  some  individuals  in  Ger- 
many gain  possession  of  foreign  currencies 
or  foreign  bills  of  exchange.  These  cur- 
rencies or  bills  of  exchange  are  turned 
back  to  foreigners  whenever  Germans  buy 
goods  abroad  or  have  similar  services  per- 
formed for  them  in  other  countries.  When- 
ever the  amounts  of  bills  of  exchange 
(actual  currencies  play  a  very  small  part 
in  the  transaction)  in  the  hands  of  the 
Germans  for  any  year  exceeds  the  require- 
ments for  payments  abroad  and  there  is  a 
surplus  of  them  in  the  country,  we  say  that 
Germany  has  in  that  year  a  favorable  bal- 
ance of  payments.  Only  when  this  is  the 
case  can  the  bank  of  issue  go  into  the  mar- 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


265 


ket  and  purchase  with  the  marks  in  its 
possession  the  surplus  of  the  bills  of  ex- 
change, which  it  can  turn  over  to  the 
creditor  countries  and  thus  effect  a  trans- 
fer of  reparation  payments. 

This  means  that  the  world  must  buy 
from  Germany  more  goods  and  services 
than  it  sells  to  Germany;  and,  since  Ger- 
many's principal  customers  before  the  war 
were  the  other  countries  of  Europe  (in 
1913,  76  per  cent  of  Germany's  exports 
went  to  the  countries  of  western,  central, 
and  eastern  Europe),  it  means  that  Ger- 
many's creditors  must  buy  from  her  in  the 
future  as  much  as  or  more  than  they 
bought  before  the  war  and,  incidentally, 
sell  to  her  less  than  they  sold  before  the 
war. 

Thus,  the  problem  of  transfer  is  the 
central  and  the  really  vital  phase  of  the 
whole  process  of  reparation  payments.  In 
it  are  involved  factors  that  are  entirely 
outside  of  Germany's  control.  Germany 
may  be  willing  to  produce  and  sell,  but 
will  the  world  be  willing  to  buy  enough  of 
what  Germany  has  to  offer,  not  only  to 
pay  for  what  she  herself  must  buy  abroad, 
but  also  to  pay  the  billions  of  gold  marks 
required  by  the  Reparation  Commission? 
The  German  Government  may  be  able  to 
deposit  in  the  bank  of  issue  the  amounts 
prescribed  by  the  Dawes  plan,  but  will  the 
transfer  commission  be  able  to  make  these 
amounts  available  beyond  Germany's  fron- 
tiers? And  it  must  be  remembered,  too, 
that  the  process  of  this  transfer  is  a  most 
delicate  one,  since  its  handling,  without 
regard  to  the  whole  national  and  inter- 
national economic  situation  of  Germany, 
will  have  immediate  and  disastrous  reper- 
cussions on  the  German  exchange  and 
undo  everything  already  accomplished. 

Into  these  phases  of  the  problem  the  re- 
port does  not  venture  far.  Some  of  them 
it  ignores  altogether.  There  is  no  gain- 
saying the  fact  that  technically  this  is  due 
to  the  rigid  limitations  imposed  upon  the 
committee   of   experts   by   the   terms   of 


reference  laid  down  for  them,  and  that 
practically  it  is  the  result  of  the  political 
circumstances  surrounding  the  work  of  the 
committee.  But,  whatever  the  reason,  this 
limitation  of  the  plan  is  none  the  less  all 
too  significant  and  vital. 


SENATOR  PEPPER'S  RESOLUTION 

APRIL  6,  Senator  Pepper,  of  Pennsyl- 
'-  vania,  submitted  a  resolution  in  the 
United  States  Senate  (S.  Res.  204),  as 
follows : 

Whereas  the  International  Peace  Con- 
ferences held  at  The  Hague  in  1899  and 
1907  were  found  to  present  useful  oppor- 
tunities for  the  friendly  exchange  of  views 
and  opinions  upon  great  world  questions ; 
and 

Whereas  the  progress  subsequently  made 
at  the  Washington  conference  of  1922  in 
the  direction  of  limiting  armaments  may 
well  be  conserved  and  extended  in  the  near 
future,  if  the  attention  of  all  nations  be 
simultaneously  focused  upon  a  matter  so 
vital  to  covilization ;  and 

Whereas  all  proposals  for  the  limitation 
of  armaments  necessarily  presupposed  the 
existence  of  a  body  of  international  law 
adequate  to  the  present  and  future  needs 
of  the  nations  and  of  courts  of  arbitration 
and  of  courts  of  justice  to  interpret  and 
to  apply  its  recognized  and  accepted  prin- 
ciples: Now,  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  1.  TJie  Senate  advises  the 
President  of  the  United  States  that,'  in 
the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  the  time  has 
come  when  a  world  conference  similar  to 
the  conferences  heretofore  held  at  The 
Hague  may  with  advantage  be  assembled 
for  the  consideration  of  questions  affecting 
the  peace  of  the  world. 

2.  That  the  Senate  further  advises  the 
President  that,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
Senate,  the  agenda  at  such  a  conference 
should  include  the  following : 

(a)  A  consideration  of  the  further  re- 
duction of  naval  armaments  and  of  the 
limitation  of  land  and  aerial  armaments; 

(&)  A  consideration  of  the  ways  in 
which  international  law  may  be  made  at 
once  more  certain  and  more  responsive  to 
present  and  future  needs;  and 

(c)  A    consideration   of    plans    for    a 


266 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


world  court,  either  through  a  further  de- 
velopment of  the  present  Permanent  Court 
of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague  or  through 
the  disassociation  of  the  present  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice  at  The 
Hague  from  the  League  of  Nations. 

This,  in  our  judgment,  is  an  important 
resolution.  It  is  a  clear  statement  of  what 
America  could  do  on  an  international 
plane  without  violating  our  Constitution 
and  without  arousing  any  appreciable  op- 
position on  the  part  of  our  people.  Sena- 
tor Pepper  carefully  refrains  from  any 
reference  to  an  economic  conference  be- 
cause Senator  Borah  has  already  intro- 
duced a  resolution  covering  that.  The 
Senator  from  Pennsylvania  realizes  the 
growing  determination  on  the  part  of  the 
peoples  of  the  world  further  to  reduce 
naval  armaments  and  to  begin  the  process 
of  limiting  armaments  on  land  and  in  the 
air.  He  also  realizes  the  necessity  of  re- 
turning to  international  law  in  proportion 
as  we  decrease  our  reliance  on  force  of 
arms.  He  calls  attention  also  to  the  fact 
that  it  is  most  important  that  we  establish 
and  strengthen  the  World  Court  "without 
attempting  the  impossible  task  of  recon- 
ciling divergent  views  in  regard  to  the 
League  of  Nations." 

Every  friend  of  the  American  Peace 
Society  will  see  at  once  that  Senator 
Pepper's  proposal  is  in  direct  line  with 
everything  for  which  this  Society  has 
stood  and  still  stands.  When  it  is  recalled 
that  the  author  of  the  resolution  is  a 
Philadelphia  lawyer  of  the  highest  stand- 
ing, a  professor  of  law  for  many  years 
in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania ;  that  he 
is  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Eelations  of  the  Senate,  and  that  the  reso- 
lution was  offered  after  consultation  with 
other  and  leading  members  of  the  Senate, 
one's  sense  of  the  importance  of  the  reso- 
lution increases.  We  are  peculiarly  fortu- 
nate to  be  able  to  present  to  our  readers, 
elsewhere  in  these  columns,  the  article  by 
George  A.  Finch,  Esquire — An  American 


Plan  for  an  Association  of  Nations — which 
amplifies  the  proposals  embodied  in  Sena- 
tor Pepper's  resolution. 

As  pointed  out  by  our  Secretary  of 
State  in  his  New  York  speech  of  April  16, 
the  people  of  the  United  States  cannot 
take  kindly  to  political  commitments  op- 
posed to  the  genius  of  our  institutions. 
"The  American  people  cherish  their  inde- 
pendence. They  were  unwilling  to  enter 
into  ambiguous  commitments,  which  in 
one  breath  were  sought  to  be  explained 
away  as  having  little  significance,  and  in 
another  were  strenuously  demanded  as  be- 
ing of  vital  importance.  They  refused  to 
assume,  by  any  form  of  words,  an  obliga- 
tion to  take  part  in  the  never-ending  con- 
flicts of  rival  ambitions  in  Europe.  But, 
nevertheless,  they  earnestly  desire  peace 
and  seek  in  every  way  consistent  to  their 
tradition  to  promote  it." 

Later  on,  Mr.  Hughes  added : 

"The  United  States  is  recognized 
throughout  the  world  as  possessing  and 
exercising  an  influence  second  to  none  in 
promoting  international  peace.  We  favor 
international  conferences  whenever  there 
is  a  reasonable  prospect  of  forwarding  in  > 
this  manner  conciliatory  measures  or  of 
reaching  useful  agreements." 

Thus  Senator  Pepper's  resolution  is  an 
American  step  toward  the  realization  of  an 
American  ideal  in  an  American  way, 
violating,  the  while,  nothing  of  the  prin- 
ciples or  aspirations  of  other  powers. 

In  his  address  on  April  22  President 
Coolidge  showed  himself  to  be  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  substance  of  the  proposal, 
expressing  his  belief  in  the  efficacy  of 
"frequent  international  conferences  suited 
to  particular  needs."  Judging  from  recent 
utterances  of  Senator  Eobinson  of  Arkan- 
sas, leader  of  the  Democrats  in  the  Senate, 
both  of  our  political  parties  are  substan- 
tially in  accord  upon  this  most  important 
matter.  The  ship  of  justice  between  na- 
tions is  in  a  fair  way  to  be  supplied  once 
more  with  a  chart  and  with  a  compass. 


19U 


EDITORIALS 


267 


CAN  NATIONS  ACT  AS  GENTLE- 
MEN? 


E 


VEKY  ONE  has  his  'd'rathers' " 
may  be  a  colloquialism,  but  it  is  a 
profound  psychological  observation.  Club 
life,  so  popular  in  every  circle,  rests  upon 
the  principle  of  exclusiveness.  Peoples  are 
particular.  We  Americans  are  choosey. 
We  began  that  way.  As  early  as  March 
26,  1790,  our  Congress  enacted  a  natural- 
ization law  limiting  the  privilege  of  ad- 
mission to  citizenship  from  abroad  to  free 
whites.  The  fourteenth  and  the  fifteenth 
amendments  to  our  Constitution  extended 
the  privilege  to  alien  blacks,  but  the  pro- 
hibition of  the  yellows  and  the  browns  has 
stood  from  1790  until  today.  Our  Monroe 
Doctrine  enunciated  thirty-three  years 
later,  was,  of  course,  an  act  of  exclusion, 
although  not  of  a  racial  character.  We 
have  passed  special  legislation  against  the 
naturalization  of  Chinese  in  this  country. 
Because  of  our  race  consciousness  we  have 
long  been  troubled  with  the  problem  of 
dealing  with  the  sensitive  Japanese. 
Under  the  terms  of  an  act  now  before  the 
United  States  Congress,  which  act  is  sup- 
ported by  an  overwhelming  majority  of 
both  houses,  alien  immigrants  ineligible 
for  .citizenship  are  not  to  be  admitted  to 
the  United  States.  This  act,  if  it  becomes 
law,  will  end  the  so-called  "gentleman's 
agreement"  arranged  in  1908,  during  Mr. 
Roosevelt's  administration,  the  substance 
of  which  agreement  is  set  forth  in  Mr. 
Hanihara's  letter,  printed  elsewhere  in 
these  columns.  It  will  exclude  all  Japa- 
nese immigrants  from  the  United  States. 
This  rather  unexpected  procedure,  fol- 
lowing the  correspondence  between  Mr. 
Hughes  and  the  Japanese  Ambassador  in 
Washington,  has  greatly  disturbed  the  re- 
lations between  this  country  and  Japan. 
The  Japanese  grant  that  under  our  Con- 
stitution the  matter  of  immigration  is 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  our  Congress. 
They  agree  that  questions  relating  to  im- 


migration are  domestic  questions,  and  that 
every  independent  nation  has  the  right  to 
admit  or  to  exclude  whomsoever  it  may 
choose.  Informed  Japanese  must  realize 
the  American  point  of  view,  namely,  that 
if  we  admit  large  numbers  of  any  race 
as  permanent  residents  of  this  country, 
and  then  deny  them  the  privilege  of  being 
naturalized,  the  results  can  be  anything 
but  desirable.  Our  American  people  can- 
not view  with  complacency  segregated 
groups  of  foreigners  organized  for  their 
self-protection,  retaining  their  allegiance 
to  their  mother-land  and  rearing  their 
children  to  the  same  allegiance.  The 
problem  facing  us  is,  therefore,  essentially 
simple ;  namely,  shall  we  change  our  policy 
of  over  a  century  and  grant  the  privilege 
of  naturalization  to  the  Japanese  who 
come  to  our  shores,  or  shall  we  limit  the 
number  of  Japanese  immigrants?  Con- 
gress is  evidently  bent  upon  excluding 
them  altogether. 

This  decision  on  the  part  of  the  Con- 
gress follows  a  long  series  of  difficulties, 
particularly  in  California,  Oregon,  and 
Washington.  Japanese  alien  residents, 
with  their  different  standards  of  living, 
with  their  Japanese  language  schools,  have 
given  rise  to  State  anti-alien  land  laws, 
and  other  measures  equally  embarrassing 
to  Tokyo  and  to  Washington.  The  net 
result  has  been  agitation,  and  then  more 
agitation. 

The  unpleasantness  of  the  situation  is 
set  forth  in  Mr.  Hanihara's  letter.  This 
letter,  with  its  unfortunate  phrase,  "grave 
consequences,"  produced  something  little 
short  of  a  sensation  in  the  Senate.  One 
Senator,  who  had  been  in  favor  of  con- 
tinuing the  gentlemen's  agreement,  took 
the  position  that  the  instant  the  Japanese 
Ambassador  sent  his  formal  communica- 
tion to  this  government,  suggesting 
through  proper  diplomatic  channels  that 
unless  certain  legislative  action  is  taken  by 
us  the  gravest  consequences  are  likely  to 
ensue,  at  that  moment  the  whole  matter 


268 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


passes  out  of  the  sphere  of  a  gentlemen's 
agreement."  In  other  words,  it  was  felt  in 
the  Senate  that  the  Ambassador  of  the 
Japanese  Government,  speaking  for  his 
sovereign,  had  terminated  the  gentlemen's 
agreement.  So  the  Senate  proceeded  to  do 
its  share  toward  the  ending  of  that  agree- 
ment. 

It  is  all  most  unfortunate.  Even  if  the 
proceeding  ultimately  clears  the  air,  as  did 
our  Chinese  exclusion  act,  the  situation  at 
the  moment  is  distressing.  When  con- 
fronted with  the  question  whether  or  not 
two  nations  can  act  as  gentlemen,  Mr. 
Hanihara  and  the  United  States  Senate 
seemed  to  agree  that  it  is  impossible.  The 
situation  is  an  illustration  again  of  the 
difficulties  involved  in  international  inter- 
course. 

Our  American  institutions  depend  en* 
tirely  upon  the  nature  of  our  citizenship. 
As  President  Coolidge  has  said,  "New  ar- 
rivals should  be  limited  to  our  capacity  to 
absorb  them  into  the  ranks  of  good  citizen- 
ship. America  must  be  kept  American. 
For  this  purpose  it  is  necessary  to  continue 
a  policy  of  restricted  immigration." 

We  must  accept  that  doctrine.  Japan 
has  a  similar  doctrine  for  herself.  As  a 
doctrine,  it  is  a  racial  Monroe  Doctrine,  a 
natural  spirit  of  exclusiveness,  peculiar  to 
no  one  family,  State,  or  race.  Japanese 
people  acquainted  with  America  know  that 
this  policy  of  exclusion  is  intended  in  no 
sense  as  a  reflection  upon  the  Japanese 
people.  Throughout  America  there  is 
nothing  but  admiration  and  respect  for 
Japanese  civilization.  But  the  will  to 
maintain  a  racial  solidarity  in  America, 
while  confronted  with  many  difficulties,  is 
nevertheless  very  strong. 

The  Japanese  immigration  problem  has 
been  rather  sorely  bungled.  The  Japanese 
have  not  been  altogether  happy  in  the 
manner  of  their  insistence  upon  "equality" 
with  other  nations.  It  is  not  especially 
dignified  to  press  oneself  upon  another. 
We   suspect   certain   Japanese  have   pro- 


tested too  much.  There  has  been  a  great 
deal  of  talk  about  the  pride  and  sensitive- 
ness of  the  Japanese  people.  Pride  and 
sensitiveness  do  not  go  well  with  egotism 
or  with  insistence  upon  equality.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  members  of  our  Senate 
should  not  forget  that  together  they  con- 
stitute our  diplomatic  council  in  matters 
of  foreign  affairs.  These  representatives 
of  the  States  are  responsible  for  the  repu- 
tation of  our  Union  before  the  world.  It 
was  not  in  the  best  of  taste  to  construe 
the  Hanihara  note  in  its  most  unfavorable 
light  and  then  to  blame  it  for  the  vote  to 
end  the  gentlemen's  agreement.  There  are 
theoretical  and  practical  objections  to  the 
gentlemen's  agreement:  The  Japanese 
have  been  accused  of  evading  it;  the  en- 
tire responsibility  for  carrying  out  the 
agreement  rests  upon  Japan;  under  its 
terms,  our  immigration  authorities  have 
to  accept  every  passport  presented  at  our 
doors  by  Japanese,  an  arrangement  exist- 
ing between  us  and  no  other  nation;  it 
has,  therefore,  produced  no  little  suspicion 
and  irritation.  Our  Senate  would  have 
been  in  a  more  defensible  position  had  it 
rested  its  case  upon  these  objections.  As 
it  is,  our  government  is  in  the  position  of 
having  been  unnecessarily  brusque.  An 
unfailing  courtesy  is  no  abrogation  of  the 
nation's  dignity  or  sovereignty. 

Assuming  that  the  exclusion  law  be- 
comes effective,  there  is  no  reason  for  con- 
cluding that  Japan  has  lost  any  of  her 
self-respect.  In  no  real  way  has  her 
equality  with  other  nations  been  impaired. 
We  shall  continue  to  treat  her  as  an  equal 
under  the  terms  of  all  our  treaty  engage- 
ments— indeed,  in  all  world  affairs.  It 
does  not  seem  reasonable  to  suppose  that 
our  action  will  have  any  appreciable  bear- 
ing upon  Japan's  relations  to  other  powers. 
The  social  position  of  Japan,  the  dignity 
and  worth  of  that  people,  can  be  affected 
helpfully  or  injuriously  only  by  the  Japa- 
nese people  themselves. 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


269 


BRITAIN  EXTENDS  HER  PARLIA- 
MENTARY CONTROL  OF  FOR- 
EIGN POLICIES 

LIBERALS  abroad  have  been  struggling 
i  for  many  years  to  extend  the  control 
of  foreign  policies  by  their  respective  par- 
liaments. It  is  difficult  for  us  in  America 
to  realize  how  little  most  legislative  bodies 
abroad  have  to  say  in  matters  of  treaties, 
understandings,  agreements,  and  declara- 
tions. With  us  of  the  United  States,  the 
Senate  may  consent  or  withhold  its  ap- 
proval to  a  given  treaty  at  will.  It  may 
reject  or  fail  to  act  upon  it.  It  may  amend 
or  approve  it  with  reservations.  In  any 
event,  under  our  system  no  treaty  can  come 
into  force  secretly.  It  has  been  left  for 
the  British  Labor  Party  to  herald  a  new 
day  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  at 
Westminster. 

It  all  come  about  most  casually,  April 
1,  during  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons over  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Turkey. 
Mr.  Ponsonby,  the  Under  Secretary  for 
Foreign   Affairs,   announced   the   govern- 
ment's   intention    to    inaugurate    a    new 
practice   in   the   matter   of   treaties   and 
similar    international    obligations.      Mr. 
Ponsonby  announced  it  to  be  the  inten- 
tion of  the  government  to  lay  on  the  table 
of  the  House  every  treaty,  when  signed, 
for   a  period  of  twenty-one   days  before 
ratification.      In    the   case   of    important 
treaties,  discussion  is  to  be  asked  for.    The 
purpose  clearly  set  forth  is  to  render  im- 
possible all  secret  treaties  or  secret  clauses 
of  treaties.     The  treaties  not  disapproved 
by  the  Parliament  will  be  considered  ap- 
proved.    It  is  proposed  that  Parliament 
shall  exercise   supervision  not  only  over 
treaties,    but    over    agreements,    commit- 
ments, and  understandings  by  which  the 
nation  might  be  bound  in  certain  circum- 
stances and  which  might  involve  questions 
of  war  or  peace.     Mr.  Ponsonby  went  on 
to  declare  it  to  be  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance that  England  should  not  find  her- 


self compelled  to  take  action  along  certain 
lines  without  the  public  being  prepared. 
It  is  understood  that  the  Prime  Minister 
favors  the  innovation. 

This  is  a  noteworthy  event.  That  it 
could  happen  so  incidentally  is  a  compli- 
ment to  the  constitutional  system  of 
Britain.  Statesmen,  including  Mr.  Glad- 
stone, have  held  that  the  treaty-making 
prerogative  was  absolutely  and  in  all  cases 
outside  the  interests  of  Parliament.  Dur- 
ing the  life  of  the  Labor  Government  this 
is  evidently  all  to  be  changed.  Mr.  H.  A. 
L.  Fisher  characterized  the  proceeding  as 
"an  Americanization  of  the  British  Con- 
stitution." In  a  sense,  this  is  the  fact — a 
most  encouraging  fact. 


A  WOMAN'S  SENSIBLE  STATE- 
MENT 

VARIOUS  women's  organizations  are 
seriously  struggling  to  do  something 
worth  while  in  behalf  of  international 
peace.  Many  of  them — like  organizations 
of  brethren — find  it  difficult  to  go  about 
the  business  with  wisdom.  Before  us  is 
a  statement  by  Mrs.  W.  F.  Blackman,  of 
the  International  Relations  Committee  of 
the  State  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs  in 
Florida.  The  suggestions,  prepared  upon 
the  request  of  the  committee  for  the  press 
and  publicity  department,  are  sane,  bal- 
anced, and  interpretive  not  only  of 
woman's,  but  of  man's  relations  to  our 
government.     The  statement  runs: 

What  attitude  should  the  women  of  the 
Florida  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs  take 
toward  the  question  of  the  relation  of  the 
United  States  to  the  other  nations  of  the 
world,  and  toward  the  activities  of  various 
organizations  and  individuals  who  are  pre- 
senting their  plans  or  propaganda  to  us 
for  our  signatures  and  endorsement? 

First,  let  us  remember  that  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Senate  are  charged  by  the 
constitution  with  the  duty  and  the  respon- 
sibility of  determining  the  foreign  policies 
of  the  United  States. 

May  we  not  assume  that  these  men  are. 


270 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


for  the  most  part,  as  anxious  to  promote 
peace  and  co-operation  among  the  nations 
as  are  the  women  of  the  country  ? 

We  must  recognize  the  fact  that  they 
have  information  respecting  the  attitude 
of  other  nations  toward  us  and  toward  one 
another  which  we  do  not  possess,  and 
which  we  have  no  right  to  compel  our  State 
Department  to  divulge  in  order  to  quiet 
ignorant  or  sentimental  clamor. 

Also,  we  must  remember  that  much  of 
the  agitation  in  this  country  for  peace  and 
disarmament  may  be  simply  a  camouflage 
behind  which  the  enemies  of  all  govern- 
ment can  work  for  their  pernicious  ends. 

The  men  on  whom  the  responsibility  of 
determining  the  policies  of  the  govern- 
ment rests  are  no  doubt  often  embarrassed 
and  bewildered  by  the  avalanche,  threaten- 
ing to  overwhelm  them,  of  telegrams  and 
letters  and  petitions  making  demands  upon 
them  which  they  cannot  possibly  or  wisely 
meet. 

What,  then,  shall  we  do  respecting  these 
urgent  problems  upon  which  we  may  not 
be  experts,  but  in  which  we  know  that  our 
own  and  our  children's  welfare  is  vitally 
concerned  ? 

Well,  we  have  a  group  of  competent  and 
conservative  experts  in  the  International 
Eelations  Committee  of  the  General  Fed- 
eration of  Women's  Clubs,  whose  leader- 
ship and  recommendations  we  may  safely 
accept.  Moreover,  we  have  a  capable  com- 
mittee of  our  own,  the  International  Ee- 
lations Committee  of  the  Florida  Federa- 
tions, which  co-operates  with  the  committee 
of  the  general  federation,  and  upon  which 
we  have  laid  the  responsibility  of  suggest- 
ing and  guiding  our  actions  in  these  mat- 
ters. Let  us  confide  in  their  judgment  and 
await  and  follow  their  counsels. 

Finally,  I  must  add,  that  if  any  Senator 
should  be  playing  politics,  as  I  regret  so 
many  are,  for  his  own  or  his  party's  ad- 
vantage, instead  of  giving  his  attention  to 
these  paramount  questions,  the  women — 
and  the  men — of  his  constituency  should 
call  him  to  account  in  no  uncertain  terms. 
And  those  Senators  who  sit  indifferent 
and  silent  before  such  a  disgraceful  use  of 
power,  should  be  prodded  from  their 
inertia  by  their  constituents,  who  ought  to 
be  indignant,  but  seldom  are.  One  thing 
the  women  can  do.  They  can  take  interest 
enough  in  the  well-being  of  our  country 


to  help  put  men  and  women  of  unques- 
tioned ability  and  character  in  the  places 
of  leadership  and  power.  Those  who  re- 
fuse to  accept  this  obligation  had  better 
forever  after  hold  their  peace. 


MOTHER  OF  PARLIAMENTS 

HISTORY  has  no  chapter  more  inter- 
esting than  the  story  of  the  British 
Empire.  One  bent  upon  explaining 
Britain's  acquisition  of  her  wide  stretches 
of  world  dominion  finds  one's  self  faced 
with  the  whole  complex  of  human  emo- 
tions, ambitions,  abilities. 

This  is  illustrated  once  more  by  her 
recent  achievements  in  Bagdad,  capital  of 
Iraq,  a  re-established  kingdom  along  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates.  Undoubtedly  the 
hard-headed  Englishmen,  by  pouring  some 
thirty  million  dollars  into  that  section  of 
ancient  Mesopotamia,  have  had  an  eye  to 
their  commercial  advantage.  Mosul,  with 
its  hypothetical  resources  in  oil,  is  a  part 
of  Iraq.  But  there  is  another  motive  in 
the  Englishman's  mind.  He  feels  that 
here  is  a  chance  to  render  a  service,  and 
that  Britain  of  all  other  nations  is  pecu- 
liarly qualified  to  render  that  service. 
The  Britisher  is  a  world-minded  man.  He 
is  trained  on  an  international  plane. 
That  is  the  reason  why  offspring  of  the 
British  Parliament  are  found  full-grown 
and  lusty  in  Canada,  Australia,  New  Zea- 
land, Newfoundland,  and  South  Africa. 
The  Englishman  enjoys  watching  the  par- 
liament of  India  struggling  infant-like 
under  the  mothering  care  of  Westminster. 
It  is  warming  to  the  English  heart  to  pose 
as  tutor  to  the  more  adolescent  Egypt,  and 
to  feel  that  he  is  leading  Palestine  by  the 
hand.  Just  now,  again,  he  is  filled  with 
joy  because  he  has  been  able  to  establish  a 
parliament  for  Iraq,  under  King  Feisal, 
in  the  one-time  glorious  city  of  the  Ab- 
bassides,  a  city  which  nearly  a  thousand 
years  ago  was  the  splendor  of  the  Eastern 
World. 


192  J^ 


EDITORIALS 


271 


Under  the  terms  of  the  treaty  between 
London  and  Bagdad,  the  British  mandate 
in  Iraq  is  to  continue  by  mutual  consent 
only  four  years  after  the  ratification  of 
peace  with  Turkey.  So  the  British  have 
been  making  hay  while  the  sun  shone. 
The  mandate  will  probably  be  extended. 
Anyhow,  at  the  moment,  Iraq  is  officially 
at  the  feet  of  London, 

Through  a  millennium  Iraq  rendered  a 
service   to    civilization    in    education,    in 
morals,  in  the  arts.     Her  devastation  and 
decay    followed   centuries    of    onslaughts 
from  without  and  from  within.    The  great 
war  brought  the  British  army  to  Bagdad. 
Iraq    being   left   without   a   government, 
England  at  once  saw  its  "primary  duty  to 
create  one."     As  a  result,  the  outside  and 
the  inside  enemies  of  Iraq  were  unhorsed. 
And  now  we  have  the  establishment,  with 
the  aid  of  British  brains  and  funds,  of  a 
parliament  once  more  in  Bagdad. 
B     The  effects,  in  the  main,  have  been  con- 
sonant with  the  traditional  statecraft  of 
Britain.      Assuming  direction  of  affairs, 
the  British  agents  drove  away  the  Turks, 
threatening  from  the  outside,  and  the  for- 
eigners,    who     had     generally     misruled 
within.     They  then  went  about  the  busi- 
ness of  establishing  public  security.     The 
result  is  that  the  laborer  goes  forth  to  his 
toil  without  a  gun,  the  roads  are  safe  for 
traffic,  and  the  trade  along  the  river  to  the 
Persian  Gulf  is  no  longer  in  danger  from 
the  "snipers."     Motor  traffic  is  increasing 
rapidly.     Train  service  has  been  greatly 
improved.     There  is  a  regular  mail  and 
passenger  airplane  service  to  Palestine  and 
to    Egypt.     Mindful    of    the    educational 
preeminence  of  Bagdad  in  the  long  ago,  a 
university  has  been  opened.     The  budget 
has   been   balanced,   albeit   with   English 
pounds  and  shillings.     Ports  and  bridges 
have  been  built.     This  is  the  British  way 
of  doing  business,  when  at  its  best. 

It  does  not  detract  from  the  merits  of 
the  work  to  grant  that  London  sees  the 


beneficial  effects  of  all  this  upon  English 
policies  in  India.  Of  course,  as  a  result 
of  the  policy,  Britain  is  in  a  position  to 
play  a  most  important  role  in  any  attempt 
to  complete  the  railroad  connections  be- 
tween the  Baltic  and  the  Persian  Gulf. 
These  things  are  a  part  of  the  complex. 
But  the  secret  of  Britain's  success  in  such 
large  matters  lies  deeper.  Even  when  she 
muddles  and  bungles  her  enterprises,  at 
bottom,  if  one  penetrates  far  enough,  her 
statesmanship  is  found  to  rest  upon  an 
abiding  principle.  There  is  in  the  mind 
of  the  Briton,  especially  since  1783,  an 
unquestioned  desire  that  the  group  which 
he  is  trying  to  aid  shall  come  eventually 
into  a  complete  independence.  It  is  be- 
cause of  this  that  the  world  has  Ottawa, 
St.  Johns,  Dublin,  Wellington,  Cape 
Town,  Melbourne,  and  the  English  Gov- 
ernment has  come  to  be  known  as  the 
"mother  of  parliaments," 


REPUBLIC  IN  HELLAS 

THE  Greek  National  Assembly,  by 
practically  a  unanimous  vote,  passed  a 
resolution  March  25  favoring  for  Greece 
a  republican  form  of  government.  On 
April  13  the  Greek  people  voted  by  a  ma- 
jority of  3  to  1  for  such  a  change.  A  presi- 
dent pro  tern,  has  been  chosen.  The  legis- 
lative branch  is  to  be  composed  of  a  senate 
and  a  chamber  of  deputies.  Dispatches 
indicate  that  former  Premier  Alexander 
Zaimis,  friend  of  Venizelos,  stands  the  best 
chance  of  being  elected  president  at  the 
forthcoming  election.  To  insure  domestic 
stability  and  peace,  it  is  proposed  to  pro- 
hibit discussion  of  the  constitution  for  a 
period  of  at  least  five  years. 

Thus  another  European  kingdom  passes 
from  the  stage.  A  people  "so  democratic 
that  they  cannot  choose  from  their  own 
number  one  to  preside  over  them"  have 
decided  to  do  that  thing.  The  fact  is  of 
interest  to  all  followers  of  democracy,  espe- 
cially to  us  of  the  United  States.     At  one 


272 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


time  in  our  history  we  of  this  country  were 
keenly  interested  in  the  political  aspira- 
tions of  Greece.  It  was  during  those  years, 
a  century  ago,  when  that  land  was  stormed 
from  within  and  from  without;  when  the 
French  Eevolution  had  played  no  small 
part  in  arousing  there  the  spirit  of  nation- 
alism and  a  desire  for  freedom,  particu- 
larly from  the  domination  of  the  Turk; 
when  events  were  leading  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Turko-Egyptian  fleet  at  Nava- 
rino,  in  the  fall  of  1827,  and  the  end  of  the 
war  for  independence. 

During  those  trying  years  our  United 
States  expressed  interest  on  Greek  affairs 
in  no  uncertain  language.  In  his  sixth 
annual  message  of  December  3,  1822, 
President  Monroe,  referring  to  the  un- 
settled conditions  in  Europe,  said : 

"The  mention  of  Greece  fills  the  mind 
with  the  most  exalted  sentiments  and 
arouses  in  our  bosoms  the  best  feelings  of 
which  our  nature  is  susceptible.  Superior 
skill  and  refinement  in  the  arts,  heroic  gal- 
lantry in  action,  disinterested  patriotism, 
enthusiastic  zeal  and  devotion  in  favor  of 
public  and  personal  liberty,  are  associated 
with  our  recollections  of  ancient  Greece. 
That  such  a  country  should  have  been 
overwhelmned  and  so  long  hidden,  as  it 
were,  from  the  world  under  a  gloomy  des- 
potism has  been  a  cause  of  unceasing  and 
deep  regret  to  generous  minds  for  ages 
past.  It  was  natural,  therefore,  that  the 
reappearance  of  those  people  in  their  orig- 
inal character,  contending  in  favor  of  their 
liberties,  should  produce  that  great  excite- 
ment and  sympathy  in  their  favor  which 
have  been  so  signally  displayed  throughout 
the  United  States.  A  strong  hope  is  en- 
tertained that  these  people  will  recover 
their  independence  and  resume  their  equal 
station  among  the  nations  of  the  earth." 

In  his  seventh  annual  message,  Decem- 
ber 2,  1823,  President  Monroe  reverted  to 
the  matter  when  he  used  these  words : 

"A  strong  hope  has  been  long  enter- 
tained, founded  on  the  heroic  struggle  of 
the  Greeks,  that  they  would  succeed  in 
their  contest  and  resume  their  equal  sta- 
tion among  the  nations  of  the  earth.    .    .    . 


Their  cause  and  their  name  have  protected 
them  from  dangers  which  might  ere  this 
have  overwhelmed  any  other  people." 

President  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  his 
first  annual  message,  December  6,  1825, 
called  attention  to  "the  heroic  struggles  of 
the  Greeks  themselves,  in  which  our  warm- 
est sympathies  as  free  men  and  Christians 
have  been  engaged."  And  in  his  third 
annual  message,  December  4,  1827,  he 
spoke  with  still  greater  feeling  of  the 
Greek  "sufferings  in  the  cause  of  liberty" 
and  expressed  the  hope  "that  their  inde- 
pendence will  be  secured  by  those  liberal 
institutions  of  which  their  country  fur- 
nished the  earliest  examples  in  the  history 
of  mankind,  and  which  have  consecrated 
to  immortal  remembrance  the  very  soil  for 
which  they  are  now  again  profusely  pour- 
ing forth  their  blood." 

It  was  seriously  proposed  during  those 
trying  days  that  the  United  States  Navy 
should  be  sent  to  help  the  Greeks.  Webster 
and  Clay  pleaded  their  cause.  Commit- 
tees, called  Philhellenic  committees,  were 
organized  in  this  country  to  raise  funds 
for  their  aid.  Not  a  few  Americans  en- 
listed in  the  Greek  army. 

Greek  civilization,  its  arts,  its  litera- 
tures, its  philosophies,  have  been  woven 
into  the  fabric  of  our  America.  Swin- 
burne referred  to  Greece  as  "The  litany 
of  nations" ;  Helen  Keller  calls  the  Greek 
language  "the  violin  of  human  thought." 
Only  the  Hebrew  has  influenced  our 
modern  world  as  has  the  Greek. 

No  one  can  forecast  the  outcome  of  the 
new  order  of  things  in  Greece;  but  our 
interest  of  a  century  ago,  not  to  mention 
our  concern  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and 
self-government  everywhere,  is  revived 
again  by  the  birth  of  this  new  republic, 
where 

The  mountains  look  on  Marathon, 
And  Marathon  looks  on  the  sea. 

and  where,  musing  there  an  hour  alone, 
Byron  dreamed  that  Greece  might  yet  be 
free. 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


273 


IT  is  difficult  for  a  big  nation  to  sit  idly 
by  and  watch  complacently  a  fiery  rev- 
olution in  the  midst  of  a  much  smaller 
nation  near  at  hand.  This  the  United 
States  has  been  obliged  to  do  for  several 
months.  The  end  of  this  revolution  in 
Honduras  is  not  yet  in  sight.  President 
Coolidge  has  instructed  Sumner  Welles, 
our  American  commissioner  to  the  Do- 
minican Republic,  to  offer  the  friendly  as- 
sistance of  the  United  States  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  peace  in  Honduras.  How 
difficult  it  is  for  us  to  keep  out  of  such  a 
situation  appears  from  the  fact  that  our 
customs  officials  in  New  Orleans  were 
called  upon,  April  11,  to  seize  certain  war 
supplies  aboard  a  Norwegian  steamer 
bound,  it  was  alleged,  for  Central  Ameri- 
can ports.  The  captain  of  this  vessel  is 
charged  with  violating  our  embargo  on  war 
material  destined  for  Honduran  ports. 


THE  most  serious  problem  facing  the 
world,  particularly  at  this  hour,  is  to 
forestall  the  calamity  of  another  world 
war.  Observers  who  were  telling  us  six 
months  ago  that  there  could  not  be  another 
war  for  a  generation  are  talking  now  as  if 
such  a  war  is  already  possible  if  not  prob- 
able at  any  time.  When  we  recall  that 
there  are  more  men  under  arms  than  in 
1914,  that  nearly  a  dozen  European  na- 
tions are  on  a  war  footing,  that  there  are 
m6re  real  causes  for  war,  particularly  in 
Europe,  than  at  any  time  since  the  Franco- 
Prussian  war,  and  that  the  conditions  of 
living  throughout  Europe  are  in  the  main 
practically  intolerable,  the  situation  is 
grave  indeed. 


BUT  underneath  the  skin  none  of  the 
peoples  of  Europe  wants  war.  Take 
the  Balkans.  The  Associated  Press,  under 
date  of  April  19,  quotes  Foreign  Minister 
Kalloff,  of  Bulgaria,  as  saying  in  Sofia : 

"If  the  negotiations  recently  concluded 
or  now  approaching  conclusion  are  success- 
ful, the  danger  of  war  will  be  averted  in 


the  Balkans  for  many  years.  The  latest 
of  these  agreements,  that  with  Rumania, 
is  about  to  be  signed.  The  preliminary 
agreement  already  signed  provides  for  a 
joint  action  to  prevent  incursions  across 
the  Rumanian  frontier,  with  two  mixed 
commissions  sitting.  A  blanket  agree- 
ment covering  all  points  of  possible  dis- 
pute, including  payment  by  Bulgaria  for 
the  war  seizures,  is  practically  completed, 
only  a  few  details  remaining  to  be  settled. 
The  agreement  with  Jugoslavia  is  working 
out  well.  The  situation  between  the  two 
countries  is  considerably  eased. 

M.  Kalloff  is  quoted  as  adding : 

"The  negotiations  of  the  mixed  commis- 
sion regarding  Greece  are  proceeding  with 
excellent  prospects  of  early  agreement. 
The  chief  difficulty  there  is  the  question 
of  repatriating  and  re-establishing  the 
refugees,  but  that  does  not  appear  insuper- 
able, as  only  refugees  of  Bulgarian  or 
Greek  nationality  are  involved. 

"We  look  forward  to  the  time  when  the 
Balkan  States  shall  co-operate  instead  of 
disagree.  As  a  defeated  country,  we  are 
especially  desirous  of  earning  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  Great  Powers,  which  is  indis- 
pensable to  the  resumption  of  our  normal 
national  life. 

"Our  agreement  to  pay  the  occupational 
expenses  removed  the  last  big  issue  with 
the  Powers ;  only  minor  questions  remain, 
the  principal  of  which  are  covered  in  a 
new  agreement.  As  payment  for  our  share 
of  the  expenses  incurred,  a  strip  of  terri- 
tory was  turned  over  by  Turkey  to  us,  but 
in  view  of  the  other  and  far  heavier  obli- 
gations we  shouldered,  this  may  be  consid- 
ered negligible." 

If  this  spirit  can  spread  in  the  Balkans 
and  find  lodgment  in  Western  Europe, 
peace  has  a  fighting  chance  in  its  "war 
against  war,"  even  in  Europe. 


THE  International  Peace  Bureau  of 
Berne,  Switzerland,  notifies  us  that 
the  International  Peace  Congress  has  been 
called  to  meet  this  year,  October  2  to  7,  in 
Berlin.  This  will  be  the  twenty-third  of 
the  universal  congresses.  Le  Mouvement 
Pacifiste,  periodical  and  official  organ  of 


274 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


the  International  Peace  Bureau,  makes 
this  announcement  with  enthusiasm.  The 
general  features  of  the  program  for  the 
congress  were  decided  by  the  council  at  its 
recent  session.  Like  the  congresses  of 
other  years,  the  subjects  for  discussion  will 
come  under  one  of  three  classes:  facts, 
legislation,  or  propaganda.  There  will  be 
a  special  commission  to  prepare  the  report 
as  a  basis  for  discussion  under  each  of 
these  headings.  All  interested  to  know 
more  of  the  congress  may  write  either  to 
the  American  Peace  Society,  or  directly 
to  Dr.  H.  Golay,  Secretary  Bureau  Inter- 
nationale de  la  Paix,  Berne,  Switzerland, 


IF  the  press  is  a  fair  expression  of  the 
moral  and  intellectual  aspirations  of  a 
people,  a  study  of  the  moral  and  intel- 
lectual caliber  of  the  press  covering  a  con- 
siderable period  of  time  ought  to  give  a 
fair  index  of  our  social  direction.  We  are 
of  the  opinion  that  our  American  newspa- 
pers are  printing  considerably  more  inter- 
national news  than  before  the  war.  Un- 
fortunately, so  far  as  we  know,  there  has 
been  no  scientific  or  systematic  study  of 
this  question.  The  editor  of  the  Christian 
Science  Monitor,  however,  informs  us  that 
he  has  recently  asked  the  heads  of  the  two 
chief  news-collecting  agencies,  the  United 
Press  and  the  Associated  Press,  as  to 
whether  the  newspapers  with  whom  they 
deal  show  any  inclination  to  ask  for  more 
of  the  light  and  trifling  stuff  and  less  of 
the  serious  items.  From  both  agencies 
the  answers  were  the  same. 
The  Associated  Press  said : 

"For  a  long  time  now  our  correspond- 
ents have  been  given  the  general  instruc- 
tions to  look  out  for  interesting  political, 
industrial,  and  economic  matter,  and  we 
frequently  send  them  specific  instructions 
covering  certain  stories  in  these  fields. 
Our  members  seem  to  appreciate  this  kind 
of  news,  which  means,  of  course,  a  decrease 
in  subjects  criminal  or  scandalous,  light 
or  trivial." 


While  the  United  Press  said : 

"There  are  still  certain  types  of  news- 
papers in  the  United  States  that  like 
'monkey  dinner'  stories  and  similar  sorts 
of  stuff,  but  I  have  noticed  within  the  last 
five  or  six  years  a  decided  expansion  in  the 
volume  of  foreign  political  and  industrial 
news  and  a  contraction  in  stories  of  crime, 
scandal,  and  of  trivial  events." 

The  editor  continues: 

"I  think  that  these  are  important  facts, 
but,  optimist  as  I  am,  I  don't  insist  that 
they  are  all-conclusive.  A  little  less  than 
two  years  ago  I  was  in  Berlin,  and  seeing 
the  sign  of  a  well-known  American  news- 
paper, stepped  in  to  chat  with  the  cor- 
respondent, who  informed  me  that  the 
proprietor  of  his  paper  had  just  been  in 
town,  and  on  leaving  had  said:  "If  you 
want  to  get  on  the  first  page  of  the  paper, 
don't  send  in  all  this  stuff  about  economics 
and  politics  and  the  condition  of  the  Ger- 
man people.  Send  us  some  good  scandals 
or  horrifying  crimes.  That's  what  sells 
papers."  It  is  fair  to  say,  however,  that 
on  scanning  the  columns  of  the  paper  re- 
ferred to,  it  seemed  to  me  that  either  the 
correspondent  had  not  accepted  his  superi- 
or's instructions  or  else  the  superior  had 
lost  the  courage  to  print  the  matter  he  had 
ordered. 


WE  are  in  receipt  of  a  cablegram  from 
Dr.  Christian  L.  Lange,  Secretary 
General  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union, 
announcing  that  the  Twenty-second  Inter- 
national Conference  of  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union  is  to  be  held  in  Berne, 
Switzerland,  August  22,  1924.  The 
meetings  are  to  last  five  days  instead  of 
three  as  heretofore.  The  Berne  munici- 
pality and  the  Swiss  federal  government 
will  be  hosts.  The  delegates  will  go  from 
Lausanne  to  Geneva,  where  it  is  under- 
stood they  will  also  be  entertained.  It  now 
appears  that  our  United  States  Congress 
heartily  approves  inviting  the  Twenty- 
third  International  Conference  to  meet  in 
the  United  States  in  1925.  Kesolutions 
favoring  an  appropriation  for  this  purpose 
have  been  favorably  reported  in  the  House 
and  passed  unanimously  in  the  Senate. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


THE  FRANCO-GERMAN  SITUATION 
p  AND  THE  DAWES  REPORT 

The  French  Currency  Debacle 

TURBULENT  internal  conditions  have 
characterized  both  French  and  German 
political  and  economic  life  since  the  be- 
ginning of  the  year.  In  the  case  of  France 
the  decline  of  the  franc,  which  suddenly 
assumed  disastrous  aspects,  produced  a 
mingling  of  bewilderment  and  anger  in  the 
French  people,  which,  after  some  desperate 
attempts  to  remedy  the  situation  by  legis- 
lative proposals,  had  its  repercussion  in  the 
downfall  of  M.  Poincare  at  the  beginning 
of  April.  This  downfall,  however,  was  of 
the  most  temporary  nature,  M.  Poincare 
resuming  office  at  the  close  of  a  few  days 
with  a  reorganized  ministry,  as  follows : 

Premier  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, M.  Raymond  Poincare;  Minister  of 
Justice,  M,  Lefevre  du  Prey;  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  M.  de  Selves;  Minister  of 
Finance,  M.  Francois  Marsal ;  Minister  for 
War,  M.  Maginot;  Minister  of  the  Navy, 
M.  Bokanowski;  Minister  for  Public 
Works,  M.  le  Trocquer;  Minister  of  Com- 
merce and  Postal  Service,  M.  Loucheur; 
Minister  of  Public  Instruction,  M.  de 
Jouvenel;  Minister  of  Agriculture,  M.  J. 
Capus ;  Minister  for  the  Colonies,  Lt.  Col. 
Fabre;  Minister  of  Labor  and  Health,  M. 
de  Vincent;  Minister  for  the  Liberated 
Regions,  M.  Louis  Marin. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  at  least  three 
members  of  the  new  cabinet,  M.  Loucheur, 
M.  de  Jouvenel,  and  M.  de  Vincent,  were 
formerly  open  opponents  of  M.  Poincare's 
policy,  while  such  faithful  followers  as  M. 
Sarraut  and  M.  de  Lasteyrie  were  omitted 
from  the  list. 

Legislative  measures  having  proved  use- 
less as  stabilizers  of  the  currency,  a  foreign 
loan  of  some  magnitude  was  finally  assured 
by  the  bankers  of  London  and  New  York, 
which  had  the  effect  of  pegging  the  ex- 
change, which  has  since,  owing  to  a  boom 
in  francs  following  the  publication  of  the 
Dawes  report,  reached  the  neighborhood  of 
6  francs  to  the  dollar. 


At  this  point  it  should  be  remembered 
that  the  basic  cause  of  the  unsteadiness  in 
the  French  exchange  is  to  be  found  in  the 
fact  that  the  French  budget  does  not  bal- 
ance. The  net  increase  of  the  public  debt 
of  France  in  the  last  four  years  has  been 
98,044,000,000  francs.  Toward  the  close 
of  his  tenure  of  office  M.  de  Lasteyrie,  the 
French  Minister  of  Finance,  claimed  that 
the  working  of  the  Ruhr  for  1923  had  pro- 
duced a  surplus  of  about  500,000,000 
francs.  The  total  public  borrowing,  how- 
ever, provided  for  under  the  special  budget 
this  year  amounts  to  15,000,000,000.  Up 
to  date,  118,000,000,000  francs  have  been 
expended  on  German  account,  and  it  is 
estimated  that  44,000,000,000  may  have 
to  be  found  in  the  next  six  years.  The 
tendency  to  speculation  in  francs  on  the 
part  of  both  French  and  foreigners,  there- 
fore, appears  explicable.  The  date  fixed 
for  the  French  elections  is  May  11. 

The  German  Reichstag 

Following  a  deadlock  in  the  Reichstag 
on  the  question  of  the  amendments  to  the 
decrees  passed  under  the  so-called  Powers 
Act,  the  German  legislative  body  was  dis- 
solved, the  date  fixed  for  the  new  elections 
being  May  4. 

At  the  same  time  a  distinct  wave  of 
Nationalistic  feeling  swept  over  Germany, 
which  found  some  expression  in  the  Ger- 
man note  replying  to  the  demands  of  the 
Council  of  Ambassadors  for  an  Allied  in- 
quiry into  German  armaments.  This  note 
not  only  set  forth  counter-proposals  to  the 
effect  that  such  an  inquiry,  with  all  the 
functions  of  Allied  military  control, 
should  be  confined  to  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, but  urged  the  claims  of  national 
dignity  against  the  permanent  mainte- 
nance of  the  formulas  of  command  and 
subjection.  This  reply  was  received  in 
France  with  agitation  and  expressions  of 
disgust,  and  disapproved  by  Great  Britain. 

The  Dawes  Report 

On  the  whole,  however,  no  real  crystal- 
lization of  the  European  situation  could 


275 


276 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


be  expected  before  the  publication  of  the 
report  made  by  the  committee  of  experts 
of  the  Eeparation  Commission  under  the 
chairmanship  of  General  Dawes.  This 
report,  which  was  published  on  April  10, 
may  be  summarized  as  follows : 

1.  The  Problem  before  the  Committee: 

Two  problems  were  submitted  for  solu- 
tion, namely,  the  stabilization  of  the  Ger- 
man currency  and  the  balancing  of  the 
budget.  In  the  opinion  of  the  committee, 
these  two  problems  are  interdependent. 
Each  was,  therefore,  examined  separately, 
on  the  temporary  assumption  that  the 
other  had  been  solved.  The  necessity  for 
economic  stability  in  the  countries  sur- 
rounding Germany  was  also  stressed. 

2.  Preliminary  Assumptions : 

The  necessary  conditions  for  the  bal- 
ancing of  the  German  budget  and  the 
stabilization  of  German  currency  must  in- 
clude the  restoration  of  the  economic  and 
financial  unity  of  the  German  reich. 
Economic  activity  must  be  unimpeded  by 
control  on  the  part  of  foreign  organiza- 
tions, except  in  so  far  as  provided  by  the 
report.  Adequate  productive  securities 
must  be  provided  to  take  the  place  of  the 
economic  system  now  in  operation  in  the 
occupied  territory. 

3.  Proposals  for  Currency  Stabilization. 

(a)  Present  Situation: 

Temporary  stability  has  been  assured  by 
the  rentenmark,  but,  in  the  absence  of 
further  measures,  this  cannot  endure  for 
more  than  a  few  months. 

(&)  The  Committee's  Proposals: 

The  committee  proposes  the  establish- 
ment of  a  new  bank  of  issue  in  Germany, 
the  principal  features  of  which  shall  be  as 
follows : 

The  bank  is  to  have  the  exclusive  right, 
with  certain  minor  qualifications,  to  issue 
paper  money  in  Germany  for  the  period  of 
its  charter,  namely,  fifty  years.  All  Ger- 
man paper  money,  with  the  exception  of 
limited  note  issues  on  the  part  of  certain 
State  banks,  to  be  gradually  withdrawn 
from  circulation,  giving  place  to  a  uniform 
currency,  bank  notes  of  the  new  bank. 
These  notes  are  to  be  protected  by  a  nor- 


mal legal  reserve  of  S3y^  per  cent  and  by 
other  liquid  assets;  the  reserve  to  be  held 
largely  in  the  form  of  deposits  in  foreign 
banks.  The  permanent  policy  of  the  bank 
shall  make  these  notes  redeemable  in  gold. 
At  the  outset  such  a  policy  will  not,  how- 
ever, be  practicable,  and  it  is,  therefore, 
suggested  that  the  currency  be  kept  stable 
in  relation  to  gold  and  placed  on  a  con- 
vertible plane  as  soon  as  conditions  permit. 
The  bank  will  be  empowered  to  serve  as  a 
bankers'  bank,  rediscounting  short-term 
bills,  etc.,  with  power  to  establish  an  offi- 
cial rate  of  discount.  It  will  also  handle 
for  other  banks  the  giro  system  for  the 
transfer  of  bank  credits,  and  will  deal  with 
the  public,  making  short-term  commercial 
loans  and  discounts,  effecting  transfers, 
and  receiving  deposits.  It  will  be  the  de- 
pository and  fiscal  agent  of  the  govern- 
ment and  may  make  limited  and  carefully 
safeguarded  short-term  loans  to  the  latter. 

The  government  may  participate  in  the 
profits  of  the  bank,  which  is  to  be  kept  free 
from  government  control  or  interference. 

Treaty  funds  collected  in  Germany  are 
all  to  be  deposited  in  the  new  bank  to  the 
credit  of  a  special  account  and  are  only 
to  be  withdrawn  by  creditor  nations  under 
conditions  and  safeguards  adequately  pro- 
tecting the  German  exchange  and  the  in- 
terests of  creditor  nations  and  German 
economy. 

The  new  bank  is  to  have  a  capital  of 
four  hundred  million  gold  marks,  part 
subscribed  in  Germany  and  part  abroad. 
It  is  to  be  administered  by  a  German 
president  and  a  German  board,  with  the 
optional  assistance  of  a  consultative  com- 
mittee. Besides  the  German  board, 
there  is  to  be  a  general  board  composed  of 
seven  Germans  and  seven  foreigners,  com- 
prising one  of  each  of  the  following  na- 
tionalities :  British,  French,  Italian,  Amer- 
ican, Belgian,  Dutch,  and  Swiss.  The 
duties  of  this  board  cover  matters  of 
bank  operation  and  organization  affecting 
the  creditor  nations.  One  of  the  foreign 
members  of  the  general  board,  known  as 
the  commissioner,  will  be  responsible  for 
seeing  that  provisions  relative  to  issuance 
notes  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
bank's  reserves  are  not  infringed.  De- 
cisions of  the  general  board  will  require  a 
majority  vote  of  ten  of  the  fourteen  mem- 
bers unless  both  president  and  commis- 


19S4 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


277 


sioner  are  included  in  the  majority,  in 
which  case  a  simple  majority  will  be 
sufficient. 

4.  The  Budget  and  Temporary  Reparation 
Relief: 

(a)  In  addition  to  stable  currency  and 
economic  unity,  the  German  Budget  re- 
quires certain  relief  from  immediate 
charges  for  treaty  purposes,  while  secur- 
ing budgetry  position,  will  not  imply  cessa- 
tion of  all  payments  indispensable  to  the 
Allies  in  the  form  of  deliveries  in  kind. 

(h)  Certain  basic  principles  of  Ger- 
many's annual  burden  and  their  bearing 
upon  the  continuity  of  balanced  budgets 
must  be  taken  into  consideration.  If  the 
prior  obligation  for  reparation  that  is  fixed 
for  Germany  to  pay  and  the  irreducible 
minimum  for  her  own  domestic  expendi- 
tures make  up  in  a  given  year  a  sum  be- 
yond her  taxable  capacity,  then  budgetry 
instability  must  ensue.  It  is  regarded  as 
an  essential  condition  of  stability  that  any 
increased  demands  to  correspond  with  in- 
creasing capacity  should  be  determined 
by  a  method  which  is  clearly  defined 
in  the  original  settlement  and  capable  of 
automatic  or,  at  least,  professional,  im- 
partial, and  practically  undisputed  appli- 
cation. 

An  attempt  to  meet  this  requirement 
has  been  made  by  providing  that,  in  addi- 
tion to  fixed  annual  payments,  there  shall 
be  variable  additions,  dependent  upon  the 
composite  index  figure  designed  to  meet 
Germany's  capacity  as  it  increases.  No 
limit  of  years  or  of  amount  for  the  work- 
ing of  an  index  is  provided,  nor  is  the 
number  of  annuities  to  be  paid  determined. 

A  burden  of  taxation  commensurate 
with  that  obtaining  in  the  Allied  countries 
is  indicated. 

(c)  The  committee  considers  that,  at 
least  during  the  period  within  which  the 
loan  proposed  by  it  is  being  amortized,  the 
annual  charge  upon  Germany  should  not 
be  heavier  than  that  which  would  result 
from  the  application  of  the  index  figure 
referred  to  hereinbefore,  and  proposes  that 
an  average  of  years,  chiefly  1926,  1927, 
1928,  and  1929,  be  taken  as  a  base,  and 
that  the  percentage  of  increase  shown  by 
each  of  six  sets  of  representative  statistics, 
namely,  railway  traffic,  population,  foreign 
trade,     consumption     of     tobacco,     etc.. 


budget  expenditures,  consumption  of  coal, 
should  be  ascertained  and  the  average  of 
these  six  sets  be  taken  as  indicating  the 
proportionate  increase  to  be  added  to  the 
treaty  sums  demanded  in  a  given  future 
year. 

Eeferring  to  the  treaty  obligations 
which  are  prescribed  in  terms  of  gold,  the 
committee  recommends  that  reduction  or 
increase  of  the  figures,  both  as  regards  the 
standard  and  the  supplementary  payments, 
be  made  automatically,  in  correspondence 
with  the  general  purchasing  powe^  of  gold, 
whenever,  by  the  decision  of  an  impartial 
authority,  such  changes  amount  to  more 
than  10  per  cent. 

(d)  A  distinction  is  made  between  the 
taxpayers'  capacity  to  pay  in  Germany  and 
Germany's  capacity  to  pay  the  Allies,  with 
a  view  to  the  preservation  of  budgetary 
stability. 

(e)  The  committee  recommends  that 
payments  be  made  by  Germany  from  the 
following  sources:  her  ordinary  budget, 
railway  bonds  and  transport  tax,  industrial 
debentures. 

Dealing  with  each  of  these  sources  in 
detail,  the  committee  is  of  the  opinion 
that,  given  temporary  relief  from  treaty 
charges  and  assurance  that  future  charges 
will  not  exceed  her  capacity  for  payment, 
Germany  should  be  able  to  balance  the 
budget  from  her  own  resources.  But, 
while  the  budget  from  the  fiscal  year  1924- 
25  on  might  be  expected  under  these  con- 
ditions to  balance,  so  that  an  external  loan 
on  the  basis  of  those  accorded  to  Austria 
and  to  Hungary  is  not  necessary,  the  com- 
mittee does  not  hold  out  any  hope  that  this 
budget  can  provide  a  surplus  sufficient  for 
meeting  treaty  charges. 

As  a  result  of  the  successful  operation  of 
the  scheme  for  dealing  with  the  railways, 
to  which  reference  is  made  later,  however, 
the  committee  estimates  that  before  the 
end  of  the  year  1925-26  the  government 
will  be  in  effective  possession  of  500,000,- 
000  gold  marks  as  a  result  of  this  transac- 
tion. After  making  allowance  for  the 
withdrawal  of  half  this  amount  in  respect 
of  the  transport  tax,  the  committee  esti- 
mates that  there  will  be  a  balance  of  250,- 
000,000  gold  marks  available  for  meeting 
peace-treaty  charges,  and  therefore  recom- 
mends that  Germany  be  required  to  meet 
peace-treaty  charges  to  that  amount  out  of 


378 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


her  budget  for  1925-26,  Any  deficit  in 
this  estimate  could,  the  committee  feels,  be 
met  out  of  an  internal  loan. 

On  the  basis  of  a  stable  currency  and 
an  assured  and  continued  budget  equilib- 
rium, it  is  estimated  that  Germany  can  at- 
tain normal  economic  conditions  in  three 
years.  With  this  in  mind,  the  committee 
estimates  that  the  budget  can  safely  pro- 
vide the  following  maximum  sums  for  the 
three  years  subsequent  to  1925-26 :  1926- 
27,  110,000,000  gold  marks;  1927-28,  500,- 
000,000  gold  marks ;  1928-29,  1,250,000,- 
000  gold  marks. 

On  the  other  hand,  since  it  is  difficult  to 
estimate  the  recuperative  power  of  Ger- 
many in  1926-27  and  1927-28,  it  is  pro- 
posed that  these  amounts  be  regarded  as 
subject  to  modification  by  a  sum  not  ex- 
ceeding 250,000,000  gold  marks,  on  the 
following  plan:  If  the  aggregate  con- 
trolled revenues  as  defined  in  Section  XIV 
exceed  one  milliard  in  1926-27  or  one  and 
a  half  milliards  in  1927-28,  an  addition 
shall  be  made  to  the  above  contributions 
equal  to  one-third  of  such  excess.  Con- 
versely, if  those  aggregate  revenues  fall 
short  of  one  milliard  in  1926-27  or  one 
and  a  quarter  in  1927-28,  the  total  contri- 
butions shall  be  diminished  by  an  amount 
equal  to  one-third  of  the  deficiency.  Under 
normal  conditions,  the  total  sum  to  be 
provided  from  the  ordinary  budget  re- 
sources would  be  the  standard  payment  of 
1,200,000,000  gold  marks  plus  the  addi- 
tional sum  computed  upon  the  index  of 
prosperity  from  the  year  1929-30  onward. 
Furthermore,  it  is  recommended,  as  desir- 
able, that  the  index  should  be  applied  to 
one-half  of  the  total  standard  contribution 
(1,250,000,000)  for  the  first  five  years, 
namely,  from  1929-30  to  1933-34.  After 
that  the  index  should  be  applied  to  the 
total,  namely,  2,500,000,000. 

(/)  Turning  to  the  railways,  the  com- 
mittee finds  that  these  have  been  operated 
at  a  constantly  increasing  loss  since  the 
Armistice,  from  causes  partly  out  of  their 
control.  On  the  other  hand,  the  adminis- 
tration is  charged  with  two  serious  defects, 
namely,  overstaffing  and  extravagance  in 
capital  expenditure.  At  the  same  time, 
the  situation  in  these  respects  is  now  being 
improved,  though  room  remains  for 
further  action. 

The  capital  value  of  the  railways  is  esti- 


mated at  26  milliards,  and  it  is  noted  that 
they  are  unencumbered  by  debt,  their  prior 
charges,  which  absorbed  before  the  war 
half  the  gross  profits,  being  extinguished 
by  the  depreciation  of  the  mark.  Profits 
before  the  war  amounted  to  about  one 
milliard  gold  marks. 

The  committee,  however,  considers  that 
profitable  management  of  the  railways  de- 
pends upon  their  severance  from  govern- 
ment control,  and  therefore  recommends 
they  be  turned  into  a  joint-stock  company 
under  German  control.  This  being  ac- 
complished, it  is  then  recommended  that 
there  should  be  paid  from  the  railways 
11,000,000,000  gold  marks,  to  be  repre- 
sented by  first-mortgage  bonds  bearing  5 
per  cent  interest  and  1  per  cent  sinking 
fund  per  annum.  Taking  the  capital  cost 
of  the  German  railways  as  26,000,000,000 
and  net  profits  before  the  war,  on  the  most 
liberal  operating  basis,  as  one  milliard,  it 
is  estimated  that  the  interest  and  sinking 
fund  on  these  debentures  represent  less 
than  3  per  cent  of  the  capital  cost.  Dur- 
ing the  reorganization  of  the  railways  it  is 
considered  that  full  interest  and  sinking 
fund  should  not  be  charged,  and  the  fol- 
lowing scale  of  payments  on  account  of  in- 
terest is  recommended :  1924-25,  330,000,- 
000  gold  marks;  1925-26,  465,000,000 
gold  marks;  1926-27,  550,000,000  gold 
marks;  1927-28  and  thereafter,  660,000,- 
000  gold  marks. 

In  addition  to  the  11  milliards  of  bonds, 
the  new  railway  company  is  to  have  a 
capital  of  2  milliards  of  preference  shares, 
the  remainder  of  its  capital  cost,  namely, 
26  milliards,  to  be  represented  by  common 
shares.  One  and  a  half  milliards  of  pref- 
erence shares  are  to  be  earmarked  for  sale 
to  private  persons  to  provide  funds  for  the 
payment  of  existing  indebtedness  and 
future  capital  expenditures.  The  proceeds 
of  the  sale  of  the  other  five  hundred 
millions  and  all  of  the  common  shares  are 
to  go  to  the  German  Government. 

The  railways  are  to  be  managed  by  a 
board  of  eighteen  directors,  of  whom  nine 
are  to  be  chosen  by  the  German  Govern- 
ment and  the  private  holders  of  preference 
shares  and  nine  named  by  the  trustees  of 
the  bonds,  of  which  nine  five  may  be  Ger- 
man. The  board  will  thus  have  fourteen 
German  members,  including  the  chairman 
and  the  general  manager  of  the  railways. 


192  Jk 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


279 


The  railways  are  to  be  free  to  conduct 
business  as  they  see  fit,  with  the  exception 
of  such  control  over  their  tariffs  and  serv- 
ice on  the  part  of  the  German  Government 
as  may  be  needed  to  prevent  discrimination 
and  to  protect  the  public.  This  control, 
however,  to  be  definitely  limited,  so  as  not 
to  interfere  with  fair  earning  of  profits. 
A  railway  commissioner  will  represent  the 
bondholders,  and  his  principal  duty  will 
be,  in  the  absence  of  default  in  interest,  to 
receive  reports,  statistical  and  financial  re- 
turns, and  generally  to  protect  the  inter- 
ests of  the  bondholders. 

(g)  The  third  source  of  reparation  pay- 
ments is  found  in  industrial  debentures. 
In  this  connection  the  committee  suggests 
that  a  sum  of  not  less  than  5,000,000,000 
gold  marks  be  required  as  a  contribution  to 
reparation  payments  from  German  indus- 
try, this  sum  to  be  represented  by  first- 
mortgage  bonds  bearing  a  5  per  cent  inter- 
est and  1  per  cent  sinking  fund  per  annum. 
This  amount  of  bonds  is  less  than  the  total 
debt  of  industrial  undertakings  before  the 
war,  which  has  now  been  practically  ex- 
tinguished. It  is  further  recommended 
that  the  interest  on  these  debentures  be 
waived  during  the  first  year,  be  2i/2  per 
cent  during  the  second  year,  and  5  per 
cent  during  the  third  year  and  thereafter. 

(h)  The  committee  then  summarizes 
the  provisions  for  treaty  payments  as  fol- 
lows: 

Budget  moratorium  period,  first  year: 
From  foreign  loan  and  part  interest  (200,- 
000,000)  on  railway  bonds,  total  of  1,000,- 
000,000  gold  marks.  Second  year :  From 
interest  on  railway  bonds  (including  130,- 
000,000  balance  from  first  year)  and  inter- 
est on  industrial  debentures  and  budget 
contribution,  including  sale  of  railway 
shares,  total  of  1,220,000,000  gold  marks. 

Transition  period,  third  year:  From 
interest  on  railway  bonds  and  industrial 
debentures,  from  transport  tax  and  from 
budget,  total  of  1,200,000,000  gold  marks, 
subject  to  contingent  addition  or  reduction 
not  exceeding  250,000,000  gold  marks. 

Fourth  year:  From  interest  on  railway 
bonds  and  industrial  debentures,  from 
transport  tax  and  from  budget,  total  of 
1,750,000,000  gold  marks,  subject  to  con- 
tingent addition  or  reduction  not  exceed- 
ing 250,000,000  gold  marks. 

Standard  year,  fifth  year:   From  inter- 


est on  railway  bonds  and  industrial  deben- 
tures, from  transport  tax,  and  from 
budget,  total  of  2,500,000,000  gold  marks. 

The  first  year  will  begin  to  run  from  the 
date  when  the  plan  shall  have  been  ac- 
cepted and  made  effective.  The  total 
figures  indicated  for  each  year  include  the 
sums  paid  by  the  German  budget,  the  rail- 
way company,  or  the  debtors  on  industrial 
debentures,  whoever  may  be  the  actual  re- 
cipients of  the  sums,  the  Reparation  Com- 
mission, the  capitalists  who  purchase  se- 
curities, or  even  the  debtors  themselves,  if 
they  have  purchased  their  bonds.  These 
figures  clearly  do  not  include  the  proceeds 
from  the  sale  of  capital  assets  which  may 
be  effected  by  the  creditor  governments. 
As  soon  as  the  plan  is  put  into  execution 
the  Reparation  Commission  will  be  in  pos- 
session of  bonds  for  16  milliards,  which 
may  be  sold  to  the  extent  to  which  the 
financial  markets  are  capable  of  absorbing 
them.  Subsequently,  bonds  representing 
the  transport  tax  and  the  contribution 
from  the  budget  may  be  issued  and  will 
enable  the  governments  to  realize  the 
capital  of  their  claims. 

These  sums,  according  to  the  commit- 
tee, represent  the  total  liabilities  of  Ger- 
many towards  the  Allied  and  Associated 
Powers  in  respect  of  war  costs,  including 
reparation  restitution,  occupation,  clear- 
ing-house operations,  etc.,  and  special  pay- 
ments, such  as  those  due  under  Arts.  124 
and  125  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles.  The 
funds  to  be  deposited  in  the  special  ac- 
count in  the  bank  are  to  be  available  for 
the  foregoing  purposes. 

(h)  Referring  to  the  question  of  deliv- 
eries in  kind,  the  committee  suggests  that 
these  should  be  limited  to  such  products 
as  are  native  to  Germany  and  do  not  have 
to  be  imported,  such  as  coal,  coke,  dye- 
stuffs,  etc.  A  limitation  of  these  deliver- 
ies is  suggested  and  the  Allied  govern- 
ments are  recommended  to  continue  the 
system  whereby  the  costs  of  the  armies  of 
occupation  were  a  first  charge  upon  the 
proceeds  of  deliveries  in  kind  made  to  the 
respective  governments. 

(i)  Recommendations  for  the  making 
of  payments  are  as  follows:  AU  payments 
for  the  account  of  reparations  (whether 
from  interest  and  sinking  fund  on  rail- 
ways or  industrial  debentures,  the  trans- 
port tax,  or  from  the  budget  contribution) 


280 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


will  be  paid  in  gold  marks  or  their  equiv- 
alent in  German  currency,  into  the  bank 
of  issue  to  the  credit  of  the  "agent  for  rep- 
aration payments."  This  payment  is  the 
definitive  act  of  the  German  Government 
in  meeting  its  financial  obligation  under 
the  plan.  It  is  easier  to  estimate  the  bur- 
den that  German/s  economic  and  fiscal  re- 
sources can  bear  than  the  amount  of  her 
wealth  that  can  be  safely  transferred 
abroad,  and  it  is  the  former  and  not  the 
latter  that  has  formed  the  first  objective 
of  the  committee. 

(;)  Provisions  for  the  receiving  of  pay- 
ment are  then  made  in  the  following  lan- 
guage: The  use  and  withdrawal  of  the 
moneys  so  deposited  will  be  controlled  by 
a  committee  consisting  of  the  agent  for 
reparation  payments  (a  co-ordinating  of- 
ficial under  the  Eeparation  Commission 
whose  position  and  duties  are  defined  later 
in  this  report),  and  five  persons  skilled  in 
matters  relating  to  foreign  exchange  and 
finance,  representing  five  of  the  Allied  and 
Associated  Powers.  This  committee  will 
regulate  the  execution  of  the  program  for 
deliveries  in  kind  and  the  payments  under 
the  reparation  recovery  act,  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  prevent  difficulties  arising  with 
the  foreign  exchange.  They  will  also  con- 
trol the  transfer  of  cash  to  the  Allies  by 
purchase  of  foreign  exchange,  and  gen- 
erally so  act  as  to  secure  the  maximum 
transfers  without  bringing  about  instabil- 
ity of  currency. 

•  If  the  payments  by  Germany  on  repara- 
tion account  in  the  long  run  exceed  the 
sums  that  can  be  thus  transferred  by  deliv- 
eries or  by  purchase  of  foreign  curency, 
they  will,  of  course,  begin  to  accumulate 
in  the  bank. 

Up  to  a  certain  point  in  normal  circum- 
stances not  exceeding  two  milliards,  these 
accumulations  will  form  part  of  the  short- 
money  operations  of  the  bank.  Beyond 
this  point  the  committee  will  find  employ- 
ment for  such  funds  in  bonds  or  loans  in 
Germany  imder  the  conditions  laid  down 
in  the  annex ;  but  for  economic  and  politi- 
cal reasons  an  unlimited  accumulation  in 
this  form  is  not  contemplated.  It  is 
recommended  that  a  limit  of  five  milliards 
be  placed  upon  all  funds  accumulating  in 
the  hands  of  the  reparation  creditors  in 
Germany.  If  this  limit  is  reached,  the 
contributions  from  the  budget  are  to  be 


reduced  below  the  standards  set  out  in  our 
plan,  so  that  they  are  not  in  excess  of  the 
withdrawals  from  the  account  and  the  ac- 
cumulation is  not  further  increased.  In 
this  contingency  the  payments  by  Ger- 
many out  of  the  budget  and  the  transport 
tax  would  be  reduced  until  such  time  as 
the  transfers  to  the  Allies  can  be  increased 
and  the  accumulation  be  reduced  before 
the  limit  named. 

(k)  By  way  of  guarantees  to  secure  the 
payments,  the  committee  recommends  that 
certain  specific  revenues,  namely,  the  taxes 
on  customs,  alcohol,  sugar,  tobacco  and 
beer,  be  asigned  to  and  placed  under  the 
control  of  Germany's  creditors,  from 
which  the  treaty  payments  shall  first  be 
deducted  by  an  impartial  controlling  au- 
thority for  the  use  of  the  Allies,  and  the 
balance  turned  back  to  Germany.  The  im- 
mediate institution  of  this  control  is  sug- 
gested. It  is  estimated  that  these  con- 
trolled revenues  will  yield  about  2,146 
million  gold  marks.  These  revenues,  in 
the  opinion  of  the  committee,  should  be 
regarded  strictly  as  security  and  not  de- 
terminant of  the  actual  sum  to  be  paid  in 
reparation. 

(l)  The  committee  further  recommends 
the  issue  by  Germany  of  a  foreign  loan  of 
800,000,000  gold  marks,  which  is  consid- 
ered essential  for  the  establishment  of  the 
new  bank  and  to  insure  the  stabilization  of 
the  currency. 

(w)  The  successful  launching  of  the 
scheme  suggested  for  the  economic  reha- 
bilitation of  Germany  and  the  payment  of 
reparations  depends,  in  the  opinon  of  the 
committee,  upon  three  factors,  namely, 
limitation  of  payments  for  all  purposes  to 
one  billion  gold  marks,  of  which  at  least 
eight  hundred  millions  must  be  spent  in 
Germany,  for  the  first  year,  and  thereafter 
to  such  sums  as  are  available  under  the 
plan  during  the  succeeding  years;  co- 
operation between  the  Allies  and  Germany 
in  securing  political  conditions  which  will 
incline  the  investors  of  the  world  favorably 
toward  a  German  loan  on  good  security; 
and  a  loan  of  800  million  gold  marks, 
which  will  serve  the  double  purpose  of  as- 
suring currency  stability  and  financing  de- 
liveries in  kind  during  the  preliminary 
period  of  economic  rehabilitation. 

The  report  concludes  with  an  analysis  of 
the  taxation   situation   in   Germany  and 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


281 


various  comments  thereon,  and  with  sev- 
eral annexes  covering  the  technical  aspects 
of  the  committee's  recommendations. 


THE  FOREIGN  POLICY  OF 
CZECHOSLOVAKIA 

AN  IMPORTANT  review  of  the  whole 
.  field  of  Czecho-Slovakian  foreign 
policy  was  recently  delivered  before  the 
Foreign  Affairs  Committee  of  the  Czecho- 
slovak Parliament  by  Dr.  Edouard  Benes, 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  His  speech, 
which  subsequently  received  the  approval 
of  the  House  of  Deputies  and  the  Senate, 
outlined  briefly  the  difficulties  encoun- 
tered by  the  new  State  in  connection  with 
external  policies  and  internal  consolida- 
tion, and  contained  a  statement  of  the 
principles  upon  which  Czecho-Slovakian 
foreign  policy  is  based,  as  follows : 

1.  We  did  not  believe  that  Bolshevist  meth- 
ods of  government  would  be  suitable  for  any- 
thing stable  to  be  constructed  by  them.  It 
was  also  clear  to  us  that  reaction  from  the 
right  in  immature  States  means  simply  ter- 
rorism, while  in  more  advanced  States  such 
a  reaction  entails  the  fight  of  every  man 
against  his  neighbor,  and  finally  internal 
confusion  and  the  weakening  of  the  people. 

2.  It  seemed  to  us  superficial  and  not  suf 
ficiently  honest  to  declare  that  the  peace 
treaties  have  been  to  blame  for  the  present 
difficult  conditions  in  Europe.  These  diffi- 
culties are  due  to  five  years  of  destruction  of 
all  values  of  social  life  and  not  at  all  to  the 
peace  treaties.  The  peace  treaties  are  im- 
perfect; every  one  knows  and  recognizes 
that ;  but  today  thew  are  the  juridical  basis 
of  the  political  structure  of  Europe.  Their 
non-recognition  or  their  alteration  would 
mean  calling  forth  a  new  confusion  and  a 
new  desperate  and  bloody  struggle.  Hence 
it  was  necessary  to  emphasize,  and  hence  It 
is  continually  necessary  to  emphasize,  that  It 
is  indispensable  to  recognize  the  peace  treaties 
and  carry  them  into  execution,  and  that  who- 
ever does  not  desire  bloody  struggles  cannot 
do  anything  else  but  carry  out  loyally  the 
policy  of  the  peace  treaties,  being  ready  at 
the  same  time  to  make  improvements  where- 
ever  possible.  We  have  stressed  these  points 
continually  in  our  relations  with  our  discon- 
tented elements  and  irredentists  in  Czecho- 
slovakia and  also  with  our  neighbors.  Three- 
quarters  of  those  who  did  not  accept  this 


policy  in  1919  recognize  it  tacitly  now,  for 
events  have  taught  them  that  any  other 
action  would  make  the  situation  worse  and 
only  bring  harm  to  themselves. 

3.  We  saw  that  it  was  necessary  to  come 
to  an  agreement  as  soon  as  possible  with  our 
neighbors  in  order  that  the  population,  being 
saved  from  trouble  from  without,  might  de- 
vote themselves  to  work  and  internal  eco- 
nomic and  financial  reconstruction.  It  was 
necessary  to  create  a  general  atmosphere  of 
tranquillity  and  get  rid  of  the  war  psychology, 
both  in  our  relations  to  the  national  minori- 
ties in  Czecho-Slovakia  and  also  to  our 
neighbors. 

4.  It  was  further  necessary,  by  work  at 
home  and  abroad,  to  prove  that  the  com- 
plaints made  against  us  abroad  are  not  justi- 
fied. The  whole  world  was  tired  and  merely 
wanted  peace  and  quietness,  reconstruction 
and  co-operation.  Those  who  were  calculat- 
ing on  a  debacle,  and  worked  for  it  in  secret, 
by  hiding  their  intentions  under  a  phrase- 
ology of  revolutionism,  nationalist  claims,  or 
some  other  form  of  justice,  did  not  make 
sufficient  allowance  for  this  universal  inter- 
national exhaustion.  In  our  foreign  policy 
we  were  guided  by  this  situation.  Hence  we 
did  not  place  any  confidence  in  the  success 
of  this  superficial  revolutionary  spirit,  but 
strove  after  peace  among  our  nationalities 
and  the  correct  and  objective  informing  of 
foreign  countries  as  to  our  minority  questions 
and  our  good  attitude  toward  our  neighbors. 
That  is  why  we  have  worked  so  hard  for  the 
League  of  Nations  and  foreign  propaganda. 
The  unjust  and  inexact  things  said  about  us 
two  or  three  years  ago  cannot  be  said  any 
longer  today.  If  in  this  respect  our  foreign 
policy  has  acted  systematically  in  the  direc- 
tion of  moderation  on  both  sides  of  the 
minority  question,  it  has  rendered  great 
services  to  the  State  at  home  and  abroad. 

5.  Finally,  we  saw  that  It  was  necessary 
for  our  foreign  policy  to  follow  the  spirit 
of  the  times  and  endeavor  in  a  positive 
fashion  to  get  rid  of  the  smaller  disputed 
points  between  us  and  our  neighbors,  and  also 
to  strengthen,  by  constructive  work  and  the 
drawing  up  of  agreements  with  friendly 
States,  the  new  structure  of  Europe,  so  that 
all  those  who  believe  that  warlike  and  other 
ventures  are  able  to  overturn  the  present  po- 
litical order  might  be  induced  to  abandon 
such  ideas.  That  was  the  origin  of  the  idea 
of  constructing  a  league  of  States  by  means 
of  regional  and  restricted  agreements,  so  as 


28^ 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


to  strengthen  the  present  juridical  system 
and  hinder  the  breaking  out  of  warlike  con- 
flicts. Such  an  agreement  meant  also  that 
the  population  would  feel  confident  of  hav- 
ing peace,  whereby  the  results  of  its  economic 
activity  would  not  be  destroyed  by  wars. 
This  is,  and  has  been  since  the  beginning, 
the  sole  idea  of  the  Little  Entente. 

6.  We  have  always  been  aware  that  the 
whole  of  this  policy  must  be  In  accordance 
with  two  preliminary  conditions ;  it  must  not 
be  contrary  to  the  principles  of  democracy, 
for  which  the  war  was  fought,  and  it  must 
not  be  in  opposition  to  the  great  world  move- 
ment for  peace  and  quietness,  but  must  take 
into  consideration  the  fact  that  mankind 
is  everywhere  tired  of  international  disputes, 
and  that  the  masses  resist  all  oppression — a 
movement  which  is  stronger  today  than  is 
generally  imagined,  and  which  has  found 
clear  and  concrete  expression  in  the  ideals  of 
the  League  of  Nations.  These  principles 
have  in  no  waj'  prevented  us  from  being 
prepared  to  defend  ourselves.  We  have  taken 
for  our  watchword :  We  must  always  be 
sufficiently  strong  materially  in  order  to  be 
able  at  the  right  time  to  throw  in  our  weight 
for  the  defense  of  actual  right. 

Dr.  Benes  then  related  the  circum- 
stances attending  the  first  treaty  with 
Jugo-Slavia  and  the  birth  of  the  Little 
Entente,  which  was,  he  declared,  based  on 
far  deeper  causes  than  the  actual  incidents 
surrounding  the  Kapp  putsch  and  the 
Charles  Hapsburg  affair,  though  these  lent 
incentive  to  the  immediate  and  formal 
agreements  between  Jugo-Slavia,  Rumania, 
and  Czecho-Slovakia.  The  treaty  with 
Austria  was  then  reviewed  and  allusion 
made  to  Dr.  Benes'  three  attempts  to  en- 
ter into  closer  relations  with  Hungary. 
The  moment  was  approaching,  he  stated, 
when  a  reasonable  agreement  could  be 
concluded  with  the  latter  country. 

Eeferring  to  Russia,  the  Foreign  Min- 
ister felt  that,  while  it  was  not  possible  for 
Czecho-Slovakia  to  agree  with  the  political 
conceptions  of  the  party  now  in  power  in 
that  country,  in  his  opinion  a  permanent 
blockade  and  the  refusing  of  intercourse 
tended  only  to  aggravate  conditions  and 
injure  both  Russia  and  Czecho-Slovakia. 
The  latter  country's  policy  towards  the 
former  was  also  greatly  determined  by  the 
desire  to  save  the  lives  of  sixty  or  eighty 
thousand  Czech  prisoners.  These  had 
been  nearly  all   saved.     As  regards  the 


economic  interests  (involved,  they  were 
necessarily  much  limited,  the  situation  in 
Russia  being  such  that  any  noticeable 
economic  results  could  not  occur  until  a 
considerable  time  had  elapsed.  Dr. 
Benes  defined  his  policy  toward  Russia  as 
one  of  "economic  intercourse." 

Discussing  the  treaty  of  January  25, 
1924,  with  France,  Dr.  Benes  claimed  that 
it  was  but  a  logical  following  out  of  the 
Czecho- Slovak  policy  concerning  the  de- 
sirability of  separate  treaties  with  other 
countries.  The  feeling  of  his  country  was 
profoundly  convinced  of  the  necessity  of 
friendly  relations,  of  the  closest  descrip- 
tion, with  both  France  and  England.  He 
stated  that  Czecho-Slovak  politics,  based, 
as  they  were,  upon  the  preservation  of  the 
peace  treaties,  had  many  of  the  same 
interests  as  French  politics,  and,  referring 
specifically  to  the  treaty  of  January  25, 
1924,  with  France,  gave  the  following 
reasons  for  its  signature: 

1.  Co-operation  for  a  policy  of  peace,  for 
a  policy  of  economic  reconstruction  and  the 
League  of  Nations,  and  for  a  policy  of  loyal 
fulfillment  of  the  peace  treaties. 

2.  The  treaty  further  stipulates,  that  both 
sides  will  confer  on  the  \iniformity  of  their 
policies  where  common  interests  are  con- 
cerned ;  also  on  the  measures  to  be  taken 
in  case  these  interests  are  threatened. 

3.  The  treaty  fixes  the  conformity  of  our 
views  in  regard  to  our  Central  European 
policies,  as  determined  by  various  previous 
documents,  signed  and  accepted  both  by  us 
and  other  States.  It  is  the  question  of  our 
treaty  policy  with  Austria,  and  the  question 
of  the  Hapsburgs  and  Hohenzollerns. 

4.  Finally,  the  treaty  fixes  the  principle  of 
a  compulsory  court  of  arbitration  between  the 
two  States. 

Continuing,  Dr.  Benes  pointed  out  that 
the  greatest  sympathy  existed  between 
Great  Britain  and  Czecho-Slovakia — a 
sympathy  which  had  increased  since  the 
war,  owing  to  the  close  accord  which  had 
been  reached  over  the  post-war  reconstruc- 
tion policy,  the  policy  of  moderation  to- 
wards defeated  States,  the  help  given  to 
Austria  and  Hungary,  relations  with  Ger- 
many, Russian  policy,  and  general  eco- 
nomic interests.  The  peculiar  geographi- 
cal situation  of  Great  Britain,  however, 
coupled  with  her  distrust  of  continental 
entanglements,  gave  her  little  interest  in 


192Jt 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


283 


concluding  agreements,  and  he  felt  that 
Czecho-Slovakia  should  be  satisfied  with 
the  present  situation. 

The  argument  that  special  treaties 
should  not  be  entered  upon  by  Czecho- 
slovakia, in  view  of  the  existence  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  was  met  by  Dr.  Benes 
with  the  following  pertinent  observations : 

I  am  not  one  of  those  who  look  with  skepti- 
cism on  the  League  of  Nations,  but  on  the 
other  hand  I  do  not  overestimate  its  forces 
today,  and  I  make,  therefore,  all  the  greater 
effort  to  strengthen  it  and  enable  it  actually 
to  become  what  its  founders  wished  it  to  be. 
When  it  is  a  question  of  the  security  of  our 
State,  it  is  my  duty  as  responsible  minister 
to  point  out  the  following  facts: 

1.  The  power  of  the  League  of  Nations  is 
not  today  such  as  would  lead  one  to  expect 
with  absolute  certainty  her  decisive  help  in 
the  moment  of  greatest  danger  for  the  State. 
She  possesses  considerable  moral  force, 
which,  so  far,  could  only  be  converted  with 
great  difficulty — and  only  in  very  special 
circumstances — into  material  force.  It  is 
common  knowledge  that  two  years  ago  she 
was  imable  to  intervene  in  the  Greco-Turkish 
War,  while  the  events  connected  with  the 
occupation  of  Ck)rfu  are  well  known. 

Among  the  members  of  the  League  of 
Nations  and  also  outside  the  League  there 
exist  today  strong  tendencies  towards  an 
alteration  of  Article  10 — i.  e.,  just  the  article 
which  should  provide  a  guaranty  for  the 
small  States.  At  the  last  session  of  the 
League  attempts  were  made  to  weaken 
Article  10,  and  it  is  today  asserted  that  the 
entry  of  the  United  States,  and  perhaps  also 
the  membership  of  other  countries,  depends 
upon  an  alteration  of  Article  10. 

The  statutes  of  the  League  of  Nations 
themselves  lay  down  that  the  opposition  of 
a  single  member  of  the  Council  of  the  League 
suffices,  in  the  case  of  an  attack  by  one  State 
on  another,  to  prevent  the  League  from  call- 
ing upon  all  its  members  to  assist  the  State 
attacked,  to  leave  the  attacked  State  to 
its  fate  or  to  the  mere  assistance  of  those 
who  shall  of  their  own  accord  desire  to 
help  or  who  are  closely  connected  with  the 
attacked  party. 

It  is  just  on  account  of  these  shortcom- 
ings in  the  League  itself  that  efforts  have 
manifested  themselves  outside  the  statutes 
of  the  League  toward  a  limitation  of  arma- 
ments, coupled  with  a  special  general  guar- 


anty pact  against  war.  By  this  pact  the 
different  States,  in  addition  to  their  obliga- 
tions to  the  League  of  Nations,  voluntarily 
declared  their  adhesion  to  a  policy  of  peace 
and  gave  a  special  guarantee  of  one  an- 
other's security. 

I  am  an  adherent  of  this  idea.  It  is  the 
same  idea  which,  in  our  Central  European 
policy,  we  have  applied  throughout  the  whole 
of  the  last  five  years.  This  was  also  the  pur- 
pose of  our  efforts  to  maintain  the  Entente 
at  all  costs;  for  to  us  the  Anglo-French 
alliance,  in  the  difficult  times  in  which  we 
now  live,  meant  peace  and  quiet  in  Europe, 
meant  that  all  other  countries  had  to  group 
round  this  bloc,  and  meant  the  extension  of 
that  alliance  into  an  All-European  Entente. 
It  was  in  this  sense  particularly  that  I 
labored  at  the  Genoa  Conference.  Lloyd 
George,  as  is  well  known,  laid  before  the 
conference  the  plan  of  a  guaranty  pact  which 
contained  no  other  guaranty  than  the  mere 
promise  that  one  party  would  not  attack 
another. 

I  regarded  this  as  Inadequate  and  proposed, 
already  at  that  time,  as  a  basis  of  European 
peace,  a  Franco-English  guaranty  pact, 
which  should  afterwards  be  extended  to  be- 
come an  inter-allied  pact  and  later  a  general 
European  pact.  My  idea  then  was,  above  all, 
to  secure  quiet  and  peace,  especially  for 
Central  Europe.  This  plan  of  mine  met  with 
obstacles  mainly  because  it  was  based  upon 
a  respect  for  existing  international  obliga- 
tions. Lloyd  George's  proposal  also  fell 
through  for  the  reason  that  it  took  no  ac- 
count of  this  last  principle. 

I  mention  these  matters  only  to  justify 
our  policy  of  treaty-making.  In  piu-suing 
our  policy  we  have  made  every  possible  en- 
deavor to  assure  peace  aroimd  us  and  at 
the  same  time  to  insure  the  existence  of  our 
State.  We  have  not  dropped  the  plan  of  a 
general  guaranty  pact;  on  the  contrary,  we 
shall  continue  to  work  for  it,  and  therefore 
also  all  the  treaties  which  we  have  concluded 
have  been  made  in  such  a  spirit  that — 

1.  They  are  not  in  conflict  with  the  spirit 
of  the  League  of  Nations ; 

2.  Their  terms  are  open  to  all  other  coun- 
tries ; 

3.  They  may  serve  as  a  step  to  a  general 
guaranty  pact  and  perhaps  make  possible  a 
gradual  limitation  of  armaments. 

Such  is  also  our  treaty  with  France. 
If  a  State  has  done  as  much  for  securing 


284 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


its  own  existence  and  general  peace  as  our 
Republic  has  done  so  far,  if  in  so  doing  it 
has  exhausted  every  right  and  permissible 
method,  and  if  it  consciously  pursues  a  policy 
of  treaty-making  with  the  fixed  purpose  of 
arriving  at  results  proclaimed  and  desired 
by  the  League  of  Nations,  no  one  has  the 
right  to  reproach  it  for  this  policy. 

Defending  the  recent  treaty  with.  France 
from  a  political  standpoint,  Dr.  Benes 
said,  significantly: 

The  treaty  is  said  to  be  anti-German,  and 
to  encourage  French  imperialism,  etc.  Those 
who  assert  this  would  do  well  to  consider 
first  what  I  have  said  here,  and  then  to  re- 
member that  an  accord  between  Germany 
and  France  is  nearer  than  they  think. 

The  speech  concluded  with  an  exposi- 
tion of  Czecho-Slovak  policy  with  regard 
to  that  country's  share  of  reparations  pay- 
ments. 


POLISH  FINANCE 

THE  London  Times  reports  that  Mr. 
Hilton  Young  has  returned  to  London 
after  completing  his  work  as  unofficial 
financial  adviser  to  the  Polish  Government, 
which  he  undertook  on  the  invitation  of 
that  government  October  last.  Discussing 
the  report  the  Times  says  that  it  covers  a 
wide  area  and  makes  many  practical 
recommendations.  It  leaves  the  impres- 
sion that  a  good  beginning  has  now  been 
made  with  reform,  but,  as  Mr.  Young 
points  out,  the  first  step  is  not  the  whole 
journey.  The  technical  measures  now 
adopted  are  prudent,  but  "further  and 
drastic  economies,"  an  increase  of  taxa- 
tion, and  reform  of  the  revenue  adminis- 
tration are  needed  before  there  can  be 
confidence  that  deficits  will  not  continue 
or  recur.  Mr.  Young  deals  with  all  these 
in  detail. 

Eecent  historical  causes  of  the  present 
troubles  are  first  described,  the  ravages  of 
war,  the  difficulty  of  unifying  parts  of 
three  different  systems,  and  the  lack  of 
experienced  officials.  On  the  other  hand, 
Mr.  Hilton  Young  examines  the  natural 
resources  and  industrial  wealth  of  the 
country,  drawing  the  conclusion  that 
Poland  can  be  self-supporting,  that  she 
has  a  favorable  balance  of  foreign  trade 


which  promises  continuance.  The  present 
financial  difficulties  are  summarized  in  the 
words — the  falling  mark.  On  Septem- 
ber 30  last  the  dollar  was  worth  3,442m. 
On  December  31  it  was  worth  6,400,000m. 
The  cost  of  living  has  risen  in  proportion. 
The  depreciation  has  caused  a  famine  of 
currency  and  credit,  a  general  "flight 
from  the  mark,"  and  very  grave  disorder 
in  the  life  of  the  community. 

The  national  budget  has  fallen  in  ruins. 
In  1922  there  was  a  deficit  of  362  million 
zlotys  [the  zloty,  equal  to  a  gold  franc,  is 
the  theoretical  unit  adopted  in  Poland 
for  the  expression  on  a  gold  basis  of  trans- 
actions in  the  unstable  paper  mark  which 
is  the  actual  currency]  on  an  expenditure 
of  890  million  zlotys,  and  in  1923  a  deficit 
of  692  million  zlotys  on  an  expenditure  of 
1,118.8  million  zlotys.  Military  expendi- 
ture and  the  railway  deficit  accounted  in 
these  years  for  more  than  half  the  total 
expenditure,  and  the  railway  deficit  for 
half  the  total  deficit.  Poland  has  been 
trying  to  reconstruct  her  railways  out  of 
revenue,  and  the  effort  has  been  too  much 
for  her.  The  deficits  have  been  covered  by 
inflation.  On  September  30  the  mark 
issue  was  11,198  milliards;  on  December 
31  it  was  125,372  milliards.  "Inflation, 
and  no  other  thing,  is  the  cause  of  the 
depreciation,  and  of  the  financial  troubles 
of  Poland." 

The  remedy  for  the  troubles  is  to  avoid 
inflation  by  making  the  budget  balance, 
by  decreasing  expenditure,  by  increasing 
revenue,  and  by  loans.  Currency  reform 
is  necessary,  in  particular,  to  help  in  in- 
creasing the  revenue;  but  it  should  be 
accepted  as  a  cardinal  rule  that  the  issue 
of  a  limited  currency  on  a  sound  basis 
should  not  be  attempted  until  the  deficit 
has  been  got  rid  of,  and  there  can  be 
confidence  that  it  has  been  got  rid  of  for 
good.  Otherwise  the  new  currency  must 
be  inflated  also  and  follow  the  old  into 
the  abyss. 

The  current  monthly  budgets  are  re- 
viewed in  order  to  ascertain  the  measures 
needed  to  cover  the  deficit.  It  is  observed 
that  the  following  reforms  have  been 
effected  since  Mr.  Hilton  Young's  inquiry 
began:  Full  powers  have  been  granted 
to  the  executive  to  deal  with  the  situa- 
tion; taxes  have  been  valorized  on  a 
gold  basis;  an  effort  is  being  made  to 
accelerate  and  improve  the  collection  of 


19U 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


285 


revenue ;  and  the  railway  budget  has  been 
separated  from  that  of  the  State.  Under 
these  conditions  the  accounts  for  February, 
according  to  the  official  estimate,  show  a 
balance  at  88.5  million  zlotys. 

Mr.  Hilton  Young  points  out  that  these 
estimates  depend  on  speculative  factors, 
particularly  the  collection  of  a  property 
levy,  the  effect  of  valorization,  and  the 
result  of  a  railway  loan  for  100  million 
zlotys,  just  announced.  He  draws  the 
conclusion  that  it  is  too  early  to  be  con- 
fident that  a  balance  will  be  obtained  in 
the  near  future,  or,  if  obtained,  that  it  will 
be  maintained. 

He  estimates  the  greatest  revenue  which 
it  is  possible  to  obtain  this  year,  if  every 
possible  effort  be  made  to  increase  it,  at 
nearer  800  than  900  million  zlotys,  and 
draws  the  conclusion  that  if  further  de- 
ficits are  to  be  avoided  further  and  strenu- 
ous efforts  are  required  to  reduce  expendi- 
ture. By  means  of  measures  of  economy 
detailed  in  an  appendix,  it  is  suggested 
that  expenditure  might  be  reduced  to  some 
700  million  zlotys  for  the  next  10  months, 
leaving  an  excess  over  revenue  that  it 
would  be  not  impossible  to  cover  by  inter- 
nal loans.  If  expenditure  be  not  so  re- 
duced, the  attainment  of  a  normal  bal- 
ance in  the  near  future  appears  to  him  im- 
probable. He  draws  the  conclusion  that 
the  time  has  not  yet  come  to  fix  a  date  for 
the  substitution  of  a  limited  currency  on 
a  sound  basis  for  the  mark. 

In  further  sections  of  the  report,  and 
in  related  appendices  [in  the  preparation 
of  which  Mr.  Hilton  Young  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  Messrs.  H.  A.  Trotter, 
Nixon,  and  Penson,  who  assisted  him  in 
his  inquiry],  Mr.  Hilton  Young  deals  in 
detail  with  measures  for  increasing  the 
revenue,  for  reducing  expenditure,  for 
raising  internal  and  external  loans,  and 
with  regard  to  the  foundation  of  an  inde- 
pendent bank  of  issue  and  a  sound  cur- 
rency. He  recommends  the  government 
to  invite  the  assistance  of  a  foreign  mis- 
sion of  advisers  on  revenue  administration. 
The  program  of  capital  outlay  on  raiways 
should  be  postponed  until  it  can  be  carried 
out  with  borrowed  capital.  Unessential 
State  enterprises  should  be  leased,  sold, 
or  closed  down.  As  to  loans,  although 
much  cannot  be  expected  until  confidence 
is  more  restored,  the  government  should 
be  ready  to  borrow  all  it  can  on  gold  bonds 


in  aid  of  the  deficit.  The  time  is  not  yet 
come  at  which  help  can  be  confidently  ex- 
pected from  foreign  capital :  it  will  come 
when  Poland  has  succeeded  in  covering 
the  deficit  and  stabilizing  her  exchange. 

"Poland,"  it  is  said,  "now  fully  alive  to 
the  dangers  of  continued  infiation,  has 
resolved  to  achieve  unaided  her  own  fi- 
nancial salvation."  There  is  no  econo- 
mic impossibility  in  the  task.  Should  the 
effort  not  succeed,  owing  to  the  interven- 
tion of  circumstances  other  than  economic, 
it  would  be  prudent  not  to  delay  making 
whatever  arrangements  might  be  neces- 
sary (of  which  the  Austrian  settlement  is 
cited  as  an  example  as  to  financial  con- 
ditions) to  secure  the  assistance  from 
abroad  which  alone  could  then  protect  the 
nation  from  the  final  and  worst  conse- 
quences of  inflation. 

Mr.  Hilton  Young  expresses  general 
approval  of  the  statutes  for  a  bank  of 
issue  and  a  new  currency  recently  drawn 
up  by  the  government,  subject  to  recom- 
mendations as  to  the  limitation  of  State 
participation  in  the  capital,  and  absten- 
tion from  the  creation  of  artificial  credits 
for  the  State.  He  makes  no  recommenda- 
tion on  any  matter  of  policy  involved  in 
military  expenditure,  on  the  ground  that 
it  is  outside  his  competence,  but  he  points 
out  that  if  economy  is  not  to  touch  an  area 
of  33  per  cent  of  the  present  rate  of  ex- 
penditure the  difficulty  of  balancing  the 
budget  is  enormously  increased. 

The  prospect  of  a  balance  in  the  near 
future  depends  largely  on  the  collection 
of  a  property  levy.  Mr.  Hilton  Young 
dwells  on  the  difficulty  of  the  simultaneous 
liquidation  of  capital  values  for  a  large 
amount  in  the  present  congested  condition 
of  credit  in  Poland  and  utters  a  warning 
against  making  the  levy  a  means  of  infla- 
tion rather  than  a  remedy  for  it,  by  the 
State  itself  providing  the  credit  and  cur- 
rency needed  for  its  payment. 

Appendices  deal  in  detail  with  produc- 
tion, foreign  trade,  the  alleged  economic 
dependence  on  Germany,  taxation,  expen- 
diture, control  of  expenditure  and  th« 
form  of  budget.  State  payments  and  re- 
ceipts, cash  accounts  and  control  and 
audit,  local  authorities"  finance,  reorgani- 
zation of  banking,  the  central  bank,  ex- 
change regulations,  and  comparative  rail- 
way rates. 


AN  AMERICAN  PLAN   FOR  AN  ASSOCIATION  OF 

NATIONS 

By  GEORGE  A.  FINCH 
Of  Washington,  D.  C. 


IN  his  inaugural  address  of  March  4, 
1921,  the  late  President  Harding  ex- 
pressed the  readiness  of  the  United  States 
to  associate  with  the  nations  of  the  world 
in  suggesting  plans  for  mediation,  con- 
ciliation, and  arbitration;  to  clarify  and 
write  the  laws  of  international  relation- 
ship, and  establish  a  world  court  for  the 
disposition  of  justiciable  disputes. 

The  plan  here  outlined  provides  an  as- 
sociation of  nations  for  the  purposes 
stated  in  that  address.  It  is  rooted  in  the 
traditional  attitude  of  the  United  States 
toward  the  peaceful  settlement  of  inter- 
national disputes.  It  suggests  as  the 
model  of  the  instrument  of  agreement 
texts  already  approved  by  the  treaty-mak- 
ing power  of  the  United  States.  It  in- 
corporates as  much  of  the  existing  inter- 
national organization  as  seems  consonant 
with  the  traditional  policy  of  the  United 
States  and  not  inconsistent  with  its  present 
policy. 

The  plan  provides  for — 

I.  A  general  treaty  of  arbitration  for 
justiciable  disputes. 
II.  An   agreement  to   submit   all   other 
disputes   to   international   inquiry 
and  not  to  make  war  pending  such 
inquiry. 
III.  The    separation    of    the    Permanent 
Court    of    International    Justice 
from  the  League  of  Nations  and 
the  adherence  of  the  United  States 
to  the  court. 
IV.  Resumption  of  periodic  conferences 
at   The   Hague   for  the  advance- 
ment of  international  law. 

Part  I — A  General  Treaty  of  Arbitration 

The  numerous  expressions  by  the  Con- 
gress and  Executive  of  the  United  States 
in  favor  of  international  arbitration  and 
the  many  instances  in  which  it  has  been 
put  into  practice  by  this  country  do  not 
need  enumeration  to  demonstrate  that  it 
forms  a  part  of  the  accepted  foreign  policy 
of  the  United  States.  The  institution  has 
progressively  developed  from  the  Jay 
Treaty  of  1794,  submitting  tx)  arbitration 
differences    arising    out    of^  the    Revolu- 


tionary War,  up  to  The  Hague  Peace  Con- 
ferences of  1899  and  1907,  in  which  the 
nations  of  the  world  considered  means  for 
the  pacific  settlement  of  international 
disputes  and  provided  a  panel  of  arbitra- 
tors and  a  system  of  procedure  for  the 
voluntary  use  of  nations. 

At  both  Hague  Conferences  the  United 
States  sought  to  induce  the  other  nations 
to  enter  into  a  collective  agreement  to 
submit  their  disputes  to  arbitration.  To 
the  First  Conference  Secretary  Hay  pro- 
posed such  an  agreement  covering  "all 
questions  of  disagreement  excepting  such 
as  may  relate  to  or  involve  political  in- 
dependence or  territorial  integrity."  The 
farthest  that  conference  would  go,  how- 
ever, was  a  recommendation  of  arbitra- 
tion as  the  most  effective  and  equitable 
means  of  settling  disputes  of  a  legal 
nature,  and  a  suggestion  to  the  Powers  of 
their  right  to  conclude  individual  agree- 
ments for  obligatory  arbitration.  After 
the  conference  adjourned,  the  nations  pro- 
ceeded to  do  separately  what  they  had  been 
unable  to  do  collectively,  and  up  to  the 
Second  Conference,  in  1907,  fifty-six 
separate  arbitration  treaties  had  been 
communicated  to  the  International  Bu- 
reau of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion at  The  Hague. 

This  widespread  interest  in  interna- 
tional arbitration  prompted  the  United 
States  again  to  propose  a  general  treaty  of 
arbitration  to  the  Second  Hague  Confer- 
ence. Precise  instructions  as  to  the  form 
of  such  a  treaty  were  given  by  Secretary 
Root  to  the  American  delegates  as  follows : 

In  December,  1904,  and  January,  1905,  my 
predecessor,  Mr.  Hay,  concluded  separate 
arbitration  treaties  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany,  Spain, 
Portugal,  Italy,  Switzerland,  Austria-Hun- 
gary, Sweden  and  Norway,  and  Mexico.  On 
the  11th  of  February,  1905,  the  Senate  ad- 
vised and  consented  to  the  ratification  of 
these  treaties,  with  an  amendment  which  has 
had  the  effect  of  preventing  the  exchange  of 
ratifications.  The  amendment,  however,  did 
not  relate  to  the  scope  or  character  of  the 
arbitration  to  which  the  President  had  agreed 


286 


192Jf 


ASSOCIATION  OF  NATIONS 


287 


and  the  Senate  consented.  You  will  be  justi- 
fied, therefore,  in  assuming  that  a  general 
treaty  of  arbitration  in  the  terms,  or  substan- 
tially in  the  terms,  of  the  series  of  treaties 
which  I  have  mentioned  will  meet  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  The  first  article  of  each  of  these 
treaties  was  as  follows: 

Differences  which  may  arise  of  a  legal 
nature,  or  relating  to  the  interpretation  of 
treaties  existing  between  the  two  contracting 
parties,  and  which  it  may  not  have  been  pos- 
sible to  settle  by  diplomacy,  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  estab- 
lished at  The  Hague  by  the  Convention  of 
the  29th  of  July,  1899,  provided,  nevertheless, 
that  they  do  not  affect  the  vital  interests, 
the  independence,  or  the  honor  of  the  two 
contracting  states,  and  do  not  concern  the 
interests  of  third  parties. 

A  large  majority  at  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  was  in  favor  of  a  general 
treaty  of  arbitration,  but  the  minority,  led 
by  Germany,  invoked  the  rule  of  unanim- 
ity and  refused  to  permit  the  majority  to 
conclude  such  a  treaty. 

Following  the  Second  Hague  Confer- 
ence, sixty-seven  additional  separate  arbi- 
tration treaties  were  concluded  and  com- 
municated to  the  International  Bureau  at 
The  Hague  up  to  the  end  of  the  year  1921. 
Included  in  them  were  twenty-two  arbi- 
tration treaties  negotiated  by  Secretary 
Boot  with  Austria-Hungary,  Brazil, 
China,  Costa  Rica,  Denmark,  Ecuador, 
France,  Great  Britain,  Haiti,  Italy,  Japan, 
Mexico,  the  Netherlands,  Norway,  Para- 
guay, Peru,  Portugal,  Salvador,  Spain, 
Sweden,  Switzerland,  and  Uruguay.  Ar- 
ticle I  of  the  Root  treaties  is  the  same  as 
the  first  article  of  the  unratified  Hay 
treaties  of  1904.  Article  II  was  revised 
by  Mr.  Root  to  meet  the  objection  of  the 
Senate  hereinafter  referred  to.  The 
treaties  were  approved  by  the  Senate  with- 
out amendment  or  reservation  of  any  kind. 

Such  was  the  status  of  international 
arbitration  when  the  Peace  Conference 
met  at  Paris  in  1919.  The  nations  as- 
sembled in  that  conference  took  the  step 
which  the  minority  had  prevented  the 
Hague  Conference  from  taking.  They  in- 
corporated a  general  arbitration  agree- 
ment in  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations.  The  first  three  paragraphs  of 
Article  XIII  of  the  covenant,  as  later 
amended  to  provide  for  the  reference  of 


disputes  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Inter- 
national Justice,  read  as  follows : 

The  members  of  the  League  agree  that, 
whenever  any  dispute  shall  arise  between 
them  which  they  recognize  to  be  suitable  for 
submission  to  arbitration  or  judicial  settle- 
ment, and  which  can  not  be  satisfactorily 
settled  by  diplomacy,  they  will  submit  the 
whole  subject-matter  to  arbitration  or  judi- 
cial settlement. 

Disputes  as  to  the  Interpretation  of  a 
treaty,  as  to  any  question  of  international 
law,  as  to  the  existence  of  any  fact  which 
if  established  would  constitute  a  breach  of 
any  international  obligation,  or  as  to  the 
extent  and  nature  of  the  reparation  to  be 
made  for  any  such  breach,  are  declared  to 
be  among  those  which  are  generally  suitable 
for  submission  to  arbitration  or  judicial 
settlement. 

For  the  consideration  of  any  such  dispute, 
the  court  to  which  the  case  Is  referred  shall 
be  the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice,  established  in  accordance  with 
Article  14,  or  any  tribunal  agreed  on  by  the 
parties  to  the  dispute  or  stipulated  in  any 
convention   existing   between   them. 

Since  the  United  States  has  declined  to 
accept  the  Covenant  of  the  League,  be- 
cause of  objections  to  other  matters  which 
are  extraneous  to  the  subject  of  interna- 
tional arbitration,  it  is  suggested  that  the 
United  States  propose  to  the  nations  of 
the  world  the  conclusion  of  a  general  col- 
lective treaty  by  which  the  signatories 
shall  agree  to  submit  all  justiciable 
disputes  which  cannot  be  settled  by 
diplomacy,  either  to  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  or  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague. 

The  alternative  choice  of  the  two  courts 
is  suggested  because  it  is  not  improbable 
that  cases  will  arise  which  disputants  will 
prefer  to  submit  to  the  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, with  judges  of  their  own  choice, 
rather  than  to  the  Court  of  Justice,  with 
its  permanent  bench.  The  force  of  this 
reasoning  was  recognized  by  the  framers 
of  the  statute  of  the  Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice,  in  which  it  is  stip- 
ulated that  "this  court  shall  be  in  addition 
to  the  Court  of  Arbitration  organized  by 
the  conventions  of  The  Hague  of  1899  and 
1907"  (Article  1). 

A  model  for  the  proposed  agreement 
may  be  taken  in  the  arbitration  treaties 
now  in  force  between  the  United  States 
and  other  nations;  or,  if  the  Senate  is 
willing,  the  phraseology  of  the  first  three 
paragraphs  of  Article  XIII  of  the  Cove- 


288 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


nant  of  the  League  of  Nations  may  be 
used. 

In  either  case  a  stipulation  should  be 
inserted  providing  for  the  submission  to 
the  Senate  of  the  special  agreement  of 
arbitration  to  be  concluded  in  each  case, 
in  order  to  avoid  raising  the  objection 
which  prevented  the  ratification  of  the 
Hay  treaties  of  1904.  The  necessity  for 
and  form  of  such  a  stipulation  were  im- 
pressed by  Secretary  Eoot  upon  the  dele- 
gates to  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 
as  follows : 

Such  a  general  treaty  of  arbitration  neces- 
sarily leaves  to  be  determined  in  each  par- 
ticular case  what  the  questions  at  issue  be- 
tween the  two  governments  are,  and  whether 
those  questions  come  within  the  scope  of  the 
treaty  or  within  the  exceptions,  and  what 
shall  be  the  scope  of  the  powers  of  the  arbi- 
trators. The  Senate  amendment  which  pre- 
vented the  ratification  of  each  of  these* 
treaties  applied  only  to  another  article  of 
the  treaty,  which  provided  for  special  agree- 
ments in  regard  to  these  matters  and  in- 
volved only  the  question  who  should  act  for 
the  United  States  in  making  such  special 
agreements.  To  avoid  having  the  same 
question  arise  regarding  any  general  treaty 
of  arbitration  which  you  may  sign  at  The 
Hague,  your  signature  should  be  accom- 
panied by  an  explanation  substantially  as 
follows : 

In  signing  the  general  arbitration  treaty 
the  delegates  of  the  United  States  desire  to 
have  it  understood  that  the  special  agree- 
ment provided  for  in  article  —  of  said 
treaty  will  be  subject  to  submission  to  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  abitration  treaties  which  Mr.  Root 
negotiated  subsequent  to  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  and  which  received  the 
approval  of  the  Senate  contained  such  a 
stipulation  in  Article  II. 

Part  II — International  Commissions  of  Inquiry 
for  Non-justiciable  Disputes 

With  very  few  exceptions,  all  of  the 
separate  arbitration  treaties  so  far  con- 
cluded contain  agreements  to  submit  to 
arbitration  only  certain  classes  of  disputes, 
and  specifically  except  from  the  agree- 
ment certain  other  classes,  such  as  ques- 
tions affecting  national  honor,  independ- 
ence, or  vital  interests.  Even  Ajiicle 
XIII  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  limits  the  arbitration  agreement 


to  disputes  which  the  members  of  the 
League  "recognize  to  be  suitable  for  sub- 
mission to  arbitration."  The  statute  of 
the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice,  which  is  the  last  word  on  the  sub- 
ject, merely  provides  that  "the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  court  comprises  all  cases  which 
the  parties  refer  to  it  and  all  matters 
specially  provided  for  in  any  treaties  and 
conventions  in  force."  It  is  true  that  the 
same  article  provides  for  an  optional 
clause,  by  the  signing  of  which  States  mav 
accept  the  obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the 
court;  but,  it  should  be  noted,  such  obli- 
gatory jurisdiction  is  limited  to  classes  of 
legal  disputes  taken  from  the  categories 
of  disputes  enumerated  in  Article  XIII  of 
the  covenant  as  suitable  for  arbitration  or 
judicial  settlement.  Nowhere  is  there  to 
be  found  a  general  agreement  to  submit 
all  disputes  to  arbitration  or  judicial  set- 
tlement, except  the  few  treaties  first  men- 
tioned. 

The  advocates  of  the  peaceful  settlement 
of  international  disputes  have  recognized 
that  as  long  as  arbitration  agreements 
contain  exceptions  nations  will  be  free  to 
arbitrate  or  refuse  to  arbitrate  in  almost 
any  case.  An  effort  to  close  this  gap  in 
the  system  was  made  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  President  Taft,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 3,  1911,  Secretary  of  State  Knox 
signed  a  new  form  of  arbitration  treaty 
with  France  and  Great  Britain,  which 
provided  that  a  joint  high  commission  of 
inquiry  should  determine  whether  or  not 
a  given  case  was  justiciable;  but  the  Sen- 
ate objected  that  such  a  provision  would  be 
a  delegation  of  the  treaty-making  power, 
and  therefore  unconstitutional.  The 
treaties  were  never  ratified. 

The  effort  to  enlarge  the  scope  of  ques- 
tions subject  to  peaceful  settlement  was 
continued  by  President  Wilson's  adminis- 
tration, and  Secretairy  of  State  Bryan 
succeeded  in  formulating  a  plan  which,  it 
is  believed,  brings  within  the  domain  of 
peaceful  settlement  all  disputes  between 
nations,  as  far  as  that  is  humanly  pos- 
sible in  the  present  state  of  develop- 
ment of  international  organization.  Mr. 
Bryan's  plan  received  the  approval  of  the 
Senate  in  advance  of  negotiations  with 
foreign  governments.  He  subsequently 
concluded  twenty-one  treaties  with  the 
following  nations,  and  they  were  promptly 


19U 


ASSOCIATION  OF  NATIONS 


289 


approved  by  the  Senate  without  amend- 
ment or  reservation  of  any  kind :  Bolivia, 
Brazil,  Chile,  China,  Costa  Eica,  Denmark, 
Ecuador,  France,  Great  Britain,  Guate- 
mala, Honduras,  Italy,  Norway,  Para- 
guay, Peru,  Portugal,  Russia,  Spain, 
Sweden,  Uruguay,  and  Venezuela. 

Under  the  Bryan  treaties,  the  high  con- 
tracting parties  agree  that — 

All  disputes  between  them,  of  every  nature 
whatsoever,  other  than  disputes  the  settlement 
of  which  is  provided  for  and  in  fact  achieved 
under  existing  agreements  between  the  high 
contracting  parties,  shall,  when  diplomatic 
methods  of  adjustment  have  failed,  be  re- 
ferred for  investigation  and  report  to  a  per- 
manent international  commission,  to  be  con- 
stituted in  the  manner  prescribed  in  the  next 
succeeding  article;  and  they  agree  not  to 
declare  war  or  begin  hostilities  during  such 
investigation  and  before  the  report  is  sub- 
mitted. 

The  report  of  the  international  com- 
mission is  required  to  be  completed  within 
one  year  after  the  investigation  is  begun, 
and  the  contracting  parties  reserve  the 
right  to  act  independently  on  the  subject- 
matter  of  the  dispute  after  the  report  shall 
have  been  submitted. 

The  Boot  treaties  of  1908,  supplemented 
by  the  Bryan  treaties  of  1914,  give  the 
United  States  a  complete  system  for  the 
settlement  of  international  disputes  which 
makes  war  a  remote  possibility.  Under 
the  Root  treaties  the  contracting  nations 
agree  to  submit  all  justiciable  disputes  to 
arbitration.  Under  the  Bryan  treaties 
they  agree  to  submit  all  other  disputes  to 
international  inquiry  and  undertake  not  to 
resort  to  hostilities  until  the  inquiry  is 
completed.  For  all  disputes  which  are 
not  otherwise  settled,  a  delay  is  accord- 
ingly provided,  during  which  the  dispu- 
tants may  cool  off  or  friendly  powers  offer 
their  good  offices  or  mediation.  Failing 
a  settlement  during  this  cooling-off  period, 
the  publication  of  the  report  of  the  inquiry 
would  in  all  likelihood  show  which  nation 
is  in  the  wrong  or  suggest  some  suitable 
compromise  if  the  right  or  wrong  of  the 
case  be  doubtful.  Public  opinion  could  be 
depended  upon  eventually  to  throw  the 
weight  of  its  influence  upon  the  side  of 
peace,  if  only  an  opportunity  be  given  for 
it  to  be  formulated  and  expressed. 


The  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 
incorporates  the  principle  of  the  Bryan 
treaties  by  providing  in  Article  XV  that 
any  dispute  likely  to  lead  to  a  rupture 
which  is  not  submitted  to  arbitration  shall 
be  submitted  to  the  Council  of  the  League 
of  Nations  for  investigation  and  report; 
but,  for  reasons  extraneous  to  the  merits 
of  the  principle  involved,  the  United 
States  is  not  a  party  to  the  League  agree- 
ments. Therefore,  to  supplement  the 
general  agreement  for  arbitration  of  jus- 
ticiable disputes,  with  provisions  for  the 
peaceful  settlement  of  non- justiciable  dis- 
putes, the  United  States  should  propose  a 
general  agreement  of  the  nations  to  submit 
to  international  inquiry  all  disputes  be- 
tween the  contracting  parties  which  are 
not  settled  by  diplomacy  or  arbitration, 
following  the  terms  of  the  separate  treaties 
now  in  force  between  the  United  States 
and  the  twenty-one  separate  nations. 

As  the  separate  commissions  of  inquiry 
provided  in  the  Bryan  treaties  would  be 
too  numerous  in  the  case  of  a  general 
treaty  between  all  nations,  the  interna- 
tional commissions  of  inquiry  under  the 
general  treaty  should  be  selected  from  the 
panel  of  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion at  The  Hague,  as  and  when  occasions 
arise  for  their  use,  in  accordance  with  the 
stipulations  contained  in  The  Hague  Con- 
vention of  1907  for  the  appointment  of 
such  commissions. 

Part  III — Adherence  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Permanent  Ck)urt  of  International  Justice 

Advocacy  by  the  United  States  of  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  interna- 
tional tribunal  has  been  a  corollary  of  its 
efforts  to  extend  the  use  and  enlarge  the 
scope  of  international  arbitration.  A 
plan  for  such  a  tribunal  was  included  in 
the  instructions  of  Secretary  Hay  to  the 
American  delegates  to  the  First  Hague 
Conference,  to  whom  he  stated  that  "the 
long-continued  and  widespread  interest 
among  the  people  of  the  United  States  in 
the  establishment  of  an  international 
court  .  .  .  gives  assurance  that  the 
proposal  of  a  definite  plan  of  procedure 
by  this  government  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  end  would  express  the  de- 
sires and  aspirations  of  this  nation." 

Secretary  Root  resumed  the  American 
effort  in  behalf  of  a  permanent  tribunal  at 


290 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


the  Second  Hague  Conference,  and  after 
pointing  out  to  the  American  delegates 
the  difference  between  arbitration  and  ju- 
dicial settlement,  instructed  them  to  work 
to  bring  about  "a,  development  of  The 
Hague  tribunal  into  a  permanent  tribunal 
composed  of  judges  who  are  judicial  of- 
ficers and  nothing  else,  who  are  paid  ade- 
quate salaries,  who  have  no  other  occupa- 
tion, and  who  will  devote  their  entire 
time  to  the  trial  and  decision  of  interna- 
tiosnal  causes  by  judicial  methodfe  ^and 
under  a  sense  of  judicial  responsibility." 

The  American  delegates  succeeded  in 
having  the  Second  Hague  Conference  ap- 
prove a  draft  convention  for  the  creation 
of  a  judicial  arbitration  court,  but  it  failed 
of  adoption  because  of  the  inability  of  the 
conference  to  agree  upon  the  method  of 
selecting  the  judges,  and  the  conference 
adjourned  with  a  recommendation  to  the 
Powers  to  adopt  the  convention  and  bring 
it  into  force  as  soon  as  an  agreement 
could  be  reached  respecting  the  selection 
of  the  judges.  After  the  adjournment 
of  the  conference  the  American  State  De- 
partment undertook  to  establish  the  court 
through  diplomatic  channels,  but  the  ne- 
gotiations were  long  drawn  out  and  were 
cut  short  by  the  outbreak  of  the  war  in 
1914. 

The  inclusion  of  Article  XIV  in  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations,  pro- 
viding for  the  establishment  of  a  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Jusice;  the 
appointment  by  the  Council  of  the  League 
of  an  Advisory  Committee  of  Jurists,  and 
the  formulation  by  that  committee  of  a 
plan  for  the  court  in  July,  1920;  the 
amendment  of  the  plan,  and  the  approval 
of  the  statute  of  the  court  by  the  Assembly 
of  the  League  in  December,  1930,  and  the 
subsequent  signing  of  the  protocol  estab- 
lishing the  court  by  the  members  of  the 
League  of  Nations  are  matters  of  recent 
history  which  need  no  elaboration. 

Largely  through  the  efforts  of  the 
American  member  of  the  Advisory  Com- 
mittee of  Jurists,  who  drew  upon  Ameri- 
can constitutional  precendent  and  parlia- 
mentary practice,  the  difficulty  over  the 
election  of  the  judges,  which  prevented  the 
adoption  of  the  Judicial  Arbitration  Court 
by  The  Hague  Conference,  was  overcome 
by  providing  for  the  election  of  the  judges 
by  the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations. 


Because  of  its  non-membership  in  the 
League  of  Nations,  the  United  States  is 
not  a  party  to  the  court,  and  Secretary  of 
State  Hughes  expressed  to  the  President 
in  a  letter  of  February  17  last  the  view 
that  the  United  States  should  not  exercise 
its  privilege  as  a  non-League  suitor  in  the 
court  without  becoming  a  party  to  the 
protocol  establishing  the  court,  partici- 
pating in  the  election  of  judges  through 
representatives  delegated  for  that  pur- 
pose to  the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the 
League,  and  contributing  its  fair  share 
of  the  expenses  of  maintenance  of  the 
court.  These  views  were  approved  by 
President  Harding  and  incorporated  in 
a  recommendation  to  the  Senate,  under 
date  of  February  24,  1923.  The  recom- 
mendation, however,  met  with  objection 
on  the  ground  that  its  acceptance  would 
involve  the  United  States  in  the  League 
of  Nations,  and  in  reviewing  the  discus- 
sion which  ensued  over  his  recommenda- 
tion President  Harding  said,  in  an  ad- 
dress at  St.  Louis,  on  June  21,  1923,  that 
"there  admittedly  is  a  League  connection 
with  the  world  court."  In  the  same  ad- 
dress Mr.  Harding  laid  down  as  an  in- 
dispensable condition  to  participation  by 
the  United  States  in  the  court,  "that  the 
tribunal  be  so  constituted  as  to  appear  to 
be,  in  theory  and  in  practice,  in  form  and 
in  substance,  beyond  the  shadow  of  doubt, 
a  world  court  and  not  a  league  court." 

It  therefore  appears  that  the  United 
States,  the  leading  advocate  of  a  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice  at  the 
two  Hague  conferences,  is  not  a  member 
of  the  present  court  for  reasons  extraneous 
to  the  merits  of  the  court  as  such.  Under 
the  circumstances,  the  practical  thing  to 
do  is  to  try  to  remove  the  reasons  for  the 
objection,  irrespective  of  whether  they  be 
considered  well-  or  ill-founded.  To  ac- 
complish that  end,  it  is  suggested  that — 

(a)  The  present  membership  of  the 
court,  which  includes  an  eminent  Ameri- 
can jurist,  be  accepted  by  the  United 
States.  The  following  tribute  was  paid 
to  the  present  personnel  of  the  court  by 
Mr.  Harding  in  his  St.  Louis  address : 
"Its  composition  is  of  the  highest  order. 
None  better,  none  freer  from  selfish,  par- 
tisan, national,  or  racial  prejudices  or  in- 
fluences could  be  obtained." 

(&)  Hereafter  the  election  of  judges 
and   deputy   judges   shall   be   transferred 


192J^ 


ASSOCIATION  OF  NATIONS 


291 


from  the  League  of  Nations  to  a  periodic 
Conference  for  the  Advancement  of  Inter- 
national Law,  referred  to  hereinafter. 
The  meetings  of  the  conference  shall  be 
arranged  at  times  that  will  coincide  with 
the  dates  of  elections  to  the  court.  Va- 
cancies occurring  upon  the  bench  during 
intervals  between  meetings  of  the  confer- 
ence may  be  filled  by  the  court  from  speci- 
fied candidates  and  according  to  procedure 
to  be  provided  for  that  purpose. 

(c)  To  make  the  conference  a  bicameral 
body  adapted  to  perform  the  functions  of 
the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the  League  in 
the  election  of  judges,  there  shall  be  con- 
stituted an  Executive  Council  of  the  Con- 
ference for  the  Advancement  of  Interna- 
tional Law,  composed  of  permanent  mem- 
bers appointed  by  the  larger  Powers  and 
of  non-permanent  members  elected  by  the 
conference,  as  provided  in  the  covenant 
for  the  composition  of  the  Council  of  the 
League.  Other  duties  for  the  Executive 
Council  are  suggested  below. 

(d)  The  question  of  the  expense  of  the 
court  may  be  settled  by  providing  for  the 
payment  of  each  nation's  quota  to  an 
officer  of  the  court  designated  for  that 
purpose. 

Part  IV — Periodic  Conference  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  International  Law 

The  two  conferences  held  at  The  Hague 
in  1899  and  1907  developed  essentially 
into  conferences  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law.  They  were  regarded 
as  merely  the  beginnings  of  a  continuous 
process  through  which  the  progressive  de- 
velopment of  international  Justice  and 
peace  would  be  accomplished.  As  stated 
by  Mr.  Eoot  in  his  instructions  to  the 
American  delegates  to  the  Second  Hague 
Confreence,  "The  immediate  results  of 
such  a  conference  must  always  be  limited 
to  a  small  part  of  the  field  which  the  more 
sanguine  have  hoped  to  see  covered;  but 
each  successive  conference  will  make  the 
positions  reached  in  the  preceding  con- 
ference its  point  of  departure,  and  will 
bring  to  the  consideration  of  further  ad- 
vances toward  international  agreements 
opinions  affected  by  the  acceptance  and 
application  of  the  previous  agreements. 
Each  conference  will  inevitably  make 
further  progress,  and  by  successive  steps 
results  may  be  accomplished  which  have 
formerly  appeared  impossible." 


Secretary  Eoot  therefore  instructed  the 
American  delegates  to  "favor  the  adoption 
of  a  resolution  by  the  conference  provid- 
ing for  the  holding  of  further  conferences 
within  fixed  periods  and  arranging  the 
machinery  by  which  such  conferences  may 
be  called  and  the  terms  of  the  program 
may  be  arranged."  These  instructions 
brought  forth  a  recommendation  from  the 
second  conference  that  a  third  conference 
be  held,  and  that  the  program  be  prepared 
in  advance  by  a  committee  to  be  appointed 
two  years  before  the  probable  date  of  the 
meeting.  In  the  expectation  that  a  third 
conference  would  be  held  in  1915,  some 
of  the  Powers,  before  the  war,  the  United 
States  included,  appointed  committees  to 
work  upon  the  program,  but  the  outbreak 
of  the  war,  of  course,  postponed  all  work 
of  that  kind. 

The  Peace  Conference  held  after  the 
war  made  no  provision  for  continuing  the 
work  of  The  Hague  Conferences,  and  ef- 
forts made  to  secure  a  provision  in  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  for 
holding  future  conferences  for  the  develop- 
ment of  international  law  proved  unsuc- 
cessful. For  instance,  the  New  York  Bar 
Association  resolved  in  the  spring  of  1919 
to  request  the  Paris  Conference  to  add  a 
paragraph  to  Article  XIV  of  the  covenant 
requiring  the  Council  of  the  League  to 
"call  a  conference  of  the  Powers,  to  meet 
not  less  than  two  years  or  more  than  five 
years  after  the  signing  of  this  convention, 
for  the  purpose  of  reviewing  the  condition 
of  international  law,  and  of  agreeing  upon 
and  stating  in  authoritative  form  the 
principles  and  rules  thereof.  Thereafter 
regular  conferences  for  that  purpose  shall 
be  called  and  held  at  stated  times.  A 
similar  resolution  was  adopted  by  the 
Executive  Council  of  the  American  So- 
ciety of  International  Law  in  April,  1919. 
Both  resolutions  were  communicated  to 
the  American  Peace  Mission  at  Pans,  but 
the  paragraph  was  not  included  m  the 
covenant.  After  the  Peace  Treaty  went 
into  effect,  the  Advisory  Committee  of 
Jurists  which  drafted  the  plan  for  the 
Permanent  Court  at  The  Hague,  m  July, 
1920  "Convinced  that  the  security  of 
States  and  the  well-being  of  peoples  ur- 
gently require  the  extension  of  the  empire 
of  law  and  the  development  of  all  inter- 
national agencies  for  the  administration 


292 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


justice,"  recommended  to  the  Council  of 
the  League  of  Nations: 

I.  That  a  new  conference  of  the  nations, 
in  continuation  of  the  first  two  conferences 
at  The  Hague,  be  held  as  soon  as  practicable, 
for  the  following  purposes : 

1.  To  restate  the  established  rules  of  in- 
ternational law,  especially,  and,  in  the  first 
instance,  in  the  fields  affected  by  the  events 
of  the  recent  war. 

2.  To  formulate  and  agree  upon  the  amend- 
ments and  additions,  if  any,  to  the  rules  of 
international  law  shown  to  be  necessary  or 
useful  by  the  events  of  the  war  and  the 
changes  in  the  conditions  of  international 
life  and  intercourse  which  have  followed  the 
war. 

3.  To  endeavor  to  reconcile  divergent  views 
and  secure  general  agreement  upon  the  rules 
which  have  been  in  dispute  heretofore. 

4.  To  consider  the  subjects  not  now  ade- 
quately regulated  by  international  law  but 
as  to  which  the  interests  of  international 
justice  require  that  rules  of  law  shall  be 
declared. 

The  Advisory  Committee  of  Jurists 
recommended  further  that  the  conference 
be  named  "Conference  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  International  Law,"  and  that  it 
"be  followed  by  further  successive  confer- 
ences at  stated  intervals,  to  continue  the 
work  left  unfinished." 

The  recommendations  of  the  Advisory 
Committee  of  Jurists  were  approved  by 
the  Council  and  recommended  to  the  As- 
sembly of  the  League  of  Nations,  but  they 
failed  to  receive  the  approval  of  the  latter 
body. 

It  is  accordingly  suggested  that  the 
United  States  propose  to  the  nations  a 
reconvening  of  the  conferences  at  The 
Hague  for  the  purposes  stated  in  the 
recommendation  of  the  Advisory  Com- 
mittee of  Jurists  and  as  recommended  by 
the  Second  Hague  Conference,  and  that 
provision  be  made  for  holding  such  con- 
ferences hereafter  at  regular  intervals. 
Such  conferences  cannot  be  regarded  as 
supplanting  or  impinging  upon  the  work 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  for  the  work  of 
that  body  is  largely  political,  while  The 
Hague  Conferences  would  deal  with  legal 
matters.  For  this  reason  it  would  be 
proper  to  transfer  from  the  League  to 
The  Hague  Conferences  the  election  of 
the  Judges  of  the  Permanent  Court  of 


International  Justice,  as  above  recom- 
mended. 

The  Executive  Council  of  the  Confer- 
ence recommended  to  act  as  the  second 
body  in  the  election  of  Judges  of  the 
Permanent  Court,  may  also  be  delegated 
to  perform  the  functions  of  a  preparatory 
committee  for  the  Conference  for  the  Ad- 
vancement of  International  Law.  Such 
a  preparatory  committee  for  future  Hague 
Conferences  was  recommended  by  the  Con- 
ference of  1907,  to  be  charged  with  the 
task  of  collecting  the  various  proposals 
to  be  submitted  to  the  conference,  of  as- 
certaining what  subjects  are  ripe  for  em- 
bodiment in  an  international  regulation, 
and  of  preparing  a  program  in  sufficient 
time  to  enable  it  to  be  carefully  examined 
by  the  countries  interested.  This  com- 
mittee was  further  to  be  intrusted  with 
proposing  a  system  of  organization  and 
procedure  for  the  conference  itself. 

The  appointment  by  the  larger  Powers 
of  the  permanent  members  of  the  Exec- 
utive Council  two  years  in  advance  of  each 
successive  conference  would  not  offer  any 
difficulties,  and  the  non-permanent  mem- 
bers elected  by  each  conference  might  con- 
tinue to  serve  until  their  successors  are 
elected  at  the  succeeding  conference. 


THE  POLITICAL  SITUATION  IN 
CHINA 

By  DR.  GILBERT  REID 

International  Institute  of  China 

(Dr.  Reid  is  editor  of  The  International 
Journal,  "a  weekly  of  good  news.''  His  ad- 
dress is  East  Imperial  City,  Peking,  China.) 

THESE  are  days  when  it  is  hard  to 
describe  accurately  the  political  sys- 
tem of  any  country.  It  is  even  more  so 
of  the  system  that  is  supposed  to  prevail 
in  China.  What,  for  instance,  is  the  po- 
litical system  in  Great  Britain  since  a 
member  of  the  Labor  Party  has  been 
chosen  as  Prime  Minister?  What  is,  or 
what  has  been,  the  political  system  in 
Soviet  Eussia  before  and  since  the  death 
of  Lenin?  Is  Communism  the  prevail- 
ing system  in  Eussia?  Is  Socialism  the 
prevailing  system  in  Great  Britain?    Are 


192^ 


POLITICAL  SITUATION  IN  CHINA 


293 


countries  that  are  called  republics  really 
democratic?  Are  countries  that  are 
called  empires  (at  present  there  are  only 
two)  or  kingdoms  any  more  imperialistic 
than  those  that  are  called  republics  ? 

One  who  answers  these  questions  and 
sees  how  hard  it  is  to  make  an  answer  will 
then  appreciate  the  difficulties  of  describ- 
ing accurately  the  present  political  system 
and  the  prevailing  ideas  that  exist  in  the 
Eepublic  of  China.  Because  one  has  lived 
many  years  in  China  and  is  supposed  to 
be  familiar  with  Chinese  conditions,  this  is 
no  reason  for  regarding  such  a  one  as  an 
expert  or  an  arbiter  on  Chinese  affairs. 
I  myself  have  lived  in  China  for  over  forty 
years  and  have  known  most  of  the  ruling 
class  under  the  monarchy  and  in  the  re- 
public, but  I  confess  that  when  I  attempt 
to  tell  what  are  the  actual  conditions  in 
China  I  can  do  but  little  more  than  make 
a  surmise  at  it. 

In  general,  the  political  system  that 
prevails  in  China  is  not  democratic.  The 
people  have  no  more  rights,  and  they  even 
have  less  protection,  under  the  republic 
than  they  had  in  the  days  of  the  Manchu 
rule.  Our  miscalculation  of  the  present 
situation  may  be  traced  to  a  miscalculation 
as  to  what  existed  under  the  Manchu  mon- 
archy. When  the  first  revolution  took 
place,  it  was  generally  declared  that  the 
monarchy  was  an  autocracy,  and  that  the 
Machu  emperors  were  autocrats;  but  this 
was  far  from  the  truth.  During  the  last 
few  years  before  the  fall  of  the  Manchu 
dynasty  the  government  was  a  constitu- 
tional monarchy,  in  which  the  rights  of 
the  people  were  guaranteed.  The  great 
emperors  of  the  Manchu  dynasty  always 
found  themselves  restricted  by  the  decis- 
ions of  the  ministers  in  council.  Even 
the  great  Empress  Dowager  managed  to 
retain  her  supreme  authority  because  she 
followed  the  opinions  of  wise  advisers  and 
also  because  she  gave  the  officials  wide 
scope  for  carrying  out  her  imperial  de- 
crees. 


It  is  true  that  when  the  republic  was 
started,  after  the  first  revolution,  under 
the  leadership  of  Dr.  Sun  Yat-sen  and 
Dr.  Wu  Ting-fang  and  others  of  similar 
kind,  the  system  as  outlined  in  the  pro- 
visional constitution  was  much  like  that 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  How- 
ever, the  natural  spirit  of  compromise 
came  in,  and  by  yielding  the  presidency 
to  Yuan  Shih-kai  the  republic  yielded  it- 
self to  one  who  still  carried  out  the  spirit 
of  monarchy  rather  than  the  spirit  of 
democracy.  Hence  it  was  that  the  start 
was  not  favorable  to  the  expansion  of 
democratic  ideas. 

Another  great  change  took  place  in  the 
year  1917.  It  was  then  that  Li  Yuan- 
hung  was  president,  and  it  is  doubtless 
true  that  he  was  anxious  to  make  a  success 
of  the  republic,  and  that  he  believed  that 
the  Chinese  were  ready  for  a  republic. 
Whatever  drawbacks  there  were  came  from 
the  fact  that  China  could  not  separate  her- 
self from  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  that 
she  must  take  into  consideration  what  was 
going  on,  even  in  Europe.  Hence  it  was 
that,  under  pressure  from  the  more  ad- 
vanced nations  like  the  United  States, 
Great  Britain,  and  France,  China  was 
advised  to  concern  herself  directly  with 
the  military  and  political  issues  that  had 
arisen  in  the  two  groups  of  warring  na- 
tions in  Europe. 

The  military  element  in  China  came  to 
the  front.  Those  who  are  called  military 
governors  were  summoned  to  a  conference 
in  Peking  by  the  premier,  who  was  the 
leader  of  the  military  faction  of  the  north, 
General  Tuan  Chih-jui.  These  men  sup- 
ported the  premier  in  his  desire  to  bring 
China  into  direct  relation  with  the  Allied 
or  Entente  group  of  the  nations  at  war  and 
definitely  against  the  group  of  Central 
Powers.  It  is  true  that  many  of  these 
men  asserted  that  they  were  deciding  in 
favor  of  that  which  was  right— in  favor 
of  democracy,  in  favor  of  liberty,  and  in 
favor  of  liberal  ideas.     But  these  military 


294 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


men  were  hardly  the  ones  to  espouse  such 
a  beautiful  theory.  They  were  naturally 
militaristic.  They  had  for  years  been 
seeking  to  get  power  into  their  own  hands. 
Many  of  them  had  been  greedy  for  gain 
and  had  amassed  great  wealth.  Many  of 
the  richest  men  in  China  were  those  who 
held  military  position.  Those  who  were 
inclined  to  methods  of  autocracy  were  in 
the  military  group. 

It  thus  followed  that  the  military 
governors,  by  entering  into  the  World 
War,  became  more  militaristic  and  more 
autocratic.  China  drifted  away  from  the 
spirit  of  democracy  under  the  general  in- 
fluence that  issued  from  the  autocratic 
regime  that  prevailed  everywhere  under 
the  exigencies  of  war.  There  might  be  a 
dream  in  China,  as  in  the  West,  for  a 
coming  democracy.  There  might  be  a 
hope  that  the  world,  including  China,  was 
to  be  made  safe  for  democracy;  but  cer- 
tainly, during  the  four  years  of  war,  there 
was  no  possibility  for  democracy  to  assert 
itself. 

China,  therefore,  having  gone  into  the 
general  drift  of  militarism  and  of  auto- 
cracy, has  continued  in  that  drift  down 
to  the  present  time.  The  military  gov- 
ernors have  increased  in  their  power  and 
also  in  their  wealth.  The  Government  of 
China  is  under  the  direction  of  militarists, 
not  under  the  guidance  of  civilians  or 
literati,  as  in  the  old  days  of  the  Manchu 
dynasty.  The  last  president,  Tsao  Kun, 
who  has  been  elected  by  Parliament  is  the 
recognized  head  of  the  strongest  military 
faction  in  the  north,  or  in  all  China. 
China  is,  therefore,  a  militaristic  govern- 
ment, not  a  democratic  government. 

It  is  supposed  by  many  in  the  home 
countries  that  the  democratic  element  in 
China  is  represented  by  Dr.  Sun  Yat-sen, 
and  that  those  who  want  democracy  and 
who  favor  liberal  ideas  are  being  oppressed 
by  the  militarism  of  the  central  govern- 
ment. This  might  be  possible  if  Dr.  Sun 
.would  only  remain  true  to  his  professed 


ideas.  He  has  had  the  chance  to  be  the 
great  leader  of  a  democratic  movement  in 
China;  but  in  his  general  attitude  he  has 
been  as  militaristic  as  the  militarists 
whom  he  condemns.  During  the  last  year 
he  has  been  waging  warfare  against  a 
former  associate  who  wanted  to  make  a 
model  of  government  in  the  Canton  Prov- 
ince. He  has  also  more  than  once  called 
for  a  punitive  expedition  against  the  gov- 
ernment in  Peking.  He  is  a  generalis- 
simo more  than  one  of  the  common  people. 
He  issues  orders  rather  than  consults  the 
wishes  of  the  people,  even  those  who  are 
educated,  as  many  of  the  merchants  are. 
He  talks  of  democracy,  but  relies  on  the 
force  of  arms. 

Thus  it  is  that  there  is  no  great  move- 
ment at  present  in  favor  of  the  overthrow 
of  militarism  except  by  methods  of  mili- 
tarism. There  is  no  way  for  securing  a 
democracy  except  by  fighting  for  it.  The 
only  way  to  get  rid  of  certain  great  gen- 
erals is  for  other  generals  or  soldiers  to 
rise  up  and  kill  them  off.  The  only  revo- 
lution that  seems  to  be  in  mind  is  a  bloody 
revolution.  It  is  only  strife  added  to 
strife,  and  the  people  continue  to  suffer. 

It  would  be  wise  if  the  Chinese  could 
learn  from  the  English  habit  of  bringing 
about  changes  by  peaceful  revolution  and 
constitutional  methods.  Whether  China 
will  thus  learn  or  not  is  uncertain  at  the 
present  time.  Those  who  represent  them- 
selves as  defenders  of  democracy  seem  more 
inclined  to  the  French  type  of  revolution- 
ist or  to  the  latest  Eussian  type.  The 
three  revolutions  which  have  arisen  in 
one  decade  have  not  taught  the  Chinese 
the  futility  of  continued  military  upris- 
ings and  civil  strife.  China  has  yet  much 
to  learn. 


THE  ARBITRATOR  is  a  pacific,  progres- 
sive, petite,  penetrating,  peppery,  puzzling, 
perturbing,  pessimistic,  piquant,  playful, 
poignant,  polite,  precise,  profound,  provok- 
ing, purposeful  digest  of  news.  Samples 
free.  60  Cents  a  year.  114  E.  31st  St.,  New 
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192Jk 


ESPERANTO  IN  THE  CAUSE  OF  PEACE 


295 


ESPERANTO  IN  THE  CAUSE  OF 
PEACE 

By  HENRY  W.  HETZEL* 
Philadelphia,   Pa. 

IT  IS  evident  to  thinking  people  that 
[  the  peace  of  the  world,  if  it  is  ever 
to  be  attained,  must  be  established  by 
means  of  and  maintained  by  the  widest 
possible  amount  of  mutual  understanding 
and  co-operation.  To  a  large  extent,  this 
necessity  is  already  being  met,  but  with- 
out any  conscious  idea  to  insure  peace,  by 
an  enormous — almost  a  feverish — urge  to 
shorten  the  distance  and  the  time  between 
ourselves  and  our  neighbors.  One  funda- 
mental cause  of  wars  is  the  very  remark- 
able growth  of  our  physical  tools  of  civili- 
zation, while  the  development  of  our 
moral  and  spiritual  ideas  has  not  kept  an 
even  pace. 

However,  irrespective  of  our  prefer- 
ences in  the  matter,  and  whether  the  im- 
mediate result  is  a  quickening  of  moral 
progress  or  not,  we  all  realize  that  the 
peoples  of  the  world  are  being  brought 
into  contact  with  one  another  more  than 
ever  before.  Big  movements  of  all  kinds 
are  becoming  as  much  at  home  in  one 
country  as  in  another.  Problems  of  state- 
craft, education,  science,  and  industry 
are  arising  which  only  the  united  intelli- 
gence of  mankind  can  solve.  This  in- 
creasing consciousness  of  the  urgency  of 
world  co-operation  is  fast  making  an  inter- 
national language  an   absolute  necessity. 

Even  the  most  fervent  of  the  advocates 
of  Latin  as  a  revived  international  tongue 
admit  that  it  has  too  restricted  a  vocabu- 
lary for  modern  purposes,  and  that  the 
difficulties  of  mastering  it  put  it  out  of  the 
running.  To  make  it  even  a  possible 
competitor  to  more  recent,  more  logicaL 
and  simpler  creations  would  result  in  a 
"Latin"  of  such  an  unclassical  aspect  that 
not  even  the  boldest  of  its  advocates  would 
suggest  that  it  take  the  place  of  Caesar 
and  Virgil  in  our  schools  and  colleges. 
Almost  or  quite  as  hopeless  in  this  respect 
would  be  any  one  of  the  several  national 
tongues,  with  the  further  disadvantage  of 
being  decidedly  unneutral,  too  much  tinc- 

*  Professor  Hetzel  Is  the  Secretary  of  the 
Philadelphia  Esperanto  Society.  He  is  con- 
nected with  the  West  Philadelphia  High 
School  for  Boys. 


tured  with  the  national  characteristics, 
psychology,  and  prejudices  of  the  coun- 
tries where  it  is  native.  Its  adoption 
would  confer  so  great  a  diplomatic,  com- 
mercial, political,  and  cultural  advantage 
on  one  certain  group  of  nations  as  to  make 
such  a  proposition  absolutely  intolerable 
to  others. 

Though  not  the  first  project  to  meet 
the  growing  world  need,  Esperanto,  the 
work  of  Dr.  L.  L.  Zamenhof,  of  Warsaw, 
in  1887,  immediately  attracted  a  more 
than  academic  attention,  and  in  a  few 
years  it  had  far  outdistanced  its  competi- 
tors, both  as  to  the  extent  of  its  literature 
and  the  number  of  its  adherents.  Its 
root-words,  prefixes,  and  suffixes  were  se- 
lected on  the  principal  of  "maximum  in- 
ternationality,"  and  so  easy  and  logical 
is  the  formation  of  derivatives  that  only 
a  few  hundred  primary  words  need  be 
learned.  An  Esperantist  actually  coins 
words  as  he  goes  along,  and,  even  by  a  per- 
son who  may  never  have  heard  such  words 
before,  he  is  instantly  and  precisely  under- 
stood. The  spelling  is  phonetic,  the  tonic 
accent  is  always  on  the  penultimate  syl- 
lable, and  the  whole  grammar  is  stated  in 
sixteen  simple  rules  (without  an  excep- 
tion), which  many  people  have  actually 
learned  in  an  hour !  Let  us  take  a  sample, 
almost  needing  no  translation: 

"Slmpla,  fleksebla,  belsona,  vere  internacia 
en  siaj  elementoj,  la  Ungvo  Esperanto  pre- 
zentas  al  la  mondo  civilizita  la  sole  veran 
solvon  di  lingvo  internacia;  char  tre  facila 
por  homoj  nemulte  instruitaj,  Esperanto 
estas  komprenata  sen  peno  de  la  personoj 
bone  edukitaj.  Mil  faktoj  atestas  la  meriton 
praktikan  de  la  nomita  lingvo." 

Esperanto  is  not  intended  as  a  "uni- 
versal" language  in  the  sense  that  it  seeks 
to  displace  any  existing  national  tongue 
for  home  use.  That  it  is  more  than  a 
project  and  that  it  is  already  an  every- 
day, practical  means  of  communication 
between  thousands  of  people  in  all  parts 
of  the  world  is  a  claim  that  must  be  ad- 
mitted by  any  one  taking  the  trouble  to 
look  through  the  correspondence  columns 
of  the  journals,  now  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty,  regularly  published  in  the 
language  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Every 
conceivable  subject,  from  stamp  collect- 
ing to  high-brow  discussions  of  philosophy, 


296 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


scientific  matters,  and  world  politics,  is 
represented.  Of  original  works  and  trans- 
lations, many  of  them  from  the  master- 
pieces of  every  civilized  tongue,  there  are 
several  thousands.  Instruction  books  and 
dictionaries  have  appeared  in  at  least 
thirty-eight  different  tongues. 

Esperanto  has  an  obvious  use  for  the 
tourist.  The  many  thousands  who  have 
visited  foreign  lands  with  no  linquistic 
equipment  but  their  native  speech  and  the 
auxiliary  tongue  are  enthusiastic  in  their 
praise  of  the  practicality  of  Esperanto  and 
of  the  fine  spirit  of  helpfulness  which 
animates  the  "samideanoj"  (fellow-think- 
ers) in  their  relation  to  visitors.  Yes, 
you  can  "get  along"  on  English  alone  if 
you  are  thereby  willing  to  limit  your  con- 
versation to  the  mere  necessities  of  loco- 
motion and  nutrition,  but  to  the  Esperan- 
tist  alone  belongs  the  joy  of  meeting 
foreigners,  as  many  as  one  has  time  to 
meet  in  any  Journey  or  in  any  visited 
city — and  intelligent,  well-educated  folks, 
too — and  of  conversing  with  a  freedom 
and  linguistic  equality  that  is  never  ex- 
perienced where  any  national  tongue  is  the 
medium.  In  at  least  a  dozen  big  cities  of 
Europe  there  are  Esperantist  policemen, 
specially  trained  to  be  of  service  to  the 
traveler  who  has  already  taken  the  little 
trouble  to  meet  him  on  the  linguistic 
middle  ground. 

In  addition  to  its  abundantly  demon- 
strated utility  for  general  commercial 
purposes,  Esperanto  has  a  special  field  for 
advertising  the  expositions  and  fairs  that, 
in  spite  of  the  ravages  of  the  recent  war 
and  the  -blunders  of  diplomats,  are  doing 
a  great  service  in  bringing  together  the 
business  men  of  Europe.  To  name  only 
a  few  recent  examples,  the  fairs  at  Paris, 
Lyons,  Frankfort,  Breslau,  Helsingfors, 
Genoa,  Padua,  Leipzig,  Prague,  Eeichen- 
berg,  and  Valencia  have  extensively  em- 
ployed Esperanto. 

International  congresses  of  the  usual 
kind,  whether  for  professional,  religious, 
commercial,  or  scientific  aims,  not  only 
have  felt  the  diversity  of  tongues  to  be 
a  serious  handicap,  but  they  never  have 
been  able  to  forget  the  nationalistic  dif- 
ferences among  their  members.  Com- 
pared to  this  kind  of  gathering,  with  its 
inevitable  division  into  mutually  uncom- 
prehending linguistic  groups  and  its  re- 


striction to  two  or  three  "official"  lan- 
guages, a  congress  of  Esperantists  stands 
out  in  refreshing  contrast.  There  have 
been  fifteen  of  these  since  1905;  that  at 
Nuremberg  last  year  was  attended  by  as 
many  as  five  thousand  delegates  from 
forty-three  different  countries  and  repre- 
senting about  the  same  number  of  na- 
tional tongues. 

Not  only  in  the  general  business  ses- 
sions, where  the  formal  speeches,  and  even 
the  unprepared  discussion  and  chance  re- 
marks, are  all  in  the  international  lan- 
guage, but  in  a  dozen  or  more  "side  con- 
gresses" Esperanto  is  the  sole  medium 
heard.  Teachers,  editors.  Red  Cross  nurses, 
physicians,  vegetarians,  railway  employees, 
socialists,  Eoman  Catholics,  and  Spiritual- 
ists— to  name  only  a  part  of  the  list — 
form  groups  each  having  its  own  meetings. 
Here  the  delegates  "talk  shop"  with  no 
uncomprehending  auditor,  with  perfect 
geysers  of  technical  terms,  too,  and  with 
a  vigor  and  a  naturalness  that  are  only 
paralleled  where  every  one  speaks  the 
same  mother  tongue. 

There  is  usually  a  play  and  a  musical 
concert — perhaps  an  opera  and  even  a 
vaudevile  show — to  say  nothing  of  several 
excursions  and  many  informal  social 
gatherings,  and  not  a  word  of  any  na- 
tional tongue  heard  the  whole  week 
through !  At  each  of  two  congresses  which 
the  writer  attended  a  whole  play  was  ren- 
dered by  professionals  who  six  or  eight 
weeks  before  the  event  had  not  even  begun 
to  study  the  language.  Sometimes  the 
actors  are  chosen  from  as  many  different 
countries  as  possible,  so  that  the  uni- 
formity of  pronunciation  can  be  all  the 
more  strikingly  demonstrated.  In  fact, 
this  similarity  in  sounding  the  vowels  and 
consonants  exits  among  Esperantists  to  a 
degree  which  others  will  scarcely  believe. 

However,  it  is  absolutely  true  that,  so 
far  as  speech  is  any  indication,  you  cannot 
tell  the  Spaniard  from  the  Bulgarian,  or 
either  from  the  Swede,  and  the  laughable 
mistakes  in  such  guesses  at  one  another's 
nationality  are  among  the  commonplaces 
of  Esperanto  world-gatherings.  The  sense 
of  nationality,  as  many  an  observer  has  re- 
marked, completely  disappears  and  is  all 
but  forgotten. 

The  idealistic  side  of  an  Esperanto  con- 
gress finds  its  climax  and  its  appropriate 


192Jf 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


297 


symbol  in  the  religious  service,  always  a 
feature  of  such  a  gathering.  Here  you 
are  in  a  big  church  filled  with  worshipers 
from  at  least  twenty  countries,  and  you 
hear,  in  a  language  perfectly  understood 
by  all,  the  clergyman  preach  the  brother- 
hood of  man,  now  being  realized  through 
a  neutral  medium,  when  heart  speaks  to 
heart  across  the  boundary  line.  Here, 
when  you  see  every  head  bowed  in  rever- 
ence before  the  same  and  all-important 
truths  and  realize  that  before  you  is 
actually  assembled  the  world,  you  will  con- 
cede the  claim  that  something  big  has 
come  to  pass  in  the  affairs  of  men.  At 
least  here  is  one  new  thing  under  the  sun ! 
And,  be  ye  of  ever  so  little  imagination, 
does  not  the  sight  before  you  hold  a  prom- 
ise of  tremendous  importance  for  civiliza- 
tion and  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  race? 
The  League  of  Nations  in  1922  de- 
clined to  "recommend  the  teaching  of 
Esperanto  in  the  schools  of  the  leagued 
nations,"  though  the  proposition  was 
backed  by  the  representatives  of  thirteen 
States.  However,  it  authorized  an  in- 
vestigation of  the  extent  to  which  the 
language  is  used;  by  what  educational 
authorities,  chambers  of  commerce,  inter- 
national associations,  touring  clubs,  etc., 


it  is  approved,  and  where  it  is  taught. 
The  report,  which  was  adopted  unani- 
mously, shows  an  acceptance  of  the  inter- 
national language  that  is  truly  startling 
to  the  uninitiated.  The  recommendation 
itself  was  referred  to  the  "Commission  on 
Intellectual  Co-operation,"  which  last 
fall,  reporting  back  to  the  League,  while  it 
declared  its  appreciation  of  the  good  that 
the  adoption  of  an  artificial  auxiliary 
language  might  do,  stated  its  belief  that  a 
study  of  living  tongues  and  foreign  litera- 
tures would  do  more  to  bring  together 
the  peoples  of  the  world  in  moral  and 
intellectual  understanding.  It  is  signifi- 
cant of  the  temper  of  the  League  that 
this  recommendation,  out  of  several  on 
various  topics  made  to  it  by  the  commis- 
sion, was  the  only  one  that  failed  to  re- 
ceive approval,  several  members  of  the 
Assembly  who  had  hitherto  been  opposed 
to  Esperanto  declaring  that  they  had 
gotten  a  new  viewpoint  since  the  meeting 
of  the  Assembly  a  year  before. 

Are  those  who  hope  and  work  for  an 
ordered  world  oblivious  to  the  good  that 
a  common  neutral  speech  can  do  and  is 
doing?  Is  there  not  in  the  progress 
already  made  in  this  direction  cause  for 
satisfaction  among  the  friends  of  peace? 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR* 

By  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 


FROM  the  small  beginnings,  as  briefly 
told,  peace  sentiment  extended  rapidly 
in  this  country  and  abroad.  The  first  in- 
ternational peace  congress  was  initiated  at 
the  headquarters  of  the  American  Peace 
Society  in  Boston  during  the  month  of 
July,  1841,  and  held  in  London  in  1843, 
with  an  attendance  of  about  three  hundred 
delegates.  Five  years  later,  Elihu  Bur- 
ritt,  who  had  founded  the  "League  of  Uni- 
versal Brotherhood"  in  1846,  a  league  of 
many  thousand  members  on  both  sides  of 
the  ocean,  was  able  to  bring  together  a  sec- 
ond and  more  representative  peace  con- 
gress in  Brussels.  The  following  year, 
and  through  Burritt's  influence,  there  was 
organized  a  third  congress  in  Paris,  pre- 
sided over   by   Victor   Hugo,   with   over 

*  This  Is  the  conclusion  of  the  article  be- 
gun in  the  Advocate  of  Peace  of  April,  1924. 


2,000  delegates  in  attendance.  In  1850 
Burritt  successfully  promoted  a  fourth  in- 
ternational peace  congress  in  Frankfort, 
and  in  1851  a  fifth,  which  was  held  in 
London.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  his  time 
that  Elihu  Burritt,  "the  learned  black- 
smith," one  time  secretary  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society,  and  editor  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace,  was  recognized  as 
a  man  of  vision,  prophet  and  seer.  It 
is  to  the  credit  of  our  time  that  James 
Brown  Scott  can  say  that  "the  lowly  son 
of  New  Britain  has  entered  into  the  com- 
pany of  the  immortals."  A  congress  was 
held  in  Edinburgh  in  1853,  in  Geneva  in 
1867,  in  Paris  in  1878,  in  Brussels  in 
1882,  and  in  Berne  in  1884. 

The  second  series  of  international  peace 
congresses  was  proposed  in  1888.  In  this 
series  there  were  twenty-one,  as  follows: 


298 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


Paris,  1889 ;  London,  1890 ;  Eome,  1891 ; 
Berne,  1892;  Chicago,  1893;  Anvers, 
1894;  Budapest,  1896;  Hamburg,  1897; 
Paris,  1900;  Glasgow,  1901;  Monaco, 
1902;  Eouen  at  Havre,  1903;  Boston, 
1904;  Lucerne,  1905;  Milan,  1906;  Mu- 
nich, 1907;  London,  1908;  Stockhohn, 
1910;  Geneva,  1912;  The  Hague,  1913, 
and  San  Francisco,  1915. 

There  was  an  American  Conference  of 
International  Arbitration  held  in  Wash- 
ington, April,  1896,  and  another  in  the 
same  city,  January,  1904.  The  Pan- 
American  congresses,  first  proposed  by 
Bolivar  in  1824,  have  been  many.  As  a 
result  of  the  one  held  upon  the  initiative 
of  Secretary  James  G.  Blaine,  in  Wash- 
ington, in  the  winter  of  1889-90,  the  Bu- 
reau of  American  Eepublics,  now  the  Pan- 
American  Union,  was  organized.  A  Pan- 
American  Congress  was  held  in  Mexico 
City,  1901-1902;  in  Rio  de  Janeiro,  1906; 
in  Buenos  Aires,  1910;  in  Santiago,  Chile, 
1923.  We  now  have  recurring  Pan-Amer- 
ican Financial,  Scientific,  and  Interna- 
tional Law  conferences. 

The  Interparliamentary  Union 

The  Interparliamentary  Union,  with  a 
membership  of  over  three  thousand  parlia- 
mentarians, representing  some  thirty  na- 
tions, was  first  mooted  by  Messrs.  Fischoff 
and  Richard  in  1875.  Plans  for  its  or- 
ganization were  halted  by  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War;  but,  through  the  influence 
of  William  Randal  Cremer,  a  preliminary 
meeting  of  parliamentarians  from  Great 
Britain  and  France  was  held  in  Paris  in 
the  autumn  of  1888.  In  June,  1889,  the 
organization  was  perfected  at  Paris,  and 
Frederick  Passy  was  elected  president. 
Fifty  -  four  French  parliamentarians, 
thirty-one  British,  together  with  repre- 
sentatives from  the  Italian,  Spanish,  Dan- 
ish, Hungarian,  the  Belgian,  and  the 
United  States  parliaments,  were  in  at- 
tendance. The  representative  from  the 
United  States  was  Mr.  J.  R.  Whiting. 
Germany  entered  the  Union  at  the  next 
meeting,  in  London,  July,  1890.  In  1913 
the  Union  held  its  eighteenth  annual  Con- 
ference at  The  Hague.  Following  the 
war,  the  Interparliamentary  Union  has 
held  its  nineteenth  conference  at  Stock- 
holm in  1921;  its  twentieth  at  Vienna, 
1922;  its  twenty-first  at  Copenhagen, 
1923. 


Arbitrations 

As  has  been  seen,  the  first  resolution 
passed  by  any  national  government  spe- 
cifically in  favor  of  the  principle  of  arbi- 
tration was  pushed  through  the  House 
of  Commons  in  1873  by  Henry  Richard, 
who  for  forty  years  was  secretary  of 
the  London  Peace  Society  and  who  for 
over  twenty  years  was  a  member  of  the 
English  Parliament.  In  the  last  few 
years  nearly  one  hundred  arbitration  trea- 
ties, providing  that  certain  questions  must 
and  others  may  be  settled  by  arbitration, 
have  been  passed  by  various  nations  of  the 
world.  The  United  States  has  been  a 
party  to  over  a  score  of  these.  Professor 
Manning,  of  our  State  Department,  has 
recorded  228  arbitration  treaties,  includ- 
ing the  arbitral  clauses  of  other  treaties, 
between  or  among  American  nations  prior 
to  1911.  In  1907  Costa  Rica,  Guatemala, 
Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  Salvador 
agreed  to  submit  to  arbitration  all  ques- 
tions which  might  arise  between  any  two 
of  them,  not  possible  of  settlement  by 
diplomacy.  Indeed,  it  is  to  the  credit  of 
these  Central  American  States  that  in 
their  Central  American  Court  they  ac- 
tually set  up,  albeit  for  a  time  only,  the 
first  exclusively  international  court  of 
justice  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

International  Plans  and  Organizations 

The  rise  of  international  bodies  possess- 
ing more  or  less  legislative  power  is  im- 
pressive. The  Book  of  Genesis  tells  of 
four  kings  waging  war  with  five  other 
kings  in  the  Vale  of  Siddim.  Probably 
antedating  this  Biblical  example  of  inter- 
national co-operation  were  the  prehistoric 
amphictyonies — "unions  of  neighbors" — 
ending  in  the  Amphictyonic  Council  of  a 
dozen  Greek  tribes  watching  over  the  re- 
ligious interests  of  the  tribes,  exercising 
genuine  judicial  authority,  and,  in  its 
representative  capacity,  regulating  both 
peace  and  war  for  fifteen  centuries  under 
the  terms  of  a  sort  of  intertribal  treaty  of 
arbitration.  Arbitration  was  a  familiar 
and  successful  practice  throughout  the 
known  history  of  Greece. 

The  history  of  Greece  is  a  history  of 
leagues.  Herodotus  tells  of  a  "league"  of 
twelve  cities,  with  headquarters  at  Helice, 
existing  in  prehistoric  Greece.  The  bet- 
ter-known Achsean  League  began  about 
280   B,   C.     While  this  Achaean   League 


W2J^ 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


299 


presents  a  picture  marred  by  human  weak- 
ness and  discord,  it  also  reveals  man  in 
his  reach  toward  international  organiza- 
tion, often  with  warlike  purposes,  it  is 
true,  but  federal  and  co-operative  never- 
theless. For  over  a  century  it  dominated 
Greek  political  life,  for  a  time  successfully 
resisted  Rome,  and  when,  in  146  B.  C, 
it  finally  fell,  all  Greece  fell  with  it.  The 
^tolian  League,  forerunner  of  the 
Achaean,  is  another,  and  perhaps  better 
illustration  of  federated  interstatecraft. 
Among  the  other  leagues  were  the  Thessa- 
lian,  Boeotian,  Athenian,  Delphic,  and 
Arcadian.  Rivalries  between  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  and  Delian  Leagues  take  us 
back  to  600  B.  C.  The  Lycian  Confed- 
eracy, comprising  twenty-three  cities,  the 
large  cities  having  three  votes,  the  small 
cities  two,  was  a  juridical  organization  in 
the  days  of  Vespasian. 

Virgil's  fourth  Eclogue,  picturing  a  re- 
turn of  the  Golden  Age,  was  Messianic  in 
its  prophecy;  while  in  the  first  Georgic 
war  is  condemned;  and  in  the  first  book 
of  the  ^neid,  written  during  the  first 
generation  of  our  Christian  Era,  Jupiter 
is  made  to  agree  with  Isaiah  as  to  the 
future  of  war.  The  Helvetic  Union,  be- 
ginning 1308,  was  organized  for  purposes 
of  defense  and  peace,  and  consisted  of  a 
diet  with  a  court  of  Judges.  Dante,  in 
his  "Convivio"  of  the  early  fourteenth  cen- 
tury, presents  an  argument  for  a  universal 
empire  based  upon  force;  and  in  his  De 
Monarchia,  Book  I,  he  has  written  a  some- 
what impassioned  plea  for  a  world  mon- 
archy or  league  of  peace.  Erasmus  wrote 
in  1509,  his  "Encomium  Morice" — "Praise 
of  Folly" — in  which  he  attacks  the  institu- 
tion of  war ;  and,  disappointed  at  the  fail- 
ure of  the  plan  to  hold  a  peace  congress 
at  Cambray,  he  wrote,  in  1517,  his  "Que- 
rela Pads"— "The  Complaint  of  Peace"— 
which  is  fresh  and  convincing  material 
for  the  peace  workers  even  of  today. 

Mutual  protection  and  advancement  of 
trade  brought  nearly  a  hundred  towns  of 
northern  Europe  together  in  the  Hanse- 
atic  League  of  Peace  of  the  thirteenth, 
fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  centuries.  The 
dominating  influence  of  this  powerful  or- 
ganization for  so  many  years  was  second 
only  in  importance  to  the  very  fact  of  its 
existence  at  all. 

In  fine,  the  "international  mind"  was 
brooding  back  there  in  the  Vale  of  Sid- 


dim;  in  the  temples  of  Apollo  and  De- 
meter;  in  Helice  and  the  groves  of 
J^gium;  in  J^tolia;  and  in  the  Hansa  of 
four,  five,  and  six  centuries  ago.  It  has 
persisted  increasingly  through  the  cen- 
turies. 

Other  Workers  and  Their  Plans 

The  workers  and  plans  for  world  peace 
throughout  the  past  have  been  innumer- 
able. Pierre  Dubois,  of  France,  proposed 
in  1305-07  a  plan  for  establishing  peace 
between  the  Catholic  princes  of  Europe  for 
the  purpose  of  occupying  and  retaining 
the  Holy  Land.  His  plan  included  judges 
for  the  rendering,  in  cases  of  controversy, 
of  just  decisions  according  to  the  laws  and 
customs  of  the  member  kingdoms.  He 
proposed  a  Council  with  the  power  to  ap- 
point skilled  and  trustworthy  arbitrators. 
The  final  court  of  appeals  should  be  the 
Pope.  And  he  proposed  that  all  prelates 
and  soldiers  should  swear  to  uphold,  by 
force  if  need  be,  the  decisions  of  the 
judges  or  arbitrators. 

In  1460-63  the  King  of  Bohemia, 
George  von  Podebrad,  proposed  an  alli- 
ance or  confederation  of  Bohemia,  France, 
and  Venice  as  an  agency  for  resisting  the 
Turks  and  for  maintainmg  peace  between 
the  Christian  powers. 

Emeric  Cruce  published  his  "The  New 
Cyneas"  in  1623,  a  discourse  on  a  union 
of  the  nations  for  the  establishment  of 
universal  peace,  backed  by  arms. 

It  is  probable  that  Grace's  book  led 
Hugo  Grotius,  of  Holland,  to  write  his 
"Laws  of  War  and  Peace"  in  1625,  in 
which  he  proposed  congresses  of  Christian 
powers  in  which  controversies  might  be  de- 
cided by  disinterested  parties,  "and  in 
which  measures  may  be  taken  to  compel 
the  parties  to  accept  peace  on  equitable 
terms." 

The  Great  Design  of  Henry  IV,  of 
France,  written  by  his  friend,  the  Duke 
of  Sully,  dated  1638,  is  one  of  the  major 
peace  plans  of  history. 

In  1693-94  William  Penn  brought 
forth  his  "Plan  for  the  Peace  of  Europe," 
which  he  called  "an  essay  toward  the 
present  and  the  future  peace  of  Europe, 
by  the  establishment  of  an  European 
dyet,  parliament,  or  estates." 

Charles-Irenee  Castel  de  Saint-Pierre 
prepared,  in  1712  or  1713,  a  plan  for  the 


300 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


establishment  of  perpetual  peace  in  Eu- 
rope. 

In  1736  Cardinal  Jules  Alberoni,  of 
Italy,  offered  a  scheme  for  reducing  the 
Turkish  Empire  and  for  setting  up  a 
perpetual  diet  "for  establishing  the  pub- 
lick  tranquillity." 

Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  wrote  in  1756 
and  published  in  1761  what  he  called  an 
"Epitomy  of  Abbe  de  Saint-Pierre's 
Project  for  Perpetual  Peace."  Rousseau 
also  wrote  a  treatise,  more  particularly 
his  own,  which  he  called  "Judgment  on 
Perpetual  Peace,"  a  commentary  on  the 
plan  of  Abbe  de  Saint-Pierre. 

Between  1786  and  1789  Jeremy  Ben- 
tham,  of  England,  wrote  a  "Plan  for  an 
Universal  and  Perpetual  Peace,"  an  out- 
growth of  his  belief  that  "the  happiest  of 
mankind  are  sufferers  by  war;  and  the 
wisest,  nay  even  the  least  wise,  are  wise 
enough  to  ascribe  the  chief  of  their  suf- 
ferings to  that  cause."  Bentham  set  for 
himself  the  task  of  promoting  three  ob- 
jects— simplicity  of  government,  national 
frugality,  and  peace. 

Karl  C.  P.  Krause,  of  Germany,  pub- 
lished in  1814  a  proposal  for  a  European 
league  of  States,  proposing  a  league  court 
and  a  council  for  mediation  and  arbitra- 
tion. 

Immanuel  Kant,  the  German  philoso- 
pher, brought  out  his  "Eternal  Peace"  in 
1795,  in  which  he  sets  forth  six  "prelimi- 
nary articles,"  as  follows: 

1.  "No  conclusion  of  peace  shall  be  held  to 
be  valid  as  such  when  it  has  been  made 
with  the  secret  reservation  of  the  material 
for  a  future  war." 

2.  "No  State  having  an  existence  by  it- 
self—whether it  be  small  or  large— shall  be 
acquired  by  another  State  by  Inheritance, 
exchange,  purchase  or  donation." 

3.  "Standing  armies  shall  be  entirely 
abolished  in  the  course  of  time." 

4.  "No  national  debt  shall  be  contracted 
in  connection  with  the  external  affairs  of 
the  State." 

5.  "No  State  shall  intermeddle  by  force 
with  the  constitution  or  government  of  an- 
other State." 

6.  "No  State  at  war  with  another  shall 
adopt  such  modes  of  hostility  as  would 
necessarily  render  mutual  confidence  im- 
possible in  a  future  peace;  such  as  the  em- 
ployment of  assassins  or  poison,  the  viola- 


tion   of    a    capitulation,    the    instigation    of 
treason  and  such  like." 

He  also  set  forth  certain  definitive 
articles  as  follows:  The  civil  constitution 
in  every  State  shall  be  republican;  the 
laws  of  nations  shall  be  founded  on  a 
federation  of  free  States. 

William  Ladd's  essay  on  "A  Congress 
and  High  Court  of  Nations"  is  referred 
to  elsewhere  in  these  columns. 

Plans  have  multiplied  greatly  in  recent 
times,  as,  for  example,  the  one  set  forth 
by  James  Lorimer  in  his  two  volumes, 
"Institutes  of  the  Law  of  Nations," 
which  appeared  in  1884;  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace,  organized  in  Philadelphia 
in  1915;  the  proposals  of  the  American 
Institute  of  International  Law;  the 
French  Association  for  the  Society  of 
Nations. 

One  wishing  to  study  the  practical  as- 
pects of  the  problems  involved  will  be 
interested  to  study  the  Swiss  Confedera- 
tion, the  Union  of  Utrecht,  the  begin- 
nings of  the  United  States  of  America, 
the  German  Articles  of  Confederation, 
the  Holy  Alliance,  the  Constitution  of 
the  Netherlands,  of  the  German  Empire, 
and  of  the  British  Commonwealth  of 
Nations.  The  Central  American  Union, 
the  Pan  American  Union,  the  League  of 
Nations,  the  Little  Entente,  French  poli- 
cies in  her  colonies  and  throughout  Eu- 
rope, are  a  few  of  the  more  modern  con- 
crete expressions  of  the  will  to  end  war. 

Other  Congresses 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  all 
of  the  European  powers,  save  Turkey, 
meeting  in  the  "Congress  of  Vienna"  in 
1815.  There  have  since  been  many  other 
international  congresses.  National  inde- 
pendence came  to  Greece  as  the  result  of 
a  protocol  signed  by  the  great  powers  in 
congress  assembled  at  London  in  1830. 
The  Treaty  of  London  in  1831,  ratified  by 
six  powers  within  a  year,  established  the 
independence  of  Holland  and  Belgium. 
It  was  a  congress  of  the  powers  at  Paris 
in  1856  that  made  the  close  of  the  Cri- 
mean War  possible.  It  was  a  coneress  of 
representatives  from  sixteen  nations  at 
Geneva,  in  1864,  that  established  the  Red 
Cross  Society.  It  was  a  congress  of  the 
powers  in  London,  in  1867,  that  neutral- 
ized the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg.     It 


192Ji. 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


301 


was  a  congress  of  national  representatives 
at  St.  Petersburg,  in  1868,  that  restricted 
the  nature  of  bullets  in  times  of  war.  It 
was  an  international  congress  at  Brussels, 
in  1874,  that  placed  definite  restrictions 
upon  the  practices  of  war.  A  congress  of 
nations  at  Berne  in  1874  established  the 
international  postal  convention,  out  of 
which  was  created  in  1906  our  Universal 
Postal  Union.  The  Congress  of  Berlin, 
meeting  at  the  home  of  Bismarck  in  1878, 
fixed  the  map  of  eastern  Europe  and  closed 
the  Eusso-Turkish  War.  Indeed,  since 
1875  the  number  of  international  meetings 
has  increased  greatly.  There  are  today 
approximately  1,000  international  organi- 
zations. During  the  year  1912  there  were 
approximately  one  hundred  and  thirty  in- 
ternational conferences.  And  more  im- 
pressive, perhaps,  than  any  of  these  inter- 
national conferences  already  mentioned 
have  been  the  Geneva  Tribunal,  which  set- 
tled the  Alabama  claims  in  1872;  the 
Paris  Tribunal,  which  settled  the  seals 
controversy  in  1893;  The  Hague  Tribu- 
nal, which  settled  the  North  Atlantic 
Coast  Fisheries  dispute  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, lasting  through  three  generations,  in 
1910;  and  the  Washington  Conference  for 
the  Limitation  of  Armament,  1922. 

Peace  Foundations 

The  will  to  end  war  has  found  expres- 
sion in  permanent  institutions  and  foun- 
dations. The  World  Peace  Foundation  of 
Boston,  for  example,  is  a  corporation  with 
an  endowment  of  nearly  $1,000,000,  left 
by  Edwin  Ginn.  This  foundation,  begun 
in  1910,  states  in  its  by-laws  that  its  pur- 
pose is  to  educate  the  people  of  all  nations 
to  the  full  knowledge  of  the  waste  and  de- 
struction of  war,  its  evil  effects  on  present 
social  conditions  and  the  well  being  of  fu- 
ture generations,  and  to  promote  inter- 
national justice  and  the  brotherhood  of 
men;  and,  generally,  by  every  practical 
means  to  promote  peace  and  good  will 
among  all  mankind. 

Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  was  a  veritable 
embodiment  of  the  will#to  end  war.  He 
founded  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for  In- 
ternational Peace,  December  14,  1910,  and 
created  a  board  of  trustees,  to  whom  he 
transferred  $10,000,000,  the  revenue  of 
which  is  administered  for  hastening  the 
abolition  of  international  war.  February 
10,  1914,  he  established  the  Church  Peace 


Union,  setting  aside  for  its  purposes  $2,- 
000,000.  He  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Dutch  Government  $1,500,000  for  a  Pal- 
ace of  Peace  at  The  Hague  as  a  fitting 
place  for  a  library  of  international  law  and 
a  court  of  arbitration.  The  construction 
of  the  palace  was  begun  in  1907;  it  was 
completed  in  1913  and  dedicated  August 
28  of  that  year.  Mr.  Carnegie  provided 
$100,000  for  the  construction  of  a  build- 
ing for  the  Central  American  Court  of 
Justice,  which  building  was  located  at 
Cartargo.  When  this  structure  was  de- 
stroyed by  earthquake,  in  1910,  he  pro- 
vided another  $100,000  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a  new  building,  which  was  located 
at  San  Jose,  Costa  Rica.  The  Pan-Ameri- 
can Union  Building,  located  in  Washing- 
ton, represents  also  the  generosity  of  Mr. 
Carnegie.  At  the  laying  of  the  corner- 
stone of  this  building,  May  11,  1908,  Mr. 
Elihu  Boot,  then  Secretary  of  State,  de- 
livered an  address  in  which  he  said : 

"The  public  spirit  and  enthusiasm  for  the 
good  of  humanity,  which  have  inspired  an 
American  citizen,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie,  in 
his  administration  of  a  great  fortime,  have 
led  him  to  devote  the  adequate  sum  of  three- 
quarters  of  a  million  dollars  to  the  construc- 
tion of  this  building.     .    .    . 

"The  graceful  courtesy  of  the  twenty  re- 
publics who  have  agreed  upon  the  capital 
of  the  United  States  for  the  home  of  this 
International  Union,  the  deep  appreciation  of 
that  courtesy  shown  by  the  American  Govern- 
ment and  this  representative  American  citi- 
zen, and  the  work  to  be  done  within  the  walls 
that  are  to  rise  on  this  site  cannot  fail  to  be 
powerful  influences  towards  the  creation  of 
a  spirit  that  will  solve  all  disputed  questions 
of  the  future  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
Western  "World." 

The  building  was  dedicated  April  26, 
1910,  and  is  in  itself  an  expression  of  the 
will  to  maintain  peace  between  the  Ameri- 
can republics.  The  important  fact  is,  not 
that  Mr.  Carnegie  saw  fit  to  give  these  mu- 
nificent sums,  but  that  he  was  himself  au 
expression  of  the  common  will  to  end  war. 

There  are  institutions  and  foundations 
abroad,  such  as  the  Bureau  Internationale 
de  la  Paix ;  the  Nobel  Foundation,  with  its 
generous  annual  prize  for  the  most  effec- 
tive work  in  behalf  of  international  peace ; 
the  peace  societies  and  publications  of 
Britain,  France,  Germany,  Austria,  Italy, 


302 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


and  practically  all  of  the  other  countries 
of  Europe  and  of  the  Far  East. 

The  will  to  end  war  is  an  international 
fact. 

The  Two  Hague  Conferences 

The  chief  encouragements  in  the  mod- 
ern growth  toward  a  practical  solution  of 
the  problem  of  war  have  been  the  interna- 
tional conferences  at  The  Hague,  the  first 
beginning  May  18,  1899,  and  the  second 
June  15,  1907. 

The  First  Hague  Conference 

The  Czar's  rescript  of  August  13-24, 
1898,  inaugurated  an  era  of  discussion. 
This  letter,  resulting  in  the  First  Hague 
Conference,  was  an  expression  of  the  grad- 
ually growing  will  to  end  war.  Hugo  Gro- 
tius'  classic,  entitled  "The  Eights  of  War 
and  Peace,"  a  work  which  began  our  sys- 
tem of  international  law  in  the  early  sev- 
enteenth century;  such  books  as  "Lay 
Down  Your  Arms,"  written  by  Bertha  von 
Suttner  in  1889,  and  the  work  of  the  Pol- 
ish Jew,  Jean  de  Bloch,  entitled  "The  Fu- 
ture of  War,"  appearing  just  before  the 
Czar's  call  to  the  nations  in  the  interest  of 
"a  real  and  durable  peace,"  were  a  few  of 
the  evidences  of  that  public  sentiment 
which  made  the  Czar's  letter  possible. 

The  First  Conference  at  The  Hague  is 
one  of  the  great  facts  of  history.  Among 
its  contributions  to  the  nations  was  the 
establishment  of  an  international  tribunal 
for  the  arbitration  of  international  dis- 
putes. The  article  which  established  this 
tribunal  is  called  "the  Magna  Charta  of 
international  law."  Since  its  opening,  in 
April,  1901,  the  tribunal  has  settled  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  parties  a  score  of  inter- 
national disputes,  a  number  of  which 
might  easily  have  led  to  war.  These  cases 
have  been  as  follows : 

First.  The  Pius  Fund  Case,  involving 
issues  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  1902. 

Second.  The  Venezuela  Preferential 
Case,  Germany,  Great  Britain,  and  Italy 
vs.  Venezuela  et  al.,  involving  eleven  na- 
tions, 1904. 

Third.  The  Japanese  House  Tax  Case, 
being  an  issue  between  Japan  and  the 
three  powers.  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Germany,  1905. 

Fourth.  The  Muscat  Dhows  Case,  cov- 
ering issues  lying  between  Great  Britain 
and  France,  1905. 


Fifth.  The  Casablanca  Case,  France  vs. 
Germany,  1909. 

Sixth.  The  Grisbadarna,  or  Maritime 
Boundary  Case,  Norway  vs.  Sweden,  1909. 

Seventh.  The  North  Atlantic  Coast 
Fisheries  dispute,  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  1910. 

Eighth.  The  Orinoco  Steamship  Com- 
pany issue,  between  the  United  States  and 
Venezuela,  1910. 

Ninth.  The  Savarkar  Case,  France  vs. 
Great  Britain,  1911. 

Tenth.  The  Russian  Indemnity,  or  In- 
terest Arrears  Case,  Russia  vs.  Turkey. 
1912. 

Eleventh.  The  Canevaro  Claim,  Italy 
vs.  Peru,  1912. 

Twelfth.  The  Manouba,  or  Seizure  of 
French  Ship  Case,  France  vs.  Italy,  1913. 

Thirteenth.  The  Carthage,  or  Seizure 
of  French  Ship  Case,  France  vs.  Italy, 
1913. 

Fourteenth.  The  Tavignano,  Kamouna, 
Gaulois  Cases,  France  vs.  Italy,  1913,  sub- 
mitted to  a  Commission  of  Inquiry  and 
settled  out  of  court. 

Fifteenth.  The  Isle  of  Timor  Case, 
Netherlands  vs.  Portugal,  1914. 

Sixteenth.  Religious  Property  Case, 
Spain,  France,  Great  Britain,  vs.  Portu- 
gal, 1920. 

Seventeenth.  French  Claims  vs.  Peru, 
decided  October  11,  1921. 

Eighteenth.  Germany  vs.  Holland,  de- 
cided February  26,  1922. 

Nineteenth.  Norway  vs.  the  United 
States,  decided  October  13,  1922. 

Practically  one  hundred  treaties,  over  a 
score  of  which  have  been  signed  by  the 
United  States,  were  passed  pledging  signa- 
tory powers  to  use  this  court,  while  prac- 
tically one  hundred  and  fifty  standing  in- 
ternational treaties  have  been  ratified, 
largely  because  of  the  influence  of  the  con- 
ference. 

The  First  Hague  Conference  provided 
further  for  an  International  Commission 
of  Inquiry,  which  shall  investigate  ques- 
tions of  fact  prior  to  the  beginnings  of 
hostilites.  It  was  this  organization  which 
settled  the  acute  Dogger  Bank  dispute  be- 
tween England  and  Russia  during  the 
Russo-Japanese  War.  It  was  the  imme- 
diate forerunner  of  the  original  Wilson 
Administration  peace  plan,  the  work  of 
Mr.  Bryan,  a  plan  which  is  already  en- 


192Jf 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


303 


acted  into  the  terms  of  thirty  international 
treaties. 

The  First  Hague  Conference  provided 
for  mediation  in  case  of  hostilities;  it  in- 
spirited the  Temple  of  Peace,  dedicated, 
as  already  said,  August  28,  1913,  at  a 
cost  of  one  and  one-half  million  dol- 
lars; it  made  possible  a  Second  Con- 
ference; it  revised  the  code  of  warfare  in 
sixty  articles  designed  for  the  improve- 
ment of  the  practices  of  war.  The  First 
Hague  Conference  aimed  to  supplant  the 
old-time  rule,  that  "In  the  midst  of  war- 
fare, laws  are  silent,'"  with  "In  the  midst 
of  warfare,  laws  shall  rule/'  While  it 
failed  in  this  last  respect^  it  was,  as  a 
whole,  an  expression  of  a  rational  attempt 
to  lessen  the  probabilities  and  horrors  of 
war  by  the  methods  of  a  world  governed 
under  self-imposed  laws. 

The  twenty-six  nations  of  the  world,  in- 
vited because  they  were  represented  at  St. 
Petersburg,  including  twenty  European, 
four  Asiatic,  and  two  American  Powers, 
were  represented  by  one  hundred  delegates 
at  that  conference.  As  pointed  out  by  Mr. 
Choate  and  others,  it  was  there  for  the 
first  time,  in  that  First  Hague  Conference, 
that  nations  unanimously  agreed  that  re- 
spect for  law,  rather  than  for  mere  com- 
promise and  diplomacy,  must  be  the  next 
great  step  in  international  adjustments. 
Following  that  conference,  and  largely  be- 
cause of  it,  the  center  of  gravity  in  inter- 
national politics  was  changed  for  a  time 
from  an  emphasis  upon  war  to  an  emphasis 
upon  peace.  War,  not  peace,  became  anath- 
ema. So  strong  was  the  opposition  to 
the  war  party  within  Germany  in  1914 
that  her  warriors  precipitated  a  war  for 
fear  of  their  overthrow.  And  the  war  hav- 
ing begun,  the  people  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  business  except  it  be  a  war 
to  end  war. 

The  First  Hague  Conference  was  an  ex- 
pression of  the  will  to  end  war ;  more,  it  is 
proper  to  think  of  it  as  being  in  itself  the 
beginning  of  the  legislative  branch  of  our 
international  order  that  is  to  be. 

The  Second   Hague  Conference 

The  Second  Hague  Conference,  sug- 
gested by  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
meeting  at  St.  Louis,  in  1904,  and  initi- 
ated by  the  United  States  Government, 
had  its  first  meeting  at  The  Hague,  June 
15,  1907,  and  lasted  until  the  18th  of  the 


following  October.  At  this  conference 
forty-four  of  the  world  sovereignties,  prac- 
tically all  of  them,  were  represented  by 
174  delegates,  picked  men,  including  15 
ambassadors  and  51  ministers.  This  con- 
ference, like  the  first,  aimed  to  promote 
agencies  calculated  to  regulate  or  canalize 
the  devastations  of  war.  For  example,  it 
passed  many  measures  for  the  protection 
of  neutral  States  and  neutral  citizens;  it 
provided  that  a  distinct  declaration  of  war 
must  hereafter  be  made  before  hostilities 
can  be  begun;  it  agreed  upon  an  Interna- 
tional Prize  Court,  with  power  to  try  cases 
by  international  law,  a  real  international 
court  aimed  as  a  blow  to  piracy.  The  con- 
ference defined  towns  situated  near  forti- 
fied coasts  to  be  unfortified  towns,  and, 
furthermore,  that  towns  with  submarine 
mines  in  their  ports  are  not  because  of 
that  to  be  subject  to  bombardment ;  it  pro- 
vided for  the  restriction  of  floating  mines 
in  war  time  where  dangerous  to  neutral 
commerce.  It  composed  a  complete  code 
of  rules  for  the  guidance  of  future  inter- 
national procedure — a  decided  step  away 
from  mere  diplomacy  toward  an  effective 
international  court.  The  nations  com- 
pletely reversed  one  so-called  principle  of 
international  law,  by  agreeing  never  to 
resort  again  to  arms  for  the  collection  of 
contract  debts  due  from  one  nation  to  the 
citizens  of  another  without  first  employing 
every  possible  means  of  arbitration.  The 
nations  modified  somewhat  their  old  theo- 
ries of  sovereignty  and  revealed  a  sympa- 
thetic belief  in  the  humanitarian  political 
ideal  of  a  free  opportunity  for  each,  man 
or  nation,  to  achieve  happiness  in  the  serv- 
ice of  a  free  and  an  advancing  democracy. 

The  question  of  the  reduction  of  arma- 
ments was  not  upon  the  program  of  the 
conference  and  could  not,  therefore,  come 
officially  before  the  convention;  but,  to 
the  terror  of  the  militarists,  this  whole 
question  became  the  object  of  careful 
study.  Thirty-five  of  the  nations,  repre- 
senting practically  nine-tenths  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  world,  voted,  strangely  enough, 
for  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitra- 
tion. 

The  recurring  Hague  Conference  may 
yet  be  found  to  constitute  in  themselves 
the  beginning  of  a  legislative  body.  As 
we  have  seen,  the  judicial  department  has 
already  begun  to  emerge,  first  in  the  Per- 
manent Court  of  Arbitration,  second  in 


304 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


the  proposed  International  Prize  Court, 
the  first  to  function  in  time  of  peace,  the 
latter  to  function  in  times  of  war.  Be- 
sides, there  is  the  International  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice  now  established. 

In  the  light  of  what  is  taking  place  now 
at  The  Hague,  we  may  well  pause  upon 
this  International  Court  of  Arbitral  Jus- 
tice. The  Second  Hague  Conference  rec- 
ognized with  Mr.  Root  that  the  great  need 
of  our  age  is  the  substitution  of  judicial 
action  between  the  nations  for  certain 
aspects  of  our  present  diplomatic  pro- 
cedure. Our  American  delegates  at  the 
Second  Hague  Conference  stood,  there- 
fore, for  this  High  Court  of  Interna- 
tional Justice,  this  International  Su- 
preme Court,  with  the  thought  that  it 
should  meet  periodically  as  does  our  Su- 
preme Court.  This  matter  was  so  left  that 
any  two  nations  could  meet  at  any  time, 
organize  the  Court,  open  its  doors,  and 
begin  the  business  of  an  International  Su- 
preme Court.  It  became  the  policy,  how- 
ever, of  the  nations  to  wait  until  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  leading  Powers  could 
agree  upon  the  method  of  selecting  the 
judges.  Secretary  Knox  conceived  that 
the  proposed  International  Court  of  Prize 
might  be  expanded  into  such  an  interna- 
tional court.  The  perfection  of  this  Court 
is  one  of  the  most  important  problems  be- 
fore the  world,  because  in  the  name  of  that 
justice  which  only  can  beget  peace  it  is  the 
most  important  single  feature  of  any 
effective  will  to  end  war. 

Steps  for  the  adoption  of  an  interna- 
tional executive  branch  of  government 
need  not  now  be  taken;  indeed,  they  can- 
not now  be  taken.  The  power  of  inter- 
national public  opinion,  as  an  executive 
force  to  be  applied  against  States,  is,  ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  war,  the  only  force  so 
far  acceptable  to  the  Powers. 

The  Second  Hague  Conference  was  im- 
portant. The  measures  mentioned  are 
sufficient  to  make  it  of  interest  to  thought- 
ful men.  It  ranks  as  the  first  congress  of 
practically  all  of  the  nations  of  the  world. 
During  its  sessions  the  most  delicate  sub- 
jects were  discussed  by  the  various  repre- 
sentatives of  the  nations,  often  with  spirit 
and  feeling,  but  always  with  that  order 
and  good  will  characteristic  of  enlightened 
men.  The  record  of  it  stands  there  on  the 
pages  of  history,  an  attestation  of  the  vic- 
tory of  the  thoroughly  open  discussion.    It 


reveals  the  possibilities  in  a  juridical 
union,  self-perpetuating,  and  gives  to  the 
world  its  reasonable  hope  in  the  ultimate 
government  of  nations  under  law.  It  is  a 
witness  to  no  quackery,  but  rather  it  is  an 
illustration  of  the  true  grandeur  of  sin- 
cerity at  its  best.  It  reveals  man  seeing 
with  a  clearer  and  clearer  vision  that  un- 
der every  normal  condition  loyalty  to  truth 
and  justice  is  a  more  excellent  patriotism 
than  a  blind  obeisance  to  tribe,  or  place, 
or  party.  It  encourages  us  to  believe  that 
the  relations  existing  between  nations  are 
destined  to  become  as  the  relations  existing 
between  men  everywhere  under  law.  It 
strengthens  us  in  the  faith  that  true  pa- 
triotism, in  time  of  peace,  calls  for  deeds 
of  daily  service  in  an  honorable,  sympa- 
thetic, and  sacrificial  citizenship,  more 
than  it  calls  for  seeking  the  bubble  reputa- 
tion at  the  cannon's  mouth ;  that  man  will 
yet  cease  to  bound  his  morals  by  the  limits 
of  man-created  political  entities,  and 
achieve  the  goal  of  his  will  to  end  war. 

The  League  of  Nations 

The  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
forming  part  1  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  with 
Germany,  "Done  at  Versailles,  the  twenty- 
eighth  day  of  June,  one  thousand  nine 
hundred  and  nineteen,"  is  an  expression  of 
the  will  to  end  war.  For  the  purposes  of 
this  paper  it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  the 
question  whether  or  not  this  covenant  be 
sane  in  principle,  consonant  with  the 
teachings  of  history,  or  even  a  step  toward 
peace.  The  fact  is  that  it  is  an  expression 
of  the  will  among  men  that  the  methods 
of  war  shall  give  way  to  the  modes  of 
peace.  This  will  appear  from  the  word- 
ing of  the  first  paragraph  of  the  cove- 
nant, which  reads : 

"The  High  Contracting  Parties, 

"In  order  to  promote  international  co-opera- 
tion and  to  achieve  international  peace  and 
security 

"by  the  acceptance  of  obligations  not  to 
resort  to  war, 

"by  the  prescription  of  open,  just  and 
honorable  relations  between  nations, 

"by  the  firm  establishment  of  the  under- 
standings of  international  law  as  the  actual 
rule  of  conduct  among  Governments,  and 

"by  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  a 
scrupulous  respect  for  all  treaty  obligations 
in  the  dealings  of  organized  peoples  with  one 
another, 


1924 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


305 


"agree  to  this  Covenant  of  the  League  of 

Nations." 

There  it  is,  the  will  to  end  war. 
ASSURANCES  OF  OUR  VICTORY 

Throughout  recorded  history  there  has 
been  a  society  of  nations.  If  the  League 
of  Nations  fail,  surely  the  "solidarity 
uniting  the  members  of  the  society  of  civil- 
ized nations"  will  survive.  If  from  time 
to  time  we  be  most  ignorant  of  what  we 
are  most  assured,  this  is  not  true  of  us  as 
we  look  now  upon  the  society  of  nations 
surely  struggling  once  more  into  con- 
sciousness. We  know  now  that  a  governed 
world  must  supplant  the  anarchy  of  in- 
ternational hate  with  its  unbridled  de- 
structions. We  now  know  that  the  trained 
intelligence  of  the  world  must  find  its 
chart  and  compass  again,  and  that  by  their 
aid  the  ship  of  justice  must  be  headed  once 
more  on  its  proper  and  inevitable  course. 

The  ultimate  victory  of  justice  as  be- 
tween nations  is  the  goal.  Men  every- 
where, particularly,  we  may  be  pardoned 
for  saying,  every  friend  of  the  American 
Peace  Society,  may  well  take  heart.  Facts, 
not  hopes  only,  come  to  make  our  assur- 
ance doubly  sure.  In  the  summer  of  1920, 
an  Advisory  Committee,  made  up  of  ten 
of  the  world's  leading  jurists,  assembled 
at  The  Hague,  and  unanimously  agreed 
upon  four  things.    These  four  things  were : 


A  draft  scheme  for  the  establishment, 
in  addition  to  the  Court  of  Arbitration  or- 
ganized at  The  Hague  Conventions  of 
1899  and  1907,  and  in  addition  to  the 
special  tribunals  of  arbitration  to  which 
States  are  always  at  liberty  to  submit  their 
disputes  f#r  settlement,  a  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice,  to  which 
parties  shall  have  direct  access. 

B. 

The  continuation  of  The  Hague  Confer- 
ences. The  exact  wording  of  their  recom- 
mendation with  reference  to  this  reads : 

1.  That  a  new  conference  of  the  na- 
tions, in  continuation  of  the  first  two  con- 
ferences at  The  Hague,  be  held  as  soon  as 
practicable,  for  the  following  purposes : 

1.  To  restate  the  established  rules  of 
international  law,  especially,  and  in  the 
first  instance  in  the  fields  affected  by  the 
events  of  the  recent  war. 


2.  To  formulate  and  agree  upon  the 
amendments  and  additions,  if  any,  to  the 
rules  of  international  law  shown  to  be 
necessary  or  useful  by  the  events  of  the 
war  and  the  changes  in  the  conditions  of 
international  life  and  intercourse  which 
have  followed  the  war. 

3.  To  endeavor  to  reconcile  divergent 
views  and  secure  general  agreement  upon 
the  rules  which  have  been  in  dispute  here- 
tofore. 

4.  To  consider  the  subjects  not  now 
adequately  regulated  by  international  law 
but  as  to  which  the  interests  of  interna- 
tional justice  require  that  rules  of  law 
shall  be  declared  and  accepted. 

II.  That  the  Institute  of  International 
Law,  the  American  Institute  of  Interna- 
tional Law,  the  Union  Juridique  Interna- 
tionale, the  International  Law  Association, 
and  the  Iberian  Institute  of  Comparative 
Law  be  invited  to  prepare,  with  such  con- 
ference or  collaboration  inter  esse  as  they 
may  deem  useful,  projects  for  the  work  of 
the  conference,  to  be  submitted  beforehand 
to  the  several  governments  and  laid  before 
the  conference  for  its  consideration  and 
such  action  as  it  may  find  suitable. 

III.  That  the  conference  be  named  Con- 
ference for  the  Promotion  and  Extension 
of  International  Law. 

IV.  That  this  conference  be  followed  by 
further  successive  conferences  at  stated  in- 
tervals, to  continue  the  work  left  unfin- 
ished. 

C. 

A  recommendation  that  the  Council  and 
the  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations 
examine  the  advisability  of  establishing  in 
the  future  also  another  kind  of  a  High 
Court  of  International  Justice,  conceived 
in  these  terms : 

1.  A  High  Court  of  International  Jus- 
tice is  hereby  established. 

2.  This  court  shall  be  composed  of  one 
member  for  each  State,  to  be  chosen  by 
the  group  of  delegates  of  each  State  rep- 
resented in  the  court  of  arbitration. 

3.  The  High  Court  of  Justice  shall  be 
competent  to  try  crimes  against  interna- 
tional public  order  and  the  universal  law 
of  nations,  which  shall  be  referred  to  it  bj 
the  Assembly  or  by  the  Council  of  the 
League  of  Nations. 

4.  The  court  shall  have  power  to  define 
the  nature  of  the  crime,  to  fix  the  penalty, 


306 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


and  to  prescribe  the  appropriate  means  of 
carrying  out  the  judgment.  It  shall  for- 
mulate its  own  rules  of  procedure. 

D. 

That  the  Academy  of  International  Law 
founded  at  The  Hague  in  1913,  whose  op- 
eration has,  owing  to  circumstances,  been 
interrupted,  shall  as  soon  as  possible  re- 
sume its  activity  alongside  of  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  and  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice,  in  the 
Peace  Palace  at  The  Hague. 

The  League  of  Nations  has  seen  fit  thus 
far  to  adopt  only  the  first  of  these  propo- 
sals and  that  only  with  important  modifi- 
cations. The  second,  in  the  light  of  what 
has  been  said  heretofore,  is  a  most  impor- 
tant suggestion.  The  third  is  of  less  im- 
mediate and  practical  interest.  The  Acad- 
emy of  International  Law  opened  upon  its 
own  initiative  in  the  summer  of  1923. 
Taken  together,  these  proposals  are  assur- 
ances of  victory  indeed,  victory  for  the 
constructive  peace  workers  of  a  century. 

A  NOTABLE  DOCUMENT 

A  most  notable  document  is  the  recom- 
mendation, submitted  by  the  Advisory 
Committee  of  Jurists  meeting  at  The 
Hague  from  June  16  to  July  24,  1920,  of 
the  proposed  Permanent  Court  of  Inter- 
national Justice.  A  London  correspond- 
ent cabled  that  able  critics  in  London  re- 
garded "it  as  competent  in  all  its  details 
and  as  representing  the  most  perfect  flower 
from  such  worth-while  seed  as  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  contained."  We  may  believe 
that  this  is  not  an  overstatement  of  the 
fact. 

Acceptable  to  All 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  project  contem- 
plates a  real  International  Court  of  Jus- 
tice to  which  no  informed  person  can  ob- 
ject. The  recommendations  of  the  com- 
mission were  not  adopted  by  the  League 
as  drafted,  but  the  members  of  the  Court 
are  acting  as  judges,  administering 
rules  of  law  accepted  by  the  nations.  The 
Court  is  always  ready  and  open  for  cases. 
Passionless  decisions  are  thus  made  possi- 
ble, in  accordance  with  the  known  facts 
and  the  acknowledged  principles  of  inter- 
national law,  and  that  irrespective  of  po- 
litical policy.  The  sanction  of  the  Court, 
like  the  sanction  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 


the  United  States  in  issues  between  States, 
is  not  shrapnel  and  poison  gas,  but  rather 
that  sanction  of  sanctions;  namely,  the 
Court's  own  moral  worth.  Nations  sub- 
mitting their  cases  to  such  a  Court  can 
neither  lose  vestige  of  their  national  sov- 
ereignty nor  run  the  risks  peculiar  to  mere 
diplomatic  settlements.  The  project  rep- 
resents a  careful,  balanced  adjustment  of 
the  interests  peculiar  to  the  big  Powers  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  little  States  on  the 
other.  It  contemplates  the  creation  of 
nothing  out  of  mere  air;  it  represents  the 
natural  evolution  of  judicial  processes 
from  out  a  known  and  creditable  past.  It 
makes  possible  for  the  States  of  the  world 
what  history  has  demonstrated  to  be  in- 
dispensable; namely,  a  government  'of 
laws  and  not  of  men.  None  versed  in  the 
course  of  justice  between  States  can  object 
to  such  a  tried  and  established  method. 

League  Must  Be  Changed 

Yet  the  plan  will  embarras  the  present 
League  of  Nations.  While  the  project  is 
the  immediate  result  of  the  action  of  the 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations,  acting 
under  Article  XIV  of  the  Covenant,  it  is 
quite  inconsonant  with  that  political  or- 
gan contemplating  as  it  does  a  superstate 
backed  by  an  impossible  scheme  for  the 
physical  enforcement  of  the  weak  by  the 
strong.  We  are  told  that  diplomats 
abroad  consider  the  proposed  Court  as  dif- 
fering essentially  from  the  basic  idea  un- 
derlying the  Council  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. This  it  happily  does.  Undoubt- 
edly the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions will  have  to  be  modified  to  meet  the 
spirit  of  this  proposal.  It  will  be  changed. 
Its  modification  will  be  acceptable  in 
Downing  Street,  at  the  Quai  d'Orsay,  and 
at  the  other  capitals.  We  believe  it  to  be 
generally  recognized  among  the  friends  of 
the  Covenant  in  this  country  and  abroad 
that  Article  X  of  the  Covenant,  for  ex- 
ample, must  be  expunged,  if  the  League  is 
to  survive.  Not  only  Article  X,  but  Arti- 
cles XI  and  XVI  of  the  Covenant  have 
also  been  found  to  be  specially  impossible 
of  application  in  concrete  cases.  They  will 
be  changed.  It  appears  that  the  Euro- 
pean friends  of  the  original  Covenant  are 
for  the  most  part  aware  at  last  that  these 
articles  are  not  only  impossible,  but  that 
they  are  in  every  way  needless  in  any  ef- 


192Jk 


THE  WILL  TO  END  WAR 


307 


fective  international  organization — antag- 
onistic, indeed,  to  the  basic  principles  of 
peaceable  settlement.  But  the  whole  sit- 
uation has  been  immeasurably  relieved  by 
this  unanimous  agreement  of  this  commit- 
tee of  jurists — triumph  that  it  is  in  the 
accommodation  of  the  various  schools  of 
international  law  and  practice,  and  free, 
as  it  is,  of  the  complications  thrust  before 
us  by  various  articles  of  the  Covenant,  am- 
biguous if  not  dangerous.  Every  in- 
formed supporter  of  the  League  now 
knows  that  it  can't  function  under  its 
Covenant.  We  are  now  assured  that  the 
League  is  simply  an  agency  for  conference. 
Perhaps  the  League  will  yet  become  the 
continuation  of  The  Hague  Conferences. 
It  is  difficult  to  see  why  not. 

Court   Should   Not    Be    a   Mere   Agent   of   the 
League 

It  ought  not  to  be  necessary  utterly  to 
"scrap  the  League  of  Nations."  But  be 
that  as  it  may,  the  encouraging  fact  is  that 
the  Court  is  not  dependent  for  its  existence 
upon  that  organization.  It  is  true  that 
the  Court  came  into  being  upon  the  action 
of  the  Council  and  of  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  Its  development  may 
follow  upon  the  continuance  of  those  bod- 
ies, but  not  necessarily  so;  for  should  the 
League  cease  to  exist,  the  Court  may  be 
continued.  This  will  be  clear  when  we 
consider  certain  facts.  There  must  be 
conferences  of  all  the  nations,  as  recom- 
mended by  the  Advisory  Council  of  Jur- 
ists, a  continuation  of  The  Hague  con- 
ferences. It  would  be  easily  possible  for 
the  first  of  such  conferences  to  invest  the 
body  of  diplomatic  representatives  accred- 
ited by  the  nations  to  The  Hague — a 
group  referred  to,  both  in  1899  and  1907, 
in  the  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settle- 
ment of  International  Disputes,  as  the 
"Administration  Council,"  with  all  the  es- 
sential functions  of  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  so  far  as  the  election 
and  payment  of  the  judges  is  concerned. 
An  Executive  Committee  of  that  Adminis- 
trative Council,  to  be  chosen  for  the  pur- 
pose, might  easily  function  as  the  present 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations,  with  all 
the  powers  of  that  Council  in  the  continu- 
ance of  a  Court.  Thus  the  judges  may 
be  selected,  and  the  project  continued, 
whether  the  League  of  Nations  survive  or 


perish.  In  other  words,  the  International 
Court  of  Justice,  with  headquarters  at  The 
Hague,  can  thrive  unto  the  healing  of  the 
nations,  irrespective  of  the  conflict  of  ideas 
over  the  creation  of  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles. 

Based  Upon  Wisdom 

It  is  important  that  every  intelligent 
person  should  study  with  care  the  sixty- 
two  articles  of  this  original  project,  the 
first  thirty  dealing  with  the  organization, 
the  next  six  with  the  competence,  and  the 
final  twenty-six  with  the  methods  of  the 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice. 
From  the  very  first  article  it  is  apparent 
that  the  field  of  peaceful  settlement  of  in- 
ternational disputes  is  to  be  materially  en- 
larged. Under  the  plan,  we  are  to  have 
a  new  agency  for  the  protection  of  the 
nations,  but  an  agency  based  on  principles 
ancient  and  tried.  It  is  not  to  be  a  sub- 
stitute for  other  and  well-known  methods 
of  settlement;  but,  under  it.  States  are  to 
be  able  at  last  to  adjust  their  differences, 
not  by  threats  and  force  and  bloodshed, 
but  in  accord  with  the  principles  of  jus- 
tice commonly  called  rules  of  law.  Par- 
ties in  dispute  are  to  have  direct  access  to 
this  permanent  organization.  Adequately 
qualified  judges  are  provided  for  in  Arti- 
cle II.  In  Article  XVI  their  independ- 
ence from  governmental  influences  is  as- 
sured. In  addition  to  being  independent 
persons  of  high  moral  character,  their 
competence  is  assured  by  the  stipulation 
that  they  shall  be  eligible  for  appointment 
to  the  highest  judicial  offices,  jurisconsults 
of  known  ability  in  international  law. 

Thus  it  win  appear  that  the  framers  of 
this  project  have  based  their  recommenda- 
tions upon  wisdom.  They  clearly  realized 
that  the  success  of  the  Court  must  depend 
almost  entirely  upon  the  character  of  the 
judges;  hence  the  provisions  that  such 
judges  shall  be  professionally  qualified. 
No  league  to  enforce  peace  here ;  no  threat 
of  economic  blockade  and  national  extinc- 
tion; no  blanket  authority  to  a  small 
group  of  men  to  "take  any  action  that  may 
be  deemed  wise  and  effective" ;  no  contem- 
plation of  "an  act  of  war  against  the  other 
members  of  the  League."  Because  it  is 
based  upon  wisdom  the  project  constitutes 
the  most  encouraging  single  hope  since 
the  Armistice  of  1918. 


308 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


Locating  the  Court  at  The  Hague  is  an- 
other evidence  of  wisdom.  The  articles  of 
the  project,  read  and  approved  one  by  one, 
-were  unanimously  adopted  as  a  whole  July 
22,  1920,  in  that  fair  capital  of  Holland. 
Since  the  Court  of  Arbitration  set  up  in 
1899  is  already  located  at  The  Hague; 
since  the  Academy  of  International  Law 
and  Political  Science  was  organized  in 
1913,  and  opened  in  1923,  at  The  Hague 
and  is  to  be  continued  there;  since  The 
Hague  Conferences  should  be  reconvened 
unto  the  advancement  of  international 
law,  meeting  regularly  and  at  stated  per- 
iods in  the  same  city,  it  appears  peculiarly 
appropriate  that  this  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  should  take  its 
place  at  the  head  of  the  judicial  table  of 
the  society  of  nations  in  that  sturdy  land, 
sacred  to  the  memory  of  Hugo  Grotius. 

Its  American  Origin 

The  project  is  an  American  project. 
Hence  it  will  be  an  inspiration  to  every 
American  versed  in  the  history  of  his  own 
country.  We  may  well  recall  that  the 
United  States  of  America  represents  the 
first  Union  of  free,  independent,  sovereign 
States — a  Union  which  survives  and  re- 
mains adequate  to  its  purpose.  Our  fruit- 
ful experience  has  taught  us  that  this  is 
true  primarily  because  the  judicial  power 
of  the  United  States  is  "based  in  one  Su- 
preme Court,"  extending  "to  controver- 
sies between  two  or  more  States."  We 
have  already  said  that  this  project  is  but 
the  natural  evolution  in  the  realm  of 
world  justice.  This  fact  is  here  quite  ap- 
parent. Following  the  example  of  our 
Supreme  Court,  the  project  for  the  Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice — 
adopted  at  The  Hague,  1907,  in  Article 
XVII  of  its  Convention — provided  that 
"the  judicial  court  of  arbitration  is  com- 
petent to  deal  with  all  cases  submitted  to 
it."  The  first  article  under  the  chapter 
dealing  with  the  competency  of  the  exist- 
ing Court,  Article  XXXI,  provides  that 
"The  Court  shall  have  jurisdiction  to  hear 
and  determine  suits  between  States." 
Thus  the  evolution  is  natural  and  real, 
especially  agreeable  to  American  tradition. 

The  Court  has  a  wide  jurisdiction.  It 
can  deal  with  issues  relative  to  the  inter- 
pretation of  treaties,  to  any  points  of  inter- 


national law,  to  matters  of  fact  constitut- 
ing the  violation  of  an  international  en- 
gagement, to  questions  of  reparation  aris- 
ing from  the  breach  of  international  obli- 
gations, and  to  the  interpretations  of  all 
sentences  passed  by  the  Court.  Indeed,  by 
the  provisions  of  Article  XXXIV  the 
Court  is  competent  to  take  cognizance  of 
disputes  of  any  kind  whatsoever  which  are 
submitted  to  it  by  a  general  or  special 
agreement  of  the  parties. 

Furthermore,  had  this  plan  been 
adopted  without  change  by  the  League, 
in  case  of  dispute  as  to  whether  the  dif- 
ferences come  within  the  category  defined, 
"the  Court  shall  decide."  The  Court  then 
would  have  been  a  Court,  not  of  arbitra- 
tion, but  of  justice,  the  parties  being 
bound  to  submit  to  the  Court  within  the 
limits  of  its  jurisdiction.  Unfortunately 
the  League  lacked  sufficient  faith  in  its 
own  child,  and  this  provision  was  cut  out. 
But  little  by  little,  as  law  is  provided,  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Court  can  be  enlarged. 
True,  the  Court  suffers  from  the  fact  that 
it  is  the  agent  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
But  if  the  League  becomes  in  fact,  what 
it  has  to  be  in  practice — a  continuation  of 
The  Hague  Conferences — the  way  out  of 
this  difficulty,  as  already  pointed  out,  is 
clear.  Thus  the  way  seems  about  to  open 
before  the  nations  for  the  realization  of 
that  truth  phrased  by  one  of  the  greatest 
of  Americans,  "No  question  is  ever  settled 
until  it  is  settled  right." 

There  is  work  to  be  done.  We  may  well 
believe  that  there  is  to  be  an  endless  series 
of  periodic  conferences  to  carry  on  the 
work  begun  at  The  Hague  in  1899,  con- 
ferences for  the  promotion  and  extension 
of  international  law.  As  with  our  United 
States,  so  with  the  nations,  a  competent 
judicial  body  is  essential  for  the  interpre- 
tation of  that  law.  The  nations,  the 
United  States  included,  will,  therefore, 
study  this  original  project  for  a  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice.  The 
nations  are  in  the  way  to  apply  the  prin- 
ciples of  self-imposed  law,  whether  the 
methods  of  settlement  be  by  arbitrators  or 
by  magistrates.  Mirabeau's  day,  "when 
right  shall  be  the  sovereign  of  the  world," 
is  nearer  at  hand.  It  is,  we  are  firmly  con- 
vinced, about  to  break. 


192U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


309 


CONCLUSION 

The  nations  may  safely  pin  their  faith 
to  some  form  of  an  international  legisla- 
ture and  of  an  international  judiciary. 
They  may  not  expect  a  universal  empire, 
but  they  may  strive  for  at  least  this  much 
of  an  international  organization,  destined 
yet,  as  regards  international  disputes  in- 
capable of  adjustment  by  diplomacy  or  ar- 
bitration, to  perfect  a  juridical  union  of  the 
civilized  nations.  It  is  for  such  that  men 
are  giving  their  lives  to  the  peace  move- 
ment. It  is  for  such  that  the  believers  in 
liberalism  and  democracy,  with  their  prin- 
ciples of  life,  liberty,  equality,  fraternity, 
and  happiness,  struggle  and  wait.     It  is 


for  such  that  we  have  peace  societies, 
Hague  conferences,  institutes  of  interna- 
tional law,  an  Interparliamentary  Union, 
and  the  longing  for  a  more  effective  so- 
ciety of  nations.  It  is  by  such  means,  we 
think,  that  wars  will  be  made  less  probable. 
The  burdens  and  miseries  of  the  world's 
senseless  slaughters  will  be  lifted  as  the 
collective  judgments  of  human  groups  be- 
come increasingly  clear.  The  permeating 
principle  of  life  pursues  its  constructive 
upward  course,  and  an  advancing  age  must 
welcome  each  constructive  attempt  to  sup- 
plant with  the  methods  of  law  and  justice 
the  unnecessary  and  hideous  devastations 
of  war. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


THE  HUGHES-HANIHARA   LETTERS 

The  Japanese  Government  has  filed  with 
the  American  Government  a  vigorous  protest 
against  the  passage  by  the  House  of  the  im- 
migration bill  with  provisions  for  further 
drastic  restrictions  of  Japanese  immigration. 
Mansanao  Hanihara,  the  Japanese  Ambas- 
sador, handed  the  note  to  Secretary  Hughes 
April  10. 

The  fact  that  Secretary  Hughes  so  speedily 
agreed  with  the  Japanese  contention,  thus 
directly  repudiating  the  section  of  the  House 
bill  which  has  aroused  Japan,  has  not  been 
overlooked,  and  sharp  reactions  are  taking 
place  on  the  floors  of  both  houses  for  and 
against  his  action. 

Text  of  Japanese   Protest 
The  text  of  the  Japanese  note  is  as  follows : 

Japanese  Embassy, 
Washington,  April  10,  1924. 

Sib:  In  view  of  certain  statements  in  the 
report  of  the  House  Committee  on  Immigra- 
tion—"Report  No.  350,  March  24,  1924"— 
regarding  the  so-called  "gentlemen's  agree- 
ment," some  of  which  appear  to  be  mislead- 
ing, I  may  be  allowed  to  state  to  you  the  pur- 
pose and  substance  of  that  agreement  as  it  is 
understood  and  performed  by  my  government, 
which  understanding  and  practice  are,  I  be- 
lieve, in  accord  with  those  of  your  govern- 
ment on  the  subject. 

The  gentlemen's  agreement  is  an  under- 
standing with  the  United  States  Government 


by  which  the  Japanese  Government  volun- 
tarily undertook  to  adopt  and  enforce  certain 
administrative  measures  designed  to  check 
the  emigration  to  the  United  States  of  Japan- 
ese laborers. 

In  return,  the  Japanese  Government  con- 
fidently trusts  that  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment will  recommend,  if  necessary,  to  the 
Congress  to  refrain  from  resorting  to  a  meas- 
ure that  would  seriously  wound  the  proper 
susceptibilities  of  the  Japanese  nation. 

One  object  of  the  gentlemen's  agreement  is, 
as  is  pointed  out  above,  to  stop  the  emigration 
to  the  United  States  of  all  Japanese  laborers 
other  than  those  excepted  in  the  agreement, 
which  is  embodied  in  a  series  of  long  and 
detailed  correspondence  between  the  two  gov- 
ernments, publication  of  which  is  not  be- 
lieved to  serve  any  good  purpose,  but  the 
essential  terms  and  practice  of  which  may 
be  summed  up  as  follows : 

(1)  The  Japanese  Government  will  not 
issue  passports  good  for  the  continental 
United  States  to  laborers,  skilled  or  unskilled, 
except  those  previously  domiciled  in  the 
United  States,  or  parents,  wives,  or  children 
under  20  years  of  age  of  such  persons.  The 
form  of  the  passport  is  so  designed  as  to 
omit  no  safeguard  against  forgery,  and  its 
issuance  is  governed  by  various  rules  of  de- 
tail in  order  to  prevent  fraud.  The  Japanese 
Government  accepted  the  definition  of  "la- 
borer" as  given  in  the  United  States  Execu- 
tive Order  of  April  8,  1907. 

(2)  Passports  are  to  be  issued  by  a  limited 
number  of  specially  authorized  ofl3cials  only, 
under  close  supervision  of  the  Foreign  Office, 
which  has  the  supreme  control  of  the  matter 


310 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


and  is  equipped  with  ttie  necessary  staff  for 
the  administration  of  it. 

These  ofiicials  shall  make  thorough  investi- 
gation when  application  for  passports  is  made 
by  students,  merchants,  tourists,  or  the  like, 
to  ascertain  whether  the  applicant  is  likely 
to  become  a  laborer,  and  shall  enforce  the  re- 
quirement that  such  person  shall  either  be 
supplied  with  adequate  means  to  insure  the 
permanence  of  his  status  as  such  or  that 
surety  be  given  therefor.  In  case  of  any 
doubt  as  to  whether  such  applicant  is  or  is 
not  entitled  to  a  passport,  the  matter  shall  be 
referred  to  the  Foreign  Office  for  decision. 

Passports  to  laborers  previously  domiciled 
in  the  United  States  will  be  issued  only  upon 
production  of  certificate  from  Japanese  con- 
sular officers  in  the  United  States,  and  pass- 
ports to  the  parents,  wives,  and  children  of 
such  laborers  will  be  issued  only  upon  pro- 
duction of  such  consular  certificate  and  of 
duly  certified  copy  of  official  registry  of  mem- 
bers of  such  laborer's  family  in  Japan,  Ut- 
most circumspection  is  exercised  to  guard 
against  fraud. 

No   More  "P^cture  Brides" 

(3)  Issuance  of  passports  to  so-calle-d 
"picture  brides"  has  been  stopped  by  the 
Japanese  Government  since  March  1,  1920, 
although  it  had  not  been  prohibited  under  the 
terms  of  the  gentlemen's  agreement. 

(4)  Monthly  statistics  covering  incoming 
and  outgoing  Japanese  are  exchanged  between 
the  American  and  Japanese  governments. 

(5)  Although  the  gentlemen's  agreement  is 
not  applicable  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  meas- 
ures restricting  issuance  of  passports  for  the 
islands  are  being  enforced  in  substantially  the 
same  manner  as  those  for  the  continental 
United  States. 

(6)  The  Japanese  Government  are  further 
exercising  strict  control  over  emigration  of 
Japanese  laborers  to  foreign  territories  con- 
tiguous to  the  United  States  in  order  to  pre- 
vent their  surreptitious  entry  into  the  United 
States. 

A  more  condensed  substance  of  these  terms 
is  published  in  the  annual  report  of  the 
United  States  Commissioner  General  of  Im- 
migration for  1908,  1909,  and  1910,  on  pages 
125-6,  121  and  124-5  respectively. 

As  I  stated  above,  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment have  been  most  faithfully  observing  the 
gentlemen's  agreement  in  every  detail  of  its 
terms,  which  fact  is,  I  believe,  well  known 
to  the  United  States  Government.  I  may  be 
permitted,  in  this  connection,  to  call  your  at- 
tention to  the  official  figures  published  in  the 
annual  reports  of  the  United  States  Commis- 
sioner General  of  Immigration  showing  the 
increase  or  decrease  of  Japanese  population 
in  the  continental  United  States  by  immigra- 
tion and  emigration.  According  to  these  re- 
ports, in  the  years  1908-1923  the  total  num- 
bers of  Japanese  admitted  to  and  departed 
from  the  continental  United  States  were  re- 
spectively 120,317  and  111,636. 


In  other  words,  the  excess  of  those  ad- 
mitted over  those  departed  was  in  fifteen 
years  only  8,681 ;  that  is  to  say,  the  annual 
average  of  578.  It  is  important  to  note  that 
in  these  8,681  are  included  not  only  those  who 
are  covered  by  the  terms  of  the  gentlemen's 
agreement,  but  all  other  classes  of  Japanese 
such  as  merchants,  students,  tourists,  govern- 
ment officials,  &c. 

These  figures,  collected  by  the  United 
States  immigration  authorities,  seem  to  me 
to  show  conclusively  the  successful  operation 
of  the  gentlemen's  agreement ;  besides  this, 
there  is,  of  course,  the  increase  through  birth 
of  the  Japanese  population  in  the  United 
States.  This  has  nothing  to  do  with  either 
the  gentlemen's  agreement  or  the  immigration 
laws. 

Says  Japan  Might  Alter  Agreement 

I  may  add  in  this  connection  that  if  the 
proposition  were  whether  it  would  not  be  de- 
sirable to  amend  or  modify  some  of  the  terms 
of  the  agreement,  the  question  would  be  dif- 
ferent, and  I  personally  believe  that  my 
government  would  not  be  unwilling  to  dis- 
cuss the  matter  with  your  government,  if 
such  were  its  wishes. 

Further,  if  I  may  speak  frankly,  at  the  risk 
of  repeating  what,  under  instructions  from 
my  government,  I  have  represented  to  you  on 
former  occasions,  the  mere  fact  that  a  certain 
clause,  obviously  aimed  against  Japanese  as 
a  nation,  is  introduced  in  the  proposed  immi- 
gration bill,  in  apparent  disregard  of  the  most 
sincere  and  friendly  endeavors  on  the  part  of 
the  Japanese  Government  to  meet  the  needs 
and  wishes  of  the  American  Government  and 
people,  is  mortifying  enough  to  the  govern- 
ment and  people  of  Japan. 

They  are,  however,  exercising  the  utmost 
forbearance  at  this  moment,  and  in  so  doing 
they  confidently  rely  upon  the  high  sense  of 
justice  and  fair  play  of  the  American  Gov- 
ernment and  people,  which,  when  properly 
approached,  will  readily  understand  why  no 
such  discriminatory  provision  as  above  re- 
ferred to  should  be  allowed  to  become  a  part 
of  the  law  of  the  land. 

It  is  needless  to  add  that  it  is  not  the  inten- 
tion of  the  Japanese  Government  to  question 
the  sovereign  right  of  any  country  to  regulate 
immigration  to  its  own  territories;  nor  is  it 
their  desire  to  send  their  nationals  to  the 
countries  where  they  are  not  wanted.  On 
the  contrary,  the  Japanese  Government 
showed  from  the  very  beginning  of  this  prob- 
lem their  perfect  willingness  to  co-operate 
with  the  United  States  Government  to  effec- 
tively prevent  by  all  honorable  means  the 
entrance  into  the  United  States  of  such  Jap- 
anese nationals  as  are  not  desired  by  the 
United  States,  and  have  given  ample  evidence 
thereof,  the  facts  of  which  are  well  known 
to  your  government. 

To  Japan,  the  question  is  not  one  of  ex- 
pediency, but  of  principle.  To  her  the  mere 
fact  that  a  few  hundreds  or  thousands  of  her 


192  Jf. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


311 


nationals  will  or  will  not  be  admitted  into  the 
domains  of  other  countries  is  immaterial,  so 
long  as  no  question  of  national  susceptibilities 
is  involved.  The  important  question  is  where 
Japan  as  a  nation  is  or  is  not  entitled  to  the 
proper  respect  and  consideration  of  other 
nations. 

In  other  words,  the  Japanese  government 
asks  of  the  United  States  Government  simply 
that  proper  consideration  ordinarily  given 
by  one  nation  to  the  self-respect  of  another, 
which,  after  all,  forms  the  basis  of  amicable 
international  intercourse  throughout  the 
civilized  world. 

It  is  indeed  impossible  for  my  government 
and  people,  and  I  believe  it  would  be  im- 
possible also  for  your  government  and  for 
those  of  your  people  who  had  made  a  care- 
ful study  of  the  subject,  to  understand  why 
it  should  be  necessary  for  your  country  to 
enact  as  the  law  of  the  land  such  a  clause 
as  section  12  (b),  of  the  House  Immigration 
Bill. 

As  is  justly  pointed  out  in  your  letter  of 
February  8,  1924,  to  the  chairman  of  the 
House  Committee  on  Immigration,  it  is  idle 
to  insist  that  the  provision  is  not  aimed  at 
the  Japanese,  for  the  proposed  measure  (sec- 
tion 25 )  continues  in  force  your  existing  legis- 
lation regulating  Chinese  immigration  and 
the  barred-zone  provisions  of  your  immigra- 
tion laws  which  prohibit  immigration  from 
certain  other  portions  of  Asia,  to  say  nothing 
about  the  public  statements  of  the  sponsors 
and  supporters  of  that  particular  provision 
as  to  its  aim.  In  other  words,  the  manifest 
object  of  the  said  section  12  (b)  is  to  single 
out  Japanese  as  a  nation,  stigmatizing  them 
as  unworthy  and  undesirable  in  the  eyes  of 
the  American  people.  And  yet  the  actual 
result  of  that  particular  provision,  if  the 
proposed  bill  becomes  the  law  as  intended, 
would  be  to  exclude  only  146  Japanese  per 
year. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  gentlemen's  agree- 
ment is  in  fact  accomplishing  all  that  can 
be  accomplished  by  the  proposed  Japanese 
exclusion  clause  except  for  those  146.  It  is 
indeed  difficult  to  believe  that  it  can  be  the 
intention  of  the  people  of  your  great  country, 
who  always  stand  for  high  principles  of  jus- 
tice and  fair  play  in  the  intercourse  of  na- 
tions, to  resort — in  order  to  secure  the  annual 
exclusion  of  146  Japanese — to  a  measure 
which  would  not  only  seriously  offend  the 
just  pride  of  a  friendly  nation,  that  has  been 
always  earnest  and  diligent  in  its  efforts  to 
preserve  the  friendship  of  your  people,  but 
would  also  seem  to  involve  the  question  of 
the  good  faith  and  therefore  of  the  honor 
of  their  government,  or  at  least  of  its  execu- 
tive branch. 

Relying  upon  the  confidence  you  have  been 
good  enough  to  show  me  at  all  times,  I  have 
stated,  or  rather  repeated,  all  this  to  you  very 
candidly  and  in  a  most  friendly  spirit,  for 
I  realize,  as  I  believe  you  do,  the  grave  conse- 
quences which  the  enactment  of  the  measure 
retaining  that  particular  provision  would 
Inevitably  bring  upon  the  otherwise  happy 


and  mutually  advantageous  relations  between 
our  two  countries. 

Accept,  sir,  the  renewed  assurances  of  my 
highest  consideration, 

M.  Hanihaba. 

Reply  of  Secretary  Hughes 

Secretary  Hughes  made  this  reply  to  the 
Japanese  note : 

Apbil  10,  1924. 

Excellency  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  the  note  of  April  10,  in  which,  re- 
ferring to  the  recent  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Immigration  and  Naturalization  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  (report  No.  350, 
March  24,  1924),  you  took  occasion  to  state 
your  government's  understanding  of  the  pur- 
port of  the  so-called  "gentlemen's  agreement" 
and  your  government's  practice  and  purposes 
with  respect  to  emigration  from  Japan  to 
this  country. 

I  am  happy  to  take  note  of  your  statement 
concerning  the  substance  of  the  so-called 
"gentlemen's  agreement,"  resulting  from  the 
correspondence  which  took  place  between  our 
two  governments  in  1907-8,  as  modified  by 
the  additional  undertaking  of  the  Japanese 
Government  with  regard  to  the  so-called 
"picture  brides,"  which  became  effective  four 
years  ago.  Your  statement  of  the  essential 
points  constituting  the  "gentlemen's  agree- 
ment" corresponds  with  my  own  imderstand- 
ing  of  that  arrangement. 

Inasmuch  as  your  note  is  directed  toward 
clearing  away  any  possible  misapprehension 
as  to  the  nature  and  purpose  of  the  "gentle- 
men's agreement,"  I  am  taking  occasion  to 
communicate  copies  of  it,  as  also  of  my  pres- 
ent reply,  to  the  chairmen  of  the  appropriate 
committees  of  the  two  houses  of  Congress. 

Accept,  Excellency,  the  renewed  assurance 
of  my  highest  consideration, 

Chables  E.  Hughes. 

The  Japanese  Ambassador  specifically  dis- 
claimed any  intent  to  convey  a  veiled  threat 
in  the  use  of  the  phrase  "grave  consequences" 
in  a  second  letter  to  Secretary  Hughes.  It 
is  understood  that  the  Ambassador  made  his 
explanation  with  the  approval  of  the  Tokyo 
Foreign  Office,  which  had  given  its  explicit 
indorsement  to  the  wording  of  the  letter. 

Ambassador  Hanihara's  letter  under  date 
of  April  17,  said  : 

My  Dear  Mb.  Secbetaby: 

In  reading  the  Congressional  Record  of 
April  14,  1924,  I  find  that  the  letter  I  ad- 
dressed to  you  on  April  10,  a  copy  of  which 
you  sent  to  the  chairman  of  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  Immigration,  was  made  a  subject 
of  discussion  in  the  Senate.  In  the  Record 
it  is  reported  that  some  of  the  Senators  ex- 
pressed the  opinion,  which  was  apparently 
accepted  by  many  other  members  of  that 
body,    that    my    letter    contained    "a    veiled 


312 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


threat."  As  it  appears  from  the  Record  that 
it  is  the  phrase  "grave  consequences,"  which 
I  used  in  the  concluding  part  of  my  letter, 
that  some  of  the  Senators  construed  as  "a 
veiled  threat,"  I  may  be  permitted  to  quote 
here  full  text  of  the  sentence  which  contained 
the  words  in  question. 

"Relying  upon  the  confidences  you  have 
been  good  enough  to  show  me  at  all  times, 
I  have  stated,  or  rather  repeated,  all  this  to 
you  very  candidly  and  in  a  most  friendly 
spirit,  for  I  realize,  as  I  believe  you  do,  the 
grave  consequences  which  the  enactment  of 
the  measure  retaining  that  particular  pro- 
vision would  inevitably  bring  upon  the  other- 
wise happy  and  mutually  advantageous  rela- 
tions between  our  two  countries." 

Frankly,  I  must  say  I  am  unable  to  under- 
stand how  the  two  words,  read  in  their  con- 
text, could  be  construed  as  meaning  anything 
like  a  threat.  I  simply  tried  to  emphasize 
the  most  unfortunate  and  deplorable  effect 
upon  our  traditional  friendship  which  might 
result  from  the  adoption  of  a  particular 
clause  in  the  proposed  measure.  It  would 
seriously  Impair  the  good  and  mutually  help- 
ful relationship  and  disturb  the  spirit  of 
mutual  regard  and  confidence  which  charac- 
terizes our  intercourse  of  the  last  three- 
quarters  of  a  century  and  which  was  con- 
siderably strengthened  by  the  Washington 
conference,  as  well  as  by  the  most  magnani- 
mous sympathy  shown  by  your  people  in  the 
recent  calamity  in  my  country.  Whereas 
there  is  otherwise  every  promise  of  hearty  co- 
operation between  Japan  and  the  United 
States,  which  is  believed  to  be  essential  to 
the  welfare  not  only  of  themselves,  but  of 
the  rest  of  the  world,  it  would  create,  or  at 
least  tend  to  create,  an  unhappy  atmosphere 
of  ill-feeling  and  misgiving  over  the  relations 
between  our  two  countries. 

Reiterates  Statement 

As  the  representative  of  my  country,  whose 
supreme  duty  is  to  maintain,  and  if  possible 
to  draw  still  closer,  the  bond  of  friendship 
so  happily  existing  between  our  two  peoples, 
I  honestly  believe  such  effects,  as  I  have  de- 
scribed, to  be  "grave  consequences."  In  using 
these  words,  which  I  did  quite  ingenuously, 
I  had  no  thought  of  being  in  any  way  dis- 
agreeable or  discourteous,  and  still  less  of 
conveying  a  "veiled  threat."  On  the  contrary, 
It  was  in  a  spirit  of  the  most  sincere  respect, 
confidence,  and  candor  that  I  used  these 
words,  which  spirit  I  hope  is  manifest 
throughout  my  entire  letter,  for  it  was  in  that 
spirit  that  I  wrote  you.  I  never  suspected 
that  these  words,  used  as  I  used  them,  would 
ever  afford  an  occasion  for  such  comment 
or  interpretation  as  have  been  given  them. 

You  know,  I  am  sure,  that  nothing  could 
be  further  from  my  thought  than  to  give 
cause  for  offense  to  your  people  or  their  gov- 
ernment, and  I  have  not  the  slightest  doubt 
that  you  have  no  such  misunderstanding  as 
to  either  the  spirit  in  which  I  wrote  the  letter 
in  question  to  you  or  the  meaning  I  intended 
for  the  phrase  that  I  used  therein. 


In  view,  however,  of  what  has  transpired 
in  the  course  of  the  public  discussion  in  the 
Senate,  I  feel  constrained  to  write  you,  as  a 
matter  of  record,  that  I  did  not  use  the  phrase 
in  question  in  such  a  sense  as  has  been  at- 
tributed to  it. 

I  am,  my  dear  Mr.  Secretary,  yours  very 
truly, 

M.  Hanihaba. 

The  reply  written  by  Secretary  Hughes  to 
the  Ambassador  said : 

I  am  gratified  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
seventeenth  instant,  with  your  frank  and 
friendly  explanation  of  the  intent  of  your 
recent  note  in  relation  to  the  pending  immi- 
gration bill.  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  be  able 
to  assure  you  that,  reading  the  words  "grave 
consequences"  in  the  light  of  their  context, 
and  knowing  the  spirit  of  friendship  and 
understanding  you  have  always  manifested 
in  our  long  association,  I  had  no  doubt  that 
these  words  were  to  be  taken  in  the  sense 
you  have  stated,  and  I  was  quite  sure  that 
it  was  far  from  your  thought  to  express  or 
imply  any  threat.  I  am  happy  to  add  that  I 
have  deeply  appreciated  your  constant  desire 
to  promote  the  most  cordial  relations  between 
the  peoples  of  the  two  countries. 

With  high  esteem,  I  am,  my  dear  Mr.  Hani- 
hara,  very  sincerely  yours, 

Charles  E.  Hughes. 


The  principal  events  in  the  Allied  attempt 
to  obtain  reparations  from  Germany  to  date 
follow : 

November  11,  1918. — Armistice  signed,  with 
an  vmdertaking  by  Germany  to  make  repara- 
tion for  war  damages. 

June  28,  1919. — Treaty  of  peace  signed  at 
Versailles,  Germany  agreeing  to  pay  repara- 
tions. 

July  2-4.  1920. — Allied  conference  at  Brus- 
sels allots  France  52  per  cent  of  total  repara- 
tions, England  22  per  cent,  the  rest  to  be 
divided  among  smaller  powers. 

January  24-29,  1921. — Allied  delegates  meet- 
ing at  Paris  decide  Germany  must  pay  in  42 
annuities. 

March  1-7,  1921. — Germans  offer  condition- 
ally to  pay  30,000,000,000  gold  marks,  with 
materials  and  labor  for  war  reconstruction, 
but  Allied  conference  in  London  rejects  the 
offer. 


19U 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


313 


April  24,  1921 — Germany  approaches  United 
States  witli  offer  to  take  over  part  of  tlie 
Allied  debt  to  America  in  part  settlement  of 
reparations.  Washington  holds  offer  unac- 
ceptable. 

April  27,  1921. — Reparation  Commission 
formally  decides  Germany  must  pay  132,000,- 
000,000  gold  marks  in  annuities  of  2,000,000,- 
000  and  a  26  per  cent  tax  on  exports. 

May  5,  1921. — Allies  send  Germany  an  ulti- 
matum demanding  acceptance  of  Reparation 
Commission  findings. 

May  11,  1921. — Germany  replies  to  ulti- 
matum by  accepting  terms. 

July  12,  1921. — Germany  asks  moratorium 
for  two  and  one-half  years. 

August  31,  1922. — Reparation  Commission 
grants  six-month  moratorium. 

December  29, 1922. — Hughes  delivers  speech 
at  New  Haven  suggesting  impartial  commis- 
sion report  on  reparations. 

December  30,  1922. — France  rejects  Hughes' 
proposal. 

January  9,  1923. — Germany  formally  de- 
clared in  default  on  coal  deliveries  by  Repar- 
ation Commission.  France  prepares  to  enter 
Ruhr. 

January  10,  1923. — American  troops  re- 
called from  the  Rhineland. 

January  11,  1923. — France  and  Belgium 
commence  occupation  of  the  Ruhr. 

January  14,  1923. — Germany  announces  sus- 
pension of  reparation  payments  to  France 
and  Belgium. 

May  2,  1923.— Germany  again  offers  30,000,- 
000,000  gold  marks  in  settlement  of  repara- 
tion claims. 

May  13,  1923. — Allies  reject  new  German 
offer. 

August  12,  1923. — Great  Britain  suggests 
impartial  inquiry  into  reparation  question, 
but  France  and  Belgium  refuse. 

September  26,  1923.— President  Ebert  de- 
crees abandonment  of  passive  resistance  in 
the  Ruhr. 

October  13,  1923.— Great  Britain  formally 
proposes  an  international  economic  confer- 
ence to  the  United  States. 

October  15,  1923. — Hughes  accepts  British 
proposal,  provided  Allied  debts  to  United 
States  are  not  discussed. 

October  26,  1923.— France  accepts  British 
proposal,  but  with  reservations  deemed  un- 
acceptable by  United  States. 

December  1,  1923.— Poincar§  withdraws 
reservations. 


December  11,  1923. — Coolidge  consents  to 
appointment  of  American  experts  in  repara- 
tion inquiry. 

December  15,  1923. — Reparation  Commis- 
sion invites  Charles  G.  Dawes  and  Owen 
Young  to  serve  as  experts  and  they  accept. 

January  14,  1924. — First  committee  of  ex- 
perts holds  its  first  meeting  and  immediately 
sets  to  work.  Second  committee  starts  work 
a  few  days  later. 

April  9,  1924. — Both  committees  report  to 
Reparation  Commission. 

The  new  radio  circuit  between  Paris  and 
Saigon  (the  southern  capital  of  French  Indo- 
china) was  formally  opened  to  the  service  of 
the  public  on  January  17,  1924.  The  EYench 
station  at  Saigon  is  at  the  present  time  the 
most  powerful  radio  imit  in  the  Far  East,  and 
its  opening  to  general  communication  marks 
the  completion  of  another  link  in  the  French 
colonial  radio  communication  system. 

Hongkong,  China,  is  enjoying  a  building 
boom.  Because  of  this  and  the  increasing 
cost  of  labor,  even  the  native  contractors  are 
beginning  to  show  an  interest  in  the  use  of 
construction  machinery.  Pile-drivers  and  con- 
crete-working equipment  are  now  in  demand. 
Hitherto  the  ample  supply  of  cheap  native 
labor  has  retarded  the  introduction  of  mod- 
ern construction  methods. 

A    PRIVATE    BILL    WAS    INTRODUCED    intO    the 

Swedish  Parliament  on  January  15  by  Mr. 
Sigfrid  Hansson,  editor  of  the  organ  of  the 
Swedish  Confederation  of  Trade  Unions,  for 
the  institution  of  a  sickness  and  old-age 
pension  fund  for  Swedish  authors.  It  is  pro- 
posed that  the  government  be  requested  to 
provide  for  the  transfer  of  an  author's  copy- 
right, on  expiration  of  the  legal  period  of  pro- 
tection, to  State  ownership,  the  State  then  to 
proceed  to  exploit  the  copyright  commercially, 
fees  received  being  utilized  for  the  purpose 
of  instituting  a  sickness  and  old-age  pension 
fund  for  the  benefit  of  Swedish  authors. 

The  International  Convention  adopted  at 
Berne  in  1906,  providing  that  the  use  of  white 
phosphorus  in  the  manufacture  of  matches 
should  be  prohibited,  was  ratified  up  to  the 
time  of  the  war,  by  only  ten  countries. 
Great  stimulus  was  given  to  the  adherence 
of  other  countries  to  this  convention  by  the 
recommendation  adopted  by  the  International 
Labor    Conference   at   Washington   in   1919, 


314 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


which  recommended  all  membei's  of  the  or- 
ganization which  had  not  already  done  so  to 
adhere  to  this  convention.  This  recommenda- 
tion has  been  followed  by  thirteen  countries. 
It  is  of  especial  interest  to  note  that  among 
these  thirteen  countries  are  included  China, 
India,  and  Japan. 

HuNGAEY  HAS  ENACTED  during  the  past  few 
months  a  number  of  acts  of  parliament  and 
administrative  decrees  affecting  labor.  These 
include  increases  in  compensation  to  war  in- 
valids, widows,  and  orphans  and  the  elimina- 
tion of  bonuses  to  civil  servants,  substituting 
a  fixed  salary  scale  therefor ;  the  establish- 
ment of  government  subsidies  for  certain 
agricultural  and  distributive  co-operative  so- 
cieties ;  reduction  in  taxation  on  houses  built 
between  January  1,  1924,  and  November  1, 
1926;  regulating  State  mortgages  on  newly 
built  dwelling  houses ;  a  further  20  per  cent 
reduction  in  the  civil  service  staff;  and 
the  amendment  of  social  insurance  laws  to 
take  account  of  the  decreased  value  of  Hun- 
garian currency. 

Interesting  evidence  of  the  changes  in 
industrial  and  social  conditions  which  are 
being  realized  in  China  is  afforded  by  the 
issue  of  draft  regulations  by  the  Chinese 
Government  authorizing  the  organization  of 
workers  into  trade  unions.  The  authorities, 
however,  may  order  the  dissolution  of  a  trade 
union  if  it  passes  or  carries  into  effect  a 
resolution  directed  against  the  present  form 
of  government ;  likely  to  disturb  the  public 
peace;  likely  to  endanger  the  normal  flow  of 
life  of  the  community,  or  likely  to  obstruct 
communication  or  inflict  injury  on  the  nation 
or  society. 

The  Ame:bican  De3t  Commission  has  pub- 
lished communications  with  the  mission  from 
Jugoslavia  in  which  the  United  States  laid 
down  the  definite  policy  that  it  will  permit 
of  no  action  by  foreign  debtor  nations  that 
would  make  the  position  of  this  government 
"less  favorable"  with  respect  to  obligations 
due  it.  The  commission  said  it  "regretted" 
the  government  of  the  kingdom  did  not  find 
it  possible  to  proceed  with  a  funding  discus- 
sion at  this  time,  but  accepted  the  statements 
of  the  Jugoslav  Government's  financial  con- 
dition as  warranting  the  hope  that  a  pro- 
posal for  funding  would  be  submitted  at  an 
early  date. 


A  Persian  republic  was  on  the  point  of 
being  proclaimed  New  Year's  day  (March 
21)  ;  but  at  the  last  moment  the  Shah 
clergy  raised  objections.  A  Royalist  demon- 
stration followed.  The  prime  minister,  after 
visiting  the  Ulemas  at  Kum,  issued  a  proc- 
lamation declaring  that  the  establishment  of 
a  republic  in  Persia  would  be  contrary  to 
the  Moslem  religion.  It  is  reported  that  the 
proclamation  prohibits  all  further  mention 
of  the  subject  under  payment  of  penalties.  In 
the  meantime  Persia  complains  to  the  League 
of  Nations  that  Great  Britain  and  Russia  are 
negotiating  a  continuance  of  spheres  of  influ- 
ence under  the  old  agreement  of  1907. 

The  German  taxation  offices  were  In- 
structed April  3  to  issue  no  more  certificates 
of  tax  payments  to  Germans  asking  for  pass- 
ports to  journey  abroad.  It  is  understood 
that  this  complete  prohibition  is  to  be  covered 
by  an  administrative  order.  A  fee  of  approxi- 
mately one  hundred  dollars  will  be  exacted 
for  permission  to  leave  Germany,  except  in 
certain   carefully   defined   cases. 

We  are  informed  that  since  the  Turkish 
national  government  came  into  power  at 
Angora  no  Armenian  has  been  massacred. 
Armenian  business  men  in  Constantinople 
are,  it  is  reported,  working  in  perfect  har- 
mony with  their  Moslem  fellow-citizens.  The 
Armenian  Patriarch  recently  expressed  the 
loyalty  of  his  flock  to  the  government  of  the 
Turkish  Republic,  and  the  Turkish  President 
replied  in  a  cordial  message,  expressing  the 
hope  that  all  races  shall  continue  to  work 
harmoniously  together  for  the  good  of  their 
common  country. 

It  appears  that  it  is  now  impossible  to 
establish  any  Armenian  national  home  in 
Turkey.  The  Armenian  national  delegation 
has  therefore  appealed  to  the  government, 
members  of  the  League  of  Nations,  to  facili- 
tate the  formation  in  their  respective  coun- 
tries of  national  committees  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  money  to  establish  Armenian 
refugees  as  permanent  settlers  on  lands  at 
present  available  in  Transcaucasia. 

The  Economic  Commissariat  of  the  Rus- 
sian Soviet  Government  reports  that  5,241 
industrial  enterprises  are  now  leased  to 
private  capitalists.  This  represents  22  per 
cent  of  the  program  launched  in  1921.  The 
leased  enterprises  are  all  small,  having  on 


192  A 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


315 


the  average  sixteen  workers  each.  Thirty 
per  cent  of  the  industries  are  leased  to  former 
owners,  22  per  cent  to  other  private  persons, 
and  the  remainder  to  State  bodies,  co-opera- 
tives, and  labor  groups.  Of  the  leased  enter- 
prises, 1,770  belong  to  the  food  industry, 
1,555  to  the  leather  industry,  602  to  metal,  and 
226  to  textile  industries. 

The  currency  reform  recently  inaugurated 
in  Russia  is  expected  to  produce  tremendous 
economic  changes  in  that  country.  Confidence 
in  the  financial  reform  is  already  shown  in 
the  decreased  prices  of  commodities  at  home 
and  in  the  appreciation  of  the  chervonetz  in 
the  foreign  exchange  markets.  The  Soviet 
Government,  taking  a  leaf  from  the  financial 
troubles  of  Germany,  is  making  strenuous 
efforts  to  maintain  the  level  of  real  wages,  so 
that  the  stabilized  prices  may  mean  a  real 
decrease  in  the  cost  of  living. 

A     MOVEMENT     IS     AFOOT     IN     SOUTH     AFRICA 

tending  toward  the  reorganization  of  the  ad- 
ministration of  native  affairs.  Hitherto,  the 
Prime  Minister  has  been  also  minister  of 
native  affairs.  It  is  said  that  General  Smuts, 
who  now  holds  that  position,  has  so  many 
calls  upon  his  attention  by  the  department 
itself  that  native  matters  fall  upon  a  min- 
ister whose  proper  portfoliio  is  that  of 
Mines  and  Industries.  Since  the  natives  of 
South  Africa  are,  as  a  whole,  ignorant  of 
the  law,  as  made  at  the  parliament  at  Cape 
Town,  and  since  they  need  a  firmer  and  more 
sympathetic  administration  than  is  possible 
under  the  present  arrangement,  it  is  urged 
that  a  separate  ministry  of  native  affairs  be 
created. 

An  All-Russian  conference  of  geologists 
met  in  Moscow  on  January  10.  Its  main  task 
was  to  prepare  a  plan  of  research  work  for 
1924. 

The  first  direct  train  from  Moscow  to 
Vladivostok  began  to  run  on  January  24. 
The  journey  occupies  twelve  days. 

General  Weygand,  the  High  Commissioner 
of  Syria,  is  reported  to  have  made  arrange- 
ments for  receiving  in  Syria  and  the  Lebanon 
10,000  Syrian  Orthodox,  who,  by  order  of  the 
Turkish  Government,  are  to  leave  the  vilayets 
of  Adana,  Diarbekir,  Urfa,  and  Aintab.  Most 
of  these  refugees  will  be  settled  in  the  Leb- 
anon. 


A  terrible  annihilating  force  Is  reported 
as  having  been  discovered  in  France  just 
previous  to  the  armistice.  It  is  appropriately 
called  the  "demon  ray,"  and  could  have  de- 
stroyed, it  is  believed,  the  whole  German 
army,  as  well  as  entire  populations  against 
whom  it  might  have  been  directed.  The  in- 
vention, which  was  abandoned  at  the  time 
of  the  armistice,  may,  it  is  thought,  now  be 
secretly  reconstructed  as  a  counter-weapon 
to  the  Matthews  ray. 

Land  tenancy  in  the  Irish  Free  State 
was  abolished  by  the  land  purchase  act 
passed  in  1923.  Tenants  now  become  pro- 
prietors, paying  annual  installments  to  the 
State.  The  installments  are  from  25  to  35 
per  cent  less  than  the  rents,  the  purchase  to 
be  completed  in  70  years.  Landlords  are  to 
be  paid  for  their  property  in  4%  per  cent 
Free  State  stock,  of  which  £25,000,000  will 
need  to  be  issued. 

The  world's  idle  steam  shipping  declined 
approximately  2^00,000  gross  tons  during 
1923,  in  nearly  equal  amounts  during  each 
half  of  the  year.  The  improvement  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  year  is  particularly  im- 
pressive, because  rates  have  declined.  The 
steady  decrease  in  idle  tonnage  in  the  face 
of  low  rates  is,  of  course,  a  reflection  of  the 
increasing  volume  of  world  ocean-borne  trade. 
Almost  half  the  decrease  in  idle  tonnage  dur- 
ing 1923  was  accounted  for  by  American 
ships. 

The  new  German  cabinet  has  decided  to 
repeal  the  maximum  rent  law,  acting  under 
the  special  powers  conferred  by  the  passage 
of  the  new  "authorization  act,"  This  drastic 
action  is  a  necessary  part  of  the  attempt  to 
reform  conditions  in  Germany.  It  has  long 
been  evident  that  no  permanent  Improve- 
ment in  conditions  could  be  achieved  until 
this  law  limiting  a  landlord's  return  from 
rented  property  was  changed,  and  a  provision 
adopted  some  months  ago,  whereby  repairs 
were  shifted  from  the  landlords  to  the  tenants 
of  a  property,  was  recognized  as  merely  a 
palliative.  The  property-owning  class  has 
been  threatened  with  extinction,  with  no  re- 
lief in  sight.  It  is  now  proposed  to  raise 
rents  gradually  until  they  shaU  equal  100  per 
cent  of  pre-war  gold  rates  in  October,  1924. 

The  Intebnational  Federation  of  Uni- 
vebstiy  Women  is  one  of  the  almost  innum- 


316 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


erable  organizations  intended  to  further  in- 
ternational understanding.  It  has  recently 
purchased  Crosby  Hall,  in  London,  for  a  club 
house.  The  American  Association  of  Uni- 
versity Women  is  giving  $5,000  to  fit  out  a 
room  in  the  building.  Crosby  Hall  is  de- 
signed to  be  a  beautiful,  historic  background 
for  quiet  study,  stimulating  fellowship  with 
other  students  and  the  leisurely  atmosphere 
necessary  to  research. 

An  instrument  known  as  the  "sun  com- 
pass" has  been  constructed  in  Norway  to  the 
design  of  Capt.  Roald  Amundsen,  for  use  on 
his  transpolar  flight.  It  will  supplant  the  or- 
dinary compass,  which  is  unreliable  in  the 
region  of  the  pole. 

Bulgaria  on  Aprll  24  extended  amnesty  to 
all  communist  and  agrarian  refugees  except 
leaders  and  organizers  of  last  September's 
revolt. 

Radium  deposits  of  great  promise  have 
been  discovered  in  Durrmaul,  west  of  Mari- 
enbad,  on  the  east  slopes  of  the  Bayrischer 
Wald,  in  Czechoslovakia.  Pitchblende  de- 
posits were  found  at  a  short  distance  beneath 
the  surface  on  old  copper-mining  properties 
which  have  long  been  idle.  A  joint  stock 
company,  with  headquarters  at  Marienbad, 
has  been  organized,  with  a  stock  capital  of 
11,000,000  Czech  crowns,  for  the  purpose  of 
working  these  deposits,  which  are  controlled 
by  private  interests,  although  there  are  re- 
ports that  financial  support  has  been  received 
from  the  Land  Credit  Bank  (Boden-Kredit- 
Anstalt)  of  Vienna. 

The  output  of  gold  in  Australia  for  1923 
showed  a  decrease  of  nearly  50,000  fine 
ounces  from  the  1922  production.  This  was 
due  principally  to  the  working  out  of  the 
richer  reefs  and  to  higher  operating  costs 
having  made  it  unprofitable  to  crush  the 
lower  grade  ore,  which,  under  more  moder- 
ate operating  costs,  accounted  for  consider- 
able yields.  The  industry  in  Western  Aus- 
tralia, which  produces  about  two-thirds  of 
the  gold  output  of  Australia,  was  hampered 
by  increased  wages,  but  since  the  wage 
award  has  been  modified  the  outlook  for  1924 
is  more  encouraging. 

One  of  the  largest  shipments  of  quinine 
ever  made  was  that  sent  by  the  American 
Red  Cross  to  Greece  on  February  9.  An 
initial    shipment   of   five   tons   went   on    the 


steamship  Themistocles  to  relieve  the  threat- 
ened epidemic  of  malaria.  The  American 
charge  d'affaires  at  Athens  cabled  the  State 
Department  asking  for  the  medicine.  He 
quoted  the  Greek  minister  of  Public  Assist- 
ance as  saying  that  the  deaths  reported  from 
exposure  in  Greece  today  are  because  of 
weakened  resistance  due  to  malaria  and  not 
to  malnutrition.  It  is  estimated  that  twenty 
tons  of  quinine  will  be  needed  in  Greece  be- 
fore the  end  of  spring. 

According  to  press  reports  from   Shang- 
hai, 50,000  of  the  new  Chinese  dollars  bear- 
ing the  effigy  of  Tsao  Kun,  now  president  of 
China,  have  been  sent  to  Nanking  for  distri- 
bution throughout  Kiangsu  Province.     Several 
Shanghai  organizations  are  reported  to  have 
protested  against  their  use  in  that  city.    The 
"Yuan"  dollar  bears  the  image  of  Yuan  Shi- 
kai,  first  president  of  the  Chinese  republic, 
and    coins    of    this    character    are    officially 
called  Yuan  rather  than  dollars.    The  use  of 
the   yuan   has  become  widespread  in   China 
inasmuch  as  the  national  budget,  all  official 
accounts  other  than  the  customs  returns,  and 
all  new  Chinese  banking  accounts  are  now 
based  on  this  new  dollar  instead  of  the  Ku- 
ping  tael.     Vast  quantities  of  Yuan  dollars 
are   in  circulation   today,   even  in  the  most 
interior  provinces,  and  in  most  of  the  larger 
places  they  have  been  displacing  the  older 
dollars.     In  Tientsin  and  other  North  China 
ports  the  Mexican  dollar  does  not  circulate  at 
all.    The  Chinese  attribute  this  popularity  of 
the  yuan  among  the  population  to  some  sort 
of  feeling  of  patriotism  or  pride  in  a  national 
dollar.    The  real  reason  for  the  wide  use  of 
this   dollar   is   the   unhampered   working   of 
Gresham's  law,  whereby  cheap  money  drives 
more  valuable  money  out  of  circulation.    The 
Mexican  dollar,  the  Japanese  silver  yen,  the 
American    "trade    dollar,"    and    the    various 
provincial  dollars  have  greater  silver  content 
and   silver  of  purer  quality  than   the  yuan 
and  are  gradually  going  out  of  circulation. 
Shanghai  is  about  the  only  large  city  in  China 
where  Mexican  dollars  are  still  fairly  widely 
used,  due  to  the  prevalence  of  "old  custom" 
of  the  port.     In  recent  examination  of  the 
cash  in  possession  of  several  large  firms  in 
Shanghai,   however,   it  was   found   that   the 
number  of  Yuan  dollars  was  equal  to  or  in 
most  cases  in  excess  of  the  Mexican.     With 
the  mass  of  the  Chinese  people  the  principal 
coins  in  use  are  the  copper  ten  cash  or  cent 
pieces  and  the  old  brass  cash.     For  large 


192 Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


317 


transactions  the  Shanghai  or  other  local  taels 
are  used.  There  are  no  tael  coins,  however, 
as  the  tael  as  a  coin  is  purely  fictitious  and 
is  actually  a  measure  of  weight,  used  also  as 
a  measure  of  value.  Bullion  in  the  shape  of 
"sycee  shoes" — i.  e.,  fine  silver,  of  approxi- 
mately fifty  taels  (Chinese  ounces)  in 
weight — back  up  tael  transactions. 

The  new  National  Park  of  Tasmania  is 
an  eldorado  for  scientists  as  well  as  for  sight- 
seers. No  other  State  in  the  Australian  Com- 
monwealth has  set  apart  so  large  a  propor- 
tion of  its  territory  for  playgrounds  as  has 
Tasmania.  For  some  time  there  has  been  a 
national  park  of  over  38,000  acres  on  the 
Island  and  a  game  reserve  of  about  30,000 
acres  on  the  east  coast.  Now  250  square 
miles  have  been  set  apart  and  called  "The 
Cradle  Mountain-Lake  St.  Clair  Reserve." 
The  whole  area  of  the  island  is  only  26,215 
square  miles.  This  new  reserve  is  covered 
with  mountains,  lakes,  and  unexplored  for- 
ests. Comparatively  recent  glacial  action  is 
to  be  observed  recorded  on  some  of  the  rocks. 
Not  only  will  geologists  find  a  rich  wonder- 
land here,  but  biologists  may  observe  abun- 
dant and  unusual  flora  and  faima.  Automo- 
bile roads  do  not  yet  reach  the  reserve,  but 
are  every  year  creeping  closer  from  both 
north  and  south. 

Belgium  has  made  little  progress  in  the 
construction  of  the  type  of  cottage  or  villa 
such  as  is  familiar  In  Great  Britain  or  the 
United  States.  The  average  Belgian  business 
employee  does  not  earn,  even  after  some 
years'  service,  over  20,000  francs  ($1,000) 
annually,  and  the  amount  of  his  credit  and 
also  the  proportion  of  earnings  put  into  a 
house  are  much  lower  than  in  the  United 
States.  Furthermore,  since  European  cities 
have  existed  for  centuries,  the  populated  and 
built-up  areas  are  concentrated  and  the  open- 
ing up  of  new  residential  blocks  are  rare. 
Municipal  transportation  is  rarely  adequate, 
and  the  small  wage-earner  is  thus  obliged 
to  content  himself  with  a  flat,  as  cheap  as 
possible  and  as  near  as  may  be  his  place  of 
business.  Wooden  houses  of  any  sort  are  a 
great  rarity,  and  even  stucco  construction  on 
metal  lath  is  unknown.  The  average  front- 
age for  a  residential  lot  in  any  Belgian  city 
is  5  to  9  meters  and  the  depth  not  over  25  or 
30,  of  which  20  to  25  is  occupied  by  the  house. 
In  other  words,  anything  like  the  yard  which 
every  American  wants  around  his   home   is 


next  to  unknown,  except  in  villa  quarters  fre- 
quented by  the  well-to-do. 

A  drive  against  hjutebact  is  on  in  Russia. 
Lunarchasky,  People's  Commissary  for  Edu- 
cation, made  a  most  disquieting  report  at  the 
recent  All  Russian  Congress  of  Soviets.  At 
present,  the  total  number  of  illiterates  in  the 
R.  S.  F.  S.  R.,  between  the  ages  of  18  and  55, 
is  about  18,000,000.  In  every  thousand  males 
there  are  270  illiterates,  and  in  every  thou- 
sand females  629.  Illiteracy  is  least  among 
people  from  20  to  29  years  old.  There  is  a 
very  serious  number  of  illiterates  below  20 
years  of  age.  While  conditions  have  greatly 
improved  in  the  towns  during  the  last  two 
years,  the  country  districts  have  remained 
much  the  same.  As  long  ago  as  December, 
1919,  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to  educate 
the  people  of  Russia.  About  five  millions 
were  reached  by  that  campaign,  and  from  two 
to  three  million  people  learned  to  read  and 
write.  The  famine  of  1921,  however,  gave 
a  serious  setback  to  the  educational  work,  as 
state  funds  had  to  be  deflected  to  relief  work, 
A  special  illiteracy  congress  in  1923  decided 
that  in  1927,  the  tenth  aniversary  of  the 
October  Revolution,  there  must  be  no  illit- 
eracy in  the  Soviet  Union  between  the  ages 
of  18  and  35.  The  problem  is  to  be  attacked 
along  three  lines:  First,  members  of  trade 
unions ;  second,  young  army  recruits ;  third, 
and  most  diflicult,  the  peasant  population  of 
the  villages.  The  campaign  and  its  publicity 
are  to  be  conducted  by  a  special  commission 
set  up  for  the  purpose. 

Works  in  the  new  Niger  Colony  (Blench 
West  Africa)  are  going  on  apace  A  few 
months  ago  the  vast  territories,  partly  desert, 
located  between  the  Niger  and  Lake  Tchad, 
were  made  a  French  colony.  In  consequence 
the  civil  administration  set  about  making  the 
most  of  it.  Plows  were  imported  and  the 
natives  taught  to  use  them.  A  program  of 
agricultural  hydraulics  is  in  course  of  execu- 
tion. As  water  is  scarce,  dams  are  con- 
structed in  the  valley,  so  as  to  form  a  reser- 
voir. In  case  cultivation  might  be  extended, 
wells  are  dug  in  pastures  and  near  caravan 
routes.  The  natives  are  being  taught  to  de- 
velop their  cotton,  rice,  and  arachid  planta- 
tions. The  cotton  is  woven  by  the  natives, 
and  this  industry  is  competing  successfully 
with  imported  English  cotton  goods.  But  the 
real  wealth  of  the  colony  lies  in  stock-raising, 


318 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


which  is  being  improved.  A  sheepfold  has 
been  established  in  Niamey  for  acclimating 
merinos  and  other  fine  wool  sheep. 

The  Govebnment  of  French  Guinea 
(West  Africa)  has  just  published  a  report 
by  Agronomical  Engineer  Chillon  on  banana 
planting  in  this  colony.  It  contains  an  out- 
line of  all  aspects  of  the  subject,  from  plant- 
ing to  export.  The  conclusions  drawn  are 
most  encouraging  for  the  future  of  this  in- 
dustry. With  a  capital  from  250,000  to 
300,000  francs  maximum  for  plowing,  for 
necessary  farm  animals,  for  buildings,  ma- 
terial and  tools,  Mr.  Chillon  declares  it  possi- 
ble to  work  a  banana  plantation  of  20  hec- 
tares, which,  if  cultivated  intensively,  will 
produce,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  soil 
and  quality  of  fertilizer  employed,  from 
1,500,000  to  2,000,000  kilos  (about  four  mil- 
lion pounds)  of  bananas  per  year.  The  ques- 
tion of  transportation  solved,  the  profits  are 
easily  figured,  as  a  crate  of  40  kilos  sells  for 
at  least  120  francs  in  Bordeaux  or  Marseilles, 
and  costs  for  packing  and  transport  from 
Kindia  to  France  do  not  exceed  31  francs 
per  crate. 

The  new  capital  of  Australia  is  Can- 
berra, New  South  Wales.  The  cabinet  met 
there  for  the  first  time  officially  on  January 
30.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
world  a  whole  continent  is  now  controlled  by 
a  government  in  a  capital  belonging  to  itself. 
The  Minister  of  Works  hopes  to  push  on  the 
construction  of  the  capital,  so  that  the  pres- 
ent Parliament  may  meet  there  before  the 
present  house  expires,  at  the  end  of  1925. 
The  central  administration  of  all  departments 
will  necessarily  remain  in  Melbourne  for  sev- 
eral years,  but  eventually  the  government 
will  be  entirely  centered  in  Canberra,  the 
"bush"  capital.  No  land  of  the  federal  terri- 
tory is  to  be  alienated.  The  land  ordinance 
provides  for  99-year  leases,  with  periodic 
reappraisements.  The  port  of  Canberra,  on 
Jervis  Bay,  is  also  federal  territory.  Can- 
berra is  to  be  absolutely  dry,  and  no  licenses 
for  the  manufacture  or  sale  of  liquor  are  to 
be  granted  under  any  circumstances.  The 
historic  first  meeting  of  the  cabinet  in  the 
new  capital,  January  30,  took  place  in  Yarra- 
lumia  House,  formerly  a  sheep  station. 

The  Turkish  Government  has  established, 
with  German  aid,  a  regular  air  mail  service 
between  Constantinople  and  Angora. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Masters    and    Men.     By    Philip    Guedalla. 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York.     Pp.  171. 

He  says  it  so  charmingly  that  what  he  says 
is  of  quite  secondary  importance.  A  news 
reporter  would  boil  down  the  four  to  eight 
pages  of  any  of  these  essays  to  a  sentence  or 
two  and  omit  nothing  of  the  outlina  But 
how  dull  it  would  instantly  become!  The 
thing  we  enjoy  is  the  mind  across  which  the 
thoughts  move  like  pantomimes  across  a 
stage.  The  airy  back-drop,  the  rich  stage 
setting,  the  elusiveness  and  subtlety  of  the 
lighting,  lend  to  the  scenes  a  sort  of  magic. 

Mr.  Guedalla  is  a  whimsical  and  delighted 
observer  of  the  world  of  men  and  books.  He 
whittles  his  ironic  wit  to  a  fine  point  and 
with  it  spears  a  fly.  Trivial  things  become 
important  under  the  play  of  his  persiflage; 
pompous  things  become  trivial.  He  is  not 
bitter  in  his  malice,  nor  troubled  at  the  ab- 
surdities of  the  great;  on  the  contrary,  he  is 
engagingly  good-humored,  as  he  "hits  them 
off."  Mr.  Guedalla  makes  a  game  of  criti- 
cism. He  lingers  over  his  aphorisms  and 
plays  with  his  phrases.  Indeed,  is  it  not 
recorded  of  him  in  "Who's  Who,"  that  his 
recreations  are  "reviewing  and  European 
travel"? 

Of  the  essays  which  contain  a  real  message 
to  thoughtful  persons,  we  choose  "The  Ego- 
ists," "Ministers  of  State,"  and  "William 
Pitt"  as,  perhaps,  the  best. 

The  author  does  not  hesitate  to  gibe  at 
those  solemn  statesmen  who  stand  about  "in 
attitudes  that  look  well  on  a  marble  monu- 
ment." At  another  time  he  pays  the  tribute 
of  his  wit  to  that  pleasing  habit  of  ancient 
universities  to  refuse  to  strike  didactic  atti- 
tudes. "Their  tone,"  he  says,  "their  charm- 
ing human  products,  their  engaging  angle  of 
view,  .  .  .  must  all  impress  the  really 
serious  observer  as  lamentably  (or  is  it  laud- 
ably?) devoid  of  any  avowed  educational 
purpose." 

He  slyly  alludes  to  the  "war  years  and  the 
obscurer  scuffles  which  constitute  a  peace." 
But  most  delicious  of  all,  because  so  descrip- 
tive of  himself,  is  his  characterization  of  a 


192  If 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


319 


writer  in  tliose  Victorian  years  wlien  "editors 
could  still  afford  a  sense  of  style."  Of  this 
writer  he  says :  "Having  launched  his  wicked 
paradox,  he  tilted  his  hat  and,  seeing  an 
epigram  in  the  distance,  strolled  jauntily  off 
up  a  side  issue,  as  an  essayist  should."  The 
book  is  a  network  of  "side  issues"  refreshing 
to  follow. 

African    Questions    at    the    Paris  Peace 

Conference.      By     George     Louis  Beers. 

Macmillan  Co.,  New  York.     Pp.  628.  Price, 
$6.00. 

The  author  of  this  book  was  prepared  for 
his  work  by  a  long  and  careful  study  of 
American  and  British  colonial  questions. 
During  the  Peace  Conference  at  Paris  he  was 
chief  of  the  Colonial  Section  of  the  American 
delegation. 

Whether  or  not  the  international  principles 
upon  which  he  founded  his  theories  of  colonial 
mandates  were  sound,  the  book  stands  as  an 
accurate  account  of  the  colonial  discussions 
at  the  Paris  Conference  of  1918-1919. 

Mr.  Beers  died  in  1920,  and  his  papers,  al- 
most ready  for  the  press  at  that  time,  have 
been  edited  and  annotated  by  his  friend  and 
assistant,  Louis  Herbert  Gray. 

Ordinance  Power  of  the  Japanese  Em- 
peror. By  Tomo  Nakano,  Ph.  D.  Johns 
Hopkins  Press,  Baltimore.  Pp.  269.  Price, 
$2.50. 

Here  is  a  valuable  book  on  constitutional 
jurisprudence  as  exemplified  in  the  Japanese 
constitutional  monarchy. 

Dr.  Nakano  calls  the  introduction  of  the 
constitution  of  Japan  an  evolution  rather 
than  a  revolution,  since  it  emanated  from 
the  emperor  himself,  who  had  hitherto  en- 
joyed unlimited  power.  This  indicates  the 
reason  for  the  many  unusual  powers  retained 
by  the  Japanese  Emperor.  The  author  has 
treated  his  subject  with  a  scholarly  regard 
for  facts  and  in  a  remarkably  democratic 
spirit. 

Turkey,  the  Great  Powers,  and  the  Bagdad 
Railway.  By  Edward  E.  Earl.  Macmil- 
lan Co.,  New  York.     Pp.  364.     Price,  $2.25. 

Any  American  who  wishes  intelligently  to 
follow  his  country's  activity  in  the  Near 
East,  or  wuo  desires  to  know  why  the  Chester 
Concessions  may  be  either  a  promise  or  a 
menace,  will  read  this  book  with  intense  in- 
terest.    Professor  Earl,  of  Columbia,  writes 


with  remarkable  clarity  on  an  Involved  and 
tangled  matter,  the  history  of  the  "Berlin  to 
Bagdad"  plan.  He  shows  how,  in  the  eco- 
nomic and  political  ramifications  of  the  sub- 
ject, it  contributed  largely  to  the  outbreak  of 
the  "Great  War."  The  romantic  story  of 
the  railway,  merged  as  it  is  with  the  history 
of  Turkey  since  1876,  he  narrates  In  brisk 
and  readable  English.  Remarkably  full  bib- 
liographies follow  each  chapter,  and  a  well- 
arranged  index  completes  the  value  of  this 
book  as  a  work  of  reference. 

Primitive  Ordeal  and  Modern  Law.  By 
H.  Goitein.  Allen  &  Unwin,  Ltd.,  London. 
Pp.  302. 

Like  so  many  books  published  in  England, 
this  thick,  well-bound  volume  is  light  to  hold. 
This  quality,  together  with  the  large,  clear 
type,  makes  reading  its  pages  a  pleasure. 
The  chapters  are  well  outlined,  and  at  the 
back  of  the  book  is  not  only  an  index,  but 
ten  pages  of  classified  bibliography  with  ex- 
planatory comment. 

The  author  has  not  allowed  the  technicality 
of  his  theme  to  put  him  out  of  touch  with  the 
general  reader  of  intelligence.  He  does  not 
"talk  down,"  nor  does  he  presuppose  too 
much  special  knowledge,  either  of  psychology 
or  of  law. 

The  unique  thing  in  this  history  of  the  rise 
of  law  lies  in  its  psychological  explanation  of 
the  various  steps  in  the  long  climb.  The 
author  takes  the  modern  conception  of  the 
mind  as  a  network  of  "complexes,"  each  of 
which  has  a  core  of  primary  instinct.  The 
considerations  of  human  decency,  taste,  or 
expediency,  which  restrain  and  guide  the  in- 
stinct, form  the  "complex."  Instinct,  how- 
ever, is  always  the  dynamic  energy  of  each 
complex. 

Primitive  man,  impelled  by  an  instinct 
greater  than  himself,  instantly  killed,  if  pos- 
sible, another  man  who  wronged  him.  Then 
arose  feuds  and  tribal  mel6es,  with  great 
danger  of  tribal  extinction.  As  a  refuge  from 
the  destructive  energy  of  his  vindictive  pas- 
sions, man  started  afresh  and  devised  the 
"ordeal."  Here,  by  tests  of  water,  fire,  poi- 
son, lot,  combat,  divinations  of  various  kinds, 
somebody  was  made  a  victim  for  the  wrong 
committed,  and  the  conflict  which  had  risen 
in  the  "unconscious"  of  the  observer  was  re- 
lieved. At  the  same  time,  that  instinct  which 
bade  man  protect  his  group  was  satisfied. 
The  group  assumed  no  risk,  but  found  ex- 


320 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


May 


citement  and  satisfaction  observing  tlie  death- 
fantasy  in  the  drama  of  the  "ordeal."  The 
death-fantasy  endangered  no  one  but  the  ac- 
cused. Thus  two  primal  instincts  were  har- 
monized. 

Gradually  intelligence  grew  and  shed  a 
fitful  light  upon  man's  social  perplexities. 
The  judge  and  the  oath  emerged;  then  the 
power  of  generalization  which  formulated 
usage — "Our  fathers  did  so."  While  human 
demand  for  the  punishment  of  the  guilty  was 
no  less,  man's  safety  was  further  guarded 
by  the  era  of  codification.  After  long  years, 
society  evolved  the  jury  system,  which  bal- 
anced the  expression  of  past  public  opinion, 
as  exemplified  in  the  judge  and  the  code,  by 
present  public  opinion,  as  expressed  in  a  jury 
of  average  persons. 

In  his  consideration  of  constitutional  law 
the  author  takes  cognizance  of  present  criti- 
cisms of  it.  "When  the  tone  of  society  is 
healthy  and  vigorous,"  he  says,  "there  is 
usually  a  sub-acid  impatience  felt  for  tra- 
dition," He  admits  that  at  times  the  law 
seems  unable  to  grow  and  must  be  replaced. 
However,  morality  does  grow  and  is  dynamic 
in  social  progress.  In  the  light  of  the  moral 
ideal,  the  rule  of  law  is  frequently  recast  and 
the  customs  of  people  profoundly  change. 

It  is  a  pity  not  to  speak  of  the  many  curi- 
ous customs  in  ordeals  and  other  forms  of 
early  judgments  of  which  the  book  treats, 
but  for  our  purposes  the  value  of  the  book 
lies  in  its  prophecy,  built  up,  as  it  is,  on 
historical  and  scientific  arguments. 

There  can  be,  thinks  Mr.  Goitein,  no  rea- 
son why  the  deep  urge  within  us  which  calls 
for  the  finding  and  correcting  of  offenders 
should  not  be  ultimately  reconciled  with  that 
other  deep  instinct  which  demands  the  safe- 
guarding of  our  own.  Humanity  is  beginning 
to  realize  its  kinship.  Reason,  once  emerged, 
can,  of  course,  do  no  more  than  direct  the 
surge  of  elemental  passion.  It  dares  attempt 
no  more,  "nor,"  says  the  author,  "will  it 
ever."  But  those  instincts  will  become  more 
balanced  as  world  public  opinion  becomes 
more  unified  and  more  aware  of  itself. 

We  who  have  been  saying  for  so  long,  "It 
ought  to  be,"  may  be  glad  to  hear  a  psy- 
chologist of  the  new  school  say  that  there  is 
nothing  in  human  mentality  to  prevent,  but 
everything  to  further,  the  belief  that  human 
morality  will  support  world  law;  that  all 
necessary  emotional  outlets  for  outraged 
sense  of  right  can  be  amply  supplied  by  the 
world  drama  of  international  justica 


History  of  Iceland.    By  Knut  Ojerset.    Mac- 
millan.  New  York.     Pp.  482.     Price,  $4.00. 

One  who  loves  to  delve  in  the  romance  of 
early  North  American  history  will  at  once 
feel  a  strong  attraction  to  this  well-told  nar- 
rative of  the  Icelandic  past.  Looming  out  of 
the  fogs  of  our  own  earliest  history  stands  the 
figure  of  an  eager,  spirited  young  Viking, 
Leif,  the  son  of  Eric  the  Red.  We  know  that 
he  explored  the  coast  of  our  northeastern 
regions  when,  on  a  voyage  from  Iceland  and 
Greenland,  he  found  a  land  of  grapes  and 
tried  to  establish  a  colony  there.  Leif  Erics- 
son's brilliant  personality  serves  as  the  point 
of  contact,  through  which  we  naturally  slip 
back  into  early  Iceland,  the  story  of  which  is 
delightfully  and  fully  told  by  Dr.  Gjerset. 

The  same  restless,  venturesome  spirit  which 
characterized  I^if  and  his  father,  Eric,  who 
discovered  and  settled  Greenland,  is  found 
in  those  wandering  Vikings  from  Norway  who 
began  the  colonization  of  Iceland.  Some  of 
these  stopped  for  a  generation  or  two  in  the 
Hebrides  and  other  islands  lying  off  the  north 
coast  of  Britain.  There,  by  intermarriage 
between  Norse  chieftains  and  Irish  kings  and 
princesses,  the  future  Icelanders  picked  up  a 
large  admixture  of  Celtic  blood,  which  per- 
haps explains  the  fine  school  of  early  poetry, 
so  Celtic  in  its  feeling,  that  developed  in  Ice- 
land very  soon  after  the  period  of  coloniza- 
tion. 

From  870  to  930  Norse  and  Norse-Irish 
immigration  poured  into  the  picturesque 
island,  where,  in  comparative  isolation,  the 
strong  racial  tide  of  development  went  on 
undisturbed  by  the  outer  world. 

The  simple  descriptive  names  that  dot  the 
story  are  like  an  echo  of  some  old  saga,  where 
in  truth  many  of  them  are  preserved.  There 
is  Thorwald  Kodransson,  the  "Far-traveller," 
who  was  instrumental  in  bringing  Christian- 
ity to  his  people;  there  is  "Helga,  the  Fair," 
heroine  of  the  saga  of  Gunlaug;  and  away 
back  at  the  beginning  of  Icelandic  history 
that  strong  and  just  woman  chieftain,  "Aud, 
the  Deep-minded." 

The  adventures  of  these  early  families  pass 
before  us  like  a  pageant.  The  struggle  for 
self-government  is  especially  well  told.  First, 
the  family  groups,  with  their  chieftains  in 
absolute  control,  met  together  in  larger  as- 
sembles, called  Thing;  then  came  the  union 
of  these  in  the  Allthing.  Nominal  depend- 
ence, first  upon  Norway,  then  upon  Denmark, 
became  real  dependence,  most  irksome  to  the 
impatient  Icelander.     Dr.  Gjerset  tells  quite 


192Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


331 


in  detail,  albeit  simply,  the  loug  struggle  for 
autonomy  until,  in  1918,  Iceland  became  a 
Danish  Crown  colony,  recognized  by  the  gov- 
ernment as  an  independent  State. 

For  the  benefit  of  the  eye  in  reading,  one 
could  wish  that  the  long  unbroken  paragraphs 
might  have  been  split  up  into  smaller  sec- 
tions; yet,  in  spite  of  solid  pages,  the  story 
runs  freely. 

The  author  has  succeeded  remarkably  well 
in  making  it  a  history  with  a  core  of  social 
interest.  Economic,  literary,  and  i-eligious 
cm*reuts  are  traced,  along  with  the  political 
sweep  of  events. 

The  rugged  Arctic  land,  itself,  is  real  to  the 
imagination,  with  its  geysei's,  the  wild  gran- 
deur of  its  northern  lights,  the  lurid  fires  of 
its  active  volcanoes  playing  upon  snow-topped 
mountains  in  the  long  winter  night.  We  are 
astonished,  if  we  did  not  kno,Vf,  at  the  mild 
climate  of  the  southern  and  western  districts, 
which  are  bathed  by  the  Gulf  Stream.  There 
the  clear  sky,  blue  fjords,  and  tranquil,  serene 
beauty  of  summer-time  are  painted  in  words 
that  do  not  seem  to  exaggerate. 

On  the  whole,  this  study  of  an  eddy  of  the 
well-known  Scandinavian  race-history  serves 
to  illuminate  several  interesting  periods  of 
European  and  western  history.  Iceland  be- 
comes something  more  than  its  fine  old 
sagas — a  civilization  akin  to  all  the  democ- 
racies of  today. 

INIODEBN  EUEOPEAN  CIVILIZATION  :    A  Text-book 

for  Secondary  Schools.     By  Roscoe  Lewis 
Ashley.    Macmillan,  New  York.     Pp.  730, 

The  main  purpose  of  this  book,  and  also  of 
its  predecessor,  "Early  European  Civiliza- 
tion," is  the  explanation  of  the  present 
through  the  study  of  the  past.  Tlie  author 
has  succeeded  admirably  in  his  effort  to  fol- 
low the  development  of  Europe  along  social 
and  economic  lines.  He  subordinates  to  this 
plan  the  material  which  is  purely  political  or 
military,  making  on  the  whole  a  well-balanced 
and  valuable  book  for  young  students. 

Europe  Since  1918.  By  Herliert  Adams  Qih- 
hona.  Century  Co.,  New  York.  Pp.  622. 
Price,  $3.00. 

"We  must  know  how  things  actually  are  in 
order  that  we  may  help  effectively  to  make 
them  what  they  ought  to  be."  With  these 
words  Herbert  Adams  Gibbons  closes  the  in- 
troduction to  his  book  and  plunges  into  the 
maelstrom  of  recent  European  political  his- 
tory. 


If  any  observer  can  be  absolutely  unbiased ; 
if  it  be  possible  accurately  to  trace  the 
tangled  course  of  events  in  Europe  from  1018 
to  the  present  year,  Dr.  Gibbons  is  well  pre- 
pared to  do  that  important  work.  After  his 
university  training  in  this  coimtry  and  ordi- 
nation into  the  ministry,  he  became  a  news- 
paper correspondent  in  the  Near  East.  With 
increasing  interest  in  international  political 
history,  he  gave  lectures  on  that  subject  in 
Robert  College,  Constantinople,  in  Princeton 
and  elsewhere.  During  the  war  he  was  war 
correspondent  and  has  contributed  articles 
on  European  affairs  to  leading  American 
periodicals.  Dr.  Gibbons  claims  that  he 
never  had  any  ax  to  grind;  that  he  is  not 
"pro-any thing."  The  book  itself  is  evidence 
enough  that  he  is  a  close  and  thoughtful 
observer. 

Nevertheless,  it  is  not  an  academic  book. 
That  the  writer  has  a  clear  and  wholesome 
philosophy,  is  clear.  The  book,  however,  is 
strictly  objective,  the  language  simple  and 
spirited;  there  are  quotable  sentences.  The 
chapters  rim  through  the  conditions  in 
Europe  at  the  time  of  the  Armistice;  the 
making  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles;  "The 
Tragedy  of  Paris";  the  treaties  of  St.  Ger- 
main and  Trianon;  the  Balkan  settlemeut; 
the  status  of  Russia,  Poland,  Italy,  Central 
Europe ;  the  Ottoman  Empire  and  the  East- 
ern question.  There  is  a  chapter  on  the 
significance  of  the  Washington  Conference, 
and  others  summarizing  later  conferences, 
the  Ruhr  question,  and  the  interallied  debts. 

In  the  conclusion  of  his  valuable  survey, 
Mr.  Gibbons  opinos  that  the  influence  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  or  even  of  the  World 
Court,  in  untangling  Europe  will  be  negligible 
as  compared  with  the  individual  policies  of 
France  and  Great  Britain.  As  things  now 
stand,  he  believes  that  earnest  men  should, 
instead  of  devoting  their  time  to  war-preven- 
tion machinery,  consider  much  more  effec- 
tively those  gi'eat  present  causes  of  war — 
"inequality  in  trade,  colonization  and  invest- 
ment opportunities  among  powers  of  equal 
size,  strength,  standard  of  living,  stkI  nrn- 
ductive  capacity." 

The  book  should  help  those  whom  Mr.  um- 
bons  wished  to  reach,  "so  that  sentimentality 
will  not  obscure  common  sense  in  forming 
their  opinion  on  the  important  problem  of 
America's  place  in  the  world  and  America's 
duty  toward  the  world."  True,  it  Is  im- 
possible to  define  common  sense;  but  wo  all 
know  it  when  we  see  it. 


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Volume  86,  No.  6 


June,   1924 


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THE  PURPOSE 

OOHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  penria- 
nent  international  peace  through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
-—Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II, 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Aethcb  Dbeein  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  heing  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 

CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 323 

Editorials 

How  Shall  We  Enter  the  World  Court? — Immanuel  Kant's  Bicen- 
tenary— ^The  French  Elections — The  German  Elections — Mean- 
ing of  the  British  Empire  Exhibition — Editorial  Notes 325-334 

World  Problems  in  Re^'iew 

United  States  and  the  World  Court,  the  Two  Views — France  and 
Germany  at  the  Polls — ^The  British  Budget — The  Latest  Census  in 
India    334-344 

General  Articles 

On  the  State  of  Union 344 

By  David  Jayne  Hill 
The  Twenty-second  Conference  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union 346 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Professor  Quidde's  Arrest 348 

By  Hans  Wehberg 
Russia  and  the  World 350 

By  Leo  Pasvolsky 
Foreign  Trade  of  Soviet  Russia  for  1923 355 

By  L.   J.   Lev?ery 
International  Documents 

President  Coolidge  on  World  Peace 357 

Germany  and  The  Hague  Peace  Conferences 360 

Hungarian  Financial  Reconstruction 365 

Mr.  Hughes  and  Our  Foreign  Policy 369 

News  in  Brief 373 

Letter  Box 378 


Book    RE^^IEW8 . 


379 


Publications  of  the  American  Peace  Society 383 


Vol.86  JUNE,    1924 No.  6  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  i»  the  first  of  Its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  Is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extendine  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  iuilt  on  Justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  Its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  International 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  of 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  circu- 
lated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  In 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated   under   the   laws   of   Massachusetts  since 

1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional    Membership,    twenty-five  dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peach. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  President  American 
Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  Tulsa,  Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American   Red   Cross,    Washington,    D.    C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,   D.   C. 

Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  Build- 
ing, Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Morris,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Boulevard, 
Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson   H.   Ralston,   Palo  Alto,   California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  Ex-President  Fairmont  Sem- 
inary,  Southern   Pines,  North  Carolina. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green 
Hon,  Wililam  B.  McKinlet 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon  Henry  W.  Tkmplh 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.    Theodore   E.    Burton,    Member    of   Congress 
from  Ohio,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Secretary: 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 


Treasurer: 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N'.  J. 

Gilbert   Bowles,    Esq.,   Richmond,    Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Piske,   Esq.,  Boston,   Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 


Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Bishop  William    Lawrence,   Boston,   Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,   Boston,  Mass. 

William   H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.   H.   Pillsbury,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.   Frederic   Schoff,    Philadelphia,   Pa. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Salida,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward   Stevens,   Columbia,  Mo. 

*Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.   C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,   Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary   E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


•Emeritus. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts wliich  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  Individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods ; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Adminigtratlve 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non- justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  imder- 
standing  that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  Inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective:  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


JUNE,  1924 


EDITORIALS 


HOW  SHALL  WE  ENTER  THE 
WORLD  COURT? 

THAT  the  United  States  are  to  enter 
a  "World  Court  of  International  Jus- 
tice is  inevitable.  This  entrance  cannot 
be  postponed  for  long.  It  has  been  the 
aspiration  of  our  people  for  years.  The 
trials  of  the  war  have  increased  this 
aspiration.  The  fact  that  there  is  a 
World  Court  in  operation  has  dramatized 
the  reality  and  precipitated  anew  a  vast 
amount  of  discussion. 

There  are  two  schools  of  thought  upon 
the  manner  of  our  participation  in  such 
a  court.  One  school  is  made  up  of  men 
and  women  who  are  of  the  opinion  that 
the  International  Court  of  Justice  set  up 
by  the  League  of  Nations  under  Article 
14  of  its  covenant,  made  up  of  judges 
elected  by  the  Assembly  and  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  League  of  Nations,  with  salaries 
determined  by  the  Assembly  of  the  League 
of  Nations  upon  proposal  of  the  Coun- 
cil— a  court  the  expenses  of  which  are 
borne  by  the  League  of  Nations  in  such 
manner  as  shall  be  decided  by  the  As- 
sembly upon  the  proposal  of  the  Council, 
a  court  empowered  to  give  advisory 
opinions  to  the  League  of  Nations — is, 
therefore,  an  agent  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. Since  the  United  States  is  not  a 
member  of  the  League  of  Nations  and 
since  the  United  States  has  definitely 
voted  to  stay  out  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, it  is  argued  by  these  persons  that 


the  United  States  cannot  consistently  ad- 
here to  the  protocol  of  the  court. 

These  persons  are  not  content  merely 
to  assume  a  negative  position  upon  this 
important  matter.  They  have  construct- 
ive proposals  to  make.  Various  plans 
have  been  introduced  in  the  Senate  for 
paving  the  way  for  a  court  which  our 
country  could  join.  The  latest  and  per- 
haps most  formidable  of  these  proposals 
appeared  in  the  form  of  a  joint  resolution 
submitted  to  the  Senate  by  Senator 
Lodge,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Eelations  and  leader  of  the  Ee- 
publican  majority  in  the  Senate,  under 
date  of  May  8.  The  resolution  has  been 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations  of  the  Senate,  where  it  wiU  be 
subject  to  hearings.  This  plan,  now 
known  as  the  "Lodge  plan,**  will  have  to 
pass  both  the  Senate  and  the  House  and 
be  submitted  to  the  President  for  signa- 
ture or  disapproval  before  it  can  become 
effective.  The  resolution  proposes  that 
the  President  be  requested  to  call,  on  the 
behalf  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  a  third  Hague  Conference,  and  to 
recommend  to  such  conference  a  statute 
for  the  establishment  of  a  World  Court 
of  International  Justice.  This  plan, 
undergoing  modifications,  is  before  the 
Senate.    The  Court  is  a  practical  project. 

There  is  an  active  group  of  organiza- 
tions, primarily  friendly  to  the  League  of 
Nations,  which  is  utterly  opposed  to  the 


326 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Lodge  plan  on  the  ground  that  it  is  an 
effort  to  draw  a  red  herring  across  the 
trail  that  leads  to  the  acceptance  of  the 
court  established  by  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. Mr.  Harding,  Mr.  Hughes,  and 
Mr.  Coolidge  have  recommended  that  we 
Join  the  existing  court.  These  proposals 
have  received  enthusiastic  support,  par- 
ticularly of  all  friends  of  the  League  of 
Nations.  The  Senate,  through  a  special 
committee  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  has  been  conducting  hearings 
upon  the  matter.  Enthusiastic  promoters 
of  the  existing  court  have  appeared  before 
this  committee  in  considerable  numbers. 
These  friends  are  now  afraid  that  the  pro- 
posal will  not  be  brought  before  the  Sen- 
ate, or,  if  the  committee  lays  it  before 
the  Senate,  that  unacceptable  reservations 
may  appear  attached  to  it.  These  per- 
sons point  out  that  the  Lodge  plan  is  im- 
possible, for  the  reason  that  forty-seven 
nations  in  the  court  now  established  will 
not  forsake  it  to  join  a  new  and  unneces- 
sary one.  The  arguments  of  these  pro- 
tagonists of  the  present  court  appear  else- 
where in  these  columns. 

Our  own  view  is  that  the  friends  of  a 
court  do  not  improve  their  case  by  in- 
judicious statements  or  by  extravagances 
familiar  to  the  special  pleader.  In  our 
judgment,  the  following  paragraph  is 
calculated  to  do  the  court  more  harm  than 
good: 

"There  is  no  more  chance  for  the  World 
Court  plan  of  Senator  Lodge  to  succeed 
than  there  was  for  Mr.  Harding's  Asso- 
ciation of  Nations,  and  for  the  same  rea- 
son. .  .  .  Senator  Lodge  has  the 
intelligence  to  know  this.  The  only  pos- 
sible achievements  before  it  are  confusion, 
delay,  and  defeat  of  our  joining  in  any 
world  court  whatever.  That  would  sat- 
isfy Mr.  Lodge,  but  it  would  infuriate  the 
American  people  and  disrupt  the  Republi- 
can Party.     Is  that  what  he  is  after?" 

The  signers  of  this  paragraph  could  not 
have  read  Mr.  Lodge's  proposal  to  the 
Senate,  nor  Mr.  Chandler  P.  Anderson's 


explanation  of  the  plan  submitted  also  by 
Mr.  Lodge  to  the  Senate  committee.  The 
aim  of  the  Lodge  plan  is  to  organize  the 
world  for  peace  through  the  development 
and  enforcement  of  law,  as  approved  by 
past  experience,  and  the  timely  submis- 
sion of  international  disputes  to  the  great 
court  of  public  opinion,  "the  decisions  of 
which  constitute  the  real  sanction  for  the 
enforcement  of  law."  Under  the  Lodge 
plan  the  United  States  could  resume  its 
former  position  of  leadership  in  the  devel- 
opment of  international  law,  the  most  im- 
portant work  of  the  Hague  conferences 
could  be  continued,  and  the  work  of  the 
world  be  advanced  once  more  with  the 
co-operation  of  the  United  States.  The 
Lodge  plan  does  not  propose  to  set  up 
another  international  court.  It  shows 
the  way  for  transforming  the  present 
League  court  into  a  World  Court  of 
Justice  as  a  part  of  The  Hague  organiza- 
tion. It  is  a  plan  proposed  by  an  arch- 
opponent  of  the  League  of  Nations,  a 
member  of  the  United  States  Senate,  an 
"Irreconcilable,"  for  the  establishment  of 
an  International  Court  of  Justice  to 
which  the  United  States  may  adhere. 
Disinterested  friends  of  an  International 
Court  of  Justice  would  naturally  be  ex- 
pected to  welcome  such  a  suggestion  from 
such  a  source. 

If  our  unbiased  interest  be  to  set  up  an 
International  Court  of  Justice  with  the 
co-operation  of  the  United  States,  ir- 
respective of  the  League  of  Nations,  why 
slam  the  door  in  the  face  of  the  Chairman 
of  the  committee  on  Foreign  Relations 
of  the  Senate,  one  whom  we  have  loved 
long  since  and  lost  awhile,  one  who  has 
returned  to  us  bearing  good  gifts?  Why 
not  rather  welcome  him  with  open  arms 
and  together  go  about  the  business  of 
helping  the  Senate  to  fix  up  our  common 
project?  The  violence  of  the  opposition 
to  the  Lodge  plan  seems  to  come  almost 
entirely  from  the  advocates  of  the  League 


192^ 


EDITORIALS 


327 


of  Nations,  who  assure  us  constantly  that 
the  court  is  in  no  sense  dependent  upon 
the  League.  Is  it  foreordained  that  the 
expressions  of  ill  temper  among  us  friends 
of  peace  must  go  on  forever  befogging  our 
issues,  alienating  men  whom  we  need  in 
our  business,  and  hamstringing  the  cause 
of  peace?  The  details  of  the  controversy 
are  not  all  one-sided  (see  our  department, 
World  Problems  in  Review.)  The  main 
issue  is  crystal  clear.  We  friends  of  the 
court  are  faced  with  a  new  and  encourag- 
ing fact — Henry  Cabot  Lodge  wants  the 
United  States  to  join  such  a  court,  and 
goes  on  to  offer  us  a  plan  for  going  about 
it.  Incidentally,  Mr.  Lodge  has  a  vote 
in  the  Senate,  and  without  the  Senate 
we  can't  get  anywhere.  It  is  not  the  best 
of  tactics  to  go  on  throwing  stones  at  the 
men  we  are  trying  to  get  to  help  us. 
Why  not  try  working  for  a  while  with 
the  Senate?  It  is  not  so  bad.  In  the 
name  of  peace,  we  peace  workers  have 
heaved  bricks  at  each  other  and  at  our 
supposed  enemies,  particularly  the  Sen- 
ate, until  our  influence  is  about  nil. 
Neither  the  Senate  nor  the  people  of  the 
United  States  can  be  driven  into  the 
League  of  Nations  or  its  court.  The 
American  people  will  go  where  their 
idealisms,  based  upon  their  self-interests, 
lead.  To  direct  these  things  is  a  matter 
of  education,  and  persuasion,  and  co- 
operation rather  than  of  hysteria,  and 
compulsion,  and  hold-ups. 


IMMANUEL  KANT'S 
BICENTENARY 

IMMANUEL  KANT,  known  to  the 
peace  workers  of  the  world  as  the 
author  of  "Eternal  Peace:  a  Philosoph- 
ical Essay,"  was  born  in  Konigsberg  April 
22,  1724.  The  bicentenary  of  his  birth 
has  just  been  celebrated  in  his  native  city. 
With  marked  simplicity,  all  the  more  im- 
pressive for  that  reason,  a  monument  to 
Kant  was  unveiled  in  the  cathedral  close. 


Well-known  German  philosophers  deliv- 
ered addresses  there  in  his  honor.  Pro- 
fessor Adolf  von  Harnack  declared  there 
that  Kant  is  still  alive,  as  is  no  other  phil- 
osopher. Processions  of  representatives 
from  various  universities  walked  through 
the  streets,  headed  by  the  students'  corps 
with  banners.  The  celebrations  reached 
their  climax  in  the  demonstrations  at  the 
Albertine  University,  where  for  a  gener- 
ation Kant  taught  logic  and  metaphysics. 
Laurel  wreaths  were  placed  around  the 
tablet  at  the  city's  castle,  in  Kant's  house, 
and  at  the  entrance  to  the  university. 
The  tribute  in  Konigsberg  was  interna- 
tional. Similar  tributes  have  been  paid 
in  many  parts  of  the  world. 

Not  all  of  our  modern  philosophers  ac- 
cept Kant  without  reservation — John 
Dewey,  for  example,  does  not.  Indeed, 
Heine  complained  that  he  was  a  destroyer 
of  theism.  J.  Henry  Newman  rather 
boasted  that  he  had  never  read  a  word  of 
Kant.  Back  in  1876  Taine  said  to  Renan 
that  Kant  had  been  relegated  to  the  rear, 
as  "an  overdone  philosopher."  Macaulay, 
after  reading  an  English  translation  of 
Kant,  remarked  that  the  only  thing  he 
had  been  able  to  understand  in  it  was  a 
Latin  translation  from  Persius.  Nietsche 
called  him  "a  calamity  of  a  cobweb  spin- 
ner." Our  philosophers  of  today,  paying 
their  respects  to  him,  are  not  altogether 
free  from  a  similarly  critical  slant. 

Yet  in  his  "categorical  imperative" 
Kant  dignified  in  terms  of  reason  the 
principle  of  the  golden  rule,  and  taught 
with  conviction  that  man's  only  unquali- 
fied good  is  good-will — the  only  jewel  that 
shines  by  its  own  light.  Kant  conceived 
good-will  as  good  not  because  of  what  it 
performs  or  effects ;  not  because  of  its  use- 
fulness, but  because  "it  is  a  good  in  it- 
self. ...  Its  usefulness  or  fruitful- 
ness  can  neither  add  to  nor  take  away 
anything  from  this  value."  Thus  Kant 
separated  science,  with  its  utilities,  from 
moral  freedom,  with  its  faith.    He  saw  a 


328 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


life-realm  beyond  and  above  the  concrete 
realities  of  science.  He  is  not,  therefore, 
altogether  acceptable  to  the  pragmatists, 
the  utilitarians  of  our  day. 

However,  universities  everywhere  have 
claimed  a  share  iq  the  attempt  to  honor 
this  son  of  a  poor  saddler.  His  universal 
influence  sprang  from  a  universal  spirit. 
His  studies  of  the  writings  by  David 
Hume,  the  Scottish  philosopher — indeed, 
Kant  claimed  a  certain  Scottish  ances- 
try— his  familiarity  with  the  great  works 
of  all  time,  enabled  him  in  turn  to  influ- 
ence not  only  his  own,  but  succeeding 
generations.  Coleridge,  Hamilton,  Man- 
sel,  Herbert  Spencer,  Thomas  Hill  Green, 
Edward  Caird,  Bernard  Bosanquet,  Has- 
tings Eashdall,  are  some  of  the  English 
thinkers  who  confessed  to  having  been 
molded  by  Kant.  His  influence  upon 
American  thought  appears  in  the  writings 
of  nearly  all  our  prepragmatic  philoso- 
phers. In  the  breadth  and  variety  of  his 
effect  upon  Anglo-Saxon  thinkers,  perhaps 
no  other  writer  of  our  modern  world  can 
be  said  to  rival  him.  His  was  a  universal 
genius.  Probably  no  other  writer  has  con- 
tributed more  to  the  architecture  of  uni- 
versal mind.  As  a  result  of  Kant's  labors, 
man  became  again  the  center  of  his  own 
universe,  for  our  cosmos,  through  his 
efforts,  was  seen  to  consist  of  an  all-per- 
vading reason.  With  him  our  humanity 
was  led  to  venerate  with  equal  awe  "the 
starry  sky  above  and  the  moral  law 
within."  It  was  the  universality  of  this 
Prussian  seer  that  led  him  to  champion 
the  independence  of  the  American  colo- 
nies, the  idealisms  of  the  French  Eevolu- 
tion,  the  natural  principles  at  the  heart 
of  a  true  political  order. 

It  was  in  the  year  1784  that  he  wrote 
"The  natural  principle  of  the  political 
order,"  in  which  he  set  forth  nine  propo- 
sitions developing  his  belief  in  the  possi- 
bility of  a  "universal  cosmo-political  in- 
stitution. In  this  essay  one  senses  the 
spirit  of  a  true  prophet,  foreseeing,  as  did 


Isaiah  of  old,  the  substitution  of  law  and 
order  for  war  and  destruction.  His  other 
essays,  treating  of  political  rights,  of  the 
principle  of  progress,  of  eternal  peace,  of 
public  law,  are  evolutions  of  his  views  as 
set  forth  in  this  fundamental  thesis. 
Kant  is  best  known  by  his  three  great 
critiques — one  on  pure  reason,  another  on 
practical  reason,  and  a  third  on  the  power 
of  judgment.  But  these  smaller  works, 
relating  to  the  problems  of  international 
right  thinking  and  right  behavior,  are 
quite  as  important. 

It  is  encouraging  just  now  that  think- 
ing people  stop  in  the  midst  of  their  per- 
plexing problems,  two  hundred  years  after 
the  birth  of  this  most  substantial  spirit, 
to  dwell  upon  the  manner  of  man  he  was 
and  upon  the  gifts  he  made  to  his  own,  to 
our,  and  to  future  generations. 


THE  FRENCH  ELECTIONS 

IT  WOULD  appear  that  the  French 
election  of  May  11  leaves  the  Euro- 
pean  situation   somewhat   improved. 

M.  Poincare's  work  as  Premier  of 
France  is  ended.  This  work  has  been 
herculean.  It  has  shown  that  France  has 
a  will  to  live  and  to  play  a  leading  role 
upon  the  stage  of  the  world.  Whether 
or  not  this  work  has  been  for  the  benefit 
of  France,  on  the  whole  and  in  the  long 
run,  only  history  can  say.  Most  of  dis- 
interested observers  will  probably  agree, 
however,  that  the  policies  so  ably  defended 
by  M.  Poincare  were  inevitable,  if  not 
salutary,  under  the  circumstances  peculiar 
to  the  time. 

We  suspect  that  Monsieur  Poincare's 
downfall  was  due  more  to  internal  polit- 
ical and  financial  conditions  than  to  any 
genuine  desire  among  the  French  people 
for  any  radical  change  in  the  foreign 
policies  of  France.  From  the  returns,  it 
seems  to  be  true  that  the  defeated  na- 
tionalists received  more  votes  than  their 
opponents,  but  that  they  were  defeated 


19H 


EDITORIALS 


because  of  the  system  of  proportionate 
representation  peculiar  to  the  French  elec- 
tion law.  As  pointed  out  by  Edwin  L. 
James,  Paris  correspondent  of  the  New 
York  Times,  if  we  consider  the  national 
bloc  without  the  Eoyalists  and  the  left 
without  the  Communists,  the  situation  in 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies  is  that  the  left 
bloc,  which  had  united  its  tickets,  has 
thirty  more  votes  in  the  new  chamber 
than  the  national  bloc,  which  failed  to 
unite  on  common  tickets.  Mr.  James 
says: 

"On  election  day  8,695,000  voters  cast 
ballots.  Each  voter  had  as  many  votes 
as  there  were  deputies  to  be  elected  in  his 
district.  For  consideration  on  the  Na- 
tional bloc  tickets  30,419,847  votes  were 
cast,  while  28,139,831  votes  were  cast  for 
the  Left  bloc.  But  under  the  system  of 
counting,  the  split  National  bloc  tickets 
had  247  successful  candidates,  while  the 
Left  bloc  won  277  deputies.     .     .     . 

"Considering,  then,  the  two  big  blocs, 
there  is  one  for  whose  candidates 
30,000,000  votes  were  cast,  holding  247 
seats  in  the  chamber,  and  the  other,  for 
whose  candidates  28,000,000  votes  were 
cast,  holding  277  seats.  This  result  is 
giving  rise  to  widespread  demands  for  a 
change  in  the  election  laws." 

If  these  be  substantially  the  facts,  it  is 
clear  that  there  has  been  no  pronounced 
condemnation  of  M.  Poincare,  M.  Her- 
riot,  mayor  of  Lyons,  may  become  Pre- 
mier, but  his  backers  among  the  socialists 
can't  count  too  much  upon  the  support 
of  public  opinion.  Indeed,  there  already 
appear  so  many  militant  demands  from 
the  victorious  radical  Socialist  and  Ee- 
publican  Socialist  groups  that  their  lead- 
ers fear  the  failure  of  their  program. 
This  condition  strengthens  President 
Millerand's  determination  to  remain  in 
office,  and,  backed  by  his  support  in  the 
Senate,  the  deputies  may  find  themselves 
faced  with  the  dissolution  of  the  chamber 
and  a  new  election.  This,  of  course,  is 
speculation,  but  it  is  a  possibility. 

In  the  light  of  these  facts,  it  is  difficult 


to  believe  that  there  has  been  any  decided 
change  in  the  French  view  of  foreign  re- 
lations. Indeed,  Monsieur  Herriot  is 
quoted  in  Le  Matin  as  saying  that  there 
is  no  reason  why  the  recovery  of  the 
French  debts  cannot  be  associated  with 
the  restoration  of  Europe  and  the  peace 
of  the  world.  This  language  does  not 
dijffer  from  that  frequently  used  by  M. 
Poincare. 

The  encouraging  thing  in  the  situation 
is  that  with  new  men  in  power,  free  of 
the  personal  enemies  who  were  fighting 
Poincare,  the  possibilities  for  compromise 
between  France  and  England,  and  more 
particularly  between  France  and  Ger- 
many, are  increased.  It  is  not  reasonable 
to  expect  any  considerable  overflow  of  af- 
fection across  the  Rhineland,  but  self- 
interest  demands  more  of  a  political  and 
economic  rapprochement  between  France 
and  her  immediate  neighbors.  Before 
this  can  be  accomplished  there  must  be 
no  little  accommodation  on  all  sides. 
This  accommodation  is  more  possible  be- 
cause of  the  new  political  alignment  fol- 
lowing the  recent  elections  in  France. 


THE  GERMAN  ELECTIONS 

IT  IS  more  difficult  to  estimate  the  de- 
velopments due  to  the  elections  in  Ger- 
many than  in  the  case  of  France.  The 
new  ministry  has  not  yet  been  formed. 
Party  programs  are  still  in  the  air.  Some 
sixteen  parties,  each  with  its  representa- 
tives, show  how  unco-ordinated  the  politi- 
cal situation  of  the  Reichstag  is.  There 
has  been  a  marked  swing  to  the  National- 
ist forces,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
members  of  the  extreme  right  will  be  able 
to  control  the  situation  either  within  Ger- 
many or  in  matters  of  foreign  policies. 

The  general  impression  is  that  the  polit- 
ical situation  in  Germany  is  more  chaotic 
than  before  the  elections.  The  Minister 
of  the  Interior  has  issued  a  blanket  order 
forbidding  all  open-air  assemblages,  de- 


330 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


fending  his  order  on  the  ground  that  af- 
fairs have  been  taking  the  same  course 
as  in  1922,  which  ended  in  the  assassina- 
tion of  Rathenau. 

Of  course,  the  important  question  is, 
Will  the  new  German  Government  sup- 
port the  Dawes  plan?  The  Dawes  plan 
calls  for  a  mortgage  upon  the  State  rail- 
roads. Under  the  German  constitution, 
the  State  cannot  alienate  any  of  its  prop- 
erty without  a  change  in  the  constitution. 
This  would  require  a  two-thirds  majority 
vote.  It  is  a  serious  question  whether  or 
not  this  majority  can  be  expected.  It  is  a 
relief  to  hear  that  this  aspect  of  the  situa- 
tion may  be  met  by  the  technicality  that 
this  provision  of  the  Dawes  report  need 
not  be  called  an  alienation  of  State  prop- 
erty but  simply  a  temporary  transfer.  If 
this  interpretation  be  accepted,  the  diffi- 
culty may  be  surmountable.  We  have 
faith  that  the  government  will  be  strong 
enough  to  control  the  efforts  of  the  left 
wing  of  the  Nationalists  and  racialists 
who  seem  inclined  to  defy  by  force  the 
election  returns  and  to  embarrass  all  ef- 
forts to  fulfill  the  terms  of  the  Dawes 
report.  A  further  hope  is  that,  because 
of  the  extremes  resorted  to  by  the  extreme 
right  and  the  extreme  left,  the  moderates 
and  liberals  will  be  able  to  form  a  coali- 
tion government  able  to  carry  on  and  to 
honor  and  to  keep  Germany's  interna- 
tional engagements.  The  more  liberal  sit- 
uation in  Paris  should  make  this  all  the 
easier  for  Berlin. 

Now  is  the  time  for  examining  and 
settling  differences  with  all  prospects  of 
military  force  far  in  the  background. 

Of  course,  the  situation  in  Germany 
presents  difficulties  seemingly  insurmount- 
able. The  68,000,000  people  on  an  area 
two-thirds  the  area  of  Texas  must  be 
fed,  sheltered,  and  clothed.  Her  external 
debt,  whatever  the  amount  agreed  upon, 
will  be  large,  and  she  will  have  to  make 
more  sacrifices  before  she  can  take  her 
place  acceptably  with  the  other  nations. 


It  will  be  necessary  for  her  to  export 
much  more  than  she  imports.  Where  she 
is  to  find  her  markets,  no  one  is  as  yet 
able  to  say.  ■  And  yet  the  principal  diffi- 
culty facing  the  German  nation,  now  as 
since  1914,  is  to  win  the  confidence  of  her 
sister  nations.  This  is  a  matter  of  Ger- 
man character. 


MEANING  OF  THE  BRITISH 
EMPIRE  EXHIBITION 

APEIL  saw  the  opening  in  London  of 
.  the  British  Empire  Exhibition,  one 
of  the  largest  and  most  grandiose  displays 
of  the  kind  ever  organized. 

Originally  suggested  by  the  late  Lord 
Strathcona,  the  fundamental  aim  of  the 
exhibition,  which  is  to  last  into  October, 
is  to  provide  an  object-lesson  in  the 
power  and  resources  of  the  British  Em- 
pire, with  the  hope  of  stimulating  trade 
and  development  within  its  boundaries. 
But  there  is  another  reason. 

First,  let  us  get  the  picture.  In  the 
huge  grounds  at  Wembly,  about  twenty 
minutes  from  the  heart  of  London,  are 
laid  out  immense  avenues  flanked  by 
Palaces  of  Industry,  Agriculture,  Engi- 
neering, etc.,  designed  in  the  classical 
style.  Some  idea  of  the  extent  of  these 
may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that 
hardly  less  imposing  are  the  exhibits  rep- 
resenting the  great  business  concerns  of 
Britain  and  the  dominions,  such  as  Arm- 
strong, Ltd.,  Vickers,  Morrall,  and  others. 
The  electrical  section  covers  33^  acres. 

The  dominions  and  crown  colonies  are 
represented  by  characteristic  buildings, 
many  of  which  include  copies  of  famous 
landmarks.  There  is,  for  instance,  a 
West  African  walled  city,  a  Burmese 
temple,  specimens  of  typical  Malayan  and 
Indian  architecture,  and  so  on,  each  con- 
taining material  to  feed  the  most 
voraciously  romantic  imagination.  Sar- 
awak, which  is  an  independent  State 
within  the  Empire,  ruled  for  the  last  85 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


331 


years  by  successive  Eajas  Brooke,  has  a 
little  building  all  its  own,  containing  Ka- 
y9,n  dancing  masks,  Dyak  gongs,  blow- 
pipes, and  hornbill  feather  robes,  and, 
above  all,  an  amazing  selection  of  natural- 
history  specimens,  from  the  gorgeous 
Argus  pheasant,  which  meets  visitors  at 
the  door,  to  the  orang-utans,  the  pro- 
boscis monkey,  the  enormous  boa-con- 
strictor, and  the  hamadryad,  or  king 
cobra,  measuring  over  14  feet  and  known 
to  be,  in  all  its  combination  of  size,  fe- 
rocity, and  venomousness,  the  most  danger- 
ous of  the  world's  snakes. 

Bermuda  is  responsible  for  a  repro- 
duction of  Tom  Moore's  house,  in  which 
the  visitor  may  find  himself  in  the  poet's 
own  room,  looking  out  through  the  win- 
dows, not  on  Wembley  and  gray  English 
skies,  but  on  the  blue  waters  and  white 
coral  rock  of  Bermuda  itself.  Each  of  the 
two  big  windows  is  filled  with  a  large  dio- 
rama, one  of  Hamilton  Harbor  and  one  of 
Tuckerstown  Golf  Course,  cleverly  painted 
and  with  built-up  foregrounds  which  are 
most  deceptive.  Large  oil  paintings, 
representing  important  incidents  in  Ber- 
mudan  history,  hang  upon  the  walls,  and 
typical  American  tourists  recovering  from 
a  dry  spell  complete  the  scene. 

Burma  provides  a  game  which  threat- 
ens to  replace  mah  jong  in  the  popular 
fancy.  Chinlon  is  played  with  a  ball  re- 
sembling a  small  football,  constructed  of 
strips  of  bamboo,  with  which  a  skillful 
player  does  incredible  things.  If  the  ball 
is  tossed  to  a  Burmese  expert  he  lets  it 
rebound  from  his  chest  and  catches  it  on 
his  instep;  thence  he  flicks  it  up  to  his 
right  shoulder,  and  from  there  to  his 
head.  From  his  head  he  drops  it  to  his 
left  heel,  only  to  toss  it  up  to  his  right 
elbow,  to  pass  it  on  to  his  right  knee,  his 
toe,  his  chin,  and  to  every  part  of  his 
anatomy  where  it  does  not  seem  possible 
for  a  ball  to  lodge.  Then  he  keeps  two 
balls  going  at  once.     As  an  indoor  game, 


providing  both  interest  and  exercise,  chin- 
lon appears  to  be  unparalleled. 

Next  to  the  severely  classical  main 
building  housing  the  New  Zealand  ex- 
hibit is  one  of  the  very  few  Maori  com- 
munity huts  left  in  the  world.  The  in- 
terior of  this  somewhat  barnlike  building 
is  built  entirely  of  the  famous  totara 
wood,  every  bit  of  whose  surface  is  en- 
tirely covered  with  elaborate  Maori  carv- 
ings, mostly  of  the  Maori  gods,  whose  eyes 
are  inset  with  paua  shell.  This  shell  is 
lacquered  on  the  interior  with  a  curious 
pale  sea-green  and,  fitted  into  the  eyes  of 
the  god  or  goddess  concave  side  outward, 
affords  the  most  uncanny  appearance. 

Besides  all  these  curious  and  fascinat- 
ing exhibits,  brought  from  every  corner  of 
the  globe,  the  great  stadium  at  Wembley 
affords  a  daily  program  of  athletic  events. 
The  final  match  for  the  Association  Foot- 
ball Cup,  known  in  British  parlance  as  the 
"Cup  Tie,"  brought  over  a  hundred  thous- 
and visitors  from  London  and  the  prov- 
inces. Track  meets,  a  rodeo,  and  a  grand 
scounts  jamboree  are  also  on  the  program. 

A  series  of  conference  halls  will  form 
the  setting  for  numerous  international 
meetings  throughout  the  summer. 
Enumeration  of  all  the  wonders  of  this 
unusual  exhibition  would  be  an  impossible 
task  in  this  space. 

The  real  meaning  of  the  exhibition 
should  not,  however,  be  overlooked. 
Great  Britain  is  faced  with  two  urgent 
and  interlocking  problems.  Not  only  has 
the  population  of  the  Island  Kingdom 
reached  the  saturation  point,  so  that  un- 
employment cannot  be  remedied  without 
a  definite  and  marked  lessening  of  the 
pressure  of  numbers,  but  the  Empire  must 
be  drawn  together  and  its  resources  de- 
veloped, if  only  to  provide  opportunities 
for  immigration  to  the  various  dominions 
and  colonies.  The  recent  elections 
showed  very  clearly  that  the  people  of 
Great   Britain  were  not  quite   ready  to 


332 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


grasp  the  full  implications  of  the  situa- 
tion or  to  approve  of  any  drastic  changes 
in  the  policy  of  the  mother  country  any 
more  than  the  dominions  and  colonies, 
during  the  imperial  conference  last  au- 
tumn, found  themselves  able,  except  in 
principle,  to  agree  upon  a  plan  adequate 
to  the  occasion.  Under  these  circum- 
stances, the  educational  value  of  the 
British  Empire  Exhibition  and  its  possible 
bearing  upon  the  future  cannot  be  over- 
rated. It  may  take  time,  but,  as  Kipling 
has  remarked,  the  English  rarely  make 
mistakes  when  they  think,  and  they  never 
think  when  they  hurry. 


PRESIDENT  COOLIDGB  has  a  ra- 
tional conception  of  patriotism,  which 
is  as  wholesome  as  it  is  gratifying.  In 
hig  bonus  veto  message  of  May  15  the 
President  said: 

"The  gratitude  of  the  nation  to  these 
veterans  cannot  be  expressed  in  dollars 
and  cents.  No  way  exists  by  which  we 
can  either  equalize  the  burdens  or  give 
adequate  financial  reward  to  those  who 
served  the  nation  in  both  civil  and  mili- 
tary capacities  in  time  of  war. 

"The  respect  and  honr^r  of  their  coun- 
try will  rightfully  be  theirs  for  evermore. 
But  patriotism  can  neither  be  bought  nor 
sold.  It  is  not  hire  and  salary.  It  is 
not  material,  but  spiritual.  It  is  one  of 
the  finest  and  highest  of  human  virtues. 

"To  attempt  to  pay  money  for  it  is  to 
offer  it  an  unworthy  indignity,  which 
cheapens,  debases,  and  destroys  it.  Those 
who  would  really  honor  patriotism  should 
strive  to  match  it  with  an  equal  courage, 
with  an  equal  fidelity  to  the  welfare  of 
their  country  and  an  equal  faith  in  the 
cause  of  righteousness 

"We  must  either  abandon  our  theory 
of  patriotism  or  abandon  this  bill.  Pa- 
triotism which  is  bought  and  paid  for  is 
not  patriotism." 

PROFESSOR  SIEDENTOPF,  of  the 
famous  Zeiss  works  in  Jena,  accord- 
ing to  a  copyrighted  statement  in  the 
Philadelphia  Public  Ledger  of  May  17, 
has  discovered  a  new  instrument,  which 


may  be  called  the  microscope  of  micro- 
scopes. Until  now,  we  understand  it  has 
only  been  possible  to  enlarge  diminutive 
objects  to  approximately  5,000  times  their 
size.  Now  Zeiss  has  ground  an  ultra- 
microscope  which  enlarges  10,000  times, 
and  which,  by  using  an  azimuth  screen, 
can  be  used  to  enlarge  objects  125,000 
times.  It  is,  therefore,  five  times  stronger 
than  any  microscope  heretofore  discovered. 
Not  being  scientists,  this  information 
produces  an  effect  like  adding  a  cipher  or 
two  on  the  end  of  a  nation's  war  debt. 
And  yet  it  reminds  us  again  that  there 
is  not  only  an  infinity  of  the  macrocosm, 
there  is  also  an  equally  interesting  infinity 
of  the  microcosm.  The  zest  of  living  lies, 
perhaps  primarily,  in  our  developing 
knowledge  of  both. 


JACQUES  Anatole  Thibault  France, 
French  author,  officer  of  the  Legion 
of  Honor,  and  member  of  the  French 
Academy,  is  one  of  the  best  modern  ex- 
pressions of  French  civilization.  Out  of 
his  eighty  years  he  has  written  a  letter 
to  the  organ  of  the  liberal  socialists,  ex- 
pressing his  joy  at  the  result  of  the  elec- 
tions on  May  11.    He  says: 

"I  salute  this  great  victory.  France  has 
manifested  her  desire  for  peace.  I  do 
not,  as  I  have  often  said,  believe  that  war 
is  an  eternal  human  necessity.  I  wish,  I 
hope,  I  foresee  a  future  of  peace  and  con- 
cord among  peoples  equal  in  culture. 

"Let  us  bring  about  this  peace  which 
is  so  greatly  desired.  Let  us  beware  of 
the  ancient  adage,  iln  reality,  if  one 
wishes  peace  it  is  necessary  to  prepare  for 
peace. 

"Such  is  our  desire,  such  is  our  thought, 
such  must  be  our  work.  Let  us  work  for 
universal  peace.  Is  it  not  a  task  worthy 
of  the  greatest  souls,  of  the  greatest  cour- 
age? The  Rome  of  the  Caesars  attempted 
it  when  she  was  queen  of  the  universe. 
Let  Europe  of  today  accomplish  it." 


19U 


EDITORIALS 


333 


IT  IS  reported  that  Premier  Mussolini 
and  Dr.  Edouard  Benes,  Foreign 
Minister  of  Czechoslovakia,  have  agreed 
upon  a  compact  for  co-operation  between 
Czechoslovakia  and  Italy  with  a  view  of 
maintaining  peace  and  of  promoting  a 
normal  and  stable  economic  condition  in 
Central  Europe.  Dr.  Benes  seems  to  be 
not  only  one  of  the  most  active,  but  one 
of  the  most  effective,  persons  in  Europe. 
He  considers  this  treaty  which  he  has  just 
drawn  up  with  Italy  as  the  climax  of  his 
"political  work  of  pacification,  equilib- 
rium and  friendship."  This  view  was 
expressed  by  this  very  active  gentleman 
just  before  he  left  for  Milan  to  meet 
Premier  Theunis  and  Foreign  Minister 
Hymans,  of  Belgium,  for  a  conference  on 
allied  procedure  in  connection  with  the 
Dawes  reparation  plan. 


rigue  Masaryk,  who  has  many  friends  in 
th^  United  States. 


WE  NOW  learn  that  Dr.  Benes  has 
been  conferring  with  Dr.  Nint- 
chitch,  the  Serbian  Foreign  Minister, 
with  the  result  that  there  is  a  possibility 
that  Bulgaria  will  be  admitted  to  the 
Little  Entente.  Evidently,  Dr.  Benes 
visualizes  a  Balkan  peace,  and  that  with 
more  of  a  soft-pedaling  of  coercion  and 
military  force.  If  Bulgaria  enters  the 
Little  Entente,  it  must  be  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  Serbia,  which  is  already 
a  member.  If  Serbia  agrees,  it  is  reason- 
able to  conclude  that  the  troubles  between 
these  two  countries  have  been  adjusted. 
It  would  not  be  just  to  give  the  credit  for 
this  last  negotiation  wholly  to  Dr.  Benes. 
The  Serbian  Minister  has  also  achieved 
notable  results  toward  the  maintenance 
of  peace  between  Bulgaria  and  Serbia  on 
more  than  one  occasion.  But  there  is  no 
doubt  of  Dr.  Benes'  influence,  not  only  at 
Prague,  but  in  Belgrade,  Bucharest,  Sofia, 
not  to  mention  the  capitals  of  the  larger 
nations.  Of  course,  back  of  this  virile 
man  is  that  other  scholar  in  politics,  the 
President  of  Czechoslovakia,  Thomas  Gar- 


READEKS  of  the  article  on  Esperanto, 
-  appearing  in  our  last  issue,  will 
be  interested  to  know  that  the  French 
Academy  has  recently  adopted  a  number 
of  English  words,  particularly  from  Eng- 
lish sporting  phraseology.  Among  the 
words  adopted  are:  bookmaker  (notwith- 
standing that  bookmaking  is  illegal  in 
France),  boy  scout,  bridge  (a  card  game), 
camping,  challenge,  club  (in  the  sense  of 
a  golf  club),  cup,  champion  (both  in  the 
sporting  sense),  court  (such  as  tennis 
court),  and  cricket.  It  is  reported  that 
for  various  reasons  other  terms,  like 
"crack"  and  "canter,"  were  rejected. 


IN"  order  to  ascertain  the  importance  of 
the  new  constructions  of  every  kind  put 
up  by  the  Ruhr  industrialists  since  the 
armistice,  the  M.  I.  C.  TJ.  M.  (Interallied 
Mission  of  Control  on  Plants  and  Mines) 
has  made  an  investigation,  the  results  of 
which  are  highly  impressive  and  signifi- 
cant. 

Figures  given  below  summarize  briefly 
the  most  interesting  information  collected, 
and  at  the  same  time  they  give  an  idea  of 
the  enormous  amount  of  capital  which  was 
invested  in  that  way  by  the  German  in- 
dustrialists, so  as  to  be  safely  protected 
against  exchange  fluctuations  and  kept  out 
of  reach  of  the  Commission  of  Reparations, 
such  investments  being  made  without  any 
real  pressing  economic  necessity. 

Thirty-five  new  plants  have  been  built 
in  the  Ruhr  (counting  the  most  important 
only) ; 

Eleven  electric  power-houses ; 

Ten  new  mines  have  been  completely 
equipped ; 

Twenty-five  new  pits  are  being  estab- 
lished and  a  great  many  have  been  dug 
deeper  and  supplied  with  more  modern 
equipment ; 

Eight  new  plants  for  by-products  dis- 
tillation ; 

Twenty-two  new  batteries  of  modem 
coke-ovens,  with  a  total  of  1,660  coke- 
ovens,  have  replaced  the  old  ones; 


334 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Nineteen  blast-furnaces  have  been  re- 
built to  replace  old  ones ; 

Seventeen  workers'  settlements  have 
been  built,  one  of  them  with  no  less  than 
3,000  dwelling-houses. 

Exceptionally  powerful  air-compressors, 
with  a  capacity  of  485,000  cubic  meters 
(about  17,000,000  cubic  feet)  an  hour,  are 
now  in  operation.  This  shows  the  devel- 
opment of  machinery  as  well  as  the  import- 
ance in  the  use  of  compressed  air  in  the 
Euhr  coal-mines  equipment. 

Ventilation  in  the  mines  has  been  im- 
proved by  new  fans,  with  a  capacity  of 
61,000  cubic  meters  (about  2,000,000 
cubic  feet)  a  minute. 

The  new  turbines  installed  represent  a 
total  power  of  100,000  kilowatts. 

In  25  plants  the  equipment  has  been 
completely  renovated. 


On  the  waterways  we  find  five  new 
harbors  for  the  handling  of  coal  and  for 
the  private  use  of  plants. 

The  Ehein-Herne  Canal  was  opened  to 
traffic  in  1920  and  a  double  lock  is  being 
built  at  Ruhrort. 

A  canal  to  regulate  the  flow  of  the  Ruhr 
is  being  dug  between  Ruhrort  and  Mul- 
heim. 

On  the  Wesel-Datteln  Canal  work  is 
carried  on  rapidly. 

The  port  of  Dusseldorf  has  been  en- 
larged. 

Concerning  railroad  work,  it  is  pointed 
out  that  a  bridge  was  built  over  the  Rhine 
below  Ruhrort,  and  that  a  large  railroad 
depot  is  being  established  in  the  vicinity 
of  that  bridge.  The  Dusseldorf  railway 
station  and  the  Freintrap  depot  are  being 
enlarged. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  THE 
WORLD  COURT 

ONE  VIEW 

A  DEMAND  for  action  on  the  World 
.Court  by  the  Senate  before  the  ad- 
journment of  the  present  Congress  was 
made  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Senator 
Lodge  and  his  Republican  associates  of 
the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Rela- 
tions by  a  group  of  prominent  men,  under 
date  of  May  17,  1924.  By  his  own  plan 
for  adherence  to  the  court,  Senator  Lodge 
seems  to  have  intensified  the  discussion 
relative  to  the  entrance  of  the  United 
States. 

The  letter  sent  to  Senator  Lodge  and 
his  Republican  associates  on  the  Senate 
committee  reads: 

New  York,  May  17,  1924. 
Hon.  Henbt  Cabot  Lodge, 

Chairman,  and  Other  Republican 
Members  of  the  Senate  Foreign  Rela- 
tions Committee,  Washington,  D.  C 
Deae  Sirs  :   There  are  three  unfair  ways 
and   possibly   one  fair   way   by   which   your 


committee  may  defeat  the  proposal  made  to 
it  by  President  Harding,  renewed  in  the 
message  of  President  Coolidge,  and  repeated 
in  his  recital  of  administration  policies  in 
his  rcent  address  before  the  Newspaper  Pub- 
lishers' Association. 

Its  defeat  may  be  accomplished  by  refusal 
or  neglect  to  bring  it  before  the  Senate,  or 
it  may  be  defeated  by  reporting  it  out  with 
reservations,  which  can  have  no  other  result 
than  to  kill  it  by  making  impossible  the 
Democratic  Senate  support  necessary  to  the 
two-thirds  majority  required  to  ratify,  or 
which,  if  the  measure  so  reported  could  re- 
ceive the  required  votes,  would  insure  its  re- 
jection by  the  other  nations  adhering  to  the 
court.  Thus  you  might  attempt  to  lay  the 
blame  for  its  defeat  upon  the  Democratic 
Senators  or  upon  the  nations  rejecting  the 
impossible  proposal. 

A  simpler  and  easier  way  to  defeat  It 
would  be  to  hold  it  back  upon  one  excuse 
after  another,  until  so  near  the  close  of  the 
Senate  session  that  its  passage  could  not  be 
effected.  The  last  method  would  be  the  most 
unfair  and  reprehensible  of  all. 

Permit  us  to  say  that  all  these  methods  to 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


335 


prepare  explanation  and  excuse  for  what  the 
intelligent  and  observing  part  of  the  public 
believe  to  be  the  long-since  determined  pur- 
pose of  a  majority  of  your  committee  to  de- 
feat this  administration's  proposal  have  been 
carefully  considered  by  the  advocates  and 
friends  of  our  adhesion  to  the  International 
Court.  It  seems  apparent  that  few  intelli- 
gent and  thoughtful  persons  will  be  deceived 
by  the  adoption  of  any  of  these  methods.  But 
you  will  be  held  responsible  for  intentional 
defeat  of  the  measure  if  it  is  accomplished  in 
any  such  manner. 

We  retain  our  confidence  in  the  President 
and  rely  upon  him  to  insist  that  the  proposal, 
as  made  by  his  predecessor  to  the  Senate  and 
resubmitted  by  him,  have  a  fair  hearing  and 
vote  in  the  Senate  in  time  to  make  it  ef- 
fective, if  that  be  the  will  of  two-thirds  of  the 
Senate  members. 

We  prefer  to  believe  that,  heeding  the  un- 
mistakable voice  of  a  great  majority  of  the 
American  people  and  the  mandate  of  the 
party  to  the  carrying  out  of  whose  wishes 
you  have  been  entrusted,  you  will  give  that 
opportunity.  That  is  the  one  fair  way  to  de- 
feat it  if  you  are  able.  To  withhold  it  would 
be  a  manifest  betrayal  of  the  people  and  of 
the  administration,  whose  head  is  the  un- 
doubted choice  of  your  party  as  its  candidate 
for  the  next  presidential  term. 

Points  to  Unanimity  of  Opinion 

There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  sentiment 
and  will  of  the  American  people.  That  it  is 
adhesion  to  the  court  has  been  made  plain 
by  a  wonderful  unanimity  of  expression  and 
appeal  by  great  representative  bodies  with 
which  you  are  not  unfamiliar. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  limit  the 
importance  of  these  appeals  by  the  flippant 
remark  that  they  come  from  "hold-over  peace 
societies."  But  it  can  hardly  be  said  with  a 
straight  face  that  the  following  are  hold- 
over peace  societies:  The  Federal  Council  of 
Churches  (representing  125,000  churches, 
with  a  membership  of  more  than  20,000,000), 
the  great  Episcopal,  Presbyterian,  Methodist, 
Baptist,  Congregational,  Catholic,  Jewish,  and 
other  denominational  religious  bodies  that 
have  united  in  the  same  appeal,  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor,  the  United  States 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  the  American  Bar 
Association,  the  National  League  of  Women 
Voters,  the  American  Association  of  Univer- 
sity Women,  United  Society  of  Christian  En- 


deavor, General  Federation  of  Women's 
Clubs,  American  Federation  of  Teachers,  Na- 
tional Board  of  Young  Women's  Cliristian 
Association,  Legislative  Department  of  the 
National  Congress  of  Mothers  and  Parent 
Teachers'  Association,  National  Association 
of  Credit  Men,  and  many  more  that  could  be 
mentioned. 

These  are  representative  of  the  best  of 
American  citizenry  and  alike  of  the  Repub- 
lican and  Democratic  parties.  All  and  each 
of  them  have  made  recent  enthusiastic  ex- 
pressions in  favor  of  affiliation  in  the  Inter- 
national Court  of  Justice  upon  the  terms  pro- 
posed in  the  message  to  the  Senate  by  Presi- 
dent Harding. 

The  demand  of  the  people  is  for  action 
now.  To  drag  it  along  until  too  near  the 
time  for  the  Senate  to  adjourn  to  permit 
bringing  it  to  a  vote  will  not  meet  their  de- 
mand. They  want  it  decided  by  this  Senate 
and  will  know  whom  to  hold  responsible  if  It 
fails.  There  can  be  no  valid  reason  for  longer 
delay.     Shall  we  not  have  it? 

There  is  no  more  chance  for  the  World 
Court  plan  of  Senator  Lodge  to  succeed  than 
there  was  for  Mr.  Harding's  Association  of 
Nations,  and  for  the  same  reason.  The  forty- 
seven  nations  in  the  court  now  established 
will  not  forsake  it  to  join  a  new  and  un- 
necessary one,  which  this  plan  would  erect, 
and  the  Senate  would  not  ratify  it.  Senator 
Lodge  has  the  intelligence  to  know  this.  The 
only  possible  achievements  before  it  are  con- 
fusion, delay  and  defeat  of  our  joining  in  any 
world  court  whatever.  That  would  satisfy 
Mr.  Lodge,  but  would  infuriate  the  American 
people  and  disrupt  the  Republican  party.  Is 
that  what  he  is  after? — Charles  H.  Lever- 
more,  of  New  York;  John  W.  Davis,  former 
Ambassador  to  Great  Britain;  Frank  Crane, 
of  New  York ;  Samuel  Colcord,  of  New  York ; 
General  John  F.  O'Ryan,  of  New  York; 
George  R.  Van  de  Water,  of  New  York ;  B.  J. 
Caldwell,  of  New  York;  Henry  A.  Stimson, 
of  New  York;  Clarence  H.  Kelsey,  of  New 
York;  Robert  Watson,  of  Massachusetts; 
Joseph  Walker,  of  Massachusetts;  Ernest  D, 
Burton,  president  of  the  University  of  Chi- 
cago ;  C.  H.  Ramakamp,  president  of  Illinois 
College ;  Arnold  Bennett  Hall,  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wisconsin;  William  Allen  White,  of 
Kansas;  Lyman  J.  Gage,  of  California,  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  under  McKinley. 


336 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Text  of  the  Statement 

Following  is  the  statement  in  behalf  of  the 
organization  which  appeared  before  the  Sen- 
ate Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  sup- 
port of  the  Hughes-Harding-Coolidge  plan  of 
American  participation  in  the  League's  "World 
Court: 

The  introduction  by  Senator  Lodge,  May  8, 
of  a  resolution  to  create  a  new  World  Court 
throws  into  bold  relief  the  fact  that  Ameri- 
can public  opinion  overwhelmingly  demands 
the  prompt  adherence  by  our  government  to 
the  protocol  of  signature  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  on  the  condi- 
tions formulated  by  Secretary  Hughes,  vigor- 
ously championed  by  President  Harding,  and 
approved  by  President  Coolidge.  The  hear- 
ings on  April  30  and  May  1  before  the  sub- 
committee of  the  Senate  Committee  on  For- 
eign Relations  indisputably  prove  our  people's 
support  of  the  existing  court. 

More  than  fifty  State  and  national  organi- 
zations were  interested  in  the  hearings.  Sel- 
dom, if  ever,  has  any  great  public  question 
received  so  nearly  a  unanimous  endorsement 
as  has  this  suggested  adherence  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Interna- 
tional Justice  on  the  basis  suggested  by  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  urged  by  President 
Harding  in  February,  1923,  and  by  President 
Coolidge  in  his  first  message  to  Congress. 
The  widespread  and  profound  character  of 
this  popular  demand  was  officially  voiced  on 
behalf  of  all  of  the  organizations  whose  repre- 
sentatives appeared  before  the  subcommittee 
and  categorically  appealed  for  immediate  ac- 
tion by  the  Senate  to  enable  the  administra- 
tion to  adhere  to  the  Permanent  Court. 

The  precise  relation  between  the  Permanent 
Court  and  the  League  of  Nations  was  clearly 
explained. 

The  only  argument  against  the  United 
States's  adherence  to  the  court  which  has  im- 
pressed any  considerable  number  of  people, 
that  the  court  may  in  some  way  be  made  a 
tool  of  the  League  of  Nations,  was  completely 
refuted. 

Replies  to  Objections  to  Court 

The  opponents  of  the  court  have  urged : 

First,  that  it  is  the  creature  of  the  League ; 
second,  that  the  judges  are  chosen  by  the 
League ;  third,  that  the  court's  expenses  are 
paid  by  the  League;  fourth,  that  the  court 
serves  as  private  attorney  of  the  League,  be- 
cause, in  the  discretion  of  the  court,  it  may 
give  advisory  opinions. 

All  of  these  points  were  decisively  an- 
swered in  the  course  of  the  hearings : 

"1.  The  court  is  in  no  sense  the  creature 
of  the  League.  The  statute  of  the  court  was 
originally  drawn  by  a  committee  of  jurists, 
of  which  Elihu  Root  was  a  member,  and  was 
given  its  final  form  as  a  result  of  mature 
deliberations  in  the  Council  and  Assembly  of 
the  League.     But  the  statute  was  not  pro- 


mulgated by  the  Assembly  and  does  not  draw 
its  force  from  any  act  of  the  Assembly.  It 
rests  upon  an  independent,  distinct,  and  sep- 
arate treaty,  called  the  protocol  of  signature 
of  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Jus- 
tice. The  protocol  has  been  signed  by  forty- 
seven  powers.  The  United  States  can  ad- 
here to  it  without  in  any  way  becoming  tied 
up  with  the  League  of  Nations  and  without 
assuming  any  League  obligations. 

"2.  The  judges  are  elected  by  the  Council 
and  Assembly,  voting  separately.  This  is  the 
only  arrangement  ever  worked  out  to  over- 
come the  hitherto-insoluble  problem  of  giv- 
ing due  weight  to  the  voice  of  the  great  pow- 
ers while  at  the  same  time  recognizing  the 
equal  sovereign  rights  of  the  smaller  powers. 
The  special  interests  of  the  great  powers  were 
recognized  in  the  composition  of  the  Council 
of  the  League :  members  of  the  League,  great 
and  small,  have  equal  voice  in  the  Assembly. 
The  United  States  could  co-operate  with  these 
two  bodies  for  the  one  purpose  of  electing 
judges,  without  in  any  way  being  drawn  into 
further  co-operation.  As  the  election  may 
not  be  held  oftener  than  once  in  nine  years, 
except  when  a  vacancy  is  to  be  filled,  it  is  not 
an  onerous  obligation  for  the  United  States 
to  assume. 

Says  Budget  is  Separate 

"3.  The  budget  of  the  court  forms  a  sepa- 
rate part  of  the  budget  of  the  League.  When 
a  dollar  is  paid  to  the  League  of  Nations,  12 
cents  of  it  is  put  aside  for  the  expenses  of  the 
court,  and  can  be  used  for  no  other  purpose. 
But  the  United  States  could  pay  its  contribu- 
tion directly  to  the  registrar  of  the  court  at 
The  Hague.  It  need  not  pass  through  Geneva. 
This  connection  between  the  court  and  the 
League  is  merely  administrative,  and  does 
not  in  any  way  subordinate  the  judges  to  the 
influence  of  the  League.  One  might  as  well 
argue  that  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  are  not  independent  of 
Congress,  because  the  funds  for  their  salaries 
must  be  voted  by  Congress. 

"4.  It  is  true  that,  in  addition  to  cases  di- 
rectly submitted  by  the  nations  for  adjudica- 
tion, the  court  may  give  advisory  opinions  to 
the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the  League. 
But  this  jurisdiction  is  not  new  to  American 
lawyers,  and  a  similar  jurisdiction  is  pos- 
sessed by  our  State  supreme  courts  in  about 
ten  States.  The  Massachusetts  Supreme 
Court  has  had  such  jurisdiction  since  1780, 
and  has  given  about  140  opinions  to  the  gov- 
ernor and  legislature  of  the  Commonwealth. 

"The  International  Court  has  shown,  by  its 
refusal  to  render  an  advisory  opinion  in  the 
case  of  Finland  against  Russia,  that  this 
function  would  be  exercised  in  an  independ- 
ent judicial  way,  while  in  several  cases  where 
the  court  has  exercised  it,  as  in  the  Tunis- 
Morocco  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and 
France,  such  action  has  led  directly  to  a  set- 
tlement. It  is  clearly  absurd,  therefore,  to 
speak  of  the  court  as  the  private  attorney  of 
the  League  of  Nations. 


1924 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


837 


We  submit  that  the  Permanent  Court  of 

(international    Justice  represents   the  logical 

evelopment  of  an  essentially  American  move- 

ent  under  way  for  a  generation.  It  is  built 
>n  the  foundation  of  the  Permanent  Court  of 
Arbitration  established  in  1899  and  on  the 
work  of  the  two  Hague  conferences.  It  is 
precisely  this  for  which  the  United  States  was 
contending  when  the  second  Hague  confer- 
ence met  in  1907.  The  court  is  now  firmly 
established.  It  has  begun  its  work.  It  has 
functioned  for  more  than  two  years.  Forty- 
seven  peoples  of  the  world  are  giving  it  their 
cordial  support.  Whether  the  United  States 
acts  or  not,  the  court  will  go  on. 

"Nevertheless,  the  United  States,  the  most 
powerful  country  in  the  world,  one  which 
has  most  eloquently  argued  for  the  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes  by  judicial 
means,  and  whose  citizens  have  contributed  in 
a  unique  way  to  the  creation  of  this  court, 
should  not,  in  its  own  interest,  stand  aloof. 

"It  is  apparent  from  the  almost  universal 
support  given  President  Harding's  proposal 
to  join  the  Permanent  Court  that  favorable 
action  by  the  Senate  would  meet  with  wide- 
spread approval  throughout  the  country. 
Why,  then,  should  there  be  further  delay? 

"We  submit  that  the  organized  churches, 
organized  labor,  organized  women  voters, 
organized  members  of  the  bar,  organized  uni- 
versity women,  organized  merchants,  organ- 
ized business  and  professional  women,  organ- 
ized women's  clubs,  and  organized  teachers 
represent  a  vast  majority  of  the  voters  of 
the  United  States  and  are  expecting  approval 
of  the  Harding-Hughes-Coolidge-Root  Per- 
manent Court  plan  before  the  recess  adjourn- 
ment. 

"In  conclusion,  we  beg  to  quote  from  the 
address  made  by  Secretary  of  State  Hughes 
before  the  American  Society  of  International 
Law  at  Washington,  December  27,  1923: 

"  'It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  there  will 
be  no  world  court  if  this  court  cannot  be 
made  one,  and  whether  or  not  it  is  to  be,  in 
the  fullest  sense,  a  world  court  depends  upon 
our  own  action.' " 


THE  OPPOSITE  VIEW 

PEEHAPS  the  most  convincing  ex- 
pression of  the  opposite  view  of  these 
contentions  has  been  set  forth  by  Dr. 
David  Jayne  Hill,  our  former  Ambassador 
to  Germany,  in  two  articles  which  ap- 
peared in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post,  one 
October  27,  1923,  and  the  other,  Novem- 
ber 3,  1923,  The  Advocate  of  Peace 
takes  the  liberty  to  extract  from  these  two 
articles  the  following: 

The  League's  Court 
Though  the  United  States  by  a  long  series 
of  arbitration  treaties,  by  the  conventions  of 
The  Hague,  and  by  its  efforts  to  establish  an 


International  court  of  justice,  which  It  was 
the  first  nation  in  the  world  oflicialiv  to  pro- 
pose, is  fully  committed  to  the  principle  of 
the  judicial  settlement  of  disputes,  its  rela- 
tion to  the  so-called  Permanent  Court  of  In- 
ternational Justice  established  by  the  League 
of  Nations  cannot  be  properly  considered 
without  taking  into  account  the  connection 
of  that  court  with  the  League. 
It  is  established  beyond  controversy : 

(1)  That  the  court  derives  its  authority 
primarily  from  the  covenant  of  the  League 
and  from  legislation  by  the  Council  and  As- 
sembly of  the  League,  by  which  its  judges  are 
chosen,  paid,  and  constituted  a  court; 

(2)  That  the  statute  of  the  court  does  not 
embody  the  most  important  recommenda- 
tions of  the  committee  of  jurists  consulted 
by  the  League ; 

(3)  That  all  the  nations  thus  far  par- 
ticipating in  the  court  do  so,  without  excep- 
tion, explicitly  in  the  terms  of  the  protocol, 
as  members  of  the  League ; 

(4)  That  the  covenant  of  the  League,  em- 
bodying a  wholly  new  system  of  interna- 
tional relations,  is  the  fundamental  law  for 
this  court  when  the  Council  or  Assembly 
seeks  its  opinion ;  and 

(5)  That  the  United  States  can  have  no 
part  in  the  election  of  judges,  unless  its  rep- 
resentatives sit  for  that  purpose  with  the 
Council  and  the  Assembly — that  is,  with  the 
League. 

It  is  therefore  at  least  problematical  if  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  can  con- 
sistently participate  in  the  so-called  Per- 
manent Court  of  International  Justice,  so 
long  as  it  retains  its  present  exclusive  rela- 
tions to  the  League  and  its  covenant. 

The  Relation  of  the  Court  to  Peace 

So  far  as  any  plan  to  co-operate  with  other 
nations  to  achieve  and  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  world  is  concerned,  it  is  clear  that  the 
League's  court  has  but  slight  relation  to  the 
peace  of  the  world.    The  reasons  for  this  are : 

(1)  That  the  statute  of  the  court  does  not 
bind  the  governments  to  submit  any  case  un- 
less they  choose  to  do  so ; 

(2)  That  not  even  all  the  justiciable  cases 
— that  is,  cases  that  can  be  settled  by  law — 
can  be  brought  before  the  court  by  the  State 
whose  rights  are  violated ; 

(3)  That  there  is,  therefore,  no  sure  re- 
dress through  the  court  against  the  illegal 


338 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


conduct  of  a  State  that  prefers  to  decide  a 
dispute  for  itself  by  its  superior  force; 

(4)  That  the  condition  of  international 
law  is  at  present  so  incomplete  that  it  does 
not  afford  the  necessary  clear  rules  of  action 
by  which  many  important  differences  can  be 
judicially  adjudicated ; 

(5)  That  the  League  of  Nations  has  re- 
jected the  American  proposal,  sustained  by 
its  own  Committee  of  Jurists,  for  the  revision 
and  improvement  of  international  law; 

(6)  That,  if  strictly  legal  cases  cannot  be 
brought  to  trial  by  a  nation  that  is  wronged, 
there  is  little  prospect  that  cases  where  great 
national  interests  are  involved,  which  might 
lead  to  war,  will  be  submitted  to  the  court. 

It  may  therefore  be  concluded  that  the  pre- 
tension that  the  League's  court  is  in  any  way 
more  of  a  law  court  than  the  Permanent  Tri- 
bunal of  Arbitration,  in  which  the  United 
States  is  a  member,  or  that  it  offers  any 
greater  security  of  peace,  is  entirely  illusory. 
To  this  must  be  added  that  the  covenant  of 
the  League,  which  is  a  fundamental  law  for 
the  League's  court,  in  Article  XX  is  accepted 
as  "abrogating  all  obligations  or  understand- 
ings inter  se  which  are  inconsistent  with  the 
terms  thereof,"  thus  substituting  this  com- 
pact for  the  rules  of  international  law  not  in 
harmony  with  It  and  making  the  covenant 
the  determining  standard. 

The  Hague  Conferences 

The  two  conferences  held  at  The  Hague  in 
1899  and  1907  were  designed  to  remedy  the 
uncertainty  of  international  rules  of  action 
by  the  gradual  embodiment  of  definite  prin- 
ciples of  the  law  of  nations  in  formal  treaties, 
which,  after  their  ratification,  would  bind  the 
ratifying  governments  to  observe  their  pro- 
visions. Thus  there  was  begun  the  forma- 
tion of  a  corpus  juris  which  in  time  might 
result  in  a  system  of  voluntarily  accepted 
rules  of  action,  in  the  light  of  which  a  gov- 
ernment could  know  in  advance  what  would 
be  judged  internationally  legal  and  a  court 
could  find  a  solid  basis  for  declaring  the  law. 

Unhappily,  the  temper  of  the  war  period 
caused  the  equable  development  of  law  and 
judicial  adjudication  to  be  disregarded,  and 
the  enforcement  of  peace  by  the  combination 
of  armed  power  was  conceived  of  as  a  sub- 
stitute for  law  and  court  decisions.  There  is 
in  the  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  no 
provision  for  the  improvement  of  interna- 
tional law  and  not  even  any  clear  mention 


of  it  as  a  binding  rule.  The  recommenda- 
tion of  the  Committee  of  Jurists  that  confer- 
ences be  held  for  the  clarification  and  exten- 
sion of  international  law,  to  which  refer- 
ence has  been  made  as  originally  an  Ameri- 
can proposal,  was  rejected  by  the  Council  and 
Assembly  of  the  League  in  legislating  upon 
the  statute  of  the  court.  It  is  impossible  to 
escape  the  inference  that,  in  place  of  the 
method  of  improving  international  law  by  the 
conference  of  jurists,  it  is  intended  that  the 
court  shall  be  guided  by  the  quasi-legislation 
of  the  Council  and  the  Assembly,  which  are 
merely  political  bodies.  When  it  is  asserted 
that  such  quasi-legislation  does  not  become 
effective  unless  the  members  of  the  League 
accept  it,  it  requires  to  be  recalled  that,  after 
all,  the  Council  and  the  Assembly,  as  closed 
and  exclusive  bodies,  are  not  competent  to 
make  international  law,  which  is  the  busi- 
ness of  the  whole  society  of  sovereign  States. 

A  Supergovernment 

At  this  point  a  fundamental  principle  of 
vast  consequence  comes  into  view :  A  court 
which  judges  without  defined  and  accepted 
law,  merely  in  accordance  with  its  own  sense 
of  fitness  or  the  decrees  of  a  political  body, 
is  in  its  very  nature  a  supergovernment,  for 
it  does  not  merely  declare  the  law,  which  is 
the  proper  business  of  a  court,  but  makes  the 
law  by  its  own  unregulated  action. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  court  which  bases  its 
decisions  upon  definite  rules  of  action,  volun- 
tarily agreed  upon  or  accepted  by  the  liti- 
gants, has  none  of  the  qualities  of  a  super- 
government.  In  adhering  to  such  a  court 
there  is  no  surrender  or  transfer  of  a  na- 
tion's sovereignty,  which  by  its  own  accept- 
ance of  a  rule  of  action  has  simply  expressed 
the  sovereign  will  to  observe  the  law  thus 
agreed  upon. 

The  problem  of  enforcement  is  closely 
bound  up  with  this  distinction.  To  enforce 
upon  a  people  a  law  that  it  has  not  accepted, 
but  which  is  merely  the  decree  of  an  arbitrary 
body — especially  a  court  composed  almost  ex- 
clusively of  foreigners,  representing  various 
forms  of  jurisprudence — would  inevitably  re- 
quire a  strong  executive  and  even  armed 
force ;  but  a  judicial  declaration  of  a  clear 
law  that  has  been  voluntarily  accepted  and 
ratified  by  its  own  lawmaking  body  possesses 
a  different  character.  The  enforcement  of 
such  a  law  is  an  obligation  undertaken  by 
all  parties  in  the  voluntary  establishment  of 


192Jlf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


339 


the  law  Itself.  Each  nation  in  this  case, 
whether  plaintiff  or  defendant,  is  judged  by 
its  own  law  and  not  by  an  arbitrary  or  un- 
known rule. 

The  Problem  of  Execution 

In  the  last  analysis,  it  is  the  problem  of 
execution  which  constitutes  the  chief  dif- 
ficulty in  any  compact  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  whatever  its  nature  may  be.  Will  the 
signatories  of  a  treaty  keep  faith?  That  is 
the  capital  question. 

If  they  will,  it  is  better  to  eliminate  the 
forcible  execution  of  a  treaty  and  trust  to 
the  national  honor ;  for,  if  the  national  honor 
can  be  relied  upon,  force  Is  superfluous  and 
may  as  well  be  dispensed  with. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  national  honor  can- 
not be  relied  upon  and  military  force  must  be 
depended  upon  to  enforce  international  ob- 
ligations, treaties  are  mere  scraps  of  paper, 
and  covenants  also,  unless  there  exists  some- 
where some  military  force  that  can,  in  case 
of  default,  be  made  effective. 

It  is  important  in  this  connection  to  keep 
ourselves  reminded  that  a  nation  that  will 
not  obey  a  law  or  keep  a  contract  it  has  freely 
accepted  will  not  take  the  trouble  to  make 
war  in  another's  interest,  where  its  own  in- 
terest is  not  directly  involved.  A  compact  to 
enforce  peace  has,  therefore,  no  more  value 
from  the  point  of  view  of  honor  than  a  com- 
pact to  keep  the  peace.  It  has  the  additional 
handicap,  when  it  comes  to  the  question  of 
action,  that  going  to  war  where  no  national 
interest  is  directly  affected  is  an  expensive 
and  unpopular  undertaking  and  is  likely  to 
be  postponed  as  much  as  possible  for  shifty 
reasons. 

We  are,  then,  forced  back  to  this,  that 
nations  that  are  not  ready  voluntarily  to  ac- 
cept and  obey  just  laws  cannot  be  depended 
upon  for  any  guaranties  of  peace.  Basing 
their  action  solely  upon  national  interest,  as 
they  conceive  it,  and  not  upon  uniform  prin- 
ciples of  justice,  national  interest  will  even- 
tually control  and  all  pledges  will  be  evaded. 
Each  nation,  or  at  most  each  group  of  na- 
tions, will  enforce  its  own  peace,  but  will  not 
sacrifice  its  own  aims  for  world  peace. 

From  this  we  are  entitled  to  conclude  that 
the  only  hope  for  the  peace  of  the  world  lies 
in  the  growth  of  the  juristic  sense  and  the 
disposition  to  be  governed  by  law.  This 
marks  out  the  only  end  for  which  an  intel- 
ligent internationalism  can  work — the  aboli- 


tion of  war  through  the  establishment  of  law 
and  obedience  to  it. 

While  awaiting  this  consummation,  a  wise 
nation  will  look  well  to  its  own  defense,  leav- 
ing the  unwise  nations  to  learn,  through  the 
bitter  experience  from  which  wisdom  pro- 
ceeds, that  justice  is  the  supreme  interest  of 
mankind. 

Treaties  of  Arbitration 
It  is  singular  that  those  who  insist  upon 
adherence  by  the  United  States  to  the  so- 
called  permanent  Court  of  International  Jus- 
tice not  only  overlook  the  fact  that  the  Per- 
manent Tribunal  of  Arbitration  established 
by  The  Hague  conventions,  as  a  result  of  an 
initiative  by  the  American  Government,  is  a 
law  court  to  the  extent  that  the  development 
of  international  law  permits  any  interna- 
tional court  to  be,  but  the  equally  important 
fact  that  the  United  States  is  bound  by  a 
greater  number  of  treaties  of  arbitration  than 
any  other  great  power,  and  through  them  is 
pledged  to  submit  to  international  settlement 
a  wider  and  more  inclusive  class  of  cases 
than  the  statute  of  the  League's  court  re- 
quires. So  far  as  co-operation  with  other 
nations  to  achieve  and  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  world  has  relation  to  the  pacific  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes,  it  may  be  said 
with  confidence  that  the  United  States  is  sur- 
passed by  no  one  of  the  great  powers  in  its 
present  commitment  to  make  use  of  the  exist- 
ing machinery  of  peace.  The  covenant  of  the 
League  of  Nations  is  not  more  inclusive  of 
differences  to  be  arbitrated  than  the  treaties 
of  the  United  States  with  other  nations,  and 
it  does  not  bind  the  members  to  resort  to  the 
League's  court.  The  terms  of  the  covenant 
are:  "For  the  consideration  of  any  such  dis- 
pute the  court  of  arbitration  to  which  the 
case  is  referred  shall  be  the  court  agreed  on 
by  the  parties  to  the  dispute  or  stipulated 
in  any  convention  existing  between  them," 
(Article  13,  paragraph  3.)     .    .    . 

Our  Best  Co-operation 

As  for  our  co-operation  with  other  nations 
to  achieve  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the 
world,  we  can  offer  it  most  effectively  not  by 
promises  but  by  procedure.  We  should  apply 
in  our  foreign  relations  the  principles  that 
have  made  us  great  as  a  nation.  These  are: 
(1)  The  recognition  of  inherent  rights  in 
States  as  well  as  in  individuals;  (2)  the  es- 
tablishment of  respect  for  these  rights  in 
the  form  of  voluntarily  accepted  law;    (3) 


340 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


the  equality  of  all  before  the  law;  (4)  a 
court,  accessible  to  all,  on  equal  terms,  where 
rights  may  be  defended  against  an  aggressor ; 
(5)  reliance  upon  the  grpwth  of  public  opin- 
ion for  the  enforcement  of  court  decisions. 

From  this  statement  it  would  appear  that 
the  principal  avenue  of  approach  for  co- 
operation with  other  nations  would  be  along 
the  line  of  development  of  world  law.  This 
was  in  a  fair  condition  of  progress  when,  in 
1914,  it  was  interrupted,  as  we  have  seen,  by 
an  effort  to  solve  the  problem  of  world  peace 
through  a  political  combination,  supported 
by  a  wholly  imaginary  armed  power.  We 
have  learned  that  no  nation  has  felt  pre- 
pared actually  to  use  its  armed  forces — the 
employment  of  which  was  contemplated  and 
pledged  in  the  covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations — except  for  the  defense  of  its  own 
Interests  of  or  the  interests  of  those  with 
whom  it  was  united  by  a  particular  alliance ; 
and  we  have  seen  the  conception  on  which 
the  League  of  Nations  was  founded  trans- 
formed by  the  proposal  that  only  those  na- 
tions which  are  by  their  situation  in  space 
peculiarly  subject  to  the  danger  of  Invasion 
should  be  expected  to  give  mutual  guaranties. 
This  proposal,  which  is  still  under  discus- 
sion, is  a  complete  surrender  of  the  idea  that 
the  United  States,  for  example,  is  responsible 
for  the  peace  of  Europe.  It  is  the  distinct 
assertion  of  a  doctrine  of  limited  responsi- 
bility and  reciprocal  guaranties. 

As  the  United  States  is  not  in  a  position 
of  danger  from  immediate  neighbors  and  is 
itself  no  menace  to  any  of  them,  its  respon- 
sibility for  world  peace  would  seem  to  be  lim- 
ited to  (1)  just  conduct  in  foreign  relations; 
(2)  insistence  that  foreign  intervention  be 
excluded  from  this  hemisphere;  (3)  continu- 
ation of  the  leadership  which  its  past  has 
thrust  upon  it  in  further  developing  world 
law;  and  (4)  the  free  expression  of  American 
opinion  regarding  questions  of  international 
ethics.  If  public  opinion  is  to  exert  any  in- 
fluence, it  must  be  expressed  without  fear. 
But  only  a  strong  nation  will  have  the  cour- 
age to  express  with  freedom  its  moral  con- 
victions. 

World  Law 

This  last  duty  may  well  take  the  form  of 
an  effort  to  induce  the  League  of  Nations  to 
permit  the  League's  court  to  be  transformed 
into  a  world  court  and  to  obtain  the  con- 
tinuation  of   The    Hague   conferences    with 


special  reference  to  the  perfecting  of  inter- 
national law  as  a  system  to  be  applied  by 
the  world  court  as  it  is  developed.  Com- 
pulsory jurisdiction  might  perhaps  well  be 
suspended  until  the  rules  of  law  are  more 
clearly  defined,  but  with  the  understanding 
that  all  strictly  justiciable  questions  are  to 
be  adjudicated.  The  world  would  thus  have 
as  much  peace  as  it  is  prepared  for  and  as 
the  great  powers  would  permit. 

"As  much  peace  as  the  world  is  prepared 
for  and  as  the  great  powers  would  permit" — 
for  there  are  many  possibilities  of  war  in  the 
treaties  of  peace  and  in  the  policies  of  the 
great  powers  as  well  as  in  the  animosities  of 
the  small  ones. 

Participation  in  Council 

There  is  much  room,  therefore,  for  future 
conciliation.  How  far  the  United  States 
should  participate  in  any  council  dealing  with 
European  peace  is  a  serious  problem.  Un- 
doubtedly this  Government  should  be  repre- 
sented wherever  its  interests  are  under  dis- 
cussion, and  it  would  be  an  act  of  folly  to 
oppose  this  through  any  prejudice  against 
any  consultative  body,  whatever  it  might  be. 
It  would  be  humiliating  to  think  that  the 
United  States  could  not  be  represented  by  a 
spokesman  wherever  the  interests  of  this 
country  are  to  be  decided,  so  long  as  those 
interests  are  real.  The  discussion  of  purely 
European  matters,  however,  involves  great 
dangers.  To  give  advice  is  to  assume  re- 
sponsibility, and  to  assume  responsibility  is 
to  create  an  obligation.  After  the  Confer- 
ence of  Paris,  there  should  be  no  need  of 
further  enlightenment  on  this  subject, 

American  interests  are  everywhere  where 
trade  and  commerce  penetrate.  Where  there 
are  responsible  governments,  these  interests 
can  be  protected  through  ordinary  diplomatic 
intercourse,  except  in  cases  where  interna- 
tional combinations  are  forming  and  agree- 
ments are  being  drawn.  There  not  the  un- 
official, but  the  official,  observer  should  be  on 
hand,  but  with  a  carefully  limited  latitude  of 
action.  When  it  comes  to  the  weaker  na- 
tions— the  nations  that  are  not  dealt  with, 
but  dealt  about — there  also  the  United  States 
should  always  be  on  the  spot  in  the  person 
of  a  discreet  but  responsible  representative. 

Such  are  some  of  the  considerations  that 
must  be  taken  into  account  when  it  is  pro- 
posed to  form  a  plan  for  the  co-operation  of 
the    United    States    with    other    nations    to 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


841 


achieve  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world. 
No  purely  subjective  scheme  will  have  any 
value.  If  a  plan  is  to  become  practicable,  It 
must  be  of  a  nature  to  receive  general  sup- 
port, not  only  by  the  people  and  Government 
of  the  United  States,  but  in  other  countries 
also.  What  should  be  aimed  at  is  a  union  of 
wills  for  peace.  Nor  should  it  be  overlooked 
that  no  nation  is  disposed  to  act  against  its 
own  interest  and  that  national  interests  are 
not  only  different  but  often  conflicting.  Not 
only  so,  nations  are  composite  personalities, 
very  unequal  in  their  characteristics  and  as- 
pirations, as  well  as  in  their  ideals  and  their 
power  to  realize  them.  There  is  only  one  re- 
spect in  which  sovereign  States  are  equal — 
that  is  in  the  realm  of  right  and  law.  There 
magnitude  and  power  are  extraneous.  The 
central  problem  is,  therefore,  to  extend  that 
realm  and  to  define  it.  That  Is  the  work  of 
conferences ;  for  law  in  its  modem  sense  Is 
not  a  rule  of  action  imposed  by  a  superior 
upon  an  inferior,  but  a  system  of  freely  ac- 
cepted rules  to  which  justice  requires  a  pledge 
of  obedience. 

One  other  consideration  should  not  pass 
without  notice.  Co-operation  is  essentially 
multilateral  and  reciprocal.  It  can  occur, 
therefore,  only  where  there  is  a  general  wil- 
lingness to  co-operate  and  when  the  condi- 
tions are  favorable  for  co-operation.  No 
plan,  even  if  inherently  practicable  and  of- 
ficially adopted,  can  become  effective  until  the 
nations  are  ready  to  act  upon  it.  Co-opera- 
tion, therefore,  is  not  merely  a  form  of  pro- 
cedure by  the  United  States  alone;  it  is  of 
necessity  action  in  association  with  other  na- 
tions that  are  prepared  and  disposed  to  act  in 
an  honorable  and  effectual  manner  for  the 
good  of  all. 


FRANCE  AND  GERMANY  AT 
THE  POLLS 

1.  The  German  Elections 

THE  results  of  the  German  elections, 
which  were  held  in  the  week  of  May  1, 
were  not  sufficiently  decisive  to  give  much 
real  indication  of  a  imited  feeling  on  the 
part  of  the  people.  The  parties  were 
returned  as  follows: 

Social  Democrats,  100;  German  Na- 
tionalists, 96;  Catholic  Center,  65;  Com- 
munists, 62;  German  People's  Party,  44; 
Freedom  Party,  33;  Democrats,  28;  Ba- 


varian People's  Party,  16;  Economic 
Party,  6;  German  Socialists,  4;  Thurin- 
gian  Land  Union,  3 ;  Hanoverians,  5 ;  Ba- 
varian peasants,  10 ;  Land  Union  of  Wur- 
temberg,  Baden,  and  Hesse,  6. 

The  loss  of  support  by  the  Social  Demo- 
crats and  the  gains  made  by  the  three 
extremists  groups,  namely,  the  German 
Nationalist,  the  Communist,  and  the 
Freedom  Party,  present  the  most  signifi- 
cant feature  of  the  situation.  Of  these 
three  groups  the  Freedom  Party  received 
most  of  its  support  in  Thuringia  and 
Franconia,  where  a  wave  of  extreme  re- 
action has  been  noticeable.  The  German 
Nationalists  were  returned  principally 
from  the  north,  and,  to  a  much  lesser 
degree,  received  a  certain  support  in  other 
parts  of  Germany,  except  Thuringia  and 
Franconia.  Perhaps  the  most  ominous 
indication  was  presented  by  the  Commu- 
nist Party,  which  made  gains  in  every  part 
of  the  country,  in  some  places  increasing 
their  gains  tenfold.  The  losses  of  the 
German  People's  Party,  which  had  for- 
merly been  under  the  influence  of  the  late 
Herr  Stinnes,  were  extremely  heavy  every- 
where. 

Among  the  well-known  personages 
elected  may  be  noted  Count  Westarp,  Herr 
Hergt,  Herr  Streseman,  Dr.  Leicht,  Herr 
Hermann  Mueller,  Frau  Clara  Zetkin 
(the  famous  Communist  leader),  Herr 
Eemele,  Herr  Koenen,  Admiral  von  Tir- 
pitz,  and  General  Ludendorff. 

On  the  whole,  European  opinion,  as  re- 
flected outside  of  Germany,  appears  to 
view  the  results  with  a  certain  pessimism. 
The  London  Times  points  out  that  the 
election  was  fought  on  the  question  of  the 
Dawes  report,  and  that  by  no  possible 
stretch  of  the  imagination  could  the  Ger- 
man people  be  said  to  have  shown  any  defl- 
nite  desire  to  endorse  a  policy  based  on 
its  execution.  Under  the  requirements 
of  the  report,  several  changes  in  the  con- 
stitution, each  involving  a  two-thirds  ma- 
jority of  the  Eeichstag,  are  necessitated, 
and  an  early  defeat  of  any  government  on 
these  issues  is  foreseen.  Such  a  defeat 
would  entail  a  new  election. 

2.  The  French  Returns 

Heavy,  though  not  unexpected,  gains 
were  made  by  the  left  during  the  French 
elections  in  the  first  part  of  May.     The 


342 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


final  disposition  of  the  parties,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  delayed  counts,  was  as 
follows:  Bloc  National,  208;  Eadicals, 
186;  Socialists,  111;  Communists,  24; 
Kepublican  Socialists,  20;  Conservatives, 
19. 

On  the  basis  of  these  figures  the  French 
Chamber  will  be  divided  as  follows:  Op- 
position, 341;  Poincare  parties,  227;  Op- 
position majority,  114. 

The  Radical  Party,  led  by  Edouard  Her- 
riotandthe  former  Prime  Minister,  Joseph 
Caillaux,  which  was  defeated  in  1920  by 
the  Bloc  National,  again  becomes  the 
strongest  group  in  the  chamber,  while  the 
Socialists,  with  111  deputies,  have  broken 
their  1914  record  of  101  members.  A 
noteworthy  indication  of  the  state  of 
feeling  among  the  French  electorate  was 
furnished  by  the  outstanding  figures 
defeated  or  returned.  Prominent  among 
the  former  were  General  de  Castelnau, 
Andre  Lefevre  (former  Minister  of  War 
and  prophet  of  German  revanche).  Prince 
Joachim  Murat,  Gaston  Vidal  (former 
under  secretary  for  physical  education), 
Leon  Daudet  (leader  of  the  Camelots  du 
Eoi),  Sadi  Lecointe,  M.  D'Aubigny,  and 
Charles deLasteyrie  (Ministry  of  Finance, 
etc.)  Those  returned  included  Marcel 
Cachin  (the  Communist  leader),  Andre 
Marty  (Communist,  imprisoned  for  sur- 
rendering his  ship  to  the  Bolshevists  in  the 
Black  Sea),  M.  Malvy  (former  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  who  was  banished  during 
the  war  for  five  years),  Jean  Longuet 
(grandson  of  Karl  Marx),  MM.  Painleve 
and  Leygues,  MM.  Reibel  and  Colrat,  M. 
Franklin  Bouillon, M. Louis  Klotz  (former 
Finance  Minister),  M.  Andre  Fallieres, 
M.  Louis  Dubois,  and  M.  Raoul  Peret. 
Of  the  Poincare  Cabinet,  the  Ruhr  Minis- 
ters, MM.  Andre  Maginot  and  Jules  le 
Trocquer,  were  returned,  together  with  M. 
Lefebre  du  Prey,  Minister  of  Justice,  and 
M.  Louis  Marin,  Minister  for  the  Liber- 
ated Regions.  It  is  notable  that  M.  Aris- 
tide  Briand  carried  his  whole  list  with 
him  into  the  chamber. 

3.  General  Conclusions 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  it  may  be  de- 
duced that,  while  the  German  results 
display  a  marked  tendency  toward  ex- 
tremism on  the  part  of  the  people,  the 
French,  on  the  contrary,  indicate  a  distinct 


desire  for  moderation  and  peace.  While 
the  Ruhr  policy  initiated  by  M.  Poincare 
cannot,  regardless  of  who  may  head  the 
next  government,  undergo  any  marked  al- 
teration at  the  moment,  there  seems  to  be 
little  doubt  that  the  Dawes  report  will 
have  a  definite  chance  of  acceptance  by 
the  French,  and  that  the  possibility  of 
close  and  amicable  relations  with  the  Brit- 
ish Government  in  matters  of  international 
policy  are  much  enhanced.  Whether, 
with  the  disappearance  of  a  hated  figure- 
head from  the  French  scene,  the  German 
people  will  incline  toward  a  sweet  reason- 
ableness remains  to  be  seen. 


THE  BRITISH  BUDGET 

IMMEDIATELY  upon  the  assembly  of 
Parliament,  at  the  end  of  April,  the 
new  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Mr. 
Philip  Snowden,  presented  his  first 
budget.  The  chancellor's  speech  took  up 
an  hour  and  three  quarters  and  was  gener- 
ally considered  to  have  been  one  of  the 
ablest  of  its  kind  delivered  in  the  House 
of  Commons. 

The  proposals  formulated  into  three 
groups — an  attempt  to  realize  the  Radical 
conception  of  a  free  breakfast  table,  the 
declaration  of  war  upon  imperial  prefer- 
ence, and  an  appeal  to  the  business  com- 
munity via  the  abolition  of  the  corpora- 
tion profits  tax.  Briefly  stated,  the  prin- 
cipal changes  advocated  were : 

Corporation  profits  tax:  To  be  repealed 
as  regards  profits  arising  after  June  30, 
1924. 

Inhabited  house  duty:  To  be  repealed 
from  the  beginning  of  the  year  of  assess- 
ment, 1924-25. 

Customs  and  excise,  duties  reduced: 
Tea  from  8d.  to  4:d.  per  pound ;  cocoa  and 
coffee,  from  285.  to  14s.  per  cwt. ;  chicory, 
26s.  6d.  to  13s.  3d.  per  cwt.;  sugar  (over 
98°  polarization),  25s.  8d.  to  lis.  8d.  per 
cwt. ;  dried  fruits,  10s.  6d.  to  7s.  per  cwt. 

Entertainments  duty  repealed  on  tickets 
up  to  the  value  of  6d.  and  reduced  on 
tickets  from  7d.  to  Is.  3d. 

Import  duty  on  films,  clocks  and 
watches,  motor  cars,  motor  cycles  and  ac- 
cessories, musical  instruments  and  acces- 
sories, to  be  repealed  on  August  1. 

Table  water  duties  to  be  repealed. 

Motor  vehicle  duties:  Reduced  rates  for 


192Jli. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


343 


yearly  licenses  taken  out  after  February  1 
and  for  quarterly  licenses. 

Telephone  rates:  From  July  1  next, 
local  calls  reduced  from  l^(i.  to  Id.  (5 
miles),  and  from  2^d.  to  2d.  (5  to  7i^ 
miles).  Discount  of  5  per  cent  on  calls 
in  excess  of  2,000  per  annum  abolished. 
Further  reductions  in  long-distance  calls 
and  removal  charges. 

The  final  balance-sheet  for  1924-25, 
after  the  alterations  proposed  by  the  chan- 
cellor, is  as  follows : 

Estimated  Revenue 

In  pounds 
sterling. 

Customs  101,800,000 

Excise  135,900,000 

Total  customs  and  excise 237,700,000 

Motor  veliicle  duties 15,600,000 

Estate,  etc.,  duties 56,000,000 

Stamps    21,000,000 

Land  tax,  house  duty,  and  min- 
eral riglits  duty 1,250,000 

Income  tax 265,000,000 

Supertax    61,000,000 

Excess-profits   duty 8,000,000 

Corporation  profits  tax 20,000,000 

Total  inland  revenue 432,250,000 

Total  receipts  from  taxes...     685,550,000 

Post-office 53,500.000 

Crown   lands 900,000 

Interest  on  sundry  loans 12,250,000 

Miscellaneous : 

Ordinary  receipts 11,850,000 

Special    receipts 30,000,000 

Total  receipts  from  non-tax 

revenue 108,500,000 

Total    revenue 794,050,000 


Estimated  Expenditure 
Consolidated  Fund  Services: 

National   debt   services 350,000,000 

Payments  for  Northern  Ireland 

residuary  share,  etc 3,500,000 

Road  fund 15,000,000 

Payments  of  local  taxation  ac- 
counts, etc 13,150,000 

Land   settlement 750,000 

Other  consolidated  fund  services  2,440,000 

Total     consolidated     fund 

services    384,840,000 


Supply  Services: 

Army    45,000,000 

Navy   55,800,000 

Air  force 14,511,000 

Civil  services 227,573,000 

Customs  and  excise  and  inland 

revenue  departments 11,221,000 

Post-office  services 51,081,000 

Total  supply  services 405,186,000 

Total   expenditure 790,026,000 

Expenditure  chargeable  against 
capital    8,577,000 

Referring  to  the  question  of  debt,  Mr. 
Snowden  estimated,  in  the  course  of  his 
speech,  the  reduction  of  internal  debt 
since  December,  1919,  at  four  hundred 
million  sterling,  the  total  reduction  within 
the  last  six  years  being  over  six  hundred 
and  fifty  million  sterling,  or  more  than 
the  British  pre-war  debt. 

The  most  controversial  proposal  was 
undoubtedly  that  covering  the  aboKtion 
of  the  McKenna  duties.  The  attack  upon 
imperial  preference  was  also  considered  by 
certain  circles  of  British  opinion  to  be  a 
serious  blow  to  British  progress. 

■••^  '1 

THE  LATEST  CENSUS  IN  INDIA 

THE  total  population  of  India  in  1921, 
according  to  the  decennial  census 
taken  in  that  year,  compilation  of  which 
has  just  been  completed,  was  318,943,000, 
of  which  247,003,000  belonged  to  British 
India  and  71,940,000  to  the  Indian  native 
States.  In  British  India  there  were  126,- 
872,000  males  and  120,131,000  females. 
Due  mainly  to  the  stimulus  of  the  war  in 
developing  Indians  industries,  the  urban 
population  increased  from  29,748,000  in 
1911  to  32,475,000  in  1921,  or  10.2  per 
cent.  With  the  exception  of  the  large 
seaports,  however,  and  a  few  industrial 
centers,  the  Indian  cities  are  generally 
small  compared  with  Western  cities,  the 
average  population  approximating  14,000 
for  all  India,  while  the  population  of  the 
villages  averages  417. 

The  outstanding  feature  of  the  1921 
census  was  the  small  increase  of  1.2  per 
cent  shown  in  the  actual  population  as 
compared  with  more  than  7  per  cent  for 
1911.  The  main  cause  for  the  difference 
was  the  influenza  epidemic  of  1918-19,  in 


344 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


which  more  than  12,000,000  of  the  In- 
dians perished. 

In  1921  the  number  of  literates  in  In- 
dia had  advanced  by  22  per  cent,  to  22,- 
600,000 — a  noteworthy  fact  when  com- 
pared with  the  increase  of  only  1.2  per 
cent  in  the  population  for  the  10-year 
period.  Excluding  children  under  5  years, 
8.2  per  cent  of  the  population  are  able  to 
write  and  read  the  reply  to  a  simple  letter. 
No  social  difficulties  have  ever  prevented 
the  Indian  men  from  securing  an  educa- 
tion, but,  with  the  exception  of  Burma, 
Indian  women  have  been  hampered  in  this 
respect.  Foreign  standards  and  ideals 
have  been  influencing  the  men  of  the 
communities,  however,  to  the  extent  that, 
from  10  years  upwards,  23  females  per 
1,000  were  reported  in  1921  as  being  able 
to  read  and  write,  or  10  per  cent  more 
than  10  years  earlier. 


Another  important  social  change  result- 
ing from  foreign  contacts  is  the  reduction 
in  the  number  of  child  marriages.  The 
1881  census  showed  that  4.8  per  cent  of 
the  females  in  India  between  the  ages  of 
10  and  15  were  unmarried,  compared  with 
6  per  cent  in  1921,  while  the  ratio  of  the 
unmarried  between  5  and  10  years  had 
advanced  from  8.7  per  cent  in  1911  to 
slightly  over  9  per  cent  in  1921. 

Minor  languages  and  dialects,  of  which 
there  are  nearly  100  in  the  country,  are 
being  displaced  by  the  stronger  and  more 
developed  tongues.  Moreover,  as  the  ne- 
cessity for  some  common  medium  of  inter- 
course becomes  more  evident  in  Indian 
circles,  tribal  languages  are  giving  way  to 
a  form  of  bilingualism  in  north  and  cen- 
tral India  especially,  where  there  is  a 
common  element  in  the  main  languages. 


ON  THE  STATE  OF  THE  UNION 


By  DAVID  JAYNE  HILL 


DR.  HILL,  President  of  the  National 
Association  for  Constitutional  Gov- 
ernment, speaking  in  Washington  at  the 
recent  annual  meeting  of  that  organiza- 
tion, expressed  himself  as  follows : 

Members  of  the  Association", 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen: 

It  seems  appropriate  that  at  this  our 
annual  meeting  we  should  at  least  briefly 
take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the 
Union.  In  order  to  give  others  an  oppor- 
tunity to  express  their  views,  I  shall  con- 
fine my  own  remarks  to  narrow  limits. 

Whatever  our  personal  opinions  or  party 
attachments  may  be,  I  think  we  shall  all 
be  in  accord  in  the  statement  that  the 
situation  of  our  country  in  regard  to  the 
execution  of  law,  the  security  of  our  con- 
stitutional guarantees,  and  public  confi- 
dence in  the  integrity  and  trustworthiness 
of  government  is  one  of  extreme  gravity. 
Never,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  has 
there  been  such  cause  for  disquietude. 

In  order  to  measure  the  character  and 
the  extent  of  this  disquietude,  it  is  desir- 
able to  recall  some  of  the  principles  in- 
tended to  be  embodied  in  our  political 
institutions  and  to  inquire  how  far  these 


principles  are  still  respected  and  how  far 
they  have  been  obscured  or  apparently 
rejected. 

It  is,  I  believe,  beyond  dispute  that  the 
founders  of  our  government  intended  it  to 
be  one  of  specifically  delegated  powers,  and 
that  there  are,  therefore,  certain  Hmits  to 
its  legitimate  activity.  It  is  with  surprise 
and  distrust,  therefore,  that  we  perceive 
in  the  assumptions  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment a  claim  to  the  prerogative  of  com- 
plete sovereignty — displayed,  for  example, 
in  the  practice  of  taking  and  expending 
the  money  of  the  people  for  any  purpose 
that  may  seem  good  in  the  eyes  of  Con- 
gress, with  little  or  no  regard  for  the 
limitations  under  which  this  power  has 
been  delegated. 

It  is  equally  clear  that  there  was  de- 
signed to  be  a  division  of  powers,  not  only 
between  the  branches  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, but  between  that  Government 
and  the  States,  to  which  and  to  the  people 
all  powers  not  delegated  to  the  Federal 
Government  were  reserved.  It  is  sympto- 
matic of  a  revolutionary  process  when  this 
definition  of  the  spheres  of  action  is  ob- 
literated by  encroachments  between  the 
branches  of  government  and  by  a  disposi- 
tion to  expand  and  extend  the  powers  of 


19£J^ 


ON  THE  STATE  OF  THE  UNION 


345 


the  Federal  Government  over  matters  re- 
served to  the  States,  and  even  to  penetrate 
to  the  inmost  personal  affairs  of  the  in- 
dividual citizens. 

When  account  is  taken  of  the  vast  extent 
of  territory  and  wide  diversity  of  social 
and  economic  conditions  in  the  United 
States,  it  should  be  evident  to  every 
thoughtful  mind  that  laws  made  in  Wash- 
ington affecting  the  diversiiied  life  of  the 
people  in  these  various  and  unequal  cir- 
cumstances will  not  produce  equal  benefits 
or  receive  equal  respect  in  all  parts  of  the 
Union,  and  that  there  is  grave  danger  of 
a  mental  revolt  against  the  authority  of 
all  law  when  efforts  are  made  to  enforce 
enactments  that  do  not  receive  the  support 
of  the  citizens.  To  this  must  be  added  the 
obvious  injustice  of  taxing  heavily  the  citi- 
zens of  one  part  of  the  country  that  has 
never  received  federal  aid  for  the  benefit 
of  other  and  remote  parts  made  the  bene- 
ficiaries of  special  public  appropriations. 

The  possible  consequences  of  such  poli- 
cies as  are  here  described  are  aggravated 
by  the  method  by  which  such  appropria- 
tions are  secured.  Among  the  evils  that 
have  arisen  in  our  political  development 
is  the  tendency  to  substitute  direct  for 
representative  government — a  procedure 
which  must  eventually  have  the  effect,  if, 
indeed,  it  is  not  intended  to  do  so,  of  de- 
stroying responsible  representative  gov- 
ernment altogether. 

The  distinction  between  representative 
and  direct  government  should  be  kept 
clearly  in  mind.  The  representative  sys- 
tem involves  the  choice  of  competent  per- 
sons to  exercise  the  delegated  powers  of 
government,  upon  the  assumption  that 
they  will  represent,  not  the  int-erests  of 
classes  and  sections  of  the  country,  but 
the  country  as  a  whole,  in  the  sense  that 
their  powers  shall  be  employed  under  the 
Constitution  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  ends  of  government  as  set  forth  in  the 
preamble  of  the  Constitution,  which  they 
solemnly  swear  to  uphold.  It  is  implied 
that  these  officers  shall  be  chosen  for  this 
purpose  by  the  electors  because  they  pos- 
sess the  personal  competency  to  fill  the 
offices  to  which  they  are  elected  and  will 
on  this  ground  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the 
electorate. 

Direct  government,  on  the  contrary,  re- 
jects   representative    government    in    the 


sense  here  defined,  and  in  its  place  ap- 
proaches the  elected  officers  of  government 
with  pleas,  mandates,  and  menaces,  di- 
recting them  to  take  this  or  that  action, 
not  because  these  officers  think  it  wise  or 
just,  but  because  if  they  fail  to  act  as 
directed  by  the  groups  that  thus  approach 
them,  these  groups  will  be  opposed  to 
them  and  will  favor  others  who  will  carry 
out  their  will. 

Briefly  stated,  direct  government  is  an 
expression  of  will  rather  than  of  reason  on 
the  part  of  a  group,  or  bloc,  of  interested 
persons,  who  demand  that  their  will  be 
executed.  Such  groups,  or  blocs,  are 
usually  minorities — sometimes  compara- 
tively small  minorities — but  appear  potent 
and  command  attention  by  their  persist- 
ence, their  vociferation,  and  their  im- 
plied, if  not  open,  threats.  Legislation 
under  this  influence  is  virtually  always 
minority  legislation,  so  far  as  the  elec- 
torate is  concerned;  and  yet  it  may  seem 
majority  legislation  when  a  majority  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people  holding 
the  powers  of  government  are  swayed  or 
intimidated  by  such  groups,  or  blocs. 

It  must,  of  course,  be  conceded  that  the 
temptation  to  yield  to  the  demands  of 
these  blocs  is  very  strong,  for  they  often 
hold  the  balance  of  power  in  the  commu- 
nities where  the  representatives  of  the 
people  derive  their  title  to  office,  and  can 
therefore  prevent  re-election.  This  would 
not  be  the  case  if  the  entire  electorate 
would  interest  itself  in  the  questions  at 
issue ;  but,  unfortunately,  the  blocs  always 
represent  an  interest,  material  or  senti- 
mental, and  this  unites  them  and  gives 
them  their  strength. 

It  requires  but  little  reflection  to  per- 
ceive what  would  happen  if  this  system  of 
direct  action  should  supersede  the  repre- 
sentative system.  All  responsibility  for 
public  action  would  then  disappear;  for 
these  minority  blocs,  by  collusion  and 
trading,  would  make  the  law  and  ulti- 
mately destroy  the  Constitution.  Each 
would  favor  the  project  of  another,  or  sev- 
eral others,  in  exchange  for  support,  and 
we  should  have  that  form  of  government 
by  transaction  which  has  made  the  parlia- 
mentary system  odious  in  other  countries 
and  has  so  often  compelled  a  resort  to  a 
dictatorship  to  break  it  up  and  abolish  it. 
Surely,  it  would  be  a  dismal  prospect  for 


346 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


our  country  if  we  should  be  compelled  to 
pass  through  such  a  series  of  disasters. 

I  have  touched  but  superficially  upon 
some  of  the  tendencies  that  are  in  action 
at  the  present  time.  There  are  others  that 
fill  us  with  alternate  dismay  and  disgust. 
What  clear-headed,  self-respecting,  and 
independent  gentleman  (I  use  the  word  in 
Sir  Philip  Sydney's  meaning,  of  one  "pos- 
sessing high  thoughts  seated  in  a  heart  of 
courtesy")  could  desire  to  accept  a  public 
oflEice  in  the  United  States,  except  from  a 
sense  of  public  duty  and  in  a  spirit  of  sac- 
rifice ? 

I  leave  to  others  here  such  comments  as 
they  may  be  moved  to  make.  As  to  our 
association,  I  believe  no  member  of  it  can 
fail  to  realize  its  great  field  of  usefulness 
or  be  wholly  oblivious  of  what  it  has  al- 
ready accomplished  in  its  quiet,  educa- 
tional way,  or  feel  anything  short  of  pride 
in  his  or  her  connection  with  it.  Cer- 
tainly, we  who  for  more  than  ten  years 
have  devoted  our  thought  and  our  time  to 
it,  without  other  reward  than  the  realiza- 
tion of  its  growth  and  results,  are  happy 
in  the  reflection  that  we  have  had  this 
privilege,  and  have  no  regret  except  that 
its  work  and  influence  have  not  been  more 
extended  than  they  have  been.  We  thank 
all  our  colleagues  and  associates  for  their 
loyal  aid.  We  have  never  given  direct 
government  the  sanction  of  our  example. 
We  have  never  gone  to  Congress  to  favor 
or  to  oppose  any  bill.  We  have  never  rep- 
resented or  supported  any  private  interest. 
We  have  never  taken  any  one's  money  ex- 
cept for  the  educational  work  we  have 
undertaken. 

We  have  before  us  a  vast  field  of  activ- 
ity— a  field  greater  than  our  strength  and 
our  resources  enable  us  adequately  to  till. 
Twenty-eight  States  have  made  instruc- 
tion regarding  the  Constitution  compul- 
sory in  the  schools.  What  kind  of  instruc- 
tion is  it  to  be?  Will  it  be  simply  an 
analysis  of  the  framework  of  government, 
a  mere  mechanical  instruction,  or  will  it 
be  vital  and  inspiring?  Will  it  convey 
and  impress  what  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  has  done  for  the  growth 
and  prosperity  of  our  country,  what  it 
means  to  us  today,  and,  above  all,  what 
the  undermining  and  destruction  of  it 
would  mean  for  the  future?  Will  it  take 
up  and  explain  the  value  of  ihe  guarantees 


of  immunity,  the  security  of  person  and 
property,  the  function  of  the  judiciary  in 
applying  the  Constitution  as  a  funda- 
mental law?  Will  it  expose  the  fallacies 
and  the  consequences  of  the  attacks  on  the 
Supreme  Court,  the  keystone  of  the  whole 
system  of  constitutional  government? 

In  order  that  the  teachers  who  will  im- 
part this  instruction  may  be  well  informed 
on  these  subjects,  I  could  wish  that  every 
one  of  them  should  receive  gratuitously 
our  literature  and  a  free  copy  every  year 
of  the  Constitutional  Review.  I  can  think 
of  no  way  in  which  our  work  could  be 
more  usefully  extended.  Can  any  of  our 
members  suggest  means  by  which  such  a 
result  could  be  accomplished? 


THE  TWENTY-SECOND  CONFER- 
ENCE OF  THE  INTERPAR- 
LIAMENTARY UNION 

By  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 

THE  Interparliamentary  Council  an- 
nounces that  the  Twenty-second  Con- 
ference of  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
is  to  be  held  at  Berne  and  Geneva, 
Switzerland,  from  Friday,  22d,  to  Thurs- 
day, 28th  of  August,  1924.  This  con- 
ference has  been  made  possible  upon  the 
invitation  of  the  Swiss  group  of  the  Union, 
extended  at  Basle  on  April  5.  It  is  an- 
nounced that  the  sittings  on  Friday,  22d ; 
Saturday,  23d;  Monday,  25th,  and  Tues- 
day, 26th  of  August,  will  take  place  at 
Berne,  in  the  hall  of  the  Conseil  National, 
in  the  Palais  Federal.  Wednesday  will  be 
devoted  to  an  excursion  from  Berne  to 
Geneva  and  to  a  visit  to  the  General  Secre- 
tariat of  the  League  of  Nations  and  to 
the  International  Labor  OflSce.  On  Thurs- 
day, August  28,  the  last  sittings  of  the  con- 
ference will  be  held  in  the  Salle  de  la  Ee- 
formation,  the  seat  of  the  annual  assem- 
blies of  the  League  of  Nations. 

The  inaugural  meeting  will  take  place 
on  Friday,  August  22,  at  10  o'clock. 

The  provisional  program  is  announced 
as  follows : 

1.  Election  of  the  President  and  of  the 
Bureau  of  the  Conference. 


19H 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


347 


2.  Amendment  to  Articles  3  and  10  of 
the  statutes  of  the  Union.  Draft  regula- 
tions for  the  Interparliamentary  Con- 
ferences. 

Rapporteur:  M.  Henri  La  Fontaine, 
Vice-President  of  the  Belgian  Senate, 
president  of  the  Belgian  group,  in  the 
name  of  the  drafting  committee. 

3.  Report  from  the  bureau  on  the  ac- 
tivity of  the  Council  since  the  last  confer- 
ence and  annual  administrative  report 
from  the  secretary  general. 

a.  Financial  situation  of  the  Union. 
Rapporteur :  Baron  Adelswaerd,  Senator, 

former  Minister  of  Finance,  president  of 
the  Swedish  group  and  of  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Council. 

b.  General  debate  on  the  report  of  the 
bureau,  in  accordance  with  Article  8  of 
the  draft  regulations  for  interparlia- 
mentary conferences. 

M.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  Member  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
member  of  the  executive  committee,  will 
be  asked  to  present  the  report  and  open 
the  general  debate. 

4.  Parliamentary  control  of  foreign 
policy. 

Rapporteurs  on  behalf  of  the  permanent 
committee  for  the  study  of  juridical  ques- 
tions :  M.  J.  L.  Mowinckel,  deputy,  former 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  and  of  Com- 
merce, president  of  the  Norwegian  group, 
and  Prof.  Walther  Schiicking,  member  of 
the  Reichstag,  president  of  the  German 
group. 

M.  Mowinckel  will  deal  with  the  po- 
litical aspect  of  the  question,  M.  Schiick- 
ing with  its  juridical  aspect. 

5.  Colonial  mandates  and  the  League 
of  Nations. 

Rapporteur:  M.  Marius  Moutet,  deputy 
(France),  in  the  name  of  the  permanent 
committee  for  the  study  of  ethnic  and  co- 
lonial questions. 

6.  Economic  and  financial  questions. 
Reports  from  the  permanent  study  com- 
mittee. 

a.  The  committee,  at  its  meeting  at 
Basle,  appointed  a  subcommittee  of  six 
members  to  follow  the  development  of 
the  problem  of  reparations  and  to  nomi- 
nate two  rapporteurs,  one  to  be  proposed 
by  the  British  group,  and  to  represent 
the  point  of  view  of  the  creditor  nations, 
the  other  to  be  Baron  Joseph  Szterenyi 
(Hungary),    former    Minister    of    Com- 


merce, who  will  represent  the  debtor  na- 
tions. 

b.  The  economic  solidarity  of  the  world 
and  international  traflBc. 

Rapporteur:  Baron  Joseph  Szterenyi 
(Hungary). 

7.  Problems  of  social  policy. 

a.  Immigration. 

Rapporteur:  M.  Fernand  Merlin,  sena- 
tor, vice-president  of  the  French  group, 
member  of  the  executive  committee. 

b.  Emigration. 

Rapporteur :  A  member  to  be  nominated 
by  the  Swiss  group. 

8.  Reduction  of  armaments. 

Owing  to  unforeseen  circumstances,  the 
special  committee  instituted  in  accord- 
ance with  a  decision  of  the  Copenhagen 
Conference  has  not  yet  met.  It  will  be 
convened  in  the  course  of  the  spring  to 
draw  up  the  proposals  to  be  submitted  to 
the  conference  and  will  then  nominate 
one  or  several  rapporteurs. 

9.  Communication  of  the  names  of  the 
delegates  of  the  groups  to  the  Interparlia- 
menta"ry  Council  from  the  XXIId  to  the 
XXIIId  Conference. 

According  to  Article  12  of  the  statutes 
of  the  Union,  two  delegates  to  the  Coun- 
cil are  nominated  by  each  group  at  least  a 
month  before  the  opening  of  the  con- 
ference. Such  nominations  are  commu- 
nicated to  the  Interparliamentary  Bureau 
and  by  the  latter  to  the  conference. 

10.  Election  of  a  member  of  the  execu- 
tive committee  to  take  the  place  of  Mr. 
Theodore  E.  Burton  (United  States  of 
America),  the  retiring  member. 

According  to  Article  16  of  the  statutes, 
the  retiring  member  is  not  eligible  for  re- 
election and  his  place  must  be  taken  by  a 
member  belonging  to  another  group. 

Whereas  up  to  the  present  the  Inter- 
parliamentary conferences  have  had  an 
average  duration  of  three  days  only,  this 
year's  meeting  will  extend  over  seven 
whole  days,  five  of  which  will  be  devoted 
to  the  questions  entered  in  the  agenda. 
This  increase  in  the  duration  of  the  con- 
ference seemed  necessary  to  the  Council 
in  order  that  the  important  questions  put 
before  the  members  might  be  dealt  with 
as  thoroughly  as  possible.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  became  necessary  to  prepare  a 
fixed  time-table  of  the  debates,  for  the 
information  of  those  members  who  would 
be  unable  to  stay  for  the  whole  conference. 


348 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


By  consulting  the  time-table  given  below, 
every  member  will  be  able  to  ascertain  on 
which  days  the  discussions  in  which  he 
is  most  interested  will  take  place. 

The  program  at  Berne  will  be  as  fol- 
lows : 

Friday,  August  22 — Morning — Open- 
ing of  the  conference;  revision  of  the 
statutes;  regulations  for  Interparliament- 
ary conferences;  financial  situation  of  the 
Union. 

Afternoon — Eeport  from  the  bureau 
and  general  debate. 

Saturday,  August  23 — Continuation 
and  conclusion  of  the  general  debate. 

Monday,  August  25 — Parliamentary 
control  of  foreign  policy;  colonial  man- 
dates. 

Tuesday,  August  26 — Economic  ques- 
tions; problems  of  social  policy. 

Wednesday,  August  27 — Excursion  to 
Geneva;  visit  to  international  institu- 
tions. 

The  program  at  Geneva,  Thursday, 
August  28,  will  deal  with  the  reduction 


of  armaments.    This  will  be  the  final  ses- 
sion of  the  conference. 

All  of  the  other  groups  of  the  Union 
will  welcome  this  gracious  invitation  from 
their  brethren  of  the  Swiss  Parliament, 
especially  in  light  of  the  economic  depres- 
sion, which  is  particularly  severe  in  Swit- 
zerland at  the  present.  "We  understand 
that  the  following  members  of  the  Ameri- 
can group  are  planning  to  attend  the  con- 
ference: Senator  Wm.  B.  McKinley,  of 
Illinois,  president  of  the  group;  Senator 
Joe  Eobinson,  of  Arkansas;  Senator 
George  H.  Moses,  of  New  Hampshire; 
Senator  W.  H.  King,  of  Utah;  Senator 
G.  W.  Norris,  of  Nebraska;  Senator  W. 
L.  Jones,  of  Washington;  Eepresentatives 
Theodore  E.  Burton,  of  Ohio;  Andrew  J. 
Montague,  of  Virginia;  Tom  Connally, 
of  Texas;  John  Jacob  Rogers,  of  Massa- 
chusetts; J.  Charles  Linthicum,  of  Mary- 
land; Henry  Allen  Cooper,  of  Wisconsin; 
and  W.  H.  Temple,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Executive  Secretary  Arthur  Deerin  CaU 
is  planning  also  to  be  present. 


PROFESSOR  QUIDDE'S  ARREST 


By  Dr.  HANS  WEHBERG 


THE  Germany  of  Emperor  William 
had  no  understanding  of  the  peace 
movement.  As  a  consequence  of  Hegel's 
idea  of  power,  many  adhered  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  maintaining  peace  by  a  powerful 
army,  having  no  confidence  in  the  progress 
of  the  arbitration  movement.  The  atti- 
tude of  Germany  at  The  Hague  peace 
conferences  is  well  known.  As  has  been 
stated  by  Professor  Schiicking  in  the 
Eeichstag,  Germany  during  the  pre-war 
period  refused  the  offer  of  not  less  than 
thirteen  States  to  enter  into  arbitration 
treaties. 

Now,  recently,  the  news  was  spread  all 
over  the  world  that  Professor  Quidde,  the 
leader  of  the  German  peace  movement, 
had  been  arrested.  This  might  well  lead 
to  the  belief  that  the  peace  movement  in 
Germany  is  exposed  to  worse  persecution 
now  than  it  was  before  the  war.     There- 


fore it  seems  advisable  to  report  the  de- 
tails of  Professor  Quidde's  arrest. 

The  German  Peace  Society,  with  Pro- 
fessor Quidde  at  its  head,  has  been  waging 
for  some  time  a  determined  fight  against 
the  recruiting  of  volunteers  into  unlawful 
military  organizations  which  are  forbid- 
den under  the  Versailles  Treaty.  The 
German  pacifists  do  not  believe  that  these 
organizations  may  lead  to  war,  for  Ger- 
many has  no  weapons.  But  the  German 
Peace  Society  wishes  that  Germany  may 
unconditionally  adhere  to  its  obligations, 
as  stipulated  in  the  international  treaties, 
and  is  convinced  that  such  unlawful  ac- 
tions might  furnish  France  with  the  pre- 
text for  further  measures  that  would  en- 
danger the  consolidation  of  Europe  and 
especially  the  entrance  of  Germany  into 
the  League  of  Nations.  The  German 
pacifists  do  not  think  that  the  German 


lOZJk 


PROFESSOR  QUIDDE'S  ARREST 


349 


Government  supports  these  unlawful  or- 
ganizations. They  wish,  however,  that  the 
government  should  be  opposed  to  the  for- 
mation of  these  unlawful  organizations 
more  energetically  than  before. 

For  this  purpose  Professor  Quidde,  in 
the  name  of  the  German  Central  Peace 
Union  (Friedenskartell),  the  union  of  all 
German  peace  organizations,  had  written 
to  the  chief  of  the  German  army,  von 
Seeckt,  asking  him  for  information  con- 
cerning the  attitude  of  the  highest  mili- 
tary power  toward  this  question.  On  Jan- 
uary 9,  1924,  von  Seeckt  answered,  as 
follows : 

"The  views  of  international  pacifism  are 
per  se  difficult  to  understand  for  a  nation 
that  is  internationally  ill-treated  as  the  Ger- 
man. However,  if  there  are  Germans  who, 
after  the  experience  of  the  Ruhr  invasion 
and  at  a  time  when  France  daily  violates 
the  Versailles  Treaty,  advocates  the  execu- 
tion of  this  treaty  in  the  interest  of  the 
French,  then  this  must  be  called  the  climax 
of  national  worthlessness.  Furthermore,  I 
wish  to  notify  you  that.  In  case  of  a  public 
discussion  of  the  questions  mentioned  in 
your  letter,  I  shall  proceed  against  you  with 
all  the  means  of  military  dictatorship,  en- 
tirely independent  of  a  civil  suit  for  high 
treason." 

Thereupon,  on  March  10,  1924,  Pro- 
fessor Quidde,  in  the  World  on  Monday 
(edited  by  Helmuth  von  Gerlach),  pub- 
lished an  article  entitled  "The  Danger  of 
the  Hour,"  which  expressed  these  fears  of 
the  pacifists  and  asked  the  German  Keich- 
stag  quickly  to  intercede  in  the  matter. 
This  article  was  very  much  discussed,  but 
Professor  Quidde  was  not  prosecuted  from 
Berlin,  where  it  had  been  published.  But 
on  March  16,  1924,  he  was  arrested  dur- 
ing a  sojourn  in  Munich  and  thrown  into 
prison.  Bavaria's  competence  was  based 
upon  the  fact  that  Professor  Quidde  had 
sent  the  article  from  Munich  to  some 
friends  abroad.  The  public  prosecution 
asserted  that  Professor  Quidde  had  aided 
and  abetted  a  foreign  power  by  calling  the 
attention  of  Germany's  enemies  in  the 
treaty  to  alleged  violations  of  the  peace 
treaty.  The  accusation  was  based  upon  a 
special  Bavarian  ordinance,  according  to 
which  the  giving  of  aid  to  a  foreign  power 
was  punishable  by  death  or  life  imprison- 
ment. 


Hence  it  is  clear  that  the  legal  pro- 
ceedings against  Professor  Quidde  were 
started  by  Bavaria  exclusively,  and  that 
the  German  Government,  as  such,  can  in 
no  way  be  held  responsible  for  the  arrest. 
Quidde's  arrest  created  a  great  sensa- 
tion everywhere  in  Germany — nay,  every- 
where in  Europe.  The  nationalistic  cir- 
cles in  Germany  hailed  the  proceedings 
against  Professor  Quidde  and  demanded 
that  there  should  be  enough  courage  to 
punish  the  high  treason  of  the  German 
pacifists.  The  German  Peace  Society  im- 
mediately asked  the  German  Government 
for  Professor  Quidde's  release.  Quidde's 
release  is  principally  due  to  the  work  of 
Professor  Schiicking,  a  close  personal 
friend  of  Quidde.  He  wrote  in  the  Ber- 
liner  Tagehlatt  as  follows: 

"The  affair  has  an  immense  international 
importance.  The  whole  world  will  say  that 
it  showed  the  spirit  extant  in  Germany,  In- 
asmuch as  an  attempt  was  being  made  to 
have  the  leader  of  the  German  peace  move- 
ment, who  was  backed  by  twenty-one  or- 
ganizations, disappear  behind  prison  walls. 
France  wDl  derive  from  It  new  demands  for 
guarantees  and  Increased  military  control. 
Prominent  members  of  the  English  Cabinet, 
with  whom  Quidde  kept  in  friendly  relations, 
will  turn  their  backs  on  Germany;  In  short, 
the  effect  will  be  a  catastrophe.  It  must  be 
considered  what  a  prominent  position  Quidde 
occupies  in  the  international  world. 

"Of  course,  the  proceedings  were  started 
by  the  Munich  authorities,  who,  due  to  the 
present  military  dictatorship  in  Bavaria,  are 
competent  in  affairs  of  high  treason.  It 
seems  necessary  that  this  fact  should  be  es- 
tablished in  Grermany,  as  well  as  abroad,  by 
a  declaration  of  the  entire  national  govern- 
ment. But  that  is  not  sufficient;  every  legal 
step  must  be  taken  to  show  the  Munich  au- 
thorities how  greatly  they  damage  the  inter- 
ests of  the  country  by  their  procedure  against 
such  an  honorable  man,  in  order  that  the 
proceedings  be  stopped  immediately.     .     .     . 

"It  is  most  distressing  to  be  obliged  to  say 
that  there  is  no  silliness  that  is  not  com- 
mitted in  Germany,  and  that  the  German 
people  are  being  weakened  more  and  more, 
not  by  the  prosecution  of  an  inexorable 
enemy,  but  by  their  own  foolishness." 

As  a  matter  of  fact.  Professor  Quidde 
was  released  from  prison,  after  a  6-day 
imprisonment,  on  March  22,  the  day  of 


350 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


his  66th  anniversary.  Three  days  later 
the  case  was  handed  to  the  Supreme  Court 
in  Leipzig.  By  eliminating  the  Bavarian 
courts,  the  great  danger  which  was  threat- 
ening Professor  Quidde  has  been  removed. 
Let  us  hope  that  the  proceedings  will  soon 
be  stopped  altogether. 

As  a  consequence  of  Quidde's  arrest,  it 
is  easy  to  make  the  statement  that  Ger- 
many is  still  hostile  to  the  peace  move- 
ment. But,  to  be  just,  one  must  consider 
how  strongly  the  German  people  feel  to 
have  been  deceived  by  the  severe  Peace  of 
Versailles.  As  soon  as  a  practicable  rep- 
aration plan  is  devised;  as  soon  as  others, 
as  well  as  Germany,  are  disarmed  and  the 
promise  of  "general"  disarmament  kept, 
then  the  sentiment  in  Germany  will 
change,  and  the  German  people  who — un- 
fortunately too  late — saw  in  Wilson  the 
prophet  of  a  better  time,  will  co-operate 
in  the  development  of  international  law 
and  in  safeguarding  peace. 

We  are  justified  in  this  hope  when  we 
consider  how  much  German  pacifism  has 
gained  in  strength  in  spite  of  the  unfav- 


orable conditions  after  the  World  War. 
Since  the  end  of  the  war  the  membership 
of  the  German  Peace  Society  has  in- 
creased from  6,000  to  19,000,  that  of  the 
local  branch  from  50  to  157.  Formerly 
there  were  two  exclusively  pacifistic  jour- 
nals, the  V olkerfrieden  (edited  by  Um- 
frid)  and  the  Friedenswarte  (edited  by 
Alfred  H.  Freid).  Today  there  are,  be- 
sides the  Friedenswarte,  two  great  pac- 
ifistic weeklies,  Die  Menschheit  and  Der 
Pazifist,  besides  a  number  of  smaller  peri- 
odicals. For  the  first  time  an  attempt  is 
going  to  be  made  this  year  to  invite  a 
world  peace  congress  to  Berlin.  Thus  the 
German  pacifism  is  extremely  active. 
Whether  it  will  be  able  to  show  great  suc- 
cess depends  upon  the  political  situation. 
The  next  German  elections,  on  May  5, 
1924,  will  probably  bring  an  increase  in 
nationalistic  circles.  But  we  hope  that 
after  that,  under  the  impression  of  favor- 
able reparation  negotiations,  the  German 
people  will  definitely  get  rid  of  the  na- 
tionalistic elements. 


RUSSIA  AND  THE  WORLD* 


By  LEO  PASVOLSKY 


1.  The   Russian   Situation 

THE  outstanding  factor  of  the  present 
situation  in  Eussia  is  that  country's 
international  trade  and  financial  position. 
A  decade  of  war  and  communistic  experi- 
mentation has  reduced  Eussia  to  a  sorry 
plight.  Agriculture,  industry,  trade,  and 
finance  have  all  suffered  in  this  welter  of 
disorganization,  and  the  hope  of  recovery 
lies  along  the  lines  of  reviving  all  of  these 
phases  of  the  country's  economic  life.  It 
may  be  considered  as  axiomatic  that  the 
speed  of  this  recovery  will  depend  upon 
the  availability  of  foreign  assistance. 
Hence  the  special  emphasis  that  exists  to- 
day upon  Eussia's  relations  with  the  rest 
of  the  world. 

The  present  situation  in  Eussia  is  not 
unlike  the  conditions  which  confronted 
her  thirty  years  ago,  on  the  threshold  of 
her  development  as  a  modern  economic 

*  Address  before  the  annual  conference  of 
the  American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Sciences,  Philadelphia,  May  J.6,  1924. 


power.  In  the  early  nineties  of  the  past 
century  the  threat  of  international  bank- 
ruptcy hung  over  Eussia.  A  series  of  dis- 
astrous crops,  coupled  with  a  fall  in  the 
world  prices  of  Eussia's  principal  exports, 
cereals,  played  havoc  with  the  Eussian 
trade  balance,  which  had  been  quite  favor- 
able for  some  years  theretofore.  As  a  re- 
sult of  this,  Eussia  found  it  extremely 
difficult  to  meet  payments  on  her  foreign 
obligations,  accumulated  through  genera- 
tions' past  borrowings. 

This  problem  of  foreign  payments  was 
the  most  acute  and  immediate  of  the  prob- 
lems then  confronting  Eussia,  but  it  was 
only  one  of  several  important  and  difficult 
problems.  The  budgetary  system  of  the 
country  was  far  from  satisfactory.  The 
currency  of  Eussia  had  not  yet  been  put 
on  a  sound  gold  basis,  although  prepara- 
tion for  the  establishment  of  a  gold  stand- 
ard had  been  going  on  for  many  years  be- 
fore that.  Her  industrial  development 
had  just  begun,  and  both  transportation 


192J!i. 


FACTORS  IN  THE  RUSSIAN  SITUATION 


351 


and  the  manufacturing  industries  were 
woefully  insufficient  for  the  needs  of  the 
country.  Lack  of  transportation  also  re- 
tarded very  considerably  the  agricultural 
development  of  Russia, 

With  these  four  inextricably  related 
problems  confronting  them,  the  Russian 
statesmen  of  the  time  were  forced  to  a 
realization  that  the  only  thing  which 
would  save  Russia  from  international 
bankruptcy  and  from  prolonged  internal 
difficulties  was  an  economic  development 
along  modern  lines.  It  was  out  of  the 
adverse  conditions  created  by  the  situation 
which  rose  before  Russia  in  the  early  nine- 
ties that  really  grew  the  Russian  indus- 
trial revolution.  All  four  of  the  problems 
enumerated  above  required  immediate  and 
close  attention,  and  it  was  perfectly  clear 
that  without  financial  assistance  from 
abroad  no  solution  of  them  could  be  un- 
dertaken. Russia  went  to  foreign  money 
markets,  and  she  succeeded,  during  the 
years  that  intervened  between  the  crisis  of 
the  early  nineties  and  the  outbreak  of  the 
war,  in  laying  the  foundations  of  an  eco- 
nomic development.  The  gold  standard 
was  introduced  in  1897.  Industry  and 
agriculture  were  expanded  quite  markedly. 
The  budget  was  balanced,  though  not  until 
shortly  before  the  war.  But  the  problem 
of  foreign  payments  proved  to  be  the  most 
difficult  of  solution.  Throughout  the 
twenty-year  period  immediately  preceding 
the  war,  it  was  only  on  rare  occasions  that 
the  Russian  balance  of  payments  could  be 
handled  without  recourse  to  new  foreign 
borrowings. 

The  war  and  the  revolution  have  shat- 
tered even  these  inadequate  foundations, 
which  had  been  laid  with  tremendous  diffi- 
culties and  with  the  aid  of  enormous  loans 
from  abroad  during  the  two  decades  prior 
to  the  war.  Today  Russia  faces  once  more 
the  four  intimately  related  problems  which 
confronted  her  thirty  years  ago,  only  now 
the  solution  of  these  problems  is  vastly 
more  difficult  than  it  ever  was  before. 
The  gold  reserves,  accumulated  with  great 
difficulty  and  maintained  with  utmost 
zeal,  have  been  practically  dissipated  dur- 
ing the  stormy  years  of  the  past  decade. 
In  order  to  establish  a  sound  currency 
backed  by  a  sufficient  metallic  reserve,  it 
becomes  again  necessary  for  Russia  to  seek 
gold  outside  the  country. 


The  industrial  equipment  of  the  coun- 
try and  its  system  of  transportation  are  in 
a  state  of  such  disorganization  that  their 
rehabilitation  in  the  near  future  is  incon- 
ceivable without  large  imports  for  recon- 
struction purposes.  The  budgetary  situ- 
ation must  necessarily  depend  upon  the 
solution  of  the  currency  problem  and  upon 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  economic  appa- 
ratus of  the  country,  and  the  problem  of 
foreign  payments  is  rendered  infinitely 
more  difficult  than  ever  in  Russian  history 
by  the  fact  that  the  war  has  nearly  doubled 
Russia's  foreign  obligations,  and  if  inter- 
est payments  on  these  obligations  are  to 
be  met,  the  foreign  trade  of  Russia  must 
undergo  an  expansion  considerably  beyond 
its  pre-war  dimensions. 

The  Russian  situation,  then,  in  its  eco- 
nomic aspects  is  a  problem  which  requires 
internal  rehabilitation  through  assistance 
from  abroad.  The  purely  economic  as- 
pects of  the  present  Russian  situation  are, 
however,  rendered  vastly  more  difficult 
and  complicated  by  the  political  factors 
which  characterize  Russia  today.  It  is 
not  a  part  of  my  purpose  to  deal  with 
these  political  factors,  though  I  realize 
that  a  return  to  political  sanity  is  Russia's 
first  requirement.  But  it  is  safe  to  assume 
that  at  some  time  or  other  there  will  be 
re-established  in  Russia  the  principles 
which  govern  sound  business  intercourse 
among  men  and  nations.  My  present  ob- 
ject consists  in  pointing  out  what  is  in- 
volved in  Russian  recovery  from  the  point 
of  view  of  that  country's  economic  rehab- 
ilitation. This  problem  of  Russia's  re- 
habilitation is  of  primary  interest  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic,  though,  as  we  shall 
see  below,  the  countries  of  Europe  are 
much  more  intimately  concerned  with  it 
than  the  United  States. 

2.  The  Problem  of  Russia's  Economic 
Rehabilitation 

Just  before  the  war,  Russian  agricul- 
tural production  was  sufficient  to  provide 
a  subsistence  minimum  for  the  Russian 
population  and  to  allow  from  12  to  15  per 
cent  of  the  total  production  to  be  placed 
across  the  frontiers  in  the  form  of  exports. 
With  regard  to  manufactured  goods,  Rus- 
sia was  not  self-sufficient,  but  she  was 
able,  just  before  the  war,  to  supply  herself 
with  about  five-sixths  of  her  total  require- 
ments, the  other  one-sixth  being  imported 


352 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


from  abroad.  She  also  had  to  import 
from  abroad  considerable  amounts  of  raw 
materials  and  semi-manufactured  goods. 
In  this  manner  it  was  possible  for  Russia 
to  maintain  a  standard  of  Kving  for  her 
population  which  was  represented  by  a  per 
capita  national  income  of  about  $50 — ^the 
lowest  standard  of  living  of  any  modern 
power. 

Russia's  immediate  problem  is  to  restore 
the  country  at  least  to  its  pre-war  scale  of 
economic  operations  in  order  that  at  least 
this  low  standard  of  living  may  become 
re-established.  Unaided  from  abroad, 
Russia  may  be  able  to  restore  very  slowly 
and  with  very  great  difficulty  some  of  her 
lost  productivity,  but  it  is  scarcely  con- 
ceivable that  she  should  be  able  in  the  near 
future  to  return  even  to  the  low  scale  of 
production  that  she  had  before  the  war. 
It  is  only  by  means  of  assistance  from 
abroad  that  Russia  may  again  become  re- 
established as  an  economic  power. 

Russia's  problem  of  economic  recovery 
consists  primarily  in  her  ability  to  com- 
mand sufficient  foreign  credits  to  make  the 
purchases  which  are  necessary  for  her  eco- 
nomic rehabilitation.  She  has  to  purchase 
abroad  large  quantities  of  gold  in  order  to 
re-establish  her  monetary  system.  She 
has  to  purchase  large  amounts  of  machin- 
ery .and  raw  materials  in  order  to  rebuild 
her  industrial  system  and  her  transporta- 
tion. Her  exports  for  years  to  come,  in 
view  of  the  deficient  state  of  her  national 
production,  are  likely  to  be  much  too  small 
to  provide  the  means  necessary  for  these 
purchases.  The  remainder  of  these  means 
she  has  to  acquire  by  way  of  foreign  loans. 

Thus  Russia  stands  in  need  of  large 
purchases  in  the  world  markets,  and  on 
the  face  of  it  the  situation  means  that 
there  are  opportunities  for  making  large 
sales  to  Russia.  But  this  situation  is  only 
apparent.  There  hangs  over  the  resump- 
tion of  Russia's  credit  relation  with  the 
rest  of  the  world  the  crushing  heritage  of 
huge  past  obligations — for  the  moment 
repudiated  by  the  existing  regime  in  Rus- 
sia, but  existing  in  the  minds  of  her  cred- 
itors, nevertheless.  Russia's  principal 
creditors  happen  to  be  also  among  the 
principal  purchasers  of  her  exports  and 
sellers  of  her  imports.  They  find  them- 
selves today  in  the  position  of  being 
anxious  to  sell  goods  to  Russia  in  order  to 


provide  work  for  their  own  industries,  and 
at  the  same  time  of  desiring  to  collect 
from  Russia  the  debts  which  that  country 
had  contracted  in  past  generations. 

Russia  can  normally  purchase  goods  in 
the  world  markets  and  pay  her  interna- 
tional debts  only  if  she  has  large  enough 
exports  to  provide  her  with  the  necessary 
means  of  payment.  She  can  export  goods 
only  if  her  national  production  is  rehabil- 
itated. She  can  rehabilitate  her  national 
production  only  if  she  has  outside  assist- 
ance for  reconstruction.  But  what  are  the 
probabilities  of  her  paying  capacity,  even 
if  she  succeeds  by  means  of  foreign  loans 
in  restoring  her  pre-war  scale  of  economic 
operations  ? 

A  study  of  the  problem  we  have  made 
at  the  Institute  of  Economics  shows  that, 
restored  to  her  pre-war  scale  of  operations, 
Russia  can  have  an  export  capacity  of 
about  1,725  million  gold  rubles  annually. 
But,  in  order  to  maintain  production  at  a 
level  which  will  permit  the  re-establish- 
ment in  Russia  of  at  least  the  low  standard 
of  living  existing  before  the  war  and  of 
putting  across  the  frontiers  the  above 
amount  of  exports,  it  is  necessary  for 
Russia  to  have  normal  annual  (visible  and 
invisible)  imports  equal  to  at  least  1,620 
million  gold  rubles.  This  would  leave  a 
balance  of  trade  in  favor  of  Russia  of  a 
little  over  100  million  rubles  a  year;  and 
this  favorable  balance  of  about  100  million 
rubles  is  a  truly  cardinal  fact  in  any  ap- 
praisal of  the  Russian  situation.  These 
100  million  rubles  are  all  that  Russia  has 
to  show  as  a  probable  paying  capacity,  fol- 
lowing her  reconstruction.  These  100 
million  rubles  are  the  sole  actual  interna- 
tional revenue  against  which  the  interest 
payments  on  her  past  obligations,  as  well 
as  on  her  reconstruction  loans,  can  be 
drawn.  We  estimate  that  the  interest  pay- 
ments on  war  and  pre-war  obligations, 
public  and  private,  amount  to  at  least  720 
million  rubles.  The  significance  of  these 
two  figures — 100  million  rubles  as  a  prob- 
able paying  capacity  and  720  million  ru- 
bles as  the  already-existing  claim  on  Rus- 
sia's international  revenues — cannot  be 
overestimated. 

A  favorable  balance  of  trade  amounting 
to  about  100  million  rubles  is  sufficient  to 
provide  interest  payments  on  reconstruc- 
tion loans  amounting  to  not  more  than 


192^ 


FACTORS  IN  THE  RUSSIAN  SITUATION 


353 


1,400,000,000  gold  rubles.  If  we  assume 
that  reconstruction  loans  of  that  amount 
can  be  obtained,  and  that  they  would  be 
sufficient  to  restore  Eussia  to  her  pre-war 
scale  of  economic  operations  and  give  her 
a  favorable  balance  of  100  million  rubles, 
then  it  is  clear  that  only  an  expansion  of 
Eussia's  production  and  exports  beyond 
the  pre-war  scale  will  enable  Eussia  to 
meet  any  payments  on  any  of  her  existing 
foreign  obligations.  Such  an  expansion 
involves  more  than  merely  increased  pro- 
ductivity in  Eussia.  It  means  also  find- 
ing markets  for  her  increasing  exportable 
surplus.  These  markets  lie  necessarily  in 
the  countries  of  Europe  to  the  west  of 
Eussia's  frontier. 

It  would  be  idle  to  speculate  on  the  pos- 
sibilities of  Eussia's  development  as  an 
industrial  power  with  an  exportable  sur- 
plus of  finished  products.  Eussia  will  for 
generations  to  come  remain  essentially  a 
country  with  agricultural  exportable  sur- 
plus. These  foodstuffs  and  agricultural 
raw  materials  which  are  Eussia's  contribu- 
tion to  the  world  trade  were  needed  before 
the  war  only  in  the  countries  of  western, 
and  particularly  central,  Europe.  They 
are  needed  now,  and  will  be  needed  for 
generations  to  come,  only  in  these  same 
countries.  Before  the  war  these  countries 
purchased  fully  90  per  cent  of  Eussia's 
total  exports. 

This  means  that  if  Eussia's  paying  ca- 
pacity is  to  increase  through  the  expansion 
of  exports  the  purchasing  power  of  west- 
ern, and  particularly  central,  Europe  must 
be  not  only  restored  to  its  pre-war  dimen- 
sions, but  must  expand  beyond  them,  or, 
as  an  alternative,  that  their  purchases  of 
these  same  agricultural  products  must  be 
curtailed  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

3.  The  Dilemma  of  the  European  Powers 

Without  attempting  to  peer  too  much 
into  the  future,  it  is  quite  apparent  that, 
even  as  far  as  the  present  situation  is  con- 
cerned, the  European  powers  face  a  seri- 
ous dilemma  in  their  dealings  with  Eussia. 
They  are  most  anxious  to  sell  goods  to 
Eussia,  for  they  consider  a  resumption  of 
Eussian  trade  one  of  the  necessary  ele- 
ments in  their  own  post-war  recovery. 
For  this  purpose  they  are  willing  to  grant 
new  credits  to  Eussia  in  order  that  the 
trade  may  be  financed  up  to  the  time  when 
Eussia's  own  exports  will  be  sufficient  to 


pay  for  the  purchases;  but  they  are  not 
willing  or  able  to  forget  the  fact  that  Eus- 
sia already  owes  them  billions  of  rubles, 
and  that  these  billions  still  continue  to 
figure  in  their  calculations  of  their  own 
national  wealth  and  international  re- 
sources. 

The  European  powers  are,  therefore, 
faced  with  a  veritable  dilemma  in  their 
attempts  to  deal  with  Eussia.  Assuming 
that  the  present  or  any  regime  in  Eussia 
should  recognize  fully  and  without  equiv- 
ocation the  legality  and  binding  power  of 
all  of  Eussia's  existing  foreign  obligations, 
that  in  itself  would  be  nothing  more  than 
an  empty  gesture,  so  far  as  the  actual  pay- 
ment of  these  obligations  is  concerned. 
Without  being  restored  at  least  to  her  pre- 
war scale  of  operations,  Eussia  cannot 
have  any  paying  capacity  abroad.  Her 
restoration  is  impossible  without  recon- 
struction loans,  and  interest  on  these  loans 
has  not  the  slightest  chance  of  being  paid 
if  the  payments  on  existing  obligations  are 
to  have  an  equal  claim  against  Eussia's 
international  revenues.  Moreover,  with- 
out Eussian  reconstruction,  Eussia  cannot 
return  for  many  years  to  come  as  a  pur- 
chaser on  a  large  scale  in  the  world  mar- 
kets. 

As  a  business  proposition,  Eussian  re- 
construction loans  may  be  considered  rea- 
sonably safe  only  if  payments  on  them 
will  be  given  clear  precedence  over  all  ex- 
isting obligations.  This  is  the  situation 
which  confronts  the  European  powers  in 
their  dealings  with  Eussia. 

4.  The   Relation   of   the   United    States  to   the 
Russian  Dilemma 

It  may  be  asserted  that,  since  the  vast 
bulk  of  Eussia's  pre-war  indebtedness  is 
due  to  the  countries  of  Europe ;  since  Eus- 
sia's debts  to  the  United  States  are  com- 
paratively very  small;  since  the  United 
States  is  far  and  away  the  richest  country 
in  the  world,  may  it  not  be  possible  that, 
by  dealing  with  the  United  States  direct, 
Eussia  may  be  reconstructed,  may  be  able 
to  rehabilitate  her  economic  system,  and 
then,  in  the  remote  future,  resume  her  re- 
lations with  the  rest  of  Europe. 

There  is  no  gainsaying  the  fact  that,  if 
the  providing  of  reconstruction  credits 
were  the  only  consideration  involved,  the 
above  assertion  might  be  true.  The  United 
States  can  supply  Eussia  with  everything 


354 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


that  country  needs  in  the  way  of  recon- 
struction materials;  and  if  Eussian  recon- 
struction were  merely  a  matter  of  philan- 
thropy, or  at  least  a  matter  of  providing 
financial  resources  with  the  same  mag- 
nificent disregard  of  paying  possibilities 
which  prevailed  during  the  war,  the  prob- 
lem would  be  simple  enough;  but  as  a 
business  proposition,  as  a  problem  in 
sound  finance,  this  scheme,  unfortunately, 
does  not  hold  water. 

Eussia  can  acquire  a  paying  capacity, 
let  us  repeat  once  more,  only  by  develop- 
ing an  export  surplus.  The  largest  amount 
the  United  States  ever  bought  from  Eus- 
sia in  the  whole  history  of  the  trade  rela- 
tions of  the  two  countries  was  in  1912, 
when  she  imported  from  her  9  million 
dollars'  worth  of  furs  and  other  minor 
products.  There  is  nothing  in  the  world 
to  indicate  that  among  the  commodities 
which  Eussia  is  likely  to  have  for  export 
in  the  next  generations  there  will  be  any- 
thing more  that  the  United  States  might 
want  to  buy.  When  America  bought  from 
Eussia  9  million  dollars'  worth  of  goods, 
she  took  care  of  exactly  1  per  cent  of  Eus- 
sia's  total  export  trade. 

A  situation  in  which  Eussia  would  con- 
tinue selling  the  vast  bulk  of  her  exports 
to  Europe  and  of  buying  the  vast  bulk  of 
her  imports  in  the  United  States  is  noth- 
ing more  than  a  dream.  The  countries  of 
Europe  can  have  sufficient  purchasing 
power  to  buy  Eussian  exports  only  if  they 
have  an  opportunity  for  selling  their  own 
products.  In  the  long  run,  international 
trade  is  so  organized  that  the  triangular 
arrangements  of  payment  constitute  com- 
paratively but  a  small  part  of  the  whole 
transaction.  As  a  matter  of  practical  pos- 
sibilities, if  Eussia  sells  most  of  her  ex- 
ports to  Europe  it  would  be  inevitable  that 
she  should  buy  most  of  her  imports  from 
Europe. 

The  United  States  may,  and  undoubt- 
edly will,  sell  to  Eussia,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, much  more  than  she  will  buy  from 
her.  That  was  the  situation  which  ob- 
tained before  the  war;  but  even  then  the 
United  States  never  contributed  more 
than  10  per  cent  of  the  total  Eussian  im- 
ports, and  on  that  small  scale  the  ac- 
counts between  the  two  countries  could  be 
adjusted  by  the  triangular  method.    On  a 


much  larger  scale  that  would  be  impos- 
sible. 

There  still  remains,  of  course,  the  ques- 
tion of  American  investment  in  Eussia; 
and  here  the  situation  is  governed  by  ex- 
actly the  same  factors  as  those  which  gov- 
ern Eussian- American  trade  relations.  If 
American  investments  in  Eussia  are  to  be 
safe,  as  regards  the  regular  payment  of 
interest  and  dividends,  it  is  necessary  that 
Eussia  should  have  a  commensurate  ex- 
port surplus,  whether  in  the  United  States 
or  in  other  countries  to  which  she  may 
sell  her  products;  and  since  Eussia's  ex- 
ports in  the  future  are  likely  to  be,  as  they 
have  been  in  the  past,  sales  to  European 
countries  rather  than  to  the  United  States, 
this  means  again  that  the  appraisal  of 
Eussia's  credit  possibilities  depends  al- 
most exclusively  upon  the  possibilities  of 
her  coming  to  an  understanding  with  her 
European  creditors.  The  United  States 
is  thus  not  in  a  position  to  offer  any  solu- 
tion to  the  Eussian  dilemma  which  con- 
fronts the  European  powers. 

5.  The  Russian  Problem   is  a  Part  of  the 
World  Situation 

The  international  implications  of  the 
Eussian  situation  are  such  that  the  prob- 
lems presented  by  it  cannot  be  solved  by 
the  resumption  of  Eussia's  relations  with 
any  one  nation  or  with  any  group  of  na- 
tions. On  the  assumption  that  the  formal 
political  and  diplomatic  handicaps  which 
now  encumber  any  negotiations  between 
Eussia  and  the  rest  of  the  world  will  be 
solved  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  world 
powers,  there  still  remains  the  necessity  on 
the  part  of  the  United  States  as  well  as  of 
the  European  powers  of  visualizing  clearly 
the  factors  which  underlie  the  problem  of 
Eussian  recovery.  Aside  from  its  political 
factors,  the  Eussian  situation  is  not  unique 
in  the  present-day  world.  The  only  thing 
that  is  unique  about  it  is  that  Eussia  is  in 
a  worse  plight  economically  than  any  other 
nation,  large  or  small.  But  the  principles 
that  govern  the  possibilities  of  her  re- 
covery are  exactly  the  same  as  those  which 
obtain  in  the  case  of  Germany  and  of  a 
dozen  other  nations  more  or  less  impover- 
ished by  the  war. 

Dominated  by  the  incubus  of  inter- 
national debts,  that  grew  to  terrifying  pro- 
portions during  the  war,  the  problem  of 
recovery  for  each  of  the  stricken  countries^ 


19U 


FOREIGN  TRADE  OF  SOVIET  RUSSIA  FOR  1923 


355 


by  its  very  nature,  extends  beyond  each 
particular  country's  frontiers.  It  involves 
political  and  economic  adjustments  and 
often  renunciations  and  compromises. 
The  whole  world  is  in  a  tight  corner,  and 
Eussia,  for  all  the  swagger  of  her  present 
leaders,  is  in  the  narrowest  portion  of  it. 
No  one  country  can  wedge  out  of  the 
corner  alone. 

America's  relation  to  the  Russian  situa- 
tion, therefore,  is  not  so  much  a  problem 
in  Russian-American  relations  as  it  is  a 
part  of  the  problem  of  America's  relation 
to  world  reconstruction.  As  such,  it  is 
important  and  significant;  apart  frotoi 
that,  gauged  by  practical  possibilities,  it 
is  almost  negligible  for  both  countries. 


FOREIGN  TRADE  OF  SOVIET 
RUSSIA  FOR  1923 

By  L.  J.  LEWERY, 

Assistant  Chief,  Eastern  European  Division, 
Department  of  Commerce 

THE  last  three  months  of  the  calendar 
year  1923,  with  their  large  exports  of 
grain,  definitely  turned  the  balance  of 
Soviet  Russia's  foreign  trade  in  its  own 
favor.  Although  the  final  results  for  the 
fiscal  year  ended  September  30,  1923,  ap- 
peared doubtful  and  controversial,  owing 
to  the  present  Russian  system  of  valuing 
all  commodities  imported  and  exported  at 
1913  prices,  the  heavy  increase  in  exports 
during  the  last  quarter  of  the  calendar 
year,  together  with  a  systematic  restric- 
tion of  imports,  left  a  substantial  favor- 
able balance  of  trade  beyond  question, 
whether  valued  at  pre-war  or  at  current 
prices. 

The  valuation  of  all  imports  and  ex- 
ports in  gold  rubles  at  pre-war  market 
prices  had  been  rendered  necessary  be- 
cause the  rapidly  depreciating  Soviet  cur- 
rency furnished  no  stable  medium  for 
calculation  and  comparison. 

Imports  for  the  calendar  year  1923, 
figured  at  the  1913  prices,  were  valued  at 
144,100,000  rubles,  against  exports  of 
205,800,000  rubles,  giving  a  favorable 
balance  of  59,700,000  rubles.  On  the 
basis  of  approximate  current  prices  in- 
stead of  1913  prices,  exports  total  307,- 
300,000  rubles  and  imports  200,100,000 
rubles,  making  the  favorable  balance  on  a 


current-price  basis  equal  roughly  to  107,- 
200,000  rubles. 

In  addition  to  commercial  imports, 
famine  relief  supplies  to  the  value  of  34,- 
400,000  rubles  were  imported  during  the 
calendar  year,  as  against  similar  imports 
of  183,800,000  rubles  during  the  calendar 
year  1922. 

Favorable  Trade  Balance  Follows  Grain 
Export    Resumption 

The  main  cause  of  the  favorable  trade 
balance  in  1923  was  the  resumption  of 
grain  exports,  which  had  practically 
stopped  since  the  outbreak  of  the  World 
War  and  which  the  satisfactory  crops  of 
1922  and  1923  made  possible.  Total  ex- 
port sales  of  grain  and  fodder  of  the  1923 
crop,  concluded  prior  to  January  1,  1924, 
amounted  to  1,598,766  long  tons,  of  which 
1,160,570  tons  were  shipped  by  January  1, 
1924,  and  152,250  tons  were  loading  at 
ports  on  that  date.  Of  the  above  grand 
total,  813,460  tons  were  rye,  382,110  tons 
wheat,  136,452  tons  barley,  and  48,643 
tons  oats,  the  rest  being  represented  by 
oil  cake,  corn,  and  other  cereals.  Exports 
of  rye  represented  an  increase  of  20  per 
cent  over  their  pre-war  average,  while 
those  of  wheat  amounted  to  but  9  per  cent 
of  pre-war  average.  Sales  were  distrib- 
uted among  fifteen  European  countries, 
the  chief  purchaser  being  Germany,  471,- 
266  tons;  Netherlands,  285,544  tons; 
France,  180,743  tons;  Finland,  100,178 
tons;  Denmark,  99,691  tons;  and  Italy, 
93,566  tons.  Export  sales  to  the  United 
Kingdom  amounted  to  only  32,739  tons. 

Shifts     in    Trade     Values,     Composition,    and 
Markets 

Compared  with  the  calendar  year  1922, 
the  value  of  exports  (calculated  at  1913 
prices)  increased  more  than  2i/^  times  and 
more  than  tenfold  in  comparison  with 
1921,  while  imports  fell  off  by  one-half 
and  by  one-third  respectively.  Imports 
also  underwent  a  change  in  composition. 
Whereas  over  one-third  of  the  imports  of 
1922  consisted  of  foodstuffs  (exclusive  of 
contributed  famine  relief  supplies),  im- 
ports of  foodstuffs  in  1923  amounted  to 
but  7.4  per  cent  of  total.  In  1922  imports 
of  raw  materials  and  semi-manufactured 
products  represented  only  14.6  per  cent 
of  the  total,  whereas  in  1923  this  group 
accounted  for  44.2  per  cent  of  the  total. 


356 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


At  the  same  time  exports  showed  a  cor- 
responding shift  for  the  group  of  food- 
stuffs from  5.3  per  cent  in  1922  to  56.8 
per  cent  in  1923 ;  for  raw  materials  and 
semi-finished  goods,  from  90.8  per  cent  to 
42.4  per  cent  of  total.  The  general  dis- 
tribution of  Eussian  exports  in  1923  by 
groups  of  commodities  is  thus  found  to 
be  closely  approaching  that  of  1913,  when 
foodstuffs  accounted  for  52.2  per  cent  of 
total  exports  and  raw  materials  and  semi- 
finished goods  accounted  for  36.9  per  cent, 
these  two  groups  comprising  the  bulk  of 
Eussian  exports. 

This  similarity  is  extended  further  to 
the  two  principal  markets  of  Eussian  for- 
eign trade,  Germany  and  the  United 
Kingdom.  In  1913  these  two  countries 
accoimted  for  60.1  per  cent  of  Eussian 
total  imports  and  47.4  per  cent  of  total 
exports;  in  1923  their  share  was  60  and 
44.2  per  cent  respectively. 

The  total  foreign  trade  of  liussia  in 
1923,  calculated  at  1913  prices,  amounted 
to  but  12.1  per  cent  of  total  exports  and 
imports  for  1913. 

Government  Monopoly  of  Foreign  Trade 
Firmly  Maintained 

The  government  monopoly  of  foreign 
trade  was  firmly  maintained  during  the 
year.  According  to  data  for  the  operating 
year  1922-23  Soviet  State  institutions, 
including  government  organizations  and 
mixed  companies  controlled  by  the  Soviet 
Government,  accounted  for  96.7  per  cent 
of  all  exports  and  for  97.3  per  cent  of  all 
imports;  the  rest  represented  the  part 
played  by  purely  private  initiative  in  the 
foreign  trade  of  Soviet  Eussia. 

Trade  with  United  States  in  1923 

The  tracing  of  imports  from  the  United 
States,  except  as  to  cotton,  presents  many 
difficulties,  because  most  of  the  purchases, 
even  when  concluded  directly  in  the 
United  States  by  official  and  semi-official 
agencies  of  the  Soviet  Government  in  New 
York,  were  financed  in  England  or  Ger- 
many. 

In  the  total  summaries  imports  from 
the  United  States  are  valued  at  18,696,000 
gold  rubles  at  1913  prices,  of  which  16,- 
447,000  was  accounted  for  by  raw  cotton, 
representing  a  quantity  of  124,000  bales. 
Deducting  the  value  of  cotton  from  the 
total  value  of  imports  from  the  United 


States  would  leave  a  balance  of  2,249,000 
rubles,  or  a  little  over  $1,000,000  for  all 
the  rest  of  the  imports,  according  to  Eus- 
sian customs  statistics,  which  is  admitted 
to  be  considerably  understated. 

Eussia's  imports  from  the  United  States 
in  1923,  according  to  customs  figures, 
computed  at  1913  prices,  represent  12.9 
per  cent  of  total  imports,  and  the  exports 
to  the  United  States  0.4  per  cent  of  total 
exports,  while  the  entire  trade  with  the 
United  States  amounted  to  5.6  per  cent 
of  trade  with  all  countries,  as  against  3.9 
per  cent  in  1913. 

War-time  Trade  with  United  States 

In  1913  Eussian  imports  from  the 
United  States  amounted  to  79,000,000 
rubles,  or  5.8  per  cent  of  total  Eussian 
imports;  exports  to  the  United  States 
reached  only  14,000,000  rubles,  or  0.9  per 
cent  of  total  Eussian  exports;  the  total 
trade  with  the  United  States  represented 
3.9  per  cent  of  Eussian  trade  with  all 
countries.  During  the  war,  commencing 
with  the  second  year,  Eussian-American 
trade  was  considerably  stimulated,  but 
after  the  war  it  lapsed  almost  completely, 
until  1921,  when  imports  from  the  United 
States  were  valued  at  39,794,000  gold 
rubles.  In  1922  imports  from  the  United 
States  amounted  to  38,937,000  gold  rubles 
and  in  1923  to  18,696,000.  Since  the  war 
the  character  of  Eussian  imports  from  the 
United  States  had  changed  radically, 
partly  on  account  of  changed  economic 
conditions  and  partly  because  of  crop  fail- 
ure and  famine.  In  1918  the  bulk  of  im- 
ports was  raw  materials  and  finished 
goods,  in  1921  it  was  manufactured  arti- 
cles, and  in  1922  it  was  foodstuffs.  In 
1923  foodstuff  imports  amounted  to  only 
176,000  gold  rubles  and  manufactured 
articles  to  1,826,000,  but  raw  materials 
and  semi-finished  goods  rose  from  122,000 
gold  rubles  in  1922  to  16,694,000  gold 
rubles  in  1923. 

It  has  been  reported  to  the  Commerce 
Department,  Eastern  European  Division, 
that  shipments  of  machinery  and  technical 
equipment  alone  by  one  of  the  semi-official 
Soviet  agencies  in  New  York  amounted  to 
$1,694,000 ;  of  metals,  $120,000  ;  of  chem- 
icals and  dyes,  $103,000.  Its  sales  of 
Eussian  merchandise  imported  into  the 
United  States  in  1923  consisted  chiefly  of 
furs,  amounting  to  $550,000.  ' 


19U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


357 


Another  agency  imported  $4,083,000 
worth  of  Eussian  furs,  besides  $573,600 
worth  of  bristles,  horsehair,  and  other 
hair  products,  and  $71,450  worth  of  caviar 
and  fish  products,  out  of  its  total  imports 
from  Eussia  during  the  year  of  $4,827,- 
320.  This  firm's  shipments  to  Eussia  in- 
cluded textiles  to  the  value  of  $365,600, 
out  of  $393,650  for  the  year.  At  least 
one  purchase  of  10,000  tons  of  Eussian 


mineral  oil  by  an  American  company  was 
reported  as  shipped  from  London.  Over 
500  light  American  tractors,  together  with 
agricultural  equipment  in  connection  with 
same  (plows,  disk  harrows,  etc.)  were 
shipped  by  another  firm  to  the  value  of 
about  $500,000,  while  about  $250,000 
worth  of  Eussian  furs  were  imported  by  it 
during  the  year. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


PRESIDENT  COOLIDGE  ON 
WORLD  PEACE 

ADDRESS  TO   NEWSPAPER  MEN 

Addressing  newspaper  editors  and  pub- 
lishers in  New  Yorli,  April  22,  the  President 
dwelt  upon  service  as  the  hope  for  promoting 
righteousness.  Turning  to  our  foreign  rela- 
tions, he  said : 

Fundamentally,  America  is  sound.  It  has 
both  the  power  and  disposition  to  maintain 
itself  in  a  healthy  economic  and  moral  con- 
dition. But  it  cannot  do  this  by  turning  all 
its  thoughts  in  on  itself,  or  by  making  its 
material  prosperity  its  supreme  choice.  Sel- 
fishness is  only  another  name  for  suicide.  A 
nation  that  is  morally  dead  will  soon  be 
financially  dead.  The  progress  of  the  world 
rests  on  courage,  honor,  and  faith.  If  Amer- 
ica wishes  to  maintain  its  prosperity,  it  must 
maintain  its  ideals. 

When  we  turn  to  our  foreign  relations,  we 
see  the  worliing  out  of  the  same  laws.  If 
there  is  one  ideal  of  national  existence  to 
which  America  has  adhered  more  consistently 
than  to  any  other,  it  has  been  that  of  peace. 
Whatever  other  faults  may  be  charged  to  our 
country,  it  has  never  been  quarrelsome, 
belligerent,  or  bent  on  military  aggrandize- 
ment. After  all,  the  main  support  of  peace  is 
understanding.  It  is  a  matter  of  accurate 
information  by  one  government  and  one  peo- 
ple about  other  governments  and  other  peo- 
ples. There  is  likewise  involved  the  same 
law  of  service. 

If  our  country  is  to  stand  for  anything  In 
the  world,  if  it  is  to  represent  any  forward 
movement  in  human  progress,  these  achieve- 
ments will  be  measured  in  no  small  degree  by 
what  it  is  able  to  do  for  others. 


America's  Influence  upon  the  World 

Up  to  a  little  more  than  twenty-five  years 
ago,  America  gave  almost  its  entire  attention 
to  self-development.  In  that  it  achieved  an 
unequaled  success.  The  service  which  it 
rendered  to  others  was  to  a  considerable  de- 
gree one  of  example.  It  revealed  the  ability 
of  the  people  to  take  charge  of  their  own 
affairs.  It  demonstrated  the  soundness  and 
strength  of  self-government  under  free  insti- 
tutions, while  affording  a  refuge  for  the  op- 
pressed of  other  lands.  The  great  influence 
which  the  mere  existence  of  American  insti- 
tutions exercised  upon  the  rest  of  the  world 
would  be  difficult  to  overestimate. 

At  the  end  of  a  long  period  of  steady  ac- 
complishments of  this  nature  came  the  war 
with  Spain,  which  left  our  country  a  world 
power,  with  world  responsibilities.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  in  meeting  and  bringing 
to  a  successful  conclusion  that  couflict  our 
country  performed  a  world  service. 

This  was  followed  by  a  period  of  most  re- 
markable industrial  development.  There 
were  great  consolidations  of  properties,  enor- 
mous investments  of  capital,  and  a  stupen- 
dous increase  of  production,  all  accomplished 
by  a  growth  of  population  reaching  many 
millions.  This  was  our  condition  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  World  War. 

Our  World  Service 

For  a  long  time  we  sought  to  avoid  this 
conflict,  on  the  assumption  that  it  did  not 
concern  us.  On  that  subject  we  were  lacking 
in  accurate  information.  We  found,  at  last, 
that  while  it  was  also  the  grave  concern  of 
others,  it  did  concern  us  intimately  and 
perilously. 

We  took  our  part  In  the  war  at  length,  in 
the  defense  of  free  institutions.  We  believe, 
while  acknowledging  that  we  were  only  one 


368 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


of  the  contributing  elements,  that  our  par- 
ticipation was  a  decisive  factor.  The  result 
was  a  demonstration  of  the  strength  of  self- 
governing  people  and  a  victory  for  free  insti- 
tutions. Our  action  at  this  time  was  dis- 
tinctly a  world  service.  America  made  its 
sacrifice  for  what  it  believed  was  the  cause 
of  righteousness. 

The  sacrifices  made  on  these  occasions, 
which  resulted  in  a  benefit  to  others,  resulted 
likewise  in  a  benefit  to  ourselves.  Even  the 
evil  efifects  which  always  arise  from  war  and 
its  aftermath  have  only  tempered,  not  obliter- 
ated, these  results.  A  flow  of  material  re- 
sources set  in  toward  our  country  which  is 
still  going  on.  The  general  standards  of  liv- 
ing were  raised.  In  the  resulting  plenty 
many  of  the  old  hardships  of  existence  were 
removed.  Our  country  came  into  a  position 
where  it  had  a  greatly  increased  opportunity 
for  world  leadership.  In  moral  power  it 
took  a  higher  rank. 

Presence  at  Treaty  Table  Softened  Terms  of 
Peace 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  our  presence 
at  the  treaty  table  softened  the  terms  and 
diminished  the  exactions  of  the  victorious 
nations,  where  joint  covenants  of  defensive 
alliance  were  in  part  substituted  for  the 
usual  territorial  transfers.  Our  country  re- 
fused to  adhere  to  the  covenant  of  the  League 
of  Nations  with  a  decisive  rejection  which  I 
regard  as  final. 

Following  this  came  a  continuing  effort  to 
collect  reparations,  which  the  economic  chaos 
of  Germany  after  a  time  caused  to  be  sus- 
pended. This  resulted  in  the  French  seizure 
of  the  Ruhr,  with  Allied  conferences,  plans 
and  discussions  for  renewing  payment  of 
reparations  under  some  settled  method  of 
permanent  adjustment. 

Although  indirectly  interested  by  reason  of 
our  commerce,  and  more  especially  because 
of  the  debts  due  to  us,  in  having  a  European 
settlement,  our  government  felt  that  the 
fundamental  questions  involved  in  all  these 
discussions  were  the  direct  political  concern 
of  Europe.  Our  policy  relative  to  the  debts 
due  to  us  from  European  countries  was  well 
known,  and  we  refused  to  submit  them  to 
these  discussions. 

Hughes'  Proposal  for   Reparation  Settlement 

This  never  meant  that  America  was  not 
willing  to  lend  its  assistance  to  the  solution 
of  the  European  problem  in  any  way  that  did 
not  involve  us  in  their  purely  political  con- 
troversies whenever  opportunity  presented  a 
plan  that  promised  to  be  just  and  effective. 
But  we  realize  that  all  effort  was  useless 
until  all  parties  came  to  a  state  of  mind 
where  they  saw  the  need  to  make  concessions 
and  accept  friendly  counsel. 

In  December  of  the  year  of  1922  our  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Mr.  Hughes,  set  out  the  Amer- 
ican proposal  in  an  address  which  he  de- 
livered at  New  Haven.  That  proposal  has 
now  become  historic. 


He  recognized  that  settlement  of  the  repa- 
rations question  was  probably  impossible  if 
approached  after  the  method  of  a  political 
problem.  It  was  not  so  much  a  question  to 
be  dealt  with  by  public  officers  or  diplomatic 
agencies,  which  must  necessarily  reflect  to  a 
very  marked  degree  the  political  state  of 
mind  of  the  various  countries,  but  was  repre- 
sented as  one  which  could  be  solved  by  the 
application  of  pure  business  talent  and  ex- 
perienced private  enterprise.  To  such  an 
effort  of  business  men,  unhampered  by  every 
unnecessary  political  consideration,  Mr. 
Hughes  expressed  the  belief  that  competent 
American  citizens  in  private  life  would  be 
ready  to  lend  their  assistance. 

This  position  was  consistently  maintained. 
Its  correctness  was  finally  demonstrated 
when  Mr.  Dawes,  Mr.  Young,  and  Mr.  Robin- 
son were  invited  by  the  Reparation  Commis- 
sion for  that  purpose,  and  consented  to  serve. 

Thinks  Dawes  Report  Will  Solve  Problem 

The  finding  of  the  experts,  which  is  known 
as  the  Dawes  report,  has  recently  been  made 
and  published.  It  shows  a  great  deal  of  re- 
search and  investigation  and  a  broad  com- 
prehension of  the  requirements  of  the  situa- 
tion. It  has  been  favorably  received  by  the 
Reparation  Commission.  It  is  gratifying  to 
understand  that  the  Allies  are  looking  upon 
it  with  full  sympathy,  and  Germany  has  ex- 
pressed a  willingness  to  co-operate  in  the 
execution  of  the  plan. 

There  appears  to  be  every  reason  to  hope 
that  the  report  offers  a  basis  for  a  practical 
solution  of  the  reparations  problem.  I  trust 
that  it  may  commend  itself  to  all  the  Euro- 
pean governments  interested  as  a  method  by 
which,  through  mutual  concessions,  they  can 
arrive  at  a  stable  adjustment  of  the  intricate 
and  vexatious  problems  of  reparations,  and 
that  such  an  outcome  will  provide  for  the 
restoration  of  Germany  and  the  largest  possi- 
ble payment  to  the  other  countries. 

If  this  result  is  secured,  the  credit  which 
will  be  due  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Hughes,  to  President  Harding  for  adopting  it 
and  supporting  it,  and  to  the  three  Americans 
and  their  assistants,  by  whose  wisdom  and 
discretion  it  was  formulated  and  rendered  so 
acceptable,  will  be  sufficient  to  warrant  the 
lasting  approbation  of  two  continents.  A 
situation  at  once  both  intricate  and  difficult 
has  been  met  in  a  most  masterful  way.  Our 
countrymen  are  justified  in  looking  at  the 
result  with  great  pride.  Nothing  of  more 
importance  to  Europe  has  occurred  since  the 
armistice. 

Hopes  U.  S.  Capital  Will  Join  in  Loan 

Part  of  the  plan  contemplates  that  a  con- 
siderable loan  should  at  once  be  made  to 
Germany  for  immediate  pressing  needs,  in- 
cluding the  financing  of  a  bank.  I  trust  that 
private  American  capital  will  be  willing  to 
participate  in  advancing  this  loan.  Sound 
business  reasons  exist  why  we  should  partici- 
pate in  the  financing  of  works  of  peace  in 


192A 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


359 


Europe,  though  we  have  repeatedly  asserted 
that  we  were  not  in  favor  of  advancing  funds 
for  any  military  purposes.  It  would  benefit 
our  trade  and  commerce,  and  we  especially 
hope  that  it  will  provide  a  larger  market  for 
our  agricultural  production. 

It  is  notorious  that  foreign  gold  has  been 
flowing  into  our  country  in  great  abundance. 
It  is  altogether  probable  that  some  of  it  can 
be  used  more  to  our  financial  advantage  In 
Europe  than  it  can  be  in  the  United  States. 

Besides  this,  there  is  the  humanitarian  re- 
quirement, which  carries  such  a  strong  ap- 
peal, and  the  knowledge  that  out  of  our 
abundance  it  is  our  duty  to  help  where  help 
will  be  used  for  meeting  just  requirements 
and  the  promotion  of  a  peaceful  purpose.  We 
have  determined  to  maintain,  and  can  main- 
tain, our  own  political  independence,  but  our 
economic  independence  will  be  strengthened 
and  increased  when  the  economic  stability  of 
Europe  is  restored. 

Looks  to  Further  Move  in  World  Disarmament 

We  hope  further  that  such  a  condition  will 
be  the  beginning  of  a  secure  and  enduring 
peace.  Certainly  it  would  remove  many  of 
the  present  sources  of  disagreement  and  mis- 
understanding among  the  European  nations. 

When  this  adjustment  is  finally  made,  and 
has  had  sufficient  time  of  operation  to  be- 
come a  settled  European  policy,  it  would  lay 
the  foundation  for  a  further  effort  at  dis- 
armament in  accordance  with  the  theory  of 
the  Washington  Conference.  Although  that 
gathering  was  able  to  limit  capital  battle- 
ships, it  had  to  leave  the  question  of  sub- 
marines, aircraft,  and  land  forces  unsolved. 
The  main  reason  for  this  was  the  unsettled 
and  almost  threatening  condition  that  still 
existed  in  Europe.  A  final  adjustment  for 
the  liquidation  of  reparations  ought  to  be  the 
beginning  of  a  new  era  of  peace  and  good 
will. 

In  the  event  that  such  a  condition  develops, 
it  becomes  pertinent  to  examine  what  can  be 
done  by  our  own  country,  in  co-operation 
with  others,  further  to  rid  ourselves  and  the 
rest  of  the  world  of  the  menace  and  burden 
of  competitive  armaments  and  more  effec- 
tively insure  the  settlement  of  differences 
between  nations,  not  by  a  recourse  to  arms, 
but  by  a  recourse  to  reason;  not  by  action 
leading  to  war,  but  by  action  leading  to 
justice.  Our  past  experience  should  warn 
us  not  to  be  overconfident  in  the  face  of  so 
many  failures,  but  it  also  justifies  the  hope 
that  something  may  be  done  where  already 
there  has  been  some  success,  and  at  least  we 
can  demonstrate  that  we  have  done  all  that 
we  can. 

Backs  U.  S.  Entrance  into  World  Court 

As  a  result  of  American  initiative,  there  is 
already  in  existence  The  Hague  Tribunal, 
which  is  equipped  to  function  wherever  arbi- 
tration seems  desirable,  and  based  in  part 
on  that,  and  in  part  on  the  League,  there  is 
the  International  Court  of  Justice,  which  is 
already  functioning. 


A  proposal  was  sent  to  the  last  Senate  by 
President  Harding  for  our  adherence  to  the 
covenant  establishing  this  court,  which  I  sub- 
mitted to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the 
present  Senate  in  my  annual  message.  Other 
plans  for  a  World  Court  have  been  broached, 
but  up  to  the  present  time  this  has  seemed  to 
me  the  most  practical  one.  But  these  pro- 
posals for  arbitration  and  courts  are  not  put 
forward  by  those  who  are  well  Informed 
with  the  idea  that  they  could  be  relied  upon 
as  an  adequate  means  for  entirely  preventing 
war.  They  are  rather  a  method  of  securing 
adjustment  of  claims  and  differences,  and  for 
the  enforcement  of  treaties,  when  the  usual 
channels  of  diplomatic  negotiation  fail  to 
solve  the  dtfliculty. 

Proposals  have  also  been  made  for  the 
codification  of  international  law.  Undoubt- 
edly something  might  be  accomplished  in  this 
direction,  although  a  very  large  body  of  such 
law  consists  in  undertaking  to  establish  rules 
of  warfare  and  determining  the  rights  of 
neutrals.  One  of  the  difficulties  to  be  en- 
countered would  be  the  necessity  of  securing 
the  consent  of  all  the  nations,  but  no  doubt 
the  agreement  of  the  major  powers  would 
go  very  far  in  producing  that  result. 

Favors   Calling  Another  International 
Conference 

I  do  not  claim  to  be  able  to  announce  any 
formula  that  will  guarantee  the  peace  of  the 
world.  There  are  certain  definite  things, 
however,  that  I  believe  can  be  done,  which 
certainly  ought  to  be  tried,  that  might  re- 
lieve the  people  of  the  earth  of  much  of  the 
burden  of  military  armaments  and  diminish 
the  probability  of  military  operations.  I  be- 
lieve that  among  these  are  frequent  inter- 
national conferences  suited  to  particular 
needs.  The  Washington  Conference  did  a 
great  deal  to  restore  harmony  and  good  will 
among  the  nations.  Another  purpose  of  a 
conference  is  the  further  limitation  of  com- 
petitive armaments.  Much  remains  to  be 
accomplished  in  that  direction. 

It  would  appear  to  be  impractical  to  at- 
tempt action  imder  present  conditions,  but 
with  a  certain  and  definite  settlement  of 
German  reparations  firmly  established,  I 
should  favor  the  calling  of  a  similar  con- 
ference to  achieve  such  limitations  of  arma- 
ments and  initiate  plans  for  a  codification  of 
international  law,  should  preliminary  in- 
quiries disclose  that  such  a  proposal  would 
meet  with  a  sympathetic  response.  But  the 
main  hope  of  success  lies  in  first  securing  a 
composed  state  of  the  public  mind  in  Europe. 

It  is  my  firm  belief  that  America  is  In  a 
position  to  take  the  lead  in  this  direction. 
It  is  undoubtedly  too  much  to  suppose  that 
we  hold  very  much  of  the  affectionate  regard 
of  other  nations.  At  the  same  time  we  do 
hold  their  respect.  Our  position  is  such  that 
we  are  trusted  and  our  business  institutions 
and  government  considered  to  be  worthy  of 
confidence. 


360 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Neither  Alliances  For  Nor  Against  Any  Other 
Nation 

If  there  is  disappointment  in  some  direc- 
tions that  we  do  not  enter  alliances  with 
them,  it  is  more  than  overbalanced  by  the 
knowledge  that  there  is  no  danger  that  we 
shall  enter  alliances  against  them.  It  must 
be  known  to  every  people  that  we  are  seek- 
ing no  acquisition  of  territory  and  maintain- 
ing no  military  establishment  with  un- 
friendly and  hostile  intent.  Like  our  politi- 
cal institutions,  all  of  this  is  a  powerful  ex- 
ample throughout  the  world.  Very  many  of 
the  nations  have  been  the  recipients  of  our 
favor,  and  have  had  the  advantage  of  our 
help  in  some  time  of  extremity.  We  have  no 
traditional  enemies.  We  have  come  to  a  po- 
sition of  great  power  and  great  responsibility. 

Our  first  duty  is  to  ourselves.  American 
standards  must  be  maintained,  American  in- 
stitutions must  be  preserved.  The  freedom 
of  the  people  politically,  economically,  in- 
tellectually, morally,  and  spiritually  must 
continue  to  be  advanced. 

This  is  not  a  matter  of  a  day  or  a  year. 
It  may  be  of  generations,  it  may  be  an  era. 
It  is  for  us  here  and  now  to  keep  in  the  right 
direction,  to  remain  constant  to  the  right 
ideals.  We  need  a  faith  that  is  broad  enough 
to  let  the  people  make  their  own  mistakes. 
Let  them  come  unto  knowledge  and  under- 
standing by  their  own  experience.  Little 
progress  can  be  made  by  merely  attempting 
to  repress  what  is  evil ;  our  great  hope  lies  in 
developing  what  is  good. 

Our  Guarantees  of  Peace  and  Progress 

One  newspaper  is  better  than  many  crimi- 
nal laws.  One  schoolmaster  is  better  than  a 
legion  of  bailiffs.  One  clergyman  is  better 
than  an  army  with  banners.  These  are  our 
guarantees  of  internal  peace  and  progress. 

On  what  nations  are  at  home  depends  what 
they  will  be  abroad.  If  the  spirit  of  freedom 
rules  in  their  domestic  affairs,  it  will  rule 
in  their  foreign  affairs. 

The  world  knows  that  we  do  not  seek  to 
rule  by  force  of  arms ;  our  strength  is  in  our 
moral  power. 

We  increase  the  desire  for  peace  every- 
where by  being  peaceful.  We  maintain  a 
military  force  for  our  defense,  but  our  offen- 
sive lies  in  the  justice  of  our  cause.  We  are 
against  war  because  it  is  destructive.  We 
are  for  peace  because  it  is  constructive.  We 
seek  concord  with  all  nations  through  mutual 
understanding. 

People's  Will  to  Peace  Above  All  Treaties 

We  believe  in  treaties  and  covenants  and 
international  law  as  a  permanent  record  for 
a  reliable  determination  of  action.  All  these 
are  evidences  of  a  right  intention. 

But  something  more  than  these  is  required, 
to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  world.  In  its 
final  determination,  it  must  come  from  the 
heart  of  the  people.  Unless  it  abide  there, 
we  cannot  build  for  it  any  artificial  lodging 


place.  If  the  will  of  the  world  be  evil,  there 
is  no  artifice  by  which  we  can  protect  the 
nations  from  evil  results. 

Governments  can  do  much  for  the  better- 
ment of  the  world.  They  are  the  instru- 
ments through  which  humanity  acts  in  inter- 
national relations.  Because  they  cannot  do 
everything,  they  must  not  neglect  to  do  what 
they  can. 

But  the  final  establishment  of  peace,  the 
complete  maintenance  of  good  will  toward 
men,  will  be  found  only  in  the  righteousness 
of  the  people  of  the  earth.  Wars  will  cease 
when  they  will  that  they  shall  cease.  Peace 
will  reign  when  they  will  that  it  shall  reign. 


GERMANY  AND  THE  HAGUE 
PEACE  CONFERENCES 

Report  of  the  Parliamentary  Committee 
on  Investigation 

The  first  subcommittee  of  the  German 
Parliamentary  Committee  on  Investigation  of 
the  Reichstag,  charged  with  the  investigation 
of  the  events  leading  to  the  World  War,  dur- 
ing the  last  months  has  carefully  examined 
the  attitude  of  the  German  government  at 
The   Hague   conferences   of   1899   and   1907. 

Personnel 

Professor  Dr.  Zorn  and  Cabinet  Councilor 
Emeritus,  Dr.  Kriege,  were  examined  as 
witnesses.  As  is  well  known,  Dr.  Zorn  was 
the  scientific  adviser  of  the  German  delega- 
tions at  both  conferences  and  played  a  very 
important  rSle  at  the  first.  During  the  Sec- 
ond Conference  Dr.  Kriege,  the  director  of 
the  legal  department  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment, was  the  technical  adviser  of  Baron  von 
Marschall,  the  head  of  the  delegation,  and 
is  considered  by  the  public  to  be  primarily 
responsible  for  the  attitude  of  the  German 
delegation  in  1907.  Dr.  Hans  Wehberg,  Prof. 
Dr.  Zorn,  Cabinet  councilor  (retired)  Dr. 
Kriege,  Count  Max  Montgelas,  and  Dr.  Freid- 
rich  Thimme,  were  the  experts  of  the  com- 
mittee  and   issued   statements   and   reports. 

The  experts  had  free  access  to  all  the 
documents  of  the  Foreign  Office.  The  mate- 
rial furnished  by  these  experts  will  be  put 
before  the  public  in  the  official  report  of 
the  committee  on  investigation  during  1924. 
The  parliamentary  members  of  the  commit- 
tee are  Dr.  Gradnauer,  chairman ;  Count  von 
Westarp,  Dr.  Piper  (Mecklenburg),  Dr. 
Spahn,  Dr.  Schiickung,  Mrs.  Schuch,  Mr. 
Dittmann.  Dr.  Eugen  Fischer  is  the  secre- 
tary of  the  committee. 


192Ji. 


GERMANY  AND  HAGUE  PEACE  CONFERENCES 


361 


The  Task 

The  committee  has  thoroughly  Investigated 
the  attitude  of  the  German  Government  to- 
ward disarmament  and  the  Court  of  Arbi- 
tration— both  in  the  foreground  of  the  pro- 
ceedings at  The  Hague  Conferences — and 
has  given  its  judgment  in  the  following  de- 
cision, which  was  adopted  during  the  session 
of  December  22,  1923. 


The  Accusation  at  Versailles 

In  the  investigation  of  the  historical  events 
preceding  the  war,  the  subcommittee  could 
not  pass  over  the  remarks  which  were  made 
by  the  Allied  and  associate  Powers  in  their 
note  of  June  16,  1919,  at  the  peace  confer- 
ence in  Versailles.  This  note  contains  a 
number  of  remarks  referring  to  the  attitude 
of  the  German  Government  at  The  Hague 
without  expressly  mentioning  The  Hague 
Conferences.  The  principal  reference  is 
found  in  the  publication  of  the  documents  to 
the  Peace  Treaty,  published  by  H.  Krautz 
and  Rodiger,  1st  volume,  pages  105  and  106, 
as  follows : 

The  Prussian  spirit  was  not  satisfied  that 
Germany  should  occupy  a  high  and  influen- 
tial position  in  the  councils  of  equal  nations, 
a  position  which  was  justly  hers  and  which 
was  assured.  It  could  be  satisfied  only  by 
the  acquisition  of  the  highest  and  autocratic 
power.  At  a  moment  when  the  Western 
nations  seriously  endeavored  to  restrict 
armament,  to  replace  rivalry  in  international 
affairs  by  friendship,  and  to  lay  the  founda- 
tion to  a  new  era ;  when  all  nations  were  to 
co-operate  in  a  friendly  spirit  in  the  settle- 
ment of  international  affairs,  the  rules  of 
Germany  have  continued  to  sow  mistrust  and 
hatred  among  all  their  neighbors ;  have  allied 
themselves  with  all  the  elements  of  unrest 
in  all  countries;  have  increased  Germany's 
armament  and  fortified  its  military  and  naval 
power.  They  mobilized  all  the  auxiliary 
powers  at  their  command — the  universities, 
the  press,  the  churches,  the  whole  political 
machine — to  preach  their  gospel  of  hatred 
and  violence,  so  that  at  the  given  moment 
the  German  people  could  answer  their  call. 
The  result  was  that  during  the  last  years  of 
the  19th  and  during  the  20th  century  the 
policy  of  Germany  was  working  toward  the 
one  end,  to  assure  for  herself  the  position 
of  supreme  ruler  and  dictator. 

It  is  said  that  Germany  prepared  to  pro- 
tect herself  against  a  Russian  attack.  How- 
ever, it  is  significant  that  immediately  after 
Russia's  defeat  by  Japan  in  the  Far  East, 
while  she  was  prostrated  by  internal  revolu- 
tion, the  German  Government  doubled  its 
efforts  to  increase  armament  and  to  tryan- 
nize  over  its  neighbors  with  threats  of  war. 


The  collapse  of  Russia  did  not  mean  for 
them  a  restriction  of  armament  and  a  co- 
operation with  the  Western  Powers  toward 
world  peace;  they  saw  in  it  the  opportunity 
of  spreading  their  own  power. 

II 
The    Statement    Contrary   to   History 

The  committee  on  investigation  is  con- 
vinced that  this  statement  of  the  Entente 
note  does  not  correspond  to  the  historical 
truth.  The  antithesis  that  Germany,  driven 
by  hatred  and  the  desire  for  autocratic 
power,  had  planned  to  bring  her  neighbors 
under  her  tyrannical  government  by  threats 
of  war,  while  the  Western  Powers  had 
earnestly  endeavored  to  restrict  armament 
and  to  create  a  new  era  of  international 
friendship,  does  not  adequately  describe 
either  the  German  policy  nor  the  policy  of 
the   Western   Powers  prior   to   1914. 

No  State  and  no  government  in  particular 
can  be  blamed  for  the  new  dangers  that  ever 
since  the  last  decade  of  the  last  century 
were  threatening  international  politics. 
They  were  caused  by  the  general  economic 
and  national  tendencies  of  the  European 
States.  In  addition  to  the  former  bones  of 
contention  —  namely,  Alsace-Lorraine,  the 
Italian  and  Rumanian  Irredenta,  division  of 
Turkey,  and  the  development  of  the  Balkans 
— there  was  the  growing  rivalry  in  the  mar- 
kets of  the  world  and  the  desire  of  all  nations 
for  colonies  and  foreign  spheres  of  interest, 
creating  their  new  conflicts  and  a  general 
straining  of  the  relations  between  the  world 
Powers.  In  the  face  of  this  critical  develop- 
ment there  were  two  opinions:  either  the 
nations  had  to  safeguard  themselves  against 
the  threatening  dangers  by  increased  arma- 
ment and  favorable  alliances,  thus  rendering 
the  competition  in  armament  more  and  more 
violent  and  augmenting  suspicion  and  danger, 
or  a  new  way  had  to  be  found  to  abate  inter- 
national contention,  to  diminish  armament, 
and  to  leave  the  settlement  of  international 
conflict  to  international  arbitration  and  grow- 
ing  organizations    of   international    law. 

The  real  and  essential  contrast  during  the 
pre-war  era,  therefore,  was  not  that  of  a 
belligerent  Germany  and  the  other  peace- 
loving  powers,  but  that  of  the  existence  of 
all  nations  as  military  powers  and  economic 
forces  desirous  of  expansion  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  peace  movement  and  the  action  of 
certain  alliances  and  parties  on  the  other. 
The  other  world  Powers  as  well  as  Germany 
have  always  adhered  to  the  thought  of  na- 


363 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


tional  supremacy  and  to  the  claim  of  settling 
vital  questions  by  force  of  arms.  Not  one 
of  them  was  willing  to  renounce  armed 
power  and  to  submit  to  a  general  legal  au- 
thority invested  with  executive  power.  Even 
though  the  imperialistic  Powers — some  more, 
some  less — made  concessions  to  the  ideas  of 
disarmament  and  general  arbitration,  yet 
they  never  disputed  the  principle  of  war. 

Thus  the  American  Senate  stated  in 
August,  1911: 

There  are  certain  questions  at  the  present 
stage  of  human  development  which,  if  thus 
forced  forward  for  arbitration,  would  be  re- 
jected by  the  country  affected,  without  re- 
gard to  whether  in  so  doing  they  broke  the 
general  arbitration  treaty  or  not. 

Therefore,  if  in  the  questions  of  disarma- 
ment and  arbitration  certain  world  Powers 
seemed  to  make  greater  concessions  than  Ger- 
many to  the  ideal  of  the  peace  movement, 
this  probably  was  done  to  satisfy  the  need  of 
a  resolution  which  looked  like  the  fulfilment 
of  the  international  desire.  Practicable  plans 
for  the  amelioration  of  the  dangerous  state 
of  international  affairs  were  not  proposed  at 
that  time  by  any  of  the  governments  in  ques- 
tion. Neither  has  any  of  them  ever  taken 
into  serious  consideration  the  abandonment 
of  armed  power  and  of  the  right  to  decide 
vital  questions  by  force  of  arms. 

The  Committee  on  Investigation,  in  its 
judgment  on  the  attitude  of  Germany  toward 
disarmament  and  arbitration,  necessarily 
had  to  take  into  consideration  this  funda- 
mental conception  by  the  nations  of  their 
nature  and  their  policy. 

Ill 

Germany    and    Disarmament 

In  1899,  at  the  First  Hague  Peace  Con- 
ference, the  German  Government,  in  accord- 
ance with  almost  all  conference  Powers,  re- 
fused to  establish  disarmament  by  treaty; 
at  the  Second  Conference,  in  1907,  it  was 
opposed  to  the  repeated  discussion  of  the 
question.  The  peace  movement,  which  takes 
its  ideals  as  criterion  in  judging,  condemns 
this  attitude.  It  will  be  explained  later  to 
what  extent  the  Committee  on  Investigation 
agrees  with  the  objections  that  were  raised 
by  the  Pacifists. 

The  committee  must  dispute  the  justice  of 
the  reproaches  made  by  the  governments  in 
whose  names  the  note  of  June  16,  1919,  was 
issued.  The  proposals  made  by  Russia  at 
The  Hague  in  1899  were  of  such  a  nature 
that    Germany's    presumptive   enemies,   with 


their  own  armament,  would  have  had  the 
advantage  over  Germany  and  her  allies. 

The  question  of  the  restriction  of  armament 
had  been  earnestly  examined  by  the  German 
Government  and  the  military  oflicials.  Neither 
had  there  been  a  proposal  by  the  other  side, 
nor  could  a  principle  be  found  during  the 
consultations  in  the  German  War  Department 
that  would  have  guaranteed  a  solution  of 
the  problem — i.  e.,  a  controllable  restricted 
armament  doing  justice  to  the  vital  interests 
of  all  nations.  Furthermore,  it  is  the  opin- 
ion of  the  Committee  on  Investigation  that 
this  goal  could  have  been  reached  only  if 
the  question  of  restricted  armament  had  not 
been  isolated,  but  had  been  discussed  in  con- 
nection with  a  collective  guarantee  of  prop- 
erty and  an  effective  international  executive 
power. 

When,  after  the  refusal  of  1899,  the  ques- 
tion was  to  be  brought  up  again,  the  Ger- 
man Government  was  compelled  either  to 
vote  against  every  proposal  coming  from  the 
enemy  group  of  Powers  or  to  stay  out  of 
the  whole  discussion  from  the  very  begin- 
ning. By  adhering  to  the  second  mode  of 
procedure,  they  hoped  to  choose  the  smaller 
of  two  evils.  Considering  the  geographic 
position  of  the  country  in  the  midst  of  other 
nations,  with  the  disadvantage  of  wide-open 
boundaries;  considering  the  experience  of 
earlier  German  history,  and,  finally,  consider- 
ing the  Franco-Russian  entente,  which  in 
1899  was  superior  numerically  and  had  been 
further  strengthened  since  1907  by  England, 
and  which  was  drawing  Italy  into  its  train, 
the  German  Government  could  not  consent 
to  disarmament  plans  which  must  lead  to 
the  one-sided  weakening  of  the  German 
policy.  It  considered  the  disarmament  plans 
under  discussion  to  be  very  dangerous,  prin- 
cipally because  the  colonial  troops  were  not 
to  be  included  in  the  disarmament;  so  that 
it  would  have  been  rather  easy  for  Russia 
as  well  as  for  France  to  accomplish  a  far- 
reaching  military  supremacy  under  the  pre- 
text of  training  colonial  troops. 

The  German  Government  also  took  into 
consideration  that  the  Russian  Government, 
which  primarily  had  brought  the  disarma- 
ment idea  into  European  discussion,  was  at 
that  very  moment  preparing  for  war  against 
Japan,  while  England  planned  disarmament 
only  in  such  a  way  that  the  two-power 
strength  of  her  navy,  and  with  that  her  su- 
preme power  on  sea,  was  to  be  maintained  in 
any  event. 


192J^ 


GERMANY  AND  HAGUE  PEACE  CONFERENCES 


363 


It  was  easy,  therefore,  to  understand  the 
suspicious  attitude  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment toward  the  question  of  disarmament; 
yet  the  Committee  on  Investigation  does  not 
fail  to  appreciate  that  in  the  interest  of  the 
peace  movement  it  would  have  been  desir- 
able to  avoid  even  the  appearance  as  though 
the  German  Government  was  opposed  to  the 
idea  of  disarmament  per  se.  To  this  end  it 
might  have  expressed  its  regret  that  no  prac- 
tical plan  had  been  evolved  for  the  restric- 
tion of  armament  which  would  have  been 
desirable  to  the  German  Government. 
Furthermore,  the  German  Government  could 
have  pointed  out  that  with  the  system  of 
mutual  increase  of  armament  a  final  armed 
encounter  would  be  inevitable.  Then  it 
would  have  been  impossible  that  the  speech 
of  Colonel  von  Schwarehoff  at  the  (Conference 
in  1899  would  have  been  interpreted  as 
though  the  Germans  did  not  even  wish  to  re- 
strict armament,  and  did  not  consider  arma- 
ment and  war  to  be  means  of  defense,  but 
the  purpose  and  quintessence  of  political 
activity.  This  would  have  refuted  the  anti- 
German  propaganda  asserting  that  war  was 
threatening  from  Germany  and  embittering 
the  opinion  of  the  world  against  Germany. 

It  must  be  considered  a  regrettable  omis- 
sion on  the  part  of  the  German  Government 
during  the  First  Hague  Conference  that  it 
did  not  profit  by  this  opportunity  emphati- 
cally to  point  out  that  Germany's  and 
Austria-Hungary's  armament  was  in  no  way 
ahead  of  that  of  France  and  Russia.  This 
was  also  true  for  the  year  1907. 

However,  when  the  note  of  the  Entente 
makes  the  accusation  that  Germany  increased 
her  preparations  after  Russia  had  been  de- 
feated in  the  Japanese  War,  and  had  in- 
tended to  impose  a  tyrannical  government 
upon  her  neighbors  under  threat  of  war,  then 
it  must  be  pointed  out  that  no  opportunity 
was  more  favorable  to  wage  a  war  and  to 
carry  out  Germany's  alleged  plans  of  sov- 
ereignty than  the  time  of  the  Boer  War  or  the 
Russo-Japanese  War  and  the  internal  revo- 
lution which  followed  the  war  in  Russia. 
The  assertion  of  the  note,  that  while  Russia 
was  prostrate  on  account  of  her  defeat  in  the 
Far  East,  Germany  had  doubled  her  attempts 
to  increase  her  armament,  is  pure  invention. 
From  1905  to  1907  Germany  Increased  her 
army  only  7,000  men — i.  e.,  from  622,000  to 
629,000 — and  Austria-Hungary  did  not  in- 
crease hers  at  all.  The  German  Government 
did  not  use  its  favorable  position  to  make 


humiliating  demands  of  other  nations;  on 
the  contrary,  at  the  end  of  the  first  Morocco 
controversy,  at  the  conference  of  Algeciras, 
it  preferred  to  accept  a  political  defeat  in- 
stead of  attempting  by  war  threats  to  turn 
the  result  in  her  favor. 

Therefore  the  right  to  make  accusations,  as 
has  been  done  in  the  above-mentioned  note 
of  June  16,  1919,  must  be  denied  the  Powers 
in  whose  names  the  note  has  been  issued, 
especially  France,  which  was  represented  by 
Clemenceau.  These  Powers  were  not  in, 
doubt  about  the  fundamental  tendencies  of 
the  German  policy. 


IV 


Concerning  the  attitude  of  the  German 
Government  toward  the  problem  of  interna- 
tional arbitration  the  following  must  be 
said: 

In  1899  the  German  Government,  at  first, 
resisted  the  establishment  of  a  permanent 
court  of  arbitration,  but  later  dropped  Its 
opposition  and  co-operated  in  its  foundation. 
In  1907,  the  German  Government  was  op- 
posed to  the  plan  of  a  general  treaty  of  arbi- 
tration. To  be  sure,  this  plan  exempted  the 
questions  of  interests  and  honors  from  obliga- 
tory arbitration,  and  thus  offered  no  guar- 
antee that  more  serious  confiicts  would  be 
settled  by  arbitration.  The  German  Govern- 
ment was  not  alone  in  this  refusal.  Eight 
States,  among  them  the  world  Powers 
Austria-Himgary  and  Turkey,  as  well  as  the 
neutral  States  Belgium  and  Switzerland, 
joined  this  refusal,  and  three  other  States, 
among  them  the  world  Powers  Japan  and 
Italy,  refused  to  vote. 

At  that  time  the  German  Government  re- 
membered a  particularly  bad  experience 
with  the  British  Government.  In  1904  the 
general  arbitration  treaty  (with  the  honor 
clause)  between  Germany  and  Great  Britain 
was  to  be  applied,  upon  motion  by  Germany, 
to  the  settlement  of  the  reparation  claims  of 
the  Germans  who  had  been  damaged  during 
the  Boer  War.  The  British  Government  re- 
fused to  appoint  the  court  of  arbitration, 
and  this  refusal  was  felt  by  Germany  to  be 
a  breach  of  treaty.  The  relations  between 
the  two  countries  were  considerably  strained 
on  account  of  this  difference  of  opinion. 
Germany  was  afraid  of  the  same  bad  result 
from  an  arbitration  treaty  with  the  United 
States,  on  account  of  the  so-called  Senate 
clause  and  the  constitutional  attitude  of  the 
individual   American   States. 


364 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


The  German  Government  preferred  to  de- 
rive the  real  benefit  which  courts  of  arbitra- 
tion might  bring  in  the  policy  of  sovereign 
armed  nations  from  special  agreements  by 
inserting  the  arbitration  clause  for  certain 
departments  of  international  law  into  the 
treaties  with  individual  nations,  as  well  as 
in  collective  or  world  treaties.  It  has  con- 
cluded numerous  treaties  with  the  arbitra- 
tion clause,  among  them  some  of  far-reaching 
political  importance,  like  the  treaties  with 
France  about  Morocco  and  Equatorial  Africa, 
and  has  never  been  opposed  to  a  motion  for 
a  decision  by  arbitration  made  by  the  other 
party. 

Furthermore,  in  1907  it  proposed  at  The 
Hague  a  treaty  for  a  prize  court,  which  was 
accepted  in  its  essential  points  by  the  con- 
ference, with  the  consent  of  the  British  dele- 
gation, but  was  rejected  by  the  House  of 
Lords.  At  The  Hague,  in  1907,  the  German 
delegation  conceived  a  plan  of  a  thorough 
and  really  binding  arbitration  treaty  and 
intended  to  submit  it  a  few  months  after  the 
close  of  the  conference.  This  plan  was  to 
make  the  great  majority  of  those  matters 
discussed  in  connection  with  the  world  ar- 
bitration treaty  at  The  Hague —  and  not  in- 
cluded in  the  honor  reservation —  as  well  as 
a  number  of  other  matters,  subject  to  arbitra- 
tion without  restriction.  Since,  however,  the 
motion  for  another  session  was  not  accepted, 
the  German  Government  reserved  this  plan 
for  the  Third  Hague  Conference. 

Furthermore,  the  London  Declaration  of 
articles  of  naval  war  of  1909,  which  was 
supposed  to  render  the  articles  on  commer- 
cial maritime  war  more  liberal,  and  to  pro- 
tect the  neutral  maritime  commerce  against 
the  arbitrariness  of  the  belligerents,  was 
favorably  accepted  and  energetically  pro- 
moted by  the  German  Government,  while  the 
British  Government  in  the  beginning  delayed 
and  then  after  the  declaration  of  war  refused 
to  give  its  consent. 

Finally,  it  must  be  mentioned  that  Ger- 
many offered  the  United  States  a  general 
arbitration  treaty  without  any  restriction, 
without  the  interest  and  honor  clause.  She 
was  the  first  great  Power  to  make  such  a 
far-reaching  offer  in  the  field  of  arbitration 
to  another  great  Power.  The  American  Gov- 
ernment has  never  given  a  real  answer. 

The  ratification  of  a  so-called  Bryan  treaty, 
which  proposed  to  submit  all  conflicts  of 
juristic  as  well  as  politic  nature  to  a  mixed 
commission  for  investigation,  but  did  not  give 


any  legal  force  to  the  judgment  of  the  com- 
mission, and  which  on  the  other  hand,  pro- 
hibited all  hostility  as  long  as  the  commission 
was  in  session,  failed  out  of  regard  for  the 
German  national  defense.  The  German 
Government  thought  that  after  the  ratifica- 
tion of  such  a  treaty  with  the  United  States 
of  America  it  could  not  very  well  refuse  the 
ratification  of  analogous  treaties  with  the 
European  States  or  of  an  analogous  world 
treaty  without  injuring  her  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  other  States. 

Furthermore,  it  thought  that  the  clause 
concerning  suspension  of  hosilities  would 
counteract  the  military  advantages  which 
would  come  to  Germany  from  the  quicker 
mobilization,  especially  against  Russia,  if 
arbitration  should  fail. 

In  view  of  the  importance  of  maintaining 
friendly  relations  between  Germany  and  the 
United  States,  it  remains  doubtful  whether 
the  German  Government  would  not  have  done 
better  by  accepting  the  American  suggestion 
for  the  ratification  of  a  Bryan  treaty  and 
shelving  its  doubts  against  the  ratification  of 
analogous  treaties  with  Europen  neighbors. 
However,  the  Committee  on  Investigation 
thinks  it  best  to  leave  the  question  open,  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  judging  it  diplo- 
matically. 

In  recapitulation,  it  must  be  said  that  the 
German  Government,  in  its  own  way,  lias 
rendered  valuable  services  to  the  arbitration 
idea.  But,  as  in  the  question  of  disarma- 
ment, so  in  the  treatment  of  international 
compromise  and  arbitration,  it  would  have 
been  better  if  the  interested  official  and 
private  forces  had  avoided  creating  the  un- 
justified suspicion  that  the  German  Govern- 
ment was  diametrically  opposed  to  arbitra- 
tion. Then  they  would  have  deprived  all 
evil-minded  circles  abroad  of  any  opportunity 
of  rendering  German  intentions  suspected. 
For  this  purpose  It  would  have  been  best  if 
the  German  Government  had  expressed  its 
willingness  more  openly  and  had  assumed 
leadership  in  this  field,  as  it  had  been  planned 
for  the  future. 

However,  just  as  in  the  question  of  dis- 
armament, the  authors  of  the  note  of  Jime 
16,  1919,  have  no  right  to  accuse  the  German 
Government  on  account  of  its  attitude  toward 
arbitration.  If  other  countries  showed  a 
more  favorable  attitude  toward  arbitration 
than  Germany,  they  made  reservations  which 
rendered  that  which  they  granted  theoreti- 
cally and  demonstrably  rather  doubtful  for 


IQSJf. 


HUNGARIAN  FINANCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 


365 


practical  use.  It  is  an  unfounded  accusation 
that  the  execution  of  a  war  plan  for  ultimate 
world  dominion  was  the  reason  for  the  atti- 
tude of  the  German  Government  at  The 
Hague  Peace  Conferences.  If  the  German 
Government  had  pursued  such  a  sinister  plan, 
it  could  have  covered  it  up  the  more  safely 
by  accepting  the  proposals  for  disarmament 
and  world  arbitration. 

For  the  correctness  of  the  text  of  the  re- 
port, 

(Signed)  De.  Eugene  Fischer, 

Secretary  of  the  First  Sul)committee. 

Berlin,  January  4,  1924. 


HUNGARIAN  FINANCIAL 
RECONSTRUCTION 

Official    Communique    of    the    Reparations 
Commission 

The  Reparation  Commission  met  on  Febru- 
ary 21,  at  6  o'clock,  with  Marquis  Salvago 
Raggi,  vice-chairman,  in  the  chair. 

The  Commission  decided  to  send  the  at- 
tached letter  and  two  appendices  (appendices 
1,  2,  3)  to  the  Hungarian  Government. 

This  letter  was  handed  to  the  Hungarian 
Minister,  Baron  Koranyi,  who  was  received 
by  the  Commission  in  a  further  meeting, 
which  it  held  at  6.45,  and  who  handed  in 
reply  a  letter,  copy  of  which  is  attached. 
(See  Appendix  4.) 

The  Hungarian  Minister  having  then  re- 
tired, the  Commission,  after  discussion,  took 
two  decisions,  the  text  of  which  is  in  con- 
formity with  the  drafts  contained  in  appen- 
dices 2  and  3. 

1.  The  Reparation  Commission  to  the  Hun- 
garian Government  {Appendix  1)  : 

The  Reparation  Commission,  in  accordance 
with  the  intention  expressed  in  its  decision 
of  the  17th  October  last,  has  given  most  care- 
ful and  sympathetic  consideration  to  the  plan 
for  the  financial  reconstruction  of  Hungary, 
prepared  by  the  Financial  Committee  and 
approved  by  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  and  consisting  of  the  Protocols  Nos. 
I  and  II  and  the  report  of  that  committee. 

It  will  be  within  the  knowledge  of  the  Hun- 
garian Government  that  it  was  on  the  invita- 
tion of  the  Commission  itself  that  this  plan 
was  drawn  up,  and  the  Commission  is  ear- 
nestly desirous  of  taking  any  measures 
within  its  powers  which,  in  the  general 
interests  alike  of  Hungary  and  of  her  credi- 
tors, may  further  the  execution  of  that  plan. 


Without  entering  into  any  discussion  of  the 
details  of  the  plan,  the  Commission  observes 
that  if  the  projected  reconstruction  loan 
and  any  short-term  preliminary  loan  are  to 
be  issued  successfully  in  the  manner  contem- 
plated by  the  plan,  it  will  be  necessary  that 
two  decisions  should  be  taken  by  the  Com- 
mission at  an  early  date. 

One  of  these  decisions  is  directed  to  raising 
the  existing  lien  for  reparations  upon  certain 
revenues  of  the  Hungarian  Government  men- 
tioned in  the  report  of  the  Financial  Com- 
mittee, with  a  view  to  permitting  the  consti- 
tution of  a  first  charge  upon  the  resources 
thus  exempted  in  favor  of  the  holders  of  the 
new  loan  or  loans.  The  other  decision  fixes, 
during  the  period  of  20  years  over  which  the 
amortization  of  the  projected  reconstruction 
loan  is  to  extend,  the  payments  and  deliveries 
to  be  made  by  Hungary  in  respect  of  her 
obligations  under  the  Treaty  of  Trianon  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  enable  Hungary  more 
readily  to  support  the  whole  of  her  external 
financial  obligations. 

Drafts  of  the  decisions  are  enclosed. 

In  connection  with  this  second  decision,  the 
Commission  further  observes  that  it  is  not 
practicable,  within  the  short  period  now  re- 
maining unexpired  before  the  date  contem- 
plated for  the  issue  of  the  loan,  to  take  the 
steps  prescribed  by  the  Treaty  of  Trianon 
for  fixing  the  reparation  liability  of  Hun- 
gary, assigning  to  her  a  part  of  the  general 
reparation  debt,  and  drawing  up  a  schedule 
of  payments.  The  consent  of  the  Hungarian 
Government  to  this  decision  will  therefore 
be  necessary. 

The  Hungarian  obligations  resulting  from 
the  decision  will,  of  course,  be  subject  to  the 
conditions  laid  down  in  the  plan  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  and  in  this  connection  the  Repara- 
tion Commission  has  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Hungarian  Government  to  the  fact  that 
it  interprets  Articles  2  and  7  of  Protocol  II, 
which  forms  part  of  that  plan,  as  meaning 
that  the  Coimcil  of  the  League  of  Nations,  in 
conformity  with  the  reconstruction  scheme, 
will  re-establish  the  control  of  Hungarian 
finances  if,  and  when,  the  non-payment  of  any 
reparation  annuity  prescribed  by  the  Com- 
mission is  established.  The  Commission  im- 
derstands  that  this  interpretation  is  that  of 
the  Council  of  the  League ;  it  proposes  to  take 
its  decisions  on  this  basis  and  desires  before 
doing  so  to  be  assured  that  Hungary  concurs 
in  this  interpretation. 


366 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


In  these  circumstances  it  rests  with  the 
Hungarian  Government  to  intimate,  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment,  its  willingness  to 
accept  the  decisions  of  the  Commission  as 
drafted,  and  also  the  interpretation  above 
indicated  as  the  basis  of  those  decisions. 

On  receipt  of  such  an  intimation  the  Com- 
mission will  be  prepared  to  take  two  deci- 
sions contemplated,  and  the  way  will  thus  be 
open  to  the  Hungarian  Government  to  pro- 
cure the  financial  assistance  which  is  recog- 
nized in  the  plan  of  the  League  of  Nations 
as  being  essential  in  the  interests  of  the  re- 
construction of  Hungary. 

(Signed)  John  Bradbury. 

(Signed)  Salvago  Raggi. 

2.  Decision  Excepting  Specified  Assets  in  View 
of  Hungarian  Loans  {Appendix  2)  : 

The  Reparation  Commission,  considering 
the  present  state  of  Hungarian  finances; 
taking  note  of  the  plan  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions for  the  reconstruction  of  Hungary 
transmitted  to  the  Reparation  Commission 
by  the  Hungarian  Committee  of  the  Council 
of  the  League  as  the  plan  asked  for  in  the 
resolution  of  the  Commission  of  the  17th 
October,  1923,  as  the  said  plan  is  set  forth  in 
the  draft  Proctols  Nos.  I  and  II  and  the 
report  of  the  Financial  Committee  of  the 
League,  dated  the  20th  December,  1923;  and 
considering  that  under  the  said  plan  it  is 
proposed  that  Hungary  should  raise  a  recon- 
struction loan  the  net  proceeds  of  which 
should  not  exceed  250,000,000  gold  crowns, 
and  which  is  to  be  repaid  in  a  period  of  20 
years,  and  also  possibly  short-term  loans 
which  are  to  be  repaid  out  of  the  yield  of  the 
principal  reconstruction  loan  as  soon  as  the 
latter  has  been  issued,  hereby,  in  exercise 
of  the  power  conferred  by  Article  180  of  the 
Treaty  of  Trianon  to  make  exceptions  to  the 
first  charge  created  by  that  treaty  on  the  as- 
sets and  revenues  of  Hungary  for  the  cost  of 
reparation  and  other  costs,  excepts  from  the 
charge  created  by  the  said  Article  180  for  the 
cost  of  reparation  by  Hungary  and  any  other 
costs  arising  under  the  Treaty  of  Trianon  or 
any  treaties  or  agreements  supplementary 
thereto  or  any  arrangements  concluded  by 
Hungary  with  the  Allied  and  associated' 
powers  during  the  armistice  signed  on  the 
3rd  of  November,  1918,  and  from  any  and 
every  other  charge  to  which  the  powers  of  the 
Commission  extend,  and  so  that  this  excep- 
tion shall  take  effect  for  a  period  of  20  years 
from  the  date  of  this  decision:  1,  the  gross 


receipts  of  the  customs;  2,  the  gross  receipts 
from  the  tobacco  monopoly ;  3,  the  net  receipts 
of  the  salt  monopoly ;  4,  the  gross  receipts  of 
the  sugar  tax ;  5,  such  of  the  other  revenues 
and  receipts  of  the  Hungarian  Government, 
other  than  the  State  railways  and  the  rev- 
enues thereof,  as  may  from  time  to  time  be 
duly  required  under  the  conditions  mentioned 
in  the  said  plan  for  the  service  of  the  re- 
construction long-term  loan  to  Hungary 
therein  referred  to. 

And  whereas  this  release  is  intended  to 
permit  of  the  repayment  of  the  said  recon- 
struction loan  within  the  period  for  which 
the  said  release  takes  effect,  the  Reparation 
Commission  agrees  that  if  at  the  end  of  the 
said  period  any  part  of  the  said  reconstruc- 
tion loan  or  the  interest  thereon  has  not  been 
completely  discharged,  such  part  of  the  loan 
or  interest  shall,  imtil  completely  discharged, 
have  priority  in  respect  of  the  revenues  and 
receipts  above  excepted  over  the  said  first 
charge  for  the  cost  of  reparations  and  other 
costs  under  Article  180  of  the  said  Treaty. 

And  the  Reparation  Commission  makes  this 
exception  and  temporary  waiver  of  priority 
on  certain  Hungarian  assets  upon  the  express 
conditions  that,  without  prejudice  to  the 
rights  of  the  holders  of  the  Hungarian  relief 
bonds,  (1)  no  portion  of  the  revenues  and 
receipts  so  excepted  be  applied  in  priority  to 
the  said  first  charge  for  the  costs  of  repara- 
tions and  other  charges  to  any  purpose  other 
than  the  service  of  the  said  projected  loans, 
and  (2)  that  the  said  short-term  loans,  if 
any,  shall  (if  not  already  otherwise  repaid) 
be  discharged  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  said 
reconstruction  loan ; 

Provided  always,  and  it  is  hereby  declared, 
that  if  the  said  Protocols  Nos.  I  and  II  shall 
not  have  been  signed  by  or  on  behalf  of  all 
the  governments  named  therein  respectively 
on  or  before  the  31st  March,  1924,  or  if  before 
the  31st  December,  1924,  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, taking  into  consideration  the  figure 
reached  by  the  subscriptions  to  the  said  prin- 
cipal reconstruction  loan,  has  not  notified  the 
Reparation  Commission  that  it  undertakes 
the  responsibility  to  complete  the  reconstruc- 
tion plan  contained  in  the  said  protocols,  this 
decision  shall  be  void  and  of  no  effect,  but 
so  that  any  short-term  loans,  to  be  repaid  out 
of  the  yield  of  the  principal  loan,  which  may 
have  been  issued  after  the  signature  of  the 
protocols  of  the  plan  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions and  in  conformity  with  those  protocols 
shall  be  repaid  in  priority  to  reparations. 


192J^ 


HUNGARIAN  FINANCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 


367 


The  Reparation  Commission  takes  this  de- 
cision upon  the  understanding  that  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  League  of  Nations  will  declare  be- 
fore the  31st  of  March  next  that  it  interprets 
Articles  2  and  7  of  the  said  Protocol  II  as 
meaning  that  it  will  be  in  conformity  with 
the  said  plan  of  reconstruction  re-establish 
the  control  of  Hungarian  finances  if  and  when 
it  finds  that  any  payment  or  delivery  pre- 
scribed by  the  Schedule  to  Decision  No.  2797 
of  the  Reparation  Commission  which  fixes 
the  reparation  payments  of  Hungary  has  not 
been  made  and  this  Decision  shall  take  effect 
only  if  the  Council  has  made  such  a  declara- 
tion before  that  date. 

2.2.24. 

3.  Decision  as  to  Amount  of  Treaty  Charges 
to  be  Imposed  upon  Hungary  for  a  Period 
of  Twenty  Years  (Appendix  3)  : 

The  Reparation  Commission,  considering 
the  present  state  of  Hungarian  finances;  tak- 
ing note  of  the  plan  of  the  League  of  Nations 
for  the  financial  reconstruction  of  Hungary 
transmitted  to  the  Reparation  Commission  by 
the  Hungarian  Committee  of  the  Council  of 
the  League  as  the  plan  asked  for  in  the  reso- 
lution of  the  Commission  of  the  17th  Oc- 
tober, 1923,  and  consisting  of  the  Protocols 
Nos.  I  and  II  and  the  report  of  the  Financial 
Committee  of  the  League  dated  the  20th 
December,  1923;  considering,  also,  that  It  is 
essential  in  the  interests  of  Hungary  and 
the  States  creditors  of  Hungary  on  reparation 
account  that  the  projected  loan  to  Hungary 
for  financial  reconstruction,  as  contemplated 
by  the  said  plan,  be  adequately  subscribed, 
but  that  it  is  not  practicable,  before  the  date 
proposed  for  the  issue  of  any  such  to  loan, 
to  determine  the  amount  of  the  damage  for 
which  compensation  is  to  be  made  by  Hun- 
gary, to  assign  to  her  a  part  of  the  debt,  and 
draw  up  such  a  schedule  of  payments  for 
securing  and  discharging  the  part  so  assigned 
pursuant  to  Article  163  of  the  Treaty  of  Tri- 
anon; recognizing  further  that  subscriptions 
to  the  said  projected  loan  will  be  made  upon 
the  understanding  that  the  recommendations 
as  to  the  external  obligations  of  Hungary, 
reparations,  and  the  powers  of  the  Commis- 
sioner General  contained  in  the  said  plan  re- 
ceive the  approval  of  the  Reparation  Com- 
mission, and  therefore  that  the  burden  to  be 
imposed  on  Hungary  on  account  of  repara- 
tion and  other  charges  under  the  Treaty  of 
Trianon  (other  than  such  burdens,  if  any,  as 


may  arise  under  the  said  treaty  in  respect  of 
the  obligations  of  Hungary  or  her  nationals 
which  existed  before  the  treaty)  shall  not, 
for  a  period  of  twenty  years  from  the  date  of 
this  decision,  exceed  the  amounts  mentioned 
in  the  annex  hereto  and  shall  be  subject  to  the 
conditions  contained  in  the  said  plan;  and 
taking  note  of  the  engagement  of  the  Hun- 
garian Government,  dated  February  21st, 
1924,  consenting  and  agreeing  to  make  the 
payment  of  the  said  amounts  on  the  date 
prescribed,  decides  that  the  payments  and  de- 
liveries to  be  made  by  Hungary  from  the  1st 
January,  1924,  to  the  31st  December,  1943,  in 
respect  of  her  liability  to  make  reparation 
shall,  in  pursuance  of  the  said  plan  and  sub- 
ject to  the  conditions  contained  therein,  to 
those  set  out  in  the  annex  hereto,  but  so  that 
if  during  the  said  period  of  twenty  years 
Hungary  shall  with  the  approval  of  the  Rep- 
aration Commission  make  any  payment  or 
delivery  under  the  said  treaty  (not  being  a 
payment  or  delivery  in  respect  of  obligations 
of  Hungary  or  her  nationals  which  existed 
before  the  war,  as,  for  example,  the  obliga- 
tions contained  in  Articles  186  and  231  and 
any  such  obligations  as  are  contained  in 
Article  232)  otherwise  than  on  account  of 
reparation,  such  payment  or  the  value  of  any 
such  delivery  shall  not  exceed  the  figure 
fixed  by  the  schedule  for  the  period  in  which 
it  takes  place  and  shall  be  deducted  from  the 
obligations  of  Hungary  fixed  in  the  schedule 
for  that  period. 

And,  further,  if  the  payments  fixed  in  the 
schedule  for  the  years  1927  to  1943,  added  to 
the  value  of  the  deliveries  or  payments  made 
in  the  years  1924,  1925,  and  1926,  do  not 
amount  to  200,000,000  gold  crowns,  the  de- 
ficiency shall  be  paid  or  delivered  during 
1940,  1941,  1942,  and  1943  in  addition  to  the 
payments  or  deliveries  fixed  for  those  years, 
one-fourth  of  the  deficiency  being  allotted  to 
each  year;  and,  similarly,  if  those  payments 
added  to  that  value  exceed  200,000,000  gold 
crowns,  the  excess  shall  in  like  manner  be 
deducted  from  the  payments  or  deliveries 
fixed  for  the  same  last  years : 

Provided,  also,  and  it  is  hereby  declared, 
that  if  the  said  Protocols  I  and  II  shall  not 
have  been  duly  signed  by  or  on  behalf  of  all 
the  governments  named  therein  respectively 
on  or  before  the  31st  of  March,  1924,  or  if 
before  the  31st  of  December,  1924,  the  League 
of  Nations,  taking  into  consideration  the  figure 
reached  by  the  subscriptions  to  the  said 
principal  reconstruction  loan,  has  not  notified 


368 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


the  Reparation  (Commission  that  it  undertakes 
the  responsibility  to  complete  the  reconstruc- 
tion plan  contained  in  the  said  protocols,  this 
decision  shall  be  void  and  of  no  effect. 

The  Reparation  Commission  takes  this  de- 
cision upon  the  understanding  that  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  League  of  Nations  will  declare  be- 
fore the  31st  March  next  that  it  interprets 
Articles  2  and  7  of  the  said  Protocol  II  as 
meaning  that  it  will,  in  conformity  with  the 
said  plan  of  reconstruction,  re-establish  the 
control  of  Hungarian  finances  if  and  when  it 
finds  that  any  payment  or  delivery  prescribed 
by  the  schedule  to  this  decision  has  not  been 
made  pursuant  to  this  decision,  and  this 
decision  shall  take  effect  only  if  the  Council 
has  made  such  a  declaration  before  that  date. 

2.2.24. 

The  Annex  Above  Referred  To 

Period.  Payments  or  deliveries. 

Value  expressed  in  gold  crowns. 

From  1  January,  1924.. Such  de- 
liveries in  kind  or  payments  as 
may  from  time  to  time  be  au- 
thorized by  the  Reparation  Com- 
mission to  an  amount  corre- 
sponding to  the  value  of  800 
of  coal  per  working  day. 

30  June,  1927 2,500,000 

31  December,  1927 2,500,000 

■ 5,000,000 

30  June,  1928 2,500,000 

31  December,  1928 2,500,000 

5,000,000 

30  June,  1929 3,000,000 

31  December,  1929 3,000,000 

6,000,000 

30  June,  1930 3,500,000 

31  December,  1930 3,500,000 

7,000,000 

30  June,  1931 4,000,000 

31  December,  1931 4,000,000 

8,000,000 

30  June,  1932 4,500,000 

31  December,  1932 4,500,000 

9,000,000 

30  June,  1933 5,000,000 

31  December,  1933 5,000,000 

10,000,000 

30  June,  1934 5,500,000 

31  December,   1934 5,500,000 

11,000,000 

30  June,  1935 6,000,000 

31  December,  1935 6,000,000 

12,000,000 

30  June,  1936 6,500,000 

31  December,    1936 6,500,000 

13,000,000 

30  June,  1937 6,500,000 

31  December,  1937 6,500,000 

:: 13,000,000 


30  June,  1938 6,500,000 

31  December,  1938 6,500,000 

30  June,  1939 6,500,000 

31  December,  1939 6,500,000 

30  June,  1940 6,500,000 

31  December,  1940 6,500,000 

30  June,  1941 6,500,000 

31  December,  1941 6,500,000 

30  June,  1942 7,000,000 

31  December,  1942 7,000,000 

30  June,  1943 7,000,000 

31  December,   1943 7,000,000 


2.2.24. 


13,000,000 
13,000,000 
13,000,000 
13,000,000 
14,000,000 
14,000,000 


4.  Hungary's    Acceptance    of    the    Decision 
{Appendix  4)  : 

Pabis,  21s*  February,  1924. 
To  His  Excellency,  M.  Louis  Babthou, 

Chairman  of  the  Reparation  Commission. 

YouB  Excellency  :  I  have  the  honor  to  ac- 
knowledge receipt  of  the  letter  of  the  Repara- 
tion Commission  dated  21  February,  together 
with  the  draft  decisions  attached,  which  the 
Reparation  Commission  intends  to  take. 

Having  received  plenary  powers  from  my 
government  for  this  purpose,  I  have  the 
honor  to  declare  that  the  Hungarian  Govern- 
ment is  prepared  to  accept  the  decisions  as 
communicated  to  me  by  Your  Excellency's 
letter. 

I  have  also  the  honor  to  agree  both  to  the 
terms  of  the  decisions  and  to  the  interpreta- 
tion adopted  by  the  Reparation  Commission 
in  its  above-mentioned  note  concerning  Ar- 
ticles 2  and  7  of  Protocol  II.  I  beg  to  take 
this  opportunity  of  expressing  both  to  Your 
Excellency  and  to  your  colleagues  and  col- 
laborators the  sincere  thanks  of  my  govern- 
ment for  the  much  valued  interest  and  sym- 
pathy which  the  Reparation  Commission  has 
accorded  to  thie  cause  of  my  country. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

(Signed)  Kobanyi, 

Minister  for  Hungary. 


Under  date  of  May  8  an  official  com- 
munique stated  that,  according  to  latest 
reports  which  have  reached  the  Minister 
of  Finance  in  London,  the  share  capital 
of  30,000,000  pounds  of  the  National 
Bank  in  Budapest  had  been  fully  sub- 
scribed. 


192Jf 


MR.  HUGHES  AND  OUR  FOREIGN  POLICY 


369 


MR.  HUGHES  AND  OUR  FOREIGN 
POLICY 

Our  Secretary  of  State,  speaking  in  New 
York  on  April  15,  devoted  the  major  share  of 
what  is  called  a  Republican  keynote  speech 
to  our  foreign  policies.  After  referring  to 
our  tariff,  financial,  and  taxation  problems, 
Mr.  Hughes  said : 

International  Organization 

It  is  not  intended  to  revive  an  old  dispute, 
but  it  is  believed  that  dispassionate  history 
will  record  the  serious  mistake  of  making  a 
I)ermanent  plan  for  international  organiza- 
tion, or  for  a  society  of  nations,  a  part  of  a 
treaty  embodying  the  terms  of  peace  laid 
down  by  the  victors  in  the  Great  War,  and 
of  introducing  into  that  plan  political  com- 
mitments which  were  opposed  to  the  genius 
of  our  institutions.  It  soon  became  apparent 
that  the  United  States  would  not  participate 
in  such  a  plan  without  adequate  reservations. 
Even  then  the  opportunities  for  compromise 
were  rejected  by  the  former  Administration 
and  the  treaty  failed  of  approval.  When 
President  Harding  took  office  it  was  manifest 
that  it  would  be  worse  than  futile  to  reopen 
that  debate,  on  any  pretext  or  proposal,  and 
he  followed  the  only  course  in  which  there 
was  promise  of  achievement,  and  this  promise 
was  abundantly  realized. 

The  technical  state  of  war  was  speedily 
ended.  Treaties  with  enemy  powers,  safe- 
guarding our  own  rights  without  derogating 
from  the  rights  of  our  former  associates  in 
the  war,  were  concluded  and  approved  by 
the  Senate.  In  addition,  a  claims  agreement 
was  made  with  Germany  and  a  unique  tribute 
was  paid  to  the  American  sense  of  justice 
by  placing  the  deciding  vote  in  the  hands  of 
one  of  our  own  citizens. 

The  American  people  cherish  their  inde- 
pendence. They  were  unwilling  to  enter  into 
ambiguous  commitments  which  in  one  breath 
were  sought  to  be  explained  away  as  having 
little  significance  and  in  another  were  strenu- 
ously demanded  as  being  of  vital  importance. 
They  refused  to  assume  by  any  form  of 
words  an  obligation  to  take  part  in  the  never- 
ending  conflicts  of  rival  ambitions  in  Europe, 
but  none  the  less  they  earnestly  desire  peace 
and  seek  in  every  way  consistent  with  their 
traditions  to  promote  it. 

Harding  Accomplished  It 

President  Harding  incarnated  this  desire 
and  purpose.  The  exigency  and  opportunity 
lay  at  hand,  and  perhaps  there  has  never 
been  a  more  important  contribution  to  the 
cause  of  peace  than  that  which  was  made 
under  the  auspices  of  this  government 
through  the  Washington  Conference.  I 
have  observed  here  and  there  the  effort  to 
depreciate  the  work  of  the  conference,  but 
such  an  endeavor  will  not  prosper  in  the 
face  of  world  knowledge  and  appreciation, 


and  merely  serves  to  betray  a  narrow  vision 
or  a  partisan  extremity. 

The  conference  was  limited  to  a  few  nations 
and  in  its  aims;  but  for  that  very  reason 
it  succeeded.  The  powers  possessing  great 
navies  met  to  discuss  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ment. They,  with  four  other  powers  espe- 
cially  interested,  considered  Far  Eastern  and 
Pacific  questions.  For  the  first  time,  a  limi- 
tation of  the  naval  strength  of  the  great 
powers  was  agreed  upon.  By  common  con- 
sent the  best  measure  of  that  strength  was 
found  in  the  capital  battleships  of  the  rival 
navies.  The  agreement  put  an  end  to  the 
competitive  programs  in  these  ships,  saving 
to  tax-burdened  peoples,  including  our  own, 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars. 

The  agreement  was  fair  to  all,  as  is  abun- 
dantly shown  by  the  complaints  of  the  dis- 
satisfied in  each  country.  The  United  States 
had  the  privilege  of  leadership  and  it  made 
its  sacrifices,  but  these  were  proportionate 
and  were  relatively  fair.  There  are  two  sorts 
of  critics  who  constitute  the  chief  obstacles 
to  progress,  whatever  labels  they  may  wear. 
They  are  those  who  want  nothing  done  and 
those  who  are  only  content  with  the  impos- 
sible. 

The  most  important  result  of  the  Washing- 
ton conference  was  the  establishment  of  a 
new  understanding  in  the  Far  East.  The 
darkening  clouds  were  dispelled.  Distrust 
yielded  to  mutual  confidence.  The  Anglo- 
Japanese  Alliance  was  brought  to  an  end, 
and  provision  for  the  future  was  made  by 
an  agreement  which  did  no  violence  to  Ameri- 
can tradition,  but  in  its  very  simplicity  and 
adaptability  contained  the  highest  promise  of 
continued  accord.  Peace  in  the  Pacific,  so 
far  as  this  generation  can  see  ahead,  is  un- 
doubtedly assured. 

Explicitly  Expressed 

The  American  policy  of  the  "Open  Door" 
was  taken  out  of  diplomatic  notes  and  made 
the  subject  of  a  formal  treaty,  with  more 
explicit  terms  than  that  in  which  It  had 
ever  been  expressed.  When  the  treaties  re- 
lating to  China  go  into  effect,  and  we  trust 
that  will  be  in  the  near  future,  there  will 
be  afforded  practical  methods  of  helpfulness 
in  the  very  difficult  situation  that  is  now 
presented.  Our  policies  in  the  Far  East  have 
been  defined  and  a  sound  basis  of  co-operation 
has  been  laid.  It  should  be  added  that  these 
treaties  disposed  of  the  ambiguous  Lansing- 
Ishii  agreement,  which  was  subsequently 
formally  canceled. 

The  Washington  conference  established  a 
precedent  of  controlling  importance.  It  is 
safe  to  say  that  all  who  may  in  the  future 
labor  for  further  limitations  of  armaments 
will  emulate  the  example  and  evoke  the 
happy  spirit  of  co-operation  which  animated 
that  conference.  While  the  greater  part  of 
the  proposals  of  this  government  were 
adopted,  there  were  other  portions  which 
could  not  be  progressed.  This  unfinished 
business  will  be  taken  up  as  soon  as  there 
appears  to  be  a  reasonable  prospect  of  sue- 


370 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


cess.     As  President  Harding  said,  we  want 
"less   of  armament   and   none   of   war." 

There  is  sound  reason  for  gratification  in 
the  increasing  good-will  and  mutual  helpful- 
ness which  have  characterized  during  the 
last  few  years  the  development  of  the  rela- 
tions between  the  United  States  and  her 
sister  republics  of  the  American  continent. 
This  hemisphere  should  be  the  exemplar  of 
peace  and  friendly  co-operation.  Whatever 
contribution  we  can  make  elsewhere  to  the 
progress  of  civilization,  here  is  our  first  duty 
and  immediate  opportunity  to  present  an  ex- 
ample of  unity  of  ideals  and  unity  of  purpose, 
of  a  common  determination  to  settle  all  dif- 
ferences by  the  orderly  processes  of  confer- 
ence, mediation,  and  arbitration. 

Aims  as  to  Latin  America 

You  may  recall  that  it  was  just  three  years 
ago,  at  the  unveiling  of  the  Statue  of  Bolivar 
in  this  city,  that  President  Harding  set  forth 
the  attitude  and  aims  of  the  Administration 
with  respect  to  our  relations  with  Latin 
America.  And  there  has  been  no  deviation 
from  the  principles  he  then  declared.  The 
record  of  these  years  has  been  an  inspiring 
one,  not  only  because  of  the  definite  results 
achieved,  but  mainly  by  reason  of  the  new 
spirit  of  confidence  and  friendliness  which 
pervades  our  inter-American  relations. 

The  Administration  has  enjoyed  the  privi- 
lege of  having  advanced  toward  settlement  a 
question  which  for  forty  years  has  disturbed 
the  relations  between  two  of  our  sister  re- 
publics, Chile  and  Peru.  This  controversy 
has  hung  like  a  cloud  over  the  international 
relations  of  Latin  America,  and  it  is  a  great 
satisfaction  to  be  able  to  announce  that  the 
proceedings  are  now  being  concluded  for  its 
final  submission  to  the  arbitration  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States. 

The  troublesome  difficulties  which  for 
many  years  have  disturbed  our  relations 
with  Mexico  have  yielded  to  a  friendly  ad- 
justment. We  have  been  able  to  resume  our 
normal  intercourse,  and  two  conventions 
have  been  entered  into  for  the  arbitral  de- 
termination of  claims.  More  important  than 
any  formal  arrangements  of  this  sort  is  the 
better  understanding  and  friendly  accord 
which  have  been  reached,  holding  promise 
for  the  first  time  in  many  years  of  a  mutually 
beneficial  co-operation  upon  a  sound  basis. 

I  am  glad  to  be  able  to  add  that  the  efforts 
to  secure  an  independent  and  stable  govern- 
ment in  Santo  Domingo,  so  as  to  permit  the 
ending  of  our  occupation,  have  met  with 
gratifying  success.  Elections  have  been  had 
to  establish  a  provisional  Dominican  Gov- 
ernment, and  it  is  expected  that  the  plan  for 
a  permanent  government  will  soon  be  carried 
into  effect. 

In  short,  during  the  last  three  years  we 
have  been  able  to  convince  the  governments 
and  the  peoples  of  the  American  Continent, 
not  only  by  our  declarations  but  by  outstand- 
ing example,  that  ours  is  a  government  re- 
spectful of  their  rights,  as  well  as  regardful 
of  our  own,  and  that  we  are  always  willing 


I0W 


to  join  with  them  in  the  furtherance  of  thos 
larger  purposes  of  international  right  and 
fair  dealing  upon  which,  in  the  last  analysis, 
the  peace  and  progress  of  the  entire  contl 
nent  must  depend. 

To  Prevent  American  Conflicts 


In  addition  to  the  special  conventions  con- 
cluded at  the  recent  Pan-American  Confer- 
ence at  Santiago,  a  treaty  was  signed  to  pre- 
vent confiicts  between  the  American  States. 
This  treaty,  signed  by  the  representatives  of 
sixteen  American  States,  provides  for  the 
submission  of  all  controversies  which  may 
arise  between  two  or  more  of  the  contract- 
ing powers  and  which  it  has  been  impossible 
to  settle  through  diplomatic  channels,  or  to 
submit  to  arbitration  in  accordance  with  ex- 
isting treaties,  shall  be  submitted  for  investi- 
gation, and  report  to  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry. 

Contracting  parties  undertake  not  to  begin 
mobilization  or  to  engage  in  any  hostile  acts 
or  preparation  for  hostilities  until  the  com- 
mission has  rendered  its  support.  Any  one 
of  the  governments  directly  interested  in  the 
investigation  of  the  facts  giving  rise  to  the 
controversy  may  apply  for  the  convocation  of 
the  commission.  The  representatives  of  the 
American  republics  have  thus  sought  in  an 
entirely  practicable  way,  by  a  general  agree- 
ment, to  assure  the  maintenance  of  peace  in 
this  hemisphere.  To  this  important  treaty 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  has  given  its 
prompt  approval. 

The  determinative  principles  of  our  foreign 
policy  are  those  of  independence  and  co-oper- 
ation. Independence — that  does  not  mean 
and  never  has  meant  isolation.  Co-operation 
— that  does  not  mean  and  never  has  meant 
alliances  or  political  entanglements.  If  there 
are  those  among  us  who  wish  to  involve 
this  country  in  the  political  controversies  of 
Europe,  who  desire  our  part  in  the  great 
war,  in  defense  of  our  own  security  and  of 
the  cause  of  liberty  itself,  to  be  made  the 
occasion  or  the  basis  of  participation  in  the 
intrigues  and  rivalries  of  European  politics; 
if  there  are  those  among  us  who  think  that 
that  sort  of  participation  is  the  only  means 
of  co-operation  in  the  interest  of  peace  and 
humanitarian  ends,  they  are,  I  am  sure,  in 
a  hopeless  minority. 

Isolation  Decried 

If  there  are  those  who  think  that,  with  our 
vast  resources,  our  increasing  relative  power, 
our  varied  contacts  and  complex  intimacies, 
cultural  and  commercial,  we  can  withdraw 
into  ourselves,  and  that,  deaf  alike  to  the 
appeals  of  interest  and  the  calls  of  humanity, 
we  can  lead  an  isolated  national  life,  they 
are  the  victims  of  an  unfortunate  delusion. 
There  is  the  just  middle  course  of  national 
safety,  of  national  honor,  of  national  interest, 
of  national  duty.  It  is  the  course  of  an 
appropriate  co-operation,  congenial  to  our  tra- 
ditions and  institutions. 

The  only  room  for  debate  is  as  to  the  means 


192Jf 


MR.  HUGHES  AND  OUR  FOREIGN  POLICY 


371 


of  that  co-operation.  In  seeking  the  wise 
and  available  course  it  is  a  serious  mistake 
to  sacrifice  substance  for  form,  to  make 
everything  turn  on  the  question  of  formal 
organization  and  our  relation  to  it.  The 
question  of  formal  organization  has  been 
fully  discussed  and  it  would  serve  no  useful 
purpose  to  reopen  the  controversy.  The  pro- 
visions of  the  covenant  of  the  League,  to 
which  there  was  decisive  objection  here, 
remain  unaltered.  The  participation  in  po- 
litical questions  abroad,  to  which  we  were 
invited,  is  still  opposed  by  preponderant 
sentiment.  It  would  be  idle  to  project  a 
bitter  and  paralyzing  dispute  over  forms  of 
association  when  the  substantial  objects  of 
a  suitable  co-operation  can  be  otherwise 
achieved. 

The  real  question  is  as  to  the  subjects  in 
relation  to  which  we  should,  and  we  can, 
effectively  co-operate.  It  is  frequently  over- 
looked that,  even  if  we  had  a  representative 
at  Geneva  he  would  not  speak  when  our  gov- 
ernment desired  him  to  be  silent.  His  pres- 
ence there  would  not  permit  him  to  partici- 
pate in  discussions  or  action  when  our  gov- 
ernment did  not  wish  such  participation. 

What  our  government  would  desire  in  each 
case  would  depend  upon  the  subject-matter, 
our  traditional  attitude  and  our  conception 
of  national  interest.  It  would  depend  upon 
sentiment  here,  not  upon  sentiment  abroad. 
Moreover,  if  the  Congress  undertook  to  au- 
thorize such  a  representation,  the  Congress 
itself  most  probably  would  reserve  the  au- 
thority to  give  instructions,  and  you  can  well 
imagine  what  the  debate  would  be  and  what 
the  instructions  would  be  in  cases  where 
European  political  questions  were  involved 
and  matters  foreign  to  our  interests  were  con- 
cerned. 

Co-operation  in  Effect 

The  truth  is  that  we  co-operate  now  where 
the  subject-matter  is  such  that  we  would  be 
able  to  co-operate  at  all.  Indeed  we  co-oper- 
ate with  a  facility  and  elasticity  which 
might  be  impaired  or  lost  in  the  event  of 
association  in  a  formal  organization  if  this 
led  to  restrictions  imposed  through  a  fear  of 
the  possible  abuses  of  opportunity  which 
such  an  association  would  afford. 

It  may  be  observed  that  there  is  nothing 
obscure  or  reprehensible,  nothing  derogatory 
to  our  influence,  dignity  or  prestige,  in  the 
form  of  our  co-operation.  It  is  simply  ad- 
justed to  an  inescapable  fact.  Of  course,  as 
the  United  States  has  decided  not  to  become 
a  member  of  the  League  of  Nations,  this 
government  cannot  act  as  though  it  were  a 
member.  This  government  cannot  appoint  its 
representatives  as  members  of  the  League's 
Council,  Assembly,  or  committees.  And  this 
fact  is  properly  recognized  when  we  appoint 
so-called  "observers"  or  unofflcial  representa- 
tives, who  have  appropriate  contact  with 
such  committees  in  matters  affecting  our  in- 
terests or  the  humanitarian  concerns  which 
appeal  to  us. 

They  are  unofficial  simply  in  the  sense  that 


they  are  and  cannot  properly  become  mem- 
bers of  the  League  organization  or  commit- 
tees. But,  so  far  as  our  government  Is  con- 
cerned, they  represent  it  just  as  completely 
as  those  designated  by  the  President  always 
have  represented  our  government  in  the 
conferences  and  negotiations  which  he  prop- 
erly authorizes  in  the  conduct  of  our  foreign 
relations.  Of  course,  such  representatives 
cannot  enter  into  any  agreements  with  other 
governments  until  they  are  approved  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  requirements  of  our  Con- 
stitution.    There  is  nothing  new  in  that. 

No  Difficulty  Presented 

There  is  no  more  difficulty  in  dealing  with 
the  organization  of  the  League  in  this  way 
for  the  purpose  of  protecting  our  interests  or 
furthering  our  policies  than  there  would  be 
in  dealing  with  the  British  Empire.  Because 
several  nations  have  formed  an  organization 
of  which  we  are  not  a  part  is  no  reason  why 
we  cannot  co-operate  in  all  matters  affecting 
our  proper  concern.  We  simply  adjust  our 
forms  of  contact  and  negotiation  to  the  ex- 
isting conditions. 

The  matter  of  real  importance  is  with  re- 
spect to  the  subjects  we  take  up.  We  do  not 
take  up  subjects  which  involve  political  en- 
tanglements. We  do  not  take  up  subjects 
which  would  draw  us  into  matters  not  ap- 
proved by  American  sentiment.  When  we  do 
take  up  a  subject,  it  is  because  this  govern- 
ment desires  it  to  be  taken  up,  and  the  same 
would  be  true  under  any  form  of  action. 

For  example,  the  United  States  is  a  party 
to  The  Hague  Convention  of  1912,  directed 
to  the  control  of  production  and  distribution 
of  opium  and  derivative  drugs.  This  is  a 
matter  in  which  we  are  deeply  interested  and 
in  which  we  have  had  the  privilege  of  leader- 
ship. Under  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  it  was  sought  to  transfer  the  ad- 
ministration of  that  convention  to  the  League. 
Measures  to  carry  out  more  adequately  the 
purposes  of  the  treaty  were  needed.  It  was 
important  that  we  should  take  the  matter  up 
most  aqbively,  and  this  we  did  by  dealing  with 
the  League  committee.  This  government  did 
not  appoint  members  of  that  committee,  but 
it  appointed  its  own  representatives  to  pre- 
sent its  views  and  to  urge  the  reforms  which 
were  deemed  to  be  imperative. 

Mr.  Porter,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, headed  this  representation  and  made  a 
determined  fight  for  the  proposals  of  this 
government  to  put  an  end  to  the  excessive 
production  of  opium  and  the  evils  of  the 
distribution  and  consumption  of  narcotic 
drugs.  Similarly,  we  have  had  the  represen- 
tatives of  this  government  in  collaboration 
with  the  committees  of  the  League  in  relation 
to  anthrax,  public  health,  anti-toxic  serums, 
traffic  in  women  and  children,  relief  work, 
and  the  control  of  the  traffic  in  arms. 

Deemed  Inadvisable 

When  an  invitation  to  a  conference  Is  not 
accepted   by   this   government,   or   when   we 


372 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


take  part  only  under  prescribed  limitations, 
it  is  simply  because  the  competent  authori- 
ties of  this  government,  who  are  concerned 
with  the  particular  matter,  do  not  think  it 
advisable  either  to  take  part  at  all  or  to  have 
a  broader  participation  by  reason  of  the  par- 
ticular circumstances  or  objects  of  that  con- 
ference. When  we  do  not  approve  a  conven- 
tion arrived  at  by  the  other  powers.  It  Is 
simply  because  Its  terms  are  not  congenial 
to  the  policies  of  this  government  or  the  re- 
quirements of  our  constitution. 

In  short,  we  have,  as  we  have  always  had, 
our  full  competence  in  obtaining  information 
and  In  negotiating  agreements.  The  Presi- 
dent designates  representatives  for  that  pur- 
pose. Our  record  as  a  government  in  the  co- 
operation we  have  maintained  during  the 
past  three  years  in  matters  not  involving  po- 
litical entanglements  or  injurious  commit- 
ments Is  one  which  should  afford  gratifica- 
tion to  all  our  people  irrespective  of  party. 
This  substantial  co-operation  In  giving  effect 
to  our  dominant  national  desire  to  be  helpful 
in  all  matters  engaging  our  interests  and  our 
humanitarian  purposes  we  propose  to  con- 
tinue. 

The  United  States  is  recognized  throughout 
the  world  as  possessing  and  exercising  an  In- 
fluence second  to  none  in  promoting  interna- 
tional peace.  We  favor  International  con- 
ferences whenever  there  is  a  reasonable 
prospect  of  forwarding  in  this  manner  con- 
ciliatory measures  or  of  reaching  useful 
agreements.  We  have  always  advocated  the 
judicial  settlement  of  international  disputes, 
and  to  this  end  both  President  Harding  and 
President  Coolldge  recommended,  upon  appro- 
priate conditions,  the  support  of  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice.  In  the 
meantime,  we  are  promoting  the  use  of  the 
processes  of  arbitration. 

Fifty  Agreements  Signed 

Our  activity  in  the  field  of  International 
accord  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the  past 
three  years  we  have  signed  fifty  treaties  and 
international  agreements,  exclusive  of  postal 
conventions.  Five  of  these  required  no  action 
by  the  Senate.  Of  the  remaining  number, 
forty  have  been  submitted  to  the  Senate,  and 
of  these  thirty-seven  have  already  received 
the  Senate's  approval.  These  agreements 
embrace  treaties  of  peace,  the  Washington 
Conference  treaties,  the  Santiago  Conference 
treaties,  claims  conventions,  treaties  protect- 
ing the  United  States  from  discriminatory 
measures  in  mandated  territories,  reinforc- 
ing the  policy  of  the  "open  door,"  extensions 
of  arbitration  conventions,  treaties  to  fa- 
cilitate trade  and  commerce,  and  extradition 
treaties.  There  is  also  that  unique  and  most 
important  treaty  with  Great  Britain  to  fa- 
cilitate search  and  seizure,  so  that  we  may 
stop  rum-running  off  our  coasts.  Similar 
treaties  with  other  governments  are  in  course 
of  negotiation. 

Even  more  important  than  formal  govern- 
mental relations  is  the  cooperation  between 


peoples.  The  contribution  of  the  American 
people  throughout  the  world  in  relief,  in  in- 
vestment, in  the  substantial  aid  proffered  by 
American  experience  and  dlstlnterestedness, 
is  a  source  of  the  deepest  satisfaction.  No 
appeal  of  the  starving  and  distressed  is  made 
in  vain  to  the  American  heart.  The  suffering 
in  every  land  are  voicing  gratitude  for  Ameri- 
can benevolence.  Aid  to  self-help  is  even 
better  than  charity,  and  great  productive 
enterprises  In  every  part  of  the  world  find 
support  In  American  capital.  Billions  of 
American  money  have  been  put  into  invest- 
ments abroad  to  aid  economic  recovery.  Who- 
ever says  that  America  stands  aloof  and  with- 
holds her  support  from  a  stricken  world  is 
guilty  of  reckless  slander. 

Political   Entanglements   Avoided 

We  do  stand  aloof  from  political  entangle- 
ments, but  not  otherwise.  American  aid, 
American  advice,  American  impartiality  in 
dealing  with  dlflBcult  problems,  are  sought 
and  given.  This  most  valuable  contribution 
is  aided  rather  than  hindered  by  the  fact 
that  it  Is  not  governmental.  Our  government 
is  one  of  restraints,  wisely  imposed,  to  place 
checks  upon  official  discretion  and  to  protect 
the  different  departments  of  government  from 
encroachment  upon  each  other.  Govern- 
mental action  generally  requires  the  co-ordi- 
nated effort  of  different  branches  of  govern- 
ment. It  must  issue  from  the  field  of  po- 
lltlcal  controversy  and  is  subject  to  the  con- 
flicts of  opposing  groups.  It  generally  in- 
volves the  rigidity  of  statutory  enactments. 
Private  action  may  be  more  direct,  more 
flexible. 

There  has  just  been  dramatic  illustration 
of  this.  American  brains,  American  experi- 
ence, American  competency  of  the  highest 
order,  have  been  given  to  the  solution  of  the 
most  urgent  European  problems.  A  practic- 
able adjustment  of  the  questions  pertaining 
to  reparations  is  the  essential  foundation  of 
the  economic  recovery  for  which  the  world 
is  waiting.  Central  Europe  has  been  in  an 
economic  chaos  and  has  suffered  the  resulting 
evils  of  mistrust,  of  industrial  distress. 

Nor  has  the  injury  due  to  the  inability  to 
find  a  settlement  been  limited  to  Europe.  Our 
farmers  have  suffered  through  the  decreased 
consuming  power  and  the  lack  of  markets. 
With  a  sound  basis  for  economic  recuperation 
abroad,  there  will  be  new  hope  and  the  prom- 
ise of  the  dawn  of  a  new  era  of  general  pros- 
perity and  peace.  Had  this  government  at- 
tempted to  make  its  contribution  we  should 
still  be  in  controversy,  and  be  held,  as  Europe 
has  been  held,  in  the  grip  of  politics  and 
racial  antagonisms.  The  world  needed  the 
unfettered  service  of  men  of  affairs  to  deal 
with  the  vital  problems  of  industry  and 
finance  upon  their  merits.  It  is  none  the  less 
an  American  contribution  because  it  has  been 
made  by  such  men  in  the  only  practicable 
way. 


192^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


373 


News  in  Brief 


The  Young  Women's  Chbistian  Associa- 
tion of  Los  Angeles  gave  Maj.  F.  L.  Martin 
a  message  to  be  delivered  to  each  of  the 
twenty-two  nations  crossed  by  the  United 
States  Army  aviators  as  they  go  around  the 
world.    The  message  reads  as  follows : 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
sending  the  American  air  fleet  to  establish  an 
airway  around  the  globe  which  shall  be  a 
highway  of  peace.  Twenty-two  countries 
have  given  friendly  co-operation  for  this 
flight.  The  starting  point  and  likewise  the 
return  point  is  southern  California.  There- 
fore the  directors  of  the  Young  Yomen's 
Christian  Association  of  Los  Angeles  seize 
the  opportunity  to  send  from  America  greet- 
ings and  a  message  of  friendship  and  peace 
to  the  women  of  all  nations. 

We  pray  God,  our  common  Father,  that  this 
airway  may  be  a  band  of  friendship  encir- 
cling the  world,  binding  all  nations  of  the 
earth  in  permanent  bonds  of  peace.  And, 
since  truth  and  justice  are  the  only  perma- 
nent foundation  for  the  peace  of  the  world, 
we  voice  the  plea  that  all  women,  every- 
where, use  their  influence  to  the  end  that  the 
principles  of  truth  and  justice  may  prevail 
and  govern  all  our  relationships,  both  as  in- 
dividuals and  as  governments. 

OuK  present  daily  news  output  to  South 
America,  says  Mr.  Martin,  general  manager 
of  the  Associated  Press,  is  5,000  words  of  ab- 
breviated cable.  It  is  printed  in  English, 
Spanish,  Portuguese,  German,  and  Italian. 
Before  the  war  leading  papers  of  South 
America  took  their  world  news  from  Europe. 
Most  of  this  news  now  comes  through  New 
York.  One  cause  of  this  change  is  a  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  southern  continent  for  a 
better  understanding  of  the  United  States. 
Such  a  result,  Mr.  Martin  thinks,  is  sure  to 
follow.  South  American  newspapers,  as  a 
rule,  avoid  publishing  details  of  crime  and 
scandal ;  they  print  more  foreign  news  than 
any  papers  in  New  York. 

The  United  States  admits  into  this  coun- 
try all  student  immigrants  who  wish  to  atend 
recognized  institutions  of  higher  education 
who  can  furnish  evidence  of  such  intention 


and  who  are  "otherwise  admissible."  Their 
numbers  are  not  affected  by  other  immigrant 
restrictions. 

The  teaching  of  international  xjndeb 
standing  through  the  schools  was  indorsed  as 
an  important  step  toward  world  peace  by 
the  Department  of  Superintendence  of  the 
National  Education  Association,  in  conven- 
tion in  Chicago  the  last  week  in  February. 

The  eighth  Prague  sample  fair  was 
held  at  Prague,  Czechoslovakia,  March  16  to 
23,  1924.  The  increasing  activity  of  Czecho- 
slovakia in  international  commercial  affairs 
and  the  growing  liberality  of  the  foreign  com- 
mercial policy  of  the  country  should  lend 
importance  to  this  fair.  Prague  is  located  in 
the  center  of  Europe,  with  direct  railway  con- 
nections with  many  of  the  surrounding  coun- 
tries, making  it  an  excellent  place  for  such 
an  exhibition. 

The  sixty-second  annual  meeting  of  the 
National  Education  Association  will  take 
place  in  Washington,  D.  C,  June  29-July  4, 
this  summer. 

Ambassador  Cyrus  E.  Woods  has  resigned 
his  post  as  representative  of  the  United 
States  at  Tokio.  Though  it  is  known  that 
the  Ambassador  was  keenly  disappointed  in 
the  action  of  the  American  Congress  in  pass- 
ing the  immigration  measure  excluding  the 
Japanese,  his  resignation  is  entirely  for 
family  reasons.  Mr.  Woods  said,  when  his 
resignation  had  become  known: 

"I  leave  Japan  with  genuine  regret,  espe- 
cially since  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  give  up 
my  work  here  at  a  difficult  and  critical 
period  in  the  history  of  the  relations  between 
Japan  and  my  country. 

"I  consider  that  in  this  crisis,  the  govern- 
ment and  people  of  Japan  have  acted  with 
dignity  and  self-restraint,  which  promises 
well,  better  indeed  than  might  have  been 
expected,  for  the  continuation  of  friendship 
between  Japan  and  America." 

The  War  Office,  of  Tokyo,  Japan,  an- 
nounced in  May  that  4,000  workmen  em- 
ployed in  the  arsenals  and  clothing  factories 
would  be  discharged  on  May  31,  as  part  of 
the  program  of  army  reduction,  which  was 
inaugurated  in  1922. 


374 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Many  tounq  Japanese  couples  are  emi- 
grating to  Brazil.  About  200  persons  sailed 
from  Kobe  to  that  country  on  April  15.  The 
Kalgai  Kogyo  Company  has  been  collecting 
South  American  emigrants  in  co-operation 
with  the  Home  ofl3ce  in  order  to  relieve  the 
unemployment  problem  as  well  as  to  aid 
quake  sufferers.  Emigration  to  south  Amer- 
ica is  favored  in  Japan,  especially  among 
farmers,  and  the  Home  office  is  dispatching 
Mr.  Tomita,  secretary  of  the  Social  Affairs 
bureau,  to  South  America  to  investigate  con- 
ditions and  to  consult  with  the  Brazilian 
government. 

The  Tokyo  Nichi  Nichi  also  declared  an 
enterprise  of  sending  200  farmers'  families 
to  Brazil,  by  the  Canada  Maru,  sailing  from 
Kobe  on  May  29. 

On  Apbil  1,  1924,  thebe  webe  idle,  in 
British  ports,  approximately  587,000  gross 
tons  of  shipping.  This  represents  a  sharp 
decline  from  the  laid-up  British  tonnage  on 
January  1,  when  there  were  909,000  tons 
idle,  and  is  only  about  one-third  the  figure 
for  January  1,  1922. 

Beginning  April  1,  and  using  Junker  air- 
planes, an  aviation  line  is  to  begin  service 
between  London  and  Belgrade.  Stops  have 
been  planned  at  Straubing  on  the  Danube, 
the  transfer  station  from  regular  air-planes 
to  water-planes,  and  the  junction  point  of  the 
lines  from  Geneva  to  Prague  and  from  Lon- 
don to  Vienna  and  the  Balkans. 

An  attempt  will  be  made  this  year  to 
handle  the  entire  mail  traffic  between  Switz- 
erland and  Holland  by  means  of  air  service 
on  the  projected  line  from  Rotterdam  to 
Brussels,  Strasbourg  and  Basle. 

The  air-mail  line  from  Toulouse  to 
Oban  (Algiers)  via  Alicante,  Spain,  was  in- 
augurated in  March.  This  line  is  an  exten- 
sion of  the  French  air-mail  lines  which  op- 
erate a  service  from  France  and  Spain  to 
Northern  Africa. 

Gen.  Henby  T.  Allen,  ex-commander  of 
the  American  Army  of  Occupation  on  the 
Rhine,  is  assisting  the  American  Friends 
Service  Committee  in  their  effort  to  feed  the 
starving  German  children.  He  makes  the 
following  statement:  "The  Dawes  report 
leaves  no  doubt  of  the  present  financial  and 


economic  crisis  in  Germany.  Hunger  is  the 
inevitable  companion  of  the  inflation  of  their 
money  and  of  the  millions  of  unemployed. 
The  children  have  had  no  part  in  either 
phase  of  this  calamity.  Outside  help  is  im- 
perative." 

A  memobandum  dbawn  up  by  the  leaders 
of  the  German  parties  in  South  Tyrol  was 
handed  to  the  President  of  the  League  of 
Nations  Union  by  the  deputies  of  German 
South  Tyrol — Graf  Toggenburg,  Dr.  Reuth- 
Nicolussi,  Dr.  Tinzl,  and  Dr.  von  Walther. 
The  memorandum  touches  the  interests  of 
the  population  of  South  Tyrol,  which  for 
nearly  600  years  previous  to  the  Treaty  of 
St.  Germain  had  been  connected  with 
Austria.  The  German  leaders  claim  that 
Fascist!  have  exhibited  intolerance  and  need- 
less severity  toward  Germans  in  the  Tyrol; 
that  many  unnecessary  expulsions,  involving 
economic  ruin,  have  taken  place.  They  com- 
plain of  grievous  restrictions  in  the  securing 
of  passports ;  the  abolition  of  land  and  parish 
autonomy;  the  use  of  Italian  as  the  official 
tongue  and  its  introduction  as  the  language 
of  the  schools — in  fact,  the  suppression  of 
anything  tending  to  preserve  the  German 
cultural  ideas  of  history.  The  German- 
speaking  territory  is  estimated  in  the  memo- 
randum of  protest  as  about  two-fifths  of  the 
whole  annexed  territory. 

The  Italian  cabinet  has  approved  a  de- 
cree creating  a  new  ministry  of  communica- 
tions, which  is  to  include  railways,  merchant 
marine,  posts,  telephones,  and  telegraphs. 
The  International  Customs  Convention,  con- 
cluded at  Geneva  in  November,  1923,  has 
been  approved  for  Italy  and  the  colonies. 
The  unfavorable  balance  of  Italian  trade  has 
been  reduced;  prices  continue  to  rise,  but 
unemployment  has  declined  decidedly  in  the 
past  year. 

Trade  centers  in  India  bepobt  a  slight 
improvement  in  general  business.  The  de- 
mand for  government  securities  has  in- 
creased since  the  publication  of  the  balanced 
budget  for  1924-5. 

Commebce  reports  published  by  the  U.  S. 
Department  of  Commerce,  state  that  the  new 
budget  of  Great  Britain  is  distinctly  not  a 
class  legislation.  It  provides  relief  all  along 
the  line  for  workers,  industry,  and  all  social 


192  If 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


375 


groups.  Some  of  the  principal  provisions  tn 
the  proposed  budget  are  the  repeal,  on  Au- 
gust 1,  of  the  McKenna  duties  on  motor  cars, 
motor-cycles  and  accessories,  clocks,  watches, 
and  on  cinematograph  films.  '"Breakfast- 
table"  duties  are  reduced  about  one-half. 
If  the  existing  taxation  had  remained  un- 
changed, there  would  have  been  a  surplus  of, 
probably,  £38,000,000  instead  of  £4,024,000,  as 
at  present  planned.  The  chancellor  had  the 
option  of  recommending  the  above  taxation 
relief  or  maintaining  it,  in  large  measure,  as 
it  now  exists  and  making  heavy  appropria- 
tions for  social  legislation.  The  decision  of 
the  labor  government  to  make  taxation  de- 
creases assured  the  support  of  the  Liberal 
Party. 

Afteb  the  signing  of  the  abmistice,  the 
American  Red  Cross,  wishing  to  leave  in 
France  a  worthy  memorial  of  its  work,  de- 
cided to  establish  a  child  welfare  center. 
Having  been  put  into  touch  with  the  Dean 
of  the  Paris  Faculty  of  Medicine,  the  Red 
Cross  agreed  to  offer  a  gift  of  one  million 
francs  for  the  purpose,  on  condition  that 
France,  on  her  side,  obtain  an  equal  sum. 
By  means  of  public  subscriptions  and  private 
gifts  the  million  has  been  collected, 

The  survival  of  the  Jtjniob  Red  Cboss 
in  the  United  States  after  the  war,  says 
Arthur  W.  Dunn,  and  its  rapid  development 
in  thirty-five  or  forty  other  nations,  would 
not  have  been  possible  but  for  the  confidence 
of  the  school  authorities  of  the  several  na- 
tions in  its  fundamental  values  in  the  process 
of  education.  These  values  may  differ  to  a 
considerable  extent  in  different  countries. 
Underlying  all  of  them,  however,  is  the  em- 
phasis it  gives  in  the  educational  process  to 
the  ideal  of  service  as  the  impelling  motive 
in  social  life.  In  direct  relation  to  this,  it 
may  be  said  that  the  unique  contribution  to 
education  of  the  Junior  Red  Cross  movement 
consists  in  the  practical  means  which  it  af- 
fords to  the  schools  of  all  lands  to  extend  the 
application  of  this  service  ideal  to  embrace 
the  whole  world  community. 

India  now  consumes  about  700,000  tons  of 
steel  a  year,  most  of  which  is  supplied  by 
home  production.  The  Tata  Iron  and  Steel 
Company,  the  largest  in  India,  now  has  5 
blast  furnaces  with  a  daily  capacity  of  2,050 
long  tons  of  pig  iron.    The  opening  of  a  large 


new  blooming  mill  and  a  sheet  bar  and  billet 
mill  at  Jamshedpur  late  in  1923  was  sig- 
nificant of  the  steady  progress  of  this  firm 
in  the  realization  of  its  huge  expansion 
program,  which  includes  the  erection  of  new 
rail  and  merchant  mills.  The  company  is  al- 
ready turning  out  high-grade  steel  castings. 
For  the  year  ending  March  31,  1923,  the  Tata 
Iron  and  Steel  Company  produced  438,800 
tons  of  iron  ore,  242,083  tons  of  pig  iron, 
1,158  tons  of  ferromanganese,  70,350  tons  of 
rails  and  fishplates,  42,120  tons  of  structural 
steel,  and  1,883  tons  of  plates.  The  Tin- 
plate  Company  of  India,  Ltd.,  a  subsidiary 
of  this  firm,  opened  up  at  the  beginning  of 
1923  and  now  has  a  capacity  of  from  30,000 
tons  to  33,000  tons  of  black  plates  annually. 
During  1923  the  plant  hot-rolled  213,940  boxes 
of  sheared  and  acceptable  black  plate.  The 
Bengal  Iron  Company,  Ltd.,  is  said  to  have 
been  producing  more  than  150,000  tons  of 
pig  iron  annually,  while  the  Indian  Iron  and 
Steel  Company  had  under  construction  a 
plant  which  was  estimated  to  have  a  capacity 
of  110,000  tons  of  pig  iron  annually.  The 
United  Steel  Corporation  of  Asia,  Ltd.,  re- 
cently organized  by  prominent  British  firms, 
will  erect  a  modern  steel  plant  manufactur- 
ing all  basic  steel  products.  The  Mysore 
Distillation  and  Iron  Works  at  Bhadravatl 
has  a  capacity  of  20,000  tons  of  pig  iron. 

Imports  of  cotton  cloth  into  the  United 
States  during  the  first  three  months  of  1924 
totaled  55,887,096  square  yards,  valued  at 
$11,776,624,  of  which  the  United  Kingdom 
supplied  45,656,958  square  yards,  worth 
$9,119,469.  During  the  corresponding  period 
of  1923  the  total  receipts  of  cotton  cloth  from 
all  countries  were  60,255,982  square  yards, 
with  a  value  of  $14,225,496,  of  which  the 
United  Kingdom's  share  was  46,857,361 
square  yards,  valued  at  $10,591,129. 

The  latest  report  of  the  Tokyo  Metro- 
politan Police  Board,  transmitted  to  the  Cap- 
ital Restoration  Bureau,  on  reconstruction 
gives  the  number  of  houses  destroyed  in  the 
September  fires  as  293,488  and  the  number 
of  temporary  structures  replacing  them  as 
144,797.  Thus,  roughly,  50  per  cent  of  the 
burned  buildings  have  been  restored. 

Poland  has  had  by  law  an  eiqht-houb 
day  and  a  forty-six-hour  week  in  industry 
for  the  last  four  years.      A  suggestion  that 


376 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


these  limits  should  be  extended,  in  view  of 
the  present  economic  conditions  in  Poland 
was  put  forward  in  the  name  of  employers 
at  the  first  meeting  of  the  new  Economic 
Council  held  recently  in  Warsaw.  The 
Prime  Minister,  far  from  giving  any  support 
to  the  proposal,  declared  his  belief  that  the 
maintenance  of  the  eight-hour  day  was  es- 
sential to  industrial  progress.  The  deter- 
mination of  the  Polish  Government  to  pre- 
serve the  present  law  intact  acquires  special 
interest,  first,  from  the  present  industrial  and 
economic  difficulties  in  the  country,  and  sec- 
ondly, from  the  proximity  of  Germany. 
Further,  the  declaration  of  the  Prime  Min- 
ister is  the  more  notable  by  reason  of  the  fact 
that  Poland  has  not  yet  ratified  the  Wash- 
ington International  Labor  Conference  Con- 
vention on  hours  of  labor,  and  is  therefore 
under  no  legal  international  obligation  to 
maintain  the  existing  law  unaltered. 

Child  labob  conditions  in  China  are 
somewhat  similar  to  those  in  Persia. 
Modern  machinery  has  reduced  the  skill 
needed  for  operation  so  that  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  are  cheaper  than  men,  may  be 
employed.  It  is  estimated  that  in  the  cotton 
mills  in  China  40  per  cent  of  the  employees 
are  women,  40  per  cent  children  and  only  20 
per  cent  men.  In  the  silk  industry  in  Cen- 
tral and  South  China  nearly  all  the  workers 
are  women  and  girls.  The  estimate  for  all 
branches  of  industry  in  China  show  20  per 
cent  boys  and  girls  under  14  years  of  age. 

The  first  attempt  at  State  regulation  was 
recently  made  when  the  Board  of  Agriculture 
and  Commerce  published  28  articles  govern- 
ing the  conditions  of  employment.  Among 
the  main  features  may  be  mentioned  the  pro- 
hibition of  child  labor  under  10  years  for 
boys  and  12  years  for  girls;  and  the  institu- 
tion of  less  strenuous  working  conditions  of 
Junior  workers,  boys  10  to  17  and  girls  12  to 
18.  Furthermore,  employers  are  forbidden 
to  employ  junior  workers  at  night,  i.  e.,  from 
8  o'clock  p.  m.  to  4  o'clock  a.  m. 

In  France  and  in  certain  other  countries 
a  system  is  now  in  operation  whereby  supple- 
mentary grants,  generally  known  as  family 
allowances,  are  given  to  married  workers 
with  children  in  addition  to  their  ordinary 
wages,  according  to  Professor  Picard  in  the 
International  Labor  Review.      The  rate  of 


the  allowance  differs  in  different  districts. 
Some  funds  have  a  regressive  scale  under 
which  the  workers  get  less  for  the  second 
child  than  for  the  first  and  less  for  the  third 
than  for  the  second.  Others  have  a  progres- 
sive scale  which  increases  the  amount  pay- 
able per  child  with  the  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  children,  and  some  pay  a  uniform  rate 
for  all  children.  Some  funds  pay  various 
bonuses  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  allow- 
ances, such  as  maternity  and  nursing  bo- 
nuses, and  sometimes  even  a  bonus  to  a  work- 
man's wife  who  is  solely  occupied  in  taking 
care  of  the  family. 

The  tercentenary  of  the  coming  of  the 
HuGENOTs  and  Walloons  to  America  is  to  be 
celebrated  this  year.  Dr.  McFarland,  chair- 
man of  the  executive  committee  on  the  cele- 
bration, makes  this  statement:  "In  connec- 
tion with  the  Tercentenary,  the  following 
facts  must  be  remembered : 

"First,  the  primary  intent  of  the  celebra- 
tion is  to  recognize  the  part  the  Hugenots 
and  Walloons  played  in  the  settlement  of 
America. 

"Second,  these  settlements  began  with  the 
Hugenot  colonists  sent  by  Coligny  to  Florida. 

"Third,  the  first  permanent  settlement  of 
New  York  was  in  1624  and  was  composed 
mainly  of  Hugenots  and  Walloons. 

"Fourth,  the  celebration  is  not  exclusively 
a  New  York  affair,  but  is  a  national  event, 
with  commemoration  exercises  at  various 
points  in  practically  every  state  along  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  from  Florida  to  New 
York. 

"Fifth,  William  the  Silent  and  the  ship 
'Nieu  Nederland'  emphasize  the  great  part 
played  by  the  Dutch  in  the  settlement  of 
New  York. 

"Sixth,  the  celebration  is  not  religious,  but 
historical." 

French  production  of  pig  iron  rose  from 
590,340  metric  tons  in  February  to  639,000 
tons  in  March,  bringing  the  total  for  the  first 
quarter  to  1,815,000  tons.  Output  of  raw 
steel  in  March  amounted  to  573,000  metric 
tons,  as  compared  with  554,632  tons  in  Feb- 
ruary and  541,022  tons  in  January.  There 
were  136  blast  furnaces  active  in  France  on 
April  1,  39  furnaces  were  ready  to  operate 
and  45  furnaces  were  being  constructed  or 
under  repair. 


192Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


377 


The  Mexican  government  of  today  can, 
according  to  Mr.  Carlton  Beals,  exercise  the 
right  of  eminent  domain  and  condemn  prop- 
erty at  the  value  set  by  the  owner  in  de- 
claring his  taxes,  plus  10  per  cent.  Since 
most  large  landed  estates  have  hitherto  been 
very  lightly  taxed,  and  since  the  De  la 
Huerta-Obregon  Government  made  prompt 
use  of  this  right,  there  either  resulted  a  sub- 
stantial increase  in  the  amount  of  taxes  paid 
or  the  acquisition  of  property  by  the  govern- 
ment at  very  lovs^  prices.  The  Obregon  Gov- 
ernment has,  also,  in  accordance  with  the 
constitution,  expropriated  all  lands  within 
the  federal  zones — i.  e.,  bordering  upon  fron- 
tiers or  seacoasts  which  were  illegally  held 
by  foreigners.  These  lands  are  properly  paid 
for  in  interest-bearing  bonds  which  have  in- 
creased in  value — a  procedure  which  is  also 
followed  in  Rumania  and  other  Baltic  coun- 
tries. Mr.  Beals  estimated  that  by  May, 
1923,  a  total  area  of  2,500,000  acres  would 
be  thus  expropriated.  The  land  program  of 
Mexico  provides  for  the  distribution  of  un- 
used agricultural  lands  among  the  people,  on 
the  principle  that  every  Mexican  citizen  is 
entitled  to  a  plot  of  ground  sufficient  in  size 
to  sustain  himself  and  his  family. 

The  Protestant  Churches  of  the  United 
States  have  decided  to  maintain,  through 
the  Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ  in 
America,  permanent  relations  with  the  Rus- 
sian, Greek,  Syrian,  Armenian,  and  other 
churches  of  eastern  Europe  and  Asia.  A 
permanent  committee  has  been  announced, 
with  Bishop  Brent,  of  the  Protestant  Episco- 
pal Church,  and  Rev.  Montgomery,  former 
president  of  the  America-Armenia  Society,  as 
oflacers.  Dr.  Montgomery  states  that  this 
advance  in  religious  co-operation  has  been 
greatly  furthered  by  the  British  administra- 
tive control  in  Palestine,  for  the  seat  of  the 
Orthodox  Patriarchate  is  at  Jerusalem,  and 
since  the  assumption  of  the  British  mandate 
there  has  been  the  focus  of  a  sustained  effort 
toward  Eastern  and  Western  church  under- 
standing, the  impetus  for  which  hitherto  has 
come  largely  from  England. 

The  immediate  object  of  the  present  sum- 
mer's negotiations,  Dr.  Montgomery  an- 
nounces, is  to  encourage  Eastern  churches  to 
send  deputations  to  the  United  States  on  a 
church-unity  mission,  as  well  as  to  further 
co-operation  among  the  different  branches  of 
the  Eastern  church.      This  is  an  important 


step  toward  a  world  association  of  churches, 
he  declares,  which  has  proceeded  steadily  In 
both  Europe  and  America  during  the  last 
fifteen  years  and  is  just  being  resumed  after 
the  war. 

Paris  observed  the  week  beginning  May 
4,  as  "Latin-America  Week."  Demonstra- 
tions sponsored  by  President  Millerand  and 
Prime  Minister  Poincar6  took  place  during 
the  week,  at  which  South  American  diplo- 
mats made  addresses.  Henry  de  Jouvenel, 
Minister  of  Education,  in  an  eloquent  speech, 
said :  "Europe  discovered  America,  but  so 
long  ago  that  it  has  had  time  to  forget.  It 
is  time  to  discover  America  again,  not  by 
navigators,  but  by  the  man  in  the  street." 
M.  de  Jouvenel  advocated  a  union  of  the 
Latin  peoples. 

The  use  of  lignite  as  a  substitute  fob 
pit  coal  has  increased  in  Germany  very 
rapidly  in  the  past  ten  years,  especially  since 
the  war.  Up  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the 
output  of  lignite  was  less  than  half  that  of 
pit  coal,  the  pit  coal  output  in  1913  being 
190,000,000  tons,  as  against  87,000,000  tons  of 
lignite.  The  war  soon  brought  about  a 
change  in  this  state  of  things.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  number  of  miners  called  to  the 
colors,  the  output  of  pit  coal  sank  in  1914  to 
161,000,000  tons  and  in  1915  to  147,000,000 
tons.  This  decreased  output  alarmed  the 
government,  and  in  1916  and  1917  miners 
were  specially  exempted  from  service  at  the 
front,  with  the  result  that  the  output  rose  to 
168,000,000  tons,  only  to  sink  again  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  to  161,000,000  tons. 

In  the  case  of  lignite  the  output  had  in  the 
meantime  been  increased  by  the  employment 
of  prisoners  of  war  and  in  1918  amounted  to 
100,000,000  tons.  By  1922  the  output  of  lig- 
nite had  reached  137,000,000  tons,  the  pit  coal 
output  for  the  same  year  being  only  130,000,- 
000  tons,  the  lignite  output  for  the  first  time 
in  Germany's  economic  history  overtopping 
that  of  pit  coal. 

In  1923,  owing  to  the  occupation  of  the 
Ruhr,  and  to  the  absence  of  the  coal  supplies 
from  the  Saar  region,  the  Palatinate  and 
Polish  Upper  Silesia,  the  pit  coal  output  in 
Germany  amounted  to  only  55,000,000  tons, 
as  compared  with  115,000,000  tons  of  lignite. 
Germany,  in  the  past  ten  years,  may  be  re- 
garded as  having  gradually  changed  from  a 
pit  coal  region  to  a  lignite  region. 


378 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


Ck)AI.  OUTPXJT  IN  THE  RtJHB  DISTBICT  iS  fast 

approaching  the  volume  of  pre-war  times. 
The  figures  for  the  week  from  March  16  to  22 
show  an  output  for  the  Ruhr  of  1,895,000 
tons  of  coal  and  375,500  tons  of  coke,  the  oc- 
cupied region  alone  being  responsible  for 
1,714,053  tons  of  coal  and  339,547  tons  of 
coke.  In  the  occupied  area  during  the  week 
in  question  the  daily  output  amounted  to 
315,934  tons,  as  against  369,743  tons  in  1913, 
the  daily  coke  production  to  53,644  tons,  as 
against  62,718  tons  In  1913. 

WoBK  FOB  woBLD  PEACE  was  emphasized  by 
the  National  Young  Women's  Christian  Asso- 
ciation in  its  eighth  annual  convention,  held 
in  New  York  early  in  May.  The  interna- 
tional aspect  of  the  Association's  work  was 
symbolized  by  flags  of  many  nations  carried 
in  a  parade,  by  a  service  held  in  the  Cathe- 
dral of  St.  John  the  Divine,  and  by  speakers 
at  other  meetings. 

Economic  distbess  in  Bulgabia,  together 
with  the  fact  that  many  bankers  and  mer- 
chants in  that  State  are  Jews,  is  held  respon- 
sible by  a  Minister  of  the  Council  for  the 
recent  anti-Jewish  outbreaks.  The  govern- 
ment intends,  he  says,  to  take  the  anti- 
Jewish  movement  at  its  inception  and  assure 
the  same  rights  of  equality  to  Jews  which  all 
other  races  enjoy.  An  anti-Jewish  agitation 
is  something  new  in  the  history  of  the  Bul- 
garian State.  Jewish  citizens  have  an  exact 
equality  in  patriotism  and  in  participation  in 
the  politcal  Ife  of  the  State.  The  govern- 
ment is  firmly  determined  there  shall  be  no 
room  for  anti-Semitism  in  Bulgaria. 

Theee  resolutions  dealing  with  intebna- 
TioNAL  co-operation  were  passed  by  Congress 
on  April  22.  The  first  appropriated  sums 
not  to  exceed  $2,500  per  annum  to  maintain 
membership  in  the  International  Statistical 
Bureau  at  The  Hague.  The  second  author- 
ized the  appointment  of  delegates  to  repre- 
sent the  United  States  at  the  Seventh  Pan- 
American  Sanitary  Conference,  to  be  held  in 
Habana,  Cuba,  in  November,  1924.  The 
third  provided  for  the  representation  of  the 
United  States  at  the  meeting  of  the  Inter- 
American  Committee  on  Electrical  Communi- 
cations, to  be  held  in  Mexico  City  in  1924. 


LETTER  BOX 


DR.  HALE  TWENTY  YEARS  AHEAD 

Deab  Sib: 

The  executive  committee  of  the  Federal 
Council  of  Churches,  which  in  its  twenty- 
nine  denominations  has  over  twenty  million 
Protestants  of  the  country,  has  just  issued  a 
general  appeal  to  the  churches  for  service  in 
the  field  now  most  imperatively  claiming 
attention.  Among  its  recommendations  in 
line  of  international  duty,  it  urges  that  every 
church  should  create  a  special  committee  on 
International  Good  Will.  This  is  a  noble 
and  necessary  recommendation.  In  urging 
it  the  Federal  Council  is  only  twenty  years 
behind  Edward  Everett  Hale.  Half  a  dozen 
years  before  he  died,  in  1909,  Dr.  Hale 
declared  that  no  modern  church,  in  view  of 
the  international  needs  and  problems  of  the 
time,  was  a  properly  organized  Christian 
church,  or  was  doing  its  duty,  which  did  not 
have  among  its  regular  committees  one  on 
International  Justice.  Suiting  his  action  to 
his  word,  as  he  always  did,  he  created  such 
a  committee  in  his  church,  the  South  Con- 
gregational Church  of  Boston.  I  believe  this 
was  the  first  such  committee  in  the  world. 

A  little  later,  probably  inspired  by  Dr. 
Hale's  word,  Mrs.  Frank  W.  Williams,  of  the 
first  Unitarian  Church  of  Buffalo,  prompted 
the  organization  of  such  committees  in  a 
dozen  or  twenty  churches  in  Buffalo,  and  I 
have  no  doubt  these  organizations  are  still 
continuing  their  good  work.  There  is  no 
other  city  in  the  country  whose  churches 
were  so  early  or  so  well  organized  for  this 
service  as  the  churches  of  Buffalo,  through 
Mrs.  Williams'  remarkable  campaign.  If  the 
Federal  Council  succeeds  in  bringing  the 
other  cities  of  the  country  up  to  Buffalo,  it 
will  do  well. 

This  was  not  the  only  peace  movement  in 
which  Dr.  Hale  was  twenty  years  ahead  of 
the  time.  The  chief  campaign  of  the  Federal 
Council  of  Churches  this  winter  is  for  the 
World  Court.  At  the  first  Mohonk  Confer- 
ence for  International  Arbitration  in  1895, 
the  feature  of  the  conference  was  a  great 
speech  by  Dr.  Hale  demanding  the  establish- 


192Ji. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


379 


ment  of  a  permanent  International  Tribunal. 
He  came  to  tlie  conference  the  next  year  and 
ttie  next  with  what  he  called  "the  same  old 
speech."  These  three  memorable  addresses 
are  all  included  in  the  volume  of  Dr.  Hale's 
Mohonk  addresses  published  by  the  World 
Peace  Foundation. 

Dr.  Hale  was  not  talking  in  1895  about  a 
court  of  arbitration  such  as  was  established 
by  the  first  Hague  CJonference  four  years 
later.  He  was  talking  about  an  International 
Court  of  Justice  like  that  which  Elihu  Root 
recently  helped  organize  at  The  Hague,  which 
President  Harding  in  his  last  words  urged 
the  United  States  to  join,  and  which  Presi- 
dent Coolidge  in  his  recent  message  to  Con- 
gress endorsed  as  the  only  practicable  plan. 
Dr.  Hale  said  that  the  United  States,  by 
virtue  of  its  own  organization  and  spirit  and 
tradition,  would  be  the  first  nation  to  adhere 
to  such  a  court.  He  could  hardly  believe  it, 
were  he  to  come  back  and  learn  that  it  would 
be  almost  the  last,  and  that  half  of  our  poli- 
ticians in  Washington  today  were  engaged  in 
schemes  on  petty  technical  grounds  to  thwart 
President  Coolidge  and  Secretary  Hughes  in 
their  effort  to  have  the  nation  do  its  duty  in 
the  matter.  Only  some  solemn  word  like  that 
of  William  Vaughn  Moody's  "An  Ode  in  Time 
of  Hesitation,"*  or  William  Gannett's  equally 
inspired  "America  at  the  Peace  Congress," 
could  do  justice  to  the  situation. 

Lucia  Ames  Mead. 


Raven  SBOUENE,  Keston,  Kent, 
February  24,  1924. 
Deab  Sib: 

Very  many  thanks  for  reminding  me  that 
my  annual  subscription  for  1924-25  is  now 
due.  I  have  much  pleasure  in  enclosing  a 
cheque  for  same  and  also  payment  for  Miss 
Julia  E.  Johnsen's  book  on  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice,  which  please 
send  to  me  to  the  above  address,  together 
with  a  list  of  the  books  on  international  peace 
which  are  on  sale  at  your  offices. 

May  I  take  this  opportunity  of  saying  how 
much  I  appreciate  the  alterations  and  im- 
provements of  the  current  issues  of  the  Ad- 
vocate OF  Peace? 

Yours  cordially, 

J.  W.  Wheelee-Bennett,  Jb. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


*  PubUshed  in  the  Atlantic. 


Mexico:  An  Inteepbetation.  By  Carlton 
Seals.  B.  W.  Huebsch,  New  York.  Pp. 
280.     Price,  $2.50. 

President  Obbeqon,  a  World  Reformer.  By 
Dr.  E.  J.  Dillon.  Small,  Maynard  &  Co., 
Boston.     Pp.  350.     Price,  $3.00. 

The  Mexico  of  today  has  become  a  signifi- 
cant factor  in  New  World  freedom.  The 
President  of  the  Students'  Federation  of 
Peru  said,  recently,  that  Mexico  is  the  stand- 
ard-bearer of  Latin  America  in  the  matter  of 
democracy.  Our  own  recent  establishment 
of  friendly  relations  with  President  Obre- 
gon's  government  and  the  sending  of  Mr. 
Warren  as  Ambassador  to  Mexico  has  stimu- 
lated public  interest  in  that  seething  but 
interesting  country. 

Mr.  Beals'  book  is  of  a  general  historical 
character,  furnishing  an  excellent  prelimi- 
nary to  a  more  detailed  study  of  the  subject. 
He  gives  an  extraordinarily  good  r6sum6  of 
the  past  of  the  Indian  races,  which  even  to- 
day comprise  85  per  cent  or  more  of  the 
population  of  Mexico.  He  pictures  the  ve- 
neer of  language  and  customs  overlaid  by 
Spain  and  follows  the  gradual  merging  of 
the  two  ethnic  types,  Indian  and  Iberian. 
Nevertheless,  Mexico  is  not  yet  completely 
an  entity.  Composed  of  groups  as  widely 
divergent  in  traditions  and  customs  as  the 
various  European  countries,  it  will  be  only 
after  long  struggle  that  anything  like  a  uni- 
fied whole  can  emerge. 

Both  Mr.  Beals  and  Dr.  Dillon  see  in 
President  Obregon  the  leader  who  is  des- 
tined to  bring  together  in  coherence  the 
sparate  parts  of  the  Mexican  nation.  He  is 
the  head  of  the  Liberal-Democratic  Party 
and  he  has  the  support  of  organized  labor, 
which  is  the  one  thoroughly  national  organi- 
zation. Both  authors  condemn  strongly  the 
American  capitalist  as  he  is  seen  in  Mexico; 
but  Dr.  Dillon  goes  even  further  than  Mr. 
Beals  in  scoring  the  American  politician's 
dealings  with  that  country.  His  attitude  is 
less  detached;  he  writes  with  a  sneer.     His 


380 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


chapter  on  the  "Expansion  of  the  United 
States"  covers  history  which  has,  he  claims, 
not  been  written.  Supporters  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  who  are  also  peace  lovers  will 
find  this  portion  of  the  book  stimulating,  if 
not  provocative. 

The  man  Obregon  is  described  for  us  most 
humanly.  Dr.  Dillon  calls  him  personally 
"buoyant,  entertaining,  and  instructive; 
never  obtrusive,  dogmatic,  or  tedious."  The 
story  of  Obregon  leaving  his  peaceful  home 
in  Sonora,  drawn  only  by  the  call  of  loyalty 
to  a  moral  ideal,  is  reminiscent  of  Washing- 
ton's voluntary  exile  from  his  lovely  home 
on  the  Potomac.  It  seems  also  to  be  true  of 
Obregon  that  he  will  lead  his  decimated 
country  up  to  cohesion  and  freedom. 

The  intricate  maze  of  political  affairs  in 
Mexico  since  Obregon  came  into  prominence 
is  threaded  with  marvelous  sureness.  Dr. 
Dillon  is  a  strong  partisan  and  ably  defends 
the  President  from  charges  of  iconoclasm 
and  cruelty.  He  sees  in  Obregon  a  world 
pioneer — one  of  those  leaders  whose  words 
beget  deeds;  whose  work,  wherever  it  has 
been  done,  freshly  vitalizes  human  relations ; 
whose  aim  is  to  build  up  a  world  organism 
on  the  basis  of  morality  for  the  highest  good 
of  humanity. 

Both  books  would  have  been  doubly  useful 
had  they  included  maps  in  their  historical 
chapters. 

Education  foe  Moral  Gbowth.  By  Henry 
Neumann.  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York. 
Pp.  383.     Price,  $2.00. 

It  is  an  ancient  moot  question  whether  or 
not  morals  can  be  taught.  Outlines  of  ethics 
may  be  memorized,  standards  of  conduct  dis- 
cussed and  evolved  by  students,  but  can  we, 
after  all,  learn  upright  behavior  from  lessons? 

"Can  rules  or  tutors  educate 
The  demigod  whom  we  await?" 

Dr.  Neumann  divides  his  book  in  three 
parts.  Part  I  deals  with  the  "Ethical  Im- 
plications of  Democracy."  Assuming  that 
the  ethical  basis  of  self-government  rests  on 
the  moral  value  of  the  practice  of  respon- 
sibility, he  deals,  here,  with  ideals  of  Ameri- 
can culture. 

In  part  II  he  traces  the  forces  that  have 
contributed  to  the  shaping  of  the  ideals,  from 
the  Puritan  culture  down  through  the  suc- 
cessive demands  for  classical,  for  scientific, 
and  for  vocational  education. 

In  part  III  he  discusses  the  agencies  that 


are  to  give  the  ethical  motive  effect,  espe- 
cialUy  the  schools.  Here  Dr.  Neuman  de- 
clares himself  squarely  as  an  advocate  of 
direct  moral  instruction.  These  chapters  will 
go  far  to  persuade  any  reader  that  such  a 
thing  is  possible.  Perhaps  his  own  para- 
phrase of  the  words  "moral  instruction"  as 
"the  best  methods  of  encouraging  moral 
thoughtfulness"  will  sufficiently  disarm  those 
who  began  the  book  assuming  the  impossibil- 
ity of  such  instruction. 

The  author's  intelligent  accord  with  the 
International  point  of  view  is  revealed  in  his 
chapter  on  the  "Spirit  of  Nationalism."  Ed- 
ucation, he  claims,  ought  not  to  overempha- 
size our  own  achievements  in  history.  We 
should  love  our  country  not  only  because  it 
is  our  country,  but  because  it  is  "our  home 
in  humanity." 

The  Organization  of  a  Britannic  Part- 
nership. By  R.  A.  Eastwood,  LL.  D. 
Longman's,  Green  &  Co.,  New  York.  Pp. 
148.     Price,  $2.50. 

Dr.  Eastman,  lecturer  in  law  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Manchester,  makes  in  this  book  a 
study  of  the  constitutional  relations  between 
the  United  Kingdom  and  the  dominions.  He 
follows  very  briefly  the  historical  method, 
beginning  with  those  early  colonizers,  the 
Greeks.  In  the  case  of  the  English  colonies, 
however,  relative  independence  from  the  first 
has  served  to  allow  self-expression.  This 
was  particularly  true  with  the  American 
colonies.  To  follow  the  legislative  causes 
of  the  American  Revolution  from  the  English 
standpoint  is  most  interesting  to  the  Ameri- 
can reader.  He  lays  the  final  break,  how- 
ever, to  "the  natural  and  inevitable  growth 
of  self-governing  institutions  among  free  and 
vigorous  peoples."  Since  that  revolt  of  the 
American  colonies  British  custom  has  intro- 
duced in  other  colonies  the  principle  of  the 
responsibility  of  the  government  to  the  co- 
lonial legislature. 

Now,  Dr.  Eastman  thinks,  there  should  be 
further  reorganization  in  relations  between 
the  home  country  and  the  dominions.  Treaty- 
making  power,  other  foreign  policies,  de- 
fense, and  many  other  subjects  make  co- 
operation necessary.  He  recommends,  not 
an  imperial  federation  with  an  inflexible 
constitution,  but  an  organization  which  can 
grow  and  evolve  as  need  arises.  An  im- 
perial conference  of  premiers,  resident  do- 
minion ministers,  and  a  court  of  appeals  for 


192Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


381 


the  empire  would,  he  thinks,  meet  the  situa- 
tion as  it  now  exists. 

The  book  is  written  in  the  modern  brisk 
manner  and  is,  therefore,  easy  to  read  and 
understand.  Its  attitude  toward  the  Ck)nsti- 
tution  is  typically  English  and  therefore  in- 
teresting to  an  American. 

My  Book-House.  Six  volmes.  Compiled  by 
Olive  Beaupr6  Miller.  The  Book-House 
for  Children,  Publishers,  Chicago. 
Under  ordinary  circumstances  we  are  not 
fond  of  collections  and  selections,  however 
classified  or  chosen.  Such  things  may  be, 
and  often  are,  good  literary  tools,  but  as 
literature  they  usually  resemble  nothing  so 
much  as  lukewarm  cambric  tea.  These  six 
volumes,  however,  are  in  a  class  by  them- 
selves. Mrs.  Miller  is  too  good  a  reader,  too 
good  a  teacher,  and  too  good  a  mother  to 
produce  savorless  books.  She  has  wandered, 
with  the  experience  of  a  seasoned  traveler 
and  with  the  fresh  zestfulness  of  youth, 
through  all  the  lands  of  story,  old  and  new. 
She  has  picked  up,  here  and  there,  the  tru- 
est, most  living  and  beautiful  of  the  tales. 
Greece,  Scandinavia,  Persia,  India,  and  the 
Orient,  as  well  as  Britain  and  the  New 
World,  contribute  to  the  rich  fund  of  juve- 
nile story,  verse,  and  history  which  she 
brings  us. 

Certain  of  the  old  well-known  tales  are 
rejected  because  of  their  unethical  slant,  but 
of  the  things  she  has  chosen  none  are  muti- 
lated or  medicated ;  all  are  organic  wholes, 
each  a  unity  in  itself. 

The  volumes,  beautifully  and  strongly 
bound  and  artistically  printed,  run  as  fol- 
lows: Volume  1,  "In  the  Nursery";  2,  "Up 
One  Pair  of  Stairs";  3,  "Through  Fairy 
Halls";  4,  "The  Treasure  Chest";  5,  "From 
the  Tower  Window" ;  and  6,  a  book  which  is 
in  itself  a  liberal  education  for  teachers  and 
parents,  "The  Latch  Key." 

The  scope  of  the  whole  work  is  well  indi- 
cated in  the  table  of  contents  of  this  last 
volume.     First  is  a  quotation  from  Dryden : 

"What  the  child  admired 

The   youth   endeavored   and   the   man   ac- 
quired." 
Then  follows  the  table : 

Sketches  from  the  Lives  of  the  Authors. 

The  Interesting  History  of  Old  Mother 
Goose. 

The  Origin  of  the  Folk  Tales. 

What  is  a  Myth? 


Epic  Poetry  and  the  World's  Great  Epics. 

How   to  Judge   Stories  for   Children. 

Index  to  Authors,  Titles,  and  Principal 
Characters. 

Geographical  Index. 

Historical  Index. 

Special  Subjects  Index. 

Introduction  to  Index  According  to  Ethical 
Theme. 

Index   According   to   Ethical   Theme. 

Mrs.  Miller's  theory  in  regard  to  good 
books  for  children  is  so  well  argued  that  one 
is  tempted  to  quote  at  length.  The  following 
few  sentences,  however,  will  serve  to  indicate 
the  basis  upon  which  she  has  herself  made 
choices : 

"I  am  not  belittling  scientific  reading;  it 
is  absolutely  necessary,  and  many  a  finely 
written  history  or  biography  may  and  often 
does  accomplish  the  same  thing  as  fiction ; 
but  I  am  bringing  out,  as  clearly  as  possible, 
that  the  value  of  the  best  fiction  has  been 
underrated ;  the  best  and  most  intelligent  use 
has  not  been  made  of  it  in  the  child's  develop- 
ment. The  best  fiction  certainly  will  mold 
your  child's  ideals  and  standards,  his  views 
of  life,  his  judgments  on  life,  as  surely  as  it 
widens  his  mental  horizon,  shows  him  other 
points  of  view  than  his  own,  quickens  his 
imagination  and  his  joyous  appreciation  of 
beauty,  livens  his  sense  of  humor,  deepens  his 
emotions,  and  at  every  turn  fires  his  spirit 
into  life." 

The  Cix)ud  That  Lifted  and  The  Poweb  of 
THE  Dead.  By  Maurice  Maeterlinck. 
Century  Co.,  New  York.      Pp.  354.      Price, 

$2.00. 

Here  are  two  new  plays  by  the  master 
magician ;  and  with  what  provocative  titles ! 
Intuitively  we  look  for  tremulous  excursions 
into  twilight  lands.  Melisande  and  the  Blue- 
bird have  shown  us  mystic  sadness  and 
lightly  tenuous  parable,  as  none  but  Maeter- 
linck could  unveil  them. 

So  we  begin  expectantly.  As  we  read,  we 
miss  none  of  the  exquisite  art,  the  mastery 
of  technique,  to  which  the  Belgian  author 
has  accustomed  us.  The  character  drama 
in  the  first  play  moves  on  darkly  within  its 
theme  of  jealousy.  Its  sinister  elements  are 
developed  to  a  keen  climax. 

The  second  play  is  a  parable,  which  takes 
place  in  a  dream.  It  points  a  moral  as  to 
the  impelling  force  of  a  righteous  ancestry. 
The  psychology  is,  no  doubt,  quite  perfect, 
the  love  story  very  pretty,  the  teaching  quite 
veracious ;  yet,  with  the  more  occult  plays  in 


382 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


June 


mind,  this  is  all  a  bit  obvious.  Perfect, 
still,  in  detail,  these  seem  the  work  of  a 
genre  artist.  Perversely,  mayhap,  we  still 
long  for  the  breadth  of  draughtsmanship,  the 
subtlety  of  coloring,  wrought  by  the  Maeter- 
linck of  old. 

The  Wbath  to  Come.    By  E.  PhilUps  Oppen- 

heim.     Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.      Pp. 

355.    Price,  $2.00. 

This  book  is  not  to  be  taken  seriously, 
either  as  a  prophecy  or  a  warning.  Mr.  Op- 
penheim  has  simply  seized  upon  the  possibili- 
ties of  an  imaginable  political  situation, 
with  its  mysterious  secret  service,  as  a 
basis  for  his  story  of  danger  and  adventure. 
As  is  usual  in  this  type  of  book,  the  insen- 
sate plotters,  the  wily  Orientals,  are  all  on 
the  other  side,  the  noble,  disinterested  states- 
men all  on  our  side.  The  methods  of  both 
sorts  are  clever  and  subterranean. 

It  is  an  agreeably  stimulating  story  for  a 
dull  afternoon. 

Race  and  National  Solidabitt.    By  Charles 

Conant    Josey.      Scribner's     Sons.       New 

York.    Pp.  227.    Price,  $2.50. 

Again  the  psychologist  comes  to  the  fore. 
Again  international  tendencies  are  inspected 
with,  let  us  confess,  distinctly  startling  re- 
sults. Professor  Josey,  of  Dartmouth,  draws 
his  arrow  to  the  head  and  speeds  it  straight 
to  the  bull's-eye. 

The  need  of  white  race  dominance  is  the 
conclusion  which  the  author  reaches,  through 
frank,  coolly  reasoned  steps.  He  divides  the 
dangers  which  confront  us  today  into  two 
groups— the  struggle  between  classes,  an  in- 
ternal danger,  and  the  expansion  of  oriental 
ambition,  which  is  an  external  one.  He 
examines  "internationalism"  in  an  analytical 
spirit,  and  we  are  somewhat  stunned  at  his 
conclusions.  Of  course,  the  internationalism 
of  which  he  speaks  is  that  which  Elihu  Root 
says  has  for  its  avowed  purpose  "the  de- 
struction of  national  governments."  "Inter- 
national law,"  says  Mr.  Root,  "is,  of  course, 
based  upon  the  existence  of  nations."  Pro- 
fessor Josey,  however,  goes  much  further 
and  denies  the  validity  of  the  principle  of 
equality  between  nations.  The  white  race, 
he  argues,  is  best  fitted  to  dominate,  and  in 
the  interests  of  the  evolution  of  humanity 
should  dominate.  "We  no  longer  think  that 
God  is  pleased  at  human  sacrifices.  Why 
should  we  think  he  is  pleased  at  the  sacrifice 
of  a  race  and  culture." 


There  is  truth  in  Professor  Josey's  argu- 
ments for  that  solidarity  which  comes  from 
race  or  national  consciousness.  ..  But  why 
thus  stress  it,  particularly  at  this  time?  It 
is  sufliciently  emphasized  by  nature  and 
habit.  Then,  too,  are  folk  good  judges  as  to 
their  own  superiority?  One  is  reminded  of 
the  naivete  of  that  young  schoolgirl  who 
said,  "The  girls  think  I  always  want  my  own 
way.  It  isn't  because  it  is  my  way,  but  be- 
cause my  way  is  the  T)est  way." 

NEW  BOOKS  RECEIVED 
Laboub  in  the  Coal  Mining  Industby.     By 
G.  D.  H.  Cole.     Pp.  274.     Oxford  Univer- 
sity Press. 

Labour  Supply  and  Regulation.  By  Hum- 
bert Wolfe.  Pp.  422.  Oxford  University 
Press. 

Wab  Finances  in  the  Netherlands.  By 
M.  J.  Van  Der  Flier.  Pp.  150.  Oxford 
University  Press. 

The  Development  of  International  Law 
After  the  War.  By  Ottfried  Nippold.  Pp. 
241.    Clarenden  Press. 

An  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Intebna- 
NATioNAL  Organization..  By  Pitman  B. 
Potter.    647  p.    Appendices  and  index. 

The  Control  of  American  Fobeign  Rela- 
tions. By  Quincy  Wright,  Ph.  D.  412  p. 
Appendix  and  index.  The  Macmillan  Co., 
New  York. 

Amebicans  in  Eastebn  Asia.  By  Tyler  Den- 
nett. 725  p.  Bibliography,  note,  appendix, 
and  index.  The  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York. 
$5.00. 

War  Armament  Loans  of  Japan.  By  Ushi- 
saburo  Kobayashi.  Pp.  255.  Oxford  Uni- 
versity Press. 

Losses  of  Life  Caused  by  Wab.  By  8. 
Dumas  and  K.  0.  Vedel-Petersen.  Pp.  191. 
Clarenden  Press. 

CONFEBENCE    ON     THE     LIMITATION     OF    AbMA- 

ments.  International  Law  Documents. 
Naval  War  College.  Pp.  392.  Government 
Printing  Office. 

The  Renovation  of  International  Law. 
By  D.  Josephus  Jitta.  Pp.  196.  The 
Hague,  Martinus  Nijhoff. 

The  League  of  Nations  and  the  New  In- 
TEBNATiONAL  Law.  By  J.  E.  Barley.  Pp. 
127.    Oxford  University  Press. 


PUBLICATIONS  OF  THE  AMERICAN 
PEACE  SOCIETY 

612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Limited  numbers  of  the  following  pamphlets  are  available  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
American  Peace  Society,  the  price  quoted  being  for  the  cost  of  printing  and  postage  only : 


PAMPHLETS 


Published. 
Ethical    and    General     Litera- 
ture : 
Butler,  Nicholas  Murray : 

The  International  Mind 1912     $0.05 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 

Cumber    and    Entanglements 1917  .10 

Carnegie,  Andrew : 

A  League  of  Peace 1905  .  10 

Crosby,  Ernest  H. : 

War  From   the  Christian  Point  of 

View    1905  .  05 

Franklin  on  War  and  Peace .10 

Gladden,  Washington  : 

Is  War  a  Moral  Necessity? 1915  .10 

Green,  Thomas  B. : 

The    Burden    of    the    Nations    and 

The  Forces  that  Failed 1914  .  10 

Morgan,  Walter  A. : 

Great    Preaching    in    England    and 

America    1924  .  10 

Stanfield,  Theodore: 

The  Divided  States  of  Europe  and 

the  United  States  of  America...    1921  .10 

Tolstoi,  Count  Leon : 

The  Beginning  of  the  End 1898  .  10 

Wales,  Julia  G. : 

"The  Conscientious  Objector" 1918  .  10 

Christ    of    the    Andes     (illustration), 

7th  edition    1914  .05 

Palace  of  Peace  at  The  Hague  (illus- 
trated)     1914  .05 

Peace  and  Children : 

Darby,  W.  Evans  : 

Military  Drill  in  Schools 1911  .05 

Military  Training  for  Schoolboys : 

Symposium    from    educators 1916  .05 

Walsh,  Rev.  Walter: 

Moral  Damage  of  War  to  the  School 

Child 1911  .05 

Oordt,  Bleuland  v. : 

Children    Building    Peace    Palace ; 

post-card  (sepia) .05 

Historical  Peace  Literature : 

Kant,   Immanuel : 

Perpetual    Peace.      First    published 

In  1795,   republished  in 1897  .25 

Call,  Arthur  D.  : 

Federal     Convention,     May-Septem- 
ber,   1787.      Published    1922,    re- 
published        1924  .25 

The  Will  to  End  War 1920         .15 

Dealey,  James  Quale : 

Contributions  of  the   Monroe   Doc- 
trine to  International  Peace ....   1928  .  10 


Published. 
Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo : 

"War."  Address  before  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society  in  1838.  Re- 
printed       1924     $0.15 

Estournelle  de  Constant : 

The  Limitation  of  Armaments  (Re- 
port at  Interparliamentary  Union 

Meeting,    London)     1906  .10 

Levermore,  Charles  H. : 

Synopsis  of  Plans  for  International 

Organization    1919         .05 

Penn,  William  : 

Peace  of  Europe.     First  published 

in   1693,  republished  In 1912  .10 

Scott,  James  Brown : 

The  Development  of  Modern  Di- 
plomacy       1921  . 10 

Trueblood,  Benjamin  F. : 

International     Arbitration    at    the 

Opening  of  the  20th  Century 10 

William    Penn's    Holy    Experiment 

in   Civil  Government .10 

Trueblood,  Lyra : 

18th  of  May,  History  of  Its  Ob- 
servance       .05 

Tryon,   James  L. : 

A      Century      of      Anglo-American 

Peace    1914  .05 

New    England    a     Factor    in     the 

Peace   Movement    1914  .05 

Washington's  Anti-Militarism 05 

Worcester,  Noah : 

Solemn  Review  of  the  Custom  of 
War.  First  published  Christ- 
mas, 1814,   republished  in 1904  ,10 

Biographical : 
Beals,  Charles  E. : 

Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Prophet  of 

Peace    1916         .  10 

Call,  Arthur  D. : 

James  Brown  Scott.  Slietch  of  his 
services  to  the  cause  of  inter- 
national justice    1918  .  10 

Hemmenway,  John : 

William     Ladd,     The     Apostle     of 

Peace    1891  .  10 

Japan  and  the  Orient : 
Deforest,  J.  H. : 

Conditions    of   Peace    Between    the 

East  and  the  West 1908  .06 

Is  Japan  a  Menace  to  the  United 

States? 1908  .05 


Published. 
Green,  Thomas : 

War  with   Japan? 1916     $0.10 

Kawakaml,  Isamu  : 

Disarmament,    The    Voice    of    the 

Japanese  People 1921  .  10 

Bakatani,  Baron : 

Why  War  Between  Japan  and  the 

United  States  is  Impossible 1921  .10 

Tolstoi,  Count  Leon  : 

Letter  on  the  Russo-Japanese  War  1904  .10 

International  Relations : 
Call,  Arthur  D. : 

Coercion  of  States    1920  .05 

Three  Facts  in  American   Foreign 

Policy   1921  .  10 

Governed    World,    A.      Three    Docu- 
ments        1921  . 10 

Pepper,  George  Wharton : 

America  and  the  League  of  Nations  1921  .10 

Ralston,  Jackson  H. : 

Should    any    National    Dispute    be 
Reserved  from  Arbitration? 1908     $0.05 


Published. 
Root,  Elihu  : 

"The  Great  War"  and  International 
Law    1921 

Scott,  James  Brown  : 

Organization  of  International  Jus- 
tice        1917 

Public  Opinion  versus  Force 1915 

Snow,  Alpheus  H.  : 

International  Reorganization 1917 

International    Legislation    and   Ad- 
ministration        1917 

League    of    Nations    According    to 

American    Idea     1920 

Stanfleld,  Theodore : 

A   Coercive   League 1920 

Trueblood,  Benj.  F. : 

A  Periodic  Congress  of  Nations. . .   1907 

Tryon,  James  L : 

The  Hague  Peace  System  in  Opera- 
tion      1911 


.10 

.10 
.05 

.10 
.10 
.10 
.05 

.05 
.10 


BOOKS 


A  limited  number  of  the  following  books 
reduced  prices : 

Published. 
American     Foreign     Policy.       State- 
ments   of    Presidents    and    Secre- 
taries  of    State.      Introduction   by 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler.     132  pages  1920     $0.90 
Angell,  Norman : 

Arms  and  Industry.     248  pages...   1914  .90 

Problems  of  the  War, — The  Peace. 

(paper) .    99  pages 1914-18     .  15 

Bacon,  Corlnne : 

Selected  Articles  on  National  De- 
fense.    243  pages 1916         .90 

Balou,  Adln : 

Christian  Non-resistance.  278 
pages.     First  published  1846,  and 

republished    1910         ,  50 

Crane,  William  Leighton : 

The  Passing  of  War.     298   pages. 

January   1914  .  50 

Crosby,  Ernest : 

Garrison,    the    Non-resistant.      141 

pages    1905         .  40 

Dymond.  Jonathan  : 

Inquiry  into  the  Accordancy  of 
War  with  Christianity  (paper). 
182  pages.     (1892  edition) 1834         .50 

Estournelle  de  Constant : 

Report  on  International  Commission 
to  Inquire  Into  the  Causes  of  the 

Balkan  Wars.     419  pages 1914  .90 

Graham,  John  William : 

Evolution     and     Empire     (paper). 

230  pages.     April 1914  .  40 

Janson,  Gustaf : 

The    Pride   of   War    (novel).      350 

pages 1912  .90 

Jordan,  David  Starr: 

The  Human  Harvest.     122  pages. .    1907         .50 
Johnsen,  Julia    (Compiler)  : 

Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice.  Reprints  of  selected 
articles 1923         .90 


are  on  hand  and  can  be  had  at  the  following 

Published. 
Ladd,  William  : 

Essay    on    a   Congress   of   Nations. 
Introduction    by    James    Brown 
Scott.      162    pages.      Essay    first 
published  in  1840,  republished  In  1916     $1.00 
La  Fontaine,  Henri : 

The  Great  Solution.     177  pages. . .    1916         .70 
Lynch,  Frederick : 

The  Peace  Problem,  127  pages 1911  .75 

Through    Europe    on    the    Eve    of 

War.     152   pages 1914  .25 

Scott,  James  Brown  : 

Grotlus    on    the    Freedom    of    the 
Seas.      (Grotlus,    first    published 

in  1608.)     83  pages 1916  .90 

Peace  Through  Justice.     102  pages  1917  .70 

Second  Pan-American  Congress.  The 
Final   Act.      Commentary   by   James 

Brown  Scott,     516  pages 1916       1.00 

Von  Suttner,  Berthe : 

Lay   Down   Your   Arms    (a  novel). 

435  pages 1914       1.00 

White,  Andrew  D. : 

The  First  Hague  Conference.      123 

pages    1905  .  50 

Reports : 
13th  Universal   Peace  Congress,   Bos- 
ton.    Cloth    1904  .50 

Paper 1904  .  30 

New  England  Arbitration  and  Peace 

Congress,   Hartford    1910  .50 

First  National  Arbitration  and  Peace 

Congress,  New  York 1907  .50 

Second  National  Peace  Congress,  Chi- 
cago        1909  . 50 

Third  American  Peace  Congress,  Bal- 
timore         1911  . 50 

Fourth  American  Peace  Congress,  St. 

Louis    1913  .50 

Fifth  American   Peace  Congress,   San 

Francisco 1915  .  50 

Twenty-first  Annual  Conference  on 
International  Arbitration.  Lake 
Mohonk    1915  .  30 


The  Will  to  End  War 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 


This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modern  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 


PRICE,  FIFTEEN  CENTS 
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The  American  Peace  Society 

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THROUC 


Volume  86,  No.  7  July,   1924 

Ninety- sixth  Annual  Report  of 
the  American  Peace  Society 

Immanuel  Kant  and  Foreign  Policies 

The  Fall  of  Governments 

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THE  PURPOSE 

OOHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace  through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
—'Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


J ^ 

ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Aethdb  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

Sent  free  to  all   members  of  the  American   Peace   Society.     Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 


Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-OfBce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  heing  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
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CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 387 

Editorials 

The  American  Peace  Society — Ninety-six  Years — International  Edu- 
cation— Ttie  Longest  Way  Around — New  Hope  in  Europe — Dic- 
tatorsliip  in  Italy— Editorial  Notes 389-394 

World  Problems  in  Review 

Political  Revolution  in  France — Germany  and  the  Experts — New 
Government  in  Japan — Defeat  of  General  Smuts — England  and 
Russia — Denmark    394-402 

American  Peace  Society — Ninety-sixth  Annual  Report 

President's    Report 403 

Secretary's    Report 406 

Treasurer's    Report 412 

Annual  address — "Immanuel  Kant" 414 

By  Professor  William  Ernest  Hocking 

General  Articles 

Business    Ethics 424 

By  Herbert  Hoover 

International  Documents 

Japanese    Immigration 430 

Allies  and  the  Experts'  Reports 434 

MacDonald  and  Poinearg  Letters 437 

British  Bankers  and  Russian  Credit 440 

News  in  Brief 442 

Book    Reviews 446 


.Vol.86  JULY,    192  4  No.  7  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


/*  is  the  first  of  Its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  Injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  In 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
bis  due." 

It  is  iuilt  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  whlcb 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  international 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  of 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  circu- 
lated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts.  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  since 
1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,   five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional    Membership,    twenty-five   dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Bdrtox,  President  American 
Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Aethue  Deerin  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  Tulsa,  Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American   Red  Cross,   Washington,   D.   C. 

Hon.  David  .Tayne  Hill,   Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,   D.  C. 

Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Philip  North  Moore,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


George  Matjbice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  BuUd- 
injr,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Morris,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Boulevard, 
Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson   H.   Ralston,   Palo  Alto,   California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ra.msay,  Ex-President  Fairmont  Sem- 
inary,  Southern   Pines,   North  Carolina. 

Paul  Sle.man,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

.Tay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  B.  Bueton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green 
Hon.  WiLILAM  B.  McKinlet 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
•Tay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon  Henry   W.  Temple 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.    Theodore    E.    Burton,    Member    of   Congress 
from  Ohio,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Secretary: 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 


Treasurer : 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vire-Presidents: 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert    Bowles,    Esq.,    Richmond,    Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York. 

George  Burniiam,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  Darlington,  Harrlsburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett   O.   Fiske,    Esq.,   Boston,    Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,   D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Bishop  William    Lawrence,   Boston,   Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,   Boston,  Mass. 

WiLLiA.M    H.  LuDEN,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,   Derry,   N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.   Frederic   Schoff,    Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Dr.  James  Brown  Scott,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Sallda,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward   Stevens,   Columbia,   Mo. 

*Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

♦Pres.   C.   F.  Thwing,   Cleveland,   Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


♦Emeritus. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts wliicli  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
toi'n  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 

for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods ; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's oflBce  to  perform  such  dutiea  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national lavr,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
ofl3oe  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  (Council; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empovrer  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives: 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective :  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


JULY,  1924 


NUMBER 

7 


EDITORIALS 


THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

MAY  1  the  American  Peace  Society- 
entered  upon  another  fiscal  year. 
It  congratulates  itself  upon  the  return  of 
the  Honorable  Theodore  E.  Burton  as  its 
President.  It  welcomes  the  addition  of 
Senator  William  B.  McKinley,  the  Honor- 
able David  Jayne  Hill,  and  Dr.  James 
Brown  Scott  to  its  Board  of  Directors. 
Its  plan  to  have  a  Director  from  each  of 
the  States  of  our  Union  has  taken  tangible 
shape,  the  Honorable  Jackson  H.  Kalston 
being  Director  from  California,  Honorable 
Theodore  E.  Burton  from  Ohio,  Honor- 
able P.  P.  Claxton  from  Oklahoma,  Hon- 
orable William  B.  McKinley  from  Illinois, 
Honorable  Andrew  J.  Montague  from  Vir- 
ginia, Professor  Arthur  Eamsay  from 
North  Carolina,  Paul  Sleman,  Esquire, 
from  Maryland,  Theodore  Stanfield  from 
New  York,  Dr.  J.  T.  Stocking  from  New 
Jersey,  the  Honorable  Henry  Temple  from 
Pennsylvania. 

The  Board  of  Directors  announces  that 
Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Secretary  of  the 
American  Peace  Society  and  Editor  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace,  is  to  sail  for  Europe 
August  6.  Mr.  Call,  as  Executive  Secre- 
tary of  the  American  Group  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  will  attend  the 
twenty-second  international  conference  of 
the  Union  at  Berne,  August  22-28.  He 
wiU  be  in  Geneva  through  the  sessions  of 
the  League  of  Nations  in  September.  He 
will  attend  a  congress  of  European  peace 
workers,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Bureau 


International  de  la  Paix,  during  the 
month  of  October.  Through  the  autumn 
he  will  contribute  a  series  of  articles  for 
the  Advocate  of  Peace,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  his  findings  abroad. 


NINETY-SIX  YEARS 

THE  record  of  the  ninety-sixth  annual 
meeting  of  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety, held  May  23,  can  be  read  elsewhere 
in  these  columns  by  any  who  may  be  in- 
terested. The  outstanding  fact  of  the 
report  is  that  for  ninety-six  years  the 
American  Peace  Society  has  been  indus- 
triously seeking  some  practical  means  by 
which  the  nations  may  lessen  the  losses  of 
war. 

One  result  of  this  effort  is  the  convic- 
tion that  there  is  no  mystic  plan  for  the 
solution  of  our  world's  greatest  problem. 
It  is  of  importance  to  know  something  of 
the  schemes  and  efforts  for  the  abolition 
of  war,  of  what  men  have  thought  and  said 
about  it ;  it  is  a  duty  to  study  the  foreign 
policies  of  nations,  past  and  present;  it 
is  well  to  understand  as  best  we  may  the 
religious  appeals,  the  words  of  the  states- 
men, the  writings  of  the  poets  and  other 
dreamers.  It  has  been  the  business  of  the 
"  American  Peace  Society  to  do  these 
things.  In  the  light  of  the  record  of 
these  years,  however,  we  confess  to  being 
skeptical  of  any  ready-made,  mechanical 
device  calculated  in  and  of  itself  to  main- 
tain   a    permanent    peace    between    the 


390 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


nations.  It  was  inevitable  from  the  out- 
set that  the  Bok  peace  award  should  fail 
to  produce  a  plan  acceptable  to  govern- 
ments. The  peaceful  settlement  of  inter- 
national disputes  is  so  much  a  process,  a 
growth,  a  biological — not  to  say  a  spirit- 
ual— thing,  that  it  transcends  formal  plan 
or  machine. 

There  is  a  pathos  in  the  struggles  of 
history  to  shake  off  the  shackles  of  war, 
in  the  so-called  "plans"  to  maintain  the 
peace.      The    differences    between    them 
are  bewildering.     One  scheme  would  end 
war  with  a  poem,  another  with  a  prayer, 
another  with  a  song,  others  with  an  em- 
blem, a  flag,  a  button,  a  stamp,  or  a  banal 
diatribe  against  the  militarists.     Some  of 
the  plans  draw  upon  the  fourth  dimen- 
sional world,  upon  a  thought  wave,  upon 
hypnotism,  upon  a  phrase,  such  as  "the 
outlawry   of   war,"   "the  will  to   peace," 
"education  for  peace" — phrases  quite  in- 
adequate because  devoid  of  content.     All 
we  have  to  do,  say  some,  is  to  remember 
that  God  is  love,  and  to  follow  the  Golden 
Rule.     Some  would   do   away  with   con- 
scription; others  would  conscript  every- 
thing.   Some  would  provide  for  a  referen- 
dum in  case  of  threatening  war;  others 
insist  that  all  dangers  will  cease  when  we 
take  away  the  profits  from  the  conduct 
of  war.    The  more  one  examines  these  and 
the   other   plans,   the  more  one   is   con- 
vinced that  they  are  too  glib,  often  too 
sentimental,  and  therefore  too  superficial. 
In  the  main  they  appear  as  attempts  to 
apply  what  one  thinks  one  knows  to  what 
one  does  not  know.     The  plans  are  too 
mechanical  and  chimerical. 

And  yet  the  will  to  end  war  is  a  fact — 
a  palpable  and  a  persisting  fact.  Peace 
is  promoted  and  often  established  in  the 
political,  the  economic,  the  scientific,  the 
artistic,  even  the  spiritual  world.  Per- 
haps it  should  be  said  that  peace  between 
nations  is  variously  achieved — politically, 
economically,  scientifically,  artistically, 
and   spiritually,   for   it   is   impossible   to 


divide  the  activities  of  States  into  com- 
partments such  as  these.  The  American 
Peace  Society  believes  it  profitable  to 
preach  political  democracy,  the  equality 
of  nations  before  the  law,  the  beneficent 
doctrine  of  candor  and  co-operation  in 
foreign  relations,  and  the  fundamental 
principle  of  the  brotherhood  of  mankind. 
But  here  again  we  are  in  danger  of  con- 
soling ourselves  with  the  incantation  of 
empty  phrases. 

Yet  there  is  a  language  with  a  hopeful 
content.      The   British    Under    Secretary 
for  Air  is  quoted  as  saying  recently,  "I 
hold  that  the  whole  business  (of  war)  is 
a  wicked  waste  of  the  national  substance, 
but  I  know  that  it  is  forced  upon  the 
world    by    the    disease    of    international 
fear."     This  we  believe  to  be  the  fact. 
Therefore  the  practical  question  facing  us 
is.  How  may  this  fear  be  overcome?   The 
answer    to    this    questions    is,    perhaps, 
simpler  than  is  commonly  supposed.     We 
already  have  agencies  for  the  settlement 
of  international  disputes  in  business,  in 
politics,  even  in  the  arts  and  in  the  re- 
ligions.      In    proportion    as    these    are 
strengthened,   therefore,   the   fear   of  in- 
ternational   confiicts    is    lessened.      But 
man*s  main  device  for  overcoming  his  fear 
in  the  case   of  a   serious   controversy  is 
expressed   in  terms  of  law  and  judicial 
settlement.      He    has    learned    to    prefer 
these  methods  to  practices  of  the  fist  or 
sword.     Out  of  its  ninety-six  years,  there- 
fore,  the   American    Peace    Society   con- 
tinues to  call  upon  the  nations  to  mini- 
mize their  fears  by  providing  a  substitute 
for    war    in   terms    of    law   and   justice. 
These  words  have  an  encouraging  content, 
for  they  mean  such  substantial  things  as 
The  Hague  conferences  for  the  determina- 
tion of  law,  and  The  Hague  courts  for 
the  arbitration  and  the  judicial  settlement 
of  disputes  incapable  of  settlement  other- 
wise.   There  is  less  fear  among  the  nations 
because  such  means  are  available  in  case 
of   controversies    too   diflScult   for   diplo- 


1924. 


EDITORIALS 


391 


matic  adjustment.  There  being  less  fear, 
the  chances  for  war  are  less.  Thus  the 
conclusion  is  inescapable.  We  can  abolish 
the  war  method  of  settlement  only  in  pro- 
portion as  we  furnish  effective  substitutes 
for  that  method.  Those  effective  substi- 
tutes are  not  hidden  in  the  phrases  of 
some  mystic  plan.  They  are  at  hand,  if 
we  but  will  to  develop  and  to  use  them. 


EDUCATING  OURSELVES  INTER- 
NATIONALLY 

LEADERS  of  thought  in  America  rec- 
ognize increasingly  their  responsi- 
bility for  the  education  of  America  in 
world  affairs. 

We  now  have  the  Institute  of  Politics, 
meeting  each  summer  at  Williams  Col- 
lege, where  this  summer  M.  Benes,  well- 
known  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  for 
Czechoslovakia,  Sir  Arthur  Salter,  and 
other  distinguished  authorities  are  to  con- 
tinue the  processes  of  international  edu- 
cation, so  ably  begun  in  the  summer  of 
1921  under  the  leadership  of  President 
Garfield. 

A  number  of  American  students  are 
planning  to  attend  the  Academy  of  Inter- 
national Law,  which  is  to  open  for  its 
second  season  in  the  Palace  of  Peace,  at 
The  Hague,  July  14,  and  to  continue  un- 
til the  13th  of  September.  Dr.  Jesse  S. 
Reeves,  of  the  University  of  Michigan, 
and  Professor  Philip  Marshall  Brown,  of 
Princeton,  are  to  deliver  courses  of  lec- 
tures at  the  Academy. 

The  Norman  Wait  Harris  Memorial 
Foundation,  at  the  University  of  Chicago, 
announced  June  15  the  creation  of  a 
forum  for  the  discusion  of  international 
affairs.  The  first  institute  will  begin  on 
June  24  and  continue  until  July  18. 
The  list  of  lecturers  includes  Sir  Valen- 
tine Chirol,  formerly  of  the  British  For- 
eign Office ;  Dr.  Charles  de  Visscher,  Pro- 
fessor of  International  Law  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Ghent,  and  Dr.  Herbert  Kraus, 


Professor  of   Constitutional  Law  at  the 
University  of  Konigsberg. 

On  April  29  a  group  of  educators  and 
business  men,  meeting  in  New  York  city, 
launched  a  movement  for  the  establish- 
ment at  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Balti- 
more, of  a  graduate  school  for  the  study 
of  international  relations.  It  was  the 
sense  of  the  meeting  that  the  school  be 
dedicated  to  the  memory  of  Walter  Hines 
Page,  our  war-time  Ambassador  to  Great 
Britain.  The  proposal  has  meet  with 
wide  and  generous  approval.  If  the  plans 
materialize  as  expected,  we  shall  soon 
have  in  Baltimore  a  school  of  interna- 
tional relations  covering  three  years  of 
study,  including  possibly  a  year  of  for- 
eign travel  and  contacts. 

These  developments  stir  the  imagina- 
tion and  create  hope.  We  have  witnessed 
for  a  number  of  years  the  multiplication 
in  our  universities  of  courses  in  interna- 
tional law,  foreign  service,  and  diplomacy. 
Because  of  these  courses,  in  a  large  meas- 
ure, we  have  come  to  feel  the  need  for 
a  deeper  research  and  a  wider  understand- 
ing of  the  great  fundamental  facts  of  in- 
ternational relations.  Future  progress 
toward  the  substitution  of  law  and  justice 
for  war  lies  in  the  direction  of  a  clearer 
knowledge  of  history,  of  law,  of  diplo- 
matic practice,  and  of  results  achieved. 
This  is  a  scientific  matter  capable  of  ad- 
vancement only  by  the  slow  processes  of 
education.  That  these  promises  are  de- 
veloping on  such  a  scale  here  in  America 
as  well  as  abroad  is  a  stimulating  evidence 
of  a  new  patience  and  a  better  wisdom  in 
our  midst. 

Our  will  to  practice  the  processes  of 
education  in  world  matters  is  a  fine  thing. 
Mark  Twain  once  observed  that,  "In  the 
United  States,  by  the  graxje  of  God,  we 
have  those  three  unspeakably  precious 
things— freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of 
conscience,  and  the  prudence  never  to 
practice  either  of  them."  But  we  insist 
upon  the  processes  of  education. 


39!8 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


THE  LONGEST  WAY  AROUND 

I:tfTEEN"ATIONAL  achievement,   like 
any  fundamental  achievement,   is   at 
the  end  of  no  short  road.     Worthy  ac- 
complishment is  at  the  end  of  a  long  and 
often  circuitous  course.     One  who  would 
help  toward  the  accomplishment  of  peace 
must  fight  the  temptation  to  do  the  cheap 
and  easy  thing,  as  one  would  fight  the 
devil.     Hard  things  are  never  easy,  nor 
complicated  things  simple.    Some  one  has 
recently  pointed  out  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  scholar  "to  snub  fools,  mock  sentimen- 
tality,   and   discourage   absurd   ambition. 
He  must  remember  that  the  truth  about 
any   subject   should   bewilder   or    enrage 
many  of  those  who  hear  it.     If  he  can 
popularize  in  this  nobly  unpopular  spirit, 
then  let  him  serve  the  nation  with  all  his 
might.    For  his  words  will  take  root,  not 
in  thousands  or  hundreds,  but  in  a  few 
dozen  minds,  and  these  minds  in  turn  will 
quietly  fertilize  others,  until  America  is 
a  happier  and  a  saner  place  to  live  in." 

Fortunately,  in  the  realm  of  interna- 
tional endeavor  all  is  not  quackery.  Be- 
fore us  at  the  moment  is  a  new  book  from 
the  pen  of  John  Bassett  Moore,  judge  of 
the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice.  Its  title  is  "International  Law 
and  Some  Current  Illusions."  Note  some 
of  the  sentences  from  this  distinct  con- 
tribution : 

"None  render  a  higher  or  more  solemn 
service  than  do  those  who  point  out  in- 
fractions of  the  established  law  and  warn 
their  fellowmen  of  the  consequences  of  its 
impairment." 

"There  is  need  all  along  the  line  of  a 
recurrence  to  fundamental  principles; 
and,  when  I  speak  of  recurring  to  prin- 
ciples, I  include  the  task  of  endeavoring  to 
comprehend  both  the  reasons  on  which 
they  rest  and  the  great  facts  of  human 
experience  from  which  they  are  derived." 

"The  great  source  of  law  is  human  ex- 
perience, ...  the  mature,  condensed 
expression  of  the  cumulative  results  of 
long  observation  of  human  activities  and 
needs.    As  an  element  in  legal  discussion. 


philosophy,  when  it  parts  company  with 
this  source  of  wisdom,  is  only  too  prone 
to  be  but  the  expression  of  moods  that  re- 
flect the  turbulence  or  the  tranquillity  of 
the  time  .  .  .  It  may  be  superfluous 
to  remark  that  the  subject  of  organizing 
the  world  for  the  purpose  of  making  and 
enforcing  law  is  as  difficult  and  perplex- 
ing as  it  IS  ambitious.  Being  highly  specu- 
lative, it  readily  lends  itself  to  the  formu- 
lation of  proposals." 

"The  essential  features  of  any  appro- 
priate international  organization  would 
be  somewhat  as  follows:  (1)  it  would  set 
law  above  violence;  (2)  it  would  provide  a 
more  efficient  means  than  now  exists  for 
the  making  and  declaration  of  law  (3) 
It  would  provide  more  fully  than  has'here- 
totore  been  done  for  the  investigation  and 
determination  of  disputes  by  means  of 
tribunals  possessing  advisory  or  judicial 
powers,  as  the  case  might  be." 


THE  NEW  HOPE  IN  EUROPE 
'T'HERE  is  a  new  hope  that  the  Franco- 
-L  German  tension  is  about  to  be  relieved 
at  least  in  a  measure.  This  is  not  due  to 
any  marked  change  of  French  or  German 
policy,  for  no  utterance  of  the  new  govern- 
ment in  Paris  or  in  Berlin  indicates  any 
noteworthy  change  in  the  doctrines  of 
Poincare  or  of  the  German  Foreign  Office. 
The  hope  lies  in  the  fact  that  new  men^ 
having  come  into  power,  are  approaching 
each  other  in  a  new  spirit.  The  possibili- 
ties of  a  mutual  accommodation  are  be- 
ing made  use  of.  There  is,  therefore,  a 
brighter  atmosphere  of  hope. 

While  the  German  Nationalists  are  still 
skeptical,  professing  to  be  frightened  by 
the  appointment  of  General  Nollet  French 
Minister  of  War,  Foreign  Minister  Strese- 
mann  finds  in  the  utterances  of  President 
Doumergue  and  of  Premier  Herriot  a  dis- 
tinct change  for  the  better.  The  German 
Democrats  and  Socialists  welcome  the  im- 
proved tone  in  the  French  policies. 
French  amnesty  for  prisoners  in  the  occu- 
pied region  has  made  a  good  impression 
in  Germany.      Too,  thei  — oems  to  be  a 


192 Jf 


EDITORIALS 


393 


finer  cordiality  between  Paris,  Brussels, 
and  London,  a  cordiality  noted  by  Mon- 
sieur Harriot,  by  M.  Paul  Huymans,  the 
Belgian  Foreign  Minister,  and  by  Mr. 
Macdonald.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  future  of  the  Dawes  report  has 
brightened. 


DICTATORSHIP  IN  ITALY 

IN  THE  history  of  politics  there  is 
nothing  more  familiar  than  the 
brevity  of  dictatorships.  The  dictator 
survives  so  long  as  the  people  believe  in 
his  integrity  and  patriotism,  and  no 
longer. 

Signor  Mussolini,  Italian  Premier,  dic- 
tator of  Italy  for  two  years,  is  suddenly 
faced  with  a  crisis  in  his  career.  As  head 
of  the  Fascist!  revolutionaries,  he  has 
continued  in  power  because  the  Italian 
people  have  welcomed  his  efforts  to  crush 
the  governmental  inefficiencies  and  cor- 
ruptions of  a  generation.  The  people 
have  believed  in  the  purity  and  unselfish- 
ness of  his  motives  and  in  the  righteous- 
ness of  his  course.  This  is  particularly 
true  of  the  youth  of  the  land.  But  Mus- 
solini's dictatorship  is  no  exception  to  the 
rule;  it  is  due  to  continue  as  long  as  it 
is  approved  by  the  public,  and  no  longer. 

This  public  approval  may  be  withdrawn 
at  any  moment.  Eecent  events  are 
hastening  this  withdrawal.  The  Fascisti 
have  devastated  the  home  of  the  former 
premier,  all  but  killed  deputies  for  re- 
fusing to  become  Fascisti,  assaulted  vil- 
lage priests,  and  burned  Socialists'  homes 
and  workmen's  clubs.  These  events  are 
typical  and  frequent.  Because  Signor 
Matteotti,  member  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  claimed  to  have  facts  and  figures 
tending  to  prove  the  corruption  of  the 
Under  Secretary  of  Home  Affairs,  he  was 
abducted  in  broad  daylight,  in  the  center 
of  Eome,  and  murdered.  Mussolini  then 
adjourned  the  Deputies.  There  is  a  wide 
suspicion  of  a  gigantic  scandal  just  under- 


neath the  surface  of  the  political  life  in 
Rome. 

If  Signor  Mussolini  insists  upon  a  piti- 
less publicity  and  acts  with  honesty  and 
courage,  resolved  to  end  the  violence  and 
intrigue  of  which  Matteotti's  murder  was 
the  climax,  his  domination  may  continue 
for  a  time. 

But,  of  course,  the  people  of  Italy  know 
that  their  Premier,  by  his  lawless  acts  and 
intemperate  utterances,  is  at  least  indi- 
rectly the  cause  of  the  prevailing  violence 
and  hate.  They  see  men  justifying  their 
acts  of  violence  by  quoting  Mussolini's 
definition  of  liberty  as  "a  rotten  corpse," 
and  they  know  that  their  government  can 
not  long  endure  upon  such  a  philosophy. 
The  way  of  the  dictator,  like  the  way  of 
transgressors  generally,  is  hard.  The  dic- 
tatorship in  Italy  must  eventually  give 
way  to  a  people''s  government  of  justice 
under  law.  The  surprise  is  that  it  has 
endured  for  so  long. 


WHILE  the  Advocate  of  Peace  re- 
grets to  learn  that  Dr.  Charles  H. 
Levermore,  author  of  the  winning  Bok 
prize  peace  plan,  has  resigned  the  sec- 
retaryship of  the  New  York  Peace  So- 
ciety, which  he  has  held  since  1917,  it  is 
a  pleasure  to  learn  that  he,  accompanied 
by  Mrs.  Levermore,  is  able  to  gratify  a 
long  cherished  desire  to  spend  a  year 
abroad.  We  are  told  that  he  hopes  to  be 
present  in  Geneva  during  the  month  of 
September,  while  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations  is  in  session,  and  after 
that  he  will  continue  his  studies  in  various 
capitals  of  Europe. 


THAT  the  League  of  Nations  is  looked 
upon  as  an  agency  enabling  the  great 
Powers  to  control  the  smaller  States  is 
brought  to  our  attention  once  more  by 
the  request  of  the  British  Government  to 
the   Secretary-General  of  the  League  to 


394 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


place  on  the  agenda  of  the  coming  session 
of  the  Council  an  item  in  regard  to  the 
control,  by  the  League,  of  disarmament 
in  Austria,  Hungary,  and  Bulgaria.  If 
the  League  were  an  agency  for  the  promo- 
tion of  justice,  it  would  be  equally  in 
order  for  the  small  States  to  request  the 
League  to  go  about  the  control  of  arma- 
ments, say,  in  Britain,  or  France,  or 
Brazil;  indeed,  of  the  United  States,  if 
only  this  country  happened  to  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  League.  In  any  event  peace 
between  States  cannot  be  long  maintained 
by  the  coercion  of  unwilling  members. 
Peace  between  States  means  something 
quite  different. 


THE  correspondence  between  Washing- 
ton and  Tokyo  is  self-explanatory. 
Both  governments  are  striving  to  retain 
the  good  will  and  friendship  always  cher- 
ished by  both  countries.  Whether  or  not 
Mr.  Hughes'  latest  note  will  satisfy  the 
Japanese  Government  or  people  remains 


to  be  seen.  There  still  remain  grounds 
for  anxiety,  both  here  and  in  Japan.  If 
public  opinion  on  both  sides  of  the  Pacific 
will  be  content  to  express  itself  with  the 
wisdom  and  restraint  employed  by  Mr. 
Hughes  and  Mr.  Hanihara,  none  needs  to 
fear  for  the  outcome. 


THE  congress  of  peace  workers,  to  be 
held  under  the  auspices  of  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau  in  Berlin  during 
the  month  of  October,  has  aroused  no 
little  interest  in  Europe.  A  letter  to  us 
from  Professor  Quidde,  of  the  University 
of  Munich,  urges  the  importance  of  the 
congress,  and  pleads  for  a  strong  Amer- 
ican delegation.  Americans  wishing  to 
attend  this  congress  may  either  notify  the 
American  Peace  Society,  613  Colorado 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C,  or  commu- 
nicate directly  with  the  Deutsche  Fried- 
ensgesellschaft,  Hauptgeschaftsstelle,  Ber- 
lin, S.  W.  68,  Zimmerstrasse  87,  Germany. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


POLITICAL  REVOLUTION  IN 
FRANCE 

EVEN  more  startling  than  the  over- 
throw of  Premier  Poincare,  as  a  re- 
sult of  the  last  French  parliamenta'ry 
elections,  has  been  the  resignation  of  the 
President  of  the  French  Eepublic,  M. 
Alexandre  Millerand.  Forced  out  of  his 
high  office  by  the  uncompromising  hos- 
tility of  the  new  majority  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  the  withdrawal  of  the  French 
President  marks  a  veritable  political  revo- 
lution in  France. 

The  Presidential  Crisis 

On  June  1,  the  day  on  which  the  new 
chamber  was  to  convene  for  the  first  time, 


M.  Poincare  handed  to  M.  Millerand  the 
collective  resignation  of  himself  and  his 
cabinet.  In  the  morning  of  that  day  the 
Radical  and  Socialist-Radical  groups  met 
in  conference  and  adopted  the  following 
resolution : 

The  group  of  deputies,  members  of  the  Re- 
publican Radical  and  Socialist-Radical  Party, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  M,  Alexandre  Miller- 
and, President  of  the  Republic,  contrary  to 
the  spirit  of  the  constitution,  has  pursued  a 
personal  policy  and  has  openly  sided  with  the 
Bloc  National,  a  policy  which  has  been  con- 
demned by  the  country,  considers  that  M.  Mil- 
lerand's  remaining  at  the  Elys§e  would  be  an 
insult  to  republican  feeling  and  would  be  a 
source  of   conflict   between   the   government 


lOU 


WORLD   PROBLEMS  IN   REVIEW 


395 


and  the  chief  of  the  State  and  a  constant 
danger  to  the  regime  itself. 

The  battle  for  the  ousting  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic  was  on. 

The  chamber  met  in  the  afternoon  of 
that  day.  Three  days  later  M.  Painleve 
was  elected  President  of  the  Chamber, 
and  his  colleagues  of  the  Left  Bloc  began 
their  campaign  for  elevating  him  to  the 
Elysee  Palace  and  the  presidency  of  the 
Eepublic. 

On  June  5  M.  Edouard  Herriot,  the 
acknowledged  leader  of  the  Left  Bloc,  was 
invited  to  the  Elysee  Palace  and  requested 
by  President  Millerand  to  form  a  cabinet. 
M.  Herriot  declined  the  offer  on  the 
ground  that  he  could  not  form  a  govern- 
ment acceptable  to  the  new  chamber  as 
long  as  M.  Millerand  remained  head  of 
the  State.  The  following  communique 
was  issued  by  the  Elysee  Palace  after  the 
interview : 

In  conformity  with  the  advice  of  the  Presi- 
dents of  the  Senate  and  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  the  President  of  the  Republic  in- 
vited M.  Herriot  to  present  himself  at  the 
Elys4e.  After  explaining  to  him  in  broad 
outline  the  political  situation  at  home  and 
abroad,  M.  Millerand  inquired  whether  M. 
Herriot  would  be  prepared  to  aid  him  in  the 
formation  of  a  new  cabinet  with  a  view  to 
the  application  of  the  ideas  for  which  the 
electors  had  voted  at  the  recent  general  elec- 
tion. In  the  exchange  of  views  which  fol- 
lowed no  disagreement  arose  with  regard  to 
the  proposed  program. 

The  Deputy  for  the  Rh6ne  having  raised 
the  question  of  the  Presidency  of  the  Repub- 
lic, M.  Millerand  declared  that  he  was  unable 
to  discuss  a  question  the  raising  of  which 
was  forbidden  by  the  law.  The  constitution 
fixed  seven  years  as  the  duration  of  the  presi- 
dential mandate.  Called  to  the  Elys6e  for 
seven  years,  the  President  considered  it  his 
duty  towards  the  Republic  and  France  to 
remain  there  until  the  expiration  of  the  legal 
period  of  his  mandate.  M.  Millerand  is  re- 
solved to  do  all  in  his  iwwer  to  assure  respect 
for  the  constitution  and  to  avoid  creating  a 
precedent  the  peril  of  which  cannot  be 
measured.  Without  explaining  his  reason,  M. 
Herriot  simply  repled  that,  personally,  he 
aid  not  believe  it  was  possible  for  him  to 
accept  the  mission  which  the  President  had 
been  good  enough  to  offer  him. 


Compelled  to  look  in  a  different  direc- 
tion, President  Millerand  entrusted  the 
formation  of  a  ministry  to  M.  Francois- 
Marsal,  who  had  held  the  post  of  Minister 
of  Finance  in  the  last  Poincare  cabinet. 
The  new  ministry  failed  to  receive  the  con- 
fidence of  the  chamber  at  its  very  first 
appearance,  and  on  June  11,  exactly  one 
month  after  the  fateful  elections,  Presi- 
dent Millerand  resigned  his  office. 

New  President  and  His  Cabinet 

On  the  following  day  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  and  the  Senate  met  as  a  Na- 
tional Assembly  to  select  a  successor  to 
M.  Millerand.  It  was  at  this  point  that 
the  hitherto  triumphal  march  of  the  Left 
Bloc  received  its  first  serious  setback.  The 
National  Assembly,  contrary  to  the  ex- 
pectations of  the  Left  leaders,  rejected 
their  candidate  for  the  presidency.  M. 
Painleve  failed  to  obtain  the  necessary 
majority,  and  M.  Gaston  Doumergue, 
President  of  the  Senate,  was  elected 
President  of  the  French  Republic. 

In  spite  of  this  setback,  however,  there 
was  nothing  left  for  M.  Herriot  to  do  but 
accept  the  offer  of  the  new  President  to 
form  a  cabinet,  which  was  constituted  as 
follows : 

Premier  and  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  Eduord  Herriot ;  Minister  of  War, 
General  Maurice  Nollet;  Minister  of  Jus- 
tice, Rene  Renoult;  Minister  of  the  In- 
terior, Camille  Chautemps;  Minister  of 
Finance,  Etienne  Clementel;  Minister  of 
the  Navy,  Jacques  Dumesnil;  Minister  of 
Commerce,  M.  Raynaldy;  Minister  of 
Public  Works,  Victor  Peytral;  Minister  of 
Education,  Francois  Albert;  Minister  of 
Labor  and  Health,  Justin  Godart; 
Minister  of  the  Colonies,  Edouard  Dal- 
adier;  Minister  of  Pensions,  Edouard 
Bovier-Lapierre ;  Minister  of  Agriculture, 
H.  Queuille;  Minister  of  Liberated 
Regions,  Victor  Dalbiez.  The  Under 
Secretaries  are:  Posts  and  Telegraphs, 
Pierre  Robert;  Merchant  Marine,  Leon 
Meyer;  Aviation,  Laurent  Eynac;  Tech- 
nical Instruction,  Vincent  de  Moro- 
Giafferi 

This  cabinet  was  finally  presented  to 
the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  the  most 
dramatic  political  crisis  in  the  recent  his- 
tory of  the  Third  Republic  was  at  an  end. 


396 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


The  Policy  of  the  Herriot  Government 

The  overthrow  of  Premier  Poincare  and 
the  forced  resignation  of  President  Mil- 
lerand  do  not  signify  a  sharp  turn  in  the 
major  aspects  of  France's  State  policies. 
The  new  rulers  of  the  Eepublic  are  con- 
cerned particularly  at  the  present  juncture 
with  putting  a  new  spirit,  rather  than  a 
new  substance,  into  the  policies  of  their 
country. 

In  internal  policies  the  measures  which 
they  propose  to  advocate  may  be  sum- 
marized as  follows : 

Abolition  of  the  "decree  laws." 

Eestoration  of  the  match  monopoly. 

A  general  amnesty  (except  for  persons 
convicted  of  treason  and  persons  who  have 
evaded  military  service). 

Reinstatement  of  railway  workers  dis- 
missed  during  strikes. 

Abolition  of  the  embassy  to  the  Vatican. 

Strict  application  of  the  Separation  Act 
in  regard  to  religious  associations. 

Reduction  of  the  period  of  military  serv- 
ice by  the  establishment  of  a  new  system. 

In  the  matter  of  finance  an  inventory 
must  be  made  of  the  whole  financial  situa- 
tion as  left  by  the  late  government  in  re- 
gard to  both  the  budget  and  the  treasury. 
This  inventory  must  be  made  before  the 
new  government  produces  its  first  budget. 
The  principle  of  a  balance  of  the  budget 
is  reaffirmed.  The  income  tax  must  be 
the  basis  of  any  really  democratic  fiscal 
system.  Direct  taxes  should  be  revised 
so  as  to  lessen  the  burden  on  the  consumer, 
and  the  turn-over  tax  should  be  reduced. 
Administrative  reforms  should  be  carried 
out  in  order  to  reduce  expenditure. 

Other  measures  in  domestic  policy  in- 
cluded :  Revocation  of  the  Berard  Educa- 
tion Decree  (which  favored  classical  edu- 
cation) ;  the  defense  of  the  eight-hour  day 
for  workpeople ;  the  grant  to  State  servants 
of  the  right  to  form  trade  unions. 

In  foreign  affairs,  the  aim  of  the  new 
government  is,  in  M.  Herriot's  own  words, 
"a  general  organization  of  world  peace, 
under  which  France  would  resume  her 
traditional  role  of  good  will  and  magna- 
nimity." Specifically,  this  means  earnest 
effort  along  the  following  six  lines : 

1.  Settlement  of  the  reparation  prob- 
lem in  accordance  with  the  plans  drawn 
up  by  the  Committees  of  Experts,  provided 


that  Germany  accepts  these  plans  unre- 
servedly. 

2.  Close  rapprochement  and  collabora- 
tion with  Great  Britain. 

3.  Recognition  of  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment in  Russia. 

4.  Opposition  to  Italy's  pretensions  to 
a  control  of  the  Mediterranean,  as  advo- 
cated by  Premier  Mussolini, 

5.  Continued  friendship  with  the  new 
States  of  Central  Europe  in  and  out  of 
the  Little  Entente,  with  the  view,  however, 
mainly  to  helping  their  stabilization. 

6.  Strengthening  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  including,  perhaps,  a  substantial 
reformation  of  that  institution. 

On  June  19  Premier  Herriot  appeared 
before  the  chamber  with  a  declaration 
substantially  embodying  the  more  impor- 
tant elements  of  this  program  and  ob- 
tained that  body's  confidence  by  a  very 
large  vote. 


GERMANY  AND  THE  EXPERTS' 
REPORTS 

FOR  a  whole  month  following  the  last 
©lections  to  the  German  Reichstag  the 
political  situation  of  Germany  was  domi- 
nated by  a  ministerial  crisis.  In  this  crisis 
the  center  of  the  whole  picture  was  occu- 
pied by  the  attitude  of  the  various  political 
groups  in  Germany  toward  the  problem  of 
an  acceptance  or  rejection  of  the  Experts' 
Reports. 

Resignation   and   Return   of   the   Marx   Cabinet 

The  elections  of  May  4  resulted  in  the 
following  composition  of  the  Reichstag : 

Number  of 
seats  in 
the  new 

Reichstag. 

Social  Democrats 100 

German  Nationalists 95 

Center  (Catholic) 65 

Communists 62 

German  People's  Party 45 

Freedom  Party 32 

Democrats   28 

Bavarian  People's  Party 16 

Bavarian  Peasants'  Party 10 

Land  Union lO 

German  Social  Party 4 

Hanoverians   5 

Total  472 


192J^ 


WORLD   PROBLEMS  IN   REVIEW 


397 


Though  faced  with  the  fact  of  the  sub- 
stantial strengthening  of  both  extremes 
at  the  expense  of  the  Center,  Chancellor 
Marx  decided  at  first  to  remain  in  power 
until  May  28,  on  which  day  the  new 
Eeichstag  was  to  convene  for  the  first 
time,  in  the  meantime  making  strenuous 
efforts  to  effect  some  sort  of  a  combination 
with  the  powerful  parties  of  the  Eight, 
which  would  constitute  a  basis  for  a  new 
government.  His  efforts  in  this  direction 
failed,  however,  and  on  May  26  the  chan- 
cellor tendered  his  resignation. 

The  president  of  the  Eeich  requested  the 
resigning  cabinet  to  carry  on  the  govern- 
ment pending  the  convocation  of  the 
Eeichstag,  and  the  resignation  actually  did 
not  take  effect  until  some  days  after  it  had 
been  tendered.  The  Eeichstag  met  on 
May  28  and  demonstrated  its  spirit  by 
electing  as  its  presiding  officer  Herr  Max 
Wallraff,  former  burgomaster  of  Cologne 
and  a  prominent  member  of  the  Nation- 
alist Party. 

The  negotiations  for  a  new  coalition 
ministry  continued  for  a  whole  week  after 
the  convocation  of  the  Eeichstag  and 
merely  resulted  in  a  resumption  of  power 
by  Dr.  Marx.  On  June  4  Chancellor 
Marx  presented  his  cabinet  to  the  new 
Eeichstag.  It  was  constituted  exactly  as 
had  been  the  last  Marx  cabinet,  with 
which  the  chancellor  had  dissolved  the 
Eeichstag  two  months  earlier. 

The  Attitude  of  the  German  Industrialists 

The  success  or  failure  of  the  plans 
worked  out  in  the  Experts'  Eeports  de- 
pends not  only  upon  the  attitude  of  the 
German  Government,  but  in  equal  meas- 
ure upon  that  of  the  German  industrial- 
ists. And  just  as  the  government  is  di- 
vided in  its  attitude  on  the  reports,  so 
are   the   German   industrialists. 

A  group  of  German  industrialists,  or- 
ganized into  the  Association  of  German 
Industries,  have  taken  a  favorable  view 
of  the  reports.  The  Association  does  not, 
however,  by  any  means  comprise  all  of 
German  industrialists.  Soon  after  the 
association  made  its  pronouncement,  a 
meeting  was  held  at  the  Esplanade  Hotel 
in  Berlin.  This  meeting,  attended  by 
nearly  500  leaders  of  German  industries, 
adopted  a  resolution  in  which  it  con- 
demned unqualifiedly  the  Eeports  of  the 


Experts'  Committees.  It  is  their  opinion 
that  German  industries  will  go  to  pieces 
if  the  reports  are  permitted  to  become  the 
basis  of  future  reparation  payments. 

Moreover,  there  has  developed  a  con- 
siderable change  of  views  in  the  associa- 
tion itself,  many  of  its  influential  members 
revising  their  original  views  as  to  the  need 
of  adhering  to  the  reports.  The  indus- 
trialists opposed  to  the  reports,  who  had 
organized  themselves  at  the  Esplanade 
meeting  into  a  Union  of  German  In- 
dustrialists, count  upon  a  possible  split 
in  the  Association  of  German  Industries 
for  the  purpose  of  minimizing  the  effect 
of  that  body's  support  of  the  Marx- 
Stresemann  Government. 

The  Position  of  the  Marx  Cabinet 

In  his  first  speech  before  the  Eeichstag 
as  head  of  the  new  cabinet.  Chancellor 
Marx  stressed  again  the  necessity  for  Ger- 
many to  adopt  unreservedly  the  plans 
worked  out  by  the  Experts'  Committees. 
The  economic  situation  of  the  country  was 
presented  by  the  Chancellor  in  very  dark 
tints.  It  was,  he  said,  in  a  bad  way,  if  not 
a  desperate  way,  and  unless  some  allevia- 
tion was  found  for  the  credit  stringency  it 
must  collapse  altogether.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances the  government  could  perceive 
only  one  way  out  of  the  darkness,  and  that 
was  the  trail  blazed  by  the  Experts'  Eeport. 
It  had  sought  by  its  note  of  May  17  to 
find  a  practical  solution  along  those  lines. 
In  accordance  with  that  decision  it  had 
continued  the  steps  thus  initiated,  and  all 
through  the  recent  cabinet  negotiations 
it  had  not  allowed  the  preparations  to 
be  relaxed  for  a  moment.  The  organiza- 
tion committees  for  the  Gold  Note  Bank, 
the  railways,  and  the  industrial  debentures 
had  already  begun  work.  It  would  be 
their  business  to  fill  up  any  gap  in  the 
text  of  the  Experts'  Eeport  and  to  clear 
away  such  textual  differences  as  had  been 
found  to  exist.  When  these  committees 
had  come  to  an  agreement  the  government 
would  lay  before  the  proper  authority 
the  draft  laws  based  on  these  three  groups 
of  material.  Questions  relating  to  claims 
upon  the  customs  and  excise  would  have  to 
be  discussed  with  the  other  side.  There 
were  also  questions  to  be  settled  bearing 
upon  the  sphere  of  action  of  the  agents  for 
the  payment  of  reparations.     The  report. 


398 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


in  the  opinion  of  the  experts,  could  only 
be  accepted  as  a  whole,  and  the  government 
would  do  all  in  its  power  to  hasten  the 
work  in  liand.  It  counted  on  the  speedy 
co-operation  of  the  Reichstag. 

The  economic  and  financial  unity  of 
Germany,  Herr  Marx  went  on,  and  the 
sovereignty  of  the  administration  must  be 
simultaneously  restored,  because  without 
them  payments  could  not  be  made;  nor 
could  the  necessary  increased  production 
be  achieved  unless  those  who  had  been  im- 
prisoned and  banished  were  released  and 
allowed  to  return  to  their  homes.  This 
was  an  indispensable  condition.  More- 
over, on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  the 
Rhineland  agreement  must  return  into 
force  and  the  Ruhr  must  be  evacuated. 
The  experts  had  left  these  questions  only 
because  as  political  matters  they  did  not 
come  within  their  competence,  but  they 
had  made  it  plain  that  these  political  ques- 
tions must  be  settled  between  Germany 
and  the  Allied  governments,  and  the  Ger- 
man Government  would  regard  this  as 
one  of  its  first  tasks. 

Turning  to  the  Socialist  benches,  Herr 
Marx  observed  that  the  government  would 
see  to  it  that  the  burdens  of  executing  the 
report  were  placed  upon  the  shoulders  of 
the  nation  in  proportion  to  the  capacity  of 
the  various  sections  to  bear  it,  and  he  im- 
plored the  Reichstag  and  the  entire  nation 
not  to  disturb  the  painful  work  of  the  last 
few  months  by  disunion  and  internal  war- 
fare. Where,  he  asked,  would  help  come 
from  if  Germany  again  lapsed  to  the  edge 
of  the  abyss.  Foreign  nations  must  be 
made  to  see  that  Germany  was  determined 
to  tread  the  path  of  freedom,  but  foreign 
nations  must  also  bring  proof  that  they 
were  prepared  to  enter  into  an  honorable 
understanding.  Only  then  would  the  Ger- 
man people,  after  its  oft-repeated  disap- 
pointments and  humiliations,  begin  to  be- 
lieve that  a  true  and  permanent  peace  was 
at  hand. 

In  the  ensuing  debates  on  the  question 
the  Chancellor's  position  was  violently  at- 
tacked by  speakers  from  both  extremes. 


NEW  GOVERNMENT  IN  JAPAN 

THE  beginning  of  May  marked  an  im- 
portant election  campaign,  not  only 
in  Germany  and  France,  but  also  in  Japan. 


The  results  of  the  Japanese  elections  hare 
been  as  noteworthy  as  those  of  the  French 
and  have  led  to  a  complete  change  of  gov- 
ernment. The  Seiyu  Honto,  which  was 
the  government  party  at  the  time  of  the 
elections,  went  to  the  polls  with  a  work- 
ing majority  in  the  Lower  House.  It 
suffered  a  crushing  defeat,  yielding  the 
parliamentary  majority  to  a  combination 
of  three  oppositionary  parties,  the  leader 
of  the  largest  of  which,  Viscount  Takakira 
Kato,  having  been  invited  by  the  Prince 
Regent  to  form  a  new  government. 

The  Kato  Cabinet 

The  party  composition  of  the  new 
chamber  is  as  follows:  Kensaikai,  149; 
Seiyukai,  98;  Kakushin  Club,  30;  Seiyu 
Honto,  113;  Independents,  58;  others,  17, 
The  first  three  of  the  above  parties  consti- 
tute the  coalition  which  had  defeated  the 
Seiyu  Honto  Government.  Together  they 
control  277  votes,  or  a  majority  of  45. 

Viscount  Kato,  the  new  Premier,  is  the 
leader  of  the  Kensaikai  Party.  The  port- 
folios in  his  cabinet  are  distributed  among 
the  leaders  of  the  three  parties  which  con- 
stitute the  victorious  coalition. 

The  new  cabinet  is  as  follows :  Prime 
Minister,  Viscount  Takakira  Kato;  For- 
eign Minister,  Baron  Kijuro  Shidehara; 
Home  Minister,  Reijiro  Wakatsuki;  Min- 
ister of  Finance,  Yugo  Hamaguchi ;  Min- 
ister of  War,  General  Issei  Ugaki ;  Minis- 
ter of  the  Navy,  Admiral  Hyo  Takarabe; 
Justice,  Sennosuke  Yokota;  Education, 
Ryohei  Okada;  Agriculture  and  Com- 
merce, Korekiyo  Takahashi;  Communica- 
tions, Ki  Inukai;  Railways,  Mitsugu 
Sengoku. 

In  assuming  his  new  post.  Premier  Kato 
made  the  following  statement: 

My  ministry  will  contribute  to  world  peace 
by  promoting  friendly  relations  with  all 
powers,  in  pursuance  of  the  foreign  policy 
hitherto  carried  out.  My  cabinet  also  will 
undertake  domestic  reforms  in  the  interest 
of  the  whole  nation. 

It  is  stated  by  competent  observers  in 
the  Far  East  that  the  people  of  Japan 
expect  the  following  four  lines  of  policy 
from  the  new  government:  (1)  Universal 
manhood  suffrage.  (2)  The  reduction  of 
government  expenditures,  the  improve- 
ment   of    government    service,    and    the 


1924 


WORLD   PROBLEMS   IN   REVIEW 


399 


stabilization  of  the  financial  world,  em- 
phasizing retrenchment  and  the  balancing 
of  imports  and  exports.  (3)  The  re- 
demption of  the  Nation's  morale,  which  is 
now  considerably  shaken,  (4)  A  wise, 
strong  foreign  policy,  rectifying  the  immi- 
gration insult. 

In  connection  with  the  foreign  policy 
which  the  Kato  Government  is  likely  to 
follow,  the  appointment  of  Baron  Shide- 
hara  is  of  utmost  importance.  The  new 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  was  formerly 
the  Japanese  Ambassador  in  Washington, 
while  just  prior  to  his  appointment  to  the 
cabinet  he  was  in  charge  of  the  Immigra- 
tion Division  at  the  Japanese  Foreign 
Office.  His  first  statement  after  assum- 
ing his  new  office  was  as  follows: 

With  the  ministry's  change  I  am  called  to 
assume  the  direction  of  foreign  affairs.  I 
am  encouraged  by  the  thought  that,  follow- 
ing the  path  of  peace,  justice,  and  honor, 
Japan  faces  the  future  without  fear  or  mis- 
giving. 

The  world  is  being  gradually  awakened  to 
a  broader  vision  of  international  solidarity. 
The  principle  of  "live  and  let  live"  is  gaining 
wider  recognition.  The  days  of  aggression 
and  conquest  are  over.  No  policy  of  self- 
assertion  without  due  regard  to  the  rightful 
position  of  others  will  stand  the  test  of  time. 
It  is  bound  in  the  end  to  yield  to  the  adverse 
verdict  of  an  enlightened  public  opinion. 

It  is  predicted  that  Baron  Shidehara's 
presence  in  the  Kato  cabinet  will  allay  the 
fears  of  those  foreign  observers  who  have 
looked  askance  at  Viscount  Kato's  ele- 
vation to  the  premiership.  The  new 
premier  is  not  considered  particularly 
friendly  to  the  United  States  and  is 
strongly  disliked  in  China  as  the  author 
of  the  famous  twenty-one  demands. 

The  Japanese  Exclusion  Incident 

The  exchange  of  notes  between  the  gov- 
ernments of  Japan  and  the  United  States 
(the  text  of  which  appears  in  the  Interna- 
tional Documents  section  of  this  issue  of 
the  Advocate  of  Peace)  marks  the  last 
phase  of  the  incident  concerned  with  the 
passage  of  the  Japanese  Exclusion  Act. 
The  tone  of  Secretary  Hughes's  note  indi- 
cates that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  now  considers  the  whole  incident 
closed  so  far  as  diplomatic  negotiations 
are  concerned. 


THE  OVERTHROW  OF  GENERAL 

SMUTS 

WHILE  the  complete  returns  of  the 
parliamentary  elections  held  in  the 
Union  of  South  Africa  on  June  17  are 
not  at  hand  at  the  time  of  this  writing, 
the  already  known  results  indicate  clearly 
a  defeat  for  General  Smuts,  the  present 
Premier  of  the  Union.  The  elections 
were  preceded  by  an  exceedingly  bitter 
campaign,  in  which  General  Smuts  came 
in  for  so  much  adverse  criticism  that  the 
whole  question  seemed  to  be  revolving 
around  the  watchwords,  "For  Smuts"  and 
"Against  Smuts!" 

The  Reason  for  Present  Elections 

The  present  elections  in  South  Africa 
came  as  a  result  of  a  dissolution  of  the 
Parliament  by  the  Governor-General  at 
the  request  of  Premier  Smuts.  The  four- 
year  period  for  which  the  Parliament  had 
been  elected  in  1922  will  not  expire  until 
1926,  and  it  was  only  a  rather  extraordi- 
nary sequence  of  circumstances  that  forced 
General  Smuts  to  go  to  the  people  at 
this  particular  time. 

The  elections  of  1922  had  also  been 
forced  by  General  Smuts.  But  during 
that  campaign  the  issue  on  which  the 
struggle  was  carried  on  was  that  of  a 
policy  of  secession  from  the  British  Em- 
pire, advocated  by  the  Nationalist  Party, 
under  the  leadership  of  General  Hertzog. 
At  that  time  there  were  four  political 
parties  in  the  Union.  General  Smuts's 
Party,  the  South  African,  was  the  largest, 
but  it  could  rule  only  in  coalition  with 
the  Unionist  Party.  Then  came  the  Na- 
tionalist Party,  at  that  time  dominated  by 
the  separatist  elements,  and  the  Labor 
Party,  swayed  by  its  extreme  radical  wing. 

Skillfully  seizing  upon  the  dangers  pre- 
sented by  separatism  and  radicalism.  Gen- 
eral Smuts  succeeded  in  effecting  a  merger 
of  his  own  party  with  the  Unionist  Party, 
and  then  promptly  ordered  a  new  election. 
In  the  triangular  struggle  at  the  polls 
which  followed,  the  South  African  Party 
received  a  clear  majority  of  seats  in  the 
Parliament,  its  membership  exceeding  the 
combined  membership  of  the  two  opposi- 
tionary  parties  by  22. 

This  majority  seemed  to  insure  General 
Smuts  a  working  arrangement  in  the  legis- 
lature  for   the   full  term  of  four  years. 


400 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


But  during  the  past  two  years  the  con- 
tinuing economic  depression  in  the  Union 
has  led  to  a  great  deal  of  popular  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  Smuts  government. 
An  extraordinary  number  of  deaths  and 
some  other  causes  rendered  necessary  a 
very  large  number  of  by-elections  to  fill 
vacancies,  the  results  of  which  almost  in- 
variably went  against  the  South  African 
Party.  As  a  result  of  this,  the  original 
majority  of  22  dwindled  down  to  a  bare 
4,  and  when  another  by-election  reduced 
it  to  3,  General  Smuts  decided  that  the 
time  had  come  to  appeal  once  more  to  the 
electorate  of  the  country. 

Nationalist-Labor  Alliance 

Perhaps  the  most  important  element 
that  has  contributed  to  the  gradual  at- 
trition of  General  Smuts's  majority  in  the 
Parliament  has  been  a  temporary  coalition 
of  the  two  oppositionary  parties,  which 
had  been  sharply  separated  two  years  ago. 
In  effecting  this  alliance  the  two  parties 
had  to  make  certain  very  important  con- 
cessions. 

The  Labor  Party,  which  has  always 
been  strongly  anti-separatist,  but  leaned 
toward  radicalism,  has  finally  succeeded  in 
ridding  itself  of  the  more  objectionable 
extreme  elements.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Nationalist  Party  has  definitely  jettisoned 
its  secessionist  policies,  although  it  still 
contains  some  strong  separatist  elements. 
On  the  basis  of  these  two  concessions  the 
alliance  between  the  two  parties  became 
possible. 

It  was  and  still  is  frankly  an  offensive 
alliance  only.  Its  principal  aim  has  been 
the  overthrow  of  the  South  African  Party 
and  of  its  very  able,  but  somewhat  auto- 
cratic and  intolerant  leader.  This  aim 
the  united  opposition  has  achieved  in  the 
elections. 

In  the  new  Parliament  none  of  the  three 
parties  will  have  sufficient  majority  to 
rule  alone.  Under  these  circumstances 
the  Labor  Party  will  hold  the  balance  of 
power. 


THE  ANGLO-RUSSIAN  CONFER- 
ENCE 

SCANTY  and  far  between  are  the  re- 
ports on  the  progress  of  the  Anglo- 
Russian  Conference,  which  is  still  going 


on  in  London.  The  sessions  of  the  con- 
ference take  place  behind  closed  doors, 
and  the  world  learns  of  what  is  going  on 
only  from  official  communiques  issued  by 
the  conference.  The  general  tenor  of 
these  communiques  indicates  that  the 
progress  made  so  far  is  far  from  substan- 
tial, and  that  the  prospects  of  a  more  or 
less  complete  and  comprehensive  settle- 
ment of  the  outstanding  differences  be- 
tween the  British  and  the  Soviet  govern- 
ments are  still  more  or  less  illusory. 

Scope  of  the   Conference 

The  conference  has  come  as  the  direct 
result  of  the  recognition  extended  to  the 
Soviet  Government  of  Russia  by  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald's  cabinet  as  one  of  its  first  official 
acts.  The  recognition  itself,  while  in 
effect  unconditional  and  complete,  im- 
plied in  its  very  terms  the  need  of  an 
understanding  between  the  two  govern- 
ments on  a  large  number  of  fundamental 
issues  before  normal  relations  could  in 
fact  be  resumed  between  Russia  and  Great 
Britain. 

These  unsettled  issues  involve  consider- 
ations both  of  political  and  economic 
nature.  As  far  as  the  political  aspects  are 
concerned,  the  most  important  question 
is  that  of  the  treaties  which  were  in  force 
between  the  two  countries  prior  to  the 
overturn  of  the  last  internationally  recog- 
nized government  in  Russia.  In  extend- 
ing recognition  to  the  Soviet  Government, 
the  British  Cabinet  stated  that  it  assumed 
that  all  these  treaties,  save  those  that  have 
already  lapsed,  would  automatically  re- 
sume their  force.  An  examination  of  the 
treaty  obligations  between  the  two  coun- 
tries therefore  becomes  imperative,  and 
a  subcommittee  of  the  conference  is  still 
at  work  studying  this  intricate  question. 

As  for  the  economic  aspects,  the  whole 
question  of  the  repudiation  by  the  Soviet 
Government  of  Russia's  obligations  to 
Great  Britain  and  her  citizens  is  involved. 
The  Russian  delegation  has  asked  for  a 
detailed  presentation  of  the  British  claims 
against  Russia  and  thousands  of  such 
claims  have  been  turned  in  to  the  confer- 
ence. 

The  Problem  of  Russian  Credit 

Vitally  connected  with  the  question  of 
Russia's  existing  financial  obligations  is 


198^ 


WORLD   PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


401 


the  problem  of  Eussian  credit.  It  is  uni- 
versally understood  that  the  real  reason 
for  the  London  conference,  so  far  as 
Eussia  is  concerned,  is  the  probability  of 
her  obtaining  credits  in  Great  Britain. 
The  Eussian  delegation  came  to  London  in 
the  hope  that  it  may  induce  the  Labor 
Government  of  Great  Britain  to  extend 
large  credits  to  Eussia  on  its  own  account, 
in  the  same  manner  that  loans  were 
granted  during  the  war.  The  British 
Government  has  however  made  it  perfectly 
clear  that  Eussia  cannot  expect  any  gov- 
ernment loans,  but  that  if  any  credits  are 
to  be  extended  to  Eussia  these  must  come 
from  private  banking  interests. 

In  view  of  this,  the  memorandum  of  the 
leading  British  bankers,  presented  to 
Premier  MacDonald  on  the  eve  of  the  con- 
ference (the  text  of  which  will  be  found 
in  the  International  Documents  section  of 
this  issue  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace) 
assumes  special  significance.  Of  equal 
significance  is  the  Eussian  attitude  to  the 
terms  laid  down  by  the  British  bankers. 
This  attitude  is  excellently  illustrated  by 
the  following  excerpts  from  a  speech  re- 
cently delivered  in  Moscow  by  Gregory 
Zinoviev,  one  of  the  most  prominent 
leaders  of  the  Soviet  regime: 

If  this  piece  of  paper  (the  Bankers'  Memo- 
randum) is  to  be  taken  seriously,  then  the 
Anglo-Soviet  Conference  may  straightway  be 
regarded  as  doomed.  .  .  .  What  is  de- 
manded is,  in  effect,  that  we  should  change 
our  regime.  It  is  not  a  question  which  we 
would  be  likely  to  discuss  seriously.  We  have 
not  fought  the  foreign  bourgeoisie  for  several 
years  in  order  to  change  our  government  at 
the  dictates  of  half  a  dozen  bankers.  We 
have  to  do  with  bankers  ourselves.  There 
were  a  good  few  of  them  in  Russia.  Some  of 
them  have  survived  and  are  working  up  to 
the  present  time  in  Soviet  departments,  use- 
fully serving  the  Soviet  Government  and  par- 
ticipating in  the  discussions  on  the  currency 
reforms.  Possibly  in  England,  also,  some  of 
these  brainless  bankers  will  in  good  time 
render  similar  service  to  the  British  working 
class,  but  with  us,  needless  to  say,  none  of 
these  questions  will  be  discussed  seriously. 

However,  if  the  memorandum  represents 
their  last  word,  the  spring  conference  of  1924 
may  be  regarded  as  abortive.  Possibly  it 
will,  indeed,  prove  to  be  so.     We  have  never 


entertained  any  illusions  as  to  the  desires  of 
Messrs.  the  British  Bankers.     .    .     . 

The  bankers  demand  that  we  should  recog- 
nize for  all  future  time  the  principle  of  pri- 
vate property,  at  all  events  in  so  far  as  re- 
lates to  foreigners.  They  want  us  to  guaran- 
tee that  the  capital  which  they  may  invest  in 
Russia  shall  be  inviolate  forever.  Isn't  this 
ridiculous  after  the  Russian  revolution? 
They  gave  a  goodly  number  of  millions  in 
loans  to  the  Russian  Tsar  and  the  Russian 
bourgeoisie.  And  they  were  told  by  the  Rus- 
sian Tsar  and  the  Russian  bourgeoise  not 
only  that  there  would  be  no  propaganda  of 
the  Third  International,  but  that  the  prin- 
ciple of  private  property  would  be  held  for- 
ever sacred,  inviolate,  &c.  But  what  came  of 
all  that?  Did  these  guarantees  help  them? 
It  might  have  been  thought  that  they  would 
have  learned  sufficient  from  that  experience 
not  to  demand  from  us  what  the  Russian 
bourgeoisie  and  the  Russian  Tsar  could  not 
guarantee  them.  But,  joking  apart,  it  may 
be  said  that  real  guarantees  for  the  invest- 
ment of  foreign  capital  at  the  present  moment 
are  only  to  be  had  in  Soviet  Russia,  with  the 
Soviet  Government,  for  our  government  is 
confessed  by  the  most  intelligent  foreigners 
to  be  the  most  stable  government  in  the 
world. 

Of  course,  we  will  not  execute  the  obliga- 
tions of  Nicholas  and  Miliukoff.  It  was  to 
disembarrass  ourselves  of  all  this  that  we 
made  the  revolution ;  but  our  own  obligations 
we  shall  carry  out.  At  the  present  moment 
all  countries  are  more  or  less  on  the  verge  of 
revolution.  Our  country  has  got  through  the 
revolutionary  stage,  and  therefore,  from  the 
standpoint  of  serious  capitalists,  the  invest- 
ment of  capital  in  concessions  or  in  any  other 
form  is  safe  business.  Of  course,  they  run  a 
risk  of  a  European  revolution,  but  if  they  lose 
their  heads  they  won't  worry  about  their  hair. 
And  if  a  workers'  government  is  really  formed 
in  England,  why,  then,  of  course,  their  busi- 
nesses will  be  burnt  and  their  capital  "bust." 
This  risk  remains,  and  no  guarantee,  even  of 
the  Third  International,  can  avail  against  it, 
for  the  proletarian  revolution  would  surge 
over  its  head  even  should  it  ever  contemplate 
attempting  to  restrain  it.  Apart  from  this, 
I  am  informed  that  the  Third  International 
is  not  only  unprepared  to  give  a  guarantee 
that  there  will  be  no  revolution,  but  is  even 
ready  to  guarantee  the  contrary. 


402 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


If  this  remains  the  official  and  unalter- 
able attitude  toward  the  whole  matter  on 
the  part  of  the  Soviet  regime,  then  the 
resolution,  recently  moved  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  that  the  Anglo-Soviet  negotiations 
be  immediately  brought  to  a  close,  acquires 
a  greater  pertinency  than  the  leaders  of 
the  government  party  in  the  British  Par- 
liament have  been  willing  to  accord  it. 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  DENMARK 

FOLLOWING  the  general  elections, 
held  in  Denmark  on  April  11,  the 
Liberal  Left  cabinet,  presided  over  by 
Premier  N,  Neergaard,  resigned  on  April 
23,  and  on  the  same  date  the  leader  of  the 
Social  Democratic  parliamentary  group, 
M.  Stauning,  formed  a  new  Social  Demo- 
cratic cabinet  as  follows : 

M.  T.  A.  M.  Stauning,  Premier  and 
Minister  for  Industry,  Trade,  and  Ship- 
ping; Count  Carl  Moltke,  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs;  M.  F.  H.  J.  Borgbjerg, 
Social  Minister;  M.  C.  N.  Hauge,  Minis- 
ter for  Home  Affairs;  M.  L.  Easmussen, 
Minister  of  Defense;  Eev.  P.  Dahl, 
Ecclesiastical  Minister;  M.  J.  Friis- 
Skotte,  Minister  of  Public  Works;  Mad- 
ame Nina  Bang,  Minister  of  Education; 
M.  C.  V.  Bramsnges,  Minister  of  Finance ; 
M.  K.  K.  V.  Steincke,  Minister  of  Jus- 
tice; M.  K.  M.  Bording,  Agricultural 
Minister. 

Messrs.  Stauning,  Borgbjerg,  Hauge, 
Easmussen,  Friis-Skotte,  and  Bording  are 
all  members  of  the  Folketing  (lower 
house).  Count  Moltke  is  a  professional 
diplomatist  and  was  Danish  Minister  in 
Washington  from  1908  to  1912,  and  has 
since  been  Danish  Minister  in  Berlin.  All 
the  other  new  cabinet  ministers,  including 
Madame  Bang,  are  members  of  the 
Landsting  (upper  house).  Madame  Bang, 
M.  A.  (Copenhagen  University),  is  the 
first  woman  to  hold  cabinet  rank  in  Den- 
mark. 

Attempts   to   Control   Currency   Fluctuations 

At  the  beginning  of  March  the  Danish 
Government  embodied  in  a  series  of  bills 
its  proposals  for  the  improvement  and 
stabilization  of  the  Danish  krone.  Two 
of  the  bills  were  passed  before  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Eigsdag,  and  one  of  these 
provided  for  the  establishment  of  a  cur- 


rency central  to  supervise  dealings  in 
foreign  currency  as  from  March  29.  The 
bill  remains  in  force  until  March  31,  1925. 

According  to  the  act,  the  purpose  of 
the  currency  central  is  to  follow  the  de- 
velopment of  the  currency  market  and,  if 
deemed  necessary,  to  make  recommenda- 
tions to  the  Minister  of  Commerce  as  to 
such  measures  as  may  be  considered  likely 
to  improve  the  value  of  the  krone. 

Immediately  after  the  passing  of  the 
act,  regulations  were  issued  under  it  re- 
quiring all  those  in  possession  of  foreign 
currency,  which  was  not  of  a  lower  equiva- 
lent value  than  5,000  Danish  kroner,  cal- 
culated at  the  rate  quoted  on  March  31, 
to  supply  the  currency  central  with  in- 
formation as  to  the  extent  of  their  hold- 
ings of  such  currency  and  other  credits, 
both  at  home  and  abroad. 

Dealings  in  foreign  currency  may  only 
be  made  through  the  equalization  fund, 
the  Danish  National  Bank,  the  four  lead- 
ing private  banks  in  Copenhagen,  and 
such  other  banks  and  brokers  as  are 
authorized  by  the  currency  central. 

Other  Fiscal  Measures  Undertaken 

The  Danish  Eigsdag  has  passed  a  gov- 
ernment proposal  extending  until  the  end 
of  December,  1924,  the  bill  exempting  the 
national  bank  from  the  obligation  to  re- 
deem its  notes  in  gold. 

This  prolongation  has  been  granted  on 
the  understanding  that  continued  efforts 
are  made  to  reduce  the  note  circulation 
so  as  to  prepare  for  the  eventual  resump- 
tion of  gold  redemption. 

While  the  proposal  was  before  the 
Eigsdag  it  was  pointed  out  in  a  parlia- 
mentary report  that  the  note  circulation 
at  the  end  of  March  was  about  200  mil- 
lion kroner  below  the  highest  point 
reached,  which  was  about  600  million 
kroner. 

The  Eigsdag  has  also  passed  a  new  bill 
authorizing  the  Minister  of  Finance  to 
mint  new  small  coins  for  circulation 
within  the  country  only,  and  designed  to 
counteract  the  heavy  losses  incurred 
through  the  obligation  to  redeem  Danish 
coin  minted  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Scandinavian  Convention  and  accumu- 
lated in  Sweden  mainly  as  a  consequence 
of  smuggling.  The  convention  is  to  be 
modified  accordingly. 


NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT  OF  THE 

BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS  OF  THE 

AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


MINUTES  OF  THE  MEETING 

THE  ninety-sixth  annual  meeting  of 
the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society  was  held  at  the  Cosmos 
Club,  Washington,  D.  C,  Friday,  May  23, 
1924. 

Dr.  George  W.  White  presided,  in  the 
absence  of  President  Andrew  J.  Mon- 
tague, who  was  detained  in  the  Congress. 

Letters  were  read  from  absent  mem- 
bers as  follows:  Congressman  Burton, 
Dr.  Claxton,  H.  C.  Morris,  Dr.  Stocking, 
and  Professor  Eamsay. 

It  was  announced  that  Prof.  William 
Ernest  Hocking,  Alford  Professor  of 
Philosophy,  Harvard  University,  would 
speak  in  the  evening  at  the  President's 
church,  the  First  Congregational,  corner 
of  Tenth  and  G  streets,  at  8  o'clock  p.  m., 
under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Peace 
Society;  that  the  subject  of  the  address 
would  be  "Immanuel  Kant  and  the  For- 
eign Policies  of  Nations,"  and  that  Dr. 
James  Brown  Scott,  one  of  the  Honorary 
Vice-Presidents  of  the  Society,  would 
preside. 

In  the  absence  of  Governor  Montague. 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan  read  the  presi- 
dent's report  as  follows: 

REPORT  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

To  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society: 
Under  the  provisions  of  the  Society's 
Constitution,  your  President  respectfully 
submits  the  following  report  for  the  fiscal 
year  1923-24: 

YOUR  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 

Your  Executive  Committee  has  held 
nine  regular  meetings  and  two  special 
meetings  during  the  year.  For  this 
period  the  number  of  employed  officers 
has  not  changed.  Mr.  Arthur  Deerin 
Call  has  continued  as  Secretary  of  the 
American  Peace  Society  and  as  Editor  of 
the  Advocate  of  Peace,  and  Mr.  Leo 
Pasvolsky  as  Associate  Editor.  Mr.  W.  I. 
Smalley  has  served  during  the  year  as 
Assistant  Secretary  and  Assistant  Treas- 


urer. The  names  of  all  our  officers  will 
appear  elsewhere  in  this  official  report. 

Thanks  to  the  services  of  Mrs.  Arthur 
D.  Call,  our  library  books  continue  to  be 
catalogued,  and  our  many  pamphlets,  col- 
lected during  the  years,  are  also  at  last  be- 
ing made  serviceable  by  the  same  system. 
If  it  were  not  for  Mrs.  Call,  we  should 
have  to  employ  not  only  a  librarian,  but 
aid  also  for  mailing  and  other  duties, 
without  which  our  expanding  work  could 
not  go  on.  Mrs.  Call  volunteered  her 
services  in  an  emergency.  These  services, 
continued  with  no  little  regularity  during 
the  year,  are  deeply  appreciated  by  your 
committee. 

We  regret  to  record  that  Jackson  H. 
Ralston  and  his  wife  have  left  for  their 
permanent  home  in  Palo  Alto,  California. 
The  regret  consists  in  the  fact  that  we  are 
to  lose  from  our  regular  meeting  a  faith- 
ful, informed,  and  most  useful  member. 
The  officers  of  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety gave  a  luncheon  May  8,  at  the  Cos- 
mos Club,  Washington,  in  honor  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Ralston. 

DEATH   OF  JAMES   L.  SLAYDEN 

It  was  with  profound  sorrow  that  the 
officers  of  the  American  Peace  Society 
learned  of  the  death,  February  24,  1924, 
of  one  of  its  Vice-Presidents,  for  many 
years  a  member  of  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee, and  President  of  the  American 
Peace  Society  from  1917  to  1920,  Honor- 
able James  L.  Slayden,  of  San  Antonio, 
Texas.  Mr.  Slayden  was  a  member  of 
the  United  States  House  of  Representa- 
tives from  1897  to  1919,  and  throughout 
his  career  he  showed  a  constant,  intel- 
ligent, and  devoted  interest  in  the  promo- 
tion of  a  better  understanding  between 
nations.  His  passing  from  the  earth  left 
not  only  a  profound  sorrow  among  a 
world-wide  circle  of  friends,  it  meant  a 
distinct  loss  to  the  cause  of  a  righteous 
peace  between  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

THE  FINANCES  OF  THE  SOCIETY 

Since  the  last  annual  meeting  fifty  per- 
sons have  contributed  $5.00  or  over  to  the 


403 


404 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


work  of  the  Society, 
were: 

Dr.  L.  A.  Bauer 
A.  T.  Bell 
Mrs.  H.  A.  Brayton 
Miss  B.  G.  Brooks 
David   S.   Carll 
Robert  Cluett 
Everett  O.   Fisk 
Mrs.  Louis  H.  Fitch 
W.  W.  Foster 
John  B,  Garrett 
William  P.  Gest 
John  M.  Glenn 
Mrs.  Juliet  W.  Hill 
Miss  Susan  B.  Hoag 
Mrs.  F.  Holsinger 
Mrs.  H.  G.  Howard 
Richard  O.  Jenkinson 
George  M.  Kober 
Joseph  Lee 
Elizabeth  C.  Lewis 
A.  L.  Lincoln 
Mary  W.  Lippincott 
Wm.  E.  Mann 
Mrs.  J.  A.  McArthur 


These  contributors 

James  McGrath 
Mrs.  Philip  N.  Moore 
Adelbert  Moot 
Robert  S.  Morison 
Henry  C.  Morris 
W.  H.  Parsons 
A.  E.  Pillsbury 
L.  H.  Pillsbury 
Joseph  Price 
Judge  Henry  Rogers 
Wm.  H.  Schroder 
Thomas  W.  Sidwell 
E.  J.  Siller 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
WiUiam  O.  Stoddard 
Fannie   T.    Sturgis 
Ada  K.  Terrell 
William  Thum 
William  O.  Tufts 
H.  S.  Walter 
Mary  H.  Williams 
Arthur  Deerin   Call 
Leo  Pasvolsky 


The  report  of  Greorge  W.  White,  Treas- 
urer of  the  Society,  is  before  us.  Com- 
paring this  with  the  Treasurer's  report  of 
last  year,  it  will  be  noted  that  special  sub- 
scriptions to  the  Advocate  of  Peace 
have  increased,  as  has  the  income  from 
reserve  fund  investments.  Our  disburse- 
ments under  our  Department  of  Home 
Office  show  a  decrease  of  over  $1,300.00. 
The  Department  of  Field  Work  shows  an 
increase  of  about  $850,00.  Disburse- 
ments by  the  Department  of  Publications 
fell  off  by  $4,874.85.  The  year's  tem- 
porary investment  purchases  have  been 
less  by  $5,000,  but  our  permanent  reserve 
fund  investments  at  par  value  have  in- 
creased $3,000.00.  Cash  on  hand  at  the 
end  of  the  year  exceeds  that  of  last  year 
by  about  $3,000.00. 

While  these  facts  are  far  from  discour- 
aging, the  business  of  the  Society,  in  the 
light  of  the  work  to  be  done,  is  on  a  far 
too  limited  scale.  Every  social  agency 
needs  more  funds.  The  American  Peace 
Society  is  no  exception. 

THE  PERMANENT  PEACE  FUND 

The  Society  has  received  from  Thomas 
H.  Russell,  Esquire,  of  Eussell,  Moore 
&  Russell,  27  State  Street,  Boston,  Massa- 


chusetts, a  letter  under  date  of  May  15, 
1924,  as  follows: 

My  Deab  Mb.  Call: 

Replying  to  your  favor  of  the  9th,  would 
say  that  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Trus- 
tees of  the  Permanent  Peace  Fund,  held 
yesterday,  the  Trustees  voted,  as  has  been 
our  custom  for  many  years,  to  turn  over  to 
the  American  Peace  Society  the  net  income 
for  the  year,  amounting  to  $6,693.32,  as 
shown  by  our  report  to  your  Society  for  the 
year  May  1,  1923,  to  May  1,  1924,  which  I 
enclose  herewith.  We  sent  you  check  on 
June  29,  1923,  for  $1,000  on  account,  as  you 
may  remember,  leaving  a  balance  of  $5,693.32. 
I  take  pleasure  in  enclosing  check  for  that 
amount.  Will  you  kindly  have  your  Treas- 
urer sign  and  return  the  enclosed  receipt? 
Sincerely  yours, 
(Signed)  Thomas  H.  Russell. 

The  report  referred  to  in  this  letter  is 
as  follows : 

Boston,  May,  1924. 

To  the  American  Peace  Society: 

The  Treasurer  of  the  Trustees  of  the 
Permanent  Peace  Fund  submits  the  follow- 
ing annual  report  for  the  period  May  1, 
1923,  to  May  1,  1924 : 

Gross  income  received  by  the  Trus- 
tees from  real  estate,  bonds, 
stocks,  and  all  other  investments  $9,333.07 

Gross  expenses  paid  for  repairs  and 
taxes  on  real  estate,  salary  of 
bookkeeper  and  agents,  telephone, 
office  rent,  supplies,  stationery, 
safe-deposit  box,  insurance,  serv- 
ices of  Trustees  attending  meet- 
ings and  expenses,  etc 2,639 .  75 

Net  income  from  the  fund  for  the 
year    6,693.32 

Paid  to  the  American  Peace  Society 
on  general  account  of  income  on 
June  29,   1923 1,000.00 

Balance  of  net  income  for  the  year 
to  be  paid  to  the  American  Peace 
Society   5,693.32 

Check  herewith  to  the  order  of  the  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society  in  full  payment  for  bal- 
ance of  income  to  date. 

Respectfully  submitted, 
(Signed)  Thomas  H.  Russell, 

Treasurer. 

THE  ACTIVITIES  OF  OUR  SECRETARY 

There  are  certain  activities  that  our 
Secretary  may  not  wish  to  emphasize  per- 


192  Jf 


NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT 


405 


sonally,  but  which  should  be  recorded. 
He  attended  the  sessions  of  the  Academy 
of  International  Law  at  The  Hague 
throughout  its  first  semester,  in  July  and 
August,  1923.  He  has  been  certified  by 
the  Academy. 

As  Executive  Secretary  of  the  Ameri- 
can Group  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  he  attended  the  sessions  of  the 
Twenty-first  International  Conference  of 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  at  Copen- 
hagen, Denmark,  August  13-18,  1933. 

While  in  Europe  he  made  a  special  trip 
to  Paris,  upon  the  request  of  the  special 
committee,  to  interview  the  owner  relative 
to  the  purchase  of  the  house,  1619  Massa- 
chusetts Avenue,  Washington,  as  a  home 
for  the  Society.  The  owner,  however,  re- 
fused the  Secretary's  offer. 

Besides  various  addresses  during  the 
year  in  the  city  of  Washington,  our  Sec- 
retary has  spoken  in  Stamford,  Connecti- 
cut; on  two  different  occasions  in  Pitts- 
burgh, Pennsylvania;  Fort  Humphreys, 
Virginia.  He  debated  with  Mr,  J.  Henry 
Scattergood,  of  Philadelphia,  the  question 
of  French  policy,  before  the  Get-together 
Club,  in  Hartford,  Connecticut;  and  the 
merits  of  the  Bok  Peace  Plan  with  its 
author.  Dr.  Charles  H.  Levermore,  before 
the  Foreign  Policy  Association  of  Boston. 
He  delivered  the  annual  address  under 
the  John  M.  Stockdale  Foundation  at 
Washington  and  Jefferson  College,  Wash- 
ington, Pennsylvania. 

The  original  edition  of  25,000  copies 
of  his  work  on  the  Federal  Convention  of 
1787  having  been  exhausted,  he  has  re- 
vised the  document,  and  a  new  edition  of 
25,000  copies  has  recently  appeared  from 
the  press  of  Eand,  McNally  &  Company, 
publishers.  Of  this  new  edition,  coming 
from  the  press  March  20,  approximately 
1,500  copies  have  at  the  time  of  this  meet- 
ing been  sold.  The  pamphlet  has  been 
praised  by  our  highest  authorities.  The 
orders  have  come  from  every  section  of 
our  country. 

He  has  entirely  rewritten  his  pamphlet. 
The  Will  to  End  War,  for  which  there  is 
also  a  wide  demand.  He  has  also  written 
and  published  a  pamphlet  on  The  Inter- 
parliamentary Union;  another  on  The 
American  Group  of  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union,  Proceedings  of  the 
Twentieth  Annual  Meeting;  and  a  third, 
entitled  The  Twenty-first  Conference  of 


the  Interparliamentary  Union  at  Copen- 
hagen. At  the  annual  meeting  of  the 
American  Group  of  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Union,  upon  motion  of  Senator  Kob- 
inson,  it  was  voted  "that  the  American 
Group  tender  to  Mr.  Call  its  thanks  for 
the  very  able  and  efficient  manner  in 
which  he  has  performed  the  duties  of 
Executive  Secretary,  and  that  he  be  re- 
quested to  continue  to  perform  them." 

Mr.  Call  completed  this  year  his  eight- 
eenth year  of  official  relations  with  the 
American  Peace  Society,  his  twelfth  as 
an  employed  officer,  and  his  ninth  as  Sec- 
retary and  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of 
Peace. 

THE  "ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE" 

The  AvocATE  of  Peace  began  its 
ninetieth  year,  January,  1924,  in  a  new 
format.  When  the  present  Editor  as- 
sumed his  duties,  nine  years  ago,  the 
Advocate  of  Peace  contained  twenty- 
four  pages,  8y2  by  11  inches,  without 
cover.  Beginning  with  the  January  num- 
ber, 1924,  the  size  of  the  magazine  was 
changed  to  63^4  by  10  inches,  its  pages  in- 
creased to  sixty-four,  and  a  cover  conso- 
nant with  magazine  practice  adopted. 

The  approval  of  the  change  has  been 
widespread  and  often  enthusiastic. 

For  the  first  time  in  its  history,  the 
magazine  has  been  placed  upon  a  limited 
number  of  news-stands,  largely  as  an  ex- 
periment. It  is  too  early  to  judge 
whether  or  not  this  news-stand  service 
will  be  extended.  While  the  sales  have 
not  been  large,  they  have  been  appreciable. 
Some  news-stands  sell  more  than  others. 
Our  editorial  office  is  making  a  study  to 
see  if  it  is  possible  to  explain  the  reasons 
for  the  differences. 

While  it  is  the  function  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society  to  extend  the  circula- 
tion of  its  magazine,  the  fact  is  that,  since 
the  Society  loses  money  on  every  subscrip- 
tion, any  appreciable  increase  in  the  cir- 
culation, in  the  absence  of  advertising  in- 
come, would  tend  to  bankrupt  the  Society. 
Thus  far  it  has  not  seemed  wise  to  alter 
our  contract  with  the  Post-Office  Depart- 
ment and  to  sell  space  in  our  magazine 
for  advertising  purposes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  about  the  in- 
creasing influence  of  this  magazine.  Its 
views  and  articles  are  reproduced,  some- 


406 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


times  in  extenso,  in  foreign  publications, 
both  in  Europe  and  the  Far  East. 

It  is  only  the  lack  of  funds  that  keeps 
the  officers  of  the  Society  from  extending 
widely  the  circulation  of  the  Advocate 
OF  Peace. 

A  PERMANENT  HOME  FOR  THE 
SOCIETY 

As  reported  last  year,  no  little  attention 
has  been  given  to  the  possibility  of  locat- 
ing the  Society  in  suitable  and  perma- 
nent headquarters.  Since  the  Society 
will  celebrate  its  one-hundredth  anni- 
versary in  1938,  it  ought  to  be  possible 
to  report  at  that  time  sufficient  funds  to 
place  the  work  of  this  ancient  Society 
upon  a  permanent  and  self-sustaining 
basis. 

The  Carnegie  Endowment  for  Interna- 
tional Peace  has  been  a  generous  sup- 
porter of  the  work  of  this  Society.  In- 
deed, the  Founder  of  the  Endowment, 
Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie,  for  many  years 
prior  to  1910,  when  the  endowment  was 
organized,  gave  personally  each  year 
$6,000  to  our  work.  Many  of  the  officers 
of  the  endowment  have  been  warm  and 
loyal  friends  to  the  American  Peace  So- 
ciety. Among  these  are  Honorable  John 
W.  Foster,  Honorable  James  L.  Slayden, 
now  no  longer  among  the  living.  Mrs. 
James  L.  Slayden  writes  that  shortly  be- 
fore his  death  Mr.  Slayden  said  to  her,  "I 
love  that  old  Society."  Fortunately  there 
are  men  still  connected  with  the  endow- 
ment sufficiently  familiar  with  our  work 
to  continue  the  friendship  and  support 
stood  for  by  these  who  are  now  no  more. 
Every  officer  of  the  American  Peace 
Society  appreciates  the  fact  that  financial 
aid  from  the  Carnegie  Endowment  has 
made  it  possible  for  the  American  Peace 
Society  to  develop  in  spite  of  the  handi- 
caps incident  to  the  World  War  and  in 
spite  of  the  bungling  of  the  peace  move- 
ment as  a  whole. 

It  would  seem  quite  within  reason,  how- 
ever, to  expect  that  by  its  one-hundredth 
anniversary  this  worthy  Society  may  be 
wholly  self-sustaining. 

All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 
Andrew  J.  Montague, 

President. 

It  was  voted  that  the  President's  report 
be  accepted,  approved,  placed  on  file,  and 
printed  in  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 


REPORT  OF  THE  SECRETARY 

To  the  Board  of  Directors  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society: 

A  REVIEW  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 
IN  AMERICA 

Dear  Sirs: 

In  a  real  sense,  the  peace  movement  of 
America  is  in  a  sorry  plight.  The  various 
peace  organizations  are  divided  against 
each  other,  sometimes,  seemingly,  with 
bitterness.  There  are  over  thirty  of  these 
organizations  in  the  United  States,  sup- 
ported by  millions  of  our  citizens,  specif- 
ically devoted  to  promoting  the  cause  of 
peace.  Their  differences  are  so  apparent 
that  business  men  are  themselves  think- 
ing of  taking  hold  of  the  problem.  One 
of  the  most  prominent  of  this  group  re- 
cently said :  "The  world  will  be  spared 
another  and  more  horrible  war  only  by 
the  intervention  of  hard-headed  business 
men,  who  are  used  to  making  successes 
out  of  erstwhile  failures."  Peace  prop- 
agandists are  weak  where  one  would  nat- 
urally expect  them  to  be  strong,  namely, 
in  co-operation. 

There  is  evidence  that  this  analysis  is 
correct.  On  the  extreme  left  of  the  peace 
movement  are  the  absolutists,  and  on  the 
extreme  right  the  militants.  The 
Women's  Peace  Society  of  New  York 
City  subscribes  to  what  has  been  called 
the  "slacker's  oath,"  namely,  "never  to 
aid  in  or  sanction  war,  offensive  or  de- 
fensive, international  or  civil,  in  any 
way — in  making  or  handling  munitions, 
subscribing  to  war  loans,  working  in  order 
to  set  others  free  for  war  service,  or  help- 
ing by  money  or  work  any  relief  organi- 
zation which  supports  or  condones  war." 
This  oath  is  accepted  by  other  women's 
organizations  and  by  the  War  Eesisters 
International,  with  headquarters  in  Lon- 
don. It  is  substantially  the  orthodox 
Quaker  position.  The  other  extreme  is, 
perhaps,  best  illustrated  by  the  American 
Defense  Society  and  by  the  Navy  League, 
primarily  concerned  to  see  that  America 
is  prepared  for  war.  Between  these  ex- 
tremes there  are  many  groups  with  many 
views  and  programs,  divergent  and  for  the 
most  part  apparently  exclusive  of  each 
other. 

Mr.  George  T.  Odell,  representing  the 
Christian  Science  Monitor,  has  recently 
made  a  study  of  the  various  peace  organi- 


1924 


NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT 


407 


zations  for  his  newspaper.     In  one  of  his 
articles  he  refers  to  them  as  follows: 

"There  is  no  questioning  the  sincerity  of 
purpose  of  these  people,  nor  the  slightest  in- 
tention to  impugn  their  motives,  but  the 
fact  remains  that,  with  all  the  good  inten- 
tions in  the  world,  they  are  not  able  to  di- 
vorce themselves  from  the  particular  creeds 
of  the  organizations  with  which  they  are 
connected  for  the  methods  of  overcoming 
war  as  an  institution  for  settling  interna- 
tional disputes.  Those  who  hold  convictions 
for  the  League  of  Nations  cannot  help  feel- 
ing that  it  would  be  a  betrayal  of  that  cause 
to  subordinate  it  for  any  other  remedy,  and 
the  same  holds  true  for  those  who  believe  in 
the  World  Court,  the  outlawry  of  war,  or 
disarmament.  It  almost  seems  as  if  the 
peace  movement  in  the  United  States  is  dead- 
locked on  those  issues." 

It  would  be  most  profitable  could  we 
understand  the  reasons  for  this  unhappy 
chaos  among  the  peace  workers.  It  is 
said  that  there  is  propaganda  against  the 
peace  movement  in  the  United  States,  and 
that  it  is  both  insidious  and  powerful. 
Mr.  Odell  tells  us  that  it  is  not  the  prop- 
aganda that  attacks  the  peace  motif,  "be- 
cause that  would  have  very  little  effect." 
It  is,  he  says,  directed  toward  splitting  up 
the  peace  movement  into  factions  and  pit- 
ting one  against  the  other,  a  maneuvering 
which  is  intended  to  dissipate  the  forces 
of  the  peace  advocates.  "It  is  these 
militarists  who  are  responsible  for  much 
of  the  mutual  suspicion  and  fear  which 
exists  in  the  peace  movement  today.  By 
denouncing  certain  organizations  as  'un- 
patriotic, passivists  and  reds  or  radicals,' 
they  have  prejudiced  leaders  of  many 
peace  organizations  and  induced  them  to 
refuse  all  co-operation." 

An  anonymous  writer,  writing  in  the 
Dearborn  Independent  of  March  22, 
states  that  "The  nations  that  are  secretly 
doing  most  in  the  name  of  military  prep- 
aration are  backing  the  Pacifist  program 
of  American  women's  organizations." 

None  of  these  statements  against  the 
militarists  in  this  country  or  abroad, 
however,  are  documented.  Your  Secre- 
tary has  no  first-hand  information  of  any 
improper  military  propaganda  and  is  not 
inclined  to  believe  that  it  exists. 

Mr.  Odell  seems  to  regret  the  anarchy 
in  the  peace  movement,  because  elsewhere 


he  remarks :  "The  amount  of  energy  that 
is  being  exerted  in  the  peace  movement  is 
sufficient  to  demolish  any  obstacle,  if  it 
can  be  focused.*' 

Some  of  the  Societies 

The  list  of  our  peace  societies  is  nat- 
urally a  fluctuating  thing.  The  latest  at- 
tempt known  to  your  Secretary,  to  classify 
these  organizations,  has  been  made  by 
Mrs.  E.  M.  Boeckel,  of  the  National 
Council  for  the  Prevention  of  War. 
With  the  aid  of  this  list  it  is  possible  to 
record : 

Group  I:  Organizations  Formed  Primarily  to 
Promote  World  Peace 

1.  American  Association  for  International 
Conciliation,  founded  in  1907,  407  West  117th 
Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

2.  Association  for  Peace  Education, 
founded  in  1923,  1010  Fine  Arts  Building, 
Chicago  111. 

3.  American  School  Citizenship  League, 
founded  in  1908,  405  Marlborough  Street, 
Boston,  Mass. 

4.  American  Peace  Society,  founded  in 
1828,  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.   C. 

5.  Association  to  Abolish  War,  founded  in 
1915,  7  Wellington  Terrace,  Brookline,  Mass. 

6.  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International 
Peace,  founded  in  1910,  2  Jackson  Place, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

7.  Church  Peace  Union,  founded  in  1914, 
70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

8.  Committee  to  Outlaw  War,  founded  in 
1920,  76  West  Monroe  Street,  Chicago,  111. 

9.  Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America,  founded  in  1908,  105  East  22d 
Street,  New  York,  N.  Y, 

10.  Fidac  (Federation  Interalli^e  des  An. 
ciens  Combattants,  American  Branch), 
founded  in  1920,  Burlington,  Vermont. 

11.  Fellowship  for  a  Christian  Social 
Order,  311  Division  Avenue,  Hasbrouck 
Heights,  N.  J. 

12.  Fellowship  of  Reconciliation,  396 
Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

13.  Foreign  Policy  Association,  founded  in 
1918,  3  West  29th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

14.  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association, 
founded  in  1906,  Antioch  College,  Yellow 
Springs,  Ohio. 

15.  Interparliamentary  Union  (American 
Branch),  founded  in  1904;  Arthur  Deerin 
Call,  Executive  Secretary,  Colorado  Build- 
ing, Washington,  D.  C. 


408 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


16.  League  of  Nations  Non-Partlsan  Asso- 
ciation, founded  in  1923,  15  West  37th  Street, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

17.  National  Council  for  Prevention  of 
War,  founded  in  1921,  532  17tli  Street,  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

18.  New  York  Council  for  International 
Co-operation  to  Prevent  War,  founded  in 
1922,  27  Barrow  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y, 

19.  Peace  Association  of  Friends  in  Amer- 
ica, founded  in  1867,  615  National  Road, 
West  Richmond,  Ind. 

20.  Peace  Committee  of  Philadelphia 
Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends,  founded  in  1915, 
304  Arch  Street,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

21.  Peace  and  Service  Committee  of  (Hick- 
site)  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting,  founded 
in  1915,  154  North  15th  Street,  Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

22.  Society  to  Eliminate  Economic  Causes 
of  War,  founded  in  1920,  Wellesley  Hills, 
Mass. 

23.  Women's  International  League  for 
Peace  and  Freedom,  founded  in  1915,  1403 
H  Street  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

24.  Women's  Peace  Society,  founded  in 
1919,  505  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

25.  Women's  Pro-League  Council  (Non- 
partisan), 303  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

26.  Women's  Peace  Union  of  the  Western 
Hemisphere,  founded  in  1921  (U.  S.  Section), 
70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

27.  Women's  Committee  for  World  Dis- 
armament, founded  in  1921,  719  Southern 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

28.  World  Alliance  for  Promoting  Inter- 
national Friendship  through  the  Churches, 
founded  in  1914,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  N.  Y. 

29.  World  Peace  Foundation,  founded  in 
1910,  40  Mount  Vernon  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 

30.  World  Peace  Association,  Greenville, 
Iowa. 

31.  Association  for  Peace  Education, 
founded  in  1923,  1010  Fine  Arts  Building, 
Chicago,  111. 

Oroup    II:    Organizations    That    Work    for 
Peace  Through  Special  Committees 

1.  Council  of  Jewish  Women,  founded  in 
1893,  305  West  98th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

2.  Federal  Council  of  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America.     (See  Group  I.) 

3.  General  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs, 
founded  in  1890,  1734  N  Street  N,  W.,  Wash- 
ington, D.  0. 

4.  National  Conference  on  Christian  Way 
of  Life,  129  East  52d  Street,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 


5.  National  Congress  of  Mothers  and  Par- 
ent-Teachers Associations,  1201  16th  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

0.  National  Council  of  Women,  founded  in 
1888,  3125  Lafayette  Avenue,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

7.  National  Education  Association,  founded 
in  1857,  1201  16th  Street  N.  W.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

8.  National  League  of  Women  Voters, 
founded  in  1920,  532  17th  Street  N.  W.,  Wash- 
ington D,.  C. 

9.  National  Reform  Association,  founded 
in  1863,  209  9th  Street,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

10.  National  Woman's  Christian  Tem- 
perance Union,  founded  in  1874,  1730  Chi- 
cago Avenue,  Evanston,  111.,  and  35  B  Street 
N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

11.  National  Women's  Trade  Union 
League,  founded  in  1903,  311  Ashland 
Boulevard,   Chicago,  111. 

Oroup  III:  Organizations  Engaged  in  Activi- 
ties Calculated  to  Advance  International 
Understanding 

1.  American  Federation  of  Labor,  founded 
in  1881,  9th  and  Massachusetts  Avenue  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 

2.  American  Institute  of  International 
Law,  founded  in  1912,  2  Jackson  Place,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

3.  American  Society  of  International  Law, 
founded  in  1906,  2  Jackson  Place,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

5.  Council  of  Women  for  Home  Missions 
(Women's  Section,  Home  Missions  Council), 
158  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

6.  Institute  of  International  Education, 
founded  in  1919,  522  Fifth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

7.  International  Association  of  Machinists, 
9th  Street  and  Mt.  Vernon  Place,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

8.  International  Free  Trade  League,  38 
Botolph  Street,  Boston,  Mass. 

9.  International  Lyceum  and  Chautauqua 
Association,  742  Marshall  Field  Annex  Build- 
ing, Chicago,  111. 

10.  Junior  Red  Cross,  American  Red  Cross 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

11.  National  Grange,  founded  in  1866, 
Fredonia,  New  York. 

12.  National  Student  Volunteer  Union  (ad- 
dress for  reference),  2184  South  Milwaukee 
Street,  Denver,  Colo. 

13.  National  Committee  on  American  Jap- 
aneses  Relations,  287  Fourth  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 


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NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT 


409 


14.  Pan  American  Union,  founded  in  1890, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

15.  Intercollegiate  Cosmopolitan  Club,  2929 
Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

16.  National  Student  Forum,  founded  in 
1921,  2929  Broadway,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

17.  Pan-Pacific  Union,  Honolulu,  Territory 
of  Hawaii. 

18.  United  Society  of  Christian  Endeavor, 
World's  Christian  Endeavor  Building,  Mt. 
Vernon  and  Joy  Streets,  Boston,  Mass. 

19.  United  States  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
founded  in  1912,  Mills  Building,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

20.  World  Brotherhood  Federation,  25 
East  26th  Street,  New  York  City. 

21.  World's  Student  Christian  Federation, 
founded  in  1895,  347  Madison  Avenue,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

22.  Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  347 
Madison  Avenue,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

23.  Young  Women's  Christian  Association 
(National  Board),  600  Lexington  Avenue, 
New  York,  N.  Y. 

Group  IV:  Foreign  Societies  in  U.  8.  A.  De- 
signed to  Increase  Knowledge  and  Develop 
Friendly  Relations  with  Other  Countries 

1.  Federation  de  I'Alliance  Francaise,  32 
Nassau  Street,  New  York  City. 

2.  The  American-Scandinavian  Founda- 
tion, 25  West  45th  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

3.  China  Society  of  America,  19  West  44th 
Street,  New  York  City. 

4.  English-Speaking  Union  of  U.  S.,  345 
Madison  Avenue,  New  York  City. 

5.  Japan  Society,  Inc.,  25  West  43d  Street, 
New  York  City. 

6.  Japanese  Society  of  Boston,  200  Devon- 
shire Street,  Boston,  Mass. 

7.  Armenian-America  Society,  289  Fourth 
Avenue,  New  York  City. 

8.  France-America  Society,  40  Wall  Street, 
New  York  City. 

9.  Friends  of  Belgium,  32  Broadway,  New 
York  City. 

Italy-America  Society,  26  West  44th  Street, 
New  York  City. 

11.  Netherlands-America  Foundation,  311 
Sixth  Avenue,  New  York  City. 

12.  Poland-America  Society,  40  West  40th 
Street,  New  York  City. 

13.  Society  of  Friends  of  Roumania,  450 
Madison  Avenue,  New  York  City. 

14.  The  Translatic  Society  of  America,  911 
Liberty  Building,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 


15.  Sulgrave  Institution,  3903  Woolworth 
Building,  New  York  City. 

American  Peace  Society  True  to  Its  Faith 

In  the  midst  of  these  divergent  in- 
terests the  American  Peace  Society  has 
tried  to  pursue  through  the  year  the  even 
tenor  of  its  way.  The  officers  of  our 
Society  are  not  in  perfect  agreement  on 
all  points,  though  in  essential  harmony, 
and  among  the  members  of  the  organiza- 
tion there  is  every  shade  of  opinion  upon 
the  problems  of  peace  and  war.  Thus 
far  no  one  has  presented  a  reasoned  at- 
tack against  the  "Suggestions  for  a  Gov- 
erned World"  which  have  appeared  reg- 
ularly, month  by  month,  in  the  Advocate 
OF  Peace.  These  principles  were  adopted 
unanimously  at  the  annual  meeting  of  our 
Society,  May  27,  1931.  The  vitality  of 
these  principles  consists  in  the  fact  that 
each  of  them  is  but  an  expression  of 
American  faith  and  practice.  The  Amer- 
ican Peace  Society,  thus  far,  has  preferred 
to  abide  by  these  principles. 

An  American  Code  of  Private  International  Law 

The  American  Peace  Society  has  con- 
tinued to  stand  upon  the  doctrine  that 
justice  between  nations  is  the  only  en- 
during basis  of  any  desirable  peace.  Law 
and  judicial  processes  maintain  peace 
between  the  forty-eight  free,  sovereign,  in- 
dependent States  of  America,  between  the 
members  of  the  British  Commonwealth  of 
Nations,  and  between  the  groups  of  vari- 
ous other  federations  or  groups  of  States. 

In  spite  of  the  differences  between  the 
various  peace  societies,  there  have  been 
developments  during  the  year  within  the 
realm  of  international  law  calculated  to 
promote  the  cause  of  peace. 

International  laws  exist.  They  have 
been  codified  in  the  form  of  treaties, 
arbitral  and  judicial  decisions,  and  the 
like;  but  the  codification  is  inadequate, 
with  the  result  that  the  standards  by 
which  the  conduct  of  nations  must  be 
tested  are  still  too  vague  and  impalpable. 
With  international  law  codified  and  rati- 
fied by  the  nations,  it  would  be  most  diffi- 
cult for  them  to  behave  inconsistently 
with  the  rights  and  duties  to  which  they 
have  voluntarily  subscribed. 

It  is  comforting,  therefore,  to  report 
that  the  American  republics,  meeting  in 


410 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


their  fifth  conference  at  Santiago,  Chile, 
resolved  to  organize  a  congress  of  jurists 
to  meet  at  Eio  de  Janeiro  during  the  year 
1925.  In  the  meantime  a  committee  is 
studying  the  comparative  civil  law  of  the 
nations  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  with 
the  view  of  contributing  to  the  formation 
and  extension  of  private  international 
law.  In  the  domain  of  private  interna- 
tional law  the  codification  is  to  be  devel- 
oped gradually  and  progressively.  The 
findings  of  the  commission  of  jurists  are 
to  be  submitted  to  the  sixth  international 
conference  of  American  States,  in  order 
that,  if  approved,  they  may  be  commu- 
nicated to  the  respective  governments  and 
incorporated  in  treaties  or  conventions. 
In  other  words,  men  are  now  at  work  pre- 
paring an  American  code  of  private  in- 
ternational law  as  the  basis  of  a  juridical 
system  or  systems  which  shall  be  adopted. 
This  is  an  important  step  towards  the 
avoidance  of  conflicts  in  questions  of  leg- 
islation and  towards  the  solution  of  prob- 
lems arising  because  of  such  conflicts. 
Our  Secretary  of  State  has  asked  the 
American  Institute  of  International  Law 
to  prepare  the  provisional  code.  Work 
upon  this  code  is  now  on  the  way.  A  ses- 
sion of  the  Institute  is  to  be  held  for  this 
purpose  during  the  coming  summer  in 
Lima,  Peru. 

The  Academy  of  International  Law  at 
The    Hague 

As  pointed  out  by  our  President,  your 
Secretary  attended  the  first  period  of  the 
Academy  of  International  Law  at  The 
Hague,  July  14  to  August  13,  1923.  It 
was  his  privilege  to  attend  the  dedicatory 
ceremony  in  the  Peace  Palace  July  12, 
and  to  attend  over  seventy  lectures — some 
dealing  with  the  development  of  interna- 
tional law;  some  with  the  theory  and 
practice  of  international  arbitration; 
some  with  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs 
in  a  democracy;  some  with  law,  custom, 
and  comity;  some  with  the  rights  and 
fundamental  duties  of  States;  some  with 
the  freedom  of  the  seas;  some  with  the 
responsibilities  of  States;  some  with  the 
relations  between  municipal  and  inter- 
national law;  some  with  ex-territoriality 
and  its  principal  applications;  some  with 
the  Pan  American  Union;  some  with  in- 
ternational organization  of  the  Eed  Cross ; 
some    with    arbitration    and    interna- 


tional justice;  some  with  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice,  and  one 
with  the  development  of  the  international 
mind.  Among  the  lecturers  were  Pro- 
fessor Politis,  former  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  of  Greece;  the  Right  Honorable 
Lord  Phillimore,  former  Lord  Justice  of 
Appeal  of  Great  Britain,  and  professors 
from  the  universities  of  Paris,  of  Leyden, 
of  Ghent,  of  Berlin,  of  Vienna,  of  Geneva. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  this  first  year  of 
the  Academy  was  eminently  serviceable, 
and  that  it  is  destined  to  develop  help- 
fully through  the  years  that  are  to  come. 

International   Events    of   the   Year 

The  League  of  Nations,  with  head- 
quarters at  Geneva,  while  faced  with  a 
number  of  serious  problems,  particularly 
with  the  attack  of  Italy  upon  Corfu,  has 
weathered  the  storms  of  the  year  and  come 
out  with  what  is  probably  a  saner  view  of 
its  own  position  in  world  affairs. 

The  winner  of  the  Bok  peace  award. 
Dr.  Charles  H.  Levermore,  grants  that 
"the  operation  of  the  League  has  there- 
fore evolved  a  Council  widely  different 
from  the  body  imagined  by  the  makers  of 
the  Covenant.  ...  In  other  words, 
the  force  of  circumstances  is  gradually 
moving  the  League  into  position  upon  the 
foundations  so  well  laid  by  the  world's 
leaders  between  1899  and  1907  in  the 
great  international  councils  of  that 
period.  .  .  .  The  Permanent  Court 
has  at  least  begun  to  realize  the  highest 
hope  and  purpose  of  the  Second  Hague 
Conference." 

But  probably  the  outstanding  interna- 
tional event  of  the  year  has  been  the  re- 
port of  the  Dawes  and  McKenna  com- 
mittees— one  dealing  with  the  means  of 
balancing  the  German  budget  and  with 
reparation  payments  which  Germany  is 
capable  of  making,  and  kindred  matters, 
and  the  other  with  German  capital  ex- 
ported abroad.  These  lengthy  documents, 
occupying  many  pages,  indicate  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  problems  involved.  In  the 
main  it  may  be  said  that  the  reports  con- 
stitute a  new  basis,  and  therefore  a  new 
hope,  for  the  lessening  of  the  ills  of 
Europe.  The  elections  in  France  May  11 
are  an  indication  that  the  spirit  of  com- 
promise may  now  more  reasonably  be  ex- 
pected. 


192Jk 


NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT 


411 


Our  Principles  in  the  Senate 

The  work  of  the  American  Peace  Soci- 
ety is,  perhaps,  not  so  new  and  spectacular 
as  some  may  wish,  but  we  have  gone  on 
through  the  year  working  for  the  exten- 
sion of  the  benevolent  influences  of  inter- 
national conferences  and  in  the  interest 
of  a  clearer  and  more  firmly  established 
international  law.  We  have  continued  to 
believe  that  The  Hague  conferences  of 
1899  and  of  1907  were  right  when  they 
stood  for  an  independent  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice,  agent  of 
all  the  States.  We  have  not  forgotten 
that  our  American  people  approved  these 
things  at  the  time.  We  believe  that  they 
approve  them  now.  We  of  the  United 
States  have  always  been  glad  to  co-operate 
with  other  nations,  to  send  our  delegates 
to  international  conferences  for  the  pur- 
pose of  developing  international  justice 
under  law,  to  stand  for  the  familiar  meth- 
ods of  the  international  conference. 

At  the  moment,  there  are  at  least  four 
plans  before  the  United   States   Senate: 

(1)  The  proposal  of  President  Harding 
and  of  President  Coolidge,  that  we  join 
the  existing  Permanent  Court  of  Interna- 
tional Justice  with  certain  reservations; 

(2)  a  modification  of  that  plan  proposed 
by  Senator  Lenroot,  which  eliminates  the 
League  of  Nations  from  the  project;  (3) 
Senator  Lodge's  project,  providing  for 
the  creation  of  a  World  Court  by  all  the 
governments,  to  be  assembled  at  another 
conference  at  The  Hague;  (4)  a  com- 
posite plan,  resembling  Senator  Lodge's 
proposal,  now  being  worked  out  by  Sen- 
ator Pepper. 

Senator  Lodge's  resolution,  submitted 
under  date  of  May  8,  reads: 

"Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  That  the  President  be,  and 
he  is  hereby,  respectfully  requested  to  pro- 
pose, on  behalf  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  to  the  nations  of  the  world 
the  calling  of  a  Third  Hague  Conference, 
and  to  recommend  to  such  conference  the 
following  statute  for  the  establishment  of  a 
World  Court  of  International  Justice." 

So  far  as  the  American  Peace  Society 
has  a  program,  here  it  is.  This  is  no 
place  to  analyze  or  to  criticize  Senator 
Lodge's  statute  for  the  World  Court.    The 


comforting  fact  is  that  leaders  in  the 
United  States  Senate  are  actively  engaged 
in  bringing  to  a  focus  the  eternal  things 
for  which  this  Society  has  stood  through- 
out the  many  years. 

A  Suggestion 

The  peace  movement  of  the  United 
States,  so  far  as  the  work  of  the  peace 
societies  is  concerned,  may  be  divisive, 
inexpert,  and  futile;  but  the  peace  move- 
ment survives.  With  a  little  less  im- 
patience the  peace  workers  might  profit- 
ably turn  their  attention  to  co-operating 
with  the  Executive  and  the  Senate,  and 
that  with  profit  to  themselves  and  to  the 
work.  After  all,  the  greatest  peace  so- 
ciety with  which  we  are  permitted  offi- 
cially to  associate  is  the  United  States 
Government.  The  Executive  is  repre- 
sented in  all  the  capitals  of  the  world 
with  paid,  usually  expert,  and  often 
statesmanlike  representatives,  and  this  not 
only  in  the  field  of  politics,  but  in  the 
realm  of  business  as  well.  The  Secretary 
of  State  and  his  assistants  are  engaged 
each  day  in  promoting  justice  in  concrete 
situations  between  this  country  and  the 
world.  The  United  States  Senate  is  the 
diplomatic  council  of  the  States  in  mat- 
ters of  foreign  policy.  The  members  of 
the  government  are  American  citizens. 
They,  too,  are  interested  to  keep  this 
country  out  of  war  and  to  promote  the 
cause  of  peace  throughout  the  world. 
They  differ  from  the  rest  of  us  in  two 
respects:  they  are  better  informed  and 
they  are  more  directly  responsible  than 
we.  If  our  peace  workers  could  go  to 
the  men  responsible,  ascertain  what  they 
think  can  be  done,  at  least  arrive  at  a 
mutual  understanding,  and  join  in  pro- 
moting that,  we  might  lessen  the  friction 
and  increase  our  effectiveness.  The  most 
direct  way  to  discipline  a  Senator  is  at 
the  polls.  When  he  is  in  office,  he  is  the 
instrument  with  which  we  have  to  deal. 
Your  Secretary's  suggestion,  respectfully 
offered  and  in  the  kindliest  spirit,  is  that 
the  peace  societies  try  the  experiment  of 
co-operating  with  the  American  Govern- 
ment in  a  friendly  American  way  for  the 
achievement  of  our  great  American  ideal 
of  observing  good  faith  and  justice  toward 
all  nations  and  of  cultivating  peace  and 
harmony  with  all. 


412 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


The  Dynamic  Nature  of  our  Task 

On  the  one  hand,  the  nations  are  seen 
pursuing  their  national  interests  with 
varying  degrees  of  patriotism,  assimilat- 
ing aliens  within  their  States,  completing 
their  national  boundaries,  and  extending 
their  sovereignty  over  growing  economic 
interests  in  the  domains  of  weaker  peoples. 
On  the  other,  men  everywhere  are  sens- 
ing the  universality  of  human  interests, 
transcending  their  man-made  political 
boundaries,  and  demanding  some  form  of 
international  organization  and  centralized 
control  of  their  common  concerns.  This 
complexity  makes  the  task  of  just  inter- 
national behavior  especially  difficult,  and 
the  complexity  itself  is  not  a  fixed  but  a 
changing  condition.  But,  as  Professor 
Gettell  remarks  in  his  recent  History  of 
Political  Thought,  "If  political  theory 
were  to  attain  absolute  truth  and  square 
completely  with  the  facts  of  political  life, 
it  would  be  dead." 

Mr.  Barker,  in  his  "Political  Thought 
m  England  from  Herbert  Spencer  to  the 
Present  Day,"  says  of  political  theory: 
"It  grows  on  the  uncertainty  of  human 
aifairs;  it  grows  on  the  inadequacy  of  its 
own  successive  attempts  to  explain  them." 


Perhaps  this  is  the  comforting  thing, 
amid  the  strife  and  turmoil  of  all  our  ef- 
forts to  lessen  the  ills  of  war. 

Eespectfully  submitted, 

Aethur  Deerin  Call, 

Secretary. 

It  was  voted  that  the  Secretary's  report 
be  accepted,  approved,  placed  on  file,  and 
printed  in  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 

REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  Treasurer  of  the 
Society,  presented  his  report,  showing 
that  the  total  receipts  for  the  year  ending 
April  30,  1924,  including  balance  from 
the  preceding  year  of  $222.22,  to  be 
$42,114.92;  the  total  disbursements'  to 
be  $38,895.47.  Cash  on  hand  April  30, 
1924 :  National  Metropolitan  Bank,  check- 
ing account,  $449.89;  National  Metropol- 
itan Bank,  savings  account,  $2,743.96; 
petty  cash  on  hand  in  office,  $25.60;  total, 
$3,219.45.  The  reserve  funds  as  of  April 
30,  1924,  are  given  below.  Our  Society 
continues  to  have  the  endorsement  of  the 
National  Information  Bureau,  1  Madison 
Avenue,  New  York  City. 


SCHEDULE  "1" 

Ameeican  Peace  Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Reserve  Fund  Investments  as  at  April  30,  1924 

Par  Market 

value.  Price.  value. 
$200  American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Convertible 

6's,  1925  $200.00  117 1/2  $235.00 

$100  U.  S.  Liberty  1st,  4^4  Converted 100 .  00  100  3/32  100 .  09 

$100  U.  S.  Liberty  2d  4%  Converted 100.00  100  100.00 

$100  U.  S.  Liberty  4th  4^  Converted 100 .  00  100  4/32  100 .  13 

$19,000  U.  S.  certificate  of  indebtedness,  4%,  due 

March  15,  1927   19,000.00  10127/32  19,350.31 

$4,000  U.   S.  certificate   of  indebtedness,  4%,   due 

December  15,  1924  4,000.00  10014/32  4,017.50 

17  shares  American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Co 1,700.00  1251/2  2,133.50 

24  shares  Boston  Elevated  Railway  Co.,  Com 2,400.00  761/4  1,830.00 

12  shares  Pullman  Company 1,200.00  1171/4  1,407.00 

1  share  Puget  Sound  Power  &  Light  Co.,  Com 100.00  47  47.00 

12  shares  Puget  Sound  Power  &  Light  Co.,  Com., 

6  per  cent  Preferred 1,200.00  78  936.00 


$30,100.00 


$30,256.53 


192A  NINETY-SIXTH  ANNUAL  REPORT  413 

K.  G.  Rankin  &  Co.,  Accountants  and  Auditors 

New  York,  Ma/y  30,  1924. 
Mr.  George  E.  White,  Treasurer, 
The  American  Peace  Society, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir  :  We  have  examined  the  accounts  of  the  American  Peace  Society  for 
the  year  ended  April  30,  1924  and  submit  herewith  the  following: 

Exhibit  "A" — Cash  account  for  the  year  ended  April  30,  1924. 

Schedule  "1" — Reserve  Fund  investments  as  at  April  30,  1924. 

In  addition  to  the  income,  as  shown  by  cash  receipts  in  Exhibit  "A'^  the  follow- 
ing coupon  had  not  been  clipped  and  credited  to  the  income  account  at  the  close 
of  the  period  under  audit. 

On  $100  U.  S.  Liberty  4th  4^4  per  cent  bond  coupon,  due  April  15,  1924 $2.12 

The  amount  shown  in  Exhibit  "A"  as  cash  received  from  the  Permanent  Peace 
Fund  Trustees  is  made  up  as  follows : 

Income  from  Permanent  Peace  Fund  for  the  year  ended  April  30,  1923,  as  per 

statement  of  Trustees,  dated  May  1,  1923 $5,663.63 

Advanced  June  26,  1923,  on  income  for  the  year  ended  April  30,  1924 1,000.00 

$6,663.63 

On  June  30,  1923,  the  following  checks  were  drawn  and  charged  to  Travel 
Expense  under  the  Department  of  Field  Work  and  the  vouchers  marked  as  noted. 

A.  D.  Call,  expenses,  Southampton  to  Paris,  re  house $200.00 

Leo  Pasvolsky,  travel  in  Europe 425 .  00 

L.  P.  Branch,  travel  expense 200. 00 

$825.00 

On  the  same  day  there  were  taken  up  as  contributions  like  amounts  from  the 
same  persons.  Examination  disclosed  that  these  travel  checks  were  not  used  and 
had  been  turned  back  to  the  Peace  Society.  In  our  statement  we  have  deducted 
these  amounts  from  both  contributions  and  travel  expense  to  show  these  accounts 
in  their  true  status. 

We  hereby  certify  that,  in  our  opinion,  the  accompanying  statement  of  cash, 
together  with  the  statement  of  Reserve  Fund  Investments,  attached  hereto,  ac- 
curately account  for  the  cash  receipts  and  disbursements  of  the  Society  for  the 
year  ended  April  30,  1924,  and  correctly  set  forth  the  Reserve  Fund  Investments 
as  at  April  30,  1924. 

Respectfully  submitted,  R.  G.  Rankin  &  Co., 

Members  American  Institute  of  Accountants. 

All  of  which  is  respectfully  submitted. 

George  W.  White, 

Treasurer. 

It  was  voted  that  the  Treasurer's  report  It  was  voted  that  Mrs.  Philip  North 

be  accepted,  approved,  and  placed  on  file,  Moore,  of  St.  Louis,  Missouri;  Dr.  David 

subject  to  the  inspection  of  any  one  in-  Jayne  Hill,  of  Washington,  D.   C,  and 

terested  to  examine  the  finances  of  the  Dr.  James  Brown  Scott,  of  Washington, 

Society  more  in  detail.  D.  C,  be  nominated  as  mambers  of  the 

THE  ELECTION  OF  OFFICERS  ^^^^'J    f    Directors,    for    action    by    the 

Board  at  a  special  meeting  to  be  called  in 
It  was  voted  that  the  Executive  Com-     connection  with  the  meeting  of  the  Exec- 
mittee,  officers,  and  Honorary  Vice-Presi-     utive  Committee  June  20,  1924. 
dents  of  the  Society  for  the  ensuing  year         It  was  voted  that  the  chairman,  in  con- 
be  as  follows  (see  page  386)  :  sultation  with  the   Secretary,  appoint  a 


414 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


committee  of  five  to  suggest  additional 
names  for  the  Board  of  Directors,  the 
Executive  Committee,  and  for  Vice- 
Presidents. 


The   meeting   adjourned   at    3   o'clock 
p.  m. 

(Signed      Arthur  Deerin  Call, 

Secretary. 


IMMANUEL  KANT  AND  THE  FOREIGN  POLICIES 

OF  NATIONS 

By  PROFESSOR  WILLIAM  ERNEST  HOCKING 
Alford  Professor  of  Philosophy,  Howard  University 


(From  Stenographer's  Report  of  Ninety-sixth 
Annual  Meeting  of  American  Peace  Soci- 
ety, First  Congregational  Church,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C,  May  23,  1924.) 

PEOFESSOE  HOCKING.  Mr.  Chair- 
man, ladies  and  gentlemen :  Two  hun- 
dred years  ago  this  evening,  Immanuel 
Kant  was  a  month  and  a  day  old,  and  I 
presume  a  more  unpromising  youngster 
few  mothers  of  Konigsberg  had  ever 
had.  He  was  puny;  he  was  a  little 
crooked  in  his  make-up;  and  he  looked  in 
a  good  many  respects  much  as  the  peace 
movement  has  frequently  looked  to  many 
people  in  the  world  since  then.  ( Laughter. ) 
Perhaps  his  subsequent  history  may  be  of 
some  encouragement  to  us,  and  I  am  sure 
the  nature  of  his  thought  is  something 
that  we  can  do  well  in  spending  an  hour 
to  consider. 

Kant  was  seventy  years  old  before  he 
began  to  make  any  effective  remarks  about 
peace.  His  tractate  On  Perpetual  Peace 
was  written  in  1795,  when  he  was  seventy- 
one  years  old.  By  that  time  his  fellow- 
citizens  in  Konigsberg  had  learned  two 
things  about  this  strange,  fragile,  punc- 
tilious old  professor. 

One  was  that  he  was  a  man  of  extra- 
ordinary intellectual  power,  and  the  other 
that  he  was  (as  we  might  put  it)  some- 
thing of  a  Bolshevik.  They  did  not  in 
those  days  call  them  Bolsheviks;  they 
called  them  Jacobins;  and  Kant  had  the 
reputation  of  being  one  of  these  dangerous 
liberals  with  radical  leanings  who  sym- 
pathized in  some  respect  with  the  French 
Eevolution,  and  who  therefore  deserved 
the  name  of  its  extremest  party. 

I  would  like  to  call  Kant's  image  a 
little  more  definitely  before  us  by  remark- 
ing on  both  of  those  points. 

His  fellow-townsmen  had  for  the  most 
part     little     interest     in     the     strange. 


metaphysical  speculations  of  this  man. 
They  realized  that  fame  was  coming  to 
him,  because  visitors  flocked  from  outside 
to  meet  the  man,  who  himself  never  went 
abroad.  But  they  realized  his  intellectual 
power  directly  through  his  conversation. 
Kant  was  a  man  who  gathered  around  his 
table  not  only  thinkers,  but  observers, 
travelers,  merchants,  men  who  knew  some- 
thing about  geography  and  of  mankind 
in  difi'erent  parts  of  the  world.  Through 
his  wide  reading,  his  memory,  and  his 
imagination,  he  became,  without  ever  hav- 
ing been  outside  the  province,  the  best 
traveled  man  in  Germany;  and  he  so  im- 
pressed those  who  conversed  with  him. 

There  is  a  story  that  on  one  occasion  a 
visitor  from  China,  after  a  talk  with  Kant, 
asked  him  how  recently  he  had  been  in 
China,  so  well  was  he  informed  of  condi- 
tions there.  He  was,  in  all  reason,  a  citi- 
zen of  the  world — a  Weltbiirger. 

Kant  knew  the  world  through  the 
power  of  his  imagination,  but  it  was  his 
humanitarianism  which  drew  his  par- 
ticular interest  to  the  revolutionary  move- 
ments that  were  on  foot  during  his  time. 
He  was  greatly  interested  in  the  American 
Eevolution.  There  is  a  tale  to  the  effect 
that  in  the  presence  of  an  English  ac- 
quaintance Kant  once  spoke  so  warmly 
in  favor  of  the  American  Colonies  that 
the  loyal  Englishman  became  highly 
irate  and  challenged  Kant  to  a  duel. 
Kant  was  not  the  person  to  indulge  in 
duels,  but  he  was  the  person  to  indulge 
in  reasoning  and  persuasion;  and  he  held 
forth  calmly  on  the  subject  of  the  rights 
of  the  American  Colonies  with  such  effect 
that  this  Englishman,  according  to  the 
story,  was  not  only  converted  to  the  idea 
that  the  Colonies  might  have  a  defensible 
case,  but  became  a  lifelong  friend  of 
Kant  as  a  consequence. 


192Jf 


IMMANUEL  KANT 


415 


The  French  Eevolution  came  much 
nearer  home  to  Kant.  The  French  Eevo- 
lution had  effects  in  his  own  town  and 
neighborhood.  He  had  already  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Eousseau  and  had  become 
an  ardent  admirer  of  that  stimulating 
thinker.  He  said  of  his  writing,  "The 
beauty  of  Eousseau's  style  is  such  that  I 
have  to  read  what  he  writes  several  times, 
so  that  I  can  forget  the  expression  and 
begin  to  think  about  what  the  man  says." 
Would  that  Kant  had  been  able  to  find 
some  further  use  for  Eousseau's  gifts  of 
style  than  to  forget  them!     (Laughter.) 

But  Eousseau  influenced  Kant  much 
more  deeply  than  simply  on  the  surface. 
He  gave  a  blow  to  Kant's  pristine  prig- 
gishness;  for  Kant  in  his  youth,  as  a 
conscious  and  ambitions  pursuer  of  truth, 
had  felt  that  after  all  he  was  better  than 
the  common  herd.  A  word  or  two  in 
which  he  acknowledges  his  debt  to  Eous- 
seau will  show  that  this  debt  affects  the 
fundamental  articles  of  his  faith. 

He  writes : 

"By  inclination  I  axn  myself  an  inquirer, 
feeling  all  of  the  thirst  for  knowledge  and 
all  of  the  eager  unrest  of  striving  to  advance, 
as  well  as  satisfaction  with  every  kind  of 
progress.  There  was  a  time  when  I  thought 
all  this  could  form  the  glory  of  mankind,  and 
I  despised  the  rabble  who  knew  nothing. 
Rousseau  has  brought  me  to  the  right  view. 
This  blinding  superiority  vanished.  I  learned 
to  honor  man.  And  I  would  regard  myself 
as  much  more  useless  than  the  common  la- 
borer did  I  not  believe  that  this  way  of 
thinking  could  communicate  a  value  to  all 
others  in  establishing  the  rights  of  man- 
kind." 

Eousseau  had  thus  sensitized  Kant  to 
think  seriously  of  the  French  Eevolution. 
And  while  the  proceedings  up  to  1795 
had  filled  him  with  horror,  he  was  filled 
with  something  very  much  more  than 
horror ;  for  he  saw  here  a  unique  exhibi- 
tion of  the  belief  of  men  in  an  idea,  and 
their  power  to  put  this  belief  into  very 
effective  practice.  He  observed,  too,  a 
vein  of  enthusiasm  in  the  onlookers.  He 
felt  in  his  own  countrymen  and  those  with 
whom  he  talked  an  almost  instinctive 
tendency  to  sympathize  with  the  revolu- 
tionists; and  he  felt,  too,  that  in  the 
armies  in  the  State  of  Prussia  that  were 
being  raised  to  join  the  coalition  against 


the  French  Eepublic  there  was  a  certain 
hesitation  and  unwillingness,  a  deficiency 
in  morale,  because  of  their  doubt  whether 
the  French  Eevolution  was  not,  after  ail, 
a  Tighter  sort  of  thing  in  the  world  than 
the  Prussian  Monarchy. 

The  French  Eevolution  came  home  to 
Kant  personally  through  the  reaction  of 
the  government  against  it.  Frederick 
William  II  was  not  the  man  that  his 
predecessor  had  been.  Frederick  the 
Great  had  been  a  tolerant  and  thoughtful 
ruler,  in  spite  of  his  Machiavellian  state- 
craft. He  believed  in  Kant.  He  was  in- 
terested in  Kant's  thought.  Frederick 
William  II  was  a  man  timorous  toward 
ideas  on  account  of  the  principles  that 
underlay  his  throne,  and  one  who  looked 
at  the  French  Eevolution  with  growing 
alarm.  He  did  not  like  what  happened 
to  monarchs  in  France,  and  he  thought  he 
saw  that  bad  philosophy  was  at  the  root 
of  it.  He  thought  that  liberal  views  in 
religion  were  especially  at  fault  here,  and 
he  began  in  set  ways  to  move  against  those 
persons  in  the  universities  whose  reli- 
gious views  were  somewhat  more  liberal 
than  he  thought  they  ought  to  be. 

So  from  1792  onward  Kant  felt  the 
approach  of  the  censorship.  On  March  5 
of  that  year  an  edict  went  forth  to  the 
effect  that  "irreverent  criticism  of  the  law 
of  the  land  will  hereafter  be  severely  pun- 
ished," and  in  October,  1794,  a  Eoyal 
Cabinet  order  came  to  Kant  in  person, 
urging  him  very  courteously  not  to  teach 
along  lines  which  might  be  subversive  of 
the  religious  foundations  of  the  kingdom. 

Kant  replied  in  the  spirit  of  loyal 
obedience;  while  declaring  that  he  would 
not  say  anything  contrary  to  his  belief, 
he  promised  he  would  hold  his  religious 
views  in  silence — at  least  until  such  time 
as  the  reigning  monarch  should  have  dis- 
appeared from  the  scene. 

But  Kant  also  felt  the  Eevolution  in 
still  another  way.  In  1795  the  coalition 
armies  had  been  brought  to  a  standstill 
by  the  armies  of  the  French  Eepublic. 
Prussia  felt  obliged  to  make  a  separate 
peace.  The  Peace  of  Basle  had  been 
drawn  up  in  April  of  that  year;  and  that 
peace  was  one  which,  while  giving  the 
French  Eepublic  virtual  recognition,  also 
handed  over  to  France  territories  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Ehine.  This  was  a 
tentative  promise,  so  far  as  the  published 


416 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


treaty  was  concerned;  but  there  was  a 
secret  clause  to  this  effect,  that  if  the  Em- 
pire made  over  to  France  its  own  terri- 
tories, Prussia  would  do  likewise,  and  find 
or  take  compensation  in  some  other 
quarter ! 

Now,  there  was  a  good  deal  of  whisper- 
ing abroad  in  Prussia.  Kant,  while  out 
of  sympathy  with  the  coalition,  and  ve- 
hemently critical  toward  England,  whose 
gold  was  largely  financing  it,  shared  the 
indignation  at  this  treaty  on  account  of 
the  surrender  of  territory,  the  secrecy  of 
the  proceeding,  and  the  menace  of  future 
war  involved  in  it.  He  wrote  his  tractate 
On  Perpetual  Peace  largely  as  a  protest 
against  the  principles  of  that  treaty. 

May  I  say  a  word  or  two  about  the 
character,  the  external  character,  of  this 
extraordinary  writing?  Its  title,  Zum 
eivigen  Frieden,  Kant  says  he  took  from 
the  signboard  of  a  Dutch  inn  keeper,  who, 
having  adopted  this  device,  had  painted 
underneath  it  the  picture  of  a  graveyard 
as  a  satirical  invitation  to  wayfarers. 
Kant  adopts  this  motto  for  his  own  docu- 
ment by  way  of  suggesting  that  we  must 
aim  at  eternal  peace  through  reason,  or 
else  we  shall  surely  reach  it  by  way  of  the 
universal  graveyard  of  mankind. 

The  tractate  held  throughout,  so  far  as 
its  form  is  concerned,  a  semi-ironical  vein, 
which  appears,  among  other  respects,  in 
a  certain  imitation  of  the  manner  of  dip- 
lomatic documents.  Here  are  the  "Pre- 
liminary Articles,"  six  of  them.  Here  are 
the  "Definite  Articles";  and  here,  if  you 
please,  is  a  "Secret  Article." 

Now,  the  "Secret  Article"  is  a  whims- 
ical whisper  between  Kant  and  his  gov- 
ernment to  this  effect:  "Governments 
ought  to  consult  philosophers  about  what 
they  are  going  to  do."  Now,  this  does 
not  mean,  Kant  explains,  that  philos- 
ophers ought  to  be  brought  to  the  council 
table.  It  means  simply  that  philosophers 
ought  to  be  invited  and  encouraged  to  ex- 
press themselves  freely,  because  if  they  do 
express  themselves  freely  in  public,  then 
of  course  all  that  they  say  is  accessible  to 
the  government,  and  the  government  need 
not  tell  anybody  that  it  is  listening  to  the 
philosopher,  nor  inform  anybody  how  far 
it  intends  to  follow  the  philosopher's  ad- 
vice.     He    reassures    the    rulers    that    if 


philosophers  be  granted  this  liberty,  they 
will  form  no  club  of  Jacobins,  inasmuch 
as  it  is  more  than  they  can  do  to  keep 
peace  among  themselves.  Kant's  "Secret 
Article"  thus  amounts  to  a  plea  for  his 
own  freedom  of  speech,  a  tacit  request 
that  he  shall  be  allowed  as  a  philosopher 
to  speak  his  mind.  This  fact  suggests 
that  he  felt  a  little  uneasy  about  the  ac- 
ceptableness  at  court  of  the  contents  of 
his  tractate,  an  uneasiness  which  would 
hardly  have  been  allayed  by  the  fact  that 
the  tractate  was  promptly  translated  into 
French  and  acclaimed  at  Paris  as  pro- 
fessing adherence  to  the  principles  of  the 
Eevolution.  He  had  some  reason  to  feel 
uneasy,  as  we  shall  recognize  as  we  turn 
now  to  review  those  contents. 

First  of  all,  a  treatise  on  peace  implies 
some  judgment  about  war.  Kant  had  al- 
ready expressed  views  on  this  subject.  In 
1784  he  had  published  a  short  essay  called 
"An  idea  for  a  general  history  of  the 
world,"  and  in  that  essay  he  had  made 
war  out  to  be,  or  rather  to  have  been,  an 
important  factor  in  the  development  of 
mankind. 

War,  he  explains,  is  an  expression  of 
our  self-assertive  nature,  the  "unsocial 
sociability  of  man."  This  self-assertive 
instinct  leads  everybody  to  try  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  powers  and  opinions  of 
everybody  else.  Of  what  worth  would  a 
man  be  if  his  will  did  not  overflow,  and 
if  he  did  not  feel  that  he  could  control 
others  besides  himself  ?  Now,  those  whom 
we  wish  to  control  are  precisely  those  with 
whom  our  social  instinct  leads  us  to  unite ; 
and  since  the  impulse  to  exert  control  is 
mutual,  we  are  led  into  antagonism  and 
conflict,  an  unsocial  sociability  of  rela- 
tionship. And  when  this  relationship 
exists  between  different  societies  we  have 
war. 

Now,  this  contest  of  wills,  whether 
within  or  without  a  given  society,  has  cer- 
tain beneficial  results.  It  stimulates  our 
powers.  It  wakes  us  up.  It  destroys  in- 
dolence. "Man  wishes  concord,  but  Na- 
ture knows  better  what  is  good  for  his 
species."  It  develops  talents.  It  brings 
out  an  erect  and  stalwart  growth  of  man- 
kind, like  that  of  the  trees  in  the  forest 
that  are  competing  with  each  other  for 
sunshine  and  air.     If  you  plant  the  trees 


1924 


IMMANUEL  KANT 


417 


thickly,  up  they  go,  straight,  making  clear 
wood  for  the  builder,  and  putting  out  few 
lateral  branches.  But  if  you  have  but 
one,  and  plant  it  alone  in  the  field,  it  grows 
at  its  will,  crooked  and  broad,  and  loses 
shape  and  availability.  So  Nature  has 
planted  men  thickly,  has  led  them  into 
competition  with  each  other,  and  has 
brought  them  thereby  into  a  taller  and 
straighter  growth. 

Then,  too,  the  competitive  struggle  be- 
gins to  force  man  together  into  groups. 
It  creates  solidarity.  Civil  society  in  its 
origins  is  very  largely  an  effect  of  war- 
fare. And  the  existence  of  war,  together 
with  the  need  of  peace,  has  dispersed  man- 
kind, driving  them  into  the  remote  parts 
of  the  earth.  The  settlement  of  the 
earth's  surface  is  largely  due  to  the  fact 
that  warring  tribes  have  split  other  tribes 
apart,  sending  the  Finns  up  into  the  north 
of  Eussia,  sending  the  Eskimos  up  toward 
the  North  Pole,  and  so  forth.  Thus  war 
has  taught  man  in  what  strange  regions 
he  can  live  and  live  successfully. 

But  war  ends  by  making  itself  unneces- 
sary and  unwelcome.  The  last  service  of 
war  is  to  strangle  itself.  Kant  saw  that, 
even  in  this  earlier  writing  of  his.  He 
saw  that,  among  other  evils,  the  enormous 
cost  of  war  was  eating  out  the  cultural 
life  of  the  nation.  Frederick  the  Great, 
interested  and  learned  as  he  was,  was  too 
much  of  a  warrior  to  support  his  univer- 
sity liberally,  and  Kant,  together  with  all 
of  the  other  professors  of  Prussia,  felt  the 
pinch  when  it  came  to  the  budget  for  the 
university.  It  is  the  nature  of  war  to 
exhaust  national  energy  into  itself,  and 
thus  to  check  the  growth  which  it  first 
fostered.  But  when  he  wrote  in  1795  on 
Perpetual  Peace,  he  knew  more  of  war,  he 
was  more  conscious  of  its  evils,  and  he 
wrote  with  a  much  more  definite  and  clear- 
cut  condemnation  of  the  process. 

It  was  the  methods  of  warfare  which 
struck  Kant  at  this  time  with  peculiar 
abhorrence.  It  was  the  inherent  crook- 
edness of  war  that  impressed  him.  He 
was  not  thinking  so  much  of  the  activities 
of  the  private  soldier  as  of  the  activities 
of  the  statesmen  and  diplomats  who  bring 
wars  to  pass,  and  of  the  strategists  who 
conduct  them.  Warfare  is  shot  through 
with  the  practice  of  deception;  and  if 
Kant  was  fanatical  on  any  point,  it  was 
on   the  necessity   of  truthfulness   among 


men  as  a  foundation  for  all  social  rela- 
tions. Warfare  would  hardly  be  itself 
without  trickery,  espionage,  breach  of 
faith.  But  this  deception  in  the  field  is 
merely  the  overt  continuance  of  the  prin- 
ciples of  a  war-breeding  statescraft.  Kant 
formulates  these  principles  with  precise 
pedantry.  (1)  Fac  et  excma" :  Do  a 
thing,  take  what  you  want,  and  let  the 
fait  accompli  be  the  apology  for  the  deed. 
(2)  "Si  fecisti  nega" :  If  you  have  com- 
mitted an  outrage,  deny  that  you  were  its 
author,  make  it  appear  that  the  treachery 
or  malice  of  others  forced  you  to  do  as  you 
did  in  self-defense.  (3)  "Divide  et  im^ 
pera" :  Split  your  enemy  and  conquer  his 
fragments  severally — a  maxim  equally 
useful  in  the  field  and  in  the  councils  of 
state.  Thus  Kant  states  in  advance  the 
principles  of  the  Realpolitik  of  a  later 
day,  and  exhibits  its  internal  corruption. 
War  in  its  method  is  the  offspring  of  the 
Father  of  Lies,  and  this  must  be  symp- 
tomatic of  its  essence. 

It  is  the  essence  of  war  to  summon  force 
to  decide  questions  of  justice — a  task  for 
which  force  has  no  pertinence.  And  it  is 
incidental  to  the  processes  of  war  to  treat 
human  beings,  not  only  of  other  States, 
but  of  one's  own  State,  as  mere  means  to 
those  ends  of  war  which  they  may  neither 
comprehend  nor  care  for — mere  grist  for 
the  mill  of  death  which  controlling  classes 
grind  for  the  fancied  benefit  of  the  State. 
And  in  Kant's  view,  the  use  of  humanity 
as  a  mere  means  to  another's  ends  is  the 
essence  of  moral  wrong. 

And  all  these  evils  of  war,  as  Kant  came 
to  see  it,  are  multiplied  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  self -propagating.  The  arrangements 
we  call  treaties  of  peace  are  not  such  in 
reality.  They  are  truces.  They  leave 
the  possibilities  of  future  war  precisely 
where  they  were;  and  more  often  than 
not  their  provisions  contain  in  them  the 
seeds  of  future  war,  as  was  sharply  il- 
lustrated by  the  so-called  Peace  of  Basle. 
No  real  peace  can  come  until  men  devise 
measures  not  alone  to  stop  individual 
wars,  but  to  put  an  end  to  the  business  of 
warfare  itself. 

The  time  had  now  come,  Kant  felt,  for 
a  definitive  rational  effort  in  this  direc- 
tion. He  felt  himself  called  to  take  an 
initiative  in  that  work;  for  who  among 
men  then  living  could  more  clearly  see 
the  necessity  of  the  task,  lay  bare  the 


418 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


nature  of  war,  arouse  faith  in  the  possi- 
bility of  a  conclusive  peace,  or  set  forth 
the  necessary  steps  for  bringing  it  to  pass  ? 

N'ow  I  must  confess  to  you  that  if 
Kant's  tractate  had  been  submitted  to  the 
Bok  Peace  Award  Committee  it  would  not 
have  received  the  prize.  (Laughter.) 
It  was  not  drawn  up,  in  spite  of  its  for- 
mal flourish,  with  the  purpose  of  meet- 
ing a  specific  situation  in  a  specific  way. 
It  is  a  document  of  principles.  I  do  not 
think  it  less  important  on  that  account. 
On  a  task  of  such  magnitude,  there  must 
be  those  who  labor  at  clarifying  prin- 
ciples, as  well  as  those  who  labor  at  ap- 
plying them.  And  the  former  workers 
have  the  important  function  of  reaching 
the  minds  of  the  multitudes  of  thinking 
people,  in  whose  insight  and  sentiment 
all  enduring  peace  must  be  born.  These 
multitudes  cannot  deal  with  the  details 
of  actual  constitutions,  but  they  are  con- 
cerned with  the  principles  on  which  they 
are  founded.  Let  me  therefore  restate 
to  you,  not  in  their  exact  language,  but 
in  their  purport,  the  principles  which 
Kant  ventured  to  recommend  to  the  con- 
sideration of  mankind  in  his  day,  begin- 
ning with  the  "Preliminary  Articles." 

These  "Preliminary  Articles"  may  be 
regarded  as  a  series  of  reforms  which  may 
be  undertaken  while  war  is  still  with  us, 
and  which  may  lead  to  the  creation  of  a 
state  of  public  mind  in  which  final  peace- 
making is  possible. 

The  first  is  that  there  shall  be  no  secret 
reservations  in  treaties;  for  it  is  here  that 
seeds  of  future  wars  lie  concealed. 
This  article  seems  to  anticipate  the  first 
of  Wilson's  Fourteen  Points. 

Second,  there  shall  be  no  disposal  of 
national  territory  as  if  it  were  the  prop- 
erty of  the  sovereign,  as  by  trading  it  oif, 
selling  it  off,  transmitting  it  by  bequest 
or  gift.  It  must  be  recognized  that  the 
domain  of  a  State  is  a  part  of  the  life  of 
a  nation;  it  is  inseparable  from  the  lives 
and  interests  of  men  and  families  and 
cannot  be  altered  in  its  destiny  without 
their  consent. 

Third,  in  time  we  must  dismiss  all 
standing  armies — anticipating  in  part 
Wilson's  Fourteenth  Point  and  Article 
VIII  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations. 


"No  more  standing  armies" — why? 
Kant  had  in  mind  not  alone  the  invita- 
tion to  war  which  lies  in  the  fact  of  a 
standing  army,  but  also  the  anomalous 
moral  position  of  the  professional  soldier. 
The  soldier  who  belongs  to  a  standing 
army  is  committed  in  advance  to  fighting 
for  whatever  cause  the  government  may 
adopt.  He  does  not  choose  his  cause. 
As  one  of  our  own  officers  once  put  the 
case :  "I  am  a  hired  butcher.  It  is  not 
my  business  to  form  any  opinion  about 
the  thing  for  which  I  am  fighting.  It  is 
my  business  to  fight;  and  if  I  am  told  to 
fight  I  shall  do  so."  Now,  Kant  objected 
to  any  such  commitment  in  advance. 
He  did  believe  in  citizens  drilling  for  war- 
fare voluntarily,  preparing  themselves  for 
a  war  of  defense  in  case  they  were  needed ; 
and  he  recognized  that  disarmament  must 
be  general  and  gradual,  not  local  and  im- 
mediate. But  he  believed  that  disarma- 
ment must  precede  a  genuine  peace. 

Fourth,  no  credits  shall  he  raised  for 
promoting  external  aggressive  policies. 
Fiscal  disarmament  must  accompany  mili- 
tary disarmament — the  war-chest  must  go. 
Fifth,  no  intervention  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  States,  not  even  in  case  of  civil 
war.  Let  each  State  wrestle  with  its  own 
internal  maladies;  for  its  own  cures  are 
better  than  any  cures  imposed  by  force 
from  outside. 

Sixth,  no  war  usages  shall  he  tolerated 
which  diminish  confidence  hetween  com- 
hatants  for  future  peace.  Such  usages 
are  the  incitement  to  treason,  guerrilla 
warfare,  poisoning,  the  breaking  of  trea- 
ties. Kant  also  mentions  espionage  in  a 
very  obscure  sentence ;  and  I  am  not  quite 
sure  whether  he  means  that  no  spies  are  to 
be  employed  in  warfare.  Some  of  his 
translators  think  that  he  intended  to 
abolish  them.  But  in  any  case  the  usages 
of  war,  he  maintains,  must  be  such  that 
you  can  still  continue  to  believe  in  the 
humanity  and  worth  of  your  opponents; 
for  without  such  belief  the  possibilty  of 
true  peace  is  absent,  and  every  war  should, 
in  all  logic,  be  a  war  of  extermination. 


So  much  for  the  "Preliminary  Articles." 
Now  for  the  "Definitive  Articles,"  namely, 
those  which  contain  Kant's  idea  of  the 
actual  establishment  of  peace.  For  peace 
must  be  instituted;  it  will  not  grow  of 
itself. 


19U 


IMMANUEL  KANT 


419 


There  are  three  such  articles.  The  first 
of  them  is  that  the  constitution  of  all 
States  must  be  republican.  This  state- 
ment sounds  like  one  of  extreme  boldness, 
when  we  consider  that  Kant  was  living 
under  the  monarchy  of  Prussia.  But 
Kant  immediately  proceeds  to  define  what 
he  means  by  "republican."  He  does  not 
mean  bj  a  republic  a  State  in  which  the 
mass  of  the  people  assume  the  executive 
function  or  right.  He  means  a  State  in 
which  the  legislature  is  representative, 
and  presumably  expresses  the  wishes  of 
the  people.  And  he  assumes  that  this  par- 
liament will  so  far  control  such  public  acts 
as  war-making  that  it  shall  be  the  people 
themselves  who  decide  upon  it,  and  not 
simply  the  government. 

It  is  evident  that  he  expects  by  this 
article  to  bring  war  to  a  prompt  close 
by  choking  off  its  source,  on  the  ground 
that  people  will  not  vote  themselves  into 
the  miseries  which  war  brings.  Kant's 
analysis,  as  we  can  now  see,  is  not  entirely 
correct  here,  because  we  have  had  enough 
experience  with  republics  of  his  sort  since 
that  time  to  know  that  they  also  are 
capable  of  being  carried  away  by  warlike 
passions.  "We  know,  too,  that  in  republics, 
as  in  other  States,  it  is  still  the  official 
body  that  orders  the  fighting;  and  in  cam- 
paigns like  that  of  the  Dardanelles  or  the 
Argonne  the  private  soldier  still  feels 
himself  in  the  grasp  of  forces  over  which 
he  can  exercise  no  effective  control.  But 
Kant's  views  are  correct  to  this  extent, 
that  republics  find  fewer  causes  for  war 
than  States  which  are  organized  in  such  a 
way  that  popular  judgment  can  be  rela- 
tively disregarded.  And  the  prospects  of 
educating  the  popular  judgment  to  the 
control  of  passion  are  more  hopeful  than 
those  of  educating  princes  whose  interest 
or  ambition  may  urge  toward  expansion. 

The  second  of  these  Definitive  Articles 
is  this : 

"There  must  be  a  Federation  of  Free 
States  pledged  to  support  certain  prin- 
ciples of  public  right." 

Kant  believes  that  the  same  logic  must 
ultimately  drive  States  into  a  legal  union 
as  impel  individuals  to  the  formation  or 
support  of  individual  States.  If  we  scorn 
savages  because  they  prefer  the  freedom 
of  nature  to  the  freedom  that  mankind 
have  in  civil  society — if  we  call  them  rude 
and  brutal  because  they  prefer  to  live  in 


their  own  way — why  is  it,  he  asks,  that 
we  judge  civilized  States  less  severely 
when  they  prefer  to  live  in  this  same  state 
of  nature  with  reference  to  each  other? 

I  am  going  to  take  the  liberty  of  put- 
ting Kant's  meaning  into  language  which 
Kant  does  not  use.  The  chief  obstacle  to 
this  Federation  of  Free  States,  in  Kant's 
Time  as  in  our  own,  was  a  certain  concep- 
tion of  State  freedom  which  we  call 
"sovereignty,"  and  which  he  sometimes 
refers  to  as  "Majestat."  The  notion  of 
sovereignty  is  commonly  so  interpreted  as 
to  make  it  appear  that  any  submission  by 
an  independent  State  to  a  rule  of  justice, 
which  as  international  would  be  independ- 
ent of  its  own  resolution,  would  be  an 
abrogation  of  its  own  statehood.  States 
hesitate  to  accept  international  usage  as 
law.  There  is  evidently  no  law-making 
body.  There  is  evidently  no  international 
force.  How,  then,  can  international 
usage  be  law  in  any  definite  sense  of  the 
term?  But  Kant  points  out  with  un- 
answerable cogency  that  there  is  the  same 
alternative  before  States  as  before  indi- 
viduals: either  you  secure  your  rights  by 
law  of  some  sort,  or  else  you  secure  them 
by  force.  No  State  can  take  the  position 
of  letting  its  rights  go.  Then,  if  it  will 
not  let  its  rights  go,  and  if  its  conception 
of  sovereignty  precludes  an  appeal  to 
some  source  of  objective  justice,  it  must 
fight  for  them. 

Per  contra,  if  war  is  wrong,  then  this 
conception  of  sovereignty  is  wrong.  But 
war,  which  is  a  contest  of  forces,  is  utterly 
condemned  by  reason  as  a  method  of 
settling  contests  of  right.  War  is  wrong, 
and  therefore  this  conception  of  sov- 
ereignty is  wrong — a  doctrine  that  I 
should  like  to  commend  to  certain  mem- 
bers of  the  United  States  Senate— par- 
ticularly, I  regret  to  say,  to  the  senior 
Senator  from  Massachusetts,  whose  in- 
fluence on  international  affairs  for  six 
years  past  seems  to  me  to  have  been  an  al- 
most unmixed  calamity  to  the  nation. 
(Applause.) 

If  war  is  wrong,  this  conception  of  sov- 
ereignty is  wrong.  And  not  only  this 
conception  of  sovereignty,  but  also  the 
attitude  of  laissez  faire  which  it  fosters 
with  reference  to  the  international  situa- 
tion. For  it  is  not  merely  warfare  that 
reason  must  condemn;  it  is  the  condition 
out  of  which  war  must  come.     It  is  re- 


420 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


maining  in  the  state  of  nature  with  ref- 
erence to  each  other  that  is  wrong  and 
which  must  be  corrected.  It  is  absolutely 
wrong  to  remain  in  a  situation  in  which 
right  can  only  be  sustained  by  force. 

One  might  think  by  what  Kant  has  said, 
following  his  logic,  that  he  would  have 
to  advocate  a  world  State — that  is  to  say, 
a  world  government.  And,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  both  in  the  treatise  of  1784  and  in 
his  treatise  on  the  metaphysics  of  Law  of 
1796,  Kant  does  allow  his  argument  to 
carry  him  far  in  that  direction. 

But  why  not  accept  this  conclusion  un- 
reservedly ?  There  is  still  something  in 
that  notion  of  sovereignty  that  resists  the 
notion  of  a  world  State.  Kant  cannot 
bring  himself  to  eliminate  sovereignty  en- 
tirely; he  hesitates  to  put  rulers  in  the 
position  of  being  over-ruled,  so  that  they 
are  no  longer  rulers.  He  gives  different 
reasons  for  this  hesitation  which  show 
he  is  not  quite  reconciled  to  it.  He  sug- 
gests in  one  place  that  it  is  simply  a  gen- 
eral (and  irrational)  unwillingness  of 
mankind  that  renders  a  world  government 
Utopian.  But  again  he  alleges  the 
psychological  fact  that  law  weakens  as  ter- 
ritory expands;  so  that  if  you  undertook 
to  make  law  for  the  entire  world  it  would 
spread  out  too  thin.  Its  force  would  fail 
as  it  bore  on  particular  localities.  He 
speaks,  further,  about  the  boundaries  of 
nations — how  many  times  States  have 
undertaken  to  control  other  States  and 
have  failed  to  do  so  because  limits  of 
agreement  in  language  and  religion  have 
imposed  limits  of  political  understand- 
ing— and  then  he  suggests  that  probably 
the  whole  world  is  stronger  if  we  do  not 
attempt  to  submit  all  States  to  a  single 
State,  but  leave  their  differences  standing. 
The  differences  of  States  should,  perhaps, 
be  balanced  against  one  another  rather 
than  cancelled  in  a  universal  order. 

We  can  understand  the  source  of  Kant's 
perplexity.  It  is  evident  to  us  today, 
after  the  discussion  of  the  19  th  century, 
that  he  was  touching  upon  the  idea  of 
nationality.  He  feels  its  force,  but  he  is 
unable  to  formulate  its  principles.  His 
sense  for  the  claims  of  nationality  is  suf* 
ficiently  strong,  so  that  he  discards  the 
world  State  as  an  undesirable  ideal. 

What,  then,  is  the  thing  that  he  pro- 
poses in  place  of  the  world  State?  A 
Federation  of  Free  States.     It  is  not  to 


be  a  fixed  Federation,  like  the  United 
States  of  America.  He  says  explicitly 
that  the  federation  must  be  subject  to  re- 
newal from  time  to  time,  and  to  dissolu- 
tion at  the  will  of  its  members.  If  any 
party  is  unsatisfied,  it  may  withdraw.  It 
is  to  begin  with  a  nucleus  of  States,  and 
then  it  is  to  be  open  to  any  neighboring 
State  to  join.  In  his  treatise  of  1796  he 
adds :  "We  might  call  it  a  continuous  con- 
gress of  nations." 

"A  continuous  congress  of  nations" — 
an  extraordinary  phrase,  it  seems  to  me, 
almost  an  anticipatory  description  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  But  Kant  does  not 
tell  us  enough  of  its  specific  program  to 
determine  whether  it  is  to  be  primarily  a 
league  or  a  court — an  international  court. 
He  mentions  an  instance  of  an  assembly 
that  took  place  in  the  early  part  of  the 
18th  century  at  The  Hague,  an  assembly 
of  various  States-general  of  Europe,  in 
which  the  mind  of  Europe  reached  a 
momentary  organization,  passing  common 
judgment  on  the  issues  before  that  as- 
sembly, and  in  which  each  State  there  met 
realized  that  its  case  was  going  to  be 
judged  not  solely  upon  the  basis  of  its 
own  force,  but  upon  the  basis  of  a  com- 
mon sense  of  justice.  He  regarded  this 
event  not  alone  as  a  practical  illustration 
of  his  meaning,  but  as  evidence  of  its 
feasibility.  Here  we  may  leave  this  sec- 
ond article  for  a  moment  and  turn  to  the 
third  of  these  Definitive  Articles,  which 
relates  to  the  rights  of  "world  citizens." 

The  World-citizen,  or  Weltbiirger — a 
being  whom  we  have  already  met  in 
Kant's  own  person  in  his  capacity  as 
mental  globe-trotter,  and  whom  we  think 
of,  perhaps,  as  chiefiy  incarnate  in  the  ex- 
plorer, the  traveler,  and  the  trader — is 
here  understood  by  Kant,  not  as  a  special 
class  of  person,  but  as  every  man;  for  all 
persons,  he  thinks,  have  certain  claims  on 
all  the  world.  Starting  from  the  fact 
that  the  earth  is  round,  and  therefore  the 
amount  of  space  in  the  world  is  limited, 
he  judges  that  the  accident  of  being  first 
in  any  place  ought  not  to  create  an  ab- 
solute right  of  property  in  land,  either  for 
individuals  or  nations.  Every  one  of  us 
ought  to  have  some  right  to  every  spot  on 
the  earth's  surface. 

But,  comforting  as  this  assurance  must 
be  to  all  of  us,  the  important  point  for  in- 
ternational order   is   to   define   explicitly 


192Jf 


IMMANUEL  KANT 


421 


how  far  these  rights  extend.  They  are 
limited,  says  Kant,  in  this  third  article, 
to  the  rights  of  hospitality. 

The  rights  of  hospitality,  as  he  under- 
stands them,  are  the  rights  to  go  visiting 
and  to  do  trading  without  being  molested, 
robbed,  or  deprived  of  elementary  justice. 
I  must  be  permitted  to  travel,  and  to 
make  contracts.  If  I  find  something  I 
like,  I  may  offer  to  buy  it.  That  shall 
not  be  taken  as  an  offense.  I  may  trade. 
But  the  rights  of  the  world  citizen,  ex- 
plorer, adventurer,  merchant,  are  not  to 
go  beyond  that.  They  are  not  to  include 
the  right  of  appropriation  or  dictation. 

It  is  evident  that  these  rights  have  been 
interpreted  so  as  to  be  fruitful  causes  of 
war.  The  inhospitality  of  savages  has 
been  broken  down,  the  reluctance  of  back- 
ward peoples  has  been  answered  by  a 
ruthless  self-assertion  on  the  part  of  the 
alleged  civilized.  Kant  speaks  very  feel- 
ingly about  the  kind  of  expansionism 
which  was  prevalent  in  his  own  day,  not 
entirely  different  in  principle  from  the 
expansionism  that  we  know  at  present,  al- 
though his  instances  were  different.  He 
takes  his  examples  from  America — the 
treatment  of  the  Indians  here  by  some  of 
our  explorers;  from  Africa,  the  Spice 
Islands,  the  Cape;  he  speaks  particularly 
of  the  treachery  in  East  India,  whereby, 
in  guise  of  traders,  soldiers  were  landed 
and  dissension  sown  among  the  native 
tribes;  he  praises  the  wisdom  of  China 
and  Japan  in  resisting  this  kind  of  in- 
trusion. 

And  he  makes  this  declaration,  which 
now,  130  years  later,  we  are  just  begin- 
ning to  recognize  as  true: 

"Since  now  the  community  among  the 
peoples  of  the  earth  has  come  to  be  so 
close  that  a  breach  of  right  in  one  part  is 
felt  in  all  parts,  a  definition  of  the  right 
of  world  citizens  has  become  necessary." 

This  is  the  substance  of  the  tractate  on 
Perpetual  Peace.  A  few  comments  may 
now  be  offered. 

There  is  obvious  criticism;  I  think  we 
would  all  agree  in  making  it.  Kant  has 
not  met  the  problem  of  sovereignty  com- 
pletely, because  he  has  not  seen  the  full 
force  of  the  interest  in  nationality.  The 
analogy  between  the  State  and  the  in- 
dividual is  not  as  perfect  and  as  simple 
as  Kant  assumes.     The  principles  are  the 


same,  since  in  each  case  free  wills  are 
dealing  with  free  wills.  Here  he  is  right. 
But  the  situations  are  profoundly  dif- 
ferent, and  every  friend  of  peace  will  wish 
to  face  these  essential  differences  between 
States  and  individuals  in  order  not  to 
minimize  the  obstacles  which  we  have  be- 
fore us. 

In  the  first  place,  a  society  of  nations 
is  much  smaller  in  number  than  any 
ordinary  society  of  individuals,  and  the 
individual  differences  between  the  mem- 
bers of  that  society  are  greater.  Each 
State  is  unique  to  a  degree  in  which  in- 
dividuals are  hardly  unique.  States  are 
geographically  unique.  Their  vital  in- 
terests are  correspondingly  different;  no 
other  State  can  have  precisely  England's 
concern  in  the  high  seas,  nor  America's 
concern  in  the  Western  Continent. 
Further,  they  have  a  kind  of  fixity  of  posi- 
tion that  we  individuals  do  not  have.  If 
we  do  not  like  neighbors,  we  can  move 
away,  physically  leaving  them;  but  if  the 
United  States  should  ever  cease  to  like 
Canada  as  a  neighbor,  or  if  Mexico  should 
fail  to  like  us  as  a  neighbor,  neither  can 
leave  the  place,  nor  induce  the  other  to 
go  away.  We  are  obliged  to  live  as 
neighbors.  And,  furthermore,  there  is 
no  free  play  between  us.  If  you  do  not 
like  me,  you  can  urge  me,  at  any  rate,  to 
get  farther  over ;  but  States  are  commonly 
separated  by  nothing  but  an  imaginary 
line. 

Again,  "property"  and  "existence" 
mean  different  things  in  the  two  cases. 
The  property  of  a  State  means  both 
more  and  less  than  the  property  of  the  in- 
dividual. It  means  more ;  for,  as  we  have 
seen,  it  means  citizenship.  But  it  also 
means  less ;  for  you  can  transfer  the  prop- 
erty of  a  State  to  another  State  without 
any  loss  to  the  property  of  the  individual 
members  of  that  transferred  territory — 
not  the  slightest. 

Then,  again,  all  questions  between 
States  are  likely  to  reduce  to  questions  of 
existence,  because  no  one  can  tell  quite 
what  is  going  to  turn  up  in  the  world 
situation  tomorrow.  Every  small  ad- 
vantage has,  therefore,  an  unknown  im- 
portance. And,  finally,  self-sacrifice 
means  something  very  different  in  the 
case  of  States  from  what  it  means  in  the 
case  of  individuals.  A  man  may  sacrifice 
himself  alone,  but  a  State  cannot  sacrifice 


422 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


"its  self"  without  sacrificing  its  members. 
Indeed,  the  State  has  no  self  apart  from 
the  selves  of  its  members,  and  has  no  soul 
of  its  own. 

These  differences  require  us  to  think. 
They  are  not  differences  which  lead  us  to 
say  that  the  morals  between  States  must 
be  different  in  character  from  the  morals 
between  individuals;  but  they  are  prob- 
lems which  we  cannot  dispose  of  by 
merely  referring  to  the  Ten  Command- 
ments as  a  rule  for  States  and  individuals 
alike.  To  my  mind,  the  conception  of 
sovereignty  is  a  provisional  conception, 
which  must  remain  as  a  check  to  progress 
in  international  relations  until  such  time 
as  these  differences  are  fully  grasped  and 
provided  for.  So  much,  then,  for  what 
seems  to  me  the  weak  point  in  Kant's 
position. 

Now  let  us  turn  to  its  elements  of  great- 
ness and  permanent  validity.  Kant's 
greatness  consists  in  his  power  to  reach 
directly  what  is  essential  in  any  case,  and 
to  formulate  the  first  principles  for  deal- 
ing with  it.  In  the  case  of  peace,  he  has 
shed  a  flood  of  light  on  the  problem  by 
cutting  it  away  from  the  insoluble  tangle 
of  expediency,  practicability,  precedent, 
etc.,  and  bringing  it  at  once  into  the  court 
of  human  right  and  duty,  where  it  be- 
longs. 

Kant  rests  his  case  upon  the  ultimate 
moral  principle,  the  "categorical  impera- 
tive"— i.  e.,  that  moral  rule  which  com- 
mands without  an  "if."  It  is  the  in- 
escapable and  unquestionable  duty  of 
every  man  to  "Treat  humanity,  whether  in 
yourself  or  in  another,  always  as  an  end 
in  itself  and  never  as  a  means  only." 
This  is  a  wonderful  formulation;  it  cuts 
the  ground  at  once  from  under  many 
historical  evils — from  under  slavery,  from 
under  prostitution,  from  under  warfare 
as  a  method  of  national  self-assertion — 
for  all  of  these  involve  exploiting  human- 
ity as  a  means  to  other  ends  than  its  own. 

Now  this  categorical  imperative  marks 
out  the  duty  of  the  individual;  but  in 
Kant's  hands  it  becomes  the  source  of  the 
principle  of  public  right.  The  political 
order  has  to  realize  right  in  external  mat- 
ters of  behavior  (which  alone  can  be  con- 
trolled by  law).  The  inner  law  of  duty 
requires  equal  respect  for  the  moral  el- 
ement in  all  men;  the  external   law  of 


right  requires  their  equal  freedom.  The 
goal  of  all  politics  is  to  provide  that  every 
man  may  be  free  to  do  "whatever  is  com- 
patible with  the  equal  freedom  of  others, 
according  to  a  universal  law."  This 
freedom  requires  the  supremacy  of  legal 
justice  in  the  world,  and  must  ultimately 
put  an  end  to  every  appeal  to  force. 

Now  the  notion  of  individual  freedom 
was  in  the  air  of  Kant's  time.  It  was  a 
part  of  the  spirit  of  the  great  revolutions 
and  of  the  enlightenment  out  of  which 
they  came.  Was  Kant,  perhaps,  only  tak- 
ing the  prevalent  idea  of  the  "natural 
rights"  of  man  and  drawing  from  it  the 
corollary  of  a  demand  for  universal 
peace?  So  to  interpret  Kant  is  to  miss 
the  secret  of  his  power.  As  Dean  Pound 
has  well  pointed  out,  the  idea  of  natural 
right,  as  disseminated  by  Locke,  Eous- 
seau,  and  others,  had  previously  played  a 
role  of  great  social  utility.  The  new 
commerce  and  the  new  industry  were  in 
extraordinary  need  of  a  conception  which 
would  enable  men  to  separate  themselves 
from  old  social  ties  without  losing  the 
fundamental  ties  of  right  and  duty  to  each 
other;  it  was  necessary  that  men  should 
be  able  to  regard  themselves  as  related 
not  by  ties  of  feudal  status  or  other  tra- 
ditional belongings,  but  by  ties  of  free 
contract.  In  the  changing  world  opened 
by  commerce,  exploration,  and  industry, 
it  was  less  important  to  keep  men  in  their 
old  places  than  to  give  them  a  sanction 
for  being  moral  and  legal  entities,  while 
places  changed.  The  human  being,  and 
not  the  group,  was  to  be  the  unit  of  the 
new  society;  and  he  was  to  be  a  detach- 
able unit.  He  must  have  rights  that  were 
transportable  from  place  to  place,  from 
employer  to  employer,  and  from  institu- 
tion to  institution.  This  was  precisely 
what  inherent  "natural  rights"  permitted 
him;  the  natural-rights  man  inevitably 
carried  his  rights  with  him,  like  so  many 
chemical  valencies,  and  they  enabled  him 
to  confront  changing  social  situations  with 
a  certain  moral  stability.  There  was  thus 
a  profound  economic  reason  for  the  vogue 
of  the  doctrine  of  natural  rights. 

But  I  must  point  out,  at  the  risk  of 
differing  from  Dean  Pound,  that  neither 
Locke  nor  Eousseau  nor  Kant  believed  in 
human  rights  for  reasons  of  these  social 
utilities:    the    utilities    were    incidental. 


1924 


IMMANUEL  KANT 


423 


They  believed  in  rights  because  they  were 
right ;  and  the  age  then  used  them  because 
they  were  useful.  But  Kant  alone  was 
fully  conscious  of  this  situation;  he  alone 
singled  out  the  element  of  right  and 
made  it  expressly  paramount  over  utility. 
His  view  of  human  freedom  and  equality 
came  from  his  metaphysical  view  of  the 
nature  of  the  universe — ultimately,  no 
doubt,  from  his  Pietistic  inheritance — as 
a  place  where  the  moral  order  is  the  su- 
preme order  and  the  moral  capacity  of 
man  his  supreme  trait.  In  such  an  order, 
right  determines  what  is  useful,  not  utility 
what  is  right.  By  the  clearness  with 
which  he  asserted  this,  Kant  separated 
himself  from  the  Enlightenment,  and 
inaugurated  a  new  era  in  thought. 

I  will  pass  over  a  number  of  subordi- 
nate principles  of  statecraft  suggested  by 
Kant  which  seem  to  me  shrewd  and  wise, 
and  come  to  the  thing  which  I  think  is 
the  most  important  message  which  Kant 
has  for  us  today — that  is,  his  rational  con- 
fidence in  the  outcome.  Because  it  is  our 
duty  to  bring  about  this  new  international 
situation,  the  task  is  always  a  hopeful 
task. 

Grotius  had  had  visions  of  international 
peace.  Eousseau  had  thought  of  these 
things  in  substance.  So  had  Voltaire. 
So  had  the  Abbe  de  Saint  Pierre.  But 
they  had  dreamed  of  them  with  vacillating 
hope  or  none.  When  Voltaire  went  to 
Frederick  the  Great  and  reported  to  him, 
"Eousseau  has  written  a  flaming  tractate, 
declaring  that  all  that  is  necessary  to 
bring  war  to  an  end  is  that  princes  shall 
lay  aside  their  ambitious  projects  and 
cease  to  be  self-indulgent  and  self-cen- 
tered." Frederick  the  Great  put  on  his 
cynical  smile  and  said,  "Is  that  aU?" 
(Laughter.) 

It  was  a  general  disbelief  in  the  pos- 
sibility of  peace  that  Eousseau  faced,  and 
Kant  faced  nothing  less  when  he  wrote. 
But  Kant  saw,  and  truly  said,  that  history 
furnishes  us  no  argument  about  what  is 
possible  and  what  is  impossible.  History 
shows,  rather,  that  the  alleged  impossible 
is  the  thing  that  is  happening  from  time 
to  time.  The  French  Eevolution  meant 
to  Kant  that  that  which  no  diplomat  had 
ever  believed  possible  was  possible — that 
an  ideal  should  upset  an  ancient  State. 
And  he  finely  observed  the  meaning  of  the 


psychological  forces  there  at  work.  It 
was  enthusiasm  that  worked  the  miracle. 
And  men  are  capable  of  enthusiasm  about 
something  which  demands  self-sacrifice, 
A3  for  what  promises  them  profit,  men 
can  be  eager  about  it,  but  not  enthusiastic, 
for  enthusiasm  is  a  fundamentally  moral 
emotion.  Here  Kant's  psychology  is  ab- 
solutely right.  And  the  historical  pos- 
sibilities of  this  moral  emotion  are  never 
exhausted. 

Kant  points  out  that  this  moral  passion 
is  not  without  a  helper.  Nature  itself 
makes  for  the  end  of  war.  A  race  of 
devils  would  be  driven  to  devise  a  civil 
order  among  themselves;  the  race  of  men 
must  be  impelled,  if  only  by  commercial 
greed,  by  the  need  of  markets,  by  the 
fear  of  misery  or  of  possible  extinction,  to 
devise  some  alternative  to  war.  Other 
forces  within  the  logic  of  history  are  work- 
ing in  the  same  direction.  Sophistica- 
tion of  mankind  gradually  defeats  the 
practises  of  deception;  the  practised 
morality  of  statesmen  must  gradually  ap- 
proximate the  professible  morality;  and 
men  will  be  brought  to  see  that  "all  actions 
touching  the  rights  of  other  men  which 
do  not  allow  of  publicity  are  wrong."  It 
will  also  be  perceived  that  the  attitude  of 
potential  hostility  to  neighbor  States  is 
incompatible  with  the  legal  order  within 
the  State ;  that  selfishness  in  international 
conduct  inevitably  reflects  itself  in  the 
behavior  of  citizens  toward  each  other;  so 
that  there  can  be  no  sound  State  which 
remains  selfishly  aloof  or  passive  toward 
the  creation  of  international  righteous- 
ness. 

But  no  one  knows  how  powerful  these 
forces  may  be,  nor  what  counter-forces 
may  work  against  them.  We  cannot  cal- 
culate the  course  of  history  objectively; 
there  is  no  prudential  way  to  peace.  The 
one  effective  force  in  this  direction  lies  in 
the  consciousness  that  we  ought  to  create 
peace;  and  because  we  ought,  we  can.  It 
is  absurd,  says  Kant,  to  suppose  that  any- 
thing can  be  morally  right  and  not  prac- 
tical; for  morality  is  the  very  essence  of 
the  practicable.  The  calculation  of  ex- 
pediency loses  itself  in  infinite  complica- 
tion; the  fact  of  duty  stands  simple.  Do 
justice,  enact  peace,  make  righteousness 
possible  in  the  world;  then  all  these  other 
things  will  be  added  unto  you. 


424 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


Then  Kant  makes  a  suggestion.  If  a 
powerful  and  avowed  republic  were  to 
take  the  lead  in  these  things — were  to 
make  itself  the  nucleus  of  an  organization 
of  States — we  should  find  other  States  as- 
sembling around  it,  and  we  should  find 
this  Federation  of  Free  States  beginning 
to  exist.  Is  there  a  "powerful  and  avowed 
republic/'  that  can  remain  indifferent  to 
this  possibility? 

"If,  therefore," — I  quote  from  Kant's 
treatise — "If,  therefore,  there  is  a  duty 


to  further  public  right,  and  if  there  is  a 
well  grounded  hope  to  approximate  it, 
then  eternal  peace  is  no  empty  idea,  but 
it  is  a  necessary  task  whose  accomplish- 
ment draws  continually  nearer."  We  have 
no  right  to  give  world  history  over  to  the 
play  of  a  statecraft  based  upon  force. 
We  have  no  right  to  give  up  the  effort  to 
bring  these  United  States  into  a  position 
where  international  justice  must  be 
thought  out  and  not  merely  fought  out. 
(Applause.) 


BUSINESS  ETHICS* 

By  HERBERT  HOOVER 
Secretary  of   Commerce 


THE  advancement  of  science  and  our 
increasing  population  require  con- 
stantly new  standards  of  conduct  and 
breed  an  increasing  multitude  of  new 
rules  and  regulations.  The  basic  princi- 
ples laid  down  in  the  Ten  Command- 
ments and  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  are 
as  applicable  today  as  when  they  were 
declared,  but  they  require  a  host  of  sub- 
sidiary clauses.  The  ten  ways  to  evil  in 
the  time  of  Moses  have  increased  to  ten 
thousand  now. 

A  whole  host  of  rules  and  regulations 
is  necessary  to  maintain  human  rights, 
with  this  amazing  transformation  into  an 
industrial  era.  Ten  people  in  a  whole 
county,  with  a  plow  apiece,  did  not  elbow 
each  other  very  much.  But  when  we  put 
seven  million  people  in  a  county,  with 
the  tools  of  electricity,  steam,  30-floor 
buildings,  telephones,  miscellaneous  noises, 
street  cars,  railways,  motors,  stock  ex- 
changes, and  what-not,  then  we  do  jostle 
each  other  in  a  multitude  of  directions. 
Thereupon  our  lawmakers  supply  the  de- 
mand by  the  ceaseless  piling  up  of  statutes 
in  attempts  to  keep  the  traffic  open ;  to  as- 
sure fair  dealing  in  the  economic  world ;  to 
eliminate  its  wastes ;  to  prevent  some  kind 
of  abuse  or  some  kind  of  domination. 
Moreover,  with  increasing  education,  our 
senses  become  more  offended  and  our  moral 
discrimination  increases;  for  all  of  which 
we  discover  new  things  to  remedy.     In 

*  Address  delivered  at  the  Annual  Meeting 
of  the  United  States  Chamber  of  Commerce, 
Cleveland,  Ohio,  May  7,  1924. 


one  of  our  States  over  1,000  laws  and  ordi- 
nances have  been  added  in  the  last  eight 
months.  It  is  also  true  that  a  large  part 
of  them  will  sleep  peacefully  in  the  statute 
book. 

The  question  we  need  to  consider  is 
whether  these  rules  and  regulations  are  to 
be  developed  solely  by  government  or 
whether  they  cannot  be  in  some  large 
part  developed  out  of  voluntary  forces  in 
the  nation.  In  other  words,  can  the 
abuses  which  give  rise  to  government  in 
business  be  eliminated  by  the  systematic 
and  voluntary  action  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustry itself  ?  This  is  indeed  the  thought 
behind  the  whole  gamut  of  recent  slo- 
gans— "Less  Government  in  Business," 
"Less  Government  Eegulation,"  "A 
Square  Deal,"  "The  Elimination  of 
Waste,"  "Better  Business  Ethics" — and  a 
dozen  others. 

National  character  cannot  be  built  by 
law.  It  is  the  sum  of  the  moral  fiber  of 
its  individuals.  When  abuses  which  rise 
from  our  growing  system  are  cured  by 
live  individual  conscience,  by  initiative  in 
the  creation  of  voluntary  standards,  then 
is  the  growth  of  moral  perceptions  ferti- 
lized in  every  individual  character. 

No  one  disputes  the  necessity  for  con- 
stantly new  standards  of  conduct  in  rela- 
tion to  all  these  tools  and  inventions. 
Even  our  latest  great  invention — radio — 
has  brought  a  host  of  new  questions.  No 
one  disputes  that  much  of  these  subsidiary 
additions  to  the  Ten  Commandments  must 
be  made  by  legislation.     Our  public  utili- 


19U 


BUSINESS  ETHICS 


435 


ties  are  wasteful  and  costly  unless  we  give 
them  a  privilege  more  or  less  monopolis- 
tic. At  once  when  we  have  business  af- 
fected with  monopoly  we  must  have  regu- 
lation by  law.  Much  of  even  this  phase 
might  have  been  unnecessary  had  there 
been  a  higher  degree  of  responsibility  to 
the  public,  higher  standards  of  business 
practice  among  those  who  dominated  these 
agencies  in  years  gone  by. 

There  has  been,  however,  a  great  exten- 
sion of  government  regulations  and  con- 
trol beyond  the  field  of  public  utilities 
into  the  fields  of  production  and  distribu- 
tion of  commodities  and  credit.  When 
legislation  penetrates  the  business  world 
it  is  because  there  is  abuse  somewhere.  A 
great  deal  of  this  legislation  is  due  rather 
to  the  inability  of  business  hitherto  so  to 
organize  as  to  correct  abuses  than  to  any 
lack  of  desire  to  have  it  done.  Sometimes 
the  abuses  are  more  apparent  than  real; 
but  anything  is  a  handle  for  demagoguery. 
In  the  main,  however,  the  public  act  only 
when  it  has  lost  confidence  in  the  ability 
or  willingness  of  business  to  correct  its 
own  abuses. 

Legislative  action  is  always  clumsy; 
it  is  incapable  of  adjustment  to  shifting 
needs.  It  often  enough  produces  new 
economic  currents  more  abusive  than  those 
intended  to  be  cured.  Government  too 
often  becomes  the  persecutor  instead  of  the 
regulator. 

The  vast  tide  of  these  regulations  that 
is  sweeping  onward  can  be  stopped  if  it  is 
possible  to  devise,  out  of  the  conscience 
and  organization  of  business  itself;  those 
restraints  which  will  cure  abuse;  that  will 
eliminate  waste ;  that  will  prevent  unneces- 
sary hardship  in  the  working  of  our  eco- 
nomic system;  that  will  march  without 
larger  social  understanding.  Indeed,  it  ii 
vitally  necessary  that  we  stem  this  tide  if 
we  would  preserve  that  initiative  in  men 
which  builds  up  the  character,  intelligence, 
and  progress  in  our  people. 

I  am  one  of  those  who  believe  in  the 
substratum  of  inherent  honesty,  the  fine 
vein  of  service  and  kindliness  in  our  citi- 
zenship. The  vast  volume  of  goods  and 
services  that  daily  flow  through  the  land 
would  cease  instantly  were  it  not  for  the 
instinctive  dependence  of  our  people  upon 
the  moral  responsibility  of  the  men  who 
labor  in  the  shops  and  farms  and  the  men 


who  direct  our  production  and  distribu- 
tion. 

In  these  times  of  muddled  thought  it  is 
sometimes  worth  repeating  a  truism.  In- 
dustry and  commerce  are  not  based  upon 
taking  advantage  of  other  persons.  Their 
foundations  lie  in  the  division  of  labor  and 
exchange  of  products ;  for  through  speciali- 
zation we  increase  the  total  and  variety  of 
production  and  secure  its  diffusion  into 
consumption.  By  some  false  analogy  to 
the  "survival  of  the  fittest"  many  have 
conceived  the  whole  business  world  to  be 
a  sort  of  economic  "dog  eat  dog."  We 
often  lay  too  much  emphasis  upon  its 
competitive  features,  too  little  upon  the 
fact  that  it  is  in  essence  a  great  co-opera- 
tive effort.  And,  our  home-made  Bolshe- 
vist-minded critics  to  the  contrary,  the 
whole  economic  structure  of  our  nation 
and  the  survival  of  our  high  general  levels 
of  comfort  are  dependent  upon  the  main- 
tenance and  development  of  leadership, 
in  the  world  of  industry  and  commerce. 
Any  contribution  to  larger  production,  to 
wider  diffusion  of  things  consumable  and 
enjoyable,  is  a  service  to  the  community, 
and  the  men  who  honestly  accomplish  it 
deserve  high  public  esteem. 

The  thing  we  all  need  to  consider  search- 
ingly  is  the  practical  question  of  the 
method  by  which  the  business  world  can 
develop  and  enforce  its  own  standards  and 
thus  stem  the  tide  of  governmental  regu- 
lation. The  cure  does  not  lie  in  mere  op- 
position. It  lies  in  the  correction  of 
abuse.  It  lies  in  an  adaptability  to 
changing  human  outlook. 

The  problem  of  business  ethics,  as  a 
prevention  of  abuse  is  of  two  categories; 
those  where  the  standard  must  be  one  of 
individual  moral  perceptions  and  those 
where  we  must  have  a  determination  of 
standards  of  conduct  for  a  whole  group  in 
order  that  there  may  be  a  basis  for  ethics. 

The  standards  of  honesty,  of  a  sense  of 
mutual  obligation  and  of  service,  were  de- 
termined 2,000  years  ago.  They  may  re- 
quire at  times  to  be  recalled.  And  the 
responsibihty  for  them  increases  infinitely 
in  high  places,  either  in  business  or  govern- 
ment, for  there  rests  the  high  respon- 
sibility for  leadership  in  fineness  of  moral 
perception.  Their  failure  is  a  blow  at 
the  repute  of  business  and  at  confidence 
in  government  itself. 


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July 


The  second  field,  and  the  one  which  I 
am  primarily  discussing  is  the  great  area 
of  indirect  economic  wrong  and  unethi- 
cal practices  that  spring  up  under  the 
pressures  of  competition  and  habit. 
There  is  also  the  great  field  of  economic 
waste  through  destructive  competition, 
through  strikes,  booms  and  slumps,  un- 
employment, through  failure  of  our  dif- 
ferent industries  to  synchronize,  and  a 
hundred  other  causes  which  directly  lower 
our  productivity  and  employment.  Waste 
may  be  abstractly  unethical,  but  in  any 
event  it  can  only  be  remedied  by  economic 
action. 

If  we  are  to  find  solution  of  these  col- 
lective issues  outside  of  government  regu- 
lation, we  must  meet  two  practical  prob- 
lems : 

First,  there  must  be  organization  in 
such  form  as  can  establish  the  standards 
of  conduct  in  this  vast  complex  of  shifting 
invention,  production,  and  use.  There  is 
no  existing  basis  to  check  the  failure  of 
service  or  the  sacrifice  of  public  interest. 
Some  one  must  determine  such  standards. 
They  must  be  determined  and  held  flexibly 
in  tune  with  the  intense  technology  of 
trade. 

Second,  there  must  be  some  sort  of  en- 
forcement. There  is  the  perpetual  diffi- 
culty of  a  small  minority  who  will  not 
play  the  game.  They  too  often  bring 
disrepute  upon  the  vast  majority;  they 
drive  many  others  to  adopt  unfair  com- 
petitive methods  which  all  deplore;  their 
abuses  give  rise  to  public  indignation  and 
clamor  which  breed  legislative  action. 

I  believe  we  now,  for  the  first  time, 
have  the  method  at  hand  for  voluntary 
organized  determination  of  standards  and 
their  adoption.  I  would  go  further;  I 
believe  we  are  in  the  presence  of  a  new  era 
in  the  organization  of  industry  and  com- 
merce, in  which,  if  properly  directed,  lie 
forces  pregnant  with  infinite  possibilities 
of  moral  progress.  I  believe  that  we  are, 
almost  unnoticed,  in  the  midst  of  a  great 
revolution — or  perhaps  a  better  word,  a 
transformation — in  the  whole  super-organ- 
ization of  our  economic  life.  We  are  pass- 
ing from  a  period  of  extremely  individual- 
istic action  into  a  period  of  associational 
activities. 

Practically  our  entire  American  work- 
ing world  is  now  organized  into  some  form 


of  economic  association.  We  have  trade 
associations  and  trade  institutes  embracing 
particular  industries  and  occupations. 
We  have  chambers  of  commerce  embrac- 
ing representatives  of  different  industries 
and  commerce.  We  have  the  labor  unions 
representing  the  different  crafts.  We  have 
associations  embracing  all  the  different 
professions — law,  engineering,  medicine, 
banking,  real  estate  and  what-not.  We 
have  farmers'  associations  and  we  have 
the  enormous  growth  of  farmers'  co- 
operatives for  actual  dealing  in  commodi- 
ties. Of  indirect  kin  to  this  is  the  great 
increase  in  ownership  of  industries  by 
their  employees  and  customers,  and  again 
we  have  a  tremendous  expansion  of  mu- 
tualized  insurance  and  banking. 

Although  such  associational  organiza- 
tions can  trace  parentage  to  the  middle 
ages,  yet  in  their  present  implication  they 
are  the  birth  of  the  last  50  years,  and  in 
fact  their  growth  to  enveloping  numbers 
is  of  the  last  25  years.  We  have,  perhaps, 
25,000  such  associational  activities  in  the 
economic  field.  Membership,  directly  or 
indirectly,  now  embraces  the  vast  majority 
of  all  the  individuals  of  our  country. 
Action  of  wide  import  by  such  associa- 
tions has  become  an  important  force  of 
late  in  our  political,  economic,  and  social 
life. 

It  is  true  that  these  associations  exist 
for  varied  purposes.  Some  are  strong  in 
recognition  of  public  responsibility  and 
large  in  vision.  Some  are  selfish  and  nar- 
row. But  they  all  represent  a  vast  fer- 
ment of  economic  striving  and  change. 

Ever  since  the  factory  system  was  born, 
there  has  been  within  it  a  struggle  to  at- 
tain more  stability  through  collective 
action.  This  effort  has  sought  to  secure 
more  regular  production,  more  regular 
employment,  better  wages,  the  elimination 
of  waste,  the  maintenance  of  quality  or 
service,  decrease  in  destructive  competi- 
tion and  unfair  practices,  and  ofttimes  to 
assure  prices  or  profits.  The  first  phase 
of  development  on  the  business  side  was 
"pools"  in  production  and  distribution. 
They  were  infected  with  imposition  upon 
the  public  and  their  competitors.  In  some 
part  they  were  struggles  to  correct  abuse 
and  waste.  They  were  followed  by  an  era 
of  capital  consolidations  with  the  same 
objects,    but    also    to    create    a    situation 


192Jf 


BUSINESS  ETHICS 


427 


of  unbreakable  agreements.  Both  were 
against  public  interest,  and  the  public  in- 
tervened through  the  Sherman  Act.  Yet 
underneath  all  these  efforts  there  was  a 
residuum  of  objects  which  were  in  public 
interest. 

Associational  activities  are,  I  believe, 
driving  upon  a  new  road,  where  the  ob- 
jectives can  be  made  wholly  and  vitally  of 
public  interest.  The  legitimate  trade  as- 
sociations and  chambers  of  commerce,  with 
which  I  am  now  primarily  concerned,  pos- 
sesses certain  characteristics  of  social  im- 
portance and  the  widest  differentiation 
from  pools  and  trusts.  Their  membership 
must  be  open  to  all  members  in  the  in- 
dustry or  trade,  or  rival  organizations 
enter  the  field  at  once.  Therefore,  they 
are  not  millstones  for  the  grinding  of  com- 
petitors, as  was  the  essence  of  the  old  trade 
combinations.  Their  purpose  must  be 
the  advancement  of  the  whole  industry  or 
trade,  or  they  cannot  hold  together.  The 
total  interdependence  of  all  industries  and 
commerce  compels  them,  in  the  long  run, 
to  go  parallel  to  the  general  economic 
good.  Their  leaders  rise  in  a  real  democ- 
racy, without  bosses  or  political  manipula- 
tion. Citizens  cannot  run  away  from  their 
country  if  they  do  not  like  the  political 
management,  but  members  of  voluntary 
associations  can  resign  and  the  association 
dies. 

I  believe  that  through  these  forces  we 
are  slowly  moving  toward  some  sort  of 
industrial  democracy.  We  are  upon  its 
threshold,  if  these  agencies  can  be  directed 
solely  to  constructive  performance  in  the 
public  interest. 

All  this  does  contain  some  dangers,  but 
they  will  come  only  from  low  ethical 
standards.  With  these  agencies  used  as 
the  machinery  for  the  cultivation  and 
spread  of  high  standards  and  the  elimina- 
tion of  abuses,  I  am  convinced  that  we 
shall  have  entered  the  great  era  of  self- 
governing  industry  and  business  which  has 
been  a  dream  to  many  thinkers.  A  self- 
governing  industry  can  be  made  to  render 
needless  a  vast  area  of  governmental  in- 
terference and  regulation  which  has  grown 
up  out  of  righteous  complaint  against  the 
abuses  during  the  birth  pains  of  an  indus- 
trial world. 

Some  people  have  been  alarmed  lest  this 
associational  movement  mean  the  destruc- 


tion of  our  competitive  system,  lest  it  in- 
evitably destroy  the  primary  individual- 
ism which  is  the  impulse  of  our  society. 
This  alarm  is  groundless.  Its  rightful 
activities  do  not  destroy  equality  of  op- 
portunity or  initiative.  In  fact,  they  of- 
fer new  avenues  of  opportunity  for  indi- 
viduals to  make  progress  toward  leadership 
in  the  community.  Any  one  of  them  will 
die  at  once  if  it  does  not  offer  equality  of 
opportunity  to  its  members;  or,  if  it  re- 
stricts its  membership,  rival  associations 
at  once  emerge.  They  are  the  safeguards 
of  small  business,  and  thus  prevent  the  ex- 
tinction of  competition.  They  are  the 
alternative  to  capital  consolidation.  They 
are  not  a  growth  toward  socialism — that 
is,  government  in  all  business — they  are, 
in  fact,  a  growth  directly  away  from  such 
an  idea. 

Eight  here,  for  the  benefit  of  the  gloomy 
persons  who  have  a  frozen  belief  that  every 
form  of  associational  activity  is  a  con- 
spiracy to  fix  prices  and  to  restrain  trade, 
to  perpettLate  tyranny  of  employer  or  em- 
ployee, we  may  remember  that  there  are 
some  crooks  in  every  line  of  endeavor. 
The  underlying  purposes  of  the  vast  ma- 
jority are  constructive.  A  minority  may 
be  violating  the  Ten  Commandments  and 
need  the  application  of  criminal  stand- 
ards. I  am  speaking,  however,  of  some- 
thing more  vital  than  porch-climbing. 

I  am,  of  course,  well  aware  of  the  legal 
difficulties  that  surround  certain  types  of 
associational  work.  I  do  not  believe  that 
the  development  of  standards  of  conduct 
or  the  elimination  of  abuses  in  public  in- 
terest has  ever  been  challenged  as  a  viola- 
tion of  the  Sherman  Act.  Moreover,  to 
establish  either  a  physical  or  a  moral 
standard  directly  sharpens  competition. 

These  associational  activities  are  the 
promising  machinery  for  much  of  the 
necessary  determination  of  ethical  stand- 
ards, for  the  elimination  of  useless  waste 
and  hardship  from  the  burden  of  our  eco- 
nomic engines.  Moreover,  we  have  in 
them  not  only  the  agencies  by  which 
standards  can  be  set,  but  by  co-operative 
action  among  the  associations  represent- 
ing the  different  stages  of  production, 
distribution,  and  use  we  can  secure  a  de- 
gree of  enforcement  far  wider  than  mere 
public  opinion  in  a  single  trade. 

When  standards  are  agreed  upon  by  the 


428 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


associations  representing  the  manufacturer 
and  distributer  and  by  those  represent- 
ing the  user,  we  have  a  triple  force  inter- 
acting for  their  enforcement. 

Now,  I  do  not  wish  any  one  to  think  my 
feet  are  not  on  the  ground  in  all  this,  and 
I  propose  to  give  a  few  illustrations  from 
real  life  of  what  can  be  effected  by  con- 
structive associations  and  by  co-operation 
among  them. 

The  Department  of  Commerce  has,  at 
the  request  of  the  lumber  industry,  held  a 
number  of  conferences  to  discuss  the  rules 
of  the  road  in  that  industry  and  its  rela- 
tions to  the  other  industries  and  the  com- 
mon good.  The  problem  was  to  establish 
more  general  and  more  constructive  stand- 
ards of  practice,  ethics,  and  waste  elimina- 
tion. 

In  the  toil  of  formulating  these  stand- 
ards there  arose  a  question  of  how  thick  a 
one-inch  board  should  be.  It  sounds  easy. 
But  it  quickly  developed  to  be  a  question 
whether  it  should  be  onr  inch  thick  when 
it  was  green;  after  it  was  dried;  when 
planed  on  one  side,  or  when  planed  on 
both  sides.  It  developed  not  only  that  a 
choice  had  to  be  made  among  these  four 
alternatives,  but  also  that  this  choice  had 
to  be  based  upon  a  proper  consideration 
for  the  conservation  of  our  forests  on  one 
hand  and  the  provision  of  a  material  of 
such  structural  character  as  to  constitute  a 
square  deal  to  the  consumer  on  the  other. 
It  also  developed  that  there  were  32  dif- 
ferent thicknesses  of  a  one-inch  board  in 
current  use,  and  that  some  minority  of 
manufacturers  in  the  drive  of  unfair  com- 
petition were  gradually  thinning  the 
board,  until  it  threatened  to  become  paper. 
There  also  had  to  be  developed  the  exact 
differences  which  threw  a  board  into  four 
or  five  different  grades,  and  there  had  to 
be  a  determination  of  standard  trade 
names  for  different  species  of  wood.  The 
point  was  that  an  accurate  standard  had 
to  be  determined  before  discrimination  as 
to  fair  dealing  and  public  service  could  be 
gauged.  That  occasion  was  the  founda- 
tion of  ethics  in  one-inch  boards. 

These  conferences  established  some  80 
questions,  involving  the  whole  technology 
of  lumber  and  comprising  for  the  first  time 
a  definite  series  of  national  standards. 
Here  is  the  sum  of  our  problem.  It  could 
only  be  accomplished  through  an  associa- 


tion in  the  industry.     It  is  proof  of  indus- 
trial conscience  and  service. 

The  second  part  of  the  practical  problem 
which  I  enumerated  before  is  enforcement. 
Again  associational  activities  were  called 
upon.  The  manufacturers  were  not  alone 
in  these  conferences,  but  the  distributer 
and  consumer  were  also  represented  by  the 
Architects'  Association,  the  Building  Con- 
tractors' Association,  the  railway  and  other 
purchasing  associations,  and  the  retailers 
associations.  The  action  and  reaction  of 
the  buyer  and  seller  upon  each  other  in 
their  desire  to  secure  fair  dealing  in  in- 
dustry can  procure  enforcement.  Joint 
inspection  bureaus  have  been  erected, 
where  complaint  for  violation  can  be 
lodged  and  determination  made.  En- 
forcement may  not  be  100  per  cent,  but 
the  standards  are  there  and  a  sense  of 
individual  responsibility  and  self-interest 
will  eventually,  I  am  confident,  make  them 
universal. 

For  years  aggrieved  persons  and  some 
of  the  trade  have  been  agitating  this  ques- 
tion of  liimber  standards  in  Congress. 
Numerous  bills  have  been  introduced. 
If  this  effort  succeeds,  no  legislation  will 
be  necessary.  This  is  keeping  the  govern- 
ment out  of  business  through  the  remedy 
of  abuses  by  business  itself, 

I  propose  now  to  mention  one  other 
case  of  a  most  vitally  important  and  en- 
tirely different  order,  rendered  possible 
only  through  associational  activity,  in 
which  the  Department  of  Commerce  has 
been  in  active  co-operation.  That  is  the 
bituminous  coal  industry.  There  have 
been  developed  in  this  industry,  as  many 
of  you  are  aware,  30  per  cent  too  many 
mines,  operating  intermittently  during 
nearly  every  week  of  the  year,  with  a  large 
seasonal  dip  in  summer.  Thus  they  re- 
quired 30  per  cent  more  labor  and  30  per 
cent  more  capital  than  was  necessary  to 
produce  the  nation's  coal.  One  effect  of 
this  situation  was  that  some  proportion  of 
the  employees  secured  too  few  days'  work 
to  yield  them  a  reasonable  standard  of 
living,  even  at  the  apparently  high  daily 
wage.  This  minority  of  employees  were 
naturally  a  constant  source  of  agitation 
and  disturbance.  The  result  of  all  this 
was  a  higher  cost  of  producing  coal  and 
consequently  a  higher  national  coal  bill; 
speculation  and  uncertainty  to  the  opera- 


192Jf 


BUSINESS  ETHICS 


429 


tors;  hardship  and  difficulty  and  insta- 
bility to  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
workers.  The  fundamental  cause  was  a 
vicious  cycle  of  seasonal  fluctuation  in  de- 
mand, annual  shortages  in  coal  cars,  and 
periodic  strikes,  which  grew  out  of  the  in- 
stability of  labor  relationships.  These 
periods  of  shortened  or  suspended  pro- 
duction always  resulted  in  famine  prices 
for  coal  and  great  stimulation  to  the 
opening  of  new  mines. 

At  least  four  government  commissions 
have  examined  this  question.  Probably 
40  bills  have  been  introduced  into  Con- 
gress proposing  governmental  regulation, 
in  an  attempt  to  correct  the  abuses  and 
wastes  and  public  danger  that  lay  in  the 
situation. 

The  associational  agencies  in  the  field 
were  those  of  the  operators,  of  labor,  of 
the  railway  executives,  and  of  the  various 
associations  of  industries  as  consumers. 
The  first  problem  was  to  secure  a  general 
knowledge  of  the  causes,  to  which  I  feel 
the  Department  of  Commerce  contributed 
substantially.  Eemedy  was  undertaken  in 
many  directions.  The  railway  association 
induced  the  construction  of  a  more  ample 
supply  of  coal  cars  and  greater  expedition 
and  interchange  in  handling  between  dif- 
ferent railways.  The  Department  of 
Commerce,  in  co-operation  with  the  cham- 
bers of  commerce,  manufacturers'  associa- 
tions, railway  and  public  utilities  associa- 
tions, secured  that  more  coal  should  be  put 
in  storage  during  the  summer  season. 
The  result  was  that  last  year,  for  the  first 
time  in  many  years,  we  had  no  interrup- 
tion in  the  distribution  of  coal  due  to  car 
shortages.  One  element  of  the  vicious  cy- 
cle in  this  situation  is  eliminated,  pro- 
vided we  can  continue  this  same  co-opera- 
tion in  the  future. 

The  second  part  of  the  solution  was  the 
general  agreement  by  both  operators  and 
labor  that  stability  could  not  be  restored 
in  the  industry  unless  there  was  a  long 
period  of  continuous  operation,  in  which 
the  absence  of  coal  famines  and  profiteer- 
ing would  eliminate  the  speculative  and 
high-cost  producers  and  reduce  the  units 
in  the  industry,  and  thus  its  intermittency. 
The  labor  agreement  between  these  asso- 
ciations made  last  February  for  a  term  of 
three  years  has  assured  this  improvement. 

Here  we  have  an  example  of  the  most 


profound  national  importance  in  at  least 
the  beginning  of  stabilization  of  an  in- 
dustry involved  in  a  most  vicious  cycle  of 
waste  and  trouble.  The  national  savings 
can  be  measured  in  hundred  of  millions 
and  the  human  hardships  greatly  lessened. 
There  will  be  some  preliminary  hardship 
in  so  great  a  self-imposed  surgical  opera- 
tion, but  I  am  confident  it  will  heal  to  the 
mutual  interest  of  the  operators,  the  pub- 
lic, and  the  workers.  Today  I  do  not  be- 
lieve there  is  any  sentiment  for  govern- 
ment regulation  of  the  bituminous  coal 
industry. 

Another  instance  of  great  interest  in 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  participate  was 
the  abolition  of  the  12-hour  day  in  the 
steel  industry  through  the  action  of  the 
steel  association. 

I  could  give  you  a  multitude  of  ex- 
amples of  the  beginnings  of  constructive 
self-government  in  industry  among  many 
other  associations.  The  very  publication 
of  codes  of  ethics  by  many  associations  in- 
stilling service  as  the  primary  purpose; 
the  condemnation  of  specific  unfair  prac- 
tices; the  insistence  upon  a  higher  plane 
of  relationships  between  employer  and  em- 
ployee— all  of  them  are  at  least  indications 
of  improving  thought  and  growing  moral 
perceptions. 

All  of  this  is  the  strong  beginning  of  a 
new  force  in  the  business  world.  The  in- 
dividual interest  is  wrapped  up  with  the 
public  interest.  They  can  find  expression 
only  through  association.  Three  years  of 
study  and  intimate  contact  with  associa- 
tions of  economic  groups,  whether  in  pro- 
duction, distribution,  labor  or  finance, 
convince  me  that  there  lies  within  them  a 
great  moving  impulse  toward  betterment. 

If  these  organizations  accept  as  their 
primary  purpose  the  lifting  of  standards, 
if  they  will  co-operate  together  for  volun- 
tary enforcement  of  high  standards,  we 
shall  have  proceeded  far  along  the  road 
of  the  elimination  of  government  from 
business.  American  business  is  never  se- 
cure unless  it  has  public  confidence  behind 
it;  otherwise  it  will  always  be  a  prey  to 
demagoguery  and  filled  with  discourage- 
ment. 

The  test  of  our  whole  economic  and  so- 
cial system  is  its  capacity  to  cure  its  own 
abuses.     New  abuses  and  new  relationships 


430 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


to  the  public  interest  will  occur  as  long 
as  we  continue  to  progress.  If  we  are  to 
be  wholly  dependent  upon  government  to 
cure  these  abuses,  we  shall  by  this  very 
method  have  created  an  enlarged  and 
deadening  abuse  through  the  extension  of 
bureaucracy  and  the  clumsy  and  incap- 
able handling  of  delicate  economic  forces. 
The  old  law  merchant  is  the  basis  of  much 
of  our  common  law.  A  renaissance  of  a 
new  law  merchant  could  so  advance  our 
standards  as  to  solve  much  of  the  problem 
of  government  in  business. 

American  business  needs  a  lifting  pur- 
pose greater  than  the  struggle  of  material- 
ism. Nor  can  it  lie  in  some  evanescent, 
emotional,  dramatic  crusade.  It  lies  in 
the  higher  pitch  of  economic  life,  in  a 
finer  regard  for  the  rights  of  others,  a 
stronger  devotion  to  obligations  of  citizen- 
ship, that  will  assure  an  improved  leader- 
ship in  every  community  and  the  nation; 


of 


it  lies  in  the  organization  of  the  forces  of 
our  economic  life  so  that  they  may  pr 
duce  happier  individual  lives,  more  secun 
in  employment  and  comfort,  wider  in  thi 
possibilities  of  enjoyment  of  nature,' 
larger  in  its  opportunities  of  intellectual 
life.  Our  people  have  already  shown  a 
higher  sense  of  responsibilities  in  these 
things  than  those  of  any  other  country. 
The  ferment  of  organization  for  more 
definite  accomplishment  of  these  things  in 
the  practical  day-to-day  progress  of  busi- 
ness life  is  alive  in  our  business  world. 

The  government  can  best  contribute 
through  stimulation  of  and  co-operation 
with  voluntary  forces  in  our  national  life; 
for  we  thus  preserve  the  foundations  upon 
which  we  have  progressed  so  far — the 
initiative  of  our  people.  With  vision  and 
devotion,  these  voluntary  forces  can  ac- 
complish more  for  America  than  any 
spread  of  the  hand  of  government. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


JAPAN  AND   IMMIGRATION 
EXCLUSION 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  the  Jap- 
anese protest  against  the  exclusion  provisions 
of  the  Immigration  Bill,  handed  to  Secretary 
of  State  Hughes  on  May  31  (I),  and  of  the 
Secretary's  reply.) 

I 

Japanese  Embassy, 
Washington,  May  31,  1924. 
Hon.  Chart.es  E.  Hughes, 
Secretary  of  State. 
Sib:  In  pursuance  of  instructions  from  my 
gorernment,  I  have  the  honor  to  present  to 
you  herewith  a  memorandum  enunciating  the 
position  of  Japan  on  the  subject  of  the  dis- 
criminatory    provisions     against     Japanese 
which  are  embodied  in  section  13  (C)  of  the 
Immigration  Act  of  1924,  approved  May  26, 
1924. 

Memorandum 

The  Japanese  Government  are  deeply  con- 
cerned by  the  enactment  in  the  United  States 
of  an  act  entitled  the  "Immigration  Act  of 


1924."  While  the  measure  was  under  dis- 
cussion in  the  Congress  they  took  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  invite  the  attention  of  the 
American  Government  to  a  discriminatory 
clause  embodied  in  the  act,  namely,  section 
13  (C),  which  provided  for  the  exclusion  of 
aliens  ineligible  to  citizenship,  in  contradis- 
tinction to  other  classes  of  aliens,  and  which 
is  manifestly  intended  to  apply  to  Japanese. 
Neither  the  representations  of  the  Japanese 
Government  nor  the  recommendations  of  the 
President  or  of  the  Secretary  of  State  were 
heeded  by  the  Congress,  and  the  clause  in 
question  has  now  been  written  into  the  stat- 
utes of  the  United  States. 

It  is  perhaps  needless  to  state  that  inter- 
national discriminations  in  any  form  and  on 
any  subject,  even  if  based  on  purely  economic 
reasons,  are  opposed  to  the  principles  of 
justice  and  fairness  upon  which  the  friendly 
intercourse  between  nations  must,  in  its  final 
analysis,  depend.  To  these  very  principles 
the  doctrine  of  equal  opportunity  now  widely 
recognized,  with  the  unfailing  support  of  the 
United  States,  owes  its  being. 


19U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


431 


Still  more  unwelcome  are  discriminations 
based  on  race.  The  strong  condemnation  of 
such  practice  evidently  inspired  the  American 
Government  in  1912  in  denouncing  the  com- 
mercial treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
Russia,  pursuant  to  the  resolution  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  December  12, 
1911,  as  a  protest  against  the  unfair  and  un- 
equal treatment  of  aliens  of  a  particular  race 
in  Russia.  Yet  discrimination  of  a  similar 
character  is  expressed  by  the  new  statute  of 
the  United  States. 

The  Immigration  Act  of  1924,  considered  in 
the  light  of  the  Supreme  Court's  interpreta- 
tion of  the  naturalization  laws,  clearly  estab- 
lishes the  rule  that  the  admissibility  of 
aliens  to  the  United  States  rests  not  upon 
individual  merits  or  qualifications,  but  upon 
the  division  of  race  to  which  applicants  be- 
long. In  particular  it  appears  that  such 
racial  distinction  in  the  act  is  directed  essen- 
tially against  Japanese,  since  persons  of  other 
Asiatic  races  are  excluded  under  separate 
enactments  of  prior  dates,  as  is  pointed  out 
in  the  published  letter  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  of  February  8,  1924,  to  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Immigration  and  Natu- 
ralization of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Alleges  Prior  Aloofness  by  United  States 

It  has  been  repeatedly  asserted  in  defense 
of  these  discriminatory  measures  in  the 
United  States  that  persons  of  the  Japanese 
race  are  not  assimilable  to  American  life  and 
ideals.  It  will,  however,  be  observed,  in  the 
first  place,  that  few  immigrants  of  a  foreign 
stoclc  may  well  be  expected  to  assimilate 
themselves  to  their  new  surroundings  within 
a  single  generation.  The  history  of  Jap- 
anese immigrants  to  the  United  States  in  any 
appreciable  number  dates  but  from  the  last 
few  years  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The 
period  of  time  is  too  short  to  permit  of  any 
conclusive  judgment  being  passed  upon  the 
racial  adaptabilities  of  these  immigrants  in 
the  matter  of  assimilation,  as  compared  with 
alien  settlers  of  the  races,  classed  as  eligible 
to  American  citizenship. 

It  should  further  be  remarked  that  the 
process  of  assimilation  can  thrive  only  in  a 
genial  atmosphere  of  just  and  equitable  treat- 
ment. Its  natural  growth  is  bound  to  be 
hampered  under  such  a  pressure  of  invidious 
discriminations  as  that  to  which  Japanese 
residents  in  some  States  of  the  American 
Union  have  been  subjected,  at  law   and  in 


practice,  for  nearly  twenty  years.  It  seems 
hardly  fair  to  complain  of  the  failure  of 
foreign  elements  to  merge  in  a  community 
while  the  community  chooses  to  keep  them 
apart  from  the  rest  of  its  membership.  For 
these  reasons  the  assertion  of  Japanese  non- 
assimilability  seems  at  least  premature,  if 
not  fundamentally  unjust. 

Turning  to  the  survey  of  commercial  trea- 
ties between  Japan  and  the  United  States, 
Article  II  of  the  Treaty  of  1894  contained  a 
clause  to  the  following  effect : 

"It  is,  however,  understood  that  the  stipu- 
lations contained  in  this  and  the  preceding 
article  do  not  in  any  way  affect  the  laws, 
ordinances  and  regulations  with  regard  to 
trade,  the  immigration  of  laborers,  police  and 
public  security  which  are  in  force  or  may 
hereafter  be  enacted  in  either  of  the  two 
countries." 

When  the  treaty  was  revised  in  1911  this 
provisory  clause  was  deleted  from  the  new 
treaty  at  the  request  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment, retaining  the  general  rule  which  as- 
sures the  liberty  of  entry,  travel,  and  resi- 
dence ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  Japanese 
Government  made  the  following  declaration, 
dated  February  1,  1911,  which  is  attached  to 
the  treaty : 

"In  proceeding  this  day  to  the  signature  of 
the  Treaty  of  Commerce  and  Navigation  be- 
tween Japan  and  the  United  States,  the  un- 
dersigned Japanese  Ambassador  in  Wash- 
ington, duly  authorized  by  his  government, 
has  the  honor  to  declare  that  the  Imperial 
Japanese  Government  are  fully  prepared  to 
maintain  with  equal  effectiveness  the  limita- 
tion and  control  which  they  have  for  the  past 
three  years  exercised  in  regulation  of  the 
emigration  of  laborers  to  the  United  States." 

In  proceeding  to  the  exchange  of  ratifica- 
tions of  the  revised  treaty,  the  Acting  Secre- 
tary of  State  communicated  to  the  Japanese 
Ambassador  on  February  25,  1911,  that  "the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  to  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty  is  given  with  the  under- 
standing, which  is  to  be  made  part  of  the  In- 
strument of  ratification,  that  the  treaty  shall 
not  be  deemed  to  repeal  or  affect  any  of  the 
provisions  of  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  'An 
act  to  regulate  the  immigration  of  aliens  into 
the  United  States,  approved  February  20, 
1907.'  The  Acting  Secretary  of  State  then 
added : 

"  'Inasmuch  as  this  act  applies  to  the  immi- 
gration of  aliens  into  the  United  States  from 
all  countries  and  makes  no  discrimination  in 
favor  of  any  country,  it  is  not  perceived  that 


432 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


your  government  will  have  an  objection  to  the 
understanding  being  recorded  in  the  instru- 
ment of  ratification.' " 

The  foregoing  history  will  show  that 
throughout  these  negotiations  one  of  the 
chief  preoccupations  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment was  to  protect  their  nationals  from  dis- 
criminatory immigration  legislation  in  the 
United  States.  That  position  of  Japan  was 
fully  understood  and  appreciated  by  the 
American  Government,  and  it  was  with  these 
considerations  in  view  that  the  existing  treaty 
was  signed  and  the  exchange  of  its  ratifica- 
tions effected.  In  this  situation,  while  re- 
serving for  another  occasion  the  presenta- 
tion of  the  question  of  legal  technicality, 
whether  and  how  far  the  provisions  of  Sec- 
tion 13  (C)  of  the  Immigration  Act  of  1924 
are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
of  1911,  the  Japanese  Government  desires  now 
to  point  out  that  the  new  legislation  is  in 
entire  disregard  of  the  spirit  and  circum- 
stances that  underlie  the  conclusion  of  the 
treaty. 

Cites  "Gentlemen's  Agreement" 

With  regard  to  the  so-called  "gentlemen's 
agreement,"  it  will  be  recalled  that  it  was  de- 
signed, on  the  one  hand,  to  meet  the  actual 
requirements  of  the  situation,  as  perceived  by 
the  American  Government,  concerning  Jap- 
anese immigration,  and,  on  the  other,  to  pro- 
vide against  the  possible  demand  in  the 
United  States  for  a  statutory  exclusion  which 
would  offend  the  just  susceptibilities  of  the 
Japanese  people.  The  arrangement  came  into 
force  in  1908.  Its  eflaciency  has  been  proved 
in  fact.  The  figures  given  in  the  annual  re- 
port of  the  United  States  Commissioner  Gen- 
eral of  Immigration  authoritatively  show  that 
during  the  fifteen  years  from  1908  to  1923  the 
excess  in  number  of  Japanese  admitted  to 
continental  United  States  over  those  who 
departed  was  no  more  than  8,681  all  together, 
including  not  only  immigrants  of  the  labor- 
ing class,  but  also  merchants,  students,  and 
other  non-laborers  and  non-immigrants,  the 
numbers  which  naturally  increased  with  the 
growth  of  commercial,  intellectual,  and  social 
relations  between  the  two  countries.  If  even 
so  limited  a  number  should  in  any  way  be 
found  embarrassing  to  the  United  States,  the 
Japanese  Government  have  already  mani- 
fested their  readiness  to  revise  the  existing 
arrangement  with  a  view  to  further  limita- 
tion of  emigration. 


Co-operation  "Abruptly  Overthrown" 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  sweeping  pro- 
visions of  the  new  act,  clearly  Indicative  of 
discrimination  against  Japanese,  have  made 
it  impossible  for  Japan  to  continue  the  under- 
takings assumed  under  the  "gentlemen's 
agreement."  An  understanding  of  friendly 
co-operation,  reached  after  long  and  compre- 
hensive discussion  between  the  Japanese  and 
American  governments,  has  thus  been  ab- 
ruptly overthrown  by  legislative  action  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  The  patient, 
loyal,  and  scrupulous  observance  by  Japan  for 
more  than  sixteen  years  of  these  self-denying 
regulations,  in  the  interest  of  good  relations 
between  the  two  countries,  now  seems  to  have 
been  wasted. 

It  is  not  denied  that,  fundamentally  speak- 
ing, it  lies  within  the  inherent  sovereign 
power  of  each  State  to  limit  and  control  im- 
migration to  its  own  domains;  but  when,  In 
the  exercise  of  such  right,  an  evident  in- 
justice is  done  to  a  foreign  nation  in  disre- 
gard of  its  proper  self-respect,  of  interna- 
tional understandings  or  of  ordinary  rules  of 
comity,  the  question  necessarily  assumes  an 
aspect  which  justifies  diplomacy,  discussion, 
and  adjustment. 

Accordingly,  the  Japanese  Government 
consider  it  their  duty  to  maintain  and  to 
place  on  record  their  solemn  protest  against 
the  discriminatory  clause  in  section  13  (C) 
of  Immigration  act  of  1924  and  to  request 
the  American  Government  to  take  all  possible 
and  suitable  measures  for  the  removal  of 
such  discrimination. 

I  am  instructed  further  to  express  the  con- 
fidence that  this  communication  will  be  re- 
ceived by  the  American  Government  in  the 
same  spirit  of  friendliness  and  candor  in 
which  it  is  made. 

Accept,  sir,  the  renewed  assurances  of  my 
highest  consideration. 

(Signed)  M.  Hanihara. 

II 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  June  16,  1924. 
His  Excellency  Mr.  Masanao  Hanihara, 
Japanese  Ambassador. 
Excellency  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowl- 
edge the  receipt  of  your  note  under  date  of 
May  31,   containing  a  memorandum   stating 
the  position  of  the  Japanese  Government  with 
respect  to  the  provision  of  section  13  (c)  of 


19U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


441 


A  Gradual  Process 

When  these  conditions  have  been  estab- 
lished, confidence  in  Russia  will  begin  to  be 
restored  and  the  flow  of  credit  will  recom- 
mence. But  the  process  willi  be  gradual. 
Credit  and  confidence  can  be  destroyed  at  a 
blow ;  the  J  take  years  to  restore. 

Moreover,  the  actual  conditions  of  this 
country  and  of  the  world  Impose  limitations 
on  the  supply  of  capital  and  credit  to  Russia 
which  it  is  well  to  recognize. 

From  such  information  as  is  available,  it 
appears  that  the  Russian  Government  may 
be  under  the  impression  that  upon  a  settle- 
ment very  large  amounts  of  capital  will  be 
at  once  available,  either  from  the  government 
direct  or  through  private  financial  channels. 
That  view  is  mistaken  for  the  following 
reasons : 

Financial  assistance  to  Russia  may,  put 
shortly  and  in  general  terms,  take  one  of  two 
forms :  either  the  actual  investment  of  capi- 
tal, more  or  less  permanently,  in  productive 
enterprises  in  Russia  itself — e.  g.,  in  railways, 
ports,  industrial,  commercial,  and  financial 
undertakings,  and  so  forth — or  the  grant  of 
temporary  banking  credit  for  the  purpose 
of  financing  exports  and  imports,  such  ad- 
vances not  constituting  any  actual  invest- 
ment in  Russia  itself  and  being  constantly 
liquidated  and  renewed  in  the  ordinary 
manner. 

For  the  permanent  supply  of  capital,  which 
she  so  urgently  needs,  Russia,  like  all  other 
countries,  must  look  not  to  banking  institu- 
tions, which  cannot  lock  up  their  funds  in 
investments  of  this  nature,  but  to  the  private 
investor  and  the  entrepreneur,  large  and 
small.  But  these  latter,  having  the  whole 
world  to  choose  from,  will  naturally  invest 
their  money  in  those  countries  where  condi- 
tions for  capital  appear  to  be  the  safest.  It 
is  obvious  that  they  will  only  choose  Russia 
when  and  to  the  extent  that  full  confidence 
in  that  country  returns. 

The  case  is  not  altered  if.  as  we  assume, 
any  assistance  by  his  Majesty's  Government, 
if  it  be  contemplated  at  all,  takes  the  form, 
not  of  direct  loans  to  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment, but  of  extending  the  Trade  Facilities 
Act  and  the  Export  Credits  Scheme  to  Rus- 
sia; for  in  either  case  the  risks  will  fall  in 
the  first  instance  on  those  persons  or  com- 
panies who  are  venturing  their  money  in 
Russia.  If,  therefore,  risks  in  that  country 
are  regarded  as  greater  than  elsewhere,  these 


forms  of  government  assistance  will  not  be 
made  use  of. 

Moreover,  for  permanent  capital,  through 
whatever  channels,  government  or  private, 
it  is  provided,  Russia  must  compete  with  the 
rest  of  the  world.  The  amount  which  this 
country  hasi  available  for  export  to  other 
countries  is  limited.  The  Board  of  Trade  has 
recently  estimated  that  in  the  year  1923  the 
total  amount  which  this  country  had  avail- 
able to  lend  to  all  other  countries  was 
£97,000,000.  In  the  last  three  years  we  have 
lent  on  the  average  to  the  British  Empire 
alone  over  £80,000,000  per  annum.  It  must 
be  remembered  that  our  resources  for  foreign 
lending  have  been  lessened  by  the  war,  as 
well  as  by  the  necessity  we  are  under  to 
repay  annually  a  large  sum  to  the  United 
States. 

Banking  Credit 

The  grant  of  temporary  banking  credit 
stands  on  a  somewhat  different  footing.  Such 
credit  for  the  financing  of  shipments  of  raw 
materials  from  Russia  after  they  have  actu- 
ally reached  seaboard,  is,  to  a  certain  extent, 
being  provided  already;  but  if  the  Russian 
Government  attempt  to  limit  all  foreign  trade 
to  government-controlled  channels,  it  will 
remain  limited.  Russia  must  rely,  as  all 
other  nations  rely,  on  the  thousand  and  one 
channels  of  private  financial,  industrial,  and 
commercial  co-operation. 

If,  however,  the  conditions  precedent  for 
the  restoration  of  confidence  outlined  above 
are  honestly  accepted  and  enforced  by  the 
Russian  Government,  credit  will  begin  again 
to  flow  and  should,  if  the  confidence  thus 
shown  proves  justified,  rapidly  increase  in 
volume.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Soviet 
Government  regard  "the  means  of  the  resto- 
ration of  credit"  which  we  outline  as  being 
of  a  character  which  they  will  not  or  cannot 
accept,  then,  while  undoubtedly  trade  will 
continue  between  Russia  and  the  outside 
world,  that  trade  will  be  strictly  limited. 
Russia's  recovery,  which  depends  ui)on  the 
resumption  of  accepted  methods  of  intercourse 
common  throughout  the  world,  will  be  in- 
definitely delayed. 

Charles  Addis.  Ebic  Hambbo. 

R.  H.  Brand.  R.  Holland-Mabtik. 

Laurence  Currie.  Walter  Leaf. 

W.  R.  Glazebrook.        R.  McKeinna. 
F.  C.  Goodenough.         J.  Beaumont  Pease. 
Harry  Goschen.  Swaytuling. 

E.  C.  Grenfell. 


442 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


Following  the  approval  of  a  bill  by  the 
Reichstag,  a  free  port  was  established  at 
Kiel  on  April  12.  The  new  free  port,  located 
in  the  Wik,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Kiel 
Canal,  has  been  under  construction  since 
1919.  The  bill  provides  for  the  extension  of 
the  free  zone  within  the  boundaries  of  the 
Kiel  harbor  proper,  should  that  become  nec- 
essary. 

It  is  announced  that  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment Volunteer  Merchant  Fleet  will  main- 
tain regular  trips  between  Leningrad  and 
European  ports  by  23  steamships,  mostly 
passenger-carrying,  with  a  total  capacity  of 
more  than  75,000  tons.  Weekly  service  will 
be  maintained  to  London;  also  to  Hamburg. 
Trips  between  Leningrad  and  Black  Sea 
ports  will  be  made  as  cargoes  are  offered. 
In  the  Azov  Sea  region  the  volunteer  fleet 
has  organized  coastwise  trips.  Heretofore 
the  activities  of  the  fleet  have  been  mainly 
centered  in  serving  the  Russian  Far  East, 
with  trips  between  Vladivostok  and  the 
ports  of  China  and  Japan  included  in  the 
plans. 

The  Hungabian  Minister  of  Justice  has 
introduced  a  bill  which  considers  the  setting 
up  of  special  legal  tribunals  to  deal  with 
"affairs  of  honor"  and  the  imposition  of  se- 
vere penalties  for  duelling. 

The  present  expenditure  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  China  is  seventeen  times  the  amoimt 
of  the  funds  at  its  disposal.  "A  candid  ex- 
amination reveals  the  fact  that  the  situation 
is  extremely  precarious,  and  that  unless 
speedy  reforms  are  adopted  and  enforced  we 
can  hardly  see  any  bright  prospect  for  the 
financial  future  of  the  country,"  states  the 
report  of  Dr.  W.  W.  Yen,  chairman  of  the 
Commission  for  the  Readjustment  of  Fi- 
nances. "The  government  is  supposed  to  re- 
ceive Mexican  $209,000,000,"  says  Dr.  Yen. 
Investigation  shows,  however,  that  the  prov- 
inces have  retained  large  sums  from  revenues, 
and  that  the  customs  amount  alone  has  re- 
mained intact.      "It  can  thus  be  seen,"  con- 


tinues the  report,  "that  out  of  a  nominal  total 
of  $209,000,000  the  actual  sum  realized  by  the 
central  government  is  only  about  $148,000,000, 
out  of  which  again  has  to  be  deducted  the 
sum  of  $98,000,000  for  the  service  of  the 
domestic  and  foreign  loans  secured  upon  the 
customs  and  salt  revenues  and  about  $42,- 
000,000  for  military  subsidies  and  redemi>- 
tion  of  different  kinds  of  treasury  notes  se- 
cured upon  the  salt  surplus,  thus  leaving  only 
about  $7,000,000  unappropriated  which  can 
be  made  use  of  by  the  central  government  for 
military  and  administrative  expenses."  The 
commission  includes  representatives  of  Brit- 
ish. French,  American,  and  Japanese  financial 
groups,  as  well  as  representative  Chinese 
bankers.  The  conclusions  of  the  report  are 
that  "the  provinces  must  desist  from  the 
practice  of  retaining  central  government  rev- 
enues for  provincial  uses;  national  expendi- 
tures must  be  reduced  by  cutting  off  every 
unnecessary  item  of  administrative  expendi- 
ture, and  especially  by  reducing  the  military 
expenses,  which  now  take  up  seven-tenths  of 
the  entire  expenditure  of  the  national  gov- 
ernment ;  a  temporary  national  budget  plan 
should  be  worked  out;  preparations  for  the 
Special  Customs  Tariff  Conference  should  be 
expedited ;  and  the  revenues  from  communi- 
cations should  be  left  intact,  thus  to  meet 
loans  secured  on  them  and  to  obtain  a  sur- 
plus to  meet  other  deficits." 

Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends, 
in  its  annual  session  assembled,  approved  the 
following  minute :  "This  meeting  desires  to 
reaffirm  its  belief  that  the  primary  loyalty  of 
all  Christians  is  due  to  God,  our  Father,  and 
all  his  human  family.  We  believe  that  the 
whole  system  of  determining  right  by  vio- 
lence and  destruction  rather  than  by  friendly 
conference  and  negotiation  is  fundamentally 
wrong,  inefficient,  and  unchristian.  We  call 
upon  Christian  people  of  whatever  sect  or 
creed  to  join  in  renouncing  for  the  future  all 
participation  in  war,  and  to  seek  through  our 
national  representatives  such  international  or- 
ganization as  will  supply  peaceful  methods 
of  dealing  with'  all  international  differences. 
We  also  urge  upon  Christians  consideration  of 
Inter-class  and  inter-racial  problems  and  an 
effort  to  solve  them  through  good  will  and 
understanding." 

The  Copenhagen-Hamburg-Rotterdam  air 
traffic  service  was  opened  on  April  23.  Seven 
Fokker  machines  are  being  used,  each  with 


J92J^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


443 


accommodation  for  five  passengers.  Accord- 
ing to  the  scliedule,  the  machines  leave  Copen- 
hagen for  Rotterdam,  and  vice  versa,  at  9 
a.  m.,  and  are  due  at  their  destinations  be- 
tween 3.30  and  4.30  p.  m.  A  machine  also 
leaves  Hamburg  at  9  a.  m.  for  Copenhagen, 
where  it  is  due  at  11  a.  m.,  and  whence  it 
returns  at  4  p.  m.  in  time  to  meet  the  Ham- 
burg express  for  Cologne.  From  the  latter 
place  the  journey  may  be  continued  by  aero- 
plane to  London,  arriving  there  at  1  o'clock 
on  the  day  after  leaving  Copenhagen. 

The  besolution  of  the  French  Govb3bn- 
MENT  to  stop  all  loans,  even  for  the  devas- 
tated regions  is  drawing  again  the  world's 
attention  on  the  remarkable  work  of  recon- 
struction which  has  been  going  on  in  France 
since  1919.  Reconstruction  work  in  devastated 
France  was  taken  up  methodically  and  was 
completed  according  to  the  degree  of  neces- 
sity, dwellings  and  buildings  indispensable  for 
industrial  and  agricultural  production  being 
repaired  first.  Life  is  now  possible  in  those 
regions,  but  in  too  many  places  the  buildings 
are  still  temporary  constructions.  So  the 
devastated  regions  of  France  are  alive  again, 
but  they  are  not  yet  very  comfortable  to  live 
in.  It  was  also  necessary  that  the  land  itself 
be  cleared ;  3,306,350  hectares  had  been  dev- 
astated, out  of  which  1,694,587  only  needed  to 
be  cleared,  while  1,494,969  necessitated  very 
important  work  of  transformation.  As  for 
the  remaining  116,794  hectares  (1  hectare  is 
about  2.47  acres),  the  expenses  involved  to 
clear  the  ground  would  have  cost  more  than 
the  land  itself.  On  January  1,  1924,  2,911,510 
hectares  had  been  cleared  of  barbed  wires, 
shells,  and  trenches.  Should  the  116,000 
hectares  definitely  lost  be  altogether  ne- 
glected, there  still  remains  approximately 
248,000  hectares  to  be  cleared  out.  Of  the 
surplus,  the  most  interesting  ground  is,  of 
course,  agricultural  land.  This  represents 
1,923,479  hectares  to  be  restored  to  its  former 
condition,  out  of  which  85,587  hectares  are 
located  in  the  "red"  zone — that  is,  in  those 
parts  where  the  bombarded  ground  has  com- 
pletely lost  its  pre-war  aspect  and  its  bear- 
ing qualities.  Today  the  clearing  of  tillable 
soil  is  very  far  advanced ;  1,788,755  hectares 
have  been  leveled  and  are  being  cultivated 
and  21,440  hectares  of  "red  zone"  are  also 
utilized.  About  1/14  of  the  devastated  area 
remains  to  be  cleared — that  is  to  say,  134,724 
hectares — out  of  which  64,147  are  located  in 


the  "red  zone."  The  reconstruction  work 
has  so  far  been  accomplished  by  France  with 
her  own  resources. 

Baeon  d'Estoubnelles  de  Constant,  French 
Senator,  with  many  friends  in  the  United 
States,  died  May  15.  Born  in  1852,  the  Baron 
has  spent  a  long  life  in  public  and  interna- 
tional service.  He  was  a  delegate  to  both 
Hague  conferences,  a  member  of  The  Hague 
Court  of  Arbitration,  and  has  long  been  in 
the  forefront  of  those  who  would  urge  world 
disarmament.  In  1909  he  shared  with  M. 
Beemaert  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize.  He  has 
visited  the  United  States  several  times,  and 
in  1911  he  toured  the  country,  speaking  on 
the  "Uselessness  of  War"  and  the  benefits  of 
arbitration. 

At  the  International  Conference  on  Im- 
migration and  Emigration,  held  in  Rome  in 
May,  the  most  important  question  considered 
by  section  3  was  that  of  colonization.  Un- 
doubtedly today  the  best  possible  method  of 
successful  immigration  is  the  immigration  of 
groups  economically  independent  into  a  coun- 
try where  they  can  establish  themselves  per- 
manently, devoting  themselves  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  virgin  lands  or  land  only  partially  im- 
proved. This  was  the  opinion  of  the  dele- 
gates. Such  undertakings  are,  perhaps,  more 
advantageous  to  the  immigration  than  to  the 
emigration  countries,  since  they  bring  civiliza- 
tion into  regions  where  otherwise  it  would 
be  impossible  to  introduce  it  and  since  they 
cause  an  increase  in  the  world  production  and 
esi)ecially  of  that  of  the  immigration  country. 
The  same  section  of  the  conference  also  ap- 
proved, with  a  few  changes,  the  Italian  pro- 
posals for  repression  of  clandestine  emigra- 
tion and  for  the  exchange  of  skilled  laborers. 

Belgium  ranked  fifth  among  the  buyers 
from  the  United  States  in  continental  Europe 
before  the  World  War.  The  imports  of 
Belgium  from  the  United  States  last  year 
amounted  to  $100,000,000,  making  her  again 
fifth  in  rank  among  our  continental  Euro- 
pean customers. 

The  Dail  Eibeann  announced  on  June  13 
the  appointment  of  Prof.  Timothy  A.  Smiddy 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  Irish  Free 
State  at  Washington.  Professor  Smiddy  was 
at  one  time  professor  of  economics  at  Cork 
University.  For  some  time  chairman  of  the 
Free  State's  Fiscal  Commission,  he  has  been 


444 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


recently  In  the  United  States  unofficially  rep- 
resenting Ireland. 

Dr.  Nan  sen,  the  League  of  Nations  High 
Commissioner  for  Refugees,  reported  to  the 
Council  June  12  that  there  are  estimated  to 
be  400,000  Russian  refugees  in  France,  most 
of  whom  show  no  desire  to  return  to  Russia ; 
but  500,000  in  Germany,  an  unknown  number 
in  China,  and  large  numbers  in  other  coun- 
tries bordering  on  Russia  desire  repatriation. 
Negotiations  have  been  in  progress  with  the 
Soviet  Government,  but  no  formal  agreement 
has  been  reached,  as  the  Soviet  Government 
has  not  seen  its  way  to  include  a  clause  re- 
garding repatriation  from  the  Balkans,  pro- 
viding for  the  co-operation  of  the  high  com- 
mission's delegates  in  Russia.  Good  progress 
is  being  made  for  the  settlement  in  Brazil  of 
some  thousands  of  Russian  families  from 
Germany.  Dr.  Nansen  has  again  suggested 
handing  the  Russian  refugee  problem  over  to 
the  International  Labor  Office,  as  the  matter 
has  ceased  to  be  political  and  has  become 
purely  economic.  Dr.  Nansen's  report  con- 
cerning the  Near  East  refugees  gave  the  num- 
ber as  661,000.  He  had  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing a  central  committee  to  co-ordinate 
the  action  of  fifty  private  and  public  relief 
organizations. 

Senator  Shipstead,  on  June  3,  introduced 
in  the  Senate  a  joint  resolution  authorizing 
and  requesting  the  President  to  call  an  inter- 
national conference  of  representatives  of  agri- 
cultural organizations  from  every  nation  on 
or  before  December  1,  1924.  The  conference 
would  consider,  among  other  things,  whether 
it  is  feasible  to  seek  an  adjustment  of  the 
world's  staple  farm  products  which  enter 
into  international  commerce  to  the  probable 
demand  therefor  at  a  profitable  price  to  the 
producers ;  also,  whether  it  is  feasible  to  ar- 
range an  international  pool  of  the  surplus, 
through  government  control  and  co-operation, 
to  stabilize  marketing  from  year  to  year 
and  to  prevent  international  speculators  from 
exacting  extortionate  prices.  The  resolution 
was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Agriculture 
and  Forestry. 

Senator  Shipstead  also,  on  June  3,  sub- 
mitted a  concurrent  resolution  on  preserva- 
tion of  world  peace,  which  was  referred  to 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  The 
substance  of  this  resolution  is  that  the  Presi- 
dent propose  to  all  the  nations  of  the  world, 


definitely  binding  for  all  who  sign  it,  a  con- 
vention to  terminate  all  compulsory  military, 
naval,  and  related  service,  imder  any  circum- 
stances, during  a  period  of  thirty  years  from 
the  date  of  ratification. 

There  are  in  existence  in  Rumania  at  the 
present  time  105  schools  for  apprentices  and 
workers  controlled  by  the  Ministry  of  Labor 
in  collaboration  with  employers.  These 
schools  were  attended  by  over  13,000  pupils  in 
1922  and  by  20,000  pupils  in  1923.  The 
schools  directed  by  the  Ministry  of  Industry 
and  Commerce  include  one  institute  for  seri- 
cultural  training,  eleven  workshop  schools  for 
home  industries,  four  weaving  shops  estab- 
lished in  monasteries,  three  craft  schools,  one 
training  school  for  the  petroleum  industry, 
one  school  of  foreuianship,  one  training  school 
for  the  mining  industry,  and  an  academy  for 
training  in  higher  commercial  subjects.  In 
addition  to  these,  several  chambers  of  com- 
merce have  opened  schools  where  commercial 
instruction  is  given. 

A  royal  decree  has  recently  been  issued  in  ■ 
Spain  for  the  creation  of  special  labor  tri- 
bunals for  the  railways,  to  settle  disputes  be- 
tween the  companies   and  their  agents  and 
workers. 

Papers  by  President  Coolidge,  by  Secre- 
tary of  Commerce  Hoover,  and  by  Secretary 
of  Agriculture  Wallace,  will  be  read  at  the 
Pan-Pacific  Food  Conservation  Conference, 
which  is  to  take  place  in  Honolulu  this 
summer.  A  section  on  international  law, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Dr.  R.  Masujima, 
of  Tokio,  will  consider  legal  co-operation, 
especially  in  respect  to  the  plant  and  animal 
products  of  the  Pacific  peoples. 

The  heavy  emigration  of  laborers  from 
Mexico  to  the  United  States  within  the  past 
few  months  has  resulted  in  a  serious  labor 
shortage  in  the  cotton-growing  sections  of 
the  Laguna  district  and  an  increase  in  wages. 
The  farm  laborer  now  demands  seventy-five 
cents  per  day  of  six  or  seven  hours  instead 
of  thirty-seven  to  fifty  cents,  paid  earlier  in 
the  season.  The  cotton-growers  are  working 
with  greatly  depleted  forces;  the  cultivation 
of  the  crop  is  therefore  delayed,  with  some 
damage  to  the  cotton. 

A  SURVEY  OF  race  RELATIONS  will  be  a  fea- 
ture of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Pan  Pacific  Confer- 
ence, to  be  held  in  July,  1925,  at  Honolulu. 


192J^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


445 


Mr.  J.  Merle  Davis,  formerly  of  Japan,  is  in 
charge  of  the  survey.  The  organization  and 
conduct  of  the  survey  is  representative;  the 
direction  of  the  investigations  is  in  the  hands 
of  Dr.  Robert  E.  Park,  of  the  University  of 
Chicago.  Preliminary  investigations  have 
been  in  progress  since  September,  1923.  The 
purpose  of  the  survey  is  to  secure  and  pub- 
lish facts — facts  representing  the  experiences 
with  the  Oriental  of  the  local  communities 
and  of  individual  men  and  women.  It  seeks 
to  impose  no  program,  advocates  no  specific 
policy,  and  champions  no  special  interest. 

The  manufacturing  industry  in  Aus- 
tralia is  forging  steadily  ahead  in  spite  of 
the  many  handicaps  which  beset  its  progress, 
the  greatest  of  which  is  small  population. 
(The  population  of  the  country,  which  is  geo- 
graphically as  great  as  the  United  States,  is 
only  six  million.)  According  to  a  report  just 
issued  by  the  Commonwealth  statistician, 
substantial  increases  took  place  in  all  the 
principal  manufacturing  industries  during 
1922-23,  and  the  value  added  to  materials 
by  factories  during  the  year  advanced  by 
£10,465,224,  or  more  than  8  per  cent,  as  com- 
pared with  the  preceding  fiscal  period.  Fac- 
tories have  been  increasing  at  the  rate  of 
959  per  annum  during  the  last  three  years, 
according  to  the  report,  and  an  average  of 
11,872  additional  employees  have  been  taken 
on  during  each  of  the  years. 

The  trade  of  the  United  States  with 
Latin  America  for  the  first  quarter  of  1924 
amounted  to  $477,949,891 — a  gain  of  about 
ten  million  dollars  over  the  first  three  months 
and  approximately  eighty  million  dollars 
above  the  total  for  the  last  quarter  of  1923. 
Our  imports  from  Latin  America  were 
$305,059,540  and  our  exports  to  that  region 
were  $172,290,351. 

Accumulation  of  stocks  of  flaxseed  in 
Russia  was  practically  completed  by  the 
Central  Association  of  Flax  Co-operative 
Societies  in  April.  For  the  present  season 
the  commissariat  is  concentrating  attention 
on  Siberia  and  the  eighteen  most  important 
flax-producing  provinces  in  the  rest  of  the 
Soviet  Republic,  and  5,000  tons  of  seeds  were 
ready  for  distribution  on  April  1.  The  seed 
will  be  supplied  to  the  peasants  as  loans,  at 
prices  below  cost  and  at  less  than  two- 
thirds  the  market  price.  The  loans  are  to  be 
returned  at  the  end  of  the  year  1924.     It  is 


anticipated  that  50  per  cent  of  the  demand 
for  flaxseed  will  be  met,  so  that  the  total 
area  under  flax  this  year  will  be  1,252,530 
acres — an  increase  of  22  per  cent  over  the 
area  sown  last  year. 

Some  7,000  Germans  have  recently  emi- 
grated to  Paraguay,  South  America,  for  the 
purpose  of  colonization.  It  is  expected  that 
the  new  Japanese  minister,  accredited  to 
Argentina  and  Paraguay,  will,  after  present- 
ing his  credentials,  consult  the  officials  re- 
garding the  possible  immigration  of  Japanese 
for  the  purpose  of  cotton  cultivation.  Sev- 
eral ranch  owners  have  informed  the  De- 
partment of  Lands  and  Colonies  of  their 
willingness  to  place  families  on  their  lands. 

The  Buenos  Aires  WESTsaiN  Railwat 
announces  a  substantial  rebate  of  freight 
charges  on  wheat  and  barley  used  as  seed 
for  the  next  crop.  This  conforms  with  the 
general  policy  of  the  Argentine  railroads  to 
encourage  industry  and  agriculture  along 
their  lines. 

Recent  reports  from  Moscow  indicate 
that  the  Soviet  Government  and  the  Com- 
munist circles  in  general  are  still  consider- 
ably exercised  over  the  recent  raid  of  the 
German  political  police  on  the  headquarters 
of  the  Soviet  trade  delegation  in  Berlin.  The 
Moscow  Government  has  chosen  to  lend  the 
occurrence  the  air  of  a  major  diplomatic  in- 
cident, and  serious  negotiations  are  still  in 
progress  between  the  German  and  the  Rus- 
sian Foreign  Offices,  while  the  Russians 
have  taken  such  drastic  "repressive"  meas- 
ures as  the  shutting  down  of  Russian  com- 
mercal  offices  in  Germany,  the  re-routing  of 
goods  destined  for  German  ports  to  other 
European  ports,  and  the  withdrawal  of  Rus- 
sian exhibits  from  the  Leipzig  Fair. 

Canada  is  today  the  second  best  foreign 
MARKET  for  American  produce  and  manufac- 
tures and  has  the  highest  per  capita  con- 
sumption of  American  goods.  It  is  also  our 
chief  source  of  supplies.  Our  trade  with 
Canada  is  increasing  rapidly  and  on  a  fa- 
vorable basis,  as  our  merchandise  balance 
has  for  years  shown  an  excess  of  exports. 
The  large  increase  in  trade  with  the  United 
States  is  due  not  only  to  the  proximity  of  the 
two  countries,  but  to  the  growing  predomi- 
nance of  American  capital  in  that  market. 
At  the  beginning  of  1924  foreign  investments 


446 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


in  Canada  exceeded  $4,500,000,000,  of  which 
the  United  States  held  more  than  50  per 
cent.  Recent  statistics  compiled  by  the  Do- 
minion Bureau  of  Statistics  gave  the  total 
foreign  investments  in  1915  as  $2,420,000,000, 
and  in  1023  they  were  $4,640,000,000.  Of 
these  the  United  States  accounted  for  about 
$420,000,000  and  the  United  Kingdom  $1,860,- 
000,000  in  1915,  while  in  1923  the  United 
States  investments  had  increased  to  $2,425,- 
000,000  and  the  British  to  $1,890,000,000. 
Approximately  15  per  cent  of  all  American 
foreign  investments  are  in  Canada.  It  is 
estimated  that  United  States  capital  now 
owns  about  one-third  of  the  mines,  large 
portions  of  the  timber  and  water  power,  one- 
third  of  municipal,  provincial,  and  Dominion 
bonds  and  debentures,  and  a  great  and  in- 
creasing share  in  Dominion  manufactures. 
There  are  about  1,000  branch  factories  from 
the  United  States  now  operating  in  Canada. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


The  World  Crisis.     By  the  Rt.  Hon.  Wins- 
ton    Churchill.      Charles     Scribner,     New 
York,  1923.     Pp.  578.     Price,  $6.50. 
This  is  the  second  volume  of  the  account 
of  the  -World   War   written   by   the   former 
First  Lord  of  the  British  Admiralty,  Wins- 
ton Churchill.    It  deals  with  the  year  1915,  a 
year  of  ill  fortune  for  the  Allies.    It  was  the 
year  of  the  Dardanelles  disaster. 

Mr.  Churchill,  in  the  preface,  disclaims  the 
position  of  a  historian.  With  his  record  and 
special  point  of  view,  it  is  not,  he  thinks, 
for  him  to  pronounce  a  final  conclusion.  He 
asks  only  that  his  account  shall  be  placed  on 
record  and  shall  survive  as  one  of  the  factors 
upon  which  the  judgment  of  our  children 
shall  be  founded.  As  history  of  a  docu- 
mentary sort,  however,  it  is  already  among 
the  most  valuable  sources. 

At  this  short  distance  of  time  and  space,  it 
Is  diificult  for  a  lover  of  peace  to  think  of  the 
war  as  a  game  of  skill,  however  grim  and 
tremendous.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  lend 
oneself  to  the  study  of  the  mistakes  or  suc- 
cesses of  military  movements.  One  does  not 
wish  even  to  imagine  how  it  might  be  better 


done  again.  The  whole  war  is  a  nightmare, 
and  the  prevention  of  another  seems  to  be 
the  immediate  busines  of  mankind. 

But  Mr.  Churchill  tells  his  story  with 
forceful  clearness.  His  summary  of  events 
after  Gallipoli  could  not  have  been  better 
presented  by  the  veriest  pacifist.  "There 
was  nothing  left  on  land  now  but  the  war  of 
exhaustion — not  only  of  armies  but  of  na- 
tions. .  .  .  Good,  plain,  straightforward 
frontal  attacks  by  valiant  flesh  and  blood 
against  wire  and  machine-guns,  'killing 
Germans,'  while  Germans  killed  Allies  twice 
as  often ;  calling  out  the  men  of  forty,  of 
fifty,  even  of  fifty-five,  and  the  youths  of 
eighteen,  sending  the  wounded  soldiers  back 
three  or  four  times  into  the  shambles — such 
were  the  sole  manifestations  now  reserved 
to  the  military  art.  And  when  at  the  end, 
three  years  later,  the  throng  of  uniformed 
functionaries,  who  in  the  seclusion  of  their 
oflices  had  complacently  presided  over  this 
awful  process,  presented  victory  to  their  ex- 
hausted nations,  it  proved  only  less  ruinous 
to  the  victor  than  to  the  vanquished." 

Latitudes.     By      Edicin      Muir.        B.      W. 

Huebsch,  New  York,  1924.    Pp.  322.    Price, 

$2.00. 

We  have  become  accustomed  to  Mr.  Muir's 
sound  and  genuine  critical  work  in  the 
columns  of  the  Freeman,  now  unfortunately 
discontinued.  His  quiet  sanity  combined 
with  modern  philosophy  give  him  a  position 
almost  unique  among  reviewers,  youthful  as 
he.  Though  he  divines  and  admits  the  "deep 
dark  powers"  of  the  unconscious,  he  does 
not,  like  Lawrence,  grovel  therein.  Rather, 
he  sends  down  roots  to  stabilize  the  crown 
of  the  symmetrical  tree  growing  healthily 
above  ground. 

In  this  collection  of  essays  and  notes  Mr. 
Muir  confines  himself  to  the  minds  of  men 
and  movements,  not  like  Gamaliel  Bradford, 
to  the  soul,  the  personality.  With  discrimi- 
nating judgment,  however,  and  much  beauty 
of  line,  he  canvasses  many  fields.  Of  especial 
interest,  because  of  its  originality  in  treat- 
ment, is  the  note  on  Nietsche,  who,  he  says, 
was  always  fated  to  be  more  true  and  in- 
teresting than  his  philosophy.  Neverthe- 
less, "he  brought  an  atmosphere  into  Euro- 
pean thought — an  atmosphere  cold,  glitter- 
ing and  free — and  any  thinker  of  our  time 
who  has  not  breathed  in  it  has,  by  that  acci- 
dent, some  nuance  of  mediocrity  and  timidity 
which  is  displeasing." 


192Jt 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


447 


The  three  essays  on  the  North  and  South 
give  a  fresh  analysis  of  the  differences  under- 
lying the  mentality  of  the  classic,  romance 
peoples  of  the  South  and  the  races  of  the 
North.  He  applies  the  touchstone  of  the  atti- 
tude of  these  races  toward  fate.  Fate  in  the 
South  is  accepted  as  a  fact.  In  the  repose 
that  follows,  literature  can  follow  the  classic 
model.  In  the  Nox'th,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
the  continual  sadness,  the  wistfulness  of 
exiles  from  the  home  land  of  the  South. 
German  and  Scandinavian  literature  is  full 
of  the  sorrowful  questioning  of  fate.  Out- 
side both,  but  partaking  somewhat  of  the 
qualities  of  both,  are  on  the  West  the  Brit- 
ish, striving  to  mold  fate,  "chancing  it,"  but 
good  sports  if  they  fail ;  also  outside,  but  to 
the  East,  are  the  Russians,  having  no  dy- 
namic relations  to  fate,  merely  "waiting 
about"  until  finally  something  happens. 

Probably  no  such  cursory  review  of  any 
races  or  peoples  can  be  absolutely  true;  yet 
Mr.  Muir  does  indubitably  pick  out,  with 
his  searchlight,  high  spots  which  are  as  true 
as  the  hills. 

Stoby    of    the    Pan-American    Union.      By 

William  A.  Reid.    Published  1924.     Pp.  87. 

Price,  75  cents ;  80  cents  by  mail. 

Here  is  a  worthily  written  little  brochure 
on  the  Pan  American  Union.  The  history  of 
the  Union  for  the  first  thirty-five  years  of  its 
life  is  traced;  its  home  in  Washington  is 
described,  and  its  activities — publications, 
divisions,   and   bureaus — are   outlined. 

The  summary  of  accomplishment,  as  given 
in  part  4,  is  astonishing  to  a  reader  who  has 
not  followed  the  educational,  social,  and  eco- 
nomic work  of  the  Union.  Its  achievements 
in  preventing  possible  war  would  be  enough 
in  itself  to  justify  its  existence. 

The  book  closes  with  a  report  of  Director- 
General  Rowe  on  the  fifth  Pan  American 
Conference  at  Chile. 

Buddhism    and    Buddhists    in    China.      By 
Louis  Hodous,  D.  D.    Macmillan  Co.,  New 
York,  1924.     Pp.  84.    Price,  $1.25. 
This  volume  follows,  in  the  World's  Living 
Religions   Series,   the  book  by   Saunders   on 
Buddhism  and  Buddhists  in  Southern  Asia, 
which  was  reviewed  in  our  issue  for  last  No- 
vember. 

Dr.  Hodous  has  not  only  served  a  long 
apprenticeship  as  a  missionary  in  Foochow, 
which  is  a  center  of  Buddhism,  but  he  has 


extraordinary  capabilities  in  understanding 
and  interpreting  the  trained  Buddhist  mind. 
The  side-lights  which  this  study  throws  upon 
Japan,  which  he  says  is  at  present  the  leader 
in  modern  Buddhism,  are  timely  and  illumi- 
nating. The  interpretation  of  Buddhist  civi- 
lization in  China,  especially  its  points  of 
similarity  with  Christianity,  as  well  as  its 
differences,  is  stimulating. 

It  is  pleasant  to  hear,  also,  that  the  re- 
cent awakening  and  new  organization  of 
Buddhism,  not  only  in  China  and  Japan,  but 
in  Mongolia  and  Tibet  as  well,  is  not  neces- 
sarily antagonistic  to   Christianity. 

Arbitration  Treaties  Among  the  American 
Nations  at  the  Close  of  the  Year  1910. 
William  R.  Manni/ng,  editor.     Oxford  Uni- 
versity  Press,   New  York,   1924.     Pp.   472. 
This    is    one    of    the    publications    of    the 
Carnegie      Endowment      for      International 
Peace,    under   the   division   of   International 
Law.     Its  scope  is  sufficiently  indicated  by 
the  title.     Like  all   the  publications   of  the 
Endowment,   this   work  is   thoroughly   done, 
beautifully     printed,     and     abundantly     fur- 
nished with  tables  and  notes,  which  make  of 
it  a  most  useful  tool  for  those  interested  in 
this  field  of  study. 

The  College  Blue  Book.    Vol.  I.    By  H.  W. 

Hunt.    F.  H.  Riley,  Chicago^  1924.    Pp.  472. 

This  volume,  treating  only  of  colleges  of 
liberal  arts  and  sciences,  is  to  be  followed  by 
a  second  on  professional  and  technical  edu- 
cation, and  a  third,  on  music  and  the  fine 
arts.  It  is  a  non-advertising  reference  book, 
giving  the  name  and  standards  of  all  the 
colleges  in  this  group  in  the  United  States. 
A  brief  section  tabulates  facts  about  uni- 
versities in  the  world  at  large;  an  educa- 
tional atlas  of  the  United  States  follows, 
with  facts  about  high  schools  and  their 
standards.  The  book  closes  with  an  excellent 
index. 

The    Brothe:bhood   of   Man,   a   pageant   of 

International    Peace.      By    Alice    C.    D. 

Riley.     A.  S.  Barnes  Co.,  New  York.     Pp. 

49.     Price,  $1.50. 

Visual  education  has  been  rediscovered. 
Years  ago  the  church  taught  religion  and 
religious  history  by  means  of  miracle  plays. 
Many  folk  in  those  days  could  not  read.  In 
these  days,  even  though  most  people,  even 
children,  can  read,  we  are  discovering  a 
large  field  of  education  which  can  be  better 


448 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


done  by  the  picture  and  drama  than  by  any 
more  didactic  methods. 

The  Brotherhood  of  Man  is  a  pageant, 
which  aims  to  show,  by  means  of  a  prolog 
and  eight  short  episodes,  the  growth  of  the 
brotherhood  ideal.  Beginning  with  David 
and  Jonathan,  who  represent  the  smallest 
group  in  friendship,  it  goes  up  through  other 
increasing  groups  till  it  reaches  the  brother- 
hood of  all  civilization. 

For  reading  purposes,  there  is  a  certain 
stilted  measure  to  the  lines,  many  of  them; 
but  the  truth  they  express  is  indisputable. 

The  pageant  is  meant,  however,  for  actual 
production.  To  this  end  valuable  sugges- 
tions are  included  in  the  book  as  to  stage 
settings,  which  are  simple,  as  to  costumes  and 
suggestions  for  the  musical  program,  which 
is  to  accompany  the  text. 

Cbystaixjzinq  Purlic  Opinion.     By  Edward 

L.  Bernays.     Boni  &  Liveright,  New  York. 

Pp.  218.    Price,  $2.50. 

What  is  public  opinion?  Whatever  it  is,  it 
is  often  so  vague,  chameleonic,  and  evanes- 
cent that  attempts  to  formulate  it  are  in 
vain.  But,  in  general,  public  opinion  may  be 
defined  as  the  aggregate  of  individual  judg- 
ments— the  conclusions,  sometimes  uniform, 
but  frequently  conflicting — of  the  men  and 
women  constituting  society  or  any  one  of  its 
various  groups. 

The  ever-increasing  importance  of  public 
opinion  in  our  modern  world  has  created  a 
new  profession — "counsel  on  public  rela- 
tions." This  is  a  new  phrase  to  describe  an 
activity  that  is  old.  In  his  book.  Crystalliz- 
ing Public  Opinion,  Mr.  Edward  L.  Bernays, 
a  professor  in  New  York  University,  sets 
forth  the  scope  and  functions  of  the  profes- 
sion. The  work  of  the  counsel  on  public  rela- 
tions is  of  growing  importance,  he  points 
out,  because  of  three  facts:  The  tendency  of 
small  organizations  to  group  themselves  in 
one  large  organization  of  a  semi-public  na- 
ture, the  increased  willingness  of  the  public 
to  make  its  voice  heard  in  the  conduct  of 
affairs,  and  the  keen  competition  in  modern 
methods  of  selling.  The  function  of  the  pub- 
lic relations  counsel  is,  therefore,  "some- 
what like  the  business  of  the  attorney — to 
advise  his  client  and  to  litigate  his  causes 
for  him."  In  the  motivation  of  public  judg- 
ments, he  must  begin  with  the  established 
point  of  view  which  has  its  foundations  in 
individual  notions  or  "stereotypes."     In  the 


technique  of  his  work,  he  is  aided,  in  spite 
of  the  highly  heterogeneous  nature  of  so- 
ciety, by  the  interlapping  of  innumerable 
groups  which  make  possible  widespread  ap- 
peals. In  the  ethical  relations  involved,  cer- 
tain it  is  that  the  counsel  on  public  rela- 
tions, as  purveyor  and  creator  of  news,  must 
conform  to  the  highest  moral  and  technical 
requirements. 

Thus  in  his  treatment  of  the  scope  and 
functions  of  the  newly  recognized  profes- 
sion— public  relations  counsel ;  in  his  analysis 
of  group  psychology  imderlying  the  subject; 
in  his  description  of  the  technique  and 
methods  employed ;  and  in  his  portrayal  of 
the  ethical  issues  involved,  Mr.  Bernays  has 
made  a  contribution  to  the  better  under- 
standing of  public  opinion.  He  has  indi- 
cated clearly  what  is  the  duty  of  those  who 
are  learned  and  expert  in  discovering,  in- 
terpreting, and  creating  the  public  will.  In 
the  words  of  Professor  Tonnies,  cited  by  Mr. 
Bernays,  "They  must  inject  moral  and 
spiritual  motives  into  public  opinion.  Public 
opinion  must  become  public  conscience." 

Russian  Debts  and  Russian  Reconstbuc- 
TiON.  By  Leo  PasvoUky  and  Harold  O. 
Moulton.  McGraw-Hill  Company,  New 
York.  243  pages  and  index.  Price,  $2.50. 
In  a  deeper  sense  than  we  are  in  the  habit 
of  thinking,  the  most  important  problem  of 
our  modern  world  is  Russia.  Industry  and 
commerce,  in  their  larger  aspects,  will  have 
to  wait  upop  the  economic  reconstruction  of 
Russia.  It  is  of  importance,  therefore,  that 
we  turn  our  attention  to  that  country. 
There  are  authorities  in  our  country  who  say 
that  the  United  States  can  only  plan  its 
future  on  a  resuscitated  Europe,  particularly 
of  a  reformed  Russia.  In  the  presence  of 
our  wonderment  over  the  future  of  that  land, 
there  comes  this  book  from  Messrs.  Pasvolsky 
and  Moulton,  of  the  Institute  of  Economics. 
It  is  a  worthy  companion  piece  of  the  Insti- 
tute's other  book,  "Germany's  Capacity  to 
Pay,"  published  a  year  ago.  It  aims  to  be  a 
study  in  investment  credits,  particularly  as 
regards  public  finance.  It  deals  almost  ex- 
clusively with  the  relation  of  the  existing 
debt  situation  to  the  problem  of  economic 
reconstruction.  Bankers  and  business  men, 
particularly,  will  be  peculiarly  interested  in 
the  facts  of  Russia's  foreign  indebtedness, 
her  budget  and  her  trade.  Graphs,  tables, 
and  documents  enrich  the  text. 


192J^ 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


433 


the  Immigration  Act  of  1924.  I  talie  pleasure 
in  noting  your  reference  to  the  friendliness 
and  candor  in  which  your  communication 
has  been  made,  and  you  may  be  assured  of 
the  readiness  of  this  government  to  consider 
in  the  same  spirit  the  views  you  have  set 
forth. 

At  the  time  of  the  signing  of  the  Immigra- 
tion Bill  the  President  issued  a  statement,  a 
copy  of  which  I  had  the  privilege  of  handing 
to  you,  gladly  recognizing  the  fact  that  the 
enactment  of  this  provision  "does  not  imply 
any  change  in  our  sentiment  of  admiration 
and  cordial  friendship  for  the  Japanese 
people,  a  sentiment  which  has  had  and  will 
continue  to  have  abundant  manifestation." 
Permit  me  to  state  briefly  the  substance  of 
the  provision.  Section  13  (c)  related  to  all 
aliens  ineligible  to  citizenship.  It  estab- 
lishes certain  exceptions,  and  to  these  classes 
the  exclusion  provision  does  not  apply,  to  wit : 

Those  who  are  not  immigrants  as  defined 
in  section  3  of  the  act — that  is  (1)  a  govern- 
ment official,  his  family,  attendants,  servants, 
and  employees ;  (2)  an  alien  visiting  the 
United  States  temporarily  as  a  tourist  or 
temporarily  for  business  or  pleasure;  (3)  an 
alien  in  continuous  transit  through  the  United 
States;  (4)  an  alien  lawfully  admitted  to  the 
United  States  who  later  goes  in  transit  from 
one  part  of  the  United  States  to  another 
through  foreign  contiguous  territory;  (5)  a 
bona  fide  alien  seaman  serving  as  such  on  a 
vessel  arriving  at  a  port  of  the  United  States 
and  seeking  to  enter  temporarily  the  United 
States  solely  in  the  pursuit  of  his  calling  as 
a  seaman;  and  (6)  an  alien  entitled  to  enter 
the  United  States  solely  to  carry  on  trade 
under  and  in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of 
a  present  existing  treaty  of  commerce  and 
navigation. 

Bona  Fide  Students 

Those  who  are  admissible  as  non-quota  im- 
migrants under  the  provisions  of  subdivision 
(&),  (d),  or  (e)  of  section  4 — that  is,  (6) 
an  immigrant  previously  lawfully  admitted 
to  the  United  States,  who  is  returning  from 
a  temporary  visit  abroad;  (d)  an  immigrant 
who  continuously  for  at  least  two  years  im- 
mediately preceding  the  time  of  his  applica- 
tion for  admission  to  the  United  States  has 
been  and  who  seeks  to  enter  the  United  States 
solely  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  vo- 
cation of  minister  of  any  religious  denomina- 
tion, or  professor  of  a  college,  academy,  semi- 


nary, or  imiversity,  and  his  wife  and  his 
unmarried  children  imder  18  years  of  age,  if 
accompanying  or  following  to  join  him;  or 
(e)  an  immigrant  who  is  a  bona  fide  student 
at  least  15  years  of  age  and  who  seeks  to 
enter  the  United  States  solely  for  the  purpose 
of  study  at  an  accredited  school,  college, 
academy,  seminary,  or  university,  particu- 
larly designated  by  him  and  approved  by  the 
Secretary  of  Labor,  which  shall  have  agreed 
to  report  to  the  Secretary  of  Labor  the  ter- 
mination of  attendance  of  each  Immigrant 
student,  and  If  any  such  institution  of  learn- 
ing fails  to  make  such  reports  promptly  the 
approval  shall  be  withdrawn. 

Alfo  the  wives  or  unmarried  children  under 
18  years  of  age  of  immigrants  admissible 
under  subdivision  (d)  of  section  4  above 
quoted. 

It  will  thus  be  observed  that,  taking  these 
exceptions  into  account,  the  provision  in 
question  does  not  differ  greatly  in  its  practi- 
cal operation  or  in  the  policy  which  it  reflects 
from  the  understanding  embodied  in  the 
gentlemen's  agreement  under  which  the  Jap- 
anese Government  has  co-operated  with  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  in  prevent- 
ing the  emigration  of  Japanese  laborers  to 
this  country.  We  fully  and  gratefully  appre- 
ciate the  assistance  which  has  thus  been  ren- 
dered by  the  Japanese  Government  in  the 
carrying  out  of  this  long-established  policy 
and  it  is  not  deemed  to  be  necessary  to  refer 
to  the  economic  considerations  which  have 
inspired  it.    .    .    . 

Exercised   Prerogative 

The  point  of  substantial  difference  between 
the  existing  arrangement  and  the  provision 
of  the  immigration  act  is  that  the  latter  has 
expressed,  as  the  President  has  stated,  "the 
determination  of  the  Congress  to  exercise  its 
prerogative  in  defining  by  legislation  the  con- 
trol of  immigi-ation  instead  of  leaving  it  to 
international  arrangements."  It  is  not  un- 
derstood that  this  prerogative  is  called  in 
question,  but,  rather,  your  government  ex- 
pressly recognizes  that  "it  lies  within  the  in- 
herent sovereign  power  of  each  State  to  limit 
and  to  control  immigration  to  its  own  do- 
mains," an  authority  which  It  is  believed  the 
Japanese  Government  has  not  failed  to  exer- 
cise in  its  own  discretion  with  respect  to  the 
admission  of  aliens  and  the  conditions  and 
location  of  their  settlement  within  its  borders. 
While  the  President  wo;ild  have  preferred  to 


434 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


continue  the  existing  arrangement  with  the 
Japanese  Government  and  to  have  entered 
into  negotiations  for  such  modifications  as 
might  seem  to  be  desirable,  this  government 
does  not  feel  that  it  is  limited  to  such  an 
arrangement,  or  that  by  virtue  of  the  exist- 
ing understanding  or  of  the  negotiations 
which  it  has  conducted  in  the  past  with  the 
Japanese  Government,  it  has  in  any  sense 
lost  or  impaired  the  full  liberty  of  action 
which  it  would  otherwise  have  in  this 
matter.    .    .    . 

Thus  In  the  treaty  of  commerce  and  navi- 
gation concluded  with  Japan  in  1894  it  was 
expressly  stipulated  in  Article  II : 

"It  is,  however,  understood  that  the  stipu- 
lations contained  in  this  and  the  preceding 
article  do  not  in  any  way  affect  the  laws, 
ordinances,  or  regulations  with  regard  to 
trade,  the  immigration  of  laborers,  police  and 
public  security  which  are  in  force  or  which 
may  hereafter  be  enacted  in  either  of  the 
two  countries." 

It  is  true  that  at  the  time  of  the  negotia- 
tion of  the  treaty  of  1911  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment desired  that  the  provision  above 
quoted  should  be  eliminated,  and  that  this 
government  acquiesced  in  that  proposal  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment had,  in  1907-8,  by  means  of  the  gentle- 
man's agreement,  undertaken  such  measures 
of  restriction  as  it  was  anticipated  would 
prove  adequate  to  prevent  any  substantial 
increase  in  the  number  of  Japanese  laborers 
in  the  United  States.  In  connection  with 
the  treaty  revision  of  1911,  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment renewed  this  undertaking  in  the 
form  of  a  declaration  attached  to  the  treaty. 
In  acquiescing  in  this  procedure,  however, 
this  government  was  careful  to  negative  any 
intention  to  derogate  from  the  full  right  to 
exercise,  in  its  discretion,  control  over  immi- 
gration.    .     .     . 

"Without  Prejudice" 

It  was  with  the  distinct  understanding  that 
it  was  without  prejudice  to  the  inherent 
sovereign  right  of  either  country  to  limit  and 
control  immigration  to  its  own  domains  or 
possessions  that  the  treaty  of  1911  was  con- 
cluded. While  this  government  acceded  to 
the  arrangement  by  which  Japan  undertook 
to  enforce  measures  designed  to  obviate  the 
necessity  of  a  statutory  enactment,  the  ad- 
visability of  such  an  enactment  necessarily 
remained  within  the  legislative  power  of  this 
government  to  determine.     As  this  power  has 


now  been  exercised  by  the  Congress  in  the 
enactment  of  the  provision  in  question,  this 
legislative  action  is  mandatory  upon  the  ex- 
ecutive branch  of  the  government  and  allows 
no  latitude  for  the  exercise  of  executive  dis- 
cretion as  to  the  carrying  out  of  the  legisla- 
tive will  expressed  in  the  statute. 

It  is  provided  in  the  Immigration  Act  that 
the  provision  of  section  13  (c),  to  which  you 
have  referred,  shall  take  effect  on  July  1, 
1924.  Inasmuch  as  the  abstention  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  from  such  an  exer- 
cise of  its  right  of  statutory  control  over  im- 
migration was  the  condition  upon  which  was 
predicated  the  undertaking  of  the  Japanese 
Government  contained  in  the  gentlemen's 
agreement  of  1907-08  with  respect  to  the  regu- 
lation of  the  emigration  of  laborers  to  the 
United  States,  I  feel  constrained  to .  advise 
you  that  this  government  cannot  but  ac- 
quiesce in  the  view  that  the  Government  of 
Japan  is  to  be  considered  released,  as  from 
the  date  upon  which  section  13  (c)  of  the 
Immigration  Act  comes  into  force,  from 
further  obligation  by  virtue  of  that  under- 
standing. 

In  saying  this,  I  desire  once  more  to  em- 
phasize the  appreciation  on  the  part  of  this 
government  of  the  voluntary  co-operation  of 
your  government  in  carrying  out  the  gentle- 
men's agreement  and  to  express  the  convic- 
tion that  the  recognition  of  the  right  of  each 
government  to  legislate  in  control  of  immi- 
gration should  not  derogate  in  any  degree 
from  the  mutual  good  will  and  cordial  friend- 
ship which  have  always  characterized  the 
relations  of  the  two  countries. 

Accept,  Excellency,  the  renewed  assurances 
of  my  highest  consideration. 

Charles  E.  Hughes. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  ALLIES  TO 
THE  EXPERTS'  REPORT 

(Note. — The  Reparation  Commission  has 
published  the  following  replies  from  the  four 
Allied  governments  to  its  communication  of 
April  17,  transmitting  the  reports  of  the 
Committee  of  Experts.  The  British,  Belgian, 
and  Italian  replies  are  dated  April  24;  the 
French  answer,  signed  by  M.  Poincare,  April 
25.) 

The  British  Reply 

1.  His  Majesty's  Government  note  with 
satisfaction  that  the  Reparation  Commission 
has  unanimously  approved  the  conclusions  of 


192U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


435 


the  Committees  of  Experts  and  is  talking  tlie 
necessary  steps  to  give  effect  to  ttiese  in 
regard  to  matters  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Commission. 

2.  His  Majesty's  Government  for  their 
part  accept,  and  will  do  everything  in  their 
power  to  give  practical  effect  to,  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  commission  that  the  Allied 
governments  should  likewise  adopt  the  con- 
clusions of  the  committees  in  regard  to  mat- 
ters falling  within  the  jurisdiction  of  those 
governments. 

3.  The  recommendations  of  the  experts  do 
not  appear  to  involve  any  reduction  of  the 
total  of  the  German  reparation  debt,  and  the 
necessary  modifications  of  the  schedule  of 
payments  of  May,  1921,  appear  to  be  within 
the  competance  of  a  unanimous  decision  of 
the  Reparation  Commission  and  not  to  re- 
quire the  specific  authority  of  the  several 
governments  represented  on  the  commission 
under  Article  234  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles. 

4.  If,  however,  there  is  any  doubt  on  this 
point,  his  Majesty's  Government  are  pre- 
pared to  grant  such  specific  authority. 

5.  The  only  other  matters  arising  on  the 
experts'  recommendations  which  appear  to 
be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Allied  gov- 
ernments are : 

(a)  The  restoration  of  the  economic  and 
fiscal  authority  of  the  German  Government 
over  the  whole  of  German  territories. 

(ft)  The  steps  necessary  to  give  binding 
effect  to  the  new  guarantees  and  controls,  in 
so  far  as  these  may  not  be  clearly  covered 
by  the  existing  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles. 

(c)  The  inclusion  of  all  the  financial  lia- 
bilities of  Germany  under  the  peace  treaty 
in  a  single  annuity. 

6.  On  the  first  point  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment are  prepared  to  give  their  full  support 
to  the  experts'  recommendation  and  take, 
in  consultation  with  the  other  governments 
concerned,  whatever  steps  may  be  necessary 
to  effect  full  restoration  at  the  earliest  possi- 
ble date. 

7.  As  regards  the  second,  the  agreement 
of  the  German  Government  having  already 
been  obtained,  all  that  remains  to  be  done  is 
to  give  formal  effect  to  it.  His  Majesty's 
Government  will  be  prepared  to  proceed  by 
whatever  may  be  found  to  be  the  most  con- 
venient and  effectual  method  of  achieving 
this  object. 

8.  On  the  third  point,  His  Majesty's  Gov- 


ernment accept  the  experts'  recommendation 
and  are  prepared  for  their  part,  to  ask  the 
Reparation  Commission  to  propose  a  scheme 
to  put  this  provision  into  execution. 

9.  Should  any  other  of  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  experts  be  held  by  the  Repara- 
tion Commission  to  require  endorsement  by, 
or  action  on  the  part  of,  the  Allied  govern- 
ments. His  Majesty's  Government  will  for 
their  part  be  prepared  to  take  whatever  steps 
may  be  necessary  to  give  effect  to  them. 

The  French  Answer 

I  have  studied  the  experts'  reports  with 
the  greatest  interest.  They  fulfill  exactly  the 
tasks  assigned  to  them  by  the  commission — 
on  the  one  hand  to  ascertain  the  measures 
necessary  to  secure  the  balancing  of  the 
German  budget  and  the  stabilization  of  the 
currency,  and,  on  the  other,  to  ascertain  the 
means  of  estimating  and  causing  the  return 
to  Germany  of  capital  exported  abroad. 

These  documents  were  to  enable  the  Repa- 
ration Commission  to  consider,  in  conformity 
with  the  provisions  of  Article  234  of  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles,  the  resources  and  ca- 
pacity of  Germany. 

The  experts'  reports  form  an  extremely 
interesting  and  complete  whole,  and  I  can 
only  congratulate  myself  on  having  taken 
the  initiative  of  requesting  the  French  dele- 
gate on  the  Reparation  Commission  to  pro- 
pose the  corivocation  of  the  experts.  I  am 
glad  to  take  this  opportunity  of  paying  a 
tribute  to  the  great  competence  which  they 
have  shown,  to  their  impartiality,  and  to 
their  appreciation  of  actual  facts. 

In  possession  of  such  detailed  and  valuable 
information  the  commission  is  now  in  a  po- 
sition to  pronounce  judgment  and  the  govern- 
ments have  the  right  to  expect  from  it  a  de- 
finitive decision  which  will  embody  the  con- 
clusions contained  in  the  experts'  reports, 
will  support  them  with  argument,  will  give 
them  practical  form  (since  in  most  cases 
they  are  drafted,  as  is  only  proper  in  the  case 
of  reports  from  advisers,  in  the  form  of 
mere  indications) ,  and  will  complete  them  on 
certain  points  which  the  Experts  have  left  to 
the  commission  itself  to  deal  with  or  on 
which  they  have  not  expressed  any  opinion. 
It  is  only  when  the  Reparation  Commission 
has  completed  this  work,  and  has  thus 
clearly  defined  all  the  matters  which  come 
within  its  competence  under  the  treaty  and 
those  which  are  not  within  its  jurisdiction. 


436 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


that  it  will  be  in  a  position  to  communicate 
the  latter  to  the  governments  concerned. 

The  governments  will  not,  in  fact,  be  able 
to  take  useful  action  until  they  have  exact 
information  as  to  the  practical  effect  which 
the  Reparation  Commission  gives  to  the  ex- 
perts' proposals.  They  must  also  be  in  a  po- 
sition to  ascertain  whether  the  German 
Government  has,  for  its  part,  taken  the 
necessary  measures  to  carry  out  the  Com- 
mission's decision.  It  is  evident  that  this 
decision  cannot  be  taken  until  the  commission 
has  approved  the  drafts  of  the  laws  and  de- 
crees Which  it  has  requested  the  German 
Government  to  submit  to  it,  with  a  view  to 
insunng  the  execution  of  the  plan.  But  it  is 
also  evident  that  it  is  only  after  this  de- 
cision that  the  Allied  governments  will  be  in 
a  position  to  arrive  at  "the  conclusion  com- 
ing within  their  jurisdiction,  in  order  that 
the  plans  proposed  may  be  brought  into  full 
operation  without  delay."  in  the  circum- 
stances the  German  Government  and  the 
Allied  governments  cannot  in  fact  be  placed 
on  the  same  footing. 

The  Reparation  Commission,  acting  in 
virtue  of  its  powers  under  the  peace  treaty, 
can  take  into  account  the  observations  made 
to  It  by  the  German  Government,  which  is 
entitled  to  a  just  opportunity  to  be  heard 
and  must  then  give  its  decision  with  all  the 
authority  which  the  treaty  confers  upon  it. 

rhe  experts  have,  moreover,  stated  that  in 
their  opinion,  the  economic  and  financial 
nnity  of  the  Reich  should  be  restored  as 
soon  as  the  plan  recommended  is  put  into  exe- 
cution Since  the  commission  has  decided  to 
accept  the  experts'  conclusions  as  a  whole 
he  French  Government  venture,  to  assume 
that  on  this  point  of  capital  importance  it 
does  not  intend  to  modify  these  conclusions. 
The  governments  will  have  to  consider  to- 
gether under  what  conditions  the  securities 
at  present  held  by  France  and  Belgium  shall 
be  merged.into  or  exchanged  for  those  which 
will  be  handed  over  as  an  undivided  whole  to 
all  the  Allies.  These  operations  cannot,  how- 
ever take  place  until  Germany  has  effectively 
put  the  plan  into  execution,  and  it  is  for 
the  governments  to  determine  by  common 
agreement  the  guarantees  which  these  opera- 
tions may  render  necessary. 

It  is,  moreover,  understood  that  in  the 
course  of  the  conversation  to  be  entered  into 
the  French  Government,  which  appreciates 
the  experts'  work,   as   do   the   other  Allied 


Jidy 


governments,  will,  in  a  spirit  of  conciliation 
and  mutual  understanding,  make  every  neces- 
sary effort  compatible  with  the  vital  interests 
of  France  to  facilitate  the  prompt  execution 
of  the  definitive  decision  to  be  communicated 
to  it  by  the  commission. 

The  Belgian  Reply 

The  Belgian  Government  has  examined  the 
experts'   reports   with   the  greatest   interest. 

The  indisputable  competence  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committees,  their  objective  aims 
and  the  co-operation  of  America,  have  given 
their  unanimous  conclusions  a  high  moral 
importance  which  the  Belgian  Government  is 
pleased  to  recognize. 

It  has  the  honor  to  inform  the  Reparation 
Commission  that  it  is  prepared  to  accept  the 
experts'  conclusions  as  a  whole,  with  a  view 
to  a  practical  and  equitable  settlement  of 
the  reparation  problem. 

It  hopes  that  the  Reparation  Commission 
will  give  careful  consideration  to  the  drafts 
of  the  laws  and  decrees  which  it  has  asked 
the  German  Government  to  submit  to  it  and 
which  are  necessary  for  the  complete  execu- 
tion of  the  experts'  plan. 

The  Belgian  Government  further  hopes 
that  the  Reparation  Commission  will  lose  no 
time  in  preparing  the  measures,  the  details 
of  which  were  entrusted  to  it  by  the  report, 
so  that  when  this  work  has  been  carried  out 
the  plan  recommended  may  be  brought  into 
prompt  operation  by  common  agreement 
among  the  Allied  governments.  The  Belgian 
Government  is  placing  itself  immediately  in 
touch  with  these  governments. 

Italian  Position 

The  Italian  Government  has  the  honor  to 
acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  letter  of  the 
Reparation  Commission  under  date  of  April 
17,  communicating  the  reports  of  the  two 
Committees  of  Experts,  together  with  a  copy 
of  the  letters  exchanged  between  the  com- 
mission and  the  German  Government  and  the 
text  of  the  decision  adopted  by  the  commis- 
sion on  the  same  date. 

The  Italian  Government  has  taken  the 
greatest  interest  in  examining  these  two  re- 
ports, which,  on  account  of  the  competence 
of  the  experts  and  the  unanimity  with  which 
they  adopted  their  conclusions,  must  be  con- 
sidered to  be  documents  of  the  greatest 
value. 

Since  the  Royal  Government  considers  the 


19^4 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


437 


contents  of  the  two  reports  to  be  an  indi- 
Tisible  whole,  It  has  noted  with  satisfaction 
that  the  Reparation  Commission  had  adopted 
them  in  their  entirety  and  is  sure  that  the 
commission  will  be  able  to  pursue  its  work 
rapidly. 

The  Italian  Government  for  its  part  is 
willing  immediately  to  adopt  the  experts'  re- 
ports in  their  entirety,  as  well  as  the  prin- 
ciples underlying  them,  being  convinced  that 
these  conclusions  and  principles  can  consti- 
tute a  fair  basis  for  the  settlement  of  the 
question  of  reparations  and  connected  ques- 
tions in  accordance  with  the  line  of  action 
always  followed  by  the  Royal  Government. 

The  Royal  Government  considers,  more- 
over, that  the  conclusions  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  experts  and  approved  by  the 
Reparation  Commission  will  facilitate  the 
solution  of  the  general  problem  by  the  settle- 
ment of  questions  among  the  Allied  govern- 
ments which  are  within  their  jurisdiction  and 
which  were  not  within  the  mission  of  the  ex- 
perts. 


THE  LAST  MAC  DONALD -POIN- 
CARE  CORRESPONDENCE 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  the  cor- 
respondence between  Premiers  MacDonald 
and  Poincare  during  the  period  just  before 
and  subsequent  to  the  latter's  defeat  at  the 
polls. ) 

Mr.  MacDonald  to  M.  Poincare 

(Purely  Personal  and  Unofficial) 

Foreign  Office,  May  10,  1924. 
Mt  Dear  Prime  Minister: 

I  have  just  heard  that  you  have  decided 
not  to  come  to  Chequers  on  Monday  on  ac- 
count of  the  political  situation  of  France  at 
the  present  moment.  May  I  assure  you  that 
I  took  delight  in  sending  you  the  invitation, 
not  merely  because  it  was  to  give  us  an  oppor- 
tunity of  talking  over  matters  in  which  your 
country  and  mine  are  very  deeply  concerned, 
and  upon  which,  in  the  interests  of  every 
country  in  Europe,  you  and  I  had  to  come  to 
an  agreement  which  would  be  generally  ac- 
ceptable, but  also  because  I  wished  to  have 
the  pleasure  of  meeting  you  personally  at  my 
fireside. 

We  political  leaders,  I  suppose,  have  to 
cultivate  the  habit  of  regarding  no  oflBce  as 
an  abiding  place  and  be  prepared  for  "ups 
and  downs"  just  as  they  come.     Believe  me, 


however,  I  regret  very  much  that  that  com- 
mon fate  should  have  deprived  me  of  the 
opportunity  of  making  your  personal  ac- 
quaintance. 

I  do  not  wish  to  ask  any  improper  question 
or  to  make  any  objectionable  suggestion,  but 
I  know  that  you  are  equally  concerned  with 
me  in  trying  to  make  preliminary  arrange- 
ments for  putting  the  experts'  report  into 
operation,  and  thus  establishing  a  more  satis- 
factory state  of  affairs  in  Europe.  Might  I, 
therefore,  ask  if  everything  must  now  remain 
just  where  it  is  until  next  month,  or  whether 
it  would  be  possible,  without  doing  anything 
which  would  be  a  violation  of  the  parliamen- 
tary or  constitutional  practice  of  France,  to 
pursue  at  any  rate  tentatively  explorations  of 
our  problems,  so  that  when  formal  and 
official  communications  between  our  govern- 
ments can  be  normally  resumed  time  may  be 
saved  and  conclusions  arrived  at  speedily? 

I  know  this  is  rather  a  delicate  matter  to 
refer  to,  and  I  only  venture  to  do  it  trusting 
to  your  known  good  will  and  your  belief  that 
it  is  made  in  all  sincerity. 
I  have,  &c., 

(Signed)  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald. 

M.  Poincare  to  Mr.  MacDonald 

Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs, 

Paris,  May  14,  1924. 
My  Dear  Prime  Minister  and  Colleague: 

Having  announced  to  the  President  of  the 
Republic  my  intention  of  placing  in  his 
hands,  on  the  opening  of  the  new  Parlia- 
ment, the  collective  resignation  of  the  cabinet 
over  which  I  have  the  honor  to  preside,  I 
regret  very  much  that  I  am  unable  to  accept 
the  kind  invitation  which  you  were  good 
enough  to  send  me.  I  should  have  been  very 
happy  to  pass  a  few  hours  with  you  at 
Chequers,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  straight- 
forwardness and  friendly  courtesy  which, 
since  your  advent  to  power,  you  have  not 
ceased  to  show  to  the  French  Government. 

Moreover,  the  detailed  account  which  MM. 
Theunis  and  Hymans  have  with  your  full 
consent  communicated  to  me  of  the  conver- 
sations which  they  had  with  you,  and  the 
confirmation  of  these  conversations  which 
you  have  sent  me,  enabled  me  to  expect  the 
best  results  from  our  meeting,  and  I  had 
every  ground  for  hoping  that  we  should  ar- 
rive without  difficulty  at  a  final  agreement. 
I  do  not  doubt  that  such  an  agreement  will 


438 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


be  brought  about  at  an  early  date  In  condi- 
tions satisfactory  for  our  two  countries. 

Tlie  government  over  wliicli  I  preside  have 
accepted  without  restriction  or  reservation 
the  conclusions  of  the  report  of  the  experts 
as  ratified  by  the  Reparation  Commission, 
and  they  have  declared  that  they  were  ready 
to  re-establish  the  economic  unity  of  the 
Reich  as  soon  as  Germany  applied  the  pro- 
gram laid  down  by  that  commission. 

We  are,  therefore,  entirely  in  accord  with 
you  on  this  point,  since  you  explained  to 
MM.  Theunis  and  Hymans  that  the  economic 
hold  ought  to  cease  on  the  very  day  on 
which  the  experts'  plan  enters  into  force ;  but 
that  that  would  not,  of  course,  be  until  the 
German  Government,  so  far  as  it  was  con- 
cerned, had  carried  out  the  suggestions  of  the 
experts  in  their  entirety  and  obeyed  their 
directions. 

The  experts  did  not  give  it  to  be  understood 
in  their  report  that  the  reestablishment  of 
economic  unity  implied  the  abandonment  of 
the  military  occupation  of  the  Ruhr.  I  know 
very  well  that  no  British  Government  has 
approved  this  occupation,  although  it  has 
never  been  to  us  an  end  in  itself,  but  only  a 
means,  and  I  am  the  last  person  to  wish  to 
resuscitate  misunderstandings  which,  like 
you,  I  desire  to  see  dissipated.  Therefore  I 
am  very  much  touched  by  the  delicacy  with 
which  you  spoke  of  this  point  to  MM.  Theunis 
and  Hymans. 

To  me  also  it  appears  quite  useless  to  hark 
back  to  the  past.  We  have  always  announced 
that  we  would  leave  the  Ruhr  in  proportion 
as  Germany  effected  payments.  This  suffi- 
ciently indicates  that  we  hope  to  be  able  to 
leave  it  as  soon  as  possible.  We  think  it 
prudent,  however,  to  preserve  guarantees  and 
to  remain  in  a  position  to  resume  pledges  in 
the  event,  which  is  unfortunately  not  impos- 
sible, of  Germany  subsequently  failing  again 
in  her  obligations  to  make  reparation.  You 
were  good  enough  to  tell  MM.  Theunis  and 
Hymans  that  in  the  event  of  a  breach  of  the 
undertakings  contracted  by  her,  Germany 
would  find  herself  confronted  by  England, 
Belgium,  and  France  inflexibly  united,  as 
they  were  during  the  war. 

It  seemed  to  you  difficult,  however,  to  fore- 
see at  the  present  moment  the  nature  of  the 
guarantees  which,  in  such  an  eventuality,  we 
might  be  led  to  take  by  a  common  agreement. 
It  goes  without  saying  that  France  will  al- 
ways prefer  measures  taken  in  common  with 


her  allies  to  measures  taken  by  herself  alone. 
We  should  therefore  only  contemplate  re- 
suming the  exploitation  of  our  existing 
pledges  in  the  event,  which  I  am  anxious  to 
believe  improbable,  of  our  not  having  agreed 
together  upon  the  necessary  guarantees  when 
the  moment  arrived.  On  this  point,  likewise, 
it  seemed  to  me  that  your  conversation  with 
MM.  Theunis  and  Hymans  was  a  step  toward 
a  solution  acceptable  to  our  two  countries. 

I  had  examined  at  length  with  MM. 
Theunis  and  Hymans  another  question — 
that  of  the  railways  administered  by  the 
Franco-Belgian  Regie.  When  MM.  Theunis 
and  Hymans  broached  the  subject  to  you, 
you  pointed  out  to  them  that  it  was  already 
under  examination  by  M.  Lefevre,  his  British 
colleague,  and  a  German  delegate,  and  that 
agreement  on  the  subject  was  about  to  be 
reached.  We,  too,  had  believed,  like  MM. 
Theunis  and  Hymans,  that  the  best  solution 
was  to  leave  the  experts  to  find  a  practical  ar- 
rangement which  would  reconcile  the  financial 
unity  of  the  German  railways,  as  provided 
in  the  experts'  report,  with  the  rights  con- 
ferred upon  us  by  article  10  of  the  Rhineland 
Agreement,  to  insure  the  observance  of  which 
has  been  essentially  the  object  of  the  Franco- 
Belgian  Regie.  It  is  a  very  important  ques- 
tion and  one  which  I  should  have  liked  to 
have  been  able  to  settle  with  you  as  soon  as 
the  experts  had  formulated  their  proposals; 
nor  does  it  seem  to  me  to  be  a  question  which 
threatens  to  divide  the  governments  of  Great 
Britain  and  France. 

This  question  would  have  led  me  to  speak 
to  you,  if  you  had  agreed,  about  the  problem 
of  security,  which  presents  itself  today  under 
a  really  grave  aspect.  I  have  ventured  to 
communicate  to  you  in  these  last  few  weeks 
information  furnished  to  me  by  General  Nol- 
lett,  the  president  of  the  Inter-Alied  Commis- 
sion of  Military  Control,  or  by  General  D6- 
goutte,  the  general  commanding  the  troops 
of  occupation.  There  does  not  seem  to  be 
any  doubt  that  Germany  is  deliberately  vio- 
lating the  stipulations  of  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles and  reconstituting  her  war  material 
and  military  formations. 

In  consequence  of  circumstances  to  which 
I  have  no  intention  of  referring  again, 
France  has  not  obtained  the  guarantees  that 
she  had  a  right  to  hope  for  during  the  nego- 
tiations leading  up  to  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles. It  would  have  been  very  agreeable 
to  me  to  seek  with  you,  whom  I  know  to  be 


192J^ 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


439 


animated  by  sentiments  so  sincerely  and  reso- 
lutely pacific,  the  means  of  supplying  on  this 
capital  point  the  precautions  which  were  not 
then  taken,  and  whose  absence  might  be  fatal 
to  the  peace  of  the  world  when  the  Allied 
armies  come  to  evacuate  the  occupied  terri- 
tories. 

Although  the  course  of  events  forbids  me 
to  examine  with  you  these  different  questions, 
I  must  thank  you  warmly  for  the  cordial 
manner  in  which  you  offered  to  discuss  them 
with  me,  and  I  shall  not  fail  to  report  to  the 
Government  which  succeeds  me  the  deep  im- 
pression of  confidence  that  your  conversation 
with  MM.  Theunis  and  Hymans  had  already 
made  on  our  Belgian  colleagues. 

Believe  me,  my  dear  Prime  Minister  and 
colleague. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

(Signed)  R.   PoiNCARfi. 

M.   Poincare   to   Mr.   MacDonald 

Ministry  fob  Foreign  Affairs, 

Paris,  May  15,  1924. 
My  Dear  Prime  Minister: 

Lord  Crewe  conveyed  to  me  this  morning 
your  personal  and  private  letter  of  yester- 
day. It  crossed  the  one  which  I  asked  M.  de 
Saint-Aulaire  yesterday  evening  to  communi- 
cate to  you.  I  was  looking  forward  to  the 
great  pleasure  of  passing  an  evening  by  your 
fireside  and  of  having  a  heart-to-heart  talk 
with  you.  As  my  letter  of  yesterday  will 
prove  to  you,  I  do  not  doubt  that  such  a 
purely  private  conversation  would  have  led 
us  to  the  conclusion  that  we  could  easily 
establish  an  agreement  on  the  questions 
which  are  vital  for  our  two  countries.  You 
have  understood  that,  after  having  announced 
to  the  President  of  the  Republic  my  intention 
of  placing  in  his  hands  at  the  opening  of  the 
forthcoming  Parliament  the  collective  resig- 
nation of  the  cabinet  over  which  I  have  the 
honor  to  preside,  it  was  very  difficult  for  me 
to  maintain  my  acceptance  of  your  very  kind 
invitation  to  Chequers.  But  I  think  with 
you  that  the  conversation  so  happily  begun 
through  the  intermediary  of  our  common 
friends  can  quite  well  continue,  at  least  in  a 
preliminary  form,  without  our  waiting  till 
next  month,  in  order  to  prepare  the  basis  of 
an  agreement  destined  to  restore  European 
affairs  to  a  normal  footing. 

From  the  constitutional  point  of  view, 
since  the  powers  of  the  Parliament  elected 
in  1919  do  not  expire  till  June  1,  the  present 


government  is  not  charged  solely  with  the 
conduct  of  current  affairs.  Whilst  it  is 
determined  to  do  nothing  which  may  impede 
the  action  of  the  government  that  will  suc- 
ceed it,  the  present  government  is  qualified 
to  continue  with  you  the  study  of  such  ur- 
gent problems  as  the  present,  so  that  time 
may  not  be  lost  in  arriving  at  solutions  which 
I  shall  be  in  a  position  to  recommend  person- 
ally to  my  successor.  I  am,  moreover,  con- 
vinced that  nothing  wUl  be  changed  in  the 
foreign  policy  of  France.  I  recently  had 
occasion  again  to  make  a  statement  to  this 
effect  in  the  Senate. 

Our  conversation  can  be  carried  on  by 
means  of  personal  letters  or  by  the  inter- 
mediary of  our  ambassadors.  I  myself  yes- 
terday embarked  on  the  course  that  you  indi- 
cate. You  explained  to  me  your  views  with 
a  delicacy  and  perception  which,  if  you  will 
allow  me  to  say  so,  have  greatly  touched  me 
and  for  which  I  am  very  grateful.  Accord- 
ingly, nothing  stands  in  the  way  of  your 
communicating  to  me  directly  or  through  the 
intermediary  of  M.  de  Saint-Aulaire  the  con- 
sidered observations  which  my  letter  of  yes- 
terday will  have  suggested  to  you. 

I  have  found  since  you  have  taken  office 
such  sympathy  between  your  sentiments  and 
my  own  that  the  exchange  of  ideas  which 
will  take  place  between  us  up  to  the  1st  of 
June  cannot  in  any  case  fail  to  advance  mat- 
ters very  appreciably  toward  the  result  for 
which  we  are  both  so  confidently  hoping. 
Yours  very  sincerely, 

(Signed)  R.  PoiNCAEfi. 

Mr.  MacDonald  to  M.  Poincare 

Foreign  Office,  May  23,  1924. 
My  Dear  Prime  Minister: 

It  was  with  real  pleasure  that  I  received 
your  letters  of  the  14th  and  15th  of  May, 
which  great  pressure  of  work  has  prevented 
my  acknowledging  sooner.  Not  only  do  I 
value  their  courtesy  and  cordiality,  but  I 
was  happy  to  learn  from  them  that  I  could 
count  on  your  continued  co-operation  in  pre- 
paring the  way  for  an  agreement  to  place 
European  affairs  once  more  upon  a  normal 
footing  and,  by  the  creation  of  the  mind  of 
peace,  in  providing  the  beginning  of  a  se- 
curity against  war. 

You  have  been  good  enough  to  inform  me 
that  you  are  so  much  in  agreement  with  the 
views  which  I  expressed  to  M.  Theunis  and 
M.  Hymans  on  the  occasion  of  their  visit  to 


440 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


July 


Chequers  that  you  had  expected  the  best 
results  from  your  visit  to  me.  That  is  most 
gratifying.  I  have  never  concealed  from 
you,  nor  have  you  from  me,  the  difficulties 
in  reconciling  some  of  our  respective  views, 
but  your  response  to  my  approaches  has  con- 
vinced me  that  a  candid  exploration  of  the 
realities  of  our  position  v?ould  end  in  har- 
mony without  sacrificing  the  permanent  in- 
terests of  France  and  Great  Britain. 

I  fully  understand  and  respect  your  disin- 
clination in  any  way  to  hamper  the  action  of 
the  new  government,  and  I  am  glad  that  you 
saw  that  I  expressed  myself  in  such  a  way 
as  to  show  that  I  was  conscious  of  the  deli- 
cacy of  the  position  and  anxious  to  embar- 
rass neither  you  nor  your  successors,  with 
whom  I  shall  pursue  the  same  frank  exchange 
of  thoughts  as  we  have  done. 

In  the  meantime,  administrative  details 
have  been  dealt  with  through  the  usual  chan- 
nels, and  I  await  the  establishment  of  your 
new  government  to  take  up  where  it  has  been 
interrupted  a  consideration  of  the  points  not 
yet  agreed  upon. 

Finally,  I  think  we  may  congratulate  our- 
selves on  the  very  real  progress  which  has 
been  made  in  the  last  few  months  in  improv- 
ing the  relations  of  our  two  countries,  and, 
whatever  may  be  the  results,  I  shall  ever 
remember  with  gratitude  the  generous  re- 
sponse you  gave  to  my  early  endeavors  to  put 
those  relations  on  a  basis  of  mutual  under- 
standing and  confidence. 

If  good  fortune  were  to  bring  us  together 
personally,  either  when  you  are  in  England 
or  I  in  France,  it  will  be  a  happy  moment 
for  me  when  I  greet  you. 

With  every  assurance  of  friendship  and 
respect, 

I  am,  yours  very  sincerely, 

(Signed)  J.  Ramsay  MacDon^auj. 

M.  Poincare  to   Mr.   MacDonald 

May  25,  1924. 
My  Dear  Prime  Miwisteb: 

I  am  much  touched  by  the  sentiments  which 
you  are  so  good  as  to  express  to  me,  and  I 
wish  to  assure  you  once  more  that  I  shall 
continue  in  all  circumstances  to  do  everything 
in  my  power  to  maintain  and  strengthen 
between  our  two  countries  an  entente  so 
necessary  for  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Pray  believe,  my  dear  Prime  Minister,  rn 
my  sincere  friendship. 

(Signed)  R.  PoiiroAB^. 


BRITISH  BANKERS  MEMORAN- 
DUM ON  RUSSIAN  CREDIT 

(Note. — The  following  memorandum  was 
addressed  to  the  British  Prime  Minister,  on 
April  13,  by  leading  bankers,  on  the  subject 
of  the  restoration  of  Russian  credit  in  Great 
Britain.) 

The  Government  of  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics  have  informed  his  Ma- 
jesty's Government  of  their  intention  to  send 
to  London  in  the  immediate  future  represen- 
tatives with  full  powers,  among  whose  tasks 
will  be  "the  determination  of  means  for  the 
restoration  of  Russia's  credit  in  Great 
Britain." 

Since  it  is  desirable  that  all  those  who  are 
interested  in  the  restoration  of  normal  condi- 
tions between  this  country  and  Russia  should 
contribute  what  they  can  to  the  solution  of 
this  problem,  we  venture  to  indicate  what  in 
our  view  are  the  means  by  which  the  Soviet 
Government's  aim  can  be  achieved.  In  ex- 
pressing our  views  below  we  believe  we  inter- 
pret correctly  the  general  opinion  of  the 
financial  community  of  this  country. 

Conditions  of  Credit  Restoration 

The  "means"  for  the  restoration  of  Russia's 
credit  in  Great  Britain  are  the  following : 

(1)  That  a  recognition  of  debts,  public  and 
private,  should  be  agreed  upon  acceptable  to 
both  countries. 

(2)  That  an  equitable  arrangement  for  res- 
titution of  private  property  to  foreigners 
should  be  made. 

(3)  That  a  proper  civil  code  should  be 
brought  into  effective  operation,  independent 
courts  of  law  created,  and  the  sanctity  of 
private  contract  again  firmly  established. 

(4)  That  the  Russian  Government  should 
definitely  guarantee  that  in  future  private 
property  shall  in  all  circumstances  be  free 
from  danger  of  confiscation  by  the  State. 

(5)  That  bankers,  industrialists,  and  trad- 
ers in  this  country  should  be  able  to  deal 
freely  without  interference  by  government 
authorities,  with  similar  private  institutions 
in  Russia  controlled  by  men  of  whom  they 
have  personal  knowledge  and  in  whose  char- 
acter, word,  and  resources  they  have  con- 
fidence. 

(6)  That  the  Russian  Government  should 
abandon  their  propaganda,  against  the  insti- 
tutions of  other  countries,  and  particularly 
against  all  those  from  whom  they  propose  to 
request  financial  assistance. 


The  Will  to  End  War 


By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 


This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modern  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — ^the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 


PRICE,  FIFTEEN  CENTS 
Order  from 

The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  G 


Any  Book  on 
International  Peace 


FOR  SALE  AT  OFFICE  OF 


The  American  PEACE  Society 

612-614  Colorado  Building 
Washington,  D.  C. 


Our  "Federal  Convention" 
Pamphlet 


This  pamphlet — 25c.  each,  22>^2C.  each  for  twelve  or  more,  20c.  each 
for  twenty-five  or  more — should  be  ordered  from 


The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  C. 

Application  for  Membership 

IN 

The  American  Peace  Society 


The  Membership  Includes  Subscription 
TO  THE  ADVOCATE    OF   PEACE 

TYPES  OF  MEMBERSHIP: 

Liiv $100.00  Institutional _ $25.00 

Contributing..- 25.00  Sustaining _ 5.00 

Annual $2.00 


For  the  enq^osed  $ please  enroll  me  as  a, 

Member  of  the  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY. 

Name 

Address 


y 


For  International  Understanding 


ADVOCi 


THROUGH 


^|S^8.::^^^:i..^^4;^:^.|^^i-^^^ 


Volume  86,  No.  8 


iraia«WH»i!W4ait»rf'»*  - -•^'^■fs 


August,   1924 


n 


^J 


Foreign  Policies  in  the  Party 
Platforms 


Can  the  Dawes  Plan  Win  ? 


Again  We  Refuse  a  League  Proposal 
British  Imperial  Problems 


PRICE    20    GENTS 


THE  PURPOSE 

OOHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
iO    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
—Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


J V. 

ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthur  Deerix  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C, 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY,  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter,  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-OflBce  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917 ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  heing  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 451 

Editorials 

Our  Parties  and  Our  Foreign  Policies — Fate  of  the  Dawes  Report — 
A  Marked  Persistence — Interparliamentary  Union — In  tlie  Main — 
Editorial  Notes .    45?l-460 

World  Problems  in  Review 

Inter-Allied  Conference — Britain's  Imperial  Problems — Latin  Amer- 
ica— Third  American  Scientific  Congress — American  Rubber — The 
Confusion  in  China 461-471 

General  Articles 

Interparliamentary    Union 472 

By  its  Secretary-General 

Practical  International  Work  of  the  Rockefeller  Foundation 478 

By  the  President  of  the  Foundation 

International  Instruction  Through  Social  Studies 487 

By  Jessie  C.  Evans 

Internationai.  Documents 

Foreign  Policies  in  the  Party  Platforms 492 

Text  of  the  League's  Proposed  Treaty  of  Mutual  Assistance 495 

Reply  of  our  State  Department 499 

Canada  and  the  Lausanne  Conference 500 

News  in   Brief 503 

Letter   Box 505 

Book    Reviews 509 


\ 


Vol.  86  AUGUST,    1924 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  Its  kind  in  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  flie  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  built  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  Is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  International 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  op 
Pi:.\CE,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  circu- 
lated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts.  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  In 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

//  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1011  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated    under    the    laws    of    Massachusetts   since 

1848. 


The  minimum  fees  for  memhership : 
Annual   Membership   Is   two   dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,    five  dollars; 
Contributing  Membership,   twenty-flve  dollars ; 


FEES 


Institutional    Membership,    twenty-flve    dollars; 

Life  Membership  Is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    Include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  President  American 
Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Arthur  Deer  in  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,   Tulsa,    Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American    Red   Cross,    Washington,    D.    C. 

Hon.  David  Jayxe  Hill,  Washington.  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,   D.   C. 

Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague^  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,   D.  C. 

Mrs.  Philip  North  Moore,  St.  Louis.   Mo. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


George  Mateice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  Build- 
ing, Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Morris,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Boulevard, 
Chicago,   111. 

Hon.   Jackson   H.   Ralston,   Palo  Alto,   California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  Ex-President  Fairmont  Sem- 
inary,   Southern   Pines,  North  Carolina. 

Paul  Sle.man,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Te.mple,  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania.  Washington,   D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  I'resident  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,   D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green 
Hon.   William    B.  McKinley 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
.7ay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon  Henry   W.  Temple 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.    Theodore    E.    Burton,    Member    of    Congress 
from  Ohio,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Secretary: 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 


Treasurer: 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,   Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.   William   B.  McKinley,   Washington,   D.   C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull   House,  Chicago,   111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert    Bowles,    Esq.,    Richmond,    Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.   Rev.   Bishop  J.   Darlington,   Harrisburg,   Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fisk,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles   Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,   D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanfo'-d  University,  Calif. 

Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Bishop  William    Lawrence,   Boston,   Mass. 

Joseph   Lee,   Boston,  Mass. 

William   H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.   H.   PiLLSBURY,  Derry,   N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,   N.  Y. 

Mrs.    Frederic    Schoff,    Philadelphia,    Pa. 

Dr.  .Tames  Brown  Scott,   Washington,   D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,   Salida.  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward   Stevens,    Columbia,   Mo. 

*Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

♦Pres.   C.  F.   Thwing,   Cleveland,   Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary   E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 


•Emeritus. 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  A  GOVERNED  WORLD 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society  May  27,  1921) 


THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague ;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences  ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clai'ify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committe  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods ; 

Tlie  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V^  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  wherever 
feasible  and  practicable.  In  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perjna- 
nent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial   decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  Involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective :  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and   desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


AUGUST,  1924 


NUMBER 
8 


EDITORIALS 


OUR  PARTIES  AND  OUR  FOREIGN 
POLICIES 

MR.  COOLIDGE,  Mr.  Davis,  and  Mr. 
La  Follette  are  the  three  candidates 
for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States  with  whom  we  shall  be  seriously 
confronted  on  election  day,  November  4 
next.  To  what  foreign  policies  do  these 
men  subscribe?  The  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion must  be  found  in  the  platforms  upon 
which  they  have  been  nominated. 

As  to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Inter- 
national Justice,  the  Eepublican  Party  in- 
dorses the  Court  and  favors  the  adherence 
to  it  of  the  United  States,  as  recommended 
by  President  Coolidge.  The  Democratic 
Party  simply  renews  its  declaration  of 
confidence  in  the  ideals  of  the  World  Court 
of  Justice.  Mr.  La  Pollette's  platform 
says  nothing  about  it. 

As  to  the  League  of  Nations,  Mr. 
Coolidge  must  abide  by  the  decision  of  this 
government  definitely  to  refuse  member- 
ship in  that  body,  and  to  assume  no  obliga- 
tions under  the  Covenant  of  the  League. 
Upon  that  he  must  stand.  Mr.  Davis, 
unless  he  repudiates  the  Democratic  plat- 
form, must  renew  his  confidence  in  the 
ideals  of  the  League  of  Nations  and  argue 
that  there  is  no  substitute  for  that  body 
as  an  agency  working  for  peace.  But  he 
must  contend  that  this  question  should  be 
lifted  out  of  party  politics,  and  that 
whether  or  not  the  United  States  shall 
join  the  League  of  Nations  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  American  people  at  a  referen- 


dum election  advisory  to  the  government. 
He  cannot  argue  that  we  should  join  the 
League  of  Nations.  He  can  only  propose 
a  general  election  upon  the  one  question, 
"Shall  the  United  States  become  a  mem- 
ber of  the  League  of  Nations  upon  such 
reservations  or  amendments  to  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  as  the  President  and 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  may  agree 
upon  ?"  Under  the  terms  of  his  own  plat- 
form, Mr.  La  Follette  is  not  called  upon 
to  refer  to  the  League  directly  or  indi- 
rectly. 

The  Republican  Party  believes  in  co- 
operation with  other  powers  in  humani- 
tarian effort,  always  with  the  provision, 
however,  that  this  country  shall  make  no 
political  commitments  involving  the  sacri- 
fice of  our  independence.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  the  Democratic  candidate 
must  disagree  with  this  position.  Upon 
this  matter  Mr.  La  Follette  is  also  silent. 

Mr.  Coolidge  must  defend  the  Dawes 
report.  Mt.  Davis  has  no  obligation  in 
this  respect.  Mr.  La  Follette  does  not 
refer  to  it. 

The  Republican  Party  is  opposed  to  the 
cancellation  of  debts  owed  to  this  country 
by  foreign  powers.  The  Democratic  Party 
has  taken  no  position  upon  these  debts; 
neither  has  Mr.  La  Follette. 

The  Democratic  platform  calls  for  the 
conscription  of  all  the  resources  of  the 
nation  in  time  of  war,  for  an  adequate 
army  and  navy,  for  the  outlawry  of  the 
whole  war  system.     Upon  these  matters 


454 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


the  Eepublican  Party  is  silent.  Mr. 
La  Follette  believes  in  the  outlawry  of  war, 
and  in  the  abolition  of  conscription. 

All  three  parties  are  in  substantial 
agreement  upon  the  necessity  for  the  re- 
duction of  armaments  on  land  and  sea  by 
joint  agreement. 

Mr.  La  Follette  believes  that  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles  must  be  revised  in  accordance 
with  the  terms  of  the  Armistice,  and  that 
there  should  be  "public  referendums  on 
peace  and  war."  The  Democratic  Party 
believes  in  a  war  referendum  except  in 
the  case  of  actual  attack.  Upon  these 
matters  the  Eepublican  Party  is  silent. 

In  other  words,  all  three  candidates 
must  stand  for  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments upon  land,  in  the  air,  on  and  under 
the  seas,  by  treaty  agreements.  All  must 
stand  for  an  elfective  foreign  policy  cal- 
culated to  lessen  the  chances  of  war.  None 
of  the  candidates  can  favor  the  United 
States  entering  the  League  of  Nations. 
Mr.  Coolidge  and  Mr.  Davis  can  work  for 
our  adherence  to  the  Court  of  Interna- 
tional Justice.  All  three  parties  are  evi- 
dently in  perfect  agreement  that  it  is  of 
supreme  importance  that  "America  be 
placed  and  kept  on  the  right  side  of  the 
greatest  moral  question  of  all  time,"  the 
question  of  dethroning  the  war  system. 

Judging  from  the  platforms,  none  of 
the  candidates  will  concentrate  upon  our 
foreign  policies  as  a  major  issue.  Evi- 
dently the  campaign  is  to  be  fought  over 
questions  arising  out  of  our  more  imme- 
diate industrial,  agricultural,  and  politi- 
cal situation.  It  seems  to  be  the  view 
that  these  questions  are  sufficiently  com- 
plicated without  bringing  in  the  larger 
and  more  difficult  problems  of  our  foreign 
relations.  The  farmer  and  the  laborer  in 
industry  are  trying  to  find  a  common  pro- 
gram which  will  promote  the  interests  of 
both.  The  political  scandals  of  the  last 
year  are  coming  in  for  their  share  of  de- 
bate and  wrangle.  The  tariff  is  already 
beginning  to  let  loose  its  customary  ocean 'f 


of  talk.  Personalities,  as  usual,  are  color- 
ing the  harangues.  It  is  reasonable  to 
expect  that  animosities,  vague  and  fric- 
tional,  will  arouse  opinion  more  and  more 
to  a  fever  heat.  Splits,  in  familiar  va- 
riety, are  already  bringing  the  usual  con- 
sternation into  the  opposing  camps.  Ora- 
tory is  splashing  the  landscape  o'er.  And 
November  4  will  come  and  November  4 
will  go,  and  the  throes  of  another  election 
will  leave  us  a  little  better  informed,  some- 
what clearer-visioned,  and  a  bit  more  eager 
for  another  four  years  of  effort  to  improve 
our  American  brand  of  living.  Our  po- 
litical campaigns  are  not  a  net  loss. 

Yet  the  lack  of  party  interest  in  foreign 
policies  is  a  misfortune.  There  is  an  inti- 
mate relation  between  the  interests  of  our 
farmers  and  laborers — and  this  includes 
pretty  much  all  of  us — and  the  attitude 
we  take  toward  other  nations.  Our  pro- 
duction and  trade  hang  on  foreign  markets 
increasingly,  and  of  course  the  weal  of  our 
people  is  vitally  affected  by  every  problem 
of  peace  or  war.  In  our  judgment,  the 
candidate  who  visualizes  most  clearly  what 
the  foreign  policies  of  this  government 
should  be  is  the  candidate  that  ought  to 
be  elected.  The  Advocate  of  Peace  is 
politically  non-partisan.  All  it  can  do  in 
the  present  campaign,  therefore,  is  to 
recommend  to  the  voters  that  they  meas- 
ure each  candidate  by  the  "Suggestions 
for  a  Governed  World,"  appearing  else- 
where in  these  columns,  and  vote  accord- 
ingly. 

The  United  States  of  America  will 
move  onward  and  we  believe  upward,  who- 
ever resides  in  the  White  House.  No  man 
is  indispensable  to  our  development  in 
America;  no  man  can  hinder  that  devel- 
opment, for  long.  A  venerable  guide  of 
the  Capitol  remarked  casually  to  us  the 
other  day  that  the  Democrats  and  the  Ee- 
publicans  of  the  House  look  very  much 
alike  to  him,  "They  are  all  Americans." 
The  election  of  November  presents  no 
crisis,  in  any  dangerous  sense. 


192  It 


EDITORIALS 


455 


THE  FATE  OF  THE  DAWES 
REPORT 

THERE  are  reasons  for  believing  that 
the  Allied  conference  now  meeting 
in  London  will  be  unable  to  agree  upon 
the  Dawes  report.  In  the  first  place, 
the  opposition  to  it  in  Germany  is  real 
and  determined.  A  more  important  rea- 
son, however,  is  that  the  struggle  between 
France  and  Germany  cannot  be  expected 
to  end  today,  tomorrow,  or  the  next  day. 
This  is  true,  whatever  plan  is  discussed 
or  even  adopted. 

The  reason  for  the  continuation  of  the 
conflict  between  France  and  Germany  is 
not  that  these  two  peoples  hate  each  other. 
There  is  hatred  enough,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed; but  hatreds  become  increasingly 
ephemeral  when  interests  no  longer  de- 
mand them.  It  is  not  reparations  de- 
manded by  France  that  are  prolonging 
the  struggle.  France  expects  reparations 
from  Germany.  France  is  entitled  to 
these  reparations  under  the  laws  of  war 
and  the  laws  of  right  reason.  The  repara- 
tions question  is,  therefore,  a  serious  ques- 
tion, but  it  is  not  the  most  fundamental 
cause  of  the  continuing  ill-will  across  the 
Ehine.  The  reason  for  this  unhappy  bel- 
ligerency is  not  that  France  demands  se- 
curity against  another  attack  from  the 
east.  France  wants  security.  She  is  en- 
titled to  security.  But  France  knows  that 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  security  against 
a  German  attack  so  long  as  there  is  a  Ger- 
many wishing  to  attack.  In  this  situation 
there  are  two  courses  open  to  France. 
One  is  that  she  be  prepared  in  terms  of 
guns  and  men  to  meet  any  force  which 
Germany  brings  to  bear.  The  other  is  to 
have  a  Germany  psychologically  so  minded 
that  a  military  blow  at  France  would  be 
unthinkable.  So  far,  it  is  the  former  of 
these  two  methods  which  has  appealed 
most  strongly  to  French  judgment.  In 
this  the  French  may  have  been  right;  but 


it  is  not  this  alone  that  perpetuates  the 
atmosphere  of  strife  between  the  two 
countries. 

Neither  is  it  because  there  is  any  un- 
usual lack  of  common  sense  among  these 
two  peoples.  They  are  not  peculiarly 
stubborn  nor  unnaturally  blind  to  their 
mutual  interests.  It  is  true  that  their 
many  fights  have  left  deep  wounds  which 
are  far  from  healed.  Their  wars  have 
been  vicious  and  devisive.  In  the  mean- 
time England,  a  bit  flirtatious,  wooing 
first  this  country  and  then  that,  cannot 
be  said  to  have  helped  the  situation,  for 
neither  France  nor  Germany  has  sufficient 
faith  in  England.  So  they  do  not  arrange 
their  households  for  peace.  And  the 
scandal  of  Europe  goes  on.  But  the  rea- 
son for  this  lies  deeper  still. 

When  the  family  court  of  experts  was 
set  up  with  an  American  gentleman  pre- 
siding, the  world  breathed  easier ;  for  men 
said,  France  and  England  will  be  shown 
the  way  to  peace  at  last.  The  court  drew 
up  a  plan  for  bringing  the  family  to- 
gether and  for  enabling  the  parties  to 
balance  their  budget,  providing  they  went 
to  work  and  established  an  income,  and 
then  to  go  ahead  once  more  with  less 
caterwauling  and  kicking  of  shins.  This 
plan  is  the  Dawes  plan. 

The  question  now  is.  Can  the  Dawes 
plan  work,  and,  if  so,  how?  This  ques- 
tion is  being  threshed  out  by  a  conference 
of  representatives  from  ten  of  the  Allied 
powers,  including  unofficial  American  ad- 
visors. 

Seemingly  insurmountable  difficulties 
face  the  conferees.  These  difficulties  do 
not  relate  to  the  main  aspects  of  the  Dawes 
report,  for  upon  these  the  governments, 
including  Germany,  are  in  accord,  at 
least  on  the  surface.  IS'ote  these  lesser 
but  possibly  insurmountable  difficulties: 
Shall  France  evacuate  the  Ruhr  before 
Germany  begins  to  pay  up,  or  shall  Ger- 
many begin  to  pay  up  before  France  be- 


466 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


gins  to  evacuate?  One  thing  may  be  ac- 
cepted as  certain,  France  will  not  begin 
to  evacuate  at  least  until  the  Allies  sub- 
mit a  substitute  guarantee  that  France 
will  be  paid.  This,  of  course,  is  a  direct 
challenge  to  the  international  bankers. 
In  the  meantime  France  and  England  are 
in  perfect  disagreement  upon  the  nature 
of  these  guarantees.  Furthermore,  France 
and  England  are  far  apart  upon  the  man- 
ner of  deciding  questions  of  Germany's 
default,  if  default  there  be,  again.  The 
military  activities  of  German  secret  so- 
cieties complicate  the  situation  by  cast- 
ing a  cloud  upon  the  sincerity  of  Ger- 
many. 

In  the  midst  of  all  this  the  American 
ambassador  to  Great  Britain  has  pre- 
sented to  the  conference  four  proposals 
in  the  nature  of  compromise.  These  pro- 
posals are  as  follows : 

"1.  That  the  Allies  should  solemnly 
undertake  not  to  proceed  to  take  sanctions 
which  would  interfere  with  the  financial 
and  fiscal  sovereignity  of  Germany  to  the 
prejudice  of  the  lenders  and  service  of  the 
loan. 

"2.  That  they  would  undertake  that,  if 
sanctions  were  applied,  the  sums  necessary 
for  the  service  of  the  loan  would  be  pro- 
vided from  the  proceeds  of  such  sanctions. 

"3.  That  the  Reparation  Commission 
would  be  empowered  to  declare  a  German 
default  by  a  majority  vote  and  the  Allies 
would  undertake  to  apply  such  sanctions 
as  would  conform  with  the  indications 
given  by  experts. 

"4.  That,  subject  to  the  foregoing  pro- 
visions, the  problems  of  treaty  interpreta- 
tions, would  remain  unaffected  and  all 
treaty  rights  enjoyed  by  the  Allies  would 
remain  unimpaired." 

Under  the  first  and  second  of  these 
terms,  if  accepted,  the  proposed  loan  to 
Germany  would  have  smoother  sailing  be- 
cause it  would  be  secured  by  priority 
rights.  This  will  probably  arouse  little 
objection.  It  is  not  reasonable  to  expect, 
however,  that  France  will  agree  to  refer 
the  determination  of  Geiman/s  default 


to  a  majority  of  the  Reparations  Commis- 
sion, for  France  might  thus  lose  control. 
Furthermore,  France  has  consistently  in- 
sisted upon  her  rights  to  act  independ- 
ently against  Germany  in  case  of  Ger- 
many's default.  She  will  probably  not 
relinquish  this  right.  Another  question 
facing  the  conference  is,  Shall  Germany 
be  notified  in  advance  of  the  purposes  of 
the  Allies  in  case  of  German  default,  or 
shall  the  whole  question  of  sanctions  be 
deferred  pending  an  emergency  which 
may  arise? 

All  these  questions  may  seem  to  be 
minor.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  may 
become  major,  for  one  very  important  rea- 
son. And  this  brings  us  to  the  very  heart 
of  the  whole  case.  Germany  and  France 
are  finding  it  impossible  to  work  together 
because  they  are,  economically  speaking, 
at  each  other's  throats.  The  war  of  arms 
has  simply  given  way  to  an  economic  war- 
fare. It  is  the  war  under  another  guise, 
but  the  war  nevertheless.  Both  France 
and  Germany  are  fighting  for  their  eco- 
nomic lives.  This  is  the  outstanding  fact 
of  Europe ;  the  very  high  mountain  facing  J 
the  Dawes  report.  An  anxious  world  ' 
hopes  it  may  not  prove  insurmountable. 


A  MARKED  PERSISTENCE 

THE  Secretary-General  of  the  League 
of  Nations  evidently  does  not  propose 
that  the  United  States  shall  forget  the  ex- 
istence of  the  League  of  Nations.  Under 
date  of  January  9,  1924,  he  wrote  to  Sec- 
retary Hughes,  requesting  the  views  of  our 
Government  respecting  a  Draft  Treaty  of 
Mutual  Assistance  to  which  the  Third 
Committee  of  the  Assembly  of  the  League 
had  unanimously  agreed  after  two  years 
of  work  by  the  Temporary  Mixed  Commis- 
sion, and  after  revision  in  accordance  with 
the  decisions  of  the  Assembly.  The  pro- 
posed guarantee  treaty  represents  the 
views  of  the  League  Committee  on  Dis- 
armament under  the  terms  of  Article  8 


192  U 


EDITORIALS 


457 


of   the    Covenant   of   the   League.      This 
article  reads: 

"The  members  of  the  League  recognize 
that  the  maintenance  of  peace  requires 
the  reduction  of  national  armaments  to 
the  lowest  point  consistent  with  national 
safety  and  the  enforcement  by  common 
action  of  international  obligations.  The 
Council,  taking  account  of  the  geograph- 
ical situation  and  circumstances  of  each 
State,  shall  formulate  plans  for  such  re- 
duction for  the  consideration  and  action 
of  the  several  governments." 

This  proposed  treaty  is  an  attempt  to 
make  operative  Article  X  of  the  Covenant. 
Its  submission  for  an  expression  of  opin- 
ion by  our  Government  is,  therefore,  but 
another  illustration  of  the  wide  differences 
between  the  political  views  of  European 
statesmen  and  the  Government  of  these 
United  States.  Certain  officials  of  the 
League  do  not  seem  to  have  heard  of  our 
political  campaign  of  1920. 

The  treaty,  furthermore,  would  outlaw 
wars  of  aggression  by  asserting  "that  ag- 
gressive war  is  an  international  crime." 
This  rather  naive  and  meaningless  state- 
ment does  not  augur  well  for  the  quality 
of  the  plan  which  follows.  And  the  plan 
which  follows,  considering  the  time  and 
labor  put  into  it,  is  correspondingly  ama- 
teurish and  disappointing.  It  is  a  pro- 
posal to  organize  an  alliance  for  the  co- 
ercion by  force  of  arms  any  recalcitrant 
State.  It  is  a  war  plan  pure  and  simple. 
The  Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain, 
when  interpolated  upon  it  recently  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  expressed  the  view 
that  it  would  mean  the  increase  rather 
than  the  decrease  of  armaments.  It  is  a 
proposal  to  organize  the  world  not  for 
peace  but  for  war,  and  evidently  the  Euro- 
pean statesmen  responsible  for  the  docu- 
ment seriously  believe  that  the  United 
States  can  be  beguiled  into  accepting  such 
a  plan,  promising  in  advance  to  fare  forth 
with  navy  and  army  at  a  moment's  notice 
in  disputes  the  nature  of  which  we  cannot 
now  foresee. 


It  would  seem  that  the  officials  of  the 
League  of  Nations  understand  the  United 
States  of  America  less  rather  than  more 
clearly  with  the  passing  of  the  years. 

Statesmen  of  the  world  should  know  by 
this  time  that  the  United  States  will  not 
enter  into  any  alliance  to  guarantee  mili- 
tary assistance  through  an  indefinite  fu- 
ture, that  it  cannot  under  the  circum- 
stances help  to  define  directly  or  indi- 
rectly the  competency  of  the  Council  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  and  that  it  cannot 
give  up  its  control  of  its  own  foreign  poli- 
cies to  an  outside  body  of  men  without 
vital  changes  in  the  very  structure  of  this 
Government. 

We  are  so  anxious  that  the  League  of 
Nations  shall  render  a  service  to  the  cause 
of  international  peace  that  we  wish  it 
might  find  it  possible  to  understand  better 
the  United  States  of  America,  its  aims, 
its  powers  and  its  limitations.  We  would 
then  find  it  unnecessary  to  call  to  the  at- 
tention of  the  officials  of  the  League,  di- 
rectly and  indirectly,  the  futilities  of  their 
bootless  proposals. 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY 

UNION  AT  BERNE 

AND  GENEVA 

THE  Interparliamentary  Union,  as  an- 
nounced heretofore,  is  to  hold  its 
twenty-second  conference,  beginning  Au- 
gust 23,  in  the  city  of  Berne,  Switzerland. 
Its  last  session  will  be  held  in  Reforma- 
tion Hall,  Geneva,  August  28, 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  has  had 
a  worthy  history  covering  thirty-five  years. 
Thus  for  a  generation  this  "Parliament 
of  Parliaments"  has  been  laboring  for  the 
arbitration  of  international  disputes  as  a 
substitute  for  war.  It  is  now  known  that 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  was  largely 
responsible  for  the  Muravieff  manifesto, 
out  of  which  came  the  First  Hague  Con- 
ference. The  Union  had  a  marked  influ- 
ence upon  the  deliberations  of  the  First 


458 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


Hague  Conference.  It  paved  the  way  for 
the  caUing  of  the  Second  Hague  Confer- 
ence and  materially  influenced  the  de- 
liberations of  that  conference.  Dr 
Lange's  article,  appearing  elsewhere  in 
these  columns,  will  be  of  special  interest 
to  our  readers. 

The  American  Group  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  is  to  be  represented 
at  the  coming  conference  by  Senator  Wil- 
liam B.  McKinley,  President  of  the 
Group;  by  Representative  Theodore  Bur- 
ton, of  Ohio,  member  of  the  Executive 
Committee  and  President  of  the  Ameri- 
can Peace  Society.  Senators  Caraway,  of 
Arkansas;  Spencer,  of  Missouri;  Weller, 
of  Maryland ;  Curtis,  of  Kansas,  and  Rep- 
resentatives Montague,  of  Virginia;  Tom 
Connally,  of  Texas;  J.  J.  McSwain,  of 
South  Carolina,  are  also  to  be  present. 

Because  of  the  history  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  because  of  the  fact 
that  twenty-seven  of  the  world's  parlia- 
ments are  members  of  that  body,  because 
of  the  interest  of  our  American  Senators 
and  Representatives,  and  because  the 
President  of  the  United  States  is  about  to 
invite  the  Union  to  hold  its  twenty-third 
conference  in  the  United  States  during 
1925,  this  body  may  be  expected  to  be- 
come of  increasing  interest  to  the  people, 
particularly  of  this  hemisphere. 


WE  AGREE,  IN  THE  MAIN 
rp  HE  President-General  of  the  Daugh- 
J-  ters  of  the  American  Revolution  has 
just  sent  out  a  communication  to  all  State 
regents  of  the  organization  warning  them 
against  the  activities  of  those  "who  are 
knowingly  and  deliberately  disloyal  to  our 
government  and  our  political  institutions." 
That  sounds  good.  It  seems  to  ring  clear 
and  strong.  We  confess,  however,  we  do 
not  know  exactly  what  it  means.  In  a 
sense  Messrs.  Davis  and  Bryan  are 
"knowingly  and  deliberately  disloyal"  to 


a  very  definite  portion  of  our  "government 
and  our  political  institutions,"  namely,  to 
President  Coolidge,  his  cabinet,  and  all 
his  works.  And  as  for  Messrs.  La  Fol- 
lette  and  Wheeler,  they  are  still  more 
"knowingly  and  deliberately^'  at  the  job 
of  ousting,  indeed,  our  present  govern- 
ment and  of  scrapping  not  a  few  of  "our 
political  institutions."  While,  of  course, 
the  head  of  the  "Daughters"  cannot  mean 
to  refer  to  these  "activities",  such  re- 
flections make  it  clear  that  one  must  use 
one's  language  with  care  if  one  would  be 
understood. 

Evidently  sensing  this,  the  President- 
General  aims  later  to  be  more  specific. 
The  culprits  which  must  be  brought  up 
with  a  turn  are  "the  societies  that  are 
trying  to  exact  unpatriotic  promises  of 
their  members."  That  sounds  all  right. 
But  to  what  particular  "societies"  does 
she  refer?  The  "Youth  Movement"  is 
the  only  one  called  by  name.  She  says 
that  it  "is  the  most  dastardly  of  all  the 
Old  World  evils  that  has  been  brought  to 
our  shores."  We  don't  know  much  about 
this  "Youth  Movement."  Evidently,  we 
ought  to  know  more  about  it.  Is  it  a  cor- 
poration? Who  are  its  officers?  What 
are  its  principles?  Who  finances  it? 
Where  can  we  find  it?  If  it  is  what  tiie 
President  General  says  it  is,  it  must  be 
unlawful.  Have  the  Daughters  of  the 
American  Revolution  brought  action 
against  this  organization  or  its  officers  in 
a  court  of  law?  If  not,  why  not?  Any 
group  out  "to  destroy  the  moral  fiber  of 
our  girls  and  boys"  ought  to  be  scotched 
at  once.  Arrests,  we  should  say,  are  in 
order. 

The  President-General  has  somebody 
else  also  in  mind.  She  says:  "Pacifist 
groups  in  America  have  waxed  strong  be- 
cause of  their  sentimental  appeals  to  our 
women  and  to  our  women's  organiza- 
tions." This,  not  especially  complimen- 
tary to  our  women,  is  less  ominous  be- 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


459 


cause  less  specific.  We  are  not  told  who 
these  "pacifist  groups"  are.  The  adjec- 
tives applied  to  their  propaganda  are 
much  milder,  as,  for  instance,  "far-reach- 
ing," "persuasive,"  "twisted,"  "spacious." 
(We  suspect  this  was  intended  to  be  spe- 
cious.) 

The  trouble  here  again,  however,  is  a 
lack  of  definiteness.  The  phrase  "pacifist 
groups"  doesn't  seem  to  get  us  very  far, 
since  the  President-General  said  in  the 
same  communication  that  the  Daughters 
of  the  American  Eevolution  are  "op- 
posed" to  war,  "as  are  all  right-minded 
thinking  peoples."  This  means  that  the 
Daughters  of  the  American  Eevolution  is 
itself  a  "pacifist  group."  But  surely  the 
Daughters  are  not  making  "sentimental 
appeals  to  our  women  and  to  our  women's 
organizations."  Therefore,  all  "pacifist 
groups"  are  not  doing  this  subversive 
thing.  Therefore,  again,  the  President- 
General  should  be  more  specific,  if  we 
may  venture  a  suggestion  in  a  matter  of 
tliis  delicate  nature. 

The  iPresident-General  goes  on  to  say, 
however,  that  "if  necessity  arises — if  the 
fundamental  laws  of  God  and  man  are 
set  aside — then  they  [the  Daughters]  are 
sacredly  pledged  to  the  loyal  support  of 
their  nation,  and  they  believe,  with  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  its  ade- 
quate defense  at  all  times  by  land  and 
sea."  The  American  Peace  Society  sub- 
scribes to  this  doctrine  with  all  its  soul. 
It  has  never  failed  its  country  in  such  a 
crisis.  But  the  American  Peace  Society, 
we  suppose,  is  a  "pacifist  group.'''  Hence 
it  is  not  true  that  two  "pacifist  groups 
in  America" — the  Daughters  of  the  Amer- 
ican Eevolution  and  the  American  Peace 
Society — are  subject  to  condemnation  by 
the  President-General  of  the  Daughters 
of  the  American  Eevolution. 

The  President-General  concludes  her 
statement  with  the  following  paragraph : 


"What  we  actually  need  in  our  national 
life  is  that  individuals  and  societies  shall 
cling  fast  to  the  good,  so-called,  old-fash- 
ioned virtues,  with  their  standards  of, 
clear  thinking  and  honest  living,  and  that 
we  shall  have  a  God-fearing  respect  in  our 
hearts  and  minds  with  regard  to  the  ob- 
servance of  law  and  order.  Our  society 
believes  that  women  have  a  great  mission 
to  perform  in  the  world  today,  and  no- 
where is  that  mission  greater  than  in 
America ;  but  we  know  that  we  shall  most 
successfully  set  about  it  in  our  new  era  of 
political  equality,  not  by  aiding  and  abet- 
ting the  forces  which  would  destroy  our 
governmental  agencies,  but  by  upholding 
with  our  most  earnest  efforts  the  great 
ideals  of  government  for  which  our  for- 
bears fought  and  died.  Daughters  of  the 
American  Eevolution  further  believe  that 
every  boy  and  girl  in  America  today  is 
entitled  to  future  participation  in  the 
blessings  of  the  era  of  freedom  and  good 
government  made  possible  by  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  and  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States.  They  also 
mean  to  oppose  with  all  the  vigor  and 
strength  of  their  beings  any  individual  or 
groups  of  individuals  who  would  substi- 
tute for  our  great  institutions  of  govern- 
ment untried  theories  and  dangerous 
Communist  doctrines." 

With  these  views  we  are  in  substantia] 
accord.  We  are  not  so  sure  of  the  cal- 
umny attached  to  "untried  theories,"  for 
we  suspect  that  progress  lies  along  the 
line  of  trying  out  here  and  there  certain 
new  theories  of  government.  But  in  the 
main  we  agree. 

We  must  keep  talking  about  these 
things,  if  we  are  to  get  anywhere.  Mac- 
aulay  put  it  more  sententiously  when  he 
remarked  that  "men  are  never  so  likely  to 
settle  a  question  rightly  as  when  they 
discuss  it  freely."  Of  course,  the  great 
stylist  did  not  mean  to  exclude  women. 


AMElsriTIES  go  a  long  way  toward 
.  promoting  friendship  between  na- 
tions as  between  persons.  The  Fourth  of 
July  was  celebrated  at  Prague  again  this 


460 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


year,  as  in  every  year  since  1918.  The 
celebration  was  participated  in  not  only  by 
the  permanent  American  colony  in  this 
beautiful  capital  of  Czechoslovakia,  but 
also  by  the  people  of  the  country  as  a 
whole.  Our  friends  of  Czechoslovakia 
seem  glad  to  express  their  appreciation 
of  the  United  States  of  America  not  only 
for  aid  in  their  struggle  for  freedom  and 
the  attainment  of  independence,  but  also 
for  American  services  of  a  humanitarian 
nature  at  a  time  when  they  were  faced 
with  famine  and  an  uncertain  future. 
Evidently  our  friends  of  that  country  re- 
member our  efforts  in  behalf  of  public 
health,  social  welfare  and  public  service 
organizations  in  their  midst.  It  is,  of 
course,  pleasing  to  us  to  hear  of  the  hoist- 
ing of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  Prague  on 
the  Fourth  of  July  and  that  our  flag  was 
"greeted  with  warmth  and  respectful 
feeling." 


EVIDENTLY  Czechoslovakia  purposes 
to  keep  alive  the  principles  upon 
which  it  is  founded.  Sunday,  the  thir- 
tieth of  June,  a  procession  of  legionaries 
took  place  at  Prague.  These  legionaries 
are  the  people  who  won  state  independ- 
ence for  the  Czecho-Slovak  peoples.  Evi- 
dently the  demonstration  was  both  elabo- 
rate and  impressive.  The  legionaries 
issued  a  manifesto  setting  forth  the  prin- 
ciples which  had  actuated  them  in  their 
struggle  for  emancipation.  These  prin- 
ciples included  complete  freedom  and 
equality  in  religion,  the  separation  of  the 
church  from  the  state,  social  justice, 
progress,  work  for  universal  peace,  and 
the  defense  of  truth  and  democracy. 
Surely  here  is  the  stuff  of  which  the  future 
must  be  made,  not  only  in  Czechoslovakia 
but  everywhere. 


WHEN"  a  trained  scientist  talks  of  the 
future  of  man,  we  are  all  instinc- 
tively interested.  In  the  June  number  of 
Asia,  Henry  Fairfield  Osborne,  President 


of  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  His- 
tory, writes  on  "Where  Did  Man  Origi- 
nate?" He  concludes  his  analysis  with 
these  arresting  words: 

"And  now  I  must  turn  to  another  and 
more  pressing  phase  of  my  subject, 
namely,  the  future  of  man.  Several  re- 
cent writers  on  the  future  development  of 
man,  among  them  Bury,  Inge,  and  Conk- 
lin,  have  taken  a  decidedly  pessimistic 
view.  They  are,  no  doubt,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  shock  of  the  World  War, 
which  they  regarded,  and  in  a  measure 
rightly  so,  as  a  racial  calamity  of  the  first 
magnitude.  Prance,  where  the  Napoleonic 
wars  had  already  cut  off  three  inches  from 
the  stature  of  the  average  man,  lost  one 
million  four  hundred  thousand  of  its  best 
men.  England,  too,  has  deteriorated 
racially.  So  has  Germany.  Of  the  origi- 
nal Teutonic  stock,  the  men  of  the  time 
of  Goethe  and  Schiller,  one-tenth  re- 
mains; nine-tenths  of  the  population  of 
Germany  is  of  Slavic  or  Alpine  stock.  In 
eastern  America,  too,  the  original  New 
England  stock  is  dying  out.  In  the  opin- 
ion of  Dr.  Ting,  China  is  not  much  better 
off — the  change  for  the  worse  in  the  Chi- 
nese race  being,  however,  due,  not  to  war, 
but  to  the  absence  of  sexual  selection. 

"Eacial  deterioration  appears  to  prevail 
throughout  the  world.  No  wonder  men 
become  pessimistic !  I  am  an  optimist, 
but  I  am  convinced  that  we  must  alter 
our  entire  point  of  view.  The  doctrine 
of  individualism,  so  rampant  everywhere 
today,  is  the  greatest  enemy  of  racial  prog- 
ress. Our  motto  today  is,  'Be  careful  of 
the  individual  and  never  mind  the  race.' 
We  must  come  back  to  the  point  of  view  j 
so  well  expressed  by  Tennyson  in  regard 
to  Nature's  mode  of  work : 

"  'So  careful  of  the  type  she  seems, 
So  careless  of  the  single  life.' 

"Care  for  the  race,  even  if  the  individ- 
ual must  suffer — this  must  be  the  keynote 
of  the  future  of  man.  Not  quantity,  but 
quality,  must  be  the  aim  in  the  develop- 
ment of  each  nation,  to  make  men  fit  to 
maintain  their  places  in  the  struggle  for 
existence.  Above  all,  we  must  be  con- 
cerned with  racial  values.  With  care  for 
them  more  widespread,  the  course  of  hu- 
man evolution  will  again  take  an  upward 
trend  and  the  future  of  our  race  will  be 
secure." 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


THE  INTER-ALLIED  CONFER- 
ENCE 

JULY  16  witnessed  the  opening  in  Lon- 
don of  what  promises  to  be  the  most 
important  inter-Allied  conference  since 
the  end  of  the  war.  The  way  for  such 
a  conference  was  opened  first  by  the  work 
of  the  Committees  of  Experts  appointed 
by  the  Keparation  Commission,  and, 
second,  by  the  results  of  the  French  par- 
liamentary elections,  which  placed  Ed- 
ouard  Herriot  at  the  head  of  the  French 
Government.  The  conference  itself  was 
preceded  by  a  number  of  interesting 
events,  and  there  were  moments  in  the 
preliminary  discussions  when  the  fate  of 
the  conference  itself  hung  in  the  balance. 

MacDonald    and    Herriot    Confer    at    Chequers 

The  first  act  in  the  process  of  mak- 
ing the  inter-Allied  conference  a  pos- 
sibility consisted  of  a  visit  paid  by  the 
new  French  Premier  to  the  British  Prime 
Minister  at  the  latter^s  country  place, 
the  Chequers.  The  meeting  of  the  heads 
of  the  British  and  French  governments 
took  place  on  June  20-21  and  was  de- 
voted to  an  expression  of  views  on  the 
problems  concerned  with  a  reparation  set- 
tlement and  the  whole  European  situation 
in  general. 

After  the  meeting  at  Chequers  the  fol- 
lowing official  bulletin  was  issued: 

The  conversation  revealed  general  agree- 
ment between  the  French  and  British  points 
of  view,  and  on  the  part  of  the  two  prime 
ministers  a  common  determination  to  meet 
the  difficulties  which  beset  their  countries, 
and,  indeed,  the  whole  world,  by  continuous 
co-operation.  It  was  agreed  that,  subject  to 
the  convenience  of  the  other  Allies,  a  con- 
ference should  be  held  in  London  not  later 
than  the  middle  of  July  for  the  purpose  of 
definitely  settling  the  procedure  to  be  adopted. 

The  two  prime  ministers  agreed  to  pay  a 
brief  visit  to  Geneva  together  at  the  opening 
of  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations  in 
September  next. 


This  non-committal  bulletin  did  not, 
of  course,  satisfy  the  political  leaders, 
either  in  Great  Britain  or  in  France. 
The  Chequers  meeting  came  in  for  a  good 
deal  of  discussion  in  both  the  British 
and  the  French  parliaments. 

On  the  day  following  the  meeting  a 
series  of  questions  was  addressed  to  Mr. 
MacDonald  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
These  questions  dealt  especially  with  the 
problem  of  American  and  German  repre- 
sentation at  the  conference  and  with  that 
of  the  inter-Allied  debts. 

The  Prime  Minister  replied  that  the 
presence  of  American  representatives  was 
highly  desirable,  and  that  steps  would 
be  taken  to  make  that  possible.  He  stated 
that  representation  of  Germany  was  dis- 
cussed, but,  quite  obviously,  it  was  first 
essential  that  there  should  be  an  agree- 
ment between  the  Allies  as  to  what  they 
were  prepared  to  do  to  put  the  report 
into  effect.  It  was  felt  that  certain  obli- 
gations imposed  on  Germany  by  the  Ex- 
perts* Report  were  somewhat  outside  the 
obligations  imposed  on  her  by  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles,  and  the  question  remained 
for  consultation  with  Belgium  and  Italy 
in  pursuance  of  the  consultation  which 
had  taken  place  as  to  how  best  to  bring 
Germany  in,  to  make  her  a  willing  part- 
ner in  sharing  those  obligations.  The 
exact  form  was  not  settled,  but  was  under 
consideration.  The  business  at  the  inter- 
Allied  Conference  would  be  the  Dawes  Re- 
port. As  soon  as  that  report  was  put  into 
operation,  as  soon  as  all  the  machinery 
was  arranged  for  putting  the  Dawes  Re- 
port into  operation,  they  would  go  on  to 
discuss  and  he  hoped  to  arrange,  the  other 
outstanding  matters  between  France  and 
Great  Britain,  including  inter-Allied 
debts.  He  hoped  the  House  would  be 
perfectly  clear  about  this — as  he  could 
assure  it  he  was  perfectly  clear  himself — 
there  was  going  to  be  no  mixing  up  of 
inter-Allied  debt  questions  with  the  put- 
ting into  operation  of  the  Dawes  Report. 

M.  Herriot,  in  his  statements  made  be- 


461 


463 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


fore  both  the  Senate  and  the  Chamber, 
was  much  more  specific  than  was  Mr. 
MacDonald  in  his  statement.  The  tone 
of  the  French  Premier's  remarks  was  most 
optimistic,  and  the  inference  from  his  re- 
port concerning  his  meeting  with  the  Brit- 
ish Prime  Minister,  as  well  as  the  con- 
ference he  had  with  the  Belgian  Premier 
on  his  way  back  from  London,  was  that 
a  substantial  agreement  had  already  been 
reached  as  among  the  principal  Allied 
statesmen.  This  inference  resulted  in  an 
outburst  of  newspaper  comments,  which 
led  Mr.  MacDonald  to  a  denial  of  the  as- 
sumption that  any  definite  conclusions 
had  been  reached  in  advance  of  the  pro- 
jected conference,  and  also  caused  vigor- 
ous criticism  of  M.  Herriot  by  Mr.  Poin- 
care  and  his  followers.  This  led  to  the 
second  act  in  the  conference-creation  pro- 
cess— Mr.  MacDonald''s  visit  to  Paris. 

MacDonald  Goes  to  Paris 

Mr.  MacDonald's  visit  to  Paris,  under- 
taken at  the  request  of  the  French  Pre- 
mier, was  timed  in  such  a  way  as  to  post- 
pone a  discussion  of  the  situation,  of 
which  M.  Poincare  gave  notice.  The 
French  political  circles  were  exercised 
over  the  perennial  problem  of  French  se- 
curity, and  the  specific  question  that  led 
M.  Poincare  back  into  the  limelight  of 
discussion  was  the  status  of  the  Bepara- 
tion  Commission  in  questions  involving 
default  on  the  part  of  Germany. 

On  the  question  of  what  should  be  Great 
Britain's  position  in  case  of  German  de- 
fault was  made  perfectly  clear  by  Mr. 
MacDonald  in  a  speech  which  he  delivered 
in  the  House  of  Commons  on  the  eve  of 
his  departure  for  Paris.  In  the  course 
of  this  speech  he  said : 

I  am  very  anxious  that  if  we  can  come  to 
an  agreement  about  the  Experts'  Report  we 
should  supplement  it  by  an  agreement  be- 
tween the  Allies  that  in  the  event  of  a  willful 
default  on  the  part  of  Germany,  after  she  has 
accepted  the  report,  we  should  stand  shoulder 
to  shoulder  in  imposing  her  responsibility 
upon  her. 

_  The  real  point  was  as  to  who  is  to  de- 
cide when  Germany  is  in  willful  default. 
In  the  course  of  the  conversations  which 
took   place   in   Paris   between   Mr.   Mac- 
Donald and  M.  Herriot,  it  became  per- 


fectly apparent  that  France  was  not  pre- 
pared to  yield  an  iota  of  her  position  in 
the  Eeparation  Commission,  nor  to  coun- 
tenance the  curtailment  of  the  powers 
conferred  upon  that  body  by  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles.  To  this  position  on  the 
part  of  France  Mr.  MacDonald  gave  suffi- 
cient acquiescence  for  M.  Herriot  to  be 
able  to  face  his  critics  in  the  Senate  and 
convince  them  of  the  fact  that  the  foreign 
policies  of  France  were  safe  in  his  hands. 
In  the  vote  of  confidence  which  M.  Her- 
riot received  after  his  explanations,  even 
M.  Poincare  joined  with  an  "aye." 

The  stage  was  then  entirely  clear  for 
the  inter-Allied  conference  to  take  place. 

The  Opening  of  the  Inter-Allied  Conference 

The  inter-Allied  conference  opened  in  ^ 
the  morning  of  July  16  with  representa- 
tives of  ten  nations  in  attendance.  The 
Allied  powers  represented  are  as  follows: 
Great  Britain  (including  representation 
from  the  dominions),  France,  Italy,  Bel- 
gium, Japan,  Jugoslavia,  Eumania,  Portu- 
gal, and  Greece.  Besides  these  nine 
powers,  the  United  States  has  an  un- 
official representation  at  the  conference. 

These  American  observers  are  Ambas- 
sador Kellogg  and  Colonel  Logan,  the 
American  observer  on  the  Reparation 
Commission. 

The  questions  before  the  conference 
fall  into  the  following  five  groups:  1, 
The  status  of  the  Eeparation  Commission ; 

2,  The  economic  evacuation  of  the  Euhr; 

3,  German  representation  at  the  later 
stages  of  the  London  Conference;  4,  The 
question  of  future  German  default;  and 
5,  The  agency  for  the  interpretation  of  the 
Experts'  Eeport  in  its  actual  application. 

It  is  reported  that  the  conference  will 
be  invited  to  adopt  a  protocol  containing 
the  following  points : 

1.  The  signatory  Powers  adhere  to  the 
Experts'  Report.  ^ 

2.  The  Germans  will  have  to  take  all     .| 
steps  necessary  to  give  efl'ect  to  the  ex- 
perts' plan  before  a  date  to  be  fixed  by 
the  conference. 

3.  The  Allies  will  have  to  suppress  all 
the  economic  and  financial  sanctions  at 
present  enforced  in  Germany  before  an- 
other date,  two  or  three  weeks  subsequent 
to  the  first,  and  also  to  be  fixed  by  the  con- 
ference. 


192  If 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


463 


4.  The  Allied  Powers  undertake  to  en- 
force no  sanctions  unless  Germany 
seriously  defaults  in  her  engagements. 
All  such  defaults  must  in  future  be  ex- 
amined by  a  new  organization  independent 
of  and  separate  from  the  Eeparationsi 
Commission,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
new  obligations  to  be  undertaken  by  Ger- 
many are  not  provided  for  in  the  Treaty 
of  Versailles. 

All  disputes  to  which  the  interpreta- 
tion of  this  protocol  may  give  rise  shall 
be  settled  by  the  International  Court 
at  The  Hague. 

Inter-Allied  debts  and  the  question  of 
security  shall  be  excluded  from  discus- 
sion. 

Germany    and    Armament    Inspection 

One  of  the  by-products  of  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  Ruhr  has  been  a  difficulty  en- 
countered by  the  Inter- Allied  Commission 
of  Military  Control  in  its  attempts  to 
carry  out  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles  concerning  periodic  inspections 
of  armaments  in  Germany.  Such  an  in- 
spection obviously  cannot  be  carried  out 
without  the  will  and  co-operation  of  the 
German  Government,  and  the  latter's 
willingness  has  not  been  forthcoming  for 
the  past  eighteen  months. 

MacDonald-Herriot  Warning  to  Germany 

On  May  28,  1924,  the  Council  of  Am- 
bassadors addressed  a  note  to  the  German 
government,  asking  the  latter  to  set  the 
date  for  an  armament  inspection.  No  re- 
ply to  this  note  was  made  by  the  German 
Government,  with  the  result  that  on  June 
24  Premiers  MacDonald  and  Herriot  ad- 
dressed to  the  German  Foreign  Minister 
the  following  joint  note : 

We  wish  to  address  Your  Excellency  direct 
on  a  subject  which  is  causing  grave  concern 
to  both  our  governments.  Information 
which  reaches  them  makes  them  apprehensive 
that  the  German  Government  may  be  con- 
templating the  return  of  an  unfavorable 
answer  to  the  note  recently  addressed  to  their 
ambassador  at  Paris  by  the  Ambassadors' 
Conference  on  the  subject  of  military  control 
in  Germany.  At  the  same  time  most  dis- 
quieting reports  reach  us  of  continued  and 
increasing  activities  of  nationalist  and  mili- 
tai'ist  associations,  which  are  more  or  less 
openly  organizing  military  forces  to  precipi- 


tate further  armed  conflict  In  Europe.  These 
reports  are  too  persistent  and  too  substantial 
to  permit  of  their  being  neglected.  They  are 
tending  to  incite  the  justifiable  anxieties  of 
public  opinion  both  in  France  and  in  Great 
Britain,  anxieties  which  must  inevitably  re- 
act on  the  attitude  of  the  two  governments. 
If  these  reports  are  unfounded,  we  are  sure 
that  the  German  Government  will  not  only 
consult  their  own  interests  but  do  a  great 
service  to  the  whole  of  Europe  by  assisting 
such  an  examination  as  will  dispel  suspicions 
regarding    secret    military    preparations. 

We  cannot  conceal  from  the  German  Gov- 
ernment, and  we  think  it  only  right  to  warn 
them,  that  any  fresh  failure  on  their  part 
to  meet  loyally  and  scrupulously  their  obliga- 
tions under  Part  V  of  the  treaty  would 
gravely  affect  the  international  situation  at 
the  very  moment  when  the  prospects  of  a 
real  application  of  the  scheme  recommended 
by  the  Dawes  Report  is  creating  in  all  the 
countries  affected  a  hope  of  a  definite  settle- 
ment of  the  problem  of  reparations  which 
should  pave  the  way  to  a  general  and  genu- 
ine pacification. 

We  therefore  beg  the  German  Government 
to  give  all  the  support  in  their  power  to  the 
promotion  of  this  pacification,  and,  as  a  first 
and  important  step  to  this  end,  to  co-operate 
in  a  ready  and  detei"mined  spirit  with  the 
Allied  governments  in  giving  effect  to  the 
legitimate  requirements  of  the  Military  Com- 
mission of  Control. 

It  should  be  to  the  interest  of  the  German 
Government  themselves  to  see  the  real  facts 
as  to  Germany's  disarmament  in  accordance 
with  their  treaty  engagements  authoritatively 
established.  If  they  wish  to  convince  the 
Allies  of  the  sincerity  of  their  attitude  in  this 
matter,  they  ought  to  welcome  the  oppor- 
tunity of  proving  it  by  helping  the  Control 
Commission  to  determine  the  facts. 

We  would  appeal  to  Your  Excellency  not 
to  lose  this  chance  of  eliminating  a  source 
of  serious  trouble  for  our  respective  govern- 
ments. France  and  Great  Britain  have  no 
desire  to  cause  embarrassment  to  the  Ger- 
man Government,  nor  to  continue  control 
longer  than  is  necessary.  On  the  contrary, 
they  look  forward  to  the  withdrawal  at  the 
earliest  possible  date  of  the  Control  Commis- 
sion. So  soon  as  the  several  points  on  which 
the  Allied  governments  have  explained  that 
they  must  be  satisfied  shall  have  been  prop- 
erly met,  the  Allied  governments  are  ready 
and    anxious   to   see   the   machinery   of   the 


464 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


Control  Commission  replaced  by  the  rights 
of  investigation  conferred  on  the  Council  of 
the  League  of  Nations  by  Article  213  of  the 
treaty.  All  they  demand  is  that  their  legiti- 
mate anxieties  be  appeased.  They  cannot  be 
expected  to  allow  their  security  to  be  threat- 
ened by  a  disregard  of  the  safeguards  which 
have  been  assured  to  them  in  the  terms  of 
the  peace  treaty. 

It  is  in  this  spirit  that  we  renew  the  expres- 
sion of  our  earnest  hope  that  the  German 
Government  will  return  to  the  note  of  the 
Ambassadors'  Conference  the  only  answer 
which  is  called  for  by  the  facts  of  the  situa- 
tion and  the  sanctity  of  the  solemn  engage- 
ments entered  into  under  the  treaty. 

(Signed)  J.  Ramsay  MacDonald. 

Herbiot. 

Germany  Consents  to  Allied  Inspection 

The  MacDonald  Herriot  note  had  an 
almost  immediate  reaction  in  Berlin.  On 
June  30  the  German  Government  dis- 
patched a  note  in  reply,  giving  its  con- 
sent to  another  inspection. 

The  substance  of  the  German  note  is 
that  Germany  accepts  the  general  inspec- 
tion of  the  state  of  her  armaments  de- 
manded by  the  ambassadors,  but  urges 
that  the  inter-Allied  Commission  of  Con- 
trol shall  get  its  work  done  by  September 
30.  The  idea  that  new  conflicts  are  likely 
to  arise  on  account  of  the  activities  of 
German  organizations  is  declared  to  be 
a  misconception.  It  is  not  denied  that 
there  are  numerous  gymnastic  associations 
in  Germany,  but  these  have  set  themselves 
the  task  of  encouraging  the  physical 
training  of  the  German  youth.  As  the 
former  compulsory  military  training  had 
its  educational  value,  so  do  these  associa- 
tions in  inculcating  respect  for  law  and 
order.  There  is  no  justification,  it  is 
asserted,  for  associating  the  sporting  and 
athletic  associations  in  any  way  with  mili- 
tary preparations. 

The  idea  of  war,  continues  the  reply, 
is  rejected  by  the  German  people,  and 
every  political  group  is  unanimously  con- 
vinced that  a  secret  encouragement  of 
armaments  must  be  laid  aside  as  impos- 
sible, useless,  and  dangerous.  The  Ger- 
man Government  has  done  its  best  to  dis- 
arm certain  political  organizations,  which 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  sporting  or 
gymnastic  associations,  so  that  there  can 


no  longer  be  any  question  of  a  serious    , 
armament  of  these  organizations.  | 

Further,  the  note  declares  that  no 
serious  military  authority  could  hold  the 
opinion  that  Germany  could  provoke  any 
armed  conflict  in  Europe,  even  if  she 
wanted  to  do  so,  since  the  technical  means 
and  material  strength  of  her  army  are 
less  than  those  of  even  quite  small  States. 

The  reply  goes  on  to  give  as  the  reason 
why  the  German  Government  accepts  to- 
day the  inspection  which  it  refused  three 
months  ago  the  fact  that  the  Committee 
of  Guarantees  has  been  abandoned  by  the 
Allies  and  the  change  to  a  more  friendly 
attitude  which  it  perceives  on  their  part. 

While  the  tone  of  the  German  note  has 
not  produced  a  favorable  impression  in  . 
the  Allied  countries,  the  prompt  consent 
of  the  Berlin  Government  to  another  in- 
spection is  generally  regarded  as  a  hope- 
ful sign.  As  to  Germany's  demand  that 
the  forthcoming  inspection  be  the  last  of 
its  kind,  and  that  the  matter  be  referred 
in  the  future  to  the  League  of  Nations, 
it  is  pointed  out  that  that  would  have 
to  depend  very  largely  upon  the  findings 
of  the  Commission  of  Control. 


GREAT  BRITAIN'S  IMPERIAL 
PROBLEMS 

SIDE  by  side  with  the  momentous  ne- 
gotiations in  which  the  British  Gov- 
ernment is  now  involved  over  the  Euro- 
pean settlement,  Mr.  MacDonald  faces  an 
increasing  number  of  important  problems 
concerned  with  the  affairs  of  the  British 
Empire.  Some  of  these  problems  are  the 
aftermath  of  the  Imperial  conferences 
which  took  place  shortly  before  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald took  office;  others  are  of  much 
longer  duration. 

Defeat  of  the  Imperial  Preference  Idea 

One  of  the  outstanding  results  of  the 
Imperial  conferences  held  last  fall  was  the 
adoption,  in  a  very  mild  form,  of  the  rudi- 
ments of  the  idea  of  Imperial  preference. 
This  idea  was  very  strongly  urged  by 
some  of  the  dominions — notably  Aus- 
tralia and  New  Zealand — as  the  most 
efficient  means  of  Imperial  development. 
It  was  opposed  by  Canada,  for  reasons 
of  her  peculiar  position  with  regard  to 


192^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


465 


the  United  States.  In  Great  Britain  the 
views  on  the  matter  were  divided.  The 
conservative  groups,  which  were  just  em- 
barking upon  an  electoral  campaign  with 
protection  as  their  slogan,  favored  the 
idea  very  strongly.  The  Liberal  and 
Labor  groups,  on  the  contrary,  rejected 
it,  since  they  considered  it  merely  an  en- 
tering wedge  of  a  protectionist  policy. 

The  Imperial  Conference  actually  adopt- 
ed ten  provisions  for  trade  and  financial 
preference  within  the  Empire.  The  opera- 
tion of  those  provisions  was  contingent 
upon  their  acceptance  by  the  British  Par- 
liament, and  on  June  17  Mr.  Stanley  Bald- 
win introduced  resolutions  in  the  House 
of  Commons  asking  for  the  ratification  of 
the  provisions  passed  by  the  Imperial 
Conference.  After  two  days  of  heated 
debate,  in  which  representatives  of  all 
parties  took  prominent  part,  the  first  four 
resolutions,  introduced  by  Mr.  Baldwin, 
were  defeated.  Mr.  Baldwin  then  an- 
nounced that  he  would  let  the  other  six 
resolutions  rest,  and  the  idea  of  Imperial 
preference  was  effectively  buried,  at  least 
for  the  present. 

Development  of   an  Imperial   Foreign   Policy 

The  problem  of  the  participation  of 
the  dominions  in  the  formation  of  foreign 
policy  has  been  considerably  in  the  fore- 
ground of  all  Imperial  discussions  ever 
since  the  war  endowed  the  overseas  por- 
tions of  the  Empire  with  a  new  status. 
The  discussion  was  projected  into  real 
prominence  recently  in  connection  with 
Canada's  refusal  to  ratify  the  Treaty  of 
Lausanne.  The  documents  relating  to 
this  incident  (published  in  the  Inter- 
national Documents  section)  tell  their 
own  story. 

As  a  result  of  this,  ample  provision 
has  been  made  by  the  British  Govern- 
ment to  insure  proper  representation  for 
the  dominions  at  the  London  Inter-Al- 
lied Conference.  In  reply  to  an  inquiry 
on  the  matter  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
Mr.  MacDonald  said: 

I  think  I  had  better  just  give  this  assur- 
ance: that,  without  committing  myself  to  de- 
tails as  to  how  it  is  to  be  done,  the  dominions 
will  be  completely  consulted,  so  that  they 
may  feel  that  they  are  partners  with  us  in 
everything  we  may  do. 


The  growing  of  the  spirit  of  independ- 
ence in  the  dominions,  so  far  as  foreign 
affairs  are  concerned,  has  been  recently 
emphasized  still  further  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  an  Irish  Minister  to  Washing- 
ton. Professor  Timothy  Smiddy  is  the 
first  official  envoy  of  the  Irish  Free  State, 
appointed  with  full  cognizance  and  con- 
sent of  the  British   Government. 

The  question  of  Imperial  foreign  pol- 
icy is  expected  to  come  up  for  serious 
discussion  at  the  next  Imperial  Confer- 
ence. 

The  Breakdown  of  Mosul  Negotiations 

At  the  end  of  May  and  the  beginning 
of  June  a  conference  took  place  at  Con- 
stantinople between  the  representatives 
of  the  British  and  the  Turkish  govern- 
ments regarding  the  question  of  Mosul. 
This  conference  was  arranged  in  pur- 
suance of  the  Treaty  of  Lausanne,  which 
provided  that  the  question  of  the  fron- 
tiers of  Mosul  should  be  settled  by  direct 
negotiations  between  Great  Britain  and 
Turkey,  and  also  that  in  case  of  failure 
of  such  negotiations  the  question  should 
be  referred  to  the  Council  of  the  League 
of  iSTations. 

The  negotiations  were  doomed  to  failure 
from  the  start.  The  Turks  reiterated 
their  claim  to  the  Mosul  vilayet  and  re- 
fused flatly  to  consider  the  question  of 
frontier  delimitation  as  the  basis  of  dis- 
cussion. Their  representative  claimed 
that  the  British  were  not  negotiating  in 
the  spirit  of  the  Lausanne  Treaty,  and 
refused,  therefore,  to  consider  the  British 
proposal  that  the  conference  at  least  draw 
up  the  terms  of  reference  whereby  the 
question  would  be  passed  over  to  the 
League  of  Nations. 

Postponement   of    Anglo-Egyptian   Negotiations 

The  attempted  assassination  of  the 
Egyptian  Premier,  Zaghlul  Pasha,  has 
postponed  the  negotiations  between  the 
British  and  the  Egyptian  premiers, 
scheduled  for  the  end  of  July.  These 
negotiations  were  to  be  concerned  with 
the  adjustment  of  the  problems  left  un- 
settled at  the  time  when  Egypt  was  given 
its  independence,  in  February,  1922.  The 
most  important  outstanding  question  is 
concerned  with  the  status  of  the  Anglo- 
Egyptian   Sudan,  which  is   causing  con- 


466 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


fiiderable  tension  between  Great  Britain 
and  Egypt.  The  Egyptians  want  com- 
plete control  over  the  Sudan,  while  the 
British  are  determined  to  preserve  the 
condominium  arrangement  established  in 
1899. 


LATIN  AMERICA  AT  A  GLANCE 

THE  trade  of  the  United  States  with 
Latin  America  for  the  first  eleven 
months  of  the  recent  fiscal  year  through 
May  passed  the  billion  and  a  half  mark 
and  exceeded  the  figures  for  the  eleven 
months  ending  May,  1923,  by  nearly 
$42,000,000,  according  to  R.  F.  O'Toole, 
Chief,  Latin  American  Division,  Bureau 
of  Foreign  and  Domestic  Commerce.  The 
value  of  American  merchandise  sold  to 
Latin  American  markets  Jumped  some 
$75,000,000,  or  from  $585,000,000  to 
nearly  $660,000,000.  Our  purchases  of 
Latin  American  products  declined  in 
value,  however,  dropping  from  $957,000,- 
000  to  $923,000,000.  As  a  result  of  the 
heavier  sales  and  the  lighter  buying,  our 
unfavorable  trade  balance  with  Latin 
America  was  reduced  by  approximately 
$109,000,000,  to  about  $263,000,000  for 
the  eleven  months  ending  May,  1924. 

Our  shipments  to  Cuba  increased  in 
value  by  some  $31,000,000,  the  largest 
individual  gain  accounting  for  about  41 
per  cent  of  the  total  augmentation  in  ex- 
ports. Argentina  was  the  country  from 
which  our  purchases  registered  the  great- 
est decline,  a  decrease  of  approximately 
$48,000,000.  We  bought  larger  quantities 
of  Mexican,  Brazilian,  Colombian,  and 
Peruvian  products  during  the  recent  11- 
month  period,  however. 

Business  Conditions  in  Latin  America 

Latin-American  business  conditions  in 
general  are  on  the  mend,  though  seasonal 
dullnesses  and  unsettled  political  situa- 
tions have  brought  about  a  temporary 
falling  off  in  commercial  and  industrial 
activity  in  certain  markets. 

Exports  of  Argentine  products  continue 
large,  with  prices  satisfactory,  but  the 
market  for  imports  appears  to  be  passing 
through  a  slack  period,  and  competition 
is  reported  to  be  very  keen.  The  prospects 
for  the  future  are  good,  inasmuch  as  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  country  is  in- 


creasing with  the  profitable  exports.  The 
Brazilian  situation  has  been  affected  by 
the  revolt,  in  Sao  Paulo,  of  the  State 
police,  and  a  State  holiday  has  been  pro- 
claimed to  last  from  July  7  to  15.  The 
Federal  and  State  governments  are  re- 
ported to  have  the  situation  well  in  hand. 
The  milreis  has  fallen  off  slightly,  but 
coffee  prices  have  been  strong,  and  fur- 
ther gains  seem  probable,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  trade. 

Business  in  Chile  is  characterized  as 
satisfactory.  Much  interest  is  being  ex- 
hibited in  the  visit  of  the  Italian  "floating 
fair,"  and  a  quickening  in  the  demand  for 
Italian  products  is  anticipated  by  the  pro- 
moters. The  reports  from  Bolivia  are  en- 
couraging, and  everything  points  to  a  re- 
covery from  the  recent  depression.  The 
United  States  took  31  per  cent  of  Bolivia's 
tin  exports  in  1923,  but  Great  Britain 
took  double  that,  or  67  per  cent.  A  slight 
improvement  has  been  registered  in  Ecua- 
dor, and  slow  progress  is  reported  from 
Peru. 

Conditions  in  the  Caribbean  Countries  and 
Mexico 

The  Caribbean  coast  countries  have 
been  experiencing  better  business  condi- 
tions, but  seasonal  dullness  has  been  felt 
in  the  market  for  imported  goods,  both  in 
Colombia  and  Venezuela.  The  Central 
American  countries  are  in  a  better  posi- 
tion to  buy  our  products  as  a  result  of 
satisfactory  coffee  crops,  sold  largely  to 
Europe  at  good  prices. 

In  Cuba  the  end  of  the  sugar-grinding 
season  is  causing  the  annual  change  in  the 
aspect  of  this  market.  Wages  fall  and  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  people  suffers  a 
temporary  decline.  The  weather  gener- 
ally has  been  favorable  to  the  1924-25 
sugar  crop,  according  to  reports  in  Cuba, 
and  cane  fields  are  said  to  be  well  ad- 
vanced in  growth  and  in  excellent  condi- 
tion. The  seasonal  dullness  is  shown  by  a 
decline  in  bank  clearings  in  May,  as  com- 
pared to  April,  of  about  12  per  cent.  The 
Debts  Commission  has  up  to  June  19  ap- 
proved claims  worth  over  $31,000,000  and 
rejected  others  amounting  to  nearly  $13,- 
000,000. 

In  Mexico,  business  houses  are  holding 
off  the  market  until  after  the  excitement 
of  the  presidential  elections,  which  began 


m 


iggji. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


467 


July  6,  subsides.  Banks  have  been  with- 
holding all  credits  for  the  time  being,  and 
have  been  making  strenuous  efforts  to  col- 
lect outstanding  indebtedness.  Another 
dock  strike  at  Vera  Cruz  appears  as  a 
possibility.  Deposits  in  banks  are  larger 
than  last  year  and,  once  the  unsettled 
political  situation  is  quieted,  it  seems 
likely  that  business  will  register  an  en- 
couraging improvement. 


THIRD    PAN    AMERICAN    SCIEN- 
TIFIC CONGRESS 

MV.  YILLARlN",  president  of  the 
•  organization  committee  of  the 
Third  Pan  American  Scientific  Congress, 
informs  us  that  the  Second  Pan  Amer- 
ican Scientific  Congress,  which  sat  in  the 
city  of  Washington  from  December  27, 
1915,  to  January  8,  1916,  appointed  the 
city  of  Lima  as  the  seat  of  the  Third 
Congress,  which,  in  accordance  with  a 
decree  from  the  Peruvian  Government, 
under  whose  auspices  it  will  meet,  will  be 
inaugurated  November  16  next.  The 
sessions  will  last  over  the  fortnight  fol- 
lowing and  the  papers  presented  will 
therein  be  read  and  discussed.  Under 
the  program  of  the  congress  all  branches 
of  science,  both  general  and  abstract,  as 
well  as  those  more  particularly  concerning 
the  continent  of  America,  will  be  ad- 
mitted. The  official  festivals  to  com- 
memorate the  first  centenary  of  the  battle 
of  Ayacucho  will  commence  immediately 
after  the  closing  of  the  congress. 

The  Congress  of  Washington  designated 
Messrs.  Javier  Prado,  Manuel  Vicente 
Villaran,  and  Alejandro  0.  Deustua  to 
organize  the  Lima  Congress.  Due,  how- 
ever, to  the  death  of  Dr.  Prado,  the  Peru- 
vian Government  appointed  Engineer 
Jose  J.  Bravo  his  substitute. 

The  Organization  Committee  has  been 
formed  as  follows:  Dr.  Manuel  Vicente 
Villaran,  rector  of  the  university,  presi- 
dent; Dr.  Alejandro  0.  Deustua,  dean  of 
the  faculty  of  letters  and  director  of  the 
National  Library;  Engineer  Jose  J. 
Bravo,  president  of  the  Peruvian  Associa- 
tion for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  sec- 
retary general. 

The  congress  will  comprise  the  nine 
sections  herein  below  mentioned,  the 
presidents  whereof  have  been  appointed: 


1.  Anthropology,  history,  and  related 
sciences — President,  Dr.  Felipe  de  Osma, 
president  of  the  Historical  Institute  of 
Peru. 

2.  Physics,  mathematics,  and  related 
sciences — President,  Eear  Admiral  M. 
Meliton  Carbajal,  president  of  the  Geo- 
graphical Society  of  Lima. 

3.  Mining,  metallurgy,  economic  geol- 
ogy, and  applied  chemistry — President, 
Engineer  Jose  Balta,  professor  of  eco- 
nomic geology  at  the  Lima  School  of 
Engineering, 

4.  Engineering  —  President,  Engineer 
Dario  Valdizan,  dean  of  Peruvian  engi- 
neers. 

5.  Medicine  and  sanitation — President, 
Dr.  Guillermo  Gastaneta,  dean  of  the  fac- 
ulty of  medicine. 

6.  Biology,  agriculture,  and  related  sci- 
ences— President,  Dr.  Wenceslao  F.  Mo- 
lina, dean  of  the  faculty  of  sciences. 

7.  Private,  public,  and  international 
law  —  President,  Dr.  Mariano  Ignacio 
Prado  y  Ugarteche,  dean  of  the  faculty  of 
jurisprudence. 

8.  Economics  and  sociology — President, 
Dr.  Jose  Matias  Manzanilla,  dean  of  the 
faculty  of  politics  and  economics. 

9.  Education — President,  Dr.  Alejan- 
dro 0.  Deustua,  dean  of  the  faculty  of 
letters  and  director  of  the  National  Li- 
brary. 

Subsecretary  General  of  the  Congress, 
Dr.  Cristobal  de  Losada  y  Puga. 

The  Organization  Committee  of  this 
Congress  is  naturally  anxious  that  it  shall 
not  fail  to  live  up  to  the  spirit  and  ends 
underlying  such  assemblies  and  to  the 
success  of  foregoing  ones  and  therefore 
trusts  to  secure  throughout  the  warm  sup- 
port of  American  scientific  institutions. 

This  Third  Pan  American  Scientific 
Congress  will  meet  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Government  of  the  Republic  of  Peru. 
The  congress  will  be  composed  of  official 
delegates,  representatives  of  universities 
and  scientific  institutes,  societies  and 
bodies  of  American  countries,  citizens  of 
the  coimtries  attending  the  congress  and 
foreigners  therein  residing  invited  by  the 
organization  committee,  and  authors  of 
the  papers  submitted  to  the  congress.  All 
members  of  the  congress  shall  be  entitled 
to  attend  its  sessions,  to  take  part  in  the 
debates,  and  to  receive  a  copy  of  the  pub- 


468 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


lications  issued  by  the  organization  com- 
mittee. The  official  languages  of  the  con- 
gress shall  be  Spanish,  English,  French, 
and  Portuguese.  Resolutions  will  be 
adopted  on  the  majority  rule,  each  State 
haviusr  one  vote. 


OUTLOOK  FOR  AMERICAN 
CONTROLLED  RUBBER 

THE  Philippines  and  parts  of  South 
and  Central  America  provide  regions 
where  the  soil  and  climate  are  suitable  for 
first-class  rubber  plantations  of  practically 
unlimited  area.  Certain  unfavorable  eco- 
nomic and  legislative  factors  must  be  care- 
fully considered,  however,  before  planta- 
tion projects  could  be  started  in  those 
regions  on  a  competitive  basis  with  the 
large  areas  in  the  East,  where  95  per  cent 
of  the  world's  output  is  now  produced. 
This  information  was  submitted  recently 
to  representatives  of  the  American  rubber 
manufacturing  industry  in  conference  in 
New  York,  by  the  U.  S.  Department  of 
Commerce  investigators  who  have  just  re- 
turned from  explorations  and  surveys  in 
the  Far  Eastern  and  American  tropics. 

The   World   Rubber   Situation 

Outlining  the  situation  briefly,  it  was 
explained  that  the  total  area  planted  in 
the  East  was  found  to  be  about  4,366,000 
acres,  of  which  2,739,000  acres  are  owned 
by  European  and  American  capital  and 
1,537,000  acres  by  Asiatics.  About 
3,500,000  acres  are  producing  or  old 
enough  to  be  tapped.  Through  domicile 
of  plantations  in  British  territory  and 
through  ownership  of  plantations  by 
British  capital  in  other  territory.  Great 
Britain  controls  77  per  cent  of  the  total 
area  under  rubber.  American  capital  in- 
vested in  the  East  is  estimated  at  only 
$33,000,000  against  $489,000,000  for 
Great  Britain,  $130,000,000  for  Holland, 
$40,000,000  for  Japan,  37,000,000  for 
France  and  Belgium,  and  $47,000,000  for 
other  European  countries. 

The  Commerce  Department  investiga- 
tors believe  that  the  operation  of  the 
British  restriction  laws,  adopted  in  No- 
vember, 1933,  will  probably  reduce  the 
aggregate  potential  output  for  the  years 
1934,    1935,    and    1936    by    upward    of 


300,000  tons  of  rubber.  Eubber  planted 
by  the  native  population  and  old  areas  on 
European  estates,  which  have  not  been 
properly  cared  for,  are  expected  to  show 
declining  yields  in  the  future. 

Ample  land  and  labor  are  available  for 
new  planting  in  Malaya,  Sumatra,  and 
Indo-China,  but  India  and  Burma  are  not 
attractive  because  of  unfavorable  climatic 
conditions.  Very  little  desirable  unoccu- 
pied rubber  land  is  left  in  Java  and  Cey- 
lon. Taxation  is  a  serious  drawback  to 
further  investment  in  Netherlands  India, 
while  in  Indo-China  American  capital 
would  probably  experience  considerable 
difficulty  in  acquiring  control  over  large 
areas  under  the  present  and  proposed  cor- 
poration laws.  Low-price  levels  at  pres- 
ent are  curtailing  new  plantings  in  the 
East.  Were  all  areas  in  that  region  pro- 
ducing to  capacity,  it  is  estimated  that 
their  potential  output  would  be  approxi- 
mately 500,000  tons  for  1934,  550,000  for 
1935,  580,000  for  1936,  600,000  for  1937, 
610,000  for  1938,  613,000  for  1939,  and 
616,000  for  1930. 

Possibilities   in  the   Philippine   Islands 

Concerning  possibilities  in  the  Philip- 
pines, the  Commerce  Department  repre- 
sentatives expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
dangers  of  typhoons  and  lack  of  labor  sup- 
plies, two  deterrent  factors  stressed  in 
previous  reports,  had  been  exaggerated. 
The  uncertainty  of  the  present  political 
situation  with  respect  to  the  Philippines 
and  the  reported  lack  of  encouragement 
toward  the  introduction  of  large  Amer- 
ican or  other  investments  are  outstanding 
factors  in  the  situation  as  a  whole  which 
militate  considerably  against  rubber  de- 
velopments in  the  Islands. 

Extensive  investigations  were  conducted 
in  the  islands  of  Mindanao,  Basilan,  and 
Jolo,  where  more  than  1,500,000  acres  of 
land  were  located  as  having  the  topog- 
raphy, soil,  and  climatic  conditions  favor- 
able for  the  planting  and  cultivation  of 
the  Para  rubber  tree  on  a  commercial 
scale.  A  number  of  small  plantations  ag- 
gregating 3,500  acres  already  planted  to 
rubber  now  exist  in  this  region,  and  pro- 
duce yields  which  compare  very  favorably 
with  the  best  rubber-growing  areas  of  the 
East.  The  present  land  law,  however, 
which  prevents  the  acquisition   of  more 


19U 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


469 


than  2,500  acres  by  any  one  company  or 
individual,  is  a  handicap  against  planta- 
tion developments  on  an  economic  quantity 
basis  sufficient  to  make  America  independ- 
ent of  foreign  production. 

The  Commerce  Department's  crude  rub- 
ber investigating  party,  which  covered  the 
Philippine  Islands,  also  conducted  a  sur- 
vey of  British  North  Borneo.  While  this 
region  is  one  of  the  minor  plantation  rub- 
ber areas  of  the  world,  it  has  shown  an  in- 
creasing volume  of  rubber  exports  over  the 
past  few  years  and  may  hold  an  important 
place  in  the  future.  While  a  British  pro- 
tectorate, it  retains  a  quasi-independent 
political  status  which  is  unique,  in  that  it 
is  administered  by  the  British  North  Bor- 
neo Company  under  a  royal  charter,  al- 
most independent  of  the  Colonial  Office. 
The  company  promulgates  its  own  laws, 
issues  its  own  currency,  stamps,  and  execu- 
tive decrees,  levies  its  own  import  and  ex- 
port duties  and  internal  taxes,  and  holds 
sovereign  title  to  all  lands. 

Investigations  in  Tropical  America 

The  countries  visited  by  the  Commerce 
Department's  Caribbean  party  were  Guate- 
mala, Salvador,  Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica, 
Panama,  Colombia,  and  Ecuador.  Infor- 
mation was  also  gathered  on  western  Ven- 
ezuela and  southern  Mexico.  Physical 
conditions  suitable  for  Para  rubber  culti- 
vation were  found  in  small  portions  of 
northern  Guatemala;  portions  of  Hon- 
duras, extensive  areas  in  eastern  Nicara- 
gua and  northeastern  Costa  Rica;  limited 
and  segregated  areas  in  Panama;  sections 
contiguous  to  the  Atrato  and  San  Juan 
rivers  in  Colombia ;  limited  areas  in  south- 
western Colombia,  in  the  vicinity  of  Tum- 
aco;  and  an  extensive  area  on  the  coastal 
plain  of  Ecuador.  It  should  be  carefully 
noted,  however,  that  this  commendation 
does  not  necessarily  apply  to  certain  im- 
portant factors  regarding  labor,  taxation, 
and  legislation,  which  in  some  cases  pre- 
sent formidable  obstacles.  Conditions  are 
regarded  as  least  suitable,  due  to  definite 
dry  seasons  in  southwestern  Mexico,  south- 
ern Guatemala,  western  Costa  Rica,  south- 
ern Panama  west  of  the  Canal,  and  certain 
arid  regions  on  the  coast  of  Ecuador. 

The  aggregate  area  of  desirable  land  in 
tropical  America  is  sufficient  for  the  de- 


velopment of  rubber  plantations  to  rival 
the  present  cultivated  area  in  the  East. 

It  was  found  that,  generally,  taxes  on 
land  are  either  non-existent  or  inconsider- 
able and  the  land  tenure  conditions  vary 
greatly. 

The  attitude  of  the  various  republics 
toward  the  Commerce  Department  investi- 
gators was  one  of  extreme  cordiality  and 
sincere  desire  to  point  out  means  of  mak- 
ing land  available  for  enterprises  of  large 
magnitude.  In  some  cases,  where  existing 
laws  appeared  to  impede  such  develop- 
ment, it  was  intimated  that  if  there  were 
sufficient  incentive  there  was  a  possibility 
of  enacting  laws  to  meet  the  special  con- 
ditions. 

Transportation   Facilities   Considered   Adequate 

All  of  the  regions  enumerated  are  in  a 
strong  strategic  position  from  the  stand- 
point of  transport.  The  total  labor  force 
of  the  Central  American  and  Colombian 
region  available  for  large  planting  devel- 
opments is  estimated  at  not  to  exceed 
40,000  men,  sufficient  for  from  130,000  to 
150,000  acres.  For  operations  of  magni- 
tude, it  would,  therefore,  be  necessary  to 
draw  on  the  outside  for  a  labor  supply. 

The  Amazon  investigation  covered  Bo- 
livia, Peru,  the  disputed  territory  between 
Colombia  and  Ecuador,  the  three  Brazilian 
States  of  Amazonas,  Matto  Grosso,  and 
Para  and  the  Acre  Territory  of  Brazil. 
The  party  was  greatly  aided  by  the  Bra- 
zilian Government.  Topography  and 
climatic  conditions  favorable  to  the  pro- 
duction of  plantation  rubber  are  reported 
over  large  areas  along  the  main  river  and 
south  of  it.  The  presence  of  the  South 
American  leaf  disease  on  wild  rubber  trees 
in  many  parts  of  the  Amazon  Valley  is  a 
danger  that  should  be  carefully  considered 
before  plantation  rubber  is  undertaken. 
The  plantation  industry  of  Dutch  Guiana 
has  been  practically  wiped  out  by  this 
disease.  The  governments  are  apparently 
very  favorably  inclined  toward  new  proj- 
ects, especially  rubber  developments  in 
Amazonas  and  Matto  Grosso. 

It  was  explained  that  the  complete  data 
secured  will  be  published  at  the  earliest 
opportunity,  in  the  form  of  separate  re- 
ports covering  the  different  regions.  This 
information  will  deal  with  every  important 
phase  of  the  industry. 


470 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


CONTINUED  CONFUSION  IN 
CHINA 

CONDITIONS  in  China  continue  to 
be  thoroughly  confused,  although  in 
recent  weeks  important  external  problems 
have  been  settled  or  are  in  the  process  of 
settlement.  To  add  to  the  rest  of  her 
troubles,  China,  in  the  middle  of  June, 
went  through  a  cabinet  crisis  occasioned 
by  a  disagreement  between  the  ministers 
and  the  Parliament. 

Parliament  at  Odds  with  the  Cabinet 

The  Peking  correspondent  of  the  Lon- 
don Times  reports  that  the  June  crisis  was 
the  outcome  of  recent  negotiations  with 
Germany.  These  negotiations  have  been 
concerned  with  the  release  to  the  govern- 
ment of  a  large  sum  of  ready  money  held 
in  London  against  coupons  of  the  reorgani- 
zation loan,  and  Parliament  claims  the 
right  of  veto,  which  is  acknowledged  by 
the  Prime  Minister  but  denied  by  some  of 
the  other  ministers.  Meanwhile  the  gov- 
ernment has  concluded  the  business  with 
Germany,  though  both  parties  deny  that 
any  agreement  has  been  signed.  The 
whole  aifair  is  wrapped  in  mystery,  but  it 
is  accepted  here  that  terms  have  been  ar- 
ranged between  the  Deutsche  Asiatische 
Bank  and  the  Ministry  of  Finance,  and 
that  cognizance  thereof  has  been  taken  by 
an  exchange  of  notes  between  the  German 
legation  and  the  Wai-chiaopu  (Foreign 
Office).  The  local  press  has  it  that  Parlia- 
ment will  be  propitiated  by  the  payment  of 
two  months'  arrears  of  salary  to  members 
— a  very  cheap  arrangement,  considering 
the  price  paid  for  votes  on  the  occasion  of 
the  presidential  election. 

Parliament  is  also  interesting  itself  in 
the  subject  of  the  Boxer  indemnity.  As 
payments  have  been  renounced  by  several 
Powers,  members  feel  that  the  large  sums 
to  be  available  require  handling  by  a  spe- 
cial parliamentary  committee  which  shall 
evolve  schemes  of  educational  endeavor 
and  control  expenditure.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  the  Chinese  educational  authori- 
ties here  will  welcome  the  intervention  of 
Parliament  in  this  matter. 

The  answer  of  the  Powers  to  the  request 
for  a  preliminary  conference  to  discuss  the 
2^  per  cent  increase  in  customs  duties 
is  a  disappointment  to  China,  for  until 


this  concession  is  obtained  there  is  no  pos- 
sibility of  the  consolidation  of  the  unse- 
cured floating  debt  or  of  any  windfalls 
resulting  from  that  process.  Each  lega- 
tion replied  separately  to  the  effect  that 
a  preliminary  conference  could  not  com- 
mit the  conference  proper  to  any  decision, 
so  that  there  could  be  no  advantage  in 
holding  one.  While  this  alone  is  an  ade- 
quate answer,  there  is  behind  it  the  de- 
cision of  the  interested  Powers  not  to  add 
duties  on  foreign  imports  for  the  purpose 
of  paying  China's  debts,  but  to  adhere  to 
the  original  intention  of  consenting  to 
a  customs  increase  only  as  an  offset  to  the 
long-contemplated  abolition  of  internal 
charges  on  foreign  goods.  Whether  cir- 
cumstances will  compel  a  revision  of  this 
decision  in  the  near  future  remains  to  be 
seen.  France,  in  any  case,  declines  to 
ratify  the  Washington  resolutions  relative 
to  China  until  China  settles  the  gold-franc 
case  to  her  satisfaction.  On  this  point  the 
Chinese  are  become  more  tractable  and 
there  is  hope  of  an  early  solution. 

Recognition  of  the  Soviet  Government 

Considerable  interest,  especially  among 
foreigners  and  foreign  representatives  in 
China,  has  been  aroused  by  the  recognition 
of  the  Soviet  Government.  The  transac- 
tion involved  in  the  recognition  is  em- 
bodied in  two  agreements,  seven  declara- 
tions, and  an  exchange  of  notes.  These 
documents  together  cover  the  same  ground 
as  the  initial  draft,  but  a  few  modifica- 
tions have  been  introduced  to  meet  the 
wishes  of  China,  which,  on  her  part,  con- 
cedes an  additional  undertaking  that 
former  Russian  property  surrendered  by 
Russia  shall  not  be  transferred  to  any  third 
Power  or  foreign  organization.  The  modi- 
fications made  at  the  request  of  China  are 
as  follows : 

The  article  relating  to  the  cancellation  of 
Tsarist  treaties  with  third  parties  which 
affect  China's  sovereignty  is  supplemented 
by  a  declaration  that  it  is  understood  that 
China  will  not  recognize  as  valid  any  treaties, 
etc.,  affecting  China  concluded  with  third 
parties  since  the  Tsarist  regime.  This  con- 
dition is  applicable  to  treaties  which  may 
have  been  made  by  the  Bolshevists  with 
Mongolia,  and  while  it  Is  placed  on  record 
that  China  denies  the  validity  of  any  such 
treaties,  there  appears  to  be  no  pledge  on  the 


192  Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


471 


part  of  Soviet  Russia  to  denounce  them. 
[The  Soviet  Government  is  understood  to 
have  signed  a  treaty  recognizing  the  inde- 
pendence of  Mongolia.]  In  connection  with 
the  same  subject,  there  is  a  slight  change  of 
wording  implying  that  the  withdrawal  of 
Russian  troops  from  Mongolia  after  the  con- 
ference which  is  to  be  held  to  settle  details 
shall  not  be  conditional,  but  shall  occur  as  a 
matter  of  course. 

Finally,  with  regard  to  the  Russian  Church 
property  in  China,  of  which,  under  the  in- 
itial agreement,  the  Soviet  Government  was 
to  obtain  full  possession,  it  is  now  agreed 
that  China  shall  transfer  it  as  soon  as  the 
Soviet  Government  shall  designate  a  Chinese 
person  or  organization  to  take  possession  of 
it,  in  accordance  with  the  Chinese  law  re- 
lating to  the  holding  of  property.  In  the 
meanwhile,  China  undertakes  to  guard  the 
property  and  to  eject  the  persons  now  living 
there — a  savage  requirement  on  the  part 
of  the  Soviet  Government  which  affects  the 
Orthodox  bishop  and  clergy  and  a  large 
number  of  Russian  refugees  who  are  being 
maintained  on  the  premises  of  the  mission. 

There  are  also  several  subsidiary  ar- 
rangements reported,  the  text  of  which, 
however,  has  not  as  yet  been  made  public. 

Consular  Protests  against  Canton  Plots 

The  American  Legation  at  Peking  re- 
ports that  on  July  10  the  consular  body 
at  Canton  addressed  a  note  to  the  civil 
governor  of  Kwangtung,  complaining  that 
plotters  agitating  against  the  foreign 
Powers  seem  to  be  utilizing  Canton  as  a 
rendezvous  and  a  place  from  which  to  pro- 
ceed with  their  activities.  In  this  note 
the  consular  body  requested  the  Canton 
provincial  authorities  to  take  speedy  meas- 
ures to  suppress  such  movements  and  plots. 

The  American  Consul  General  states 
that  the  consular  body  has  received  no 
reply  to  the  above-mentioned  communica- 
tion, but  from  indications  it  appears  that 
this  protest  has  produced  some  effect  in 
persuading  the  local  authorities  to  com- 
mence a  cleaning-up  campaign. 

According  to  the  press  telegrams  from 
Canton,  it  is  stated  that,  as  the  outcome 
of  a  conference  between  the  British  and 
French  authorities,  rate-payers  on  the 
Island  of  Shamen,  the  foreign  concession, 
recently   adopted   regulations,   to  become 


effective  on  August  1,  whereby  all  Chinese 
entering  the  foreign  concession  after  9 
o'clock  at  night  would  be  required  to  pro- 
duce a  permit  with  a  photograph  of  the 
bearer  thereon. 

According  to  a  telegram  sent  by  the 
American  Consul  General  to  the  American 
Legation  on  July  15,  it  is  stated  that  all 
the  Chinese  in  the  foreign  concession  have 
given  notice  that  they  would  strike,  com- 
mencing at  6  p.  m.  that  same  evening, 
July  15,  as  a  protest  against  the  above- 
mentioned  new  municipal  regulations. 
In  general,  foreign  concerns,  as  well  as 
the  American  Consulate  General  and  the 
American  firms  in  the  foreign  concession, 
will  in  all  probability  be  affected. 

A  further  telegram  received  from  the 
American  Consul  General,  dated  July  16, 
states  that  all  Chinese,  including  clerks, 
servants,  and  native  representatives,  em- 
ployed in  the  foreign  concession  struck  on 
July  15,  at  6  p.  m.,  and  left  the  concession. 

The  municipal  council  has  organized  a 
volunteer  militia  to  preserve  order.  This 
militia  will  include  some  Americans.  At 
the  present  time  no  reliable  estimate  can 
be  made  as  to  the  duration  of  the  strike. 
The  water  works  of  the  foreign  concession 
are  operated  by  volunteers,  and  the  elec- 
tric-light current  from  the  native  city  has 
not  as  yet  been  tampered  with.  The 
bridges  leading  to  the  island  upon  which 
the  foreign  concession  is  situated  are 
picketed  by  the  strikers,  but  so  far  no  dis- 
order has  been  reported.  Food  supplies 
and  mails  are  arriving  at  the  foreign  con- 
cession directly  fom  Hongkong  and  are 
being  delivered. 


JUST  as  health  and  happiness  can  be 
achieved  only  in  sunshine  and  fresh 
pure  air,  so  freedom  and  progress  can  be 
attained  only  in  an  atmosphere  which  is 
free  from  taint  of  poison  and  impurity. 
Such  an  atmosphere  for  the  nations  is 
peace. 

Peace  is  not  a  state  of  passivity  any 
more  than  is  the  clean  breath  of  the  winds 
the  palpitating  ray  of  sunlight.  It  is  the 
condition  under  which  alone  growth  slnd 
progress  can  naturally  take  place. 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


Bv  DR.  CHRISTIAN  L.  LANGE 
Secretary  General  of  the  Union 


THE    Interparliamentary    Union    was 
founded    during    the    IJniversal    Ex- 
hibition in  Paris  in  1889.     Two  men  who 
had  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  move- 
ment for  peace  and  international  under- 
standing had  taken  the  initiative.    Eandal 
Cremer,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, founder  of  the  International  Arbi- 
tration League,  addressed  himself  to  M. 
Frederic  Passy,  who  was  the  leader  of  the 
peace  movement  in  France,  and  suggested 
that  they  should  invite  to  a  preliminary 
meeting  in  Paris  in  1888  some  members 
of  Parliament  from  the  different  countries 
who  were  sympathetic  to  their  ideas.    Just 
about  this  time  there  was  a  movement  on 
foot  for  the  conclusion  of  permanent  arbi- 
tration treaties  between  the  United  States 
of  America  and  Great  Britain.     Eandal 
Cremer  had  obtained  signatures  from  234 
members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  of 
some  prominent  members  of  the  House  of 
Lords,    and    some    leaders    of    the    trade- 
union  movement  in  favor  of  such  a  treaty, 
and  had  carried  this  address   across  the 
Atlantic   and   submitted   it   to    President 
Cleveland  in  the  White  House.     At  the 
same  time  Frederic  Passy  had  called  the 
attention  of  the  French  Parliament  to  this 
movement,  and  this  was  how  the  two  men 
got  into  touch  with  each  other.     At  the 
preliminary  meeting  in  1888  only  French 
and  British  parliamentarians  were  pres- 
ent, but  they  decided  to  organize  a  meet- 
ing to  which  members  of  all  parliaments 
should  be  invited,  during  the  exhibition, 
in  the  following  year.     Then   96  parlia- 
mentarians,   representing    nine    different 
countries,  met  in  Paris  and  founded  "The 
Interparliamentary    Union    for    Interna- 
tional Arbitration." 

The  interesting  thing  is  how  the  two 
founders  and  the  institution  which  they 
called  into  life  centered  on  a  limited  ob- 
ject of  a  constructive  nature — the  ad- 
vancement of  arbitration  in  international 
affairs.  It  was  a  happy  thought.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  hard-headed  statesmen 
would  have  affiliated  with  an  institution 
having  a  very  general  character  of  rather 
a  moral  and  sentimental  nature.  Up  till 
that  period  the  peace  movement  had  had 


a  pronouncedly  moral  and  even  religious 
character.  The  friends  of  peace  were,  so 
to  speak,  a  small  sect,  rather  despised  by 
so-called  practical  men.  It  was  the  thin 
edge  of  the  wedge  which  was  introduced 
when  arbitration  was  put  to  the  front  by 
the  interparliamentarians,  and  soon  very 
important  results  were  obtained. 

During  the  next  years  interparliamen- 
tary conferences  were  held  in  quite  a  num- 
ber of  European  capitals.  The  meetings 
became  more  and  more  representative  and 
attracted  attention  in  wider  and  wider 
circles.  Just  to  show  how  quite  unex- 
pected results  may  sometimes  come  from 
generous  initiatives,  the  following  story 
may  be  told;  it  is  a  matter  of  history 
which  lias  quite  recently  come  to  light: 

After  having,  during  the  very  first 
years,  advocated  the  conclusion  of  perma- 
nent arbitration  treaties,  the  interparlia- 
mentarians from  1892  concentrated  their 
efforts  on  an  attempt  to  create  a  perma- 
nent Arbitration  Tribunal.  This  was  due 
to  the  initiative  of  the  Hon.  Philip  Stan- 
hope, a  young  member  of  the  British 
House  of  Commons,  who  later  became 
still  better  known  as  Lord  Weardale.  He 
suggested  that  a  special  committee  should 
be  entrusted  with  the  task  of  elaborating 
a  draft  international  convention  for  such 
a  tribunal,  and  in  1895,  at  the  fifth  con- 
ference, which  sat  at  Brussels,  this  draft 
was  discussed  and  put  into  shape.  The 
following  year  the  conference  met  at 
Buda-Pest,  in  Hungary.  This  confer- 
ence was  followed  by  the  Russian  Consul- 
General  in  the  Hungarian  capital,  M. 
Basily,  and  his  secretary,  M.  Priklonsky. 
On  the  proposal  of  the  well-known  Hun- 
garian statesman.  Count  Apponyi,  who 
from  that  time  onward  was  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Interparliamentary  LTnion, 
the  conference  paid  the  compliment  to 
their  distinguished  Russian  visitors  of 
suggesting  that  non-parliamentary  coun- 
tries might  also  be  represented  at  the  in- 
terparliamentary conferences  if  so  author- 
ized by  their  governments.  The  Russian 
Consul  wrote  a  report  to  his  Foreign 
Office  about  the  conference  and  its  discus- 
sions.     Soon    both   he   and   his    secretary 


472 


192^ 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


473 


were  called  home  to  St.  Petersburg,  where 
a  new  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  had 
taken  office.  In  1898  the  Eussian  War 
Minister  proposed  in  the  cabinet  a  large 
vote  for  the  acquisition  of  new  artillery, 
in  view  of  the  extensions  which  the  Aus- 
trian Government  had  made  to  their 
armaments.  The  Finance  Minister,  Count 
Witte,  protested  on  grounds  of  economy, 
and  during  the  discussion  the  idea  of  an 
understanding  with  Austria  that  both 
countries  should  abstain  from  increasing 
their  weapons  was  mooted.  This,  how- 
ever, appeared  difficult  of  execution.  On 
hearing  about  this,  M.  Priklonsky  pre- 
vailed upon  his  chief,  Easily,  to  lay  before 
the  Foreign  Minister  the  idea  of  a  general 
understanding  in  favor  of  a  limitation  of 
armaments.  He  reminded  him  of  the 
conference  which  had  met  at  Buda-Pest 
and  of  the  growing  importance  of  the 
peace  movement  in  general.  Easily  asked 
his  secretary  to  draw  up  a  memorandum 
on  this  matter,  and  the  Foreign  Minister, 
Count  Muravieff,  consented  to  submit  this 
memorandum  to  the  young  Czar,  Nicholas 
II,  Nicholas  at  first  absolutely  refused 
to  comply  with  such  a  suggestion,  but 
after  some  time,  through  the  reaction 
characteristic  of  irresolute  natures — he 
himself  said,  on  that  occasion,  that  he  had 
changed  his  mind  under  the  influence  of 
the  Czarina — accepted  the  idea,  and  the 
consequence  was  that  the  famous  Mura- 
vieff manifesto  was  launched  upon  a 
startled  world  in  August,  1898.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  this  manifesto  sug- 
gested a  meeting  of  an  international  con- 
ference which  would  have  to  discuss  the 
problem  of  the  limitation  of  armaments. 

The  world  was  not  only  startled ;  it  was 
largely  also  scandalized.  The  celebrated 
German  historian,  Theodor  Mommsen, 
said  that  the  conference  was  an  ''error  of 
printing"  in  the  history  of  the  world.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  limitation  of  armaments 
proved  impracticable  at  that  moment,  and 
even  the  Eussian  Government  foresaw, 
before  the  meeting  of  the  conference,  that 
it  could  hardly  succeed  in  this  field. 
Again  the  Eussians  followed  on  the  lines 
indicated  by  the  interparliamentary  con- 
ferences. To  the  object  of  disarmament 
a  second  circular,  laying  down  a  detailed 
program  of  the  conference,  added  the  sug- 
gestion   of    developing    international    or- 


ganization in  favor  of  arbitration,  and 
when  the  conference  met  at  The  Hague, 
in  1899,  the  draft  elaborated  by  the  Brus- 
sels Conference,  four  years  before,  was 
taken  as  the  basis  of  discussion.  The  Bel- 
gian Senator,  Baron  Descamps,  who  had 
presided  over  the  Interparliamentary  Con- 
ference at  Brussels,  became  the  rapporteur 
of  the  special  committee  of  The  Hague 
Conference,  and  under  the  inspiration  of 
Andrew  White,  head  of  the  American 
delegation ;  Lord  Pauncefote,  then  British 
Ambassador  in  Washington,  head  of  the 
British  delegation,  and  Leon  Bourgeois, 
head  of  the  French  delegation,  the  famous 
Hague  Convention  on  the  Pacific  Settle- 
ment of  International  Disputes  came  into 
being,  which  exactly  followed  the  lines 
indicated  by  the  interparliamentary  draft 
of  Brussels  in  1895. 

Thus  the  seed  deposited  by  parliamen- 
tary friends  of  peace  grew  fruit,  even  more 
important  than  any  of  the  initiators  had 
expected.  The  international  work  of  The 
Hague  was  started  and  an  important  step 
taken  in  the  direction  of  the  organization 
of  international  relations. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  the  inter- 
parliamentarians  were  encouraged  by 
these  results.  At  the  same  time  the  Union 
had  perfected  its  organization.  It  had 
founded  a  permanent  office  at  Berne,  in 
Switzerland;  groups  had  been  formed 
in  different  countries;  some  individual 
Americans  had  been  present  at  the  confer- 
ences held  during  the  last  years  of  the 
century,  and  among  them  was  Congress- 
man Theodore  E.  Burton,  who  is  still  an 
active  and  interested  member  of  the  insti- 
tution. In  1904  a  National  Group  was 
formed  in  the  American  Congress,  and  it 
at  once  showed  its  vitality  by  inviting  the 
Union  to  hold  its  conference  that  year  at 
the  St.  Louis  Exhibition.  Here  a  new 
and  important  initiative  was  taken.  On 
the  basis  of  a  report  read  by  Theodore 
Burton,  the  conference  decided  to  ask 
President  Eoosevelt  to  call  a  second 
Hague  Conference,  and  Eoosevelt,  with 
characteristic  promptitude,  at  once  ac- 
cepted it.  The  American  Government 
had,  however,  for  reasons  of  diplomatic 
etiquette,  to  stand  aside  and  leave  the  eon- 
vocation  of  this  conference  also  to  the 
Eussian  Government.  Because  of  the 
Eusso-Japanese   War,   the  meeting  could 


474 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


only  take  place  in  1907.  For  this  confer- 
ence, too,  the  interparliamentary  confer- 
ence prepared  material.  At  one  of  the 
most  important  meetings  of  the  Union, 
the  conference  held  in  London  m  1906, 
during  the  first  year  of  Campbell-Banner- 
man's  administration,  a  draft  model 
treaty  of  arbitration  was  hammered  into 
shape.  The  following  year  it  became  the 
chief  object  of  discussion  at  The  Hague 
Conference.  While  at  the  first  conference 
only  26  States  had  been  represented,  this 
second  conference  could  legitimately  be 
called  a  Parliament  of  Humanity.  All 
the  States  of  Latin  America  were  repre- 
sented there,  the  full  number  of  delega- 
tions being  44.  The  result  of  the  deliber- 
ations at  the  The  Hague  on  this  central 
question  was,  however,  negative.  In  dip- 
lomatic conferences  the  principle  of  un- 
animity has  to  prevail,  and  because  of  the 
opposition  of  the  German  Government 
and  of  some  other  European  countries  the 
world  treaty  of  arbitration  failed. 

The  interparliamentarians  realized  that 
though  they  had  succeeded   in   inspiring 
action  of  the  States  along  the  lines  which 
was   theirs,    the   Union   was   as   yet   not 
strong  enough  to  carry  full  victories.    The 
lesson  was  taken  to  heart,  and  during  the 
following  years  the  members  of  the  insti- 
tution  concentrated   their   efforts   on   the 
creation  of  a  more  efficient  organization. 
Lord  Weardale  was  the  heart  of  this  ef- 
fort.     He   had    prevailed   upon   his    own 
government  to  give  the  promise  that  if 
and  when  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
created  a  better  organization   for   itself, 
the   British    Government  would   be   pre- 
pared to  give  an  annual  subvention  toward 
the  expenses.     At  the  conference  held  in 
Berlin  in  1908  important  decisions  were, 
therefore,    taken.      The    Union    had    for 
some   time   been   led   by   an   Interparlia- 
mentary Council  composed  of  two  dele- 
gates from  each  group.    This  was  a  rather 
cumbersome  organization.     Now  an  exec- 
utive committee  of  five  was  put  at  the 
head  of  the  Union  and  a  permanent  office, 
with  a  paid  secretary-general,  was  created. 
The  example  of  Great  Britain  was  soon 
followed    by    other    countries,    and    thg 
finances  of  the  Union  were  thus  put  on  a 
better  basis.    By  contributing  toward  the 
expenses  of  the  Union,  the  governments 
recognized  the  usefulness  of  its  work  and 


implicitly  engaged  themselves  to  take  ac- 
count of  its  recommendations.  During  j| 
the  next  few  years  the  efforts  of  the  Union  1 
were  directed  toward  the  preparation  for 
the  Third  Hague  Conference,  which  was 
expected  to  meet  in  1915  or  1916.  The 
most  important  draft  prepared  by  the 
parliamentarians  during  these  years  was 
a  proposal  for  a  Permanent  Court  of  In- 
ternational Justice. 

Then,  in  August,  1914,  the  World  War 
intervened.    The  preparations  for  the  next 
conference,  which  was  the  nineteenth  in 
the  series,  had  just  been  finished.    It  was 
to  meet  at  Stockholm,  and  more  than  20 
parliaments  had  announced  their  partici- 
pation in  great  numbers.    All  the  prepara- 
tory documents  had  been  printed  and  were 
being  distributed.    The  conference  was  to 
discuss,  among  other  important  subjects, 
a  detailed  plan  for  an  International  Court 
of  Justice.    The  following  year  the  Union 
was  to  meet  at  Washington,  where  Con- 
gress had   extended   a   cordial  invitation 
and  voted  an  important  sum  for  the  re- 
ception   of    the    parliamentarians.      The 
year  after  that  a  conference  was  to  sit  at 
Madrid.     The  outlook  then  for  the  work 
of  the  Union  had  been  bright  and  hopeful. 
Now   everything  was  cut   short.     The 
Interparliamentary  Bureau,  which  for  the 
last  years  had  been  located  at  Brussels, 
had  to  leave  that  city  and  was  transferred 
to  Norway.    The  activity,  properly  speak- 
ing,   of   the   Union   could   not   continue. 
One  single  object  remained  to  be  looked 
after:  the  maintenance  of  the  organiza- 
tion and  of  the  relations  between  the  cen- 
tral   office    and    the    different    national 
groups.     The  task  was  not  easy,  and  dur- 
ing the  war  several  of  the  groups  died  of 
anaemia,    so    to    speak.      Nevertheless,    a 
sufficient    number,    particularly    in    the 
States  neutral  during  the  war  and  in  the 
two   Anglo-Saxon   cmintries,   were  main- 
tained and  developed  a  certain  activity. 
They  not  only  remained  in  touch  with  the 
central  bureau,  but  some  of  them  worked 
with  success  for  the  preparation  of  an  in- 
ternational   organization    to    be    created 
after  the  war.     It  is  said  that  the  famous 
French  revolutionary  leader,  Abbot  Siey^s, 
was  asked  after  the  terrorism  what  he  had 
done    during    that    period.     He    simply 
answered,  "I  managed  to  live."     The  In- 


192  Jk 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


475 


terparliamentary  Union  might  have  said 
the  same  thing  after  the  war. 

As  soon  as  the  World  War  had  come  to 
a  close  a  new  situation  presented  itself. 
A  League  of  Nations  was  created  as  an 
outgrowth  of  many  efforts,  those  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  not  being  the 
least  important.  When  the  Council  of  the 
Union  met  for  the  first  time  after  peace 
had  been  concluded,  in  October,  1919,  at 
Geneva,  it  was  quite  natural  that  the  first 
question  to  be  discussed  was  whether  it 
would  be  possible  and  natural  for  the  In- 
terparliamentary Union  to  continue  its 
work.  Some  voices  had  been  heard  say- 
ing that  after  the  League  of  Nations  had 
been  created  the  Union  had  no  serious 
mission  to  fulfill.  This,  however,  was  not 
the  feeling  which  prevailed  among  parlia- 
mentarians themselves.  They  realized  that 
any  governmental  organization,  whether 
the  League  of  Nations,  or  the  Pan-Amer- 
ican Union,  or  the  International  Labor 
Office,  or  any  diplomatic  conference  what- 
soever, was  exclusively,  and  could  only  be 
exclusively,  a  representation  of  the  gov- 
ernments. The  Union,  through  its  par- 
liamentary character,  would  still  remain  a 
valuable  element  in  the  international  life 
of  the  world. 

Besides,  as  to  the  most  important  insti- 
tution in  existence,  the  new  League  of 
Nations,  it  was  to  be  expected  that  for 
some  years  to  come  it  would  not  be  of  a 
universal  character.  There  were  among 
the  members  of  the  Council  who  met  at 
Geneva  different  views  as  to  the  present 
character  and  the  future  of  the  League. 
Most  of  them  cordially  supported  the  in- 
stitution, though  there  were  divergent 
views  as  to  its  proper  line  of  development. 
Others  were  rather  opposed  to  it.  It  was 
unanimously  resolved  that  the  Union  was 
to  go  on  with  its  work  and  at  the  first 
conference  held  after  the  war,  at  Stock- 
holm, in  1921,  the  important  question  of 
the  relations  between  and  the  relative  im- 
portance of  the  League  of  Nations  and 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  was  dis- 
cussed. It  appeared  then  that,  particu- 
larly among  the  American  members,  but 
also  among  the  European  ones,  there  was 
considerable  doubt  as  to  the  future  of  the 
League.  The  conference  laid  down  its 
views  in  the  following  two  resolutions : 


The  19th  Interparliamentary  Ckjnference 
cordially  approves  the  principle  of  an  asso- 
ciation of  nations  with  the  aim  of  organizing 
the  world  for  the  maintenance  of  peace, 
which  the  conference  is  entitled  to  consider 
as  an  important  aspect  of  the  work  zealously 
pursued  by  the  Union  for  a  long  period  of 
years,  and,  recognizing  that  forty-eight  dif- 
ferent nations  have  already  joined  in  the  ex- 
isting League  of  Nations,  registers  as  its 
opinion  that  it  is  both  urgent  and  necessary 
that  such  an  association  should  attain  an  all- 
embracing  character,  which  will  render  it 
able  to  exercise  that  high  mission  with  which 
it  must  naturally  be  entrusted. 

II 

Always  anxious  to  devote  itself  to  useful 
and  practical  worli,  the  conference  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
must  increase  and  strengthen  its  activities 
in  the  field  of  international  co-operation,  to 
the  end  that  the  burden  of  armaments  may 
be  reduced  and  the  peace  of  the  world  may 
be  attained. 

In  these  resolutions  it  was  implied  that 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  was  to  go 
on  with  its  work  as  an  independent  or- 
ganization. 

Since  the  war  three  conferences  of  the 
Union  have  met — at  Stockholm  in  1921, 
at  Vienna  in  1922,  and  at  Copenhagen  in 
1923.  This  year  the  conference  will  meet 
in  Switzerland,  and  for  next  year  an  invi- 
tation has  been  received  to  meet  at  Wash- 
ington, where  the  Union  would  have  sat 
ten  years  before  if  the  war  had  not  inter- 
vened. 

The  progress  of  the  organization  has 
been  considerable  during  these  years. 
Twelve  groups  were  represented  at  Stock- 
holm in  1921 ;  now  27  national  groups  are 
in  full  working  order.  This  is  not  nearly 
as  great  a  number  as  it  should  be.  Con- 
siderable efforts  have  been  made  to  attract 
parliamentarians  from  other  countries, 
particularly  from  Latin  America.  The 
Stockholm  Conference  passed  a  resolution 
expressly  inviting  these  countries  to  join 
the  Union.  So  far,  only  Chili  has  been 
represented,  at  the  Conference  of  Vienna. 
It  is  the  universal  desire  of  the  members 
of  the  Union  to  have  with  them,  as  soon 
as  possible,  an  important  number  of  Latin 


476 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


American  politicians,  and  it  is  hoped  that 
the  Washington  Conference  next  year  may 
see  this  wish  fulfilled. 

Which  are  the  questions  in  the  forefront 
of  interparliamentary  discussions  at  the 
present  moment? 

First,  problems  of  an  economic  and 
financial  nature.  The  Union  has  worked 
with  all  its  might  for  the  liquidation  of 
the  war  system  of  seclusion  and  suspicion. 
It  has  tried,  and  partly  obtained,  satis- 
faction as  to  the  abolition  of  the  passport 
system;  it  is  going  this  year  to  discuss 
particularly  the  problems  of  international 
railway  traffic  and  its  development  toward 
more  normal  conditions.  Last  year,  at 
Copenhagen,  a  most  important  debate 
took  place  on  the  closely  related  questions 
of  reparation  for  war  damages  and  of  in- 
terallied debts.  This  debate  is  illuminat- 
ing in  so  far  as  it  shows  the  particular 
usefulness  of  an  interparliamentary  dis- 
cussion. There  was  no  lack  of  opposite 
points  of  view.  The  American  viewpoint 
as  to  interallied  debts  is  absolutely  differ- 
ent, not  to  say  opposed,  to  the  European 
one.  Frenchmen  and  Belgians  on  the  one 
hand,  Germans  on  the  other,  do  not  look 
in  the  same  way  on  the  reparations  prob- 
lem. The  debates  were,  therefore,  lively 
and  sometimes  heated;  nevertheless,  it 
was  possible  to  arrive  at  a  unanimous  con- 
clusion recommending  a  solution  of  the 
problem  along  international  lines.  It  may 
be  said  that  the  creation  of  the  committees 
of  experts  was  the  first  step  on  the  way 
outlined  by  the  Copenhagen  Conference, 
where  more  than  400  parliamentarians 
from  26  different  countries  were  present. 

The  problem  of  minorities  is  a  most 
vexed  one  in  the  old  continent  of  Europe. 
It  will  be  generally  recognized  that  great 
progress  was  made  through  the  settlement 
after  the  war  by  the  liberation  of  nation- 
alities, such  as  the  Poles  and  the  Czechs, 
who  had  for  centuries  been  under  foreign 
rule.  Besides,  an  organization  was  cre- 
ated giving  protection  to  racial  and  re- 
ligious minorities,  in  the  States  of  Central 
Europe;  but  at  the  same  time  these  re- 
forms have  given  rise  to  new  problems. 
Social  conditions  have  changed  and  large 
communities  of  highly  civilized  people 
find  themselves  in  a  very  difficult  position. 
The  League  of  I^ations,  which  exercises  a 
sort  of  supervision  in  this  field,  has  not 


been  able  to  give  satisfaction  to  all  parties 
concerned.  The  advantage  of  discussion 
of  these  difficult  problems  before  the  in- 
terparliamentary conferences,  as  com- 
pared to  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  is  that  while  in  the  latter  only 
governmental  representatives  can  meet 
and  speak,  the  Interparliamentary  Con- 
ference also  gives  an  opportunity  for  ac- 
credited representatives  of  minorities  to 
be  present  and  to  voice  their  views.  A 
most  interesting  proposal  has  been  mooted 
in  this  connection.  It  is  due  to  a  Swiss 
politician  belonging,  then,  to  a  country 
consisting  of  three  or  four  different  races, 
but  which  has  been  able  to  create  a  system 
of  mutual  tolerance  which  should  be  an 
example  to  be  followed  by  other  countries. 
The  proposal  tends  to  create,  in  countries 
where  minorities  exist,  round-table  con- 
ferences to  settle  local  questions.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  some  States  may  act  upon 
this  suggestion.  It  would  present  the 
great  advantage  that  some  questions  might 
be  eliminated  from  an  international  dis- 
cussion before  the  League  of  Nations. 

It  will  be  impossible  in  this  short  arti- 
cle to  enumerate  all  the  problems  sub- 
mitted to  discussion  within  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union,  such  as  the  control  of 
foreign  policy,  the  publicity  of  treaties 
and  institution  of  open  diplomacy,  or  the 
different  questions  in  the  field  of  social 
politics,  or  colonial  problems,  particularly 
the  interesting  innovation  of  colonial 
mandates  under  the  Covenant  of  the 
League. 

Some  words  should,  however,  be  said  as 
to  the  chief  problem,  perhaps,  in  the  in- 
ternational field  at  present — the  problem 
of  a  limitation  of  armaments.  The  con- 
ference to  sit  at  Bern  in  August  will  take 
up  for  discussion  and  push  toward  prac' 
tical  realization  some  questions  as  to  ways 
and  means  in  this  field.  In  the  first  place, 
it  will  discuss  the  question  of  the  private 
manufacture  of  arins  and  munitions  and 
the  control  of  the  traffic  in  such  merchan- 
dise. It  is  hoped  that  the  co-operation, 
within  the  Union,  of  Americans,  on  the 
one  side,  and  representatives  of  the 
League  of  Nations  States  on  the  other, 
may  prove  fruitful  of  practical  results. 
In  the  second  place,  a  most  important 
question  for  the  relations  between  France 
and  Germany  will  be  put  forward,  that  of 


192  Jt 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


477 


demilitarized  zones  on  exposed  and  dan- 
gerous frontiers.  In  the  third  place, 
some  plans  for  a  reduction  of  armaments 
on  the  basis  of  budgets  or  on  the  basis  of 
peace  effectives  of  the  States  will  be  sub- 
mitted for  consideration. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  dis- 
cussion on  the  problems  of  disarmament 
will  take  place  at  Geneva  itself,  in  the  hall 
where  some  days  later  the  League  of  Na- 
tions Assembly  will  sit.  That  i^ssembly 
will  be  remarkable  through  the  presence 
of  some  of  the  new  leaders  of  European 
governments.  Mr.  Ramsay  MacDonald 
and  M.  Herriot  have  just  declared  that 
they  intend  to  be  present.  Perhaps  they 
may  find  in  the  proposals  of  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Conference  food  for  thought 
and  action. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  field  of  action 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  has  been 
considerably  extended  since  its  founda- 
tion, thirty-five  years  ago.  It  does  not 
limit  itself  exclusively  to  the  question  of 
arbitration.  It  is  becoming  more  and 
more  a  sort  of  "Parliament  of  parlia- 
ments," where  all  questions  of  interna- 
tional interest  can  be  raised.  On  the 
agenda  for  the  Conference  at  Washington 
next  year  it  is  to  be  foreseen  that  particu- 
larly the  question  of  an  extension  of  in- 
ternational jurisdiction  and  the  prepara- 
tion of  a  codification  of  international  law 
will  form  the  main  subject  of  discussion. 

It  is  characteristic  of  the  conferences 
that  all  political  parties  are  welcome  and 
admitted.  Only  one  group  can  be  created 
in  each  parliament,  but  this  group  is  not 
exclusive ;  any  member  of  parliament  may 
join.  The  voting  rules  within  the  confer- 
ences are  such  that  the  different  points  of 
view  can  be  represented  through  a  propor- 
tional system. 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  is  work- 
ing along  three  lines  of  action:  It  tries, 
in  the  first  place,  to  suggest  and  inspire 
new  measures.  Governments  are  pro- 
verbially slow  to  move.  In  the  Union  new 
ideas  are  brought  forward  for  the  consid- 
eration of  the  governments — now  for  ac- 
tion to  be  taken  within  each  country,  now 
for  discussion  when  they  meet  in  common 
council. 

In  the  second  place,  the  Union  helps 
toward  the  realization  of  international 
reforms  as  soon  as  they  have  obtained  the 


sanction  through  one  or  other  of  the  in- 
ternational conferences.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  a  conference,  either  in  the 
form  of  the  Assembly  of  the  League  of 
Xations  or  of  a  meeting  of  the  Pan-Amer- 
ican Union,  or  of  any  conference,  what- 
ever diplomatic  form  it  may  take,  can  only 
submit  draft  conventions  for  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  governments.  Repeatedly  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  has  acted  and 
is  still  acting  through  its  national  groups 
in  order  to  obtain  the  necessary  ratifica- 
tion of  such  drafts  from  the  governments. 
A  case  in  point  is  its  action  with  regard 
to  the  Naval  Conference  at  Washington 
two  years  ago,  which  obtained  the  cordial 
approval  of  the  Vienna  Conference  in 
1922.  In  so  far,  the  national  groups  may 
be  considered  as  executive  organs  of  the 
Union. 

Thirdly,  and  perhaps  most  important 
of  all,  is  the  personal  contact  and  the 
open  discussion  between  political  men 
from  different  countries,  even  from  differ- 
ent continents,  which  is  made  possible 
through  the  annual  meetings  of  the  Union. 
Thus  ties  are  created  which  have  proved 
fruitful  in  the  past  and  which  may  con- 
tribute, perhaps,  still  greater  results  in 
the  future. 

A  governmental  or  diplomatic  assembly 
must  needs  be  dominated  by  national  and 
exclusive  interests.  Anxiety  for  these  in- 
terests is  quite  legitimate,  and  the  Union 
has  never  overlooked  or  forgotten  them. 
There  is,  however,  a  danger  that  they  may 
assume  supreme  importance,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  other  considerations.  Side  by  side 
with  the  representatives  of  national  and 
political  interests,  there  should  also  be 
representatives  of  the  common  interests  of 
mankind.  In  the  world  today,  there  are 
great  political,  economic,  and  humani- 
tarian movements  which  are  not  confined 
within  national  boundaries  and  which  seek 
to  obtain  international  sanction  for  their 
efforts,  such  as,  to  quote  only  a  few:  in- 
ternational social  reform  and  improve- 
ment of  labor  conditions;  the  principle  of 
free  trade;  protection  for  the  rights  of 
national  and  religious  minorities;  the  ad- 
vancement of  intellectual  interests,  and 
the  efforts  directed  against  intemperance 
and  moral  depravity.  These  movements 
will  find  a  suitable  channel  for  the  ex- 
pression  of  their   views   in  an   unofficial 


478 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Augiist 


body  such  as  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  which  has  at  its  disposal  a  wider 
and  more  elastic  organization  than  an  ex- 
clusively official  institution  composed  of 
States,  such  as  the  League  of  Nations. 


The  Union,  therefore,  still  has  impor- 
tant work  to  do.  In  accomplishment  of 
this  work  it  appeals  to  all  men  of  good 
will  throughout  the  parliaments  of  the 
world. 


REVIEW    OF    WORK    IN    1923    OF    THE 
ROCKEFELLER   FOUNDATION* 

By  GEORGE  E.  VINCENT,  President 


DUEING  the  year  1923  the  Interna- 
tional Health  Board,  the  China 
Medical  Board,  and  the  Division  of  Med- 
ical Education  of  the  Eockefeller  Foun- 
dation (1)  supplied  fellowship  funds  for 
636  individuals  in  29  different  countries; 
(2)  supported  through  the  League  of 
Nations  interchange  institutes  for  54  pub- 
lic health  officers  from  27  nations;  (3) 
arranged  international  visits  of  one  com- 
mission and  of  24  visiting  professors; 
(4)  furnished  emergency  relief,  in  the 
form  of  medical  literature  or  laboratory 
equipment  and  supplies,  to  institutions  in 
15  European  countries;  (5)  sent  scien- 
tific material  to  Japan  after  the  earth- 
quake and  invited  a  group  of  Japanese 
medical  scientists  to  use  the  laboratories 
of  the  Peking  Union  Medical  College  as 
guests  of  the  institution;  (6)  continued 
to  contribute  to  schools  or  institutes  of 
hygiene  at  Harvard,  London,  Prague, 
Warsaw,  and  Sao  Paulo,  Brazil;  (7)  co- 
operated in  nurse-training  at  Yale  Uni- 
versity and  in  France,  Belgium,  Brazil, 
China,  and  the  Philippines;  (8)  ac- 
cepted an  invitation  from  Brazil  to  par- 
ticipate in  a  comprehensive  attack  upon 
yellow  fever;  (9)  had  a  share  in  demon- 
strations of  malaria  control  in  12  Amer- 
ican States  and  conducted  malaria  sur- 
veys or  studies  in  the  United  States,  Bra- 
zil, Australia,  Nicaragua,  Porto  Rico, 
Salvador,  the  Philippine  Islands,  and 
Palestine;  (10)  either  continued  or  be- 
gan anti-hookworm  work  in  conjunction 
with  20  governments  in  various  parts  of 
the  world;  (11)  contributed  to  183  county 
health  organizations  in  the  United  States, 
New   Brunswick    (Canada),   and   Brazil; 

•Extracts  from  President  Vincent's  "Re- 
view," giving  a  fair  summary  of  the  activ- 
ities of  this  beneficent  organization. 


(12)  continued  a  study  of  the  medical 
schools  of  the  world  by  visits  to  Belgium, 
Austria,  Czechoslovakia,  Germany,  Hun- 
gary, Poland,  Turkey,  Hongkong,  the 
Straits  Settlements,  Siam,  Canada,  Eng- 
land, Scotland,  "Wales,  the  Netherlands, 
Mexico,  and  Colombia;  (13)  offered  to 
contribute  280,750  poimds  sterling  to  the 
development  of  medical  education  in  cer- 
tain   universities    in    the    British    Isles; 

(14)  gave  $500,000  to  the  Universitv  of 
Alberta,  and  pledged  $250,000  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  toward  buildings 
for  anatomy  and  physiological  chemistry; 

(15)  continued  to  support  a  modern  med- 
ical school  and  teaching  hospital  in  Pe- 
king; (16)  aided  two  other  medical 
schools  and  25  hospitals  in  China;  (17) 
assisted  premedical  education  in  several 
institutions  in  China  and  agreed  to  do 
this  also  in  Bangkok,  Siam;  (18)  lent 
representatives  to  governments  and  insti- 
tutions for  various  types  of  counsel  and 
service;  (19)  continued  to  support  a  dis- 
ease-reporting service  of  the  Health  Sec- 
tion of  the  League  of  Nations;  (20)  con- 
tributed to  mental  hygiene  projects,  dem- 
onstrations in  dispensary  administration, 
organization  of  dispensary  work  in  France, 
and  to  other  undertakings  in  the  fields  of 
public  health  and  medical  education.  .   .  . 

"The  Peaceful  Strife  of  Science" 

The  phrase  is  Pasteur's.  At  an  inter- 
national scientific  congress  in  Italy  he 
spoke  in  paradox,  declaring  that  science 
is  at  the  same  time  of  no  nationality  and 
also  the  highest  expression  of  nationality. 
"Science,"  he  said,  "has  no  nationality, 
because  knowledge  is  the  patrimony  of 
humanity,  the  torch  which  gives  light  to 
the  world.  Science  should  be  the  highest 
personification  of  nationality,  because,  of 


19U 


THE  ROCKEFELLER  FOUNDATION 


479 


all  the  nations,  that  one  will  always  be 
foremost  which  shall  be  first  to  progress 
by  the  labors  of  thought  and  of  intelli- 
gence. Let  us,  therefore,  strive  in  the 
pacific  field  of  science  for  the  pre-eminence 
of  our  several  countries." 

The  great  French  scientist  loyally  ex- 
emplified this  ideal.  He  worked  unremit- 
tingly for  the  welfare  and  prestige  of 
France,  but  he  never  forgot  that  he  was 
also  adding  to  the  knowledge  which  is  the 
"patrimony  of  humanity."  This  ever- 
growing common  fund  is  reviewed,  recti- 
fied, reorganized,  and  augmented  by  thou- 
sands of  investigators  in  university  and 
industrial  laboratories,  botanical  and  zo- 
ological gardens,  agricultural  experiment 
stations,  hospitals,  and  research  institutes 
of  many  kinds  in  almost  all  the  countries 
of  the  world. 

To  keep  the  workers  conscious  of  their 
common  task,  to  recruit  young  men  and 
women  and  to  train  them  for  productive 
work,  to  make  sure  that  each  investigator 
has  an  opportunity  to  know  what  others 
are  doing  in  his  special  field,  to  put  new 
knowledge  at  the  service  of  the  whole 
world  as  soon  as  may  be — these  are  aims 
of  modern  science  thought  of  as  a  vast 
teamwork  of  the  nations. 

It  was  the  privilege  of  the  Rockefeller 
Foundation  in  the  year  1923  to  have  a 
part  in  the  recruiting  and  training  of 
young  scientists  by  promoting  interna- 
tional migration.  Either  directly  or 
through  other  agencies,  it  provided  fel- 
lowships for  636  men  and  women  who 
were  preparing  for  teaching  or  adminis- 
tration in  public  health,  medicine,  biology, 
physics,  chemistry,  medical  and  premed- 
ical  education,  and  nursing.  Of  these  fel- 
lowships the  International  Health  Board 
granted  130  (including  staff  members  on 
study  leave)  ;  the  China  Medical  Board, 
135;  the  Division  of  Medical  Education, 
51;  the  National  Eesearch  Council,  113; 
a  German  committee,  194;  the  British 
Medical  Research  Council,  4;  other  agen- 
cies, 9.     .    .    . 

The  League  of  Nations  Interchange 

It  is  not  enough  that  many  young 
workers  should  get  a  part  of  their  training 
in  foreign  lands,  and  thus  feel  the  stim- 
ulus of  contrasts  and  of  generous  rivalry. 
Older  persons,  already  in  important  offi- 


cial positions,  need  experience  abroad,  the 
chance  to  make  comparisons,  to  get  new 
ideas,  to  meet  colleagues,  to  feel  a  sense 
of  comradeship  across  national  frontiers. 
It  was  a  happy  idea  of  the  Health  Section 
of  the  League  of  Nations  to  establish  what 
are  termed  interchanges  of  health  officials, 
or  international  institutes,  which  are  at- 
tended by  representatives  of  several  coun- 
tries. 

Two  such  institutes  were  held  during 
1923.  Early  in  the  year  29  health  officers 
from  Austria,  Belgium,  Czechoslovakia, 
Denmark,  Finland,  France,  Hungary, 
Italy,  Japan,  Norway,  Poland,  Rumania, 
Russia,  Sweden,  the  United  States,  and 
Jugoslavia  assembled  in  London.  After  a 
preliminary  study  of  the  English  system 
of  central  and  local  health  administra- 
tion, the  party  broke  up  into  small  groups, 
which  proceeded  independently  to  an  in- 
tensive study  of  health  conditions  and  or- 
ganization in  some  large  provincial  city, 
a  county,  typical  agricultural  and  indus- 
trial districts,  and  a  large  port.  After 
three  weeks  in  the  provincial  areas  and 
another  week  spent  in  studying  the  special 
health  problems  of  London,  the  group 
went  to  Austria,  where  a  similar  program 
was  carried  out. 

The  other  session  assembled  in  the 
United  States  in  September.  Twenly- 
five  delegates  represented  18  countries,  in- 
cluding four  which  are  not  members  of 
the  League — Germany,  Mexico,  Russia, 
and  the  United  States.  After  general 
sessions  in  New  York  and  Washington, 
the  party  was  divided  into  sections  which 
studied  health  activities  in  typical  city 
and  rural  areas  in  Virginia,  Alabama, 
North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  New  York, 
and  Massachusetts.  A  final  conference  of 
the  European  delegates  was  held  in  Ge- 
neva for  a  review  and  discussion  of  their 
experience  in  the  United  States. 

The  value — scientific,  practical,  and  in- 
ternational— of  such  meetings  as  these  is 
unquestionable.  The  by-product  in  friend- 
liness and  good  will  is  by  no  means  neg- 
ligible. The  International  Health  Board 
is  providing  the  funds  for  a  period  of 
years  to  meet  the  expenses  of  these  inter- 
changes. 

Ambassadors  of   Science 

Still  other  migrations  of  scientific  men 
took  place  under  the   Foundation's  aus- 


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August 


pices  during  1923.  Twenty-four  special- 
ists in  medicine,  public  health,  or  physical 
science,  representing  seven  different  na- 
tions, visited  other  countries  than  their 
own,  as  guests  of  the  Division  of  Medical 
Education,  the  China  Medical  Board,  and 
the  International  Health  Board.  These 
visits  varied  in  length  from  a  few  weeks 
to  several  months. 

A  commission  of  six  distinguished 
Japanese  scientists — two  professors  of 
medicine,  two  of  pathology,  one  parasi- 
tologist, and  one  surgeon — made  a  tour  of 
the  chief  medical  centers  of  the  United 
States.  Each  member  of  the  party  had 
been  asked  in  advance  to  indicate  the  men 
and  institutions  he  most  desired  to  see, 
and  arrangements  had  been  made  accord- 
ingly. The  outcome  was  gratifying. 
American  scientific  workers  gained  respect 
for  the  standards  and  ideals  of  the  Japa- 
nese, who  in  turn  said  they  had  profited 
from  observing  the  equipment,  methods, 
and  personnel  of  institutions  in  the 
United  States.  Other  visitors  from  for- 
eign countries  included:  a  health  official 
from  Hungary ;  another  from  Poland :  and 
two  professors  of  the  medical  school  of 
the  University  of  Hongkong,  appointees 
to  new  university  chairs  which  had  been 
endowed  by  the  Foimdation. 

From  the  United  States,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Foundation  sent  one  pathologist 
to  Brazil,  another  to  Siam,  physicists  to 
Chinese  universities  in  Nanking  and 
Tientsin,  and  a  specialist  in  science  teach- 
ing to  the  National  Education  Association 
of  China.  To  the  Peking  Union  Medical 
College  went  eight  visiting  professors: 
two  from  Johns  Hopkins  Medical  School, 
two  from  the  Harvard  Medical  School, 
and  one  each  from  Columbia  University 
Medical  School,  the  Rockefeller  Institute 
for  Medical  Research,  the  University  of 
Vienna,  and  the  Central  Institute  of 
Brain  Research  in  Amsterdam. 

Safeguarding  the   Succession   of   Scientists 

If  the  scientific  "patrimony  of  human- 
ity" is  to  be  protected  and  enlarged,  there 
must  be  no  break  in  tlie  continuity  of  in- 
vestigators and  teachers.  The  leaders  of 
today  must  train  and  inspire  the  younger 
students,  who  will  take  over  the  responsi- 
bility for  conservation  and  progress  in  the 
future.    Because  science  is  a  world  prod- 


uct and  a  heritage  of  all  the  nations,  an 
interruption  in  the  scientific  succession  of 
any  leading  country  is  of  concern  every- 
where. 

Thus  the  Foundation  made  an  emer- 
gency grant  for  a  three-year  period  when, 
at  the  close  of  the  war,  a  great  institute 
for  research  found  difficulty,  because  of 
the  diminished  value  of  its  endowments, 
in  recruiting  young  assistants.  A  leading 
reason  for  establishing  fellowships  in 
mathematics,  physics,  chemistry,  biology, 
and  medicine,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
National  Research  Council,  was  the  fear 
that  industrial  and  professional  careers 
might  draw  promising  investigators  and 
teachers  from  the  less  financially  attrac- 
tive pursuit  of  pure  science. 

The  plight  of  young  medical  scientists 
in  the  Central  European  countries  and  the 
Balkans  has  recently  become  so  critical 
that  the  continuity  of  workers  has  been 
seriously  threatened.  In  Germany  espe- 
cially the  danger  of  a  breakdown  has 
aroused  the  anxiety  of  the  scientific  world. 
German  medicine,  for  example,  has  con- 
tributed so  much  to  the  common  fund  of 
knowledge  and  technique  that  the  turning 
of  large  numbers  of  young  medical  inves- 
tigators to  other  pursuits  would  sooner  or 
later  affect  medical  progress  as  a  whole. 

The  Rockefeller  Foundation,  in  the  in- 
terest primarily  of  modern  medicine, 
therefore  asked  a  committee  of  German 
scientists  to  select  promising  younger 
workers  who,  if  they  had  no  aid,  would 
be  compelled  to  turn  to  other  pursuits, 
and  to  appoint  them  to  "resident  fellow- 
ships." These  provide  small  stipends,  to- 
gether with  sums  for  laboratory  supplies 
and  experimental  animals.  In  1923  the 
committee  granted  194  of  these  fellow- 
ships. The  trustees  have  authorized  the 
extension  of  this  plan  to  other  countries 
in  which  similar  conditions  may  be  found. 

Professional   Training  for   Health  Workers 

The  Rockefeller  Foundation  fixes  its 
attention  upon  permanent,  constructive 
activities  in  the  fields  of  public  health, 
medical  education,  and  the  premedical 
sciences.  Experience  clearly  shows  that 
the  fundamental  need  in  the  progress  of 
preventive  medicine  is  a  specialized  per- 
sonnel thoroughly  grounded  in  the  under- 


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481 


lying  sciences  and  familiar  with  the  best 
methods  of  practical  application  and  ad- 
ministration. The  idea  that  an  ordinary 
medical  education  fits  a  doctor  to  be  a 
health  officer  is  a  serious  error  which  does 
much  harm.  He  needs  additional  grad- 
uate training  for  what  is  recognized  as  a 
special  profession. 

A  mere  enumeration  of  the  subjects 
now  included  in  the  public-health  curric- 
ulum leaves  no  doubt  about  the  necessity 
for  specific  training :  ( 1 )  micro-organisms 
and  various  parasites,  animals,  and  insects 
which  cause  or  transmit  diseases;  (2)  re- 
sistance and  immunity,  including  vaccines 
and  sera;  (3)  technical  methods  of  con- 
trolling communicable  diseases;  (4)  sani- 
tation, including  water-supplies,  sewerage, 
disposal  of  wastes,  etc.;  (5)  chemistry 
and  physiology  of  hygiene,  including  nu- 
trition and  diet  and  health  habits;  (6) 
mental  aspects  of  disease,  delinquency, 
and  f eeble-mindedness ;  (7)  legal  rela- 
tions of  sanitation  and  hygiene;  (8)  ma- 
ternity and  child  hygiene;  (9)  collection 
and  interpretation  of  statistics  of  births, 
deaths,  and  sickness;  (10)  methods  of 
organizing  and  administering  public- 
health  work.  To  meet  the  growing  de- 
mand for  proper  public-health  training  the 
Foundation,  on  the  initiative  of  the  Inter- 
national Health  Board,  has  endowed  a 
School  of  Hlgiene  and  Public  Health  at 
Johns  Hopkins  University,  has  enabled 
Harvard  University  to  reorganize  its 
courses  into  a  new  School  of  Public 
Health,  has  agreed  to  provide  land,  build- 
ings, and  equipment  for  a  School  of 
Hlgiene  and  Tropical  Medicine  in  Lon- 
don, and  has  contributed  substantially  to 
institutes  of  public  health  in  Prague  and 
Warsaw.  During  1983,  in  the  develop- 
ment of  this  plan,  a  half-million  was  ap- 
propriated to  Harvard,  an  interim  main- 
tenance fund  was  voted  to  the  London 
School,  and  building  appropriations  were 
made  to  the  Czechoslovak  and  Polish 
governments.     .     . 

The  Role  of  the  Trained  Nurse 

Created  by  the  demands  of  war,  the 
trained  nurse  became  a  necessity  in  peace. 
At  the  bedside  in  home  and  hospital,  in 
the  tuberculosis  sanatorium,  in  the  dis- 
pensary, in  the  maternity  center,  in  the 
factory  and  store,  in  the  crowded  tene- 


ment district,  in  the  isolated  countryside, 
the  nurse  in  her  professional  garb  has  be- 
come a  part  of  contemporary  life  in  the 
United  States,  in  Great  Britain,  to  some 
degree  in  continental  Europe,  and  in  other 
countries.  The  type  of  nurse,  her  social 
and  professional  status,  her  education  and 
training,  her  salary,  and  her  future  out- 
look vary  widely  from  country  to  country, 
with  differences  in  traditions,  social  ideals, 
educational  standards,  economic  condi- 
tions, and  religious  influences.  In  one 
place  she  may  be  hardly  more  than  a 
slightly  sublimated  servant;  in  another, 
intelligent,  highly  trained,  well  paid,  so- 
cially esteemed,  enjoying  a  professional 
status;  in  a  third,  a  devoted  and  experi- 
enced member  of  a  religious  order,  giving 
her  life  to  the  service  of  the  sick  and  the 
unfortunate ;  in  a  fourth,  well  trained  and 
respected,  but  poorly  paid  and  over- 
worked. 

The  contacts  of  allied  medical  and  hos- 
pital units  during  the  war,  the  European 
services  of  the  national  Eed  Cross  Socie- 
ties, the  activities  of  the  League  which 
these  societies  formed,  and  the  work  of 
various  American  organizations  in  France 
have  all  emphasized  national  differences 
in  ideals  and  standards  of  nursing  service 
and  of  nurse  training,  have  aroused  inter- 
est and  discussion,  and  have  set  at  work 
international  influences.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  by  exchange  of  ideas  and  experi- 
ence and  by  interchanges  of  personnel 
through  fellowships  and  visiting  delegates, 
that  stimulus  will  be  given  to  nations 
which  have  been  slow  to  develop  nursing 
services,  and  that  useful  suggestions  will 
be  made,  even  to  the  countries  which  have 
regarded  themselves  as  leaders  in  the 
movement. 

The  chief  ideas  which  emerge  from 
present  discussions  of  nursing  and  nurse 
training  seem  to  be:  (1)  the  desirability 
of  making  the  course  of  training  more 
consciously  educational  and  less  of  a  rou- 
tine apprenticeship;  (2)  the  possibility 
by  this  means  of  shortening  the  course; 
(3)  the  importance  of  combining,  so  far 
as  possible,  bedside  and  public-health 
training;  (4)  the  need,  for  economic  rea- 
sons, of  creating  a  new  type  of  nurse's 
assistant  to  serve  under  a  registered 
nurse;  (5)  the  essential  value  of  the  vis- 
iting nurse  as  a  member  of  the  public- 


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ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


health  stafif;  (6)  an  organization  of  the 
visiting  nurse,  the  local  dispensary,  and 
the  town  hospital  as  a  partial  solution  of 
the  problem  of  medical  and  health  care 
for  rural  populations;  (7)  the  recognition 
that  in  predominantly  Catholic  countries 
hospital  administration  and  to  a  large  ex- 
tent nursing  service  will  remain  a  func- 
tion of  the  religious  orders  with  which 
agencies  for  improving  nursing  standards 
must  co-operate;  and  (8)  that  costs  of 
training  and  salaries  of  nurses  in  a  given 
country  cannot  rise  far  beyond  a  level 
fixed  by  general  economic  conditions  and 
by  rates  of  pay  in  comparable  services. 

Lending  a  Hand  in  Nurse-training 

The  Foundation's  interest  in  nursing 
and  nurse-training  has  found  expression 
(1)  in  encouragement  and  financial  sup- 
port of  surveys  and  studies  of  nursing  in 
the  United  States  and  in  13  foreign  coun- 
tries, (2)  in  aid  for  a  demonstration  of 
newer  methods  of  training,  and  (3)  in 
contributions  to  a  few  projects  which  aim 
at  improving  both  general  training  courses 
and  special  courses  for  public-health 
nurses. 

Following  a  report  made  in  1922  after 
a  detailed  study  of  nursing  education  in 
the  United  States  by  a  special  committee 
supported  by  the  Foundation,  the  trustees 
pledged  in  1923  to  Yale  University  an 
annual  contribution  for  a  five-year  period 
toward  an  experiment  and  demonstration 
in  the  education  of  nurses.  The  essential 
features  of  the  plan  are  a  more  system- 
atically educational  organization  of  in- 
struction, a  shorter  period  of  training  (28 
months),  and  the  inclusion  of  public 
health  as  an  organic  part  of  the  course. 

During  1923  the  International  Health 
Board  contributed  to  the  nurse-training 
problem  (1)  by  continuing  to  co-operate 
with  the  Health  Department  of  Brazil  in 
maintaining  a  general  hospital  training 
school,  a  special  course  for  public-health 
nurses,  and  a  visiting  nurse  service  in  Eio 
de  Janeiro;  (2)  by  aiding  in  France  in 
preparing  health  visitors,  and  in  strength- 
ening a  few  centers  for  training  both  bed- 
side and  public-health  nurses;  (3)  by 
lending  to  the  Philippine  Government  a 
specialist  who  has  helped  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  courses  in  pubhc-health  nursing 
and  the  improvement  of  standards;  and 


(4)  by  appropriation  to  the  State  Health 
Department  toward  an  experimental  cor- 
respondence course  for  public  -  health 
nurses  in  Ohio. 

The  China  Medical  Board  continued  to 
maintain  a  nurse  training  school  in  the 
Peking  Union  Medical  College  and  to  as- 
sist a  number  of  hospitals  in  which  nurse- 
training  is  carried  on. 

In  Europe  studies  of  nursing  education 
were  continued  until  by  the  end  of  1923 
the  conditions  in  ten  countries  had  been 
observed.  The  fellowship  plan  was  used 
to  send  French  and  Belgian  nurses  to 
England,  a  Siamese  nurse  to  Peking,  and 
to  bring  French,  Polish,  Czechoslovak, 
and  Philippine  nurses  to  America  for  fur- 
ther study. 

Brazil's  Final  Bout  with  Yellow  Fever 

The  outstanding  feature  during  1923 
of  the  systematic,  concerted  attack  upon 
yellow  fever,  in  which  the  International 
Health  Board  of  the  Eockefeller  Founda- 
tion has  been  engaged  since  1916,  was  the 
decision  of  the  Brazilian  Government  to 
undertake  a  definitive  campaign  to  elimi- 
nate the  disease  from  the  seed  beds  along 
the  northern  coast  from  Para  to  Bahia, 
where  fever  still  appears  from  time  to 
time.  The  board  warmly  welcomed  the 
invitation  of  the  Brazilian  authorities  to 
have  a  part  in  this  work.  Noguchi,  of 
the  Rockefeller  Institute  for  Medical  Re- 
search, the  discoverer  of  the  yellow-fever 
organism,  sailed  for  Brazil  in  November 
to  make  further  studies,  and  was  soon  fol- 
lowed by  staff  members  with  equipment 
and  supplies. 

This  latest,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  final, 
bout  with  yellow  fever  in  Brazil  recalls 
the  brilliant  way  in  which  the  capital  was 
freed  from  yellow  fever  under  the  leader- 
ship of  that  distinguished  scientist  and 
able  administrator,  Oswaldo  Cruz.  Grad- 
uated from  the  University  of  Rio  de  Ja- 
neiro, for  four  years  a  student  and  inves- 
tigator at  the  Pasteur  Institute  in  Paris, 
himself  a  bacteriologist  of  distinction,  in- 
telligent, resourceful,  of  compelling  per- 
sonality, an  undaunted  leader,  he  over- 
came all  obstacles  and  opposition  and 
made  Rio  de  Janeiro  as  safe  as  it  is  beau- 
tiful. 

Oswaldo  Cruz's  death,  in  1917,  prevented 
him   from   following,   as  he   would   have 


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483 


done  with  so  much  satisfaction,  the  later 
success  of  the  campaigns  organized  by  the 
International  Health  Board;  the  forma- 
tion of  national  yellow-fever  commissions 
in  Mexico,  Central  America,  and  in  north- 
ern South  America;  Noguchi's  discovery 
of  the  causative  organism  and  his  prepa- 
ration of  a  vaccine  and  a  serum;  the 
clearing-up  (1918-1919)  of  Guayaquil,  in 
Ecuador,  the  chief  endemic  center;  the 
exploratory  expedition  (1920)  to  the  West 
Coast  of  Africa  to  investigate  cases  re- 
ported there;  the  elimination  of  the  fever 
from  Peru  (1921);  the  quick  control  of 
incipient  epidemics  in  Central  America; 
and  the  active  participation  of  the  Mex- 
ican Government  in  the  movement  until 
by  1923  it  was  possible  to  make  a  most 
encouraging  report.  The  situation  in 
1923  may  be  summarized  as  follows :  No 
cases  reported  from  Mexico,  Central 
America,  Ecuador,  or  Peru;  outbreak  in 
Colombia  promptly  put  under  observa- 
tion; well-organized  control  measures 
under  way  in  northern  Brazil  and  workers 
in  training  to  resume  study  and  observa- 
tion along  the  coasts  of  West  Africa  from 
which  cases  of  yellow  fever  have  been  re- 
ported. 

Studying  the  Behavior  of  Malaria  Mosquitoes 

Control  of  malaria  is  not  always  so 
simple  as  a  statement  of  the  essential 
facts  would  make  it  seem.  The  disease 
can  be  transmitted  only  by  certain  mos- 
quitoes (the  Anopheles),  which  become 
infective  after  having  fed  upon  the  blood 
of  a  person  who  is  suffering  from  the  dis- 
ease. By  the  use  of  quinine  the  parasites 
in  the  blood  can  be  injured  or  killed,  so 
that  there  is  nothing  for  the  mosquito  to 
transmit.  And  if  the  mosquito  can  be 
eliminated  either  by  preventing  its  birth 
or  by  luring  or  screening  it  away,  the 
dangerous  circle  may  also  be  broken. 
When  the  two  procedures  can  be  made  to 
re-enforce  each  other,  effective  control  is 
made  more  certain.  But  variations  in 
local  conditions  of  mosquito-breeding,  in 
climate,  in  the  character  and  distribution 
of  populations,  in  occupations,  in  the  na- 
ture of  dwellings,  in  the  presence  of  do- 
mestic animals,  and  in  other  factors  create 
rather  complicated  problems  which  call 
for  a  combination  of  measures  peculiarly 
adapted  to  each  situation. 


The  International  Health  Board  has 
been  engaged  in  malaria  control  work 
since  1916.  Special  attention  has  been 
given  to  small  towns  and  rural  areas.  A 
large  number  of  demonstrations  have 
shown  that  under  fairly  favorable  condi- 
tions control  is  at  once  feasible  and  eco- 
nomical. But  from  the  first  the  need  of 
further  facts  has  been  recognized  and  staff 
members  have  devoted  a  good  deal  of  time 
to  studies  of  various  kinds.  During  1923 
special  malaria  investigations  were  car- 
ried on  in  the  United  States,  Brazil,  Nic- 
aragua, Palestine,  the  Philippine  Islands, 
Salvador,  and  Porto  Rico.  In  connection 
with  control  measures  in  many  parts  of 
the  United  States  incidental  observations 
of  importance  were  also  made. 

A  film  which  shows  in  detail  the  cause, 
transmission,  effects,  cure,  and  prevention 
of  malaria  was  prepared  during  the  year 
under  the  auspices  of  the  International 
Health  Board. 

The  board  continued  to  participate  in 
demonstrations  of  malaria  control  in 
which  local  governments.  State  boards  of 
health,  and  the  United  States  Public 
Health  Service  shared.  In  1923  the  pro- 
gram included  66  county-wide  projects 
and  82  town  demonstrations  in  12  States. 
These  demonstrations  offered  additional 
proof  that  under  ordinary  conditions 
many  communities  can  reduce  malaria  to 
an  almost  negligible  point,  at  per  capita 
costs  which  are  within  the  limits  of  local 
taxation. 

"Parasites  Lost  and  Parasites  Regained" 

This  phrase,  which  reports  the  impres- 
sion of  a  Fijian  schoolboy  after  he  had 
heard  on  the  same  day  a  talk  about  hook- 
worms and  an  address  on  Milton,  describes 
precisely  what  happens  unless  proper  pre- 
cautions are  taken.  The  life  cycle  of  the 
hookworm  is  a  vicious  circle. 

Since  1910,  when  the  Eockefeller  Sani- 
tary Commission  (later  merged  into  the 
International  Health  Board)  began  hook- 
worm work  in  the  Southern  States,  cam- 
paigns have  been  carried  on  in  many  parts 
of  the  tropical  and  subtropical  zones 
within  which  hookworm  disease  handicaps 
and  enfeebles  millions  every  year,  reduc- 
ing economic  efficiency,  causing  unhappi- 
ness,  and  increasing  mortality.  The 
policy  of  the  board  is  to  work  only  with 


484 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


governments,  which  (1)  assume  some  part 
of  the  cost  from  the  beginning,  (3)  agree 
to  undertake  the  installation  of  latrines, 
and  (3)  promise  to  take  over  the  entire 
responsibility  for  the  project  at  the  end 
of  a  given  period.  The  usual  plan  of  cam- 
paign includes  (1)  an  infection  survey, 
(2)  an  intensive  demonstration  of  treat- 
ment, together  with  (3)  the  education  of 
the  public  in  the  cure  and  prevention  of 
the  disease,  (4)  installing  of  latrines,  and 
(5)  resurveys  at  intervals  to  measure  the 
degree  of  control  which  has  been  secured. 

During  1923  the  board  carried  on  hook- 
worm work  in  Jamaica,  Leeward  Islands, 
Saint  Lucia,  Trinidad,  Porto  Eico,  Costa 
Eica,  Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua, 
Panama,  Salvador,  Colombia,  Dutch 
Guiana,  Brazil,  Australia,  Fiji,  Siam, 
Ceylon,  India,  and  Mauritius.  Eesurveys 
were  made  in  a  few  Southern  States  where 
hookworm  control  as  such  has  been  merged 
in  the  programs  of  county  health  units,  as 
is  also  the  case  in  one  or  two  States  of 
Brazil.  An  invitation  to  co-operate  with 
the  Government  of  Mexico  was  accepted. 

Simple  as  hookworm  control  appears, 
there  is  much  still  to  be  learned  about  the 
nature  of  the  disease  and  methods  of  deal- 
ing with  it.  A  special  study  of  hookworm 
infestation  in  China  by  a  parasitologist  of 
the  Johns  Hopkins  School  of  Hygiene  and 
Public  Health  was  financed  by  the  board. 
Staff  members  in  all  parts  of  the  world 
made  useful  observations  on  the  effects  of 
a  new  vermifuge  on  the  simplification  of 
treatments,  on  the  wearing  of  shoes  as  a 
protection,  and  on  reported  hookworm  in 
pigs.  One  doctor  found  the  Australian 
aborigines  eager  to  take  treatments  in 
return  for  a  gift  of  tobacco.  The  board's 
fihn,  "Unhooking  the  Hookworm,"  con- 
tinued to  prove  useful  in  instructing  the 
public. 

Rural  Health  and  Happiness 

Hookworm  disease  and,  to  a  consider- 
able extent,  malaria  and  typhoid  fever  are 
rural  problems.  .  .  .  The  average 
county  health  program  includes:  inocula- 
tion against  typhoid,  smallpox,  and  diph- 
theria; building  of  sanitary,  fly-proof 
latrines;  medical  inspection  of  school 
children,  with  dental  and  tonsil  clinics; 
maternity  care  and  infant  welfare;  con- 
trol of  communicable  diseases  generally, 


including  special  attention  to  tuberculo- 
sis; and  education  of  the  community  in 
public  and  personal  hygiene.  The  typical 
full-time  staff  comprises  a  health  officer, 
a  sanitary  inspector,  one  or  more  visiting 
nurses,  and  an  office  clerk.  Motor  trans- 
portation is  provided.  The  average  total 
annual  cost  of  such  a  health  service  in  the 
counties  with  which  the  board  is  co-oper- 
ating is  $10,000. 

The  Doctor  and  Public  Health 

There  are  certain  small  nations  which 
have  low  death-rates,  although  there  seems 
to  be  little  done  in  the  way  of  public- 
health  work  as  such.  The  low  mortality 
is  credited  in  part  to  favorable  conditions 
of  climate,  food,  and  outdoor  life,  but  it 
is  said  to  be  largely  due  to  the  influence 
of  a  well-trained  and  efficient  medical 
profession,  which  has  the  confidence  of  a 
public  intelligent  enough  to  choose  and 
trust  expert  guidance.  Hence  sanitation, 
quarantine,  inoculation,  and  hygienic  liv- 
ing become  a  part  of  daily  routine  and  are 
fixed  in  the  official  machinery,  social  cus- 
toms, and  personal  habits  of  the  people. 
In  all  this  the  physicians,  esteemed  and 
trusted,  play  a  leading  part. 

In  all  lands  doctors  are  an  essential 
part  of  the  public-health  movement.  They 
report  births,  causes  of  death,  and  cases  of 
communicable  disease.  Upon  them  de- 
pends the  introduction  of  new  resources 
of  diagnosis  and  treatment;  for  good  or 
ill  they  educate  their  patients;  they  in- 
fluence public  opinion  for  or  against  pre- 
ventive policies.  No  health  service  can 
prosper  permanently  unless  it  can  com- 
mand the  loyal  support  of  competent, 
local  practicing  physicians.  The  presence 
of  physicians,  poorly  trained  or  with  no 
interest  in  preventive  medicine,  or  of  rep- 
resentatives of  various  occult,  empirical, 
or  fraudulent  cults  is  a  serious  handicap 
to  sane  and  effective  sanitation  and  hy- 
giene in  a  city,  town,  or  countryside. 

It  follows  that  medical  education  plays 
an  essential  part  in  the  leadership  and 
success  of  public  -  health  work.  The 
Eockefeller  Foundation  is  concerned, 
therefore,  in  aiding  influential  medical 
schools  in  many  parts  of  the  world  to  im- 
prove their  facilities,  to  strengthen  their 
teaching  staffs,  to  perfect  their  methods, 
to   maintain   high   standards,   and   grad- 


192Ji. 


THE  ROCKEFELLER  FOUNDATION 


485 


ually,  in  the  words  of  a  distinguished 
British  medical  authority,  to  "permeate 
the  curriculum  with  the  preventive  idea." 
With  respect  to  the  last  suggestion,  the 
International  Health  Board  is  supporting 
in  a  leading  American  medical  school  a 
plan  which  aims  at  getting  every  teacher 
to  emphasize  the  preventive  and  com- 
munity aspects  of  every  topic  with  which 
he  deals  in  his  regular  courses. 

Medical   Education  Around  the  World 

During  1923  the  Division  of  Medical 
Education  continued  to  gather  facts  about 
the  medical  schools,  numbering  approxi- 
mately 450,  which  are  to  be  found  in  74 
countries  of  the  world.  Much  of  the  ma- 
terial was  secured  by  post,  but  a  good  deal 
was  brought  home  by  representatives  who 
personally  visited  schools  in  Austria, 
Czechoslovakia,  Germany,  Hungary,  Po- 
land, Turkey,  Hongkong,  the  Straits  Set- 
tlements, Siam,  Canada,  England,  Scot- 
land, Wales,  the  Netherlands,  Jugoslavia, 
Rumania,  Bulgaria,  Mexico,  and  Colom- 
bia. The  data  collected  have  to  do  with 
buildings,  equipment,  curriculum,  staff, 
annual  budget,  and  other  significant 
points. 

The  returns  so  far  received  reveal  a 
world-wide  distribution  of  certain  national 
influences.  Thus  British  ideas  and  meth- 
ods give  character  in  varying  degrees  to 
medical  schools  throughout  the  Empire, 
from  Canada  to  the  Cape  and  from  Hali- 
fax through  Hongkong  to  Bombay.  The 
French  or  Latin  tradition  predominates 
in  southern  and  western  Europe,  in  Al- 
geria and  Syria,  in  Central  and  South 
America,  and  in  Indo-China.  German 
medicine  is  found  to  be  fundamental  in 
central  and  northern  Europe  and  in 
Japan.  In  addition  to  these  variations 
due  to  historical  causes,  the  medical 
schools  of  the  world  display  wide  differ- 
ences in  resources,  personnel,  standards, 
and  aims,  due  to  varying  racial,  eco- 
nomic, governmental,  and  social  condi- 
tions. 

International  co-operation  between  med- 
ical centers  the  world  over  is  tending  to 
make  these  differences  less  pronounced. 
One  aim  of  the  Foundation  is  to  facilitate 
the  contacts  and  intercommunications  by 
which  this  international  exchange  of  ideas 
is   accomplished.      By   aiding   schools   to 


send  official  representatives  abroad,  by  in- 
viting commissions  from  one  country  to 
visit  another,  and  by  stimulating  an  inter- 
national exchange  of  professors,  it  is 
hoped  that  gradually  fruitful  interchanges 
and  progressive  adaptations  will  take 
place. 

As  a  contribution  to  this  end,  the  Di- 
vision of  Medical  Education  has  had  in 
preparation  during  1923  a  series  of  bulle- 
tins in  which  well-known  professors  in 
different  medical  schools  in  several  coun- 
tries will  describe  recent  developments  of 
buildings,  equipment,  and  teaching  meth- 
ods in  their  respective  departments. 
These  will  be  sent  to  medical  schools 
throughout  the  world.  For  example,  a 
series  of  papers  will  deal  with  new  or  pro- 
jected anatomical  laboratories.  In  this 
service  the  Foundation  seeks  merely  to 
serve  as  a  means  of  disseminating 
promptly  and  accurately  reports  of  new 
ideas  and  methods  which  have  been  found 
especially  useful  and  effective  in  different 
medical  schools  of  the  world. 

Since  the  Foundation  began  to  have  a 
part  in  medical  education  it  has  aided  in 
varying  degrees  117  medical  schools  in  31 
different  countries.  The  policy  has  been: 
(1)  to  help  for  the  most  part  only  such 
medical  centers  as  are  likely  to  make  sig- 
nificant experiments,  demonstrate  pro- 
gressive methods,  and  set  standards  which 
will  have  a  wide  influence;  (2)  to  con- 
tribute only  a  part  of  the  funds  needed 
for  a  given  project,  with  the  understand- 
ing that  the  remainder  will  be  provided 
from  other  sources;  (3)  to  assume  no  re- 
sponsibility for  administration  or  super- 
vision of  institutions  to  which  gifts  have 
been  made;  but  simply  (4)  to  help  facul- 
ties and  trustees  to  hasten  the  realization 
of  plans  which  they  have  worked  out  and 
in  which  they  have  genuine  faith.  Fur- 
thermore, (5)  no  assistance  is  ever  given 
to  a  medical  school  until  after  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  Division  of  Medical  Edu- 
cation has  visited  it  and  conferred  per- 
sonally with  its  teachers  and  adminis- 
trators. 

The  kind  of  aid  which  the  Foundation 
gives  varies  with  the  special  circumstances 
of  each  situation.  Here  a  contribution  to 
a  laboratory  may  seem  most  useful ;  there 
an  addition  to  general  endowment  may  be 
indicated;  in  a  third  case  equipment  and 


486 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


permanent  income  for  a  particular  depart- 
ment may  be  deemed  important  to  round 
out  an  otherwise  well-balanced  institution. 
Again,  aid  to  premedical  education  may 
appear  to  be  the  first  needed  step;  or  for 
still  another  school  traveling  fellowships 
for  teachers  and  a  few  visiting  professor- 
ships may  be  desirable. 

In  accord  with  the  policy  which  has  just 
been  described,  offers  were  made  to  cer- 
tain medical  schools  in  the  British  Isles, 
contingent  upon  improvements  or  reor- 
ganization contemplated  by  their  authori- 
ties. The  medical  education  program  of 
1923  also  included  a  gift  of  $500,000  to 
the  University  of  Alberta  (Canada)  to- 
ward the  endowment  of  its  clinical  teach- 
ing, a  pledge  of  $250,000  toward  a  total 
of  a  million  dollars  for  laboratories  of 
anatomy  and  physiological  chemistry  at 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and  an 
authorization  for  the  Director  of  the  Di- 
vision of  Medical  Education  to  confer 
with  the  authorities  of  the  King  Edward 
VII  Medical  School  of  Singapore  with  a 
view  to  considering  some  form  of  co-oper- 
ation with  that  institution. 

A  Medical  Center  in  the  Orient 

The  visitor  to  Peking  today  who  has 
had  no  warning  in  advance  is  surprised 
to  find,  on  the  site  of  what  was  once  the 
palace  of  a  Chinese  prince,  a  group  of 
beautiful  buildings  which  make  a  some- 
what puzzling  impression.  At  first  glance 
they  seem  to  be  of  classic  Chinese  archi- 
tecture. The  curved  roofs  of  glazed  tiles, 
the  elaborately  decorated  eaves,  the  for- 
mal courts,  the  white-marble  steps  and 
balustrades,  the  main  gate  guarded  by 
archaic  lions — all  seem  characteristically 
Chinese;  but  on  closer  examination  other 
features  are  noted.  The  buildings  are  of 
brick — two,  three,  or  even  four  stories 
high.  The  windows  are  large  and  glazed. 
Yonder  rises  a  tall  chimney  evidently  be- 
longing to  a  power-house.  Half  hidden 
at  one  side  one  recognizes  the  storage  tank 
of  a  gas  plant.  Here  evidently  is  an  in- 
stitution of  the  "West  which  has  assumed 
some  outer  aspects  of  the  East.  It  is  the 
Peking  Union  Medical  College,  built, 
equipped,  and  maintained  with  funds  sup- 
plied by  the  Rockefeller  Foundation 
through  the  China  Medical  Board. 

In  these  laboratories,  class-rooms,  and 


hospital  pavilions  teaching  and  research 
are  being  carried  on  in  the  modern  scien- 
tific spirit,  by  well-trained  men  and 
women  from  many  parts  of  the  world. 
The  78  members  of  the  medical  school 
and  hospital  staffs  who  hold  medical  de- 
grees represent  38  medical  colleges  of  11 
different  countries.  In  increasing  num- 
bers Chinese  scientists  and  doctors  are 
being  welcomed  as  members  of  the  faculty 
and  advanced  to  positions  of  responsi- 
bility. In  a  premedical  course  students 
are  being  prepared  to  enter  the  regular 
undergraduate  medical  school.  A  school 
of  nursing  is  a  part  of  the  plan.  Grad- 
uate students,  Chinese  physicians,  and 
medical  missionaries  on  furlough  from 
their  stations  are  pursuing  special  studies 
or  serving  as  voluntary  assistants.  From 
time  to  time  brief  intensive  courses  are 
organized  in  medicine,  surgery,  the  clin- 
ical specialties,  the  fundamental  labora- 
tory sciences,  and  roentgenology  for 
groups  of  doctors  who  wish  to  keep  abreast 
of  recent  progress.  Visiting  professors 
from  America  and  Europe  have  a  share  in 
these  courses  as  well  as  in  other  teaching, 
and  bring  to  the  institution  the  stimulus 
of  their  ability,  experience,  personality, 
and  prestige.  In  October,  1923,  the  total 
number  of  registered  students  was  176. 
The  college  is  a  development  of  an  insti- 
tution founded  under  missionary  auspices. 
It  seeks  to  perpetuate  ideals  of  high  char- 
acter and  loyal  service  and  to  work  in 
sympathetic  relations  with  the  missionary 
movement  and  with  the  Chinese  them- 
selves. 

In  spite  of  the  heavy  burden  thrown 
upon  the  faculty  by  the  organization  and 
administration  of  a  new  institution,  a 
gratifying  amount  of  significant  investi- 
gation has  been  done.  The  scientific 
papers  by  members  of  the  staff,  collected 
by  the  college  and  issued  in  an  annual  vol- 
ume, have  won  recognition  for  the  institu- 
tion as  an  important  center  of  medical 
progress.  Among  a  number  of  investiga- 
tions reported  upon  during  1923,  a  study 
of  kala-azar  deserves  mention  for  the 
thoroughness  of  the  work  and  the  value 
of  the  results. 

Obviously  a  modern  medical  school 
cannot  prosper  in  isolation.  Normally  it 
must  have  close  relations  with  the  educa- 
tional system;  it  must  command  the  con- 


192  Jlf 


TEACHING  OF  INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


487 


fidence  of  the  medical  profession  and  must 
win  the  support  of  public  opinion.  In 
China  peculiar  conditions  must  be  met. 
The  national  system  of  education  is  in 
process  of  development.  Secondary  and 
higher  education  has  hitherto  been  pro- 
vided to  a  large  extent  by  schools  and  col- 
leges under  foreign  control.  The  number 
of  well-trained  Chinese  doctors  is  small. 
Full  appreciation  of  Western  medicine  is 
confined  to  a  relatively  few  educated  Chi- 
nese. The  China  Medical  Board  has, 
therefore,  aided  medical  schools,  contrib- 
uted to  hospitals  as  centers  of  training 
for  doctors  and  nurses  and  as  a  means  of 
education  for  the  public,  has  co-operated 
in  premedical  education,  and  has  granted 
fellowships  for  study  both  in  China  and 
in  foreign  countries.  In  1923  contribu- 
tions were  made  toward  a  women's  depart- 
ment in  the  medical  school  of  Shantung 
Christian  University,  maintenance  funds 
were  continued  to  that  institution  and  to 
premedical  work  and  nurse-training  at  the 
Hunan-Yale  Medical  School  at  Changsha, 
a  gift  was  made  to  Canton  Christian  Col- 
lege for  a  science  laboratory,  and  pledges 
were  fulfilled  by  continuing  appropria- 
tions to  25  hospitals.     .     .     . 

The  Comradeship  of  Science 

Science,  as  a  common  fund  to  which  all 
nations  contribute  and  from  which  each 
may  freely  draw,  grows  steadily  in  volume 
and  in  value.  The  world  is  dotted  with 
centers  of  research  and  with  individuals 
who  are  in  quest  of  truth.  These  scien- 
tists are  in  frequent  communication 
through  the  printed  page,  the  visits  of 
fellow-workers,  and  international  con- 
gresses. One  can  trace  the  outlines  at 
least  of  a  vast  co-operation  which  tends 
more  and  more  to  ignore  national  fron- 
tiers. In  this  teamwork  of  the  nations 
the  medical  scientists  and  the  sanitarians 
have  an  inspiring  part.  They  not  only 
feel  the  thrill  of  discovery  and  of  high 
adventure  in  coping  with  the  problems 
which  challenge  their  knowledge  and  skill, 
but  they  know  the  satisfaction  of  safe- 
guarding life  and  of  alleviating  suffering. 
They  have,  too,  a  sense  of  comradeship  in 
enriching  "the  patrimony  of  humanity" 
and  in  attacking  a  common  enemy.  This 
spirit  not  only  hastens  the  progress  of 
science,  but  it  oifers  hope  of  more  sym- 


pathetic insight  and  closer  accord  in  world 
relations.  By  promoting  the  migration  of 
scientists  and  administrators,  by  helping 
to  diffuse  more  rapidly  new  ideas,  by 
strengthening  world  centers  of  teaching 
and  research — in  short,  by  fostering  med- 
ical science  and  public  health  as  forms  of 
international  co-operation  —  the  Eocke- 
feller  Foimdation  seeks  to  fulfill  the  pur- 
pose of  its  charter,  "the  well-being  of 
mankind  throughout  the  world." 


TEACHING  OF  INTERNATIONAL 

RELATIONS  THROUGH 

SOCIAL  STUDIES* 

By  JESSIE  C.  EVANS 
William  Penn  High  School,  Philadelphia 

YOU  will  remember  that  Dr.  Eobinson 
in  "The  Mind  in  the  Making"  starts 
out  with  the  statement :  "If  some  magical 
transformation  could  be  produced  in 
men's  ways  of  looking  at  themselves  and 
their  fellows,  no  inconsiderable  part  of  the 
evils  which  now  afflict  society  would 
vanish  away  or  remedy  themselves  auto- 
matically. If  the  majority  of  influential 
persons  held  the  opinions  and  occupied  the 
point  of  view  that  a  few  rather  uninfluen- 
tial  people  now  do,  there  would,  for  in- 
stance, be  no  likelihood  of  another  great 
war;  the  whole  problem  of  'labor  and 
capital'  would  be  transformed  and  at- 
tenuated; national  arrogance,  race  ani- 
mosity, political  corruption,  and  inef- 
ficiency would  all  be  reduced  below  the 
danger  point."  One  of  the  most  dis- 
couraging things  about  life  is  one's  in- 
ability to  make  any  impression  on  the 
opinions  of  most  grown-up  people.  Who 
has  not  after  an  effort  to  discuss,  let  us. 
say,  the  labor  question,  or  the  League  of 
Nations,  been  glad  to  change  the  subject 
to  the  weather,  which,  at  least,  offers  no 
opportunity  for  violent  differences  of 
opinion  ?  But  we  teachers  of  the  younger 
generation,  having  what  some  may  con- 
sider an  unfair  advantage  over  our  audi- 
ence, may  hope  to  try  at  least  to  bring 
about  the  "magical  transformation." 

I  can  already  feel  dissent  in  the  air. 
Some  years  ago  I  was  present  at  a  discus- 
sion here  in  New  York  led  by  Dr.  Beard, 

*  This  article  appeared  in  The  Historical 
Outlook  in  October,  1923. 


488 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


m  which  the  consensus  of  opinion  seemed 
to  be  tliat  the  wise  teacher  had  no  opinion, 
at  least,  in  the  classroom !  The  first  time 
I  addressed  this  association,  many  years 
ago,  I  was  rebuked  by  an  eminent  his- 
torian for  presuming  to  suggest  that 
history  might  be  interpreted  by  the 
teacher.  So  I  must  hasten  to  justify  my- 
self by  saying  that  I  have  not  an  intention 
of  suggesting  propaganda  of  any  sort. 
Nothing  but  the  truth  should  be  taught 
in  any  classroom,  and  the  chief  aim  of 
any  teacher  of  history  should  be  to  teach 
his  pupils  to  think  for  themselves.  But 
it  is  perfectly  evident  that  nowhere  except 
in  the  history  seminar  can  all  the  facts  of 
history  be  presented;  a  choice  must  be 
made.  The  responsibility  of  making  this 
choice  rests  upon  the  teacher  and  text- 
book writer.  By  the  choice  of  subjects 
for  discussion  the  minds  of  the  young 
people  may  be  directed  into  the  paths 
desired.  All  this  is  apropos  of  teaching 
international  relations. 

Fortunately  for  the  purpose  of  our  dis- 
cussion the  importance  of  our  subject  no 
longer  needs  any  proof.  In  1918,  and 
even  in  1920,  interest  in  international  re- 
lations seemed  confined  to  a  few,  but  the 
developments  of  the  post-war  period  have 
convinced  all  but  the  most  hard-headed 
advocates  of  "normalcy"  of  the  existence 
of  a  world  community.  To  students  of 
history,  economics,  and  social  conditions 
it  has  long  been  evident  that  the  intense 
nationalism  of  the  nineteenth  and  early 
twentieth  centuries  was  merely  a  phase  of 
development,  recent  in  its  origin,  and  no 
more  sure  of  permanency  than  any  other 
phase  of  human  history.  The  increasing 
complexity  of  modern  life,  with  its  inter- 
locking political  and  social  interests, 
means  either  international  suicide  or  in- 
ternational co-operation.  Even  those  in 
high  places  who  are  estopped  by  recent 
political  history  from  taking  the  path  into 
the  existing  League  of  Nations  are  will- 
ing to  admit  that  much. 

If  it  is  the  chief  duty  of  the  teacher 
of  the  social  studies  to  train  his  pupils 
for  worthy  citizenship  in  the  community, 
what  shall  we  consider  to  be  the  com- 
munity? We  have  taken  up  the  home, 
the  school,  the  neighborhood,  the  city,  the 
State,  and  the  nation.  Now  it  seems  that 
the  world  as  a  community  claims  our  at- 
tention. 


To  train  for  world  citizenship,  the 
teacher  should  try  to  develop  (1)  ap- 
preciation of  international  interests,  (2) 
appreciation  of  the  contributions  of  other 
nations  to  our  common  heritage,  (3)  love 
of  humanity,  regardless  of  race  or  color, 
(4)  appreciation  of  the  essential  unity  of 
human  history,  (5)  pride  in  national 
achievements  for  world  benefit  rather  than 
mere  national  aggrandizement  at  the  ex- 
pense of  others. 

To  accomplish  these  purposes  it  is  not 
necessary  to  introduce  new  courses  into 
an  already-crowded  curriculum.  The  es- 
sentials are  World  History  (including  the 
History  of  the  United  States),  Economics, 
Civics,  Sociology,  Geography,  and  Cur- 
rent Events.  Our  first  step  is  to  be  sure 
that  these  are  required  of  all  students. 
Until  this  is  done  it  is  futile  to  suggest 
special  courses  in  international  relations, 
which  would  be  unintelligible  unless  based 
upon  these  studies.  It  is  a  deplorable 
fact  that  many  high  and  preparatory 
schools  have  the  most  fragmentary  courses 
in  the  social  studies.  Students  are  grad- 
uated with  only  Ancient  History,  or  only 
American  History,  or  only  Industrial 
History.  Such  schools,  far  from  prepar- 
ing for  world  citizenship,  are  not  pre- 
paring even  for  intelligent  American  citi- 
zenship. But,  even  if  we  could  afford  the 
time,  a  special  course  would  seem  to  me 
to  be  undesirable  in  the  secondary  school. 
The  aims  in  view  can  be  much  better 
secured  by  a  new  emphasis  in  the  stand- 
ard courses. 

Just  as  United  States  History  and  Civ- 
ics are  fundamental  to  the  teaching  of 
national  citizenship,  so  World  History  is 
fundamental  to  the  understanding  of 
world  citizenship.  It  is  strange  to  realize 
how  recent  is  the  movement  for  the  teach- 
ing of  World  History !  In  a  way  it  is  a 
return  to  the  practice  of  twenty-five  years 
ago,  but  with  a  great  difference.  General 
History,  useful  in  its  time,  was  a  com- 
pendium of  information;  World  History, 
as  now  taught,  is  a  study  of  human  prog- 
ress. In  the  interval  between  the  two  M^e 
divided  our  history  into  national  com- 
partments, thus  emphasizing  a  separation 
which  existed  more  in  imagination  than 
in  reality.  Mr.  Wells  attacked  that  sort 
of  history  in  1919  in  his  well-known 
fashion : 


192Jf 


TEACHING  OF  INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


489 


"The  History  of  England  has  the  eCEect  of 
something  going  on  upon  a  doormat  in  a 
passage  outside  a  room  full  of  events  and 
with  several  other  doors.  The  door  opens, 
the  Norman  kings  rush  out  of  the  room, 
conquer  the  country  hastily,  say  something 
about  some  novelty  of  which  we  have  learned 
nothing  hitherto,  the  Crusades,  and  exit  to 
room  again. 

"From  which  presently  King  Richard  re- 
turns dejected.  He  has  been  fighting  the 
Saracens.  Who  are  the  Saracens?  We 
never  learn.  What  becomes  of  them?  We 
are  never  told.  So  it  goes  on.  The  broad 
back  of  history  is  turned  to  England  through- 
out. Its  face  and  hands  are  hidden  and  we 
make  what  we  can  of  the  wriggling  of  its 
heels. 

"The  American  story  is  still  more  incom- 
prehensible. An  innocent  continent  is  sud- 
denly inundated  by  Spanish,  Portuguese, 
French,  Dutch,  and  British,  who  proceed  at 
once  to  pick  up  the  threads  of  various  con- 
flicts, initiated  elsewhere.  Some  one  called 
the  Pope  is  seen  to  be  dividing  the  new  con- 
tinent among  the  European  powers.  Colonies 
are  formed.  What  are  colonies?  These 
colonies,  in  what  is  apparently  a  strenuous 
attempt  to  simplify  history,  break  off  from 
their  unknown  countries  of  origin.  A  stream 
of  immigration  begins  from  west  and  east. 
The  American  mind  establishes  a  sort  of  in- 
tellectual Monroe  Doctrine  and  declares  that 
America  has  no  past,  only  a  future.  From 
which  sublime  dream  it  is  presently  aroused 
to  find  something  of  unknown  origin  called 
European  imperialism  wrecking  the  world. 
What  is  this  imperialism?  How  did  it 
begin  ? 

"Suppose  other  subjects  were  taught  in  the 
same  fashion  that  we  adopt  for  history ;  sup- 
pose we  taught  human  physiology  by  just 
sitting  down  to  the  story  of  the  liver,  only 
alluding  distantly  at  times  to  the  stomach  or 
to  the  diaphragm  or  the  rest  of  the  body. 
Would  students  ever  make  anything  of 
physiology?" 

When  he  followed  this  declaration  by 
an  excursion  into  the  historical  field  him- 
self to  do  what  he  felt  no  historian  had 
the  courage  or  the  insight  to  do,  he  of- 
fended and  startled  the  historical  brother- 
hood. However,  they  soon  began  to  real- 
ize that  the  public  were  with  him,  and 
then  began  to  try  to  beat  him  at  his  own 
game. 


World  History,  sympathetically  taught, 
affords  the  opportunity  to  give  the  young 
people  most  of  the  ideas  which  I  sug- 
gested: Appreciation  of  international  in- 
terests, of  the  contributions  of  other 
nations  to  our  common  heritage,  of 
human  progress,  of  the  essential  unity  of 
human  history  and  love  of  humanity.  Of 
course,  the  teacher  must  be  on  the  look- 
out for  opportunities  to  stress  these  ideas. 
He  must  be  careful  lest  he  "fails  to  see 
the  wood  because  of  the  trees."  I  remem- 
ber one  successful  lesson  of  mine,  memor- 
able because  the  class  for  once  did  me 
credit  when  a  visitor  was  in  the  room. 
We  were  discussing  Charlemagne's  em- 
pire-building and  his  ideal  of  a  universal 
State,  which  should  bring  peace  and  order 
to  the  distracted  world.  The  girls  were 
easily  led  to  go  back  to  Alexander  and 
Csesar  for  comparison.  I  ventured  on 
Napoleon,  who  was  really  outside  their 
range  at  that  time,  but  some  knew  of  him. 
It  being  war  time,  we  paid  our  respects 
to  the  Pan-German  dream  of  universal 
kultur  and  then  passed  on  to  Woodrow 
Wilson's  ideal  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
The  discussion  of  the  world  State  became 
so  interesting  that  our  visitor  joined  in 
and  we  had  a  thoroughly  socialized  recita- 
tion. I  hope  that  the  members  of  the 
class  remember  that  lesson  as  well  as  I 
do! 

Another  lesson  on  internationalism 
which  pleased  me  (there  were  no  visitors 
to  bear  me  witness  of  its  success)  oc- 
curred the  other  day  in  a  discussion  of 
Lehman's  picture  of  the  siege  of  a  city  in 
the  fourteenth  century.  I  asked  the  ques- 
tion, "Why  do  not  our  cities  have  walls 
like  those  of  the  middle  ages  ?"  The  mem- 
bers of  the  class  were  able  to  show  how 
our  national  organization  for  protection 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  small  units  of 
the  feudal  period.  They  were  much 
amused  at  the  folly  of  a  method  which 
would  have  required  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  to  build  walls  and  maintain 
armies  against  each  other.  I  then  raised 
the  question  of  the  possible  opinion  of 
people  two  or  three  centuries  from  now 
as  to  the  folly  of  nations  arming  against 
each  other.  After  a  long  discussion  the 
bell  rang  with  one  irreconcilable  still 
holding  out  for  the  difference  in  language 
as  an  insuperable  bar  to  a  community  of 
nations. 


490 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


Miss  Tuell,  in  her  little  book,  "The 
Study  of  Nations/'  has  shown  us  in  ad- 
mirable fashion  how  we  may  teach  appre- 
ciation of  the  characteristics  and  contri- 
butions of  other  nations.  "Whether  we 
follow  her  method  or  not  we  may  accom- 
plish the  purpose  by  taking  some  leaves 
out  of  her  book.  Ambassador  Geddes, 
in  a  memorable  address  in  Philadelphia 
recently,  said  that  he  considered  the  false 
teaching  of  history  one  of  the  greatest 
bars  to  the  amity  of  nations.  As  a  Scot, 
he  said  that  it  was  drilled  into  him  as  a 
boy  that  the  English  were  an  ignorant, 
stupid,  blundering,  inferior  race.  But  he 
humorously  remarked  that  he  got  out  of 
that  opinion  in  spite  of  his  bad  start. 
Every  nation  has  written  some  page  of 
its  history  to  glorify  itself  at  the  expense 
of  another  nation.  We  might  give  as 
examples  the  accounts  in  the  older  text- 
books of  the  American  Eevolution  and 
the  War  of  1812. 

Next  to  World  History  in  its  impor- 
tance for  our  purpose  is  the  study  of  cur- 
rent events.  Whether  this  is  taken  as  a 
separate  course  or  as  a  continuing  part  of 
all  courses  in  the  social  studies,  it  cannot 
fail,  if  interpreted  by  a  teacher  of  broad 
interests,  to  impress  the  students  with  the 
importance  of  international  questions. 
In  fact,  ever  since  the  outbreak  of  the 
World  War  the  current  periodicals  have 
been  so  filled  with  European  news  that 
it  is  hard  to  find  time  for  national  and 
local  events.  I  happened  to  overhear  two 
girls  who  were  working  the  other  day  as 
a  committee  on  our  school  bulletin  board. 
"Now,  what  do  you  think  o"  that,"  said 
one,  "  'most  all  we  got  is  European  news !" 
"That  just  shows,"  replied  her  compan- 
ion, "what  them  foreigners  can  do!" 

Economics  may  be  treated  from  a 
purely  national  point  of  view.  But, 
again,  the  teacher  who  wishes  to  do  so 
can  make  almost  every  topic  international 
in  scope.  Take,  for  example,  the  conser- 
vation of  natural  resources.  That  used 
to  be  merely  a  question  of  whether  or  not 
we  were  going  to  make  America's  material 
possessions  serve  the  future  generations 
of  her  own  people.  The  last  few  years 
have  shown  us  that  it  is  perhaps  the  para- 
mount world  issue.  Ambassador  Geddes, 
in  the  speech  to  which  I  have  just  re- 
ferred, said  that  in  his  opinion  the  ques- 
tions which  would  make  or  mar  the  peace 


of  the  world  in  the  future  were  connected 
with  lumber,  coal,  and  oil.  Those  who 
have  attended  the  recent  luncheons  of  the 
Foreign  Policy  Association  must  be  im- 
pressed by  that  fact.  The  economic  issues 
are  the  ones  which  are  going  to  make  us 
have  to  live  in  peace  or  commit  national 
suicide.  Communication,  transportation, 
trade,  corporations  of  international  scope 
entangle  our  affairs  so  with  those  of  other 
nations  that  we  can  no  longer  exist 
separately. 

Labor  problems  occupy  a  large  place 
in  any  course  in  economics.  They  may 
be  treated  from  a  purely  American  point 
of  view,  but  any  broad  consideration  must 
lead  at  once  to  world  questions:  the  in- 
ternational organizations  of  labor,  the 
attempts  of  the  socialist  labor  groups  to 
bring  about  internationalism,  immigra- 
tion, the  effect  of  world  markets  upon 
employment,  the  racial  elements  in  the 
present  labor  force,  and  many  others. 

It  would  be  better  for  our  purpose  if 
United  States  History  could  be  taught 
as  part  of  world  history,  and  in  some 
progressive  schools  that  is  being  done. 
It  is  undoubtedly  a  mistake  to  do  as  Mr. 
Wells  charges :  establish  a  sort  of  intel- 
lectual Monroe  Doctrine.  However,  there 
are  so  many  purely  national  questions 
which  must  be  understood  in  order  to 
train  for  American  citizenship  that  a  sep- 
arate course  is  defensible.  Such  a  course 
should,  however,  follow  one  in  World 
History  and  contain  constant  cross-refer- 
ence to  foreign  affairs. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine  itself  is  too  often 
considered  apart  from  the  world  situa- 
tion which  brought  it  about.  The  Jack- 
sonian  Period  is  usually  treated  as  a  curi- 
ous group  of  phenomena  peculiar  to  our 
country,  with  no  reference  to  the  great 
democratic  revolution  proceeding  at  the 
same  time  in  Europe.  The  wave  of  hu- 
manitarianism  of  the  middle  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  is  frequently  not  at  all 
connected  with  the  period  of  reform  in 
England  and  France.  A  little  care  on  the 
part  of  the  teacher  will  show  that  our 
social  development  was  but  a  part  of  a 
general  movement.  So,  also,  is  it  with 
the  treatment  of  the  industrial  revolution, 
the  financial  panics,  and  a  host  of  other 
things. 

I  have  already  referred  to  the  tendency 
which  we  share  with  all  other  nations  to 


192Jt. 


TEACHING  OF  INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


491 


attempt  to  twist  history  so  as  to  make  it 
appear  to  our  advantage  and  to  the  dis- 
advantage of  some  other  nation.  It  is 
strange  that  this  had  seemed  to  be  neces- 
sary in  order  to  feed  our  national  pride. 
Are  we  not  great  enough,  have  we  not 
enough  to  be  proud  of  without  claiming 
what  is  not  ours?  There  is  no  harm  in 
admitting  some  mistakes  and  failures. 
Our  national  pride  should  be  based  upon 
our  real  achievements,  our  contributions 
to  the  stream  of  world  progress.  What 
matters  if  the  War  of  1812  was  not  as 
glorious  a  success  as  we  used  to  think  it 
was?  Did  we  not  give  to  the  world  the 
cotton  gin,  the  reaper,  and  the  farm 
tractor?  Did  we  not  return  the  Chinese 
indemnity  that  it  might  be  used  for  the 
education  of  young  China?  Has  our 
charity  not  fed  the  starving  of  the  whole 
world?  Would  that  we  had  more  world 
services  to  recount;  but  let  us  make  the 
most  of  those  we  have,  rather  than  of  the 
aggrandizement  which  we  have  secured 
at  the  expense  of  Mexico  and  Spain ! 

In  training  world  citizens,  we  must 
train  them  not  only  to  be  "historically 
minded,"  but  internationally  minded.  It 
is  curious  how  fearful  people  are  of  the 
word  "international" !  I  suppose  that  is 
because  of  its  adoption  by  the  socialists. 
There  seems  to  be  a  feeling  that  one  can- 
not be  internationally  minded  without 
being  in  some  way  disloyal  to  one's  coun- 
try. It  is  as  though  it  were  to  be  said 
that  if  a  man  loved  his  city  he  must  there- 
fore have  no  regard  for  his  home. 
While,  on  the  contrary,  the  more  he  loved 
and  worked  for  his  city  the  better  his 
home  would  be  cared  for. 

In  the  teaching  of  civics,  as  in  Amer- 
ican History,  our  first  interest  is,  of 
course,  to  make  good  American  citizens. 
Most  of  the  time  must  be  occupied  in  the 
accomplishment  of  that  purpose.  It  is 
perfectly  possible,  however,  to  have  inter- 
national interests  in  mind  even  there. 
Curiously  enough,  that  was  first  im- 
pressed upon  my  mind  by  a  small  seventh- 
grade  boy  in  a  summer-school  class.  We 
were  developing  together  the  various  com- 
munities to  which  we  all  belonged:  the 
home,  the  school,  the  city,  the  State,  the 
nation.  When  we  seemed  to  stop  there 
he  insisted  that  the  world  was  also  our 
community,  and  we  all  agreed  with  him. 
The    discussion    of   health   leads    to    the 


question  of  foreign  relations  through 
quarantine  against  world  epidemics,  the 
inspection  of  immigrants,  the  difference 
in  standards  of  living  among  immigrant 
groups.  The  study  of  municipal  govern- 
ment is  much  enriched  by  comparisons 
with  methods  of  sanitation,  housing, 
transportation,  and  the  like  in  European 
cities.  The  study  of  the  work  of  Congress 
would  not  be  complete  without  a  discus- 
sion of  the  treaty-making  power  of  the 
Senate  and  its  predominant  influence  on 
our  foreign  relations.  It  would  probably 
be  unseemly  for  the  teacher  to  point  out 
the  great  need  of  training  in  world  citi- 
zenship of  candidates  for  the  Senate! 

Above  all  things,  we  must  teach  the 
meaning  of  progress,  both  for  national 
and  for  world  citizenship.  An  apprecia- 
tion of  the  growth  of  ideas  is  the  best 
preparation  for  an  acceptance  of  growth 
and  change  in  contemporary  society.  If 
we  could  only  train  up  a  generation  who 
were  expectant  of  change,  and  who  wel- 
comed it  when  it  is  for  the  betterment  of 
mankind,  it  would  not  matter  what  partic- 
ular ideas  we  tried  to  inculcate !  In  their 
day,  which  will  not  be  ours',  world  prob- 
lems may  have  developed  in  a  way  entirely 
unforeseen  by  us.  The  important  thing 
is  that  they  should  have  open  and  sym- 
pathetic minds  and  should  have  acquired 
the  habit  of  thinking  internationally. 

"Tl^yHAT  a  discovery  I  made  one  day, 
T  y  that  the  more  I  spent  the  more  I 
grew,  that  it  was  as  easy  to  occupy  a  large 
place  and  do  much  work  as  an  obscure 
place  to  do  little;  and  that  in  the  winter 
in  which  I  communicated  all  my  results  to 
classes,  I  was  full  of  new  thoughts.  .  .  . 
If  a  man  knows  the  law,  he  may  settle 
himself  in  a  shanty  in  a  pine  forest,  and 
men  will  and  must  find  their  way  to  him 
as  readily  as  if  he  lived  in  the  City  Hall. 
.  .  .  Penetrate  to  the  bottom  of  the  fact 
that  draws  you,  although  no  newspaper, 
no  poet,  no  man,  has  ever  yet  found  life 
and  beauty  in  that  region,  and  presently 
when  men  are  whispered  by  the  gods  to 
go  and  hunt  in  that  direction,  they  shall 
find  that  they  cannot  get  to  the  point 
which  they  would  reach  without  passing 
over  that  highway  which  you  have  built. 
Your  hermit's  lodge  shall  be  the  Holy 
City  and  the  Fair  of  the  whole  world." 
Ealph  Waldo  Emerson. 


PARTY  PLATFORMS  AND  FOR- 
EIGN POLICIES 

FOREIGN  POLICIES  OF  THE  REPUB- 
LICAN  PARTY 

(Note.— Following  is  the  text  of  the  sec- 
tions of  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention  in  Cleveland 
on  June  11,  1924,  dealing  with  the  foreign 
policies  which  are  advocated  by  the  Repub- 
lican Party.) 

Permanent  Court  of  Justice 

The  Republican  Party  reaflarms  its  stand 
for  agreement  among  the  nations  to  prevent 
war  and  preserve  peace.  As  an  important 
step  in  this  direction,  we  endorse  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  International  Justice  and  favor 
the  adherence  of  the  United  States  to  this 
tribunal,  as  recommended  by  President  Cool- 
idge.  This  government  has  definitely  refused 
membership  in  the  League  of  Nations,  and 
to  assume  any  obligations  under  the  Covenant 
of  the  League.     On  this  we  stand. 

While  we  are  unwilling  to  enter  into  politi- 
cal commitments  which  would  involve  us  in 
the  conflict  of  European  policies,  it  should  be 
the  purpose  and  high  privilege  of  the  United 
States  to  continue  to  co-operate  with  other 
nations  in  humanitarian  efforts  in  accord- 
ance with  our  cherished  traditions. 

The  basic  principles  of  our  foreign  policy 
must  be  independence  without  indifference 
to  the  rights  and  necessities  of  others  and 
co-operation  without  entangling  alliances. 
This  policy,  overwhelmingly  approved  by  the 
people,  has  been  vindicated  since  the  end  of 
the  great  war. 

America's  participation  in  world  affairs 
under  the  administration  of  President  Hard- 
ing and  President  Coolidge  has  demonstrated 
the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  the  national 
judgment.  A  most  impressive  example  of  the 
capacity  of  the  United  States  to  serve  the 
cause  of  world  peace  without  political  af- 
filiations was  shown  in  the  effective  and 
beneficent  work  of  the  Dawes  Commission 
toward  the  solution  of  the  perplexing  ques- 
tion of  German  reparations. 


New  Disarmament  Conference 

The  first  conference  of  great  powers  in 
Washington  called  by  President  Harding  ac- 
complished the  limitation  of  armaments  and 
the  readjustment  of  the  relations  of  the 
powers  interested  in  the  Fai  East.  The  con- 
ference resulted  in  an  agreement  to  reduce 
armaments,  relieved  the  competitive  nations 
involved  from  the  great  burdens  of  taxation 
arising  from  the  construction  and  mainten- 
ance of  capital  battleships,  assured  a  new, 
broader  and  better  understanding  in  the  Far 
East;  brought  the  assurance  of  peace  in  the 
region  of  the  Pacific,  and  formally  adopted 
the  policy  of  the  open  door  for  trade  and 
commerce  in  the  great  markets  of  the  Far 
East. 

The  historic  conference  paved  the  way  to 
avert  the  danger  of  renewed  hostilities  in 
Europe,  and  to  restore  the  necessary  eco- 
nomic stability.  While  the  military  forces 
of  America  have  been  reduced  to  a  peace 
footing,  there  has  been  an  increase  in  the 
land  and  air  forces  abroad  which  constitutes 
a  continual  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  world 
and  a  bar  to  the  return  of  prosperity. 

We  firmly  advocate  the  calling  of  a  con- 
ference on  the  limitation  of  land  forces,  the 
use  of  submarines  and  poison  gas,  as  pro- 
posed by  President  Coolidge,  when,  through 
the  adoption  of  a  permanent  reparations 
plan,  the  conditions  in  Europe  will  make 
negotiations  and  co-operation  opportune  and 
posible. 

Treaties  and  Agreements 

By  treaties  of  peace,  safeguarding  our 
rights  and  without  derogating  those  of  our 
former  associates  in  army,  the  Republican 
Administration  ended  the  war  between  this 
country  and  Germany  and  Austria.  We  have 
concluded  and  signed  with  other  nations 
during  the  last  three  years  more  than  fifty 
treaties  and  international  agreements  in  the 
furtherance  of  peace  and  good  will. 

New  sanctions  and  new  proofs  of  perma- 
nent accord  have  marked  our  relations  with 
Latin   America.      The    long-standing   contro- 


492 


192  Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


493 


versy  between  Chile  and  Peru  has  been  ad- 
vanced toward  settlement  by  its  submission 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States  as  ar- 
bitrator, and  with  the  helpful  co-operation 
of  this  country  a  treaty  has  been  signed  by 
the  representatives  of  sixteen  American  re- 
publics, which  will  stabilize  conditions  on  the 
American  continent  and  minimize  the  oppor- 
tunities for  war. 

Our  difficulties  with  Mexico  have  happily 
yielded  to  a  most  friendly  adjustment. 
Mutual  confidence  has  been  restored  and  a 
pathway  for  that  friendlines  and  helpfulness 
which  should  exist  between  this  government 
and  the  government  of  our  neighboring  re- 
public has  been  marked.  Agreements  have 
been  entered  into  for  the  determination  by 
judicial  commissions  of  the  claims  of  the 
citizens  of  each  country  against  the  re- 
spective governments.  We  can  confidently 
look  forward  to  more  permanent  and  more 
stable  relations  with  this  republic  that 
joins  for  so  many  miles  our  southern  border. 

Policy  of  Practical  Aid 

Our  policy,  now  well  defined,  of  giving 
practical  aid  to  other  peoples  without  as- 
suming political  obligations  has  been  con- 
spicuously demonstrated.  The  ready  and 
generous  response  of  America  to  the  needs  of 
Japan  gave  evidence  of  our  helpful  interest 
in  the  welfare  of  the  distressed  in  other 
lands. 

The  work  of  our  representatives  in  dealing 
with  subjects  of  such  universal  concern  as 
the  traffic  in  women  and  children,  the  pro- 
duction and  distribution  of  narcotic  drugs, 
the  sale  of  arms,  and  in  matters  affecting 
public  health  and  morals,  demonstrated  that 
we  can  effectively  do  our  part  for  humanity 
and  civilization  without  forfeiting,  limiting, 
or  restricting  our  national  freedom  of  action. 

The  American  people  do  cherish  their  in- 
dependence, but  their  sense  of  duty  to  all 
mankind  will  ever  prompt  them  to  give  their 
support,  service,  and  leadership  to  every 
cause  which  makes  for  peace  and  amity 
among  the  nations  of  the  world. 

Foreign  Debts 

In  the  fulfillment  of  our  solmen  pledge  in 
the  national  platform  of  1920,  we  have  stead- 
fastly refused  to  consider  the  cancellation  of 
foreign  debts.  Our  attitude  has  not  been  that 
of  an  oppressive  creditor  seeking  immediate 
return   and   ignoring   existing   financial   con- 


ditions, but  has  been  based  on  the  conviction 
that  a  moral  obligation  such  as  was  Incurred 
should  not  be  disregarded. 

We  stand  for  settlements  with  all  debtor 
countries  similar  in  character  to  our  debt 
agreement  with  Great  Britain.  That  settle- 
ment, achieved  under  a  Republican  Admin- 
istration, was  the  greatest  international 
financial  transaction  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  Under  the  terms  of  the  agreement 
the  United  States  now  receives  an  annual 
return  upon  $4,600,000,000  owing  to  us  by 
Great  Britain,  with  a  definite  obligation  of 
ultimate  payment  in  full. 

The  justness  of  the  basis  employed  has 
been  formally  recognized  by  other  debtor 
nations. 

Great  nations  cannot  recognize  or  admit 
the  principle  of  repudiation.  To  do  so  would 
undermine  the  Integrity  essential  for  interna- 
tional trade,  commerce,  and  credit.  Thirty- 
five  per  cent  of  the  total  foreign  debt  is  now 
in  process  of  liquidation. 

The  Tjirifif 

We  reaffirm  our  belief  in  the  protective 
tariff  to  extend  needed  protection  to  our 
productive  industries.  We  believe  in  pro- 
tection as  a  national  policy,  with  due  and 
equal  regard  to  all  sections  and  to  agricul- 
ture, industries,  and  occupations.  It  is  only 
by  adherence  to  such  a  policy  that  the  well- 
being  of  the  consumers  can  be  safeguarded 
and  that  there  can  be  assured  to  American 
agriculture,  to  American  labor,  and  to  Ameri- 
can manufacturers  a  return  to  perpetuate 
American  standards  of  life.  A  protective 
tariff  is  designed  to  support  the  high  Ameri- 
can economic  level  of  life  for  the  average 
family  and  to  prevent  a  lowering  to  the  levels 
of  economic  life  prevailing  in  other  lands. 

It  is  the  history  of  the  nation  that  the  pro- 
tective tariff  system  has  ever  justified  itself 
by  restoring  confidence,  promoting  industrial 
activity  and  employment,  enormously  in- 
creasing our  purchasing  power,  and  bringing 
increased  prosperity  to  all  our  people. 

The  tariff  protection  to  our  industry  works 
for  increased  consumption  of  domestic  agri- 
cultural products  by  an  employed  population 
instead  of  one  unable  to  purchase  the  neces- 
sities of  life.  Without  the  strict  maintenanec 
of  the  tariff  principle,  our  farmers  will  need 
always  to  compete  with  cheap  lands  and 
cheap  labor  abroad  and  with  lower  standards 
of  living. 


494 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


The  enormous  value  of  the  protective  prin- 
ciple has  once  more  been  demonstrated  by 
the  emergency  tariff  act  of  1921  and  the 
tariff  act  of  1922. 

We  assert  our  belief  in  the  elastic  provision 
adopted  by  Congress  in  the  tariff  act  of  1922, 
providing  for  a  method  of  readjusting  the 
tariff  rates  and  the  classifications  in  order 
to  meet  changing  economic  conditions  when 
such  changed  conditions  are  brought  to  the 
attention  of  the  President  by  complaint  or 
application. 

We  believe  that  the  power  to  increase  or 
decrease  any  rate  of  duty  provided  in  the 
tariff  furnishes  a  safeguard  on  the  one  hand, 
against  excessive  taxes,  and,  on  the  other 
land,  against  too  high  customs  charges. 

The  wise  provisions  of  this  section  of  the 
tariff  act  afford  ample  opportunity  for  tariff 
duties  to  be  adjusted  after  a  hearing,  in  order 
that  they  may  cover  the  actual  differences 
in  the  cost  of  production  in  the  United  States 
and  the  principal  competing  countries  of  the 
world. 

We  also  believe  that  the  application  of  this 
provision  of  the  tariff  act  will  contribute  to 
business  stability  by  making  unnecessary 
general  disturbances  which  are  usually  inci- 
dent to  general  tariff  revision. 

FOREIGN  POLICIES  OF  THE  DEMO- 
CRATIC PARTY 

(Note. — ^The  sections  of  the  Democratic 
platform,  as  adopted  in  New  York  City,  June 
28,  1924,  referring  to  our  foreign  policies,  are 
as  follows:) 

War 

War  Is  a  relic  of  barbarism  and  it  is  justi- 
fiable only  as  a  measure  of  defense. 

In  the  event  of  war  in  which  the  man 
power  of  the  nation  is  drafted,  all  other  re- 
sources should  likewise  be  drafted.  This 
-will  tend  to  discourage  war  by  depriving  It 
of  its  profits. 

Disarmament,  War  Referendum,  and  National 
Defense 

We  demand  a  strict  and  sweeping  reduc- 
tion of  armaments  by  land  and  sea,  so  that 
there  shall  be  no  competitive  military  pro- 
gram or  naval  building.  Until  agreements 
to  this  end  have  been  made,  we  advocate  an 
army  and  navy  adequate  for  our  national 
safety. 

Our  government  should  secure  a  joint 
agreement   with   all  nations   for  world   dis- 


armament and  also  for  a  reference  of  war, 
except  in  case  of  actual  or  threatened  attack. 
Those  who  must  furnish  the  blood  and  bear 
the  burdens  imposed  by  war  should,  when- 
ever possible,  be  consulted  before  this  su- 
preme sacrifice  is  required  of  them. 

League  of  Nations 

The  Democratic  Party  pledges  all  its  ener- 
gies to  the  outlawing  of  the  whole  war  sys- 
tem. We  refuse  to  believe  that  the  whole- 
sale slaughter  of  human  beings  on  the  bat- 
tlefield is  any  more  necessary  to  man's  high- 
est development  than  is  killing  by  individuals. 

The  only  hope  for  world  peace  and  for  eco- 
nomic recovery  lies  in  the  organized  efforts 
of  sovereign  nations  co-operating  to  remove 
the  causes  of  war  and  to  substitute  law  and 
order  for  violence. 

Under  Democratic  leadership  a  practical 
plan  was  devised  under  which  54  nations  are 
now  operating  and  which  has  for  its  funda- 
mental purpose  the  free  co-operation  of  all 
nations  in  the  work  of  peace. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  for 
the  last  four  years  has  had  no  foreign  policy, 
and  consequently  it  has  delayed  the  restora- 
tion of  the  political  and  economic  agencies  of 
the  world.  It  has  impaired  our  self-respect 
at  home  and  injured  our  prestige  abroad.  It 
has  curtailed  our  foreign  markets  and  ruined 
our  agricultural  prices. 

It  is  of  supreme  importance  to  civilization 
and  to  mankind  that  America  be  placed  and 
kept  on  the  right  side  of  the  greatest  moral 
question  of  all  time,  and  therefore  the  Demo- 
cratic Party  renews  its  declaration  of  confi- 
dence in  the  ideals  of  world  peace,  the  League 
of  Nations  and  the  World  Court  of  Justice 
as  together  constituting  the  supreme  effort 
of  the  statesmanship  and  religious  conviction 
of  our  time  to  organize  the  world  for  peace. 
Further,  the  Democratic  Party  declared  that 
it  will  be  the  purpose  of  the  next  administra- 
tion to  do  all  in  its  power  to  secure  for  our 
country  that  moral  leadership  in  the  family 
of  nations  which.  In  the  providence  of  God, 
has  been  so  clearly  marked  out  for  it.  There 
is  no  substitute  for  the  League  of  Nations  as 
an  agency  working  for  peace;  therefore  we 
believe  that,  in  the  interest  of  permanent 
peace,  and  in  the  lifting  of  the  great  burdens 
of  war  from  the  backs  of  the  people,  and  in 
order  to  establish  a  permanent  foreign  policy 
on  these  supreme  questions,  not  subject  to 
change  with  change  of  party  administrations, 


192If 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


495 


it  is  desirable,  wise,  and  necessary  to  lift  this 
question  out  of  party  politics,  and  to  that  end 
to  take  the  sense  of  the  American  people  at 
a  referendum  election,  advisory  to  the  gov- 
ernment, to  be  held  officially,  under  act  of 
Congress,  free  from  all  other  questions  and 
candidacies,  after  ample  time  for  full  con- 
sideration and  discussion,  throughout  the 
country,  upon  the  question,  in  substance,  as 
follows : 

''Shall  the  United  States  become  a  member 
of  the  League  of  Nations  upon  such  reserva- 
tions or  amendments  to  the  covenant  of  the 
League  as  the  President  and  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States  may  agree  upon? 

"Immediately  upon  an  affirmative  vote  we 
will  carry  out  such  mandate." 

Asiatic  Immigration 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  our  estab- 
lished position  in  favor  of  the  exclusion  of 
Asiatic  immigration. 

Armenia  and  the  Lausanne  Treaty 

We  condemn  the  Lausanne  Treaty.  It  bar- 
ters legitimate  American  rights  and  betrays 
Armenia  for  the  Chester  oil  concession. 

We  favor  the  protection  of  American  rights 
in  Turkey  and  the  fulfillment  of  President 
Wilson's  arbitral  award  respecting  Armenia. 

Republic  of  Greece 

We  welcome  to  the  sisterhood  of  republics 
the  ancient  land  of  Greece,  which  gave  to 
our  party  its  priceless  name.  We  extend  to 
her  government  and  people  our  cordial  good 
wishes. 

MR.  LA  FOLLETTE'S  FOREIGN 
POLICIES 

Mr.  La  Follette's  foreign  policies  consti- 
tute article  fourteen  of  his  faith  as  adopted 
in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  July  4.  This  article  is 
as  follows: 

We  denounce  the  mercenary  system  of  de- 
graded foreign  policy  under  recent  adminis- 
trations in  the  Interests  of  financial  imperial- 
ists, oil  monopolists,  and  international  bank- 
ers, which  has  at  times  degraded  our  State 
Department  from  its  high  service  as  a  strong 
and  kindly  Intermediary  of  defenseless  gov- 
ernments to  a  trading  outpost  for  those  in- 
terests and  concession  seekers  engaged  in  the 
exploitation  of  weaker  nations,  as  contrary 
to  the  will  of  the  American  people,  destruc- 
tive of  domestic  development,  and  provoca- 
tive of  war.  We  favor  an  active  foreign 
policy  to  bring  about  a  revision  of  the  Ver- 


sailles Treaty  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  armistice  and  to  promote  firm  treaty 
agreements  with  all  nations  to  outlaw  wars, 
abolish  conscription,  drastically  reduce  land, 
air,  and  naval  armaments,  and  guarantee 
public  referendums  on  peace  and  war. 

In  supporting  this  program  we  are  apply- 
ing to  the  needs  of  today  the  fundamental 
principles  of  American  democracy,  opposing 
equally  the  dictatorship  of  plutocracy  and 
the  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat. 

We  appeal  to  all  Americans  without  regard 
to  partisan  affiliation,  and  we  raise  the  stand- 
ards of  our  faith,  so  that  all  of  like  purpose 
may  rally  and  march  in  this  campaign  under 
the  banners  of  progressive  union. 

The  nation  may  grow  rich  in  the  vision  of 
greed.  The  nation  will  grow  great  in  the 
vision  of  service. 


THE  LEAGUE  TREATY  OF  MUTUAL 

ASSISTANCE  AND  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  (1)  the 
treaty  of  mutual  assistance,  submitted  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Secretary  General  of 
the  League  of  Nations;  and  (2)  the  reply  of 
the  Department  of  State.) 

TEXT  OF  THE  TREATY  OF  MUTUAL 
ASSISTANCE 

Preamble 

Pact  of  Non-aggression. — The  High  Con- 
tracting Parties,  being  desirous  of  establish- 
ing tne  general  lines  of  a  scheme  of  mutual 
assistance  with  a  view  to  facilitate  the  appli- 
cation of  Articles  X  and  XVI  of  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  of  a  re- 
duction or  limitation  of  national  armaments 
in  accordance  with  Article  VIII  of  the  Cove- 
nant "to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with 
national  safety  and  the  enforcement  by  com- 
mon action  of  international  obligations," 
agree  to  the  following  provisions: 

Article  1 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  solemnly  de- 
clare that  aggressive  war  is  an  international 
crime  and  severally  undertake  that  no  one 
of  them  will  be  guilty  of  its  commission. 

A  war  shall  not  be  considered  as  a  war 
of  aggression  if  waged  by  a  State  which  is 
party  to  a  dispute  and  has  accepted  the 
unanimous  recommendation  of  the  Council, 
the  verdict  of  the  Permanent  Court  of  In- 
ternational Justice,  or  an  arbitral  award 
against  a  High  Contracting  Party  which  has 
not  accepted  it,  provided,  however,  that  the 


496 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


first  State  does  not  intend  to  violate  the 
political  independence  or  the  territorial  in- 
tegrity of  the  High  Contracting  Party. 

Article  2 
General  Assistance.— The  High  Contracting 
Parties,  jointly  and  severally,  undertake  to 
furnish  assistance,  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Present  Treaty,  to  any  one 
of  their  number  should  the  latter  be  the 
object  of  a  war  of  aggression,  provided  that 
it  has  conformed  to  the  provisions  of  the 
present  Treaty  regarding  the  reduction  or 
limitation  of  armaments. 

Article  3 

In  the  event  of  one  of  the  High  Contract- 
ing Parties  being  of  opinion  that  the  arma- 
ments of  any  other  High  Contracting  Party 
are  in  excess  of  the  limits  fixed  for  the  latter 
High  Contracting  Party  under  the  provisions 
of  the  present  Treaty,  or  in  the  event  of  it 
having  cause  to  apprehend  an  outbreak  of 
hostilities,  either  on  account  of  the  aggressive 
policy  or  preparations  of  any  State  party  or 
not  to  the  present  Treaty,  it  may  inform  the 
Secretary-General  of  the  League  of  Nations 
that  it  is  threatened  with  aggression,  and  the 
Secretary-General  shall  forthwith  summon 
the  Council. 

The  Council,  if  it  is  of  opinion  that  there 
is  reasonable  ground  for  thinking  that  a 
menace  of  aggression  has  arisen,  may  take 
all  necessary  measures  to  remove  such  men- 
ace, and  in  particular,  if  the  Council  thinks 
right,  those  indicated  in  sub-paragraphs  (a), 
(6),  (c),  (d),  and  (e)  of  the  second  para- 
graph of  Article  5  of  the  present  Treaty. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  which  have 
been  denounced  and  those  which  have  stated 
themselves  to  be  the  object  of  a  threat  of 
aggression  shall  be  considered  as  especially 
interested  and  shall  therefore  be  invited  to 
send  representatives  to  the  Council  in  con- 
formity with  Articles  IV,  XV  and  XVII  of 
the  Covenant.  The  vote  of  their  representa 
tives  shall,  however,  not  be  reckoned  when 
calculating  unanimity. 

Article  4 

In  the  event  of  one  or  more  of  the  High 
Contracting  Parties  becoming  engaged  in  hos- 
tilities, the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations 
shall  decide,  within  four  days  of  notification 
being  addressed  to  the  Secretary-General, 
which  of  the  High  Contracting  Parties  are 


the  objects  of  aggression  and  whether  they 
are  entitled  to  claim  the  assistance  provided 
under  the  Treaty. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  undertake 
that  they  will  accept  such  a  decision  by  the 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  engaged  in 
hostilities  shall  be  regarded  as  especially 
interested,  and  shall  therefore  be  invited 
to  send  representatives  to  the  Council  (within 
the  terms  of  Articles  IV,  XIII  and  XVII  of 
the  Covenant),  the  vote  of  their  representa- 
tives not  being  reckoned  when  calculating 
unanimity ;  the  same  shall  apply  to  States 
signatory  to  any  partial  agreements  involved 
on  behalf  of  either  of  the  two  belligerents, 
unless  the  remaining  Members  of  the  Council 
shall  decide  otherwise. 

Article  5 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  undertake 
to  furnish  one  another  mutually  with  assist- 
ance in  the  cases  referred  to  in  Article  2 
of  the  Treaty  in  the  form  determined  by  the 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations  as  the  most 
effective,  and  to  take  all  appropriate  measures 
without  delay  in  the  order  of  urgency  de- 
manded  by  the   circumstances. 

In  particular,  the  Council  may : 

(a)  Decide  to  apply  immediately  to  the 
aggressor  State  the  economic  sanctions  con- 
templated by  Article  XVI  of  the  Covenant, 
the  Members  of  the  League  not  signatory  to 
the  present  Treaty  not  being,  however,  bound 
by  this  decision,  except  in  the  case  where 
the  State  attacked  is  entitled  to  avail  Itself 
of  the  Articles  of  the  Covenant ; 

(b)  Invoke  by  name  the  High  Contracting 
Parties  whose  assistance  it  requires.  No 
High  Contracting  Party  situated  in  a  conti- 
nent other  than  that  in  which  operations 
will  take  place  shall,  in  principle,  be  re- 
quired to  co-operate  in  military,  naval  or  air 
operations ; 

(c)  Determine  the  forces  which  each  State 
furnishing  assistance  shall  place  at  its  dib- 
posai ; 

{<t}  Prescribe  all  necessary  measures  for 
securing  priority  tor  the  communications  and 
transport  connected  with  the  operations. 

(e)  Prepare  a  plan  for  financial  co-opera- 
tion among  the  High  Contracting  Parties  with 
a  view  to  providing  for  the  State  attacked 
and  for  the  States  furnishing  assistance  the 
funds  which  they  require  for  the  operations ; 

(/)  Appoint    the    Higher    Command    and 


192  Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


497 


establish   the  object  and  the  nature  of  his 
duty. 

The  representatives  of  States  recognized  as 
aggressors  under  the  provisions  of  Article  4 
of  the  Treaty  shall  not  take  part  in  the  de- 
liberations of  the  Council  specified  in  this 
Article.  The  High  Contracting  Parties  who 
are  required  by  the  Council  to  furnish  assist- 
ance, in  accordance  with  sub-paragraph  (5), 
shall,  on  the  other  hand,  be  considered  as 
especially  interested,  and,  as  such,  shall  be 
invited  to  send  representatives,  unless  they 
are  already  represented,  to  the  deliberations 
specified  in  sub-paragraphs  (c),  (d),  (e)  and 

Article  6 

Complementary  Defensive  Agreements. — 
For  the  purpose  of  rendering  the  general  as- 
sistance mentioned  in  Articles  2,  3,  and  5  im- 
mediately effective,  the  High  Contracting 
Parties  may  conclude,  either  as  between  two 
of  them  or  as  between  a  larger  number,  agree- 
ments complementary  to  the  present  Treaty 
exclusively  for  the  purpose  of  their  mutual 
defense  and  intended  solely  to  facilitate  the 
carrying  out  of  the  measures  prescribed  in 
this  Treaty,  determining  in  advance  the  assis- 
tance which  they  would  give  each  other  in 
the  event  of  any  act  of  aggression. 

Such  agreements  may,  if  the  High  Con- 
tracting Parties  interested  so  desire,  be  ne- 
gotiated and  concluded  under  the  auspices 
of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Article  7 

Complementary  agreements,  as  defined  in 
Article  6  shall,  before  being  registered,  be 
examined  by  the  Council  with  a  view  to  de- 
ciding whether  they  are  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  of  their  Treaty  and  of  the 
Covenant. 

In  particular,  the  Council  shall  consider  if 
the  cases  of  aggression  contemplated  in  these 
agreements  come  within  the  scope  of  Article 
2  and  are  of  a  nature  to  give  rise  to  an  obli- 
gation to  give  assistance  on  the  part  of  the 
other  High  Contracting  Parties.  The  Council 
may,  if  necessary,  suggest  changes  in  the 
texts  of  agreements  submitted  to  it. 

When  recognized,  the  agreements  shall  be 
registered  in  conformity  with  Article  XVIII 
of  the  Covenant.  They  shall  be  regarded  as 
complementary  to  the  present  Treaty,  and 
shall  in  no  way  limit  the  general  obligations 
of    the    High    Contracting    Parties    nor    the 


sanctions  contemplated  against  the  aggressor 
State  under  the  terms  of  this  Treaty. 

They  will  be  open  to  any  other  High  Con- 
tracting Party  with  the  consent  of  the  signa- 
tory States. 

Article  8 

The  States  parties  to  complementary  agree- 
ments may  undertake  in  any  such  agreements 
to  put  into  immediate  execution,  in  the  cases 
of  aggression  contemplated  in  them,  the  plan 
of  assistance  agreed  upon.  In  this  case  they 
shall  inform  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  without  delay,  concerning  the  meas- 
ures which  they  have  taken  to  ensure  the 
execution  of  such  agreements. 

Subject  to  the  terms  of  the  previous  para- 
graph, the  provisions  of  Articles  4  and  5 
above  shall  also  come  into  force  both  in  the 
cases  contemplated  in  the  complementary 
agreements  and  in  such  other  cases  as  are 
provided  for  in  Article  2  but  are  not  covered 
by  the  agreements. 

Article  9 

Demilitarized  Zones. — In  order  to  facilitate 
the  application  of  the  present  Treaty,  any 
High  Contracting  Party  may  negotiate, 
through  the  agency  of  the  Council,  with  one 
or  more  neighboring  countries  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  demilitarized  zones. 

The  Council,  with  the  co-operation  of  the 
representatives  of  the  Parties  interested, 
acting  as  Members  within  the  terms  of  Article 
IV  of  the  Covenant,  shall  previously  ensure 
that  the  establishment  of  the  demilitarized 
zone  asked  for  does  not  call  for  unilateral 
sacrifices  from  the  military  point  of  view 
on  the  part  of  the  High  Contracting  Parties 
interested. 

Article  10 

Cost  of  Intervention. — The  High  Contract- 
ing Parties  agree  that  the  whole  cost  of  any 
military,  naval  or  air  operations  which  are 
undertaken  under  the  terms  of  the  present 
Treaty  and  of  the  supplementary  partial 
agreements,  including  the  reparation  of  all 
material  damage  caused  by  operations  of  war, 
shall  be  borne  by  the  aggressor  State  up  to 
the  exti-eme  limits  of  its  financial  capacity. 

The  amount  payable  under  this  Article  by 
the  aggressor  shall,  to  such  an  extent  as  may 
he  determined  by  the  Council  of  the  League, 
be  a  first  charge  on  the  whole  of  the  assets 
and  revenues  of  the  State.  Any  repayment 
by    that    State   in    respect   to    the   principal 


498 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Augtist 


money  and  interest  of  any  loan,  internal  or 
external,  issued  by  it  directly  or  indirectly 
during  the  war  shall  be  suspended  until  the 
amount  due  for  cost  and  reparations  is  dis- 
charged in  full. 

Article  11 

Disarmament.  —  The      High      Contracting 
Parties,   in   view   of   the  security   furnished 
them  by  this  Treaty  and  the  limitations  to 
which  they  have  consented  in  other  interna- 
tional treaties,  undertake  to  inform  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  League  of  the  reduction  or  limita- 
tion of  armaments  which  they  consider  pro- 
portionate to  the  security  furnished  by  the 
general   Treaty   or  by   the   defensive   agree- 
ments complementary  to  the  general  Treaty. 
The   High   Contracting   Parties   undertake 
to  co-operate  in  the  preparation  of  any  gen- 
eral plan  of  reduction  of  armaments  which 
the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations,  taking 
into  account  the  information  provided  by  the 
High  Contracting  Parties,  may  propose  under 
the  terms  of  Article  VIII  of  the  Covenant. 
This  plan  should  be  submitted  for  consider- 
ation and  approved  by  the  Governments,  and, 
when  approved  by  them,  will  be  the  basis  of 
the  reduction  contemplated  in  Article  2  of  this 
Treaty. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  undertake  to 
carry  out  this  reduction  within  a  period  of 
two  years  from  the  date  of  the  adoption  of 
this  plan. 

The  High  Contracting  Parties  undertake, 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  Article 
VIII,  paragraph  4,  of  the  Covenant,  to  make 
no  further  increase  in  their  armaments, 
when  thus  reduced,  without  the  consent  of 
the  Council. 

Article  12 
The  High  Contracting  Parties  undertake 
to  furnish  to  the  military  or  other  delegates 
of  the  League  such  information  with  regard 
to  their  armaments  as  the  Council  may  re- 
quest. 

Article  13 
The  High  Contracting  Parties  agree  that 
the  armaments  determined  for  each  of  them. 
In  accordance  with  the  present  Treaty,  shall 
be  subject  to  revision  every  five  years,  begin- 
ning from  the  date  of  the  entry  into  force 
of  this  Treaty. 

Article  14 
Reservation      for      Existing      Treaties.— 
Nothing  in  the  present  Treaty  shall  affect  the 
rights    and    obligations    resulting    from    the 


provisions  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League 
of  Nations  or  of  the  Treaties  of  Peace  signed 
in  1919  and  1920  at  Versailles,  Neuilly,  Saint 
Germain  and  Trianon,  or  from  the  pro- 
visions of  treaties  or  agreements  registered 
with  the  League  of  Nations  and  published  by 
it  at  the  date  of  the  first  coming  into  force 
of  the  present  Treaty  as  regards  the  signa- 
tory or  beneficiary  Powers  of  the  said 
Treaties  or  agreements. 

Article  15 

Compulsory  Jurisdiction  of  the  Court. — 
The  High  Contracting  Parties  recognize  from 
today  as  ipso  facto  obligatory,  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice  with  regard  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  present  Treaty. 

Article  16 

Signature,  Adhesion,  Ratification,  Denunci- 
ation.—The  present  Treaty  shall  remain  open 
for  the  signature  of  all  States  Members  of  the 
League  of  Nations  or  mentioned  in  the  Annex 
to  the  Covenant. 

States  not  Members  shall  be  entitled  to 
adhere  with  the  consent  of  two-thirds  of  the 
High  Contracting  Parties  with  regard  to 
whom  the  Treaty  has  come  into  force. 


Article  17 

Any  State  may,  with  the  consent  of  the 
Council  of  the  League,  notify  its  conditional 
or  partial  adherence  to  the  provisions  of  this 
Treaty,  provided  always  that  such  State  has 
reduced  or  is  prepared  to  reduce  its  arma- 
ments in  conformity  with  the  provisions  of 
this  Treaty. 

Article  18 

The  present  Treaty  shall  be  ratified  and 
the  instruments  of  ratification  shall  be  de- 
posited as  soon  as  possible  at  the  Secretariat 
of  the  League  of  Nations. 

It  shall  come  into  force: 

In  Europe  when  it  shall  have  been  ratified 
by  five  States,  of  which  three  shall  be  per- 
manently represented  on  the  Council; 

In  Asia  when  it  shall  have  been  ratified 
by  two  States,  one  of  which  shall  be  perma- 
nently represented  on  the  Council ; 

In  North  America  when  ratified  by  the 
United  States  of  America  ; 

In  Central  America  and  the  West  Indies 
when  ratified  by  one  State  in  the  West  Indies 
and  two  in  Central  America ; 

In  South  America  when  ratified  by  four 
States ; 


192U 


INTERNA  TIONAL  DOG  U  ME  NTS 


499 


In  Africa  and  Oceania  when  ratified  by  two 
States. 

With  regard  to  the  High  Contracting 
Parties  which  may  subsequently  ratify  the 
Treaty,  it  will  come  into  force  at  the  date  of 
the  deposit  of  the  instrument.  The  Secre- 
tariat will  immediately  communicate  a  certi- 
fied copy  of  the  instruments  of  ratification 
received  to  all  the  signatory  Powers. 

It  remains  understood  that  the  rights 
stipulated  under  Articles  2,  3,  5,  6  and  8  of 
this  Treaty  will  not  come  into  force  for  each 
High  Contracting  Party  until  the  Council  has 
certified  that  the  said  High  Contracting  Party 
has  reduced  its  armaments  in  conformity 
with  the  present  Treaty  or  has  adopted  the 
necessary  measures  to  ensure  the  execution 
of  this  reduction,  within  two  years  of  the 
acceptance  by  the  said  High  Contracting 
Party  of  the  plan  of  reduction  or  limitation 
of  armaments. 

Article  19 

The  present  Treaty  shall  remain  in  force 
for  a  period  of  fifteen  years  from  the  date 
of  its  first  entry  into  force. 

After  this  period,  it  will  be  prolonged  auto- 
matically for  the  States  which  have  not  de- 
nounced it. 

If,  however,  one  of  the  States  referred  to 
in  Article  18  denounces  the  present  Treaty, 
the  Treaty  shall  cease  to  exist  as  from  the 
date  on  which  denunciation  takes  effect. 

This  denunciation  shall  be  made  to  the 
Secretariat  of  the  League  of  Nations,  which 
shall,  without  delay,  notify  all  the  Powers 
bound  by  the  present  Treaty. 

The  denunciation  shall  take  effect  twelve 
months  after  the  date  on  which  notification 
has  been  communicated  to  the  Secretariat 
of  the  League  of  Nations. 

When  the  period  of  fifteen  years,  referred 
to  in  the  first  paragraph  of  the  present 
Article  has  elapsed,  or  when  one  of  the  de- 
nunciations made  in  the  conditions  deter- 
mined above  takes  place,  if  operations  under- 
taken in  application  of  Article  5  of  the  pres- 
ent Treaty  are  in  progress,  the  Treaty  shall 
remain  in  force  until  peace  has  been  com- 
pletely re-established. 

REPLY  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF 
STATE 

JiTNE  16,  1924. 
The  Honorable  Hugh  S.  Gibson, 

American  Minister,  Berne. 
Sir:  I  enclose,  for  transmission  by  you  in 
the  usual  manner,  a  communication  to  the 


Secretary  General  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
in  reply  to  one  addressed  by  him  on  January 
9,  1924,  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  requesting, 
in  conformity  with  a  direction  of  the  Council 
of  the  League,  the  views  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  as  a  government  not  a 
member  of  the  League  of  Nations,  respecting 
a  draft  Treaty  of  Mutual  Assistance. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

For  the  Secretary  of  State: 

Joseph  C.  Grew. 

[Enclosure] 

The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States 
of  America  has  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  a  communication  of  the  Secretary 
General  of  the  League  of  Nations,  submitting, 
by  direction  of  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  the  draft  Treaty  of  Mutual  Assist- 
ance, proposed  by  the  Third  Committee  to 
the  Fourth  Assembly,  and  requesting  the  ex- 
pression of  the  views  of  the  Government  of 
the  United  States. 

In  reply  it  may  be  said  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  is  most  desirous 
that  appropriate  agreements  should  be 
reached  to  limit  armament  and  thus  to  reduce 
the  heavy  burdens  of  expenditure  caused  by 
unnecessary  and  competitive  outlays  in  pro- 
viding facilities  and  munitions  of  war.  The 
desire  and  purpose  of  this  government  were 
fully  manifested  when  the  great  military  and 
naval  powers  were  invited  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States  to  send  representatives 
to  meet  in  conference  at  Washington  in  1921, 
for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  limitation 
of  armament.  While  that  conference  resulted 
in  the  conclusion  of  an  important  naval  treaty 
between  the  United  States  of  America,  the 
British  Empire,  France,  Italy,  and  Japan  for 
the  limitation  of  capital  fighting  ships,  it 
was  found  to  be  impossible  to  obtain  an 
agreement  for  the  limitation  of  the  tonnage 
of  auxiliary  naval  craft  or  to  make  any  prog- 
ress in  the  direction  of  limitation  of  land 
forces.  The  Government  of  the  United  States, 
having  reduced  its  own  armament,  continues 
to  cherish  the  hope  that  the  desired  result 
in  the  case  of  other  powers  may  be  achieved, 
and  it  notes  with  keen  and  sympathetic  in- 
terest every  endeavor  to  that  end.  In  this 
spirit  the  draft  treaty  submitted  has  been 
carefully  considered. 

It  appears  from  the  preamble  of  the  treaty 
that  it  has  been  formulated  with  the  desire 
"of  establishing  the  general  lines  of  a 
scheme  of  mutual  assistance  with  a  view  to 


500 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


facilitate  the  application  of  Articles  10  and 
16  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
and  of  a  reduction  or  limitation  of  national 
ai-maments  in  accordance  with  Article  8  of 
the  Covenant  "to  the  lowest  point  consistent 
with  national  safety  and  the  enforcement 
by  common  action  of  international  obliga- 
tions." 

The  following  provisions  of  the  draft 
treaty   may    be   especially   noted: 

(Here  the  Department  quotes'  Articles  2, 
3,  4,  and  5,  of  the  proposed  treaty. 

Without  attempting  an  analysis  of  these 
provisions,  or  of  other  provisions  of  the  draft 
treaty,  it  is  quite  apparent  that  its  funda- 
mental principle  is  to  provide  guarantees  of 
mutual  assistance  and  to  establish  the  com- 
petency of  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations  with  respect  to  the  decisions  contem- 
plated, and,  in  view  of  the  constitutional 
organization  of  this  government  and  of  the 
fact  that  the  United  States  is  not  a  member 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  this  government 
would  find  it  impossible  to  give  its  adherence. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  has 
not  failed  to  note  that  under  Article  17  of 
the  draft  treaty  "Any  State  may,  with  the 
consent  of  the  Council  of  the  League,  notify 
its  conditional  or  partial  adherence  to  the 
provisions  of  this  treaty,  provided  always 
that  such  State  has  reduced  or  is  prepared  to 
reduce  its  armaments  in  conformity  with 
the  provisions  of  this  treaty,"  but  it  would 
not  serve  a  useful  purpose  to  consider  the 
question  of  a  conditional  or  partial  adher- 
ence on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  when  the  conditions  imposed 
would  of  necessity  be  of  such  a  character  as 
to  deprive  adherence  of  any  substantial 
eflFect. 

Department  of  State,  Washington,  June 
16,  1924. 


CANADA  AND  THE  LAUSANNE 
CONFERENCE 

(Note.— The  British  Government  has  is- 
sued, as  a  White  Paper  (Cmd.  2146),  the  cor- 
respondence between  it  and  the  Canadian 
Government  on  the  subject  of  the  settlement 
with  Turkey,  effected  at  Lausanne.  Follow- 
ing are  some  significant  portions  of  this 
correspondence. ) 

Invitation  to  Canada 

The  correspondence  opens  with  the  follow- 
ing telegram,  sent  on  October  27,  1922,  by 
the  Duke  of  Devonshire,  Secretary  of  State 


for  the  Colonies,  to  the  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  for  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada : 

Yesterday  invitations  were  sent  by  govern- 
ments of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Italy 
to  the  Japanese,  Rumanian,  Jugoslav,  Greek, 
and  Turkish  governments  (both  of  Constan- 
tinople and  of  Angora)  to  send  representa- 
tives to  Lausanne,  November  13,  to  conclude 
treaty  to  end  war  in  east,  which  would  re- 
place Treaty  of  Sevres,  Russian  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment and  Bulgarian  Government  also  be- 
ing invited  to  send  to  Lausanne,  at  a  date  to 
be  fixed,  representatives  to  take  part  in  dis- 
cussions on  questions  of  the  Straits,  which 
the  conference  will  undertake  at  a  later 
stage.  Inquiry  is  also  being  addressed  by 
the  three  governments  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  expressing  hope  that  they 
will  permit  United  States  representatives  to 
be  present  during  Lausanne  negotiations,  in 
a  capacity  similar  to  that  in  which  United 
States  repi'esentative  was  present  during  ne- 
gotiations at  San  Remo,  in  1920,  or  to  take 
more  active  part  in  the  negotiations, 
especially  on  question  of  the  Straits. 

According  to  arrangements  agreed  upon 
with  French  and  Italian  governments,  each 
government  will  be  represented  at  Lausanne 
by  two  plenipotentiaries.  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs  will  personally  act  as 
chief  British  plenipotentiary,  and  it  is  pro- 
posed that  he  should  be  accompanied  by 
British  High  Commissioner  at  Constanti- 
nople. Dominion  governments  will  be  kept 
informed  from  time  to  time  of  the  general 
lines  of  policy  on  which  British  plenipo- 
tentiaries propose  to  proceed,  and  of  the 
course  of  negotiations,  and,  as  in  case  of 
the  other  treaties  arising  out  of  the  peace 
settlement,  they  will  of  course  be  invited  to 
sign  new  treaty  and  any  separate  instruments 
regulating  status  of  the  Straits. 

His  Majesty's  Government  trusts  that  this 
procedure  will  be  in  accordance  with  wishes 
of  your  government. 

British  plenipotentiaries  are  fully  ac- 
quainted with  the  imperial  aspect  of  the 
problem  and  with  the  keen  interest  taken  by 
the  Dominion  governments  in  its  solution. 
Similar  telegram  sent  to  other  Prime  Minis- 
ters. 

Canadian  Reservation 

On  October  31  the  Governor-General  trans- 
mitted the  following  reply  to  the  Secretary 
of  State  from  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada 
(Mr.  Mackenzie  King)  : 

Our  government  has  no  exception  to  take 
to  the  course  pursued  by  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment with  respect  to  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  to  end  the  war  in  the  Near  East.  As, 
however,  it  is  proposed  to  keep  our  govern- 
ment informed  from  time  to  time  of  the 
general  lines  of  policy  on  which  British 
plenipotentiaries  propose  to  proceed  and  of 
the  course  of  the  negotiations,  and  to  invite 
us  to  sign  a  new  treaty  and  any  separate 


192Jt 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


501 


instrument  regulating  the  status  of  the 
Straits,  we  deem  it  advisable  to  avail  our- 
selves of  the  earliest  opportunity  to  inform 
His  Majesty's  Government  that  in  our 
opinion  extent  to  which  Canada  may  be  held 
to  be  bound  by  the  proceedings  of  the  con- 
ference or  by  the  provisions  of  any  treaty  or 
other  instrument  arising  out  of  the  same  is 
necessarily  a  matter  for  the  Parliament  of 
Canada  to  decide,  and  that  the  rights  and 
powers  of  our  Parliament  in  these  particulars 
must  not  be  held  to  be  affected,  by  implica- 
tion or  otherwise,  in  virtue  of  information 
with  which  our  government  may  be  sup- 
plied. 

Through  the  medium  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  the  Governor-General,  the  Prime 
Minister  (Mr.  Bonar  Law)  sent  the  follow- 
ing telegram  to  the  Canadian  Prime  Minister, 
under  date  of  November  16: 

I  brought  your  message  of  October  31,  as 
to  Lausanne  Conference,  before  Cabinet  to- 
day. We  fully  understand  that  it  is  the  de- 
sire of  Canadian  Government  that  any  treaty 
with  Turkey  which  may  result  from  confer- 
ence should  be  submitted  to  Canadian  Parlia- 
ment for  approval  before  His  Majesty  is  ad- 
vised to  ratify  it.  It  is  our  most  earnest  de- 
sire that  you  should  be  kept  fully  informed 
of  the  developments  of  the  conference  and  we 
shall  endeavor  to  send  you  full  details. 

Through    the    Governor-General    the    Ca- 
nadian Prime  Minister  telegraphed: 

November  24. — Your  Grace's  message  of 
November  16,  in  reply  to  mine  of  October  31, 
concerning  Lausanne  Conference,  was  care- 
fully considered  by  our  Cabinet  today.  We 
feel  that  purport  of  my  message  of  October  31 
has  not  been  correctly  interpreted  or  under- 
stood. Our  government  has  not  expressed  a 
desire  to  have  any  treaty  with  Turkey  which 
may  result  from  conference  submitted  to  Ca- 
nadian Parliament  for  approval  before  His 
Majesty  is  advised  to  ratify  it,  nor  do  we 
wish  to  be  understood  as  preferring  any  such 
request.  My  message  was  intended  to  make 
clear  that  we  had  no  exception  to  take  to 
Canada  not  being  invited  to  be  represented 
at  the  conference;  but,  inasmuch  as  we  had 
been  informed  that  we  would  be  invited  to 
sign  a  new  treaty  and  any  separate  instru- 
ment regulating  status  of  Straits,  we  wished 
to  make  it  perfectly  clear  that  in  our  opinion 
extent  to  which  Canada  may  be  held  to  be 
bound  by  the  proceedings  of  conference  or  by 
provisions  of  any  treaty  or  other  instrument 
arising  out  of  the  same  was  necessarily  a 
matter  for  the  Parliament  of  Canada  to  de- 
cide. We  deem  it  of  utmost  importance  that 
there  should  be  no  misunderstanding  as  to 
our  position  with  respect  to  Canada's  obliga- 
tions in  this  and  kindred  matters.  In  our 
opinion,  Parliament  will  desire,  as  respects 
treaty   vpith   Turkey   and    any   other   instru- 


ments arising  out  of  Lausanne  Conference  to 
reserve  to  itself  the  right  to  decide,  upon  the 
merits  of  the  case,  what  action  on  the  part 
of  people  of  Canada  is  right  and  proper.  In 
this  connection  we  shall  be  pleased  to  have 
authority  to  place  before  Parliament  all  the 
information  with  which  we  may  from  time 
to  time  be  supplied. 

British  Cabinet's  Position 

The  Secretary  of  State  on  December  8 
sent  the  following  telegram  for  transmission 
to  the  Canadian  Prime  Minister: 

Treaty  with  Turkey.— Our  message  of  No- 
vember 16  was  framed  on  assumption  that 
Canadian  Government  would  wish  to  follow 
procedure  adopted  in  case  of  peace  treaties 
with  Germany,  Austria,  and  Bulgaria.  I  am 
sorry  if  your  telegram  of  October  31  was  not 
fully  understood  here.  As  you  say,  it  is  most 
important  that  there  should  be  no  misunder- 
standing on  so  important  a  question.  May  I 
therefore  set  our  position  as  it  appears  to  us? 
It  is  this:  Any  treaty  resulting  from  Lau- 
sanne Conference  will,  of  course,  replace 
Treaty  of  Sdvres,  and  until  it  comes  into 
force  a  state  of  war  between  the  British 
Empire  nnd  Turkey  will  technically  continue. 
The  treaty  must,  therefore,  be  binding  on  the 
whole  empire  when  ratified.  It  remains  to 
be  seen  whether  there  will  be  successful  issue 
to  Lausanne  Conference,  but  if  there  is  we 
should  much  prefer  that  any  new  treaty 
should  follow  Paris  precedent  and  include 
signatures  on  behalf  of  all  the  dominions. 
Do  I  gather  from  your  telegram  that  the  Ca- 
nadian Government  are  not  averse  from 
procedure  proposed  as  regards  signature  of 
new  treaty  and  of  any  separate  instrument 
regarding  Straits,  but  wish  to  make  it  clear 
that  should  anything  in  treaty  or  instrument 
be  held  to  impose  any  serious  international 
obligation  on  Canada,  as  part  of  the  British 
Empire,  it  cannot  be  considered  binding  on 
Canada,  until  approved  by  Parliament?  If 
so,  it  does  not  appear  to  us  that  procedure 
which  you  propose  is  essentially  different 
from  that  which  we  should  adopt  in  relation 
to  Parliament  here,  if  contingency  contem- 
plated should  arise.  In  any  event,  should 
legislation  be  required  to  give  effect  to  tech- 
nical provisions  of  treaty,  this  would  pre- 
sumably necessitate  its  submission  to  Par- 
liament in  Canada  as  here. 

As  regards  last  sentence  of  your  telegram, 
would  it  not  be  well  to  wait  until  it  is  known 
whether  the  Lausanne  Conference  results  in 
signature  of  a  treaty  or  treaties,  and  then  lay 
instruments  themselves  before  Parliament? 
I  do  not  think  that  it  would  be  possible  to 
publish  any  of  the  telegrams  now  being  sent 
to  you  concerning  proceedings  at  Lausanne, 
seeing  that  they  often  contain  records  of 
confidential  interviews  and  impressions  and 
other  material  intended  only  for  private  in- 
formation. 


602 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


Canadian  Reply 
On  December  31  the  Governor-General  sent 
the  following   telegram  from   the   Canadian 
Prime  Minister: 

Treaty  with  Turkey.— Yonv  Grace's  tele- 
gram of  December  8  begins:  "Our  message 
of  November  16  was  framed  on  the  assump- 
tion that  Canadian  Government  would  wish 
to  follow  the  procedure  adopted  in  the  case 
of  the  treaties  with  Germany,  Austria,  and 
■Bulgaria." 

Procedure  referred  to  is,  we  understand, 
that  adopted  with  respect  to  Paris  Peace 
Conference,  and  followed  later  with  respect 
to  Washington  Conference  on  the  Limitation 
of  Armament.  As  regards  Canada's  partici- 
pation, there  were  in  that  procedure  four  sep- 
arate, distinct,  and  essential  stages: 

1.  Direct  representation  of  Canada  at  the 
conference  at  which  treaties  were  drafted 
and  participation  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
conferences  by  Canada's  representatives,  each 
representative  holding  a  full  power,  signed 
by  His  Majesty  the  King,  in  the  form  of  let- 
ters patent,  authorizing  him  to  sign  "for  and 
in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  the  King,  in  re- 
spect of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,"  any 
treaties,  conventions,  or  agreements  that 
might  tend  to  the  attainment  of  the  object  of 
the  conference,  the  Canadian  Government 
having  by  order  in  council,  sanctioned  is- 
suance of  these  full  powers  by  His  Majesty. 

2.  Formal  signing  of  the  treaties  on  behalf 
of  Canada  by  the  plenipotentiaries  named. 

3.  Approval  by  the  Parliament  of  Canada 
of  the  treaties  thus  signed  on  behalf  of  Can- 
ada. 

4.  Assent  of  the  Government  of  Canada  to 
the  final  act  of  ratification  by  His  Majesty 
the  King  of  the  treaty  signed  on  behalf  of 
Canada  approved  by  Parliament  of  Canada. 

Your  Grace  is  quite  right  in  assuming  that, 
as  regards  the  treaties  in  which  Canada  is 
supposed  to  have  a  direct  or  immediate  in- 
terest, the  procedure  here  outlined  is  the  one 
which  our  government  would  wish  to  follow. 
In  the  case  of  main  political  treaties  con- 
cluded since  the  war,  the  general  rule  seems 
to  have  been  followed  that,  wherever  the 
dominions  could  be  said  to  have  a  direct  or 
immediate  interest,  the  procedure  was  shaped 
to  include  their  participation  and  signature 
of  the  proceedings.  That  in  the  case  of  the 
Conference  at  Lausanne  a  like  procedure  has 
not  been  followed  with  respect  to  representa- 
tion and  participation  by  Canada  has  been 
regarded  by  us  as  evidence  that,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  countries  by  whom  invitations 
to  the  Conference  at  Lausanne  were  extended, 
Canada  could  not  have  been  believed  to  have 
the  direct  and  immediate  interest  which  she 
was  supposed  to  have  in  the  conferences  at 
Versailles  and  Washington. 

To  the  course  pursued  with  respect  to  the 
Lausanne  Conference  we  have,  as  mentioned 
in  my  telegram  of  October  31,  no  exception 
to  talje.    As  regards  the  procedure,  however, 


it  must  be  apparent  that,  quite  apart  from 
any  action  or  representation  on  the  part  of 
the  Government  of  Canada,  a  different  pro- 
cedure has  been  followed  in  the  case  of  the 
present  Conference  at  Lausanne  to  that  fol- 
lowed at  Versailles  and  Washington.  In  so 
far  as  one  stage  in  procedure  is  necessarily 
dependent  upon  the  stage  preceding,  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  a  like  procedure  can  be 
followed.  Canada  has  not  been  invited  to 
send  representatives  to  the  Lausanne  Con- 
ference, and  has  not  participated  in  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  conference,  either  directly  or 
indirectly.  Under  the  circumstances  we  do 
not  see  how,  as  respects  signing  on  behalf 
of  Canada,  we  can  be  expected,  in  the  case 
of  a  new  treaty  or  of  any  separate  instru- 
ment regarding  Straits,  to  follow  the  proce- 
dure adopted  in  the  case  of  the  treaties  with 
Germany,  Austria,  and  Bulgaria. 

The  Signing  of  the  Treaty 

The  Secretary  of  State,  telegraphing  on 
January  27,  1923,  to  the  Governor-General, 
said: 

Your  telegram  December  31,  Lausanne 
Conference.  Please  inform  your  Prime  Min- 
ister that  in  the  circumstances  His  Majesty's 
Government  are  willing  to  fall  in  with  his 
suggestion  that  any  treaties  with  Turkey 
resulting  from  conference  should  be  signed 
only  by  British  plenipotentiaries  who  have 
negotiated  them,  if  it  is  generally  acceptable. 
Am  ascertaining  whether  it  will  be  agreeable 
to  prime  ministers.  Commonwealth  of  Aus- 
trailia.  New  Zealand,  and  Union  of  South 
Africa.  [This  was  done  by  telegraph  and 
answers  obtained  in  the  affirmative.] 

The  next  dispatch  is  dated  June  7,  1923, 
and  was  sent  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
the  Governor-General.    It  is  as  follows : 

With  reference  to  my  telegram  of  January 
27,  I  am  assuming  that  if,  as  is  hoped.  Con- 
ference at  Lausanne  results  in  completion  of 
treaties  with  Turkey,  your  Prime  Minister 
would  wish  previous  arrangement  regarding 
signature  by  British  plenipotentiaries  to 
hold  good. 

On  June  15  the  Governor-General  replied: 
Your  telegram  of  June  7.  In  the  event  of 
the  Conference  at  Lausanne  resulting  in 
completion  of  treaty  with  Turkey,  Canadian 
Government  are  agreeable  that  the  previous 
arrangement  for  signature  of  British  pleni- 
potentiaries should  hold  good. 

On  February  22,  1924,  the  Secretary  of 
State  (now  Mr,  Thomas)  telegraphed  to  the 
Governor-General : 

My  telegram  of  today  [summarizing  the 
provisions  of  the  Lausanne  Treaty],  Treaty 
of  Peace  with  Turkey,  In  order  that  neces- 
sary action  may  be  taken  as  soon  as  posible 
after    bill    becomes    law,    hoped    that    your 


192J{. 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


503 


ministers  will  be  in  position  at  very  early 
date  to  signify  concurrence  in  ratification  of 
treaty  and  conventions  in  question,  includ- 
ing convention  relating  to  reparation,  and 
also  to  intimate  their  wishes  as  regards  decla- 
ration in  connection  with  convention  respect- 
ing conditions  of  business  and  commercial 
convention.  See  my  predecessor's  dispatch, 
August  20,  paragraph  3. 

[The  dispatch  of  August  20  is  not  printed. 
It  expressed  the  hope  that  the  Canadian 
Government  would  be  in  a  position  to  signify, 
not  later  than  the  beginning  of  December, 
their  concurrence  in  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  and  other  conventions,  and  inquired 
their  wishes  as  regards  declarations  imder 
the  conditions  of  business  and  commercial 
conventions  (Nos.  IV  and  V  in  Treaty  Series, 
No.  16  (1923),  Cmd.  1929).] 

No   Canadian   Ratification 

On  March  21  the  following  further  tele- 
gram was  sent  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to 
the  Governor-General : 

My  telegram  February  22.  Treaty  of 
Peace  Turkey  Bill  has  nov/  been  read  third 
time.  House  of  Lords,  and  hoped  to  intro- 
duce it  into  House  of  Commons  March  28, 
and  to  secure  passage  within  very  short 
period  thereafter.  Considered  extremely  im- 
portant that  His  Majesty's  ratification  should 
take  place  at  earliest  posible  moment  after 
passage  of  bill.  In  the  circumstances  hoped 
that  your  ministers  may  be  in  position  to 
reply  to  my  telegram  at  very  early  date  and, 
if  possible,  by  end  of  March. 

The  Governor-General  replied  on  March  24 
as  follows : 

Your  telegram  of  March  21  and  your  tele- 
gram of  February  22.  Canadian  Government 
not  having  been  invited  to  send  representa- 
tive to  the  Lausanne  Conference  and  not 
having  participated  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
conference,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  and 
not  being  for  this  reason  a  signatory  to  the 
treaty  on  behalf  of  Canada  (see  my  telegram 
of  December  31,  1922,  to  your  predecessor), 
my  ministers  do  not  feel  that  they  are  in  a 
position  to  recommend  to  Parliament  ap- 
proval of  the  Peace  Treaty  with  Turkey  and 
the  convention  thereto.  Without  the  ap- 
proval of  Parliament  they  feel  that  they  are 
not  warranted  in  signifying  concurrence  in 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty  and  convention. 
With  respect  to  ratification,  however,  they 
will  not  take  exception  to  such  course  as  His 
Majesty's  Government  may  deem  it  advisable 
to  recommend.  This  appears  to  be  in  har- 
mony with  the  resolution  of  the  recent  Im- 
perial Conference  (Cmd.  1987,  pages  14  and 
15).  The  provisions  thereof  with  reference 
to  signature  2  (a)  on  page  14  and  ratifica- 
tion (a)  on  page  15  appear  to  cover  this 
case,  which  is  not  within  the  provisions  of 
signature  2  (h)  on  page  34  and  ratification 
(&)  on  page  15. 


News  in  Brief 


Pierre  Paul  Cambon,  former  French  Am- 
bassador to  London,  died  in  Paris  on  May  29. 
Paul  Cambon,  brother  to  Jules  Cambon,  who 
was  ambassador  at  one  time  to  Washington, 
was  born  January  20,  1843.  In  1886  he  be- 
came French  Ambassador  to  Madrid,  and 
two  years  later  went  to  Constantinople  in  the 
same  capacity.  In  1898  he  presented  his 
credentials  as  Ambassador  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James.  He  was  still  in  London  when,  six 
years  later,  the  relations  between  England 
and  France  had  reached  a  critical  stage  over 
the  Fashoda  incident  in  Egypt.  King  Ed- 
ward VII  had  launched  his  program  to  read- 
just Europe's  equilibrium  and  bring  Eng- 
land, France,  and  Russia  together  as  a  means 
of  offsetting  the  powerful  Triple  Alliance  of 
Germany,  Austria,  and  Italy.  It  was  largely 
through  Paul  Cambon  that  the  many  diflB- 
culties  were  ironed  out. 

A  PAPAL  BULL  WAS  ISSUED  MAY  29  by  PopC 

Pius  XI.  It  is  an  invitation  to  the  faithful 
to  return  to  holy  customs  and  to  restore 
human  society;  it  declares  the  year  1925  a 
holy  year.  In  it  he  calls  upon  all  non- 
catholics  to  celebrate  the  "twenty-second 
jubilee"  by  a  return  to  the  "true  church."  He 
adjures  the  faithful  to  avoid  profane  distrac- 
tions, to  show  modesty  In  manners  and 
clothes,  and  to  adopt  a  spirit  of  penitence 
during  the  "Holy  Year."  "I  speak  of  peace," 
the  pontiff  says;  "not  of  peace  written  in 
treaties,  but  peace  written  on  hearts,  which 
must  be  restored  among  peoples." 

The  Salvaix)ran  Government  has  ratified 
the  conventions  and  agreements  signed  at 
the  Central  American  conference  in  Washing- 
ton in  February,  1923. 

John  D.  Rockefellek,  Jr.,  has  pla^ced 
$1,000,000  at  the  disposal  of  a  Franco- 
American  Committee  to  reconstruct  the  roof 
of  the  Rheims  cathedral,  destroyed  by  the 
Germans  in  the  World  War,  and  restore  and 
beautify  the  fountains  and  gardens  at  Ver- 
sailles and  Fontainebleau.  Mr.  Rockefeller 
is  moved  to  make  this  gift  because,  as  he 


504 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


says  in  a  letter  to  Premier  Poincar§  dated 
May  3,  "among  the  treasures  of  which  France 
is  cvistodian  are  some  which  belong  to  the 
patrimony  of  all  nations,  for  their  influence 
is  a  source  of  inspiration  of  universal  art." 

The  Republic  of  Argentina  is  presenting 
to  Brazil  a  collection  of  5,059  books  by  noted 
Argentine  authors.  "From  the  reading  of 
these  erudite  works,"  says  the  Journal  de 
Brazil,  "one  cannot  but  derive  the  convic- 
tion that  our  powerful  neighbor  nation  has 
always  worked  for  the  preservation  of  peace, 
which  it  considers  indispensable  for  the  real- 
ization of  Its  cherished  Ideals." 

International  co-opb3iation  on  the  study 
of  industrial  fatigue  is  the  subject  of  an  ar- 
ticle by  Mr.  D.  R.  Wilson,  Secretary  of  the 
British  Industrial  Fatigue  Research  Board, 
in  a  recent  publication  of  the  International 
Labor  Office.  One  experiment  in  a  coal  mine, 
dealing  with  the  effect  of  lighting,  shows  that 
better  illumination,  because  of  its  Influence 
on  fatigue,  may  bring  about  an  improvement 
of  nearly  15  per  cent  in  output.  Such  ex- 
amples show  that  the  worker  unconsciously 
responds  immediately  to  his  physical  environ- 
ment to  an  extent  which,  if  not  unknown  be- 
fore, had  never  been  measured  numerically. 
Second,  they  indicate  that  the  selection  of  the 
best  conditions  for  the  worker  is  an  economic 
proposition  as  well  as  a  social  duty. 

A  committee  appointed  bt  the  Swedish 
Government  in  1921  to  investigate  the  wages 
and  old-age  pensions  of  women  workers  of  the 
State  has  recently  presented  its  report  in  a 
volume  of  nearly  300  pages.  The  committee 
suggests  a  common  wage  system  for  male  and 
female  employees,  with  provision  for  the  ap- 
plication of  the  family-wage  principle,  and 
finds  that  a  certain  difference  in  the  wages 
paid  to  male  and  female  employees  is  justifi- 
able on  the  following  grounds : 

(1)  The  rate  of  sickness  among  the  female 
employees  has  been  proved  to  be  greater  by 
more  than  40  per  cent  than  that  of  the  men : 

(2)  Women  occupy  a  special  position  as 
regards  old-age  pensions,  having  regard  to 
their  lower  qualifying  age  (generally  three 
years  lower  than  for  men)  and  their  longer 
average  life; 

(3)  Relative  output  of  work  of  men  and 
women ;  and 

(4)  Certain  other  factors,  such  as  the  lia- 
bility of  men  to  conscription  and  the  impos- 


sibility of  the  State  ignoring  wage  conditions 
on  the  general  labor  market. 

Exceptions  from  this  general  conclusion, 
however,  are  proposed  for  female  employees 
who  attain  the  higher  grades  of  the  public 
service.  In  such  grades  to  which  promotion 
is  made  according  to  proved  merit,  men  and 
women  would  nominally  receive  the  same  rate 
of  pay.  The  women  members  of  the  com- 
mittee state  in  a  memorandum  that  they  do 
not  consider  the  proposed  solution  of  the 
women's  wages  question  satisfactory  from 
the  point  of  view  of  principle,  nor  final,  but, 
having  regard  to  the  financial  position  of  the 
State  and  in  order  not  to  run  the  risk  of  post- 
poning the  coming  into  force  of  the  new  act 
relating  to  the  eligibility  of  women  for  State 
employment,  they  have  considered  themselves 
bound  to  agree  to  the  proposal  now  submitted. 

Liberia,  Africa's  well-known  republic, 
is  one  of  the  best  wooded  little  countries  in 
the  world.  In  the  northwest  and  northeast 
portions  of  Grand  Capt  Mount  District,  for 
example,  there  are  sections  of  from  sixty  to 
seventy  miles  of  forests  containing  walnut, 
mahogany,  cherry,  peach,  redwood,  mulberry, 
white  gum,  greasy  peach,  sweet  gum,  etc. 
This  range  runs  along  the  entire  Anglo- 
Liberian  boundary  for  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles.  One  of  the  great  drawbacks  here  is 
that  there  are  no  manufactories,  such  as 
sawmills,  planing  mills,  and  sash  and  door 
factories.  All  the  sawing  of  the  largest  tim- 
bers is  done  in  the  most  primitive  way,  by 
hand. 

The  Suez  Canal  traffic  in  1923  sur- 
passed all  previous  records,  reaching  22,- 
730,162  net  tons,  an  increase  of  1,986,917 
tons,  or  9.6  per  cent,  over  1922  and  of  13.4 
per  cent  over  1913.  The  number  of  ships 
was  464  less  than  in  1913,  but  the  average 
net  tonnage  per  ship  had  risen  from  3,940 
in  1913  to  4,919  in  1923.  The  recovery  in  the 
cargo  movement  through  the  canal  has  been 
continuous  since  1919,  but  the  total  is  still 
below  the  pre-war  level. 

Germany  was,  before  the  war,  the  prin- 
cipal export  market  of  the  American  dried- 
fruit  trade.  In  1913  Germany  bought  dried 
fruits  amounting  to  77,500,000  pounds  from 
this  country.  In  the  first  six  months  of  1924 
such  imports  amounted  to  77,000,000  pounds. 
Indications  point,  therefore,  to  continued  in- 
crease in  the  dried-fruit  market  in  Germany. 


192  Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


505 


LETTER  BOX 


Jamaica  Plain, 

Boston,  Mass. 

Deab  Sir: 

Perhaps  you  may  be  inclined  to  give  ttie 

enclosed  place  in  the  Advocate  of  Peace. 

Yours  sincerely,  _   „  _ 

G.  F.  Dole. 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  PEACE  AWARD 

I  have  not  known  what  to  do  with  the  pro- 
posed Peace  Plan,  except,  using  your  kind 
permission,  to  write  this  brief  answer  to  your 
question  without  signing  the  card. 

(A)  I  cannot  see  anything  but  a  remote 
connection  between  the  Prize  Plan  and  the 
great  object — permanent  peace.  There  is  no 
attempt  to  grapple  with  the  appalling  evil  of 
war. 

(I)  I  see  little  wisdom  for  the  nation  or 
the  individual  to  make  preparation  for  liti- 
gation in  anticipation  of  the  need.  Let  us 
seek  to  keep  out  of  courts,  while  pledged  and 
ready,  if  necessary,  in  all  cases  to  use  some 
appropriate  form  of  arbitration.  The  dispo- 
sition to  be  just  is  the  great  thing,  without 
which  the  best  court  offers  a  new  field  of 
possible  friction. 

(II)  The  position  of  a  nation  which  de- 
sires to  sit  in  with  the  League  of  Nations, 
without  full  membership,  seems  obscure  and 
anomalous.  I  cannot  see  how  the  present 
oligarchical  constitution  of  the  liCague  would 
open  the  door  for  such  half-way  membership 
or  how  our  Senate  would  sanction  it. 

(1)  I  am  grateful  to  your  committee  for 
stressing  the  emphasis  which  the  Prize  Plan 
lays  on  the  fact  "that  the  only  kind  of  com- 
pulsion which  nations  can  freely  engage  to 
apply  to  each  other  in  the  name  of  peace  is 
that  which  arises  from  conference,  from 
moral  judgment,  from  full  publicity,  and 
from  the  power  of  public  opinion."  This 
statement  is  the  chief  contribution  of  your 
plan.  Should  not  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  be  now  urged  to  make  a  public  assur- 
ance that  our  nation  henceforth  proposes  to 
trust  in  and  use  only  this  method  of  friendly 
urgency  In  all  our  dealings  with  other  na- 
tions? 


(2)  I  believe  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
having  long  outgrown  whatever  usefulness  It 
ever  had,  ought  to  be  "scrapped,"  as  a 
dangerous,  meddlesome,  and  imperialistic 
pretension  to  the  hegemony  of  the  Western 
Continent,  obnoxious  to  the  peoples  south  of 
us,  and  provocative  and  distrustful  to  the 
nations  overseas.  As  now  held,  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  is  the  most  subtle  stay  of  American 
militarism. 

(3)  This  section  in  the  brief  of  your  plan 
does  not  go  far  enough.  We  need  to  move 
for  something  more  curative  and  purifying 
to  the  conscience  of  the  world,  namely,  the 
complete  removal  from  the  Versailles  Treaty 
of  the  cruel  falsehood  which  charges  Ger- 
many with  the  sole  blame  of  the  war.  How 
can  we  look  for  permanent  peace  while  we 
are  content  to  remain  a  party  to  a  constant 
injustice? 

(4)  Of  course,  we  wish  to  see  no  pariah 
nation  outside  of  any  general  league  which 
we  may  join.  In  fact,  the  cheerfulness  of 
our  hospitality  toward  Germany,  Russia, 
Turkey,  and  Mexico  will  be  the  measure  of 
our  sincerity  as  a  democratic  people. 

(5)  We  see  little  use  at  present  in  draw- 
ing or  codifying  international  laws.  Our 
"international  law"  is  now  weighted  with  the 
traditions  of  bloody  and  barbarous  times. 
The  less  legislation,  the  less  danger  of  dis- 
agreements and  friction.  The  group  of  sixty 
or  more  nations  ought  to  be  like  a  roomful  of 
acquaintances  who  know  well  enough  how  to 
behave  and  propose  to  treat  one  another  as 
gentlemen.  They  will  easily  develop  whatever 
simple  rules  of  behavior  which  they  need,  as 
soon  as  they  agree  to  carry  no  murderous 
weapons  in  one  another's  company. 

Yours  respectfully, 

Charles  F.  Dole, 
President  of  the  Association  to  Abolish  War. 
Jamaica  Plain,  Boston,  Mass.,  March  10,  1924. 


A  Note. — The  purpose  of  the  Advocate  of 
Peace  is  to  promote  international  under- 
standing. Our  readers  have  been  interested 
to  know  more  of  the  controversies  between 
Bulgaria  and  Jugoslavia,  particularly  over 
the  actions  of  the  Macedonian  revolution- 
aries. We  are  glad  to  print  further  cor- 
respondence between  Dr.  MatthSefif,  of  Bul- 
garia, and  Captain  Gordon  Gordon-Smith,  of 
the  Jugoslav  Legation  in  Washington. — The 
Editor. 

Sofia,  Bulgaria,  March  8,  1924. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace: 

The  aim  of  your  paper  is  the  attainment 
of  peace  and,  of  course,  to  avoid  strife.    I 


506 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


am  sorry  to  see  that  my  communication,  you 
kindly  publislied  in  your  issue  for  Febru- 
ary last,  has  led  to  bitterness  and  abuse  on 
the  part  of  an  opponent. 

I  laid  before  your  readers  some  details  of 
an  incident  which  occurred  in  Sofia,  in  Bul- 
garo-Jugoslavian  relations,  in  the  mildest 
language  possible,  considering  the  outrageous- 
ness  of  the  case.  My  object  was  peaceful; 
to  draw  the  attention  of  your  readers,  who 
should  be  particularly  sensitive  in  the  face 
of  a  case  in  which  decency  and  ordinary  re- 
spect for  justice  in  international  relations 
are  wantonly  disregarded,  and  which  are 
bound  to  lead  to  a  dangerous  crisis,  that  they 
may  contribute  to  the  non-repetition  of  such 
conduct. 

The  incident  in  question  is  of  the  greatest 
significance,  coming  so  soon  after  the  Italo- 
Greek-Corfu  affair,  which  would  have 
brought  on  a  new  war  had  Greece  been 
championed  as  Serbia  was  by  Russia  in  1914. 

Violence  and  abuse  do  not  forward  the 
defense  of  a  just  cause.  Such  are,  however, 
the  habitual  and  only  arms  of  Mr.  G.  Gordon- 
Smith  in  defense  of  Serbia.  He  not  only 
throws  the  entire  blame  on  Bulgaria,  but 
reviles  her  rule  and  even  existence. 

In  my  statement  of  facts  I  qualified  the 
incident  as  a  home  scandal,  and  said  that 
the  man  mostly  involved  took  refuge  in  the 
Jugoslav  legation  and  was  denied  to  the 
authorities  charged  with  the  investigation. 
Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith  has  found  it  safer  to 
take  no  notice  of  these  details. 

The  assault  was  committed  in  the  military 
attache's  apartment,  at  an  hour  at  which  he 
was  habitually  absent,  on  his  servant,  by 
comrades  fallen  out  with  him  on  account  of 
a  woman  of  low  morals.  A  contemptible 
affair  which  should  have  been  left  there. 

The  military  attache  was  the  man  most 
surprised  when  he  heard  of  the  outrageous 
procedure  his  government  had  decided  upon. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  demand  for  an  in- 
quiry, and  that  for  the  indemnity  to  be  fixed 
by  The  Hague  Tribunal,  has  not  the  shadow 
of  a  generous  action  on  the  part  of  Jugo- 
slavia, as  Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith  asserts,  but 
the  consent  of  Bulgaria  is  undoubtedly  such. 
Bulgaria's  greatest  wish  was  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  placing  her  case  before  an 
official  international  body. 

The  incessant  threatening  attitude  Jugo- 
.slavia,  armed  to  the  teeth,  holds  toward 
Bulgaria,  disarmed  by  the  treaty,  obliged 
Bulgaria  to  execute  the  outrageous  ultimatum 
and  also  to  consent  to  the  withdrawal  of  the 


two  points  in  question — for  the  sake  of  peace 
and  quiet.     Vain  hope. 

Two  years  ago  the  Jugoslav  Government 
threatened  to  march  into  Bulgaria  to  put  an 
end  to  the  alleged  organization  of  armed 
bands  to  operate  in  Jugoslav  territory,  Mace- 
donia. Bulgaria  demanded  an  inquiry  on 
the  spot,  and  the  question  was  referred  to  the 
Conference  of  Ambassadors.  Jugoslavia  ob- 
jected before  the  conference  to  such  an  in- 
quiry and  pleaded  for  a  friendly  understand- 
ing between  the  parties  concerned.  Bul- 
garia generously  accepted. 

Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith  has  introduced  in 
this  discussion  also  the  question  of  Mace- 
donia, a  festering  sore  for  Serbia.  As  to  the 
conditions  ruling  at  present  in  that  ancient 
unhappy  land,  the  inclosures  herewith  will 
enlighten  your  readers,  should  you  find  it 
opportune  to  publish  them.  These  inclosures 
are :  a  confidential  circular  of  the  late  Min- 
ister of  the  Interior,  Mr.  D.  Drashkovitch, 
to  the  authorities  there,  systematizing  un- 
heard-of terror  over  the  population,  and  a 
petition  from  Union  of  the  Organized  Mace- 
donian Emigrants  to  the  Secretariat  General 
of  the  League  of  Nations. 

The  common  opinion  of  the  local  diplo- 
matic corps  on  the  subject  is  that  the  inci- 
dent should  have  been  treated  with  contempt 
and  forgotten.  They  all  have  reported  the 
case  to  their  respective  governments  in  that 
light.  I  have  not  the  least  objection  to  Mr. 
G.  Gordon-Smith  assuring  himself  of  this 
fact  by  an  inquiry  in  the  archives  office  of 
the  State  Department  in  Washington. 
Further,  the  same  diplomatic  corps  is  of  one 
mind — that  the  ultimatum  and  its  peremp- 
tory execution  must  ultimately  redound  to 
the  advantage  of  Bulgaria.  Mr.  G.  Gordon- 
Smith's  bringing  in  international  law  and  the 
privileges  of  a  member  of  the  diplomatic 
corps  cannot  bear  him  out ;  the  case  is  a  low 
scandal  between  low  men  involved  with  a 
low  woman. 

Propaganda,  you  say  in  the  first  paragraph 
of  your  editorial,  in  the  same  issue,  covers 
multitude  of  sins.  It  is  of  such  sins  that 
Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith  is  suffering.  He  has 
suffered  from  them  since  1918,  in  company 
with  his  friend.  Professor  Reiss,  and  others. 
He  cannot  lose  an  opportunity  to  revile 
everything  Bulgarian.  He  has  in  this  in- 
stance arrayed  a  list  of  political  murders 
against  the  Bulgarian  Government.  I  think 
the  less  a  spokesman  for  Serbia  speaks  of 
political  murdei-s  the  better  for  that  country. 
Of   the   nine   princes   who   have   ruled   over 


192  Jt 


LETTER  BOX 


507 


Serbia,  some  were  foully  murdered  and  all 
the  rest  were  dethroned  and  exiled.  Only 
one  died  in  his  bed  at  home  without  ad- 
venture. He  was  expiring  when  the  rights 
to  the  throne  came  to  him.  The  most 
atrocious  political  murder  ever  committed  on 
king  and  queen  was  perpetrated  by  the 
Serbians.  For  years  the  late  King  Edward 
refused  to  send  his  representative  to  King 
Peter,  father  of  the  present  King  of  Jugo- 
slavia. Why?  Surely  Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith 
knows  the  story. 

Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith,  as  all  Serbians,  in- 
sists upon  the  responsibility  of  Bulgaria  for 
the  desperate  work  the  Comitadjis  are  car- 
rying on  in  Macedonia.  I  mentioned  before 
how  two  years  ago  Bulgaria  was  driven  to 
appeal  for  an  inquiry  on  the  spot,  and  how 
Jugoslavia  withdrew  from  the  contest  before 
the  Ambassadors  Conference,  sitting  then  in 
London.  He  stands  up  for  the  wretched 
Stamboliski,  late  dictator-tyrant  of  Bulgaria, 
and  claims  for  him  hard  work  for  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  countries.  Those 
who  have  been  interested  in  the  situation  will 
remember  how  Belgrade  repulsed  and  scoffed 
at  the  efforts  Stamboliski  made  to  that  end. 

We  have  on  the  one  hand  Bulgaria,  bound 
down,  defenseless,  overburdened  with  repara- 
tions, helpless  as  regards  her  neighbors — 
this  by  the  force  of  a  merciless  treaty;  on 
the  other  hand  Serbia,  bloated,  out  into 
Jugoslavia,  three  times  greater  than  Bul- 
garia, with  an  army  ten  times  that  of 
Bulgaria,  and  in  complete  understanding 
with  Rumania  and  Greece  to  keep  Bulgaria 
down.  It  is,  therefore,  unthinkable,  under 
such  conditions,  of  Bulgaria  dreaming  of  an 
injurious  action  against  Jugoslavia.  Bul- 
garia is  clean  on  that  point,  and  is  ever  ready 
to  have  every  accusation  Jugoslavia  brings 
against  her  submitted  to  an  impartial  in- 
quiry. 

Unfounded  imputations,  bitterness  of  lan- 
guage, and  abuse  cannot  improve  conditions 
and  contribute  to  friendly  understanding  be- 
tween the  two  countries ;  still  less  tyrannical 
ultimatums  demanding  peremptory  execution, 
with  troops  menacing  your  frontier. 

Impartial  inquiry  into  complaints  or  inci- 
dents and  honest  adjustment  of  differences 
are  the  only  means  to  a  definite  settlement. 
Bulgaria  is  open  to  such,  is  ever  entreating 
for  them. 

Serbia  or  Jugoslavia  refuses  such  means, 
and  no  denial  of  Mr.  G.  Gordon-Smith  or  any- 
body else  will  prove  the  contrary. 

P.  M.  Matth^eff. 


Washington,  March  31,  1924. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace  by 
Justice: 

Sib  :  I  am  completely  unwilling  to  continue 
indefinitely  a  polemic  with  M.  Mattheeff.  I 
must,  however,  take  exception  to  his  state- 
ment that  my  last  communication  to  the  Ad- 
vocate OF  Peace  was  characterized  by  "bit- 
terness and  abuse,"  and  that  "violence  and 
abuse  are  the  habitual  and  only  arms  of  Mr. 
G.  Gordon-Smith."  I  am  unaware  of  any 
occasion  on  which  I  "reviled  the  rule  of  Bul- 
garia and  even  her  existence."  I  am  of 
opinion  that  I  have  remained  courteous  in 
everything  I  have  written,  and  have  stated 
my  arguments  with  studied  moderation  of 
language. 

I  have  no  desire  to  return  to  the  discussion 
of  the  attack  on  Colonel  Kristich,  the  military 
attach^  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats, 
and  Slovenes  in  Sofia.  In  my  last  communi- 
cation to  the  Advocate  of  Peace  I  accepted 
M.  Matth6eff's  own  version  of  the  incident, 
and  merely  pointed  out  that  I  saw  no  undue 
hardship  in  the  Bulgarian  Government  being 
called  upon  to  express  its  regi'ets  or  in  the 
rendering  of  military  honors  to  the  legation 
which  had  thus  been  grossly  outraged. 

That  I,  "like  all  Serbians,  insist  upon  the 
responsibility  of  Bulgaria  for  the  desperate 
work  of  the  Comitadjis  are  carrying  out  in 
Macedonia,"  is  true.  I  see  nothing  unrea- 
sonable in  such  an  attitude.  Todor  Alexan- 
droff,  the  brothers  Brio,  and  other  Comit- 
adjis leaders  prepare  their  raids  on  Bul- 
garian soil  and  take  refuge  there  when 
pursued  by  the  Serbian  gendarmerie.  As 
ihe  Sofia  Government  is  responsible  for  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order  in  Bulgaria, 
the  Jugoslav  Government  is  completely  justi- 
fied in  calling  upon  the  Tzankoff  Ministry 
to  put  an  end  to  the  activities  of  the  Comit- 
adjis. 

It  may  be,  as  is  currently  reported,  that 
they  are  powerless  to  do  so  and  dare  not  ar- 
rest Todor  Alexandroff  and  the  other  leaders. 
If  this  is  the  case,  a  very  grave  situation  is 
created,  and  it  will  be  for  the  Belgrade  Gov- 
ernment to  take  the  measures  which  it  de- 
mands. 

As  regards  the  circular  of  M.  Drashkovitch, 
former  Minister  of  the  Interior,  I  see  nothing 
to  take  exception  to  in  the  document.  It 
offers  amnesty  and  pardon  for  all  past  of- 
fenses to  all  who  lay  down  their  arras,  and 
only  threatens  punishment  to  those  who 
persist  in  their  criminal  activities. 


508 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


I  trust  that  this  somewhat  sterile  polemic 
is  now  closed.  Nothing  that  M.  Matth^eff 
has  said  has  given  me  any  reason  to  change 
my  views  regarding  what  he  himself  de- 
scribes as  "the  desperate  work  of  the  Oomit- 
adjis."  They  are  Bulgarians,  or  at  least 
subject  to  the  authority  of  the  Bulgarian 
Government.  Is  it  unreasonable  to  ask  it  to 
put  an  end  to  this  "desperate  work"? 
Yours  very  sincerely, 

G.  Gobdon-Smith. 


Minneapolis,  1924. 
Gentlemen  : 

For  the  first  time  I  have  recently  read  two 
of  your  last  issues.  I  am  convinced  of  the 
sincerity  of  your  desire  to  aid  in  achieving 
international  peace,  but  some  statements  in 
an  article  entitled  "French  Imperialism"  lead 
me  to  question  whether  you  are  familiar  with 
certain  facts  in  the  deplorable  struggle  be- 
tween France  and  Germany  now  going  on  in 
Europe,  which  France  has  been  carrying  on 
offensively  since  the  Armistice. 

May  I  submit  for  your  consideration  a  few 
references  and  personal  observations?  Quot- 
ing from  the  Century  Magazine  of  February, 
1924,  an  article  by  Francis  Hackett,  is  the 
following : 

"In  France  we  find  the  meanest,  self-seek- 
ing, bitter,  un-Christian  vengefulness,  the 
most  unscrupulous  chauvinism,  and  a  totally 
corrupt  press.  A  nation  that  had  suffered 
from  militarism  uses  a  cruel  militarism  to 
avenge  itself.  It  uses  black  troops  against 
the  Germans,  spreads  syphilis  among  the  Ger- 
man women,  lavishes  the  death  penalty, 
wrecks  industry,  fails  to  pay  its  own  debts, 
and  yet  expects  monstrous  sums  in  repara- 
tion." 

Again,  from  an  article  by  Pierrepont  B. 
Noyes,  former  U.  S.  Rhineland  Commissioner, 
in  The  Nation,  March  14,  1923: 

"It  is  a  pity  that  we  cannot  discuss  the  sit- 
uation in  Europe  with  a  single  eye  to  the 
misfortunes  of  France  and  the  reparation 
justly  due  her.  Our  present  task,  however, 
is  to  examine,  as  unemotionally  as  possible, 
whether  the  policy  that  nation's  rulers  have 
elected  to  pursue  is  wise,  or  whether,  in  seek- 
ing reparation  and  revenge  for  the  disaster, 
she  is  likely  to  bring  upon  herself  and  upon 
the  rest  of  the  world  immensely  worse  dis- 
asters. 

"There  have  been,  I  believe,  two  governing 
factors  in  bringing  about  the  present  Ruhr 
situation — factors  whose  recognition  will  ex- 
plain many  otherwise  unexplainable  incidents 
of  the  future:  First,  the  German  indemnity 
has  at  all  times  been  fixed  at  an  immensely 


larger    amotmt    than    any    country    of    Ger- 
many's    size     could     posibly     pay :     second        m 
France  knows  this ;   she  has  always  known       I 
this;  she  has  purposely  insisted  on  a  figure       ■ 
which  would  insure  German  default.     Ever 
since  1920  the  political  power  in  France  has 
been  in  the  hands  of  men  who  regarded  the 
destruction  of  Germany  as  immensely  more 
important  than  the  collection  of  reparations." 


The  following  is  from  an  article  by  Brig- 
adier General  P.  R.  C.  Groves,  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  of  February,  1924,  "For  France  to 
Answer" : 

"With  the  best  will  in  the  world,  it  is  no 
longer  possible  to  support  the  claim  that 
French  air  policy,  which  is  the  driving  force 
behind  this  new  and  fervid  competition  in 
armaments,  is  dictated  by  the  danger  of  a 
camouflaged  development  of  air  power  in  Ger- 
many."    ... 

I  believe  it  is  safe  to  say  that  the  greatest 
danger  to  peace  today  is  in  the  present 
struggle  between  France  and  Germany;  and 
struggle  it  surely  is,  to  any  one  who  has 
examined  and  observed  the  conditions  along 
the  Rhine  since  the  Armistice.  I  have  done 
so.  I  have  lived  and  studied  with  the  French 
since  the  war,  and  have  traversed  a  good 
part  of  Germany.  A  statement  by  Marshal 
F.  Foch  in  the  Outlook  of  March  16,  1921, 
prompted  me  to  make  an  investigation  along 
the  Rhine  during  my  twelve  months'  stay  in 
Europe  soon  afterward. 

I  cannot  agree  with  you  that  France  is 
fighting  for  her  security,  or  in  defense  of 
civilization,  with  her  African  savages  and 
their  tactics.  In  my  opinion,  she  is  doing 
everything  to  outrage  her  neighbor  and  make 
war  inevitable — all  this  under  the  guise  of 
peace,  security,  and  in  quest  of  reparations. 

France  and  Germany  are  neighbors.  At 
present  the  most  intense  hate  abounds  in 
both  countries  against  the  other — hate  and 
fear  until  war  is  to  decide — what?  It  would 
seem  there  had  been  not  enough  destruction 
and  slaughter  during  the  last  war.  That 
these  two  great  nations,  both  wrong-doers, 
both  with  so  much  to  their  credit,  should  be 
at  loggerheads  in  this  deplorable  fashion  is 
more  than  unfortunate. 

I  sincerely  wish  France  to  be  forever  re- 
lieved of  a  recurrence  of  the  disastrous  In- 
vasion she  has  suffered;  to  be  protected 
against  such  loss  of  life  as  the  last  war  cost 
her,  and  to  have  safeguarded  those  many 
things  precious  and  dear  to  her;  but  I  can- 
not condone  her  intention  to  ruin  Germany, 


192Jt 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


509 


body  and  soul,  and  as  many  Germans  as  well ; 
nor  could  I  expect  Germans  to  deliver  them- 
selves to  the  voracious  French  leaders.  The 
Treaty  of  Versailles  stands.  As  a  contract, 
it  has  been  broken  ofttimes ;  it  rests  on  force. 
Past  events  should  indicate  what  such  vio- 
lence will  lead  to. 

I  hope  the  Treaty  of  Versailles  will  be  re- 
vised. I  hope  France  will  realize  soon  that 
she  cannot  kill  her  neighbor  without  killing 
herself;  that  she  cannot  convince  the  world 
that  her  vile  methods  will  bring  her  what  she 
desires ;  that  in  mutual  understanding  will  be 
foimd  a  hope  for  peaceful  relations  in  the 
future.  For  Americans  who  have  not  wit- 
nessed actual  conditions  in  Europe,  it  is  hard 
to  understand  the  realities  of  the  situation. 
There  is  too  much  that  is  good  in  both  France 
and  Germany  that  they  should  try  to  carve 
out  each  other's  hearts.  The  Germans  feel 
that  death  is  preferable  to  perpetual  bondage 
of  the  vilest  sort.  And  so  it  is,  for  they  are 
dying  anyway. 

As  I  see  it,  the  problem  is  how  to  bring  both 
nations  towards  a  spirit  of  tolerance  and 
understanding  for  their  respective  rights. 
Therefore  I  believe  you  are  wrong  in  giving 
your  support  to  the  present  French  program, 
if  you  desire  peace,  because  in  my  opinion, 
which  I  offer  humbly  but  firmly,  the  ultimate 
success  of  the  French  program  means  the 
negation  of  every  vestige  of  justice  and  ele- 
mental decency  in  human  relations,  and  be- 
cause I  believe  the  continuation  of  that  pro- 
gram will  lead  to  war  of  the  most  vicious 
kind. 

If  I  have  mistaken  your  intentions  in  this 
matter,  I  am  in  error  and  would  be  grateful 
for  a  correction. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

J.  D.  HOLTZEBMANN. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Report  on  the  Activities  of  the  Interna- 
tional Federation  of  Trade  Unions,  1922 
AND  1923.  Amsterdam,  1924.  Rand  Book 
Store,  7  East  15th  Street,  New  York. 
Pp.  167.     Price,  60  cents. 

The  report  of  the  International  Federation 
of  Trade  Unions  on  its  activities  during  the 


years  1922  and  1923  gives  a  comprehensive 
survey  of  the  many-sided  activities  of  the 
Federation.  Thus  the  report  contains  a  suc- 
cinct account  of  the  work  of  the  Federation, 
or  the  attitude  adopted  by  it  in  the  follow- 
ing spheres :  the  anti-war  movement ;  the 
relief  action  for  the  German  Trade  Union 
movement ;  the  relief  for  Russia ;  the  recon- 
struction policy  of  the  I.  F.  T.  U. ;  the  rela- 
tions of  the  I.  F.  T.  U.  to  the  Communist 
Trade  Union  movement;  the  work  of  the 
labor  delegates  in  the  International  Labor 
Office  and  the  relations  of  the  I.  F.  T.  U.  to 
the  Socialist  and  Co-operative  internationals. 
The  compactness  of  this  pamphlet  makes  it 
very  useful  to  any  one  who  takes  an  interest 
in  the  International  Trade  Union  movement. 

The  Manchester  Guardian,  a  Century  of 
History.  By  William  Haslam  Mills.  147 
pages.  Henry  Holt  and  Company,  New 
York.    Price,  $2.50. 

The  Manchester  Guardian  celebrated  its 
Centenary  in  1921.  It  is  Interesting  to  note 
that  the  first  issue  of  this  influential  publi- 
cation appeared  May  5,  1821,  the  day  of  the 
death  of  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena.  Mr.  Mills 
points  out  in  his  book,  entitled  The  Manches- 
ter Guardian,  a  Century  of  History,  that  "if 
we  return  to  the  origin  of  a  newspaper  es- 
tablished a  century  ago  we  shall  find  our- 
selves among  the  things  of  the  mind  and 
spirit.  Among  movements  !  Among  martyr- 
doms !  A  newspaper  in  that  age  had  much 
soul  and  very  little  substance.  It  was  most 
probably  established  not  to  make  money,  but 
to  make  opinion.  It  had  something  to  say, 
but  very  little  to  tell."  Such  was  the  case 
of  the  Manchester  Guardian,  and  we  have 
here  an  interesting  and  lucidly  written  ac- 
count of  its  history — a  history  which  is,  in  a 
sense,  a  social  and  political  history  of  Eng- 
land for  a  hundred  years. 

International  Law  and  Some  Current  II/- 
LUSiONS.  By  John  Bassett  Moore.  Macmil- 
lan  Co.,  New  York,  1924.     Pp.  381.     Price, 

$4.00. 

The  author  of  these  essays  is  the  American 
judge  on  the  bench  of  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice  at  The  Hague.  His 
has  been  a  life-long  study  of  historical  and 
legal  subjects.  Here  are  gathered  together 
essays  and  addresses  written  at  various  times, 
some  as  early  as  1912  and  1914,  others  as 
late  as  the  current  year. 


510 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


In  International  law,  as  well  as  the  illu- 
sions connected  with  it,  there  could  scarcely 
be  a  better  interpreter  to  his  own  people. 
The  "illusions"  to  which  Mr.  Moore  refers 
are  several.  One  is  that  breaches  of  law 
alter  law;  another,  that  property  of  an 
enemy  subject,  brought  into  a  country  before 
a  war,  impounded  during  the  war,  may  be 
confiscated;  a  third  fallacy  is  that  the  re- 
cent war  was  unique  in  its  destructiveness. 
The  thirty-years  war,  the  wars  of  the  Span- 
ish succession,  and  the  Napoleonic  wars  were, 
he  says,  fought  with  greater  proportionate 
loss  of  life  and  property. 

His  report  on  The  Hague  conference  of 
1922-23  on  the  use  of  air-craft  and  radio 
during  the  war  is  most  valuable.  But  the 
paper  of  utmost  importance  just  now  is  that 
on  the  World  Court.  Professor  Moore's  ex- 
perience as  judge  in  this  court  gives  his 
words  unique  authority.  His  knowledge  of 
his  own  countrymen  make  him  the  best  of 
interpreters  for  them.  He  explains  not  only 
the  structure  of  the  court,  but  gives  in  con- 
siderable detail  the  arguments,  opinions,  and 
judgments  of  the  court  in  the  cases  in  which 
it  has  already  rendered  decisions. 

The  book  is  a  distinguished  contribution, 
by  a  most  distinguished  scholar,  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  subjects  increasingly  vital  to  the 
American  citizen. 

SOME  FOREIGN  FICTION 

Solomon's  Proverbs  have  omitted  to  say 
that  ignorance  is  the  beginning  of  suspicion, 
and  that  the  discovery  of  similarity  is  the 
mother  of  understanding.  These  are  state- 
ments of  fact,  nevertheless;  and  it  is  also 
true  that  all  the  treatises  and  essays  ever 
written  will  not  reveal  the  life  of  a  people 
as  does  their  fiction. 

For  these  reasons  it  is  sometimes  advisable 
to  run  over  the  publishers'  lists  for  current 
novels  and  recent  translations.  These  stories, 
if  well  done,  give  an  intimate  notion  of  the 
daily  lives  of  our  neighbors  over  the  way, 
and,  what  is  quite  as  important,  they  are  apt 
to  give  us  an  amazingly  clear  Impression  of 
their  likeness  to  ourselves;  for,  under  vary- 
ing local  customs  and  traditions,  the  same 
fundamental  human  emotions  are  found  to 
sway  humanity  everywhere. 

Like  our  own  fiction,  too  much  of  the 
foreign  output  is  cheap  or  morbid.  Among 
the  better  books  which  have  been  written 
or  translated  this  season,  a  few  of  the  out- 
standing ones  have  been  chosen  for  this  list. 


It  is  to  be  hoped,  in  the  interest  of  interna- 
tional understanding,  that  a  demand  for  the 
best  that  is  coming  out  in  Europe  and  else- 
where will  call  out  an  ever-increasing  num- 
ber of  translations  of  such  books  here. 

DooMSLAND.  By  Shane  Leslie.  Charles 
Scribner's  Sons,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  370. 
Price,  $2.50. 

Shane  Leslie,  Nationalist  editor  of  the 
Dublin  Review,  has  here  given  a  curiously 
impartial  picture  of  Ireland.  It  is  the  Ire- 
land of  the  thirty  years  preceding  the  recent 
revolution — Protestant  Ireland,  Catholic  Ire- 
land, the  Gaelic  revival,  and  all  the  im- 
portant factions  of  recent  times. 

The  plot  of  the  story  is  not  so  vital  as  the 
very  living  characters  and  their  reactions 
upon  each  other.  A  somber  story,  but  rich 
with  the  impulsive,  loyal,  superstitious,  and 
poetic  nature  of  the  Celt. 

Upon  a  substructure  of  ancient  racial  his- 
tory Mr.  Leslie  has  allowed  his  Gaelic 
imagination  to  co-operate  with  an  exquisite 
style  to  produce  a  haunting  story  of  fine 
finish. 

Eight  Panes  of  Glass.  By  Robert  Simpson. 
Frederick  A.  Stokes  Co.,  New  York,  1924. 
Pp.  301.    Price,  $2.00. 

Not  so  beautiful  in  style  as  Doomsland, 
this  tale  of  the  Scottish  Highlands  is,  never- 
theless, fresh  and  readable.  It  is  slightly 
reminiscent  of  MacLaren,  but  not  to  be  com- 
pared with  Barrie. 

The  story  is  that  of  a  shrewd  little  bedrid- 
den woman,  Janet  Cromarty.  She  indus- 
triously manages  the  fates  and  futures  of 
most  of  her  little  world,  whom  she  watches 
through  her  one   little  eight-paned   window. 

There  seems  to  be  a  somewhat  undue  em- 
phasis upon  the  marriage  theme.  Only  one 
of  the  many  matches  which  Janet  plans  fails 
of  accomplishment. 

Most  of  the  characters  stand  out  distinctly 
and  humorously.  One  suspects,  however, 
that  the  author  himself  was  unable  to  man- 
age two  of  them.  There  is  an  apparent  in- 
tention to  make  big  John  Donaldson  the  hero 
of  the  book,  as  he  was  Janet's  dearest  charge  ; 
but  somehow  the  scapegrace  Red  Roderick 
MacKay  succeeds  in  being  always  the  most 
interesting  person.  Indeed,  the  story  is 
chiefly  worth  reading  for  two  persons  in  it — 
Janet  herself  and  the  bad,  reckless,  but 
tender.   Red   Roderick   MacKay. 


192  If 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


511 


Red  Sawd.  By  T.  8.  Stribling.  Harcourt, 
Brace  &  Co.,  New  York,  1924.     Pp.  325. 

SpanLsh  America,  the  peon,  the  aristocrat, 
but,  most  of  all,  universal  humanity,  find 
expres.sion  in  this  gay  and  sorrowful  little 
romance  of  Venezuela.  The  style  of  the  book 
has  at  times  a  lack  of  surface ;  in  other  spots 
it  has  the  polish  of  poetry  and  music. 

The  love  of  an  honest,  simple-hearted  bull- 
fighter for  the  delicately  reared,  no  less 
simple-hearted  daughter  of  an  old  Spanish 
family  is  developed  in  all  its  high  lights  and 
shadows.  The  inevitable  contrasts  are 
heightened  by  the  philosophic  comments  of 
the  poet  lirother  of  the  girl,  who  is  also 
an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  peon  lover. 

The  tropical  background  is  indicated  with 
restraint  and  is  therefore  an  effective  means 
to  the  understanding  of  the  tale.  A  sentence, 
for  instance,  puts  one  in  the  mood  for  the 
lover's  serenade.  "The  shadowed  lawn  was 
sweet  with  evening  fragrance,  and  the  air 
was  full  of  those  endless  insect  noises  which 
compose  the  silence  of  a  tropical  night." 

The  human  interest  of  the  story,  which 
moves  unerringly  to  its  conclusion,  excuses 
the  centering  of  dramatic  interest  in  the  bull- 
fights; yet  these,  too,  are  accurate  pictures 
of  one  phase  of  Spanish-American  life. 

Bubbles  of  the  Foam.  Translated  by  F.  W. 
Bain.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York. 
Pp.  160. 

Like  a  beautiful  piece  of  Indian  jewelry, 
this  book  is  a  pattern  of  story  within  story. 
First,  there  is  the  border  of  comment  by  the 
translator,  by  means  of  introduction  and  foot- 
notes. Then  a  prolog,  which  consists  of  the 
talk  of  Maheshwara,  the  "moon-crested"  god, 
with  a  goddess  who  is  called  "Daughter  of  the 
Snows."     He  narrates  the  main  story  to  her. 

This  story,  too,  has  a  prolog,  telling  of  the 
double  curse  which  was  pronounced  on  the 
goddess  of  beauty  and  the  selfish  god  of  love. 
Both  are  condemned  to  earth,  and  their  un- 
happy infatuation  constitutes  the  body  of  the 
story.  His  unhappiness  is  that  of  selfishness 
and  its  recompense;  hers  that  which  follows 
the  delusion  of  seeking  happiness  in  an 
earthly  love.  For,  says  the  philosophy  of 
India,  the  world  is  unreal,  a  delusion;  sense 
is  deception;  earthly  happiness  a  dream,  a 
mirage,  seen  because  in  our  loneliness  we 
long  for  it.  Indian  philosophy  is  well  illus- 
trated in  the  tale. 

To  complete  the  pattern,  many  little  gems 


of  folklore  or  myth  story  are  told  by  some 
character  in  the  book  to  illuminate  the  theme. 

The  Indian  attitude  toward  guilt  and  re- 
venge is  exemplified  in  one  of  the  most  poetic 
passages  in  this  jewel  of  a  book.  The 
"Mooney  crested,"  commenting  on  the  murder 
of  the  two  villains,  says  :  "And  he  should  have 
left  Aranyani's  vindication  to  the  deity,  who 
knew  what  was  necessary  far  better  than 
himself  and  had  his  eye  upon  it  all.  For 
there  is  no  retribution  so  just,  or  so  sure, 
or  so  adequate,  or  so  awful  as  that  which 
evil-doers  lay  upon  themselves,  in  the  form 
of  their  own  ill-deeds,  which  dog  them  like 
a  shadow,  clinging  to  their  heels,  from  body 
to  body,  through  birth  after  birth,  till  the 
very  last  atom  of  guilt  has  passed  through 
the  furnace  of  expiation  and  the  very  last 
item  of  their  debt  to  everlasting  Yama  has 
been  weighed  in  his  scales  and  struck  from 
the  account  and  utterly  redeemed." 

Who  shall  say  that,  with  all  its  passivity 
and  age-long  sadness,  the  soul  of  the  Brahmin 
has  no  strength  or  hope? 

Mariflob.     By   Concha  Espina.     Translated 

by  Frances  Douglas.     Macmillan  Co.,  New 

York,  1924.     Pp.  425.     Price,  $2.50. 

This  romance  of  the  Spanish  Highlands 
was  awarded  the  highest  prize  in  the  gift 
of  the  Spanish  Academy.  It  is  a  tale  set 
among  the  Maragatans,  a  primitive  tribe  of 
Spanish  peasants.  These  ancient  people  are 
the  remnant  of  the  earliest  inhabitants  of 
Spain. 

By  way  of  contrast,  two  characters  are 
taken  from  the  more  polished  and  modern 
life  of  the  country.  But  the  story  concerns 
particularly  the  hard,  bitter  lives  of  the 
Maragatan  women,  wringing  meager  exist- 
ence from  the  unfriendly  steppe. 

The  book  is  written  in  a  fiowery,  romantic 
manner,  not  much  followed  in  English  since 
the  days  of  Cooper.  The  particular  lack  is, 
as  always  in  the  florid  style,  its  lack  of 
humor.  Yet  the  studies  of  character  ring 
true  from  start  to  finish. 

There  is  almost  no  plot  except  the  inevi- 
table stresses  of  character  upon  character. 
Unlike  the  story  of  "The  Betrothed,"  the 
Church,  which  broods  over  the  daily  lives  of 
her  people,  is  unable,  in  this  book,  to  help 
events,  except  in  the  preaching  of  dull  sub- 
mission and  abnegation. 

The  book  is  remarkable  because  of  the 
strongly  drawn  picture  of  an  almost-forgotten 
portion  of  the  Spanish  people. 


612 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


August 


The  Prisoner  Who  Sang.  By  Johan  Bojer. 
Century  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  295. 
Price,  $2.00. 

In  strong  contrast  with  the  novels  from 
the  south  of  Europe  is  this  searching  study 
in  psychology.  Only  a  Scandinavian  could 
have  written  it. 

As  a  story,  it  is  dramatic,  and  the  Nor- 
wegian manners  and  life  are  shown  in  a  de- 
lightfully understanding  mood.  The  strange 
central  character,  an  imaginative,  egotistic, 
dramatic  boy,  moves  through  an  inexorable 
series  of  steps  in  disintegration  till  he  be- 
comes a  dual  personality — during  the  day  a 
rapacious  pawnbroker,  at  night  a  Communist 
orator. 

The  book,  not  so  great  as  some  of  Bojer's 
other  works,  is  gripping,  and  the  craftsman- 
ship with  which  he  handles  the  complexities 
of  his  hero's  nature  has  more  than  a  hint 
of  his  well-known  genius.  The  book  is  not 
morbid,  because  of  its  universality.  Under 
a  lesser  artist  this  might  easily  have  been  lost 
in  a  study  so  pathological.  It  is  man's 
nature  which  he  has  portrayed.  "I  have 
found,"  says  the  hero  at  the  end,  "something 
behind  the  liar,  the  mask,  and  the  shadow. 
That  is  the  eternal  longing  of  humanity — the 
thirst  for  light.    Do  you  know  it?" 

The  Betrothed.  By  Alessandro  Manzoni. 
Translated  by  Daniel  J.  Connor.  Macmil- 
lan  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  666.  Price, 
$3.00. 

"It  is  not  enough  that  the  intellectual 
moment  of  a  long  period  be  presented;  en- 
during literature  must  do  much  more  than 
that.  It  must  depict  the  personality  of  a 
people  which  the  people  themselves  recog- 
nize as  the  ideal  personality  of  an  epoch."— 
Georg  Brandes.  According  to  this  standard, 
"The  Betrothed,"  which  is  a  historical  novel 
of  the  seventeenth  centry,  first  published  in 
1827,  is  surely  enduring  literature. 

When  the  book  appeared  it  became  at  once 
what  would  now  be  called  a  "best  seller."  It 
was  read  all  over  Europe.  Lamartine, 
Chateaubriand,  Goethe,  all  read  it  raptur- 
ously, and  praised  it.  Most  readers  of  that 
day  compared  Manzoni  with  Scott.  .  It  has, 
however,  admittedly,  a  much  wider  appeal 
and  is  much  more  a  national  production  than 
the  Waverley  novels. 

Coming  out  of  Catholic  Italy,  the  plot 
weaves  in  and  out  of  the  Church  in  a  beauti- 
ful and  natural  manner.     "If  the  Church  of 


Rome  really  were  what  Manzoni  represents 
her  to  be,"  says  Macaulay  in  his  diary,  "I 
should  be  tempted  to  follow  Newman's  ex- 
ample." 

The  hero  and  heroine,  unlike  those  in  most 
of  Sir  Walter's  books,  are  peasants.  Robber 
barons  and  brigands,  riots  and  a  plague, 
serve  to  enliven  the  plot  and  shake  people 
out  of  routine.  Humor  crops  up  deliciously 
and  naturally  in  spots.  During  the  bread 
riots  in  Milan,  for  instance,  Renzo  saw  the 
mob  culminating  their  frenzy  by  burning,  in 
the  city  square,  the  baker's  kneading-hutches 
and  winnowing  fans.  It  occurred  to  him 
that  this  might  not  be  the  wisest  way  to  pro- 
mote abundance  of  bread.  "He  kept  his  wis- 
dom muzzled,  however ;  for  not  one  of  all 
the  faces  about  him  bore  an  expression  which 
might  be  construed  to  say,  'Correct  me, 
brother,  if  I  err,  and  I  shall  be  beholden  to 
you.' " 

It  is  the  Church  which  removes,  one  by  one, 
all  the  seemingly  insuperable  obstacles  which 
keep  the  lovers  apart,  and  it  all  ends  gaily, 
to  the  chiming  of  wedding  bells. 

BOOKS  RECEIVED 

Enchanted  Aisles.  By  Alexander  Woolcott. 
G.  P.  Putnam,  1924. 

Towards  International  Justice.  By  F.  N. 
Keen.    Harcourt,  Brace  &  Co. 

Ways  to  Peace.  Twenty  plans  selected  from 
those  submitted  to  the  American  Peace 
Award.  Introduction  by  Esther  Everett 
Lape.  Preface  by  Edward  Bok.  Chas. 
Scribner's  Sons.    Price,  $3.00. 

The  Foundations  of  National  Industrial 
Efficiency.  By  Vandervere  Custis,  Ph.  D. 
Macmillan  Co.,  New  York,  1923.  Pp.  324. 
Price,  $2.25. 

The  Conscientious  Objector  in  America. 
By  Norman  Thomas.  B.  W.  Huebsch,  New 
York,  1923.     Pp.  299.     Price,  $2.00. 

Outbreak  op  the  World  War.  German 
Documents  Collected  by  Karl  Kautsky. 
Max  Montgelas  and  Walther  Schucking, 
editors.  Oxford  University  Press,  New 
York,  1924.     Pp.  688. 

Preliminary  History  of  the  Armistice. 
Official  Documents  Published  by  the  Ger- 
man National  Chancellery.  Translated  by 
the  Carnegie  Endowment.  Pp.  163.  Ox- 
ford University  Press,  1924. 


The  Will  to  End  War 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 


This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modem  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 


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The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  C. 


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TO  THE  ADVOCATE    OF   PEACE 

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1  n  ROUvjfl  cJ  Ui)  1  Iv  1 


\      Volume  86,  Nos.  9-10  September-October,  1924 

Europe's  New  Spirit 

Reparation  Agreement 

Meaning  of  Defense  Day 

Congressmen  in  Europe 

Important  International  Dates 

Anglo- Russian  Treaties 

Task  Before  France 


PRICE    20    CENTS 


THE  PURPOSE 

O^HE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
— Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  IJ. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 
Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 
PUBLISHED  MONTHLY  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 


Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  12.00  a  year.     Single  copies.  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter.  June  1,  1911.  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington, 
D.  C.  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  In  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917  ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  being  impracticable  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  vieics  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 


Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 515 

Editorials 

The  New  Spirit  in  Europe — American  Influences  in  Europe — Inter- 
course witli  Soviet  Russia — Editorial  Notes 517-522 

World  Problems  in  Review 

The  London  Agreement — U.  S.  and  the  League  Disarmament  Work — 
The  British- Soviet  Agreement — Civil  War  in  China — Revolution  in 
Chile — International  Peace  Congress 523-530 

Important  International  Dates 531 

General  Articles 

America  and  World  AfiEairs 533 

I.  By  President  Coolidge 

II.  By  Hon.  John  W.  Davis 
The  Meaning  of  Defense  Day 536 

By  Hon.  Herbert  Hoover 
Congressmen  in  Switzerland 539 

By  Arthur  Deerln  Call 
Achievements  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union 543 

By  Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
The  Task  before  Premier  Herriot 547 

By  Joseph  Calllaux 
Rights  and  Duties  of  States 550 

By  the  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Phillimore 

International  Documents 

Results  of  the  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference 553 

Anglo-Russian  Treaties 565 

News  in  Brief 572 

Book  Reviews 574 


^  Vol.  86         SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER,  1924      Nos.  9  -  10  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  Is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  built  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

It  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  international 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocatk  of 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  cir- 
culated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

/*  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

/*  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head- 
quarters in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  been 
incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  since 
1848. 


FEES^ 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,  five  dollars ; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hon.  Theodore  B.  Burton,  President  American 
Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  op  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
■loner  of  Education,  Tulsa,  Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thomas  B.  Green,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  David  Jaynb  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinlby,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Philip  North  Moore,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  Build- 
ing, Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Morris,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Boulevard, 
Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  Ex-President  Fairmont  Sem- 
inary, Southern  Pines,  North  Carolina. 

Paul  Sle.man,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania, Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green 
Hon.  William  B.  McKinley 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon.  Henry  W.  Temple 


I 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.    Theodore   E.    Bueton,    Member    of    Congress 
from  Ohio,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Mecretary: 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 


Treasurer: 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vioe-Presidents: 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Washington,  D. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  Richmond,  Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pres.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  Darlington,  Harrlsburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fisk,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde    Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,'New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Bishop  William  Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.  H.  Pillsbury,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Frederic  Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Salida.  Colo. 

Senator  Tho.mas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

*Pres.  M.  Carey  Tho.mas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 

•Emeritus. 


Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society,  May  27,  1921) 


THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  Institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague ;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committee  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members ; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions,  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  It  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable,  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  whenever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  Interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
Its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that. 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives : 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective ;  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and  desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER,  1924 


NUMBERS 
9-10 


EDITORIALS 


THE  NEW  SPIRIT  IN  EUROPE 

HOWEVER  incomplete  may  be  the 
settlement  of  the  reparation  prob- 
lem made  in  London  this  summer,  it  can- 
not but  be  welcomed  as  a  real  step  for- 
ward. In  the  very  nature  of  things  it 
had  to  be  a  compromise.  Too  much  bit- 
terness had  to  be  allayed,  too  much  hos- 
tility laid  at  rest,  too  many  open  rifts  to 
be  bridged,  too  many  divergent  views  to 
be  reconciled.  Yet  the  result  is  promis- 
ing— the  first  unmistakable  ray  of  hope 
on  the  darkly  overcast  reparation  horizon. 

A  new  spirit  permeated  this  London 
parley.  In  a  sense,  it  was  the  first  real 
peace  conference  between  the  Allies  and 
Germany  since  the  end  of  the  war. 

The  Peace  Conference  in  Paris  was  an 
assemblage  at  which  the  victors  dictated 
terms  to  the  vanquished.  At  one  stage 
of  the  negotiations,  in  connection  with  a 
question  which  was  bound  to  arouse  pro- 
test from  Germany,  Mr.  Wilson  was  asked 
what  he  thought  the  Germans  would  say 
to  the  terms  that  were  being  laid  down  for 
them.  His  reply  was  most  characteristic 
of  the  atmosphere  that  permeated  the 
Paris  negotiations : 

"Oh,  the  Germans  will  have  nothing  to 
say.  They  will  be  told  to  sign  on  the 
dotted  line." 

If  even  the  most  moderate  of  the  nego- 
tiators of  the  Versailles  Treaty  could  have 
caught  so  unmistakably  the  spirit  of  a 
victor  peace  which  was  being  forged  in 
Paris,  what  could  have  been  said  of  the 


other  negotiators  and  of  the  general  body 
of  public  opinion  behind  them?  War  was 
still  in  the  very  essence  of  life.  The  Paris 
peace  was  truly  a  war,  not  a  peace,  settle- 
ment. 

And  war  was  still  in  the  very  essence  of 
life  in  Germany,  as  well  as  on  the  Allied 
side  of  the  battle  front.  She  accepted  the 
terms  laid  down  for  her  only  under  pro- 
test, and  her  attitude  was  a  poor  augury 
for  her  execution  of  these  terms. 

The  plain  fact  of  the  matter  was  that 
the  basic  Allied  terms,  as  laid  down  in 
Paris  and  elaborated  at  later  parleys,  were 
impossible  of  execution.  The  burden  laid 
upon  Germany  was  far  too  excessive  in 
the  first  place,  but  if,  by  some  miracle, 
the  Allied  terms  could  possibly  have  been 
executed,  they  would  have  plunged  the 
whole  world  into  an  economic  situation, 
in  which  the  Allies  themselves  would  have 
suffered. 

It  took  nearly  five  years  for  these  facts 
to  gain  anything  like  general  recognition. 
In  the  meantime,  the  same  spirit  that  had 
permeated  the  Paris  Conference  was  only 
too  much  in  evidence  in  all  the  subsequent 
parleys.  Dictation  was  the  rule  of  the 
day  on  one  side,  evasion  dominated  the 
other.  And  through  it  all  there  was  grow- 
ing up  in  Europe  more  hatred  and  more 
distrust  than  were  engendered  even  by  the 
war  itself. 

The  incubus  of  the  reparation  problem 
grew  and  grew,  until  it  was  assuming 
truly  terrifying  proportions.  So  long  as 
the  reparation  problem  remained  on  the 


518 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Septeniber-Octoher 


plane  on  which  it  had  been  placed  by  the 
Peace  Treaty  and  the  London  Schedule 
of  Payments,  it  was  insoluble,  as  an  eco- 
nomic proposition.  And  so  long  as  the 
two  principal  powers  of  Continental  Eu- 
rope stood  facing  each  other  in  all  the 
fearful  panoply  of  distrust  and  hostility, 
the  problem  could  not  be  removed  to  any 
other  plane. 

A  new  spirit  had  to  emerge  in  Europe 
before  it  became  possible  to  treat  of  the 
original  reparation  settlement  as  some- 
thing human  and  not  sacrosanct.  The 
report  of  the  Committee  of  Experts  was 
the  first  effective  break  in  the  blind  wall 
against  which  Europe  had  pressed  for 
nearly  five  years.  It  placed  the  whole 
problem  on  a  new  plane,  and  thereby  made 
it  at  least  possible  of  solution.  But  the 
new  spirit  had  to  go  further  and  deeper 
than  that. 

For  five  years  Europe  attempted  a  set- 
tlement by  dictation.  At  the  Inter-Allied 
Conference  in  London  we  had  the  first 
approach  to  a  settlement  by  negotiation. 
The  Germans  were  admitted  to  that  con- 
ference, not  merely  to  sign  on  the  dotted 
line,  but  really  to  negotiate. 

The  machinery  set  up  by  the  London 
Conference  for  the  carrying  out  of  the 
Dawes  Plan  may  not  have  produced  the 
results  expected  from  it.  The  expecta- 
tions on  which  the  plan  is  based  may  still 
be  too  optimistic.  Germany  may  not  be 
able  to  pay,  and  France  may  not  be  will- 
ing to  receive,  even  the  sums  indicated  in 
the  plan.  But  whatever  happens,  future 
differences  between  Germany  and  the 
Allies  will  be  settled  by  negotiation  and 
arbitration,  not  by  dictation.  For  that 
the  machinery  set  up  in  London  is  quite 
adequate.  And  there  can  be  no  better 
basis  than  that  for  good  faith  and  con- 
ciliation. It  is  this  that  makes  the  Lon- 
don Conference  the  most  important  inter- 
national parley  since  the  end  of  the  war 
and  an  unmistakable  expression  of  the 
new  spirit  in  Europe. 


AMERICAN  INFLUENCES  IN 
EUROPE 

LAST  year,  at  the  meeting  of  the  Inter- 
^ parliamentary  Union  in  Copenhagen, 
Congressman  Burton  made  the  statement 
that  the  United  States  is  always  willing 
and  even  eager  to  help  Europe  in  the  so- 
lution of  her  problems.  But  he  warned 
the  European  statesmen  whom  he  was 
addressing  that  America  will  never  come 
to  Europe  as  a  partisan — only  as  an  im- 
partial friend.  And,  moreover,  she  will 
come  only  when  Europe  expresses  a  clear 
and  sincere  desire  for  her  to  come  on  that 
basis. 

During  the  months  that  have  elapsed 
since  these  words  were  uttered  by  the 
veteran  American  statesman,  who  is  also 
President  of  this  Society,  European  af- 
fairs have  taken  a  turn  in  precisely  the 
direction  which  makes  possible  effective 
American  participation  in  the  solution  of 
European  problems.  We  rejoice  whole- 
heartedly in  the  fact  that  this  has  taken 
place. 

Before  this  became  possible,  an  indis- 
pensable condition  had  to  be  fulfilled  by 
Europe  of  her  own  accord.  A  new  spirit 
had  to  manifest  itself — the  spirit  of  com- 
promise and  conciliation  as  among  the 
great  powers.  This  spirit,  of  which  we 
spoke  in  the  preceding  editorial,  showed 
its  first  signs  of  appearance  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  year,  when  the  Eepa- 
ration  Commission  sent  out  its  call  for 
the  best  brains  that  could  be  furnished  by 
two  continents  to  set  to  work  on  the  repa- 
ration dilemma.  It  came  fully  into  evi- 
dence at  the  Inter-Allied  Conference  in 
London.  It  permeates  the  machinery 
which  that  Conference  has  set  up  for  the 
future. 

America's  influence  was  most  effective 
at  all  these  stages.  Europe  called  to 
America,  and  she  called  in  a  spirit  which 
America  could  not  but  welcome.  At  the 
first  stage  America  was  represented  by 
private  citizens;  at  the  second  by  fully 


192J^ 


EDITORIALS 


519 


empowered  officials.  In  both  cases  her 
presence  was  felt  so  unmistakably,  as  to 
be  almost  determinative. 

But  important  as  was  our  role  in  these 
two  outstanding  events  of  the  past  few 
months,  a  still  more  important  role  is 
reserved  for  our  influence  in  the  future. 
Under  the  reparation  machinery  now  in 
operation  American  citizens  become  the 
arbiters  of  the  bitterest  quarrel  that  has 
arisen  in  modern  history.  The  London 
Conference  has  restored  to  Germany  the 
status  of  equality  with  the  other  great 
powers  of  Europe,  but  the  good  faith  of 
that  nation  is  still  under  suspicion.  She 
has  assumed  certain  solemn  obligations, 
the  fulfillment  of  which  may  or  may  not 
be  within  the  range  of  possibilities.  And 
if  they  prove  to  be  beyond  human  powers 
of  fulfillment,  at  least  Germany  must  be 
given  full  opportunity  to  show  whether  or 
not  she  is  acting  in  good  faith. 

There  are  two  pivotal  points  in  the  new 
reparation  machinery  at  which  the  deter- 
mination of  Germany's  good  faith  will  be- 
come imperative.  The  first  is  concerned 
with  a  possible  default  of  the  German 
Government  in  making  payments  on  ac- 
count of  reparation  to  the  representatives 
of  the  Separation  Commission.  The  sec- 
ond has  to  do  with  the  transfer  of  these 
funds  to  the  creditor  countries.  At  both 
of  these  points  American  citizens  have 
been  placed  in  commanding  positions. 

The  problem  of  Germany's  default  is 
no  longer  to  be  dealt  with  by  her  creditors 
alone,  as  it  has  been  heretofore.  The  de- 
termination of  default  will  still  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  Separation  Commission,  but 
in  every  case  of  a  discussion  of  this  ques- 
tion an  American  member  will  be  added 
to  the  Commission.  Moreover,  should  the 
Commission,  even  with  the  American 
member,  fail  of  unanimity  in  its  decision 
and  should  the  dissenting  member  so  re- 
quest, the  whole  question  has  to  be  handed 


over  to  a  neutral  committee  of  three,  pre- 
sided over  by  an  American  citizen. 

The  transfer  of  the  reparation  funds 
from  Germany  abroad  is  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  Agent  for  Separation  Pay- 
ments, It  is  for  him  to  decide  whether 
or  not  transfers  should  be  made  at  any 
particular  time,  and  his  decision  is  final. 
The  Separation  Commission  has  already 
chosen  its  Agent.  For  the  time  being  the 
post  is  occupied  by  Mr.  Owen  D.  Young, 
After  the  end  of  this  year,  it  will  be  oc- 
cupied by  Mr,  S,  Parker  Gilbert,  former 
Undersecretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Thus  the  whole  operation  of  the  ma- 
chinery for  dealing  with  the  problem  of 
German  reparation  payments  will  depend 
largely  upon  the  ability,  fairness,  and  tact 
of  two  or  three  Americans.  Their  respon- 
sibility is  great,  but  the  field  for  their  in- 
fluence is  fully  commensurate  with  it. 

There  is  another  important  post  in  Eu- 
rope, also  concerned  with  a  problem  of 
post-war  finance,  already  occupied  by  an 
American.  Mr.  Jeremiah  Smith,  a  Bos- 
ton lawyer,  is  in  Budapest,  as  the  Com- 
missioner-General of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions for  Hungarian  reconstruction. 

America,  through  her  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives, as  well  as  through  her  out- 
standing citizens,  is  coming  to  Europe — 
always  as  an  impartial  friend,  not  a  par- 
tisan of  any  nation  or  any  cause.  And 
Europe  is  rapidly  learning  to  appreciate 
this.  Europe  is  beginning  to  understand 
America,  instead  of  decrying  and  criticis- 
ing her,  as  has  been  the  fashion  during 
the  years  immediately  following  the  war. 
In  this  she  has  been  greatly  helped  this 
summer  by  the  visits  paid  across  the  ocean 
by  such  American  statesmen  as  Secretary 
of  State  Hughes,  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury Mellon,  Mr.  Hurley,  the  new  member 
of  the  Debt  Funding  Commission,  and  the 
American  delegates  to  the  conference  of 
the  Interparliamentary  Union. 


520 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Sept&mher-Octoler 


INTERCOURSE  WITH  SOVIET 
RUSSIA 

RUSSIA  has  remained  for  over  five 
-years  practically  outside  interna- 
tional intercourse,  mainly  because  her 
communist  regime  has  been  adamant  in 
refusing  to  private  citizens  of  other  States 
the  rights  which  they  enjoy  all  over  the 
world  under  the  civilized  usages  that  ob- 
tain today.  It  is  true  that  similar  rights 
are  denied  to  Eussian  citizens  as  well,  but 
that  fact  does  not  in  the  least  alter  the  sit- 
uation, so  far  as  foreigners  are  concerned. 

Whatever  her  regime,  Eussia  needs  in- 
tercourse with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
Similarly,  the  world  needs  intercourse 
with  Eussia.  World  recovery  from  the 
ravages  of  the  past  decade  is  only  partly 
possible,  so  long  as  one-seventh  of  the 
earth,  represented  by  Eussia,  remains  out- 
side the  pale  of  civilization.  But  there  is 
neither  need,  reason,  nor  justice  in  the 
other  countries  of  the  world  accepting  the 
principles  which  reign  in  Eussia  today. 
It  is  rather  for  Eussia  to  accept  civilized 
usages,  in  the  place  of  her  own  chimeras, 
which  have  brought  her  to  her  present 
sorry  plight. 

But  there  are  two  ways  for  regarding 
the  question  of  intercourse  with  Eussia, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  rights  of 
foreigners:  One  is  on  the  basis  of  equal 
treatment  accorded  to  Eussians  and  to 
foreigners,  and  the  other  on  the  basis  of 
different  treatment. 

Great  Britain,  in  her  recent  negotia- 
tions with  the  Soviet  Government,  has  fol- 
lowed the  second  of  these  alternatives. 
She  has  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the 
Soviet  Government  promises  to  satisfy  a 
part  of  the  claims  presented  by  her  na- 
tionals on  account  of  the  annulment  of 
Eussia's  state  debts  and  of  the  confisca- 
tion and  nationalization  of  private  prop- 
erty. All  this  Soviet  Eussia  has  granted 
"by   way   of   exception"  'to   her   existing 


legislation.  How  far  Great  Britain  has 
gone  in  following  the  second  of  the  alter- 
natives outlined  above  is  perfectly  ap- 
parent from  the  Anglo-Eussian  treaties, 
signed  in  London  on  August  8,  the  text 
of  which  appears  in  the  International 
Documents  section  of  this  number  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace. 

The  agreement  reached  in  London  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  Soviet  Eussia 
naturally  raises  the  question  of  what 
should  be  the  attitude  of  the  United  States 
toward  the  question  of  intercourse  with 
Eussia  in  the  light  of  that  agreement. 
Our  government  is  still  adamant  in  re- 
fusing to  accord  official  recognition  to  the 
Soviet  regime  in  Eussia.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  it  will  never  consent  to  follow  the 
lines  of  the  British  agreement. 

If  the  world  needs  a  resumption  of  in- 
tercourse with  Eussia,  it  is  only  reasonable 
to  expect  that  the  conditions  under  which 
such  resumption  should  take  place  would 
work  toward  a  betterment  of  the  situation 
in  Eussia,  not  toward  a  perpetuation  of 
the  plight  in  which  that  unfortunate 
country  finds  itself  today.  Yet  it  is  pre- 
cisely in  that  second  direction  that  the 
British  policy  points. 

For  foreign  powers  to  accept  a  re- 
sumption of  intercourse  with  Eussia  on 
the  basis  of  obtaining  rights  for  foreign 
nationals  which  are  denied  to  Eussian 
citizens  is  to  reduce  Eussia  virtually  to 
the  rank  of  nations  to  which  the  principle 
of  extraterritoriality  has  been  applied  here- 
tofore. Such  a  course  of  action  might  be 
based  upon  the  hope  that  once  certain 
rights  are  granted  to  foreigners  they  may 
be  eventually  extended  also  to  the  people 
of  Eussia.  But  it  would  involve  in  reality 
the  establishment  of  guarantees  which 
would  not  be  dissimilar  to  those  imposed 
upon  such  States  as  Turkey  and  China. 
The  history  of  the  relations  between  these 
latter  countries  and  the  civilized  powers 
shows  how  precarious  a  foundation  such 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


521 


an  arrangement  constitutes  for  the  normal 
processes  of  intercourse  among  nations. 

Were  our  policy  with  regard  to  the  rec- 
ognition of  the  Soviet  regime  hased  upon 
the  seizing  of  advantages  rendered  pos- 
sible by  the  unfortunate  condition  into 
which  Eussia  has  been  plunged,  it  would 
have  been  logical  for  us  to  pursue  just 
such  a  course.  But  since  we  have  hereto- 
fore consistently  grounded  our  policy  in  a 
sincere  desire  to  assist  the  people  of  Russia 
back  to  their  normal  position  among  the 
powers  of  the  world,  the  acceptance  of  a 
situation  in  which  foreigners  would  be 
placed  in  Russia  in  a  more  privileged 
condition  than  Russians  themselves  would 
be  directly  contrary  to  our  openly  avowed 
policy  of  friendship  for  the  Russian  people 
and  our  tradition  of  fair  play  in  inter- 
national affairs. 

It  is,  therefore,  insufficient  to  make  the 
resumption  of  Russia's  international  obli- 
gations the  sole  condition  prerequisite  to 
according  the  present  regime  in  Russia 
an  equal  footing  with  the  civilized  govern- 
ments of  the  world.  This  condition  itself, 
if  it  is  to  fulfill  the  purpose  implied  in  our 
policy,  namely,  adequate  assistance  to  the 
Russian  people  toward  actual  recovery, 
should  be  based  upon  the  establishment  in 
Russia  of  the  basic  conditions  that  govern 
organized  life  in  civilized  States.  Unless 
a  bill  of  civil  rights,  with  everything  that 
it  implies  in  regard  to  such  conditions  as 
private  property,  freedom  of  speech,  press, 
public  worship,  etc.,  receive  in  Russia  the 
sanction  of  its  present  regime,  that  regime 
cannot  be  credited  with  good  faith  by  the 
powers  from  which  it  seeks  recognition. 

In  creating  new  States  after  the  war, 
the  great  powers  saw  morally  fit  to  im- 
pose upon  them  such  vital  obligations  as 
guarantees  of  the  rights  of  minorities. 
The  same  moral  right  holds  true  in  regard 
to  the  terms  upon  which  these  powers 
would  be  ready  to  readmit  Russia  into  the 
family  of  nations. 


The  conditions,  therefore,  which  should 
precede  the  recognition  of  any  Russian 
regime  by  the  United  States  are  as  fol- 
lows: 

1.  Adequate  proof  that  such  a  regime  is 
established  in  good  faith  upon  national 
principles.  In  the  case  of  the  present  Rus- 
sian regime,  this  means  specifically  that 
the  connection  which  now  exists  between 
the  Soviet  regime  and  the  Third  Inter- 
national, through  the  fact  that  the  out- 
standing leaders  of  the  Soviet  regime 
are  also  members  of  the  governing  body 
of  the  International,  and  that  the  Inter- 
national is  subsidized  by  the  Russian 
treasury,  should  be  completely  and  openly 
broken. 

2.  All  foreign  debts  owed  directly  by 
the  State  or  guaranteed  by  it  should  be 
recognized  unreservedly  and  unequivocally, 
in  conformity  with  the  principle  of  Gov- 
ernment succession. 

3.  The  resumption  by  a  Russian  Gov- 
ernment of  the  obligation  to  reimburse 
foreign  owners  of  property  in  Russia  con- 
fiscated during  the  revolution  should  be 
based,  not  upon  special  privilege  thus  ex- 
tended to  foreign  nationals,  but  upon  the 
principle  of  a  re-establishment  in  Russia 
of  generally  accepted  civilized  usages.  In 
the  case  of  the  present  regime,  this  means 
a  complete  and  retroactive  renunciation 
of  the  so-called  "revolutionary  law  of  ex- 
propriation," under  which  private  prop- 
erty was  confiscated  without  compensation, 
in  accordance  with  a  social  theory,  and 
not  as  a  punitive  measure,  and  the  estab- 
lishment in  Russia  of  the  fundamental 
civil  liberties  which  alone  would  provide 
a  basis  for  faith  in  the  sincerity  of  what- 
ever action  the  present  Russian  regime 
undertakes  to  carry  out. 


SLOWLY,  but  surely,  the  task  of  re- 
establishing friendly  and  normal  re- 
lations between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  is  being  carried  forward.    On  Au- 


522 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


gust  30  the  General  Claims  Commission 
for  the  two  countries  began  its  sessions  in 
Washington.  At  the  opening  session  Sec- 
retary of  State  Hughes  made  the  follow- 
ing straightforward  statement  of  the  pol- 
icy of  our  government  toward  our  south- 
ern neighbor: 

"May  I,  on  behalf  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  take  this 
occasion  again  to  express  our  profound 
interest  in  the  prosperity  of  our  great 
neighbor  on  the  south,  the  United  Mex- 
ican States,  our  abiding  friendship  for 
her  people,  our  earnest  desire  to  have  the 
co-operation  which  proceeds  on  the  ac- 
knowledged basis  of  mutual  esteem  and 
mutual  recognition  of  the  rights  and  obli- 
gations of  independent  States?  We  feel 
that  we  are  entering  upon  a  new  era  of 
mutual  confidence  in  our  relations  with 
Mexico  to  the  advantage  of  the  peoples  of 
both  countries." 

With  this  as  the  policy  north  of  the 
Eio  Grande,  and  with  sanity  on  the  as- 
cendent south  of  the  dividing  river,  there 
is  every  reason  for  optimism  as  to  the 
future  of  our  relations  with  Mexico. 


IT  IS  a  pleasure  to  welcome  a  new  ad- 
dition to  the  Diplomatic  Corps  in 
Washington  in  the  person  of  Professor 
Smiddy,  the  first  Minister  to  the  United 
States  of  the  Irish  Free  State,  Professor 
Smiddy  has  been  in  this  country  for  some 
time,  in  a  semi-official  capacity,  studying 
some  of  our  fundamental  problems  for 
the  benefit  of  his  resurrected  country.  He 
will  be  able  to  do  this  work  with  even 
greater  facility,  now  that  he  has  been  con- 
firmed in  a  fully  official  diplomatic  status. 
The  Irish  Minister  will  act  quite  inde- 
pendently of  the  British  Ambassador  in 
all  matters  relating  to  Ireland,  though 
any  question  as  to  whether  or  not  any 
particular  matter  comes  in  the  category 
of  those  matters  which  are  to  be  handled 
by  him  will  have  to  be  determined  by 
consultation  with  the  Amt)assador. 


ANEW  attempt  is  being  made  to  intro- 
-  duce  greater  unity  and  harmony  in 
the  affairs  of  the  Succession  States  by 
means  of  a  conference  of  these  States, 
which  will  take  place  in  Eome  this  au- 
tumn. The  conference  is  being  called  at 
the  instance  of  the  Italian  Government, 
which  is  thus  carrying  a  step  further  the 
policy  it  has  inaugurated  in  signing  trea- 
ties of  amity  with  Jugoslavia  and  Czecho- 
slovakia. All  of  the  Succession  States 
have  expressed  their  willingness  to  attend 
the  Rome  conference,  which  ought  to 
mark  distinct  progress  in  the  mutual  re- 
lations of  these  struggling  new  States  of 
Central  Europe. 


SEPTEMBER  1  marked  the  first  anni- 
versary of  the  fearful  misfortune  that 
visited  Japan  last  year,  when  the  worst 
earthquake  in  history  caused  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  country^s  capital  and  its  largest 
seaport.  It  is  most  gratifying  to  note  that 
during  this  year  Japan  has  made  truly 
heroic  efforts  to  repair  the  damage.  While 
it  is  true  that  both  Tokyo  and  Yokohama 
are  still  cities  of  temporary  dwellings, 
that  fact  is  due  to  a  wise  decision  on  the 
part  of  the  Japanese  Government  to  re- 
plan  the  cities  in  the  process  of  their  per- 
manent rebuilding.  Tokyo,  for  example, 
will  now  be  cut  by  wide  arterial  roads, 
which  will  minimize  in  the  future  the 
danger  of  widespread  fires,  that  played 
such  havoc  with  the  narrow  and  overbuilt 
streets  of  the  destroyed  city.  In  spite  of 
the  absence  of  permanent  buildings,  how- 
ever, over  70  per  cent  of  the  population 
of  the  devastated  areas  have  returned, 
factories  have  been  restored  to  the  extent 
of  80  per  cent  of  the  number  of  workers, 
and  in  the  city  of  Tokyo  the  telegraph 
system,  the  light  and  power  stations,  the 
water  and  gas  works,  and  the  tram  service 
have  been  restored  almost  to  normal. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


THE  LONDON  AGREEMENT 

THE  conference  of  the  Allied  powers 
held  in  London  lasted  exactly  one 
month.  During  this  comparatively  short 
period  the  conference  was,  on  a  number 
of  occasions,  close  to  a  breakdown,  and  the 
results  achieved  are  necessarily  in  the  na- 
ture of  a  compromise.  These  results  are 
embodied  in  a  protocol,  initialed  on  Au- 
gust 16  and  signed  on  August  30.  The 
purport  of  the  protocol  is  that  the  govern- 
ments concerned  and  the  Separation  Com- 
mission have  confirmed  their  acceptance 
of  the  Dawes  Plan  and  have  agreed  to  its 
being  brought  into  operation.  Certain 
agreements  necessary  for  that  purpose 
have  been  drawn  up.  These  agreements 
are  regarded  as  mutually  interdependent. 
The  protocol  is  followed  by  four  annexes. 

Agreement    between    the    Reparation    Commis- 
sion   and    the   German   Government 

Annex  I  sets  out  the  terms  of  agree- 
ment between  the  Reparation  Commission 
and  the  German  Government : 

(1)  The  German  Government  under- 
takes to  take-  all  appropriate  measures  for 
carrying  the  Dawes  Plan  into  effect,  espe- 
cially as  regards  the  promulgation  of  laws 
and  regulations,  notably  those  concerning 
the  banks,  the  railways,  and  the  industrial 
debentures,  in  the  form  approved  by  the 
Reparation  Commission.  It  will  also  ap- 
ply the  necessary  provisions  as  to  the  con- 
trol of  the  revenues  assigned  as  security 
for  the  annuities  under  the  Dawes  Plan. 

(2)  The  Reparation  Commission  un- 
dertakes, on  its  side,  to  take  all  appropri- 
ate measures  for  carrying  the  plan  into 
force,  and  in  particular  to  facilitate  the 
issue  of  the  German  loan  and  for  making 
necessary  financial  and  accounting  adjust- 
ments. 

(3)  The  Reparation  Commission  and 
the  German  Government  agree,  in  their 
respective  spheres,  to  carry  into  effect  such 
additional  arrangements  as  may  be  agreed 
as  necessary  to  the  application  of  the  plan, 
these  to  be  signed  later  on  and  to  form  a 
schedule  to  the  London  pact.     Further, 


any  dispute  that  may  arise  as  regards  the 
agreements  or  the  German  legislation  to 
put  them  into  effect  shall  be  referred  to 
arbitration. 

Agreement    between   the   Allies    and   Germany 

Annex  II  contains  the  terms  of  the 
agreement  between  the  Allied  govern- 
ments and  the  German  Government  con- 
cerning the  agreement  set  out  in  Annex  I : 

Clause  1.  Subject  to  the  powers  of  arbi- 
tration given  to  the  Reparation  Commis- 
sion by  the  Treaty  of  Versailles  and  to 
provisions  as  to  arbitration  contained  in 
the  Dawes  Plan  or  elsewhere,  any  dispute 
between  the  commission  and  Germany 
shall  be  referred  to  three  arbitrators  ap- 
pointed for  five  years,  one  by  the  commis- 
sion, one  by  Germany,  and  one  by  agree- 
ment between  the  two  parties,  or,  failing 
such  agreement,  by  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice. 

Clause  2  is  a  very  long  and  detailed 
agreement,  mainly  concerning  the  work 
of  the  transfer  committee.  Germany  rec- 
ognizes the  right  of  this  committee  to  pur- 
sue ordinary  commercial  methods  in  em- 
ploying funds  at  its  disposal,  and  that  de- 
livery programs  shall  not  be  subject  to 
limitations  prescribed  by  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles,  and  undertakes  to  facilitate 
these  programs.  The  most  important 
point  in  this  clause  is  the  stipulation  that 
in  default  of  agreement  between  Germany 
and  the  Reparation  Commission  as  to  de- 
livery programs,  these  programs  for  cer- 
tain periods  shall  be  laid  down  by  an  Ar- 
bitral Commission,  of  which  the  chairman 
shall  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
the  members  to  be  appointed  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  arbitrators  referred  to  in 
Annex  I,  clause  1.  The  Arbitral  Com- 
mission, whose  decision  is  to  be  final,  is 
to  take  into  account  all  the  pertinent  fac- 
tors in  Germany's  financial  and  economic 
position.  Allied  governments,  if  dissatis- 
fied, may  submit  reasoned  claims  to  this 
commission. 

Clause  3.  Germany  agrees  to  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  special  committee,  not  ex- 


523 


524 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Septemher-Octoher 


ceeding  six  members  (the  Allies  and  Ger- 
many to  be  equally  represented),  with  the 
power  to  co-opt  a  neutral  member,  to  de- 
termine procedure  with  regard  to  deliv- 
eries in  kind,  and  to  examine  the  best 
means  of  insuring  the  fulfillment  of  Ger- 
man undertakings.  The  decisions  of  this 
committee  will  be  subject  to  the  approval 
of  the  Eeparation  Commission  and,  where 
applicable,  the  transfer  committee. 

Clauses  4  and  5  provide  for  arbitration 
in  the  case  of  certain  possible  differences 
between  the  transfer  committee  and  the 
German  Government,  or,  in  the  case  of 
divided  opinion  on  the  transfer  committee 
in  certain  matters. 

Clause  6  prescribes  the  procedure  for 
an  appeal  to  arbitration  where  any  Allied 
government  considers  that  there  is  a  de- 
fect in  the  plan  as  regards  collection  of 
deliveries  which  can  be  remedied  without 
affecting  the  vital  principles  of  the  plan. 

Agreement    Regarding    the    Institution    of    the 
Dawes  Plan 

Annex  III  contains  the  terms  of  the 
main  agreement  between  the  Allies  and 
Germany  as  regards  the  institution  of  the 
Dawes  Plan.  Article  I  is  of  primary  im- 
portance and  is  reproduced  below  in  full : 

(A)  The  Experts'  Plan  of  April  9,  1924, 
will  be  considered  as  having  been  put  into 
execution,  except  as  regards  measures  to  be 
taken  by  the  Allied  governments,  when  the 
Reparation  Commission  has  declared  the 
measures  prescribed  by  it  in  its  decision  No. 
2877  (4)  of  July  15,  1924,  have  been  taken— 
that  is  to  say — 

(1)  That  Germany  has  taken  the  follow- 
ing measures : 

(a)  The  voting  by  the  Reichstag  in  the 
form  approved  by  the  Reparation  Commis- 
sion of  the  laws  necessary  to  the  working  of 
the  plan,  and  their  promulgation. 

(ft)  The  installation  with  a  view  to  their 
normal  working  of  all  the  executive  and  con- 
trolling bodies  provided  for  in  the  plan. 

(c)  The  definitive  constitution,  in  con- 
formity with  the  provisions  of  the  respective 
laws,  of  the  bank  and  the  German  Railways 
Company. 

(d)  The  deposit  with  the  trustee  of  cer- 
tificates representing  the  railways  bonds  and 
such  similar  certificates  for  the  industrial 
debentures  as  may  result  trojn  the  report  of 
the  organization  committee. 


(2)  That  contracts  have  been  concluded 
assuring  the  subscription  of  the  loan  of  800 
million  gold  marks  as  soon  as  the  plan  has 
been  brought  into  operation  and  all  the  con- 
ditions contained  in  the  experts'  report  have 
been  fulfilled. 

(B)  The  fiscal  and  economic  unity  of 
Germany  will  be  considered  to  have  been  re- 
stored in  accordance  with  the  experts'  plan 
when  the  Allied  governments  have  taken  the 
following  measures: 

(1)  The  removal  and  cessation  of  all  ve- 
toes imposed  since  January  11,  1923,  on  Ger- 
man fiscal  and  economic  legislation;  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  German  authorities  with 
the  full  powers  which  they  exercised  in  the 
occupied  territories  before  January  11,  1923, 
as  regards  the  administration  of  customs  and 
taxes,  foreign  commerce,  woods  and  forests, 
railways  (under  the  conditions  specified  in 
Article  5),  and,  in  general,  all  other  branches 
of  economic  and  fiscal  administration;  the 
remaining  administrations  not  mentioned 
above  will  operate  in  every  respect  in  con- 
formity with  the  Rhineland  agreement;  the 
formalities  regarding  the  admission  or  read- 
mission  of  German  oflicials  will  be  applied  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  re-establishment  of 
the  German  authorities,  in  particular  the 
customs  administration,  may  take  place  with 
the  least  possible  delay;  all  this  without 
other  restrictions  than  those  stipulated  in 
the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  the  Rhineland 
agreement,  and  the  experts'  plan. 

(2)  The  restoration  to  their  owners  of  all 
mines,  cokeries,  and  other  industrial,  agricul- 
tural, forest,  and  shipping  undertakings  ex- 
ploited under  Allied  management  or  provi- 
sionally leased  by  the  occupying  authorities 
since  January  11,  1923. 

(3)  The  withdrawal  of  the  special  organi- 
zations established  to  exploit  the  pledges  and 
the  release  of  requisitions  made  for  the  work- 
ing of  those  organizations. 

(4)  The  removal,  subject  to  the  provisions 
of  the  Rhineland  agreement,  of  restrictions 
on  the  movement  of  persons,  goods,  and 
vehicles. 

(5)  In  general,  the  Allied  governments,  in 
order  to  insure  in  the  occupied  territories 
the  fiscal  and  economic  unity  of  Germany, 
will  cause  the  Interallied  Rhineland  High 
Commission  to  proceed,  subject  to  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Rhineland  agreement,  to  an 
adjustment  of  the  ordinances  passed  by  the 
said  commission  since  January  11,  1923. 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


525 


Articles  3,  4,  and  5  of  Annex  III  are 
mainly  concerned  with  dates  on  which 
various  stages  toward  the  application  of 
the  measures  necessary  for  the  institution 
of  the  Dawes  Plan  should  be  brought  into 
full  operation,  September  20,  the  date  for 
the  transfer  of  the  railway  system  of  the 
Reich  to  the  new  company.  Owing  to  de- 
lay in  the  signing  of  the  London  pact,  the 
time  table  will  presumably  be  proportion- 
ately delayed.  Article  7  provides  for  am- 
nesty in  respect  of  offenses  in  occupied 
territory  since  January,  1923,  and  other 
conciliatory  measures. 

Agreement  between  the  Allied  Governments 

Annex  IV  gives  the  terms  of  agreement 
between  the  Allied  governments  and  has 
three  main  features.  First,  and  by  far  the 
most  important,  is  the  provision  that  in 
all  deliberations  affecting  the  Dawes  Plan 
a  seat  on  the  Reparation  Commission  shall 
be  occupied  by  a  representative  of  the 
United  States,  to  be  appointed  by  unani- 
mous vote  of  the  commission,  or,  failing 
that,  by  the  President  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice.  The  per- 
son so  appointed  is  to  hold  office  for  five 
years.    The  second  point  is  the  following : 

In  order  to  secure  the  service  of  the  loan 
of  800  million  gold  marks  contemplated  by 
the  experts'  plan,  and  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  issue  of  that  loan  to  the  public,  the  sig- 
natory governments  hereby  declare  that  in 
case  sanctions  have  to  be  imposed  in  conse- 
quence of  a  default  by  Germany  they  will 
safeguard  any  specific  securities  which  may 
be  pledged  to  the  service  of  the  loan.  The 
signatory  governments  further  declare  that 
they  consider  the  service  of  the  loan  as  en- 
titled to  absolute  priority  as  regards  any  re- 
sources of  Germany,  so  far  as  such  resources 
may  have  been  subjected  to  a  general  charge 
in  favor  of  the  said  loan,  and  also  as  regards 
any  resources  that  may  arise  as  a  result  of 
the  imposition  of  sanctions. 

The  third  point  is  that,  unless  otherwise 
stipulated  in  the  London  agreement,  the 
signatory  governments  reserve  all  their 
rights  under  the  Versailles  Treaty. 

Exchange  of  Letters  on  the  Ruhr  Settlement 

Together  with  the  text  of  the  London 
agreement  were  published  the  letters  ex- 
changed between  the  Belgian  and  French 


delegates  and  the  German  chancellor  on 
the  subject  of  a  Ruhr  settlement.  The 
first  Franco-Belgian  letter  restates  the 
well-known  defense  of  the  legality  of  the 
Ruhr  occupation,  but  promises  evacuation 
within  the  maximum  period  of  a  year, 
provided  the  London  agreements  for  the 
putting  into  force  of  the  experts'  plan 
"are  carried  out  in  the  spirit  of  good  faith 
and  pacification  which  has  inspired  the 
deliberations  of  the  conference."  Dr. 
Marx,  in  reply,  repeats  the  German  view 
of  the  illegality  of  the  Ruhr  occupation 
and  urges  the  desirability  of  "hastening 
as  much  as  possible  military  evacuation  so 
as  to  terminate  it  before  the  date  fixed  by 
you."  By  way  of  answer,  Messrs.  Herriot 
and  Theunis  promise  immediately  "mili- 
tary evacuation  of  the  zone  between  Dort- 
mund and  Hode,  and  of  the  territories 
outside  the  Ruhr  occupied  since  January 
11,  1923."  Finally,  Dr.  Marx  writes, 
"rejoicing  at  this  decision." 

The  evacuation  of  these  territories  was 
duly  carried  out  on  the  day  after  the  sig- 
nature of  the  London  pact. 


U.  S.  AND  THE  LEAGUE  DISARM- 
AMENT WORK 

THE  Department  of  State  has  made 
public  the  correspondence  with  the 
Secretary  General  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions relating  to  the  invitation  to  the 
United  States  Government  to  have  a  rep- 
resentative at  the  meetings  of  the  Third 
Committee  of  the  Assembly  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  now  in  session  at  Geneva, 
when  it  has  under  consideration  the  pro- 
posed convention  for  the  control  of  the 
traffic  in  arms. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States 
holds  that  the  convention  for  the  control 
of  traffic  in  arms,  known  as  the  Conven- 
tion of  St.  Germain,  which  was  formu- 
lated in  1919,  contains  provisions  which 
make  it  impossible  of  acceptance  by  the 
United  States.  The  reasons  are  explained 
by  the  Department  of  State,  which,  how- 
ever, indicates  its  desire  to  aid  in  any 
proper  way  in  the  restriction  of  the  traffic 
in  munitions  of  war.  It  is  apparent  that 
in  dealing  with  a  convention  for  this  pur- 
pose it  would  be  necessary  for  the  Amer- 
ican Government  not  only  to  consider  its 
relation  to  governments  which  might  not 


526 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Septemher-Octoher 


be  signatories  of  the  conventions,  but  also 
to  respect  the  constitutional  limitations  of 
Congress,  which  would  be  called  upon  to 
provide  legislation  in  order  to  make  the 
convention  effective. 

The  subject  was  taken  up  by  the  Tem- 
porary Mixed  Commission  of  the  League 
of  Nations  and  the  American  Government 
was  invited  to  send  a  representative.  The 
invitation  was  accepted,  and  Mr,  Grew, 
then  Minister  to  Switzerland,  was  desig- 
nated. The  American  Government, 
through  Mr.  Grew,  expressed  its  desire  to 
aid  in  the  proper  control  of  the  traffic  in 
arms  and  munitions  of  war,  and  to  this 
end  pointed  out  with  precision  the  sphere 
of  congressional  authority  and  the  lines 
upon  which  a  convention  could  be  drawn 
in  which  this  government  could  join. 
These  meetings  were  held  in  the  early 
spring  of  this  year.  When  Mr.  Grew  be- 
came Under  Secretary  of  State  his  place 
was  taken  by  Mr.  Gibson,  Minister  to 
Switzerland,  who  attended  further  meet- 
ings for  the  same  purpose. 

The  result  was  that  a  convention  has 
been  drafted  by  the  Temporary  Mixed 
Commission  and  the  views  of  the  United 
States  have  been  expressed  upon  every 
point  involved.  It  is  understood  by  the 
American  Government  that  it  is  not  prob- 
able that  the  Third  Committee  of  the  As- 
sembly of  the  League  of  Nations  would 
attempt  to  do  more  than  to  consider 
whether  this  draft  convention  affords  a 
satisfactory  basis  for  the  calling  of  an  in- 
ternational conference  in  order  that  the 
convention  might  be  concluded.  This  is 
referred  to  in  the  invitation.  The  special 
point  on  which  the  views  of  the  American 
Government  are  desired  is  understood  to 
be  whether  it  would  be  disposed  to  par- 
ticipate in  such  a  conference. 

As  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
has  thoroughly  discussed  the  various 
points  of  the  draft  convention  and  its  po- 
sition on  every  point  is  well  understood, 
it  is  not  considered  that  any  useful  pur- 
pose would  be  served  by  attending  the 
meetings  of  the  Third  Committee.  The 
Government  would,  however,  be  disposed 
to  consider  favorably  participation  in  an 
appropriate  international  conference  to 
negotiate  and  conclude  a  convention. 

It  is  also  pointed  out  ihat  the  subject 
under  consideration  is  not  the  limitation 


of  the  armament  of  governments,  but  the 
control  of  traffic  in  arms,  a  different  mat- 
ter, which,  so  far  as  proposed  by  the  Eu- 
ropean governments,  does  not  restrict  the 
armaments  of  the  signatory  powers. 


THE  BRITISH-SOVIET 
AGREEMENT 

THE  Eusso-British  conference  began 
on  April  14  and  lasted  until  August 
6.  The  day  before  it  ended  official  an- 
nouncement was  made  to  the  effect  that 
no  agreement  could  be  reached ;  yet  on  the 
very  next  day  full  agreement  was  an- 
nounced. 

In  the  Glasgow  journal  Forward,  Mr.  E. 
D.  Morel,  the  Socialist  Member  of  Par- 
liament for  Dundee,  has  given  an  account, 
which  has  the  appearance  of  being  first 
hand,  of  the  sudden  resumption  of  the  ne- 
gotiations. From  this  and  other  infor- 
mation the  following  appears  to  be  the 
story  of  this  amazing  incident. 

The  Breakdown  of  the  Negotiations 

The  British  and  Soviet  delegates  had 
met  at  the  Foreign  Office  at  11  a.  m.  on 
Monday,  August  4.  It  was  the  first 
plenary  meeting  after  a  short  visit  to 
Moscow  of  M.  Rakovsky,  and  in  the 
meantime  the  British  Cabinet  (despite  its 
previous  decision)  had  agreed  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  guaranteeing  a  loan  to  Eussia. 

All  points  at  issue  were  settled  except 
that  of  the  rights  of  British  private  own- 
ers of  property  in  Eussia.  The  Bolshe- 
vists absolutely  refused  to  admit  liability. 
They  would  agree  to  examine  each  sep- 
arate case  "on  its  merits,"  and  so  on,  but 
would  accept  no  phraseology  that  indi- 
cated that  the  dispossessed  owners  had 
any  rights  at  all.  The  British  delegation 
could  not  acquiesce  in  this  complete  re- 
pudiation of  British  rights  and  British 
principles.  Formula  after  formula  was 
tried,  uselessly,  all  through  the  night,  and 
the  attempt  was  finally  abandoned  at  7 
a.  m.  on  Wednesday.  A  comrminiquc  was 
then  issued,  according  to  which  "No 
agreement  was  reached.  Negotiations 
broke  down,  and  the  treaty  will  not  be 
signed." 

Yet  on  Wednesday  at  7.30  p.  m. — that 
is,  36  hours  later — the  Under-Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  who  had  himself  pre- 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


627 


sided  over  the  negotiations  leading  to  the 
rupture,  announced  to  an  astonished 
House  of  Commons  that  an  agreement 
had  been  reached  at  3.30  that  afternoon, 
and  that  a  treaty  would  be  signed  next 
day. 

Labor  Members  of  Parliament  Step  In 

It  appears  that  the  steam  which  got  the 
conference  machinery  going  again  con- 
sisted of  six  members  of  Parliament — be- 
lieved to  include  Mr.  Purcell,  Mr.  E.  D. 
Morel,  Mr.  Lansbury,  Mr.  Wallhead,  and 
Commander  Kenworthy.  They  tele- 
phoned to  Mr.  Ponsonby,  expressed  to  him 
their  keen  disappointment,  and  arranged 
to  meet  him  at  the  Foreign  Office  at 
2  p.  m.  With  his  knowledge  and  consent, 
they  then  arranged  a  meeting  with  the 
Soviet  representatives,  and  with  them 
found  a  fresh  formula  which  might  serve 
as  a  basis  for  renewed  discussion.  Some 
12  other  members  of  the  Labor  Party  were 
present  at  this  meeting,  which  was  held 
in  the  House  of  Commons — the  regular 
members  of  the  official  British  delegation, 
with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Ponsonby,  be- 
ing all  this  time  apparently  kept  in  com- 
plete ignorance  of  what  was  happening. 
Later  that  evening  a  deputation  of  four 
of  the  18  interested  Members  of  Parlia- 
ment proceeded  to  Mr.  Ponsonby  and  laid 
their  views  before  him,  with  the  result 
that  at  11  p.  m.  they  were  able  to  inform 
the  Russians  that,  if  they  liked,  the  Brit- 
ish delegation  would  be  ready  to  reopen 
discussions  with  them  at  11  next  morning. 

The  official  members  on  the  British  side 
were  therefore  suddenly  informed  by  tele- 
phone early  on  the  morning  of  Wednesday, 
the  6th,  that  they  were  to  meet  the  Bol- 
shevists again  at  11  a,  m.  Even  at  that 
meeting  no  agreement  was  reached,  and 
again  the  four  Members  of  Parliament  in- 
tervened. They  were  received  by  Mr. 
Ponsonby  at  1.30,  and  went  on  immedi- 
ately afterwards  to  the  Russian  Agency 
offices  in  New  Bond  Street.  They  per- 
suaded M.  Rakovsky  to  accept  a  formula, 
with  the  result  that  at  3.30  another  plen- 
ary conference  was  held,  at  which  the  un- 
official agreement  was  officially  accepted. 

It  is  understood  that  Mr.  MacDonald, 
who  took  little  part  in  the  actual  negotia- 
tions, was  throughout  determined  that 
some  sort  of  treaty  should  be  signed,  but 


that  this  view  was  not  unanimously  held 
in  his  cabinet. 


CIVIL  WAR  IN  CHINA 

FOLLOWING  the  devastating  floods 
which  had  inundated  the  valley  of  the 
Yellow  River  in  August,  another  serious 
misfortune  descended  upon  China  early  in 
September.  A  civil  war,  which  threatens 
to  assume  colossal  proportions,  has  broken 
out  and  is  still  in  progress. 

In  order  to  understand  the  circum- 
stances in  which  this  civil  war  broke  out, 
it  is  necessary  to  review  briefly  the  out- 
standing features  of  the  political  situa- 
tion in  China.  There  are  three  main  fac- 
tors in  this  situation.  The  government  at 
Peking,  which  formally  rules  the  country, 
in  reality  exercises  its  authority  only  over 
a  limited  territory.  Its  rule  is  defied  by 
Sun  Yat  Sen  in  the  south  and  by  Chang 
Tso-lin  in  Manchuria.  Thus  China  is 
virtually  divided  into  three  well-defined 
territories,  each  with  its  own  political 
regime. 

Opposition    to    Peking    Strongest    in    Chekiang 
Province 

But  even  within  the  territory  actually 
under  the  authority  of  the  Peking  Gov- 
ernment there  are  still  provinces  which 
are  far  from  having  accepted  that  au- 
thority completely  and  unquestioningly. 
The  present  Peking  Government,  which 
represents  the  Chih-li  party,  came  into 
power  in  1920,  when  its  leader.  General 
Wu  Pei-Fu,  succeeded,  by  means  of  a 
military  coup  d'etat,  in  overthrowing  tht 
Anfu  party,  which  had  been  in  power 
until  then.  Of  the  provinces  which  re- 
mained loyal  to  the  Anfu  party,  that  of 
Chekiang  became  a  stronghold  of  the  de- 
feated Anfu  leaders.  Under  its  Tuchun 
(or  military  governor),  Lu-Yung-Hsiang, 
the  Province  of  Chekiang  remained  a  veri- 
table thorn  in  the  side  of  the  Chih-li 
regime  at  Peking,  and  Wu  Pei-Fu  has 
been  patiently  waiting  for  an  opportunity 
for  removing  the  menace  that  was  inher- 
ent in  the  continued  Anfu  domination  of 
the  province.  That  opportunity  has  now 
presented  itself. 

A  special  importance  also  attaches  to 
the  Chekiang  Province  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Peking  leaders,  because  of  the 


528 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


fact  that  it  bars  the  road  to  Canton,  the 
stronghold  of  Sun  Yat  Sen,  and  renders 
impossible  any  moves  that  Peking  might 
want  to  make  against  the  insurgent  south- 
ern leader. 

Besides  his  political  quarrel  with  the 
Peking  Government,  based  ostensibly 
upon  his  championship  of  the  idea  of  pro- 
vincial autonomy,  as  against  the  centralist 
tendencies  of  Peking,  Lu-Yung-Hsiang 
has  been  on  hostile  terms  with  the  Tu- 
chuns  of  the  provinces  neighboring  on  his 
own.  His  bitterest  enmity  has  been  di- 
rected against  the  Tuchun  of  Kiangsu, 
with  whom  he  disputes  the  possession  of 
the  great  port  of  Shanghai.  All  these 
enmities  came  to  a  head  recently,  when 
Lu-Yung-Hsiang  gave  refuge  on  his  ter- 
ritory to  some  troops  from  the  Province 
of  Fukien,  which  had  revolted  against 
their  Tuchun.  Under  this  and  other 
provocation,  the  provinces  of  Kiangsu, 
Anhui,  and  Fukien  began  military  oper- 
ations against  Lu-Yung-Hsiang,  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Tuchun  of  Kiangsu, 
Chi-Hsih-Yuan. 

Local  Struggle  Develops  into  a  Civil  War 

This  struggle,  which  began  ostensibly 
as  a  local  affair,  quickly  developed  into  a 
civil  war  on  a  national  scale.  It  was  quite 
apparent  from  the  start  that  larger  issues 
were  involved  in  the  struggle  than  merely 
the  conflict  between  two  military  gov- 
ernors over  the  possession  of  the  port  of 
Shanghai.  Chang  Tso-lin,  the  war  lord 
of  Manchuria,  who  has  been  a  bitter  op- 
ponent of  Wu  Pei-Fu,  announced  himself 
an  ally  of  the  Tuchun  of  Chekiang  and 
proceeded  to  declare  war  on  the  Peking 
Government.  The  floods  have  made  it 
impossible  for  Chang  Tso-Lin  to  march 
to  the  aid  of  his  Anfu  ally,  but  instead  of 
that  he  began  a  march  against  Peking. 

Fighting  around  Shanghai 

At  the  time  of  this  writing,  fighting 
has  been  continuing  intermittently  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Shanghai  since  Septem- 
ber 3.  Some  portions  of  the  battle  front 
are  within  nine  miles  of  the  city,  which 
has  a  considerable  foreign  population. 

Considerable  artillery  and  large  num- 
bers of  machine-guns  have  been  engaged 
in  the  battles  on  the  Shanghai  front,  but 
practically  no  airplanes  have  been  used. 


The  morale  of  both  armies  is  reported  as 
excellent.  Eeports  indicate  that  the  Ki- 
angsu forces  have  developed  an  offensive 
on  both  flanks  of  the  front,  with  the  Woo 
Sung  forts  on  the  left  and  the  Shanghai- 
Hangchow  Railway  and  the  Kiangnan 
arsenal  on  the  right  as  their  objectives. 
Chekiang  troops  are  reported  to  have  been 
on  the  offensive  west  of  Tai  Ho  Lake. 
The  Shanghai  hospital  is  receiving  hun- 
dreds of  Chekiang  wounded. 

The  combined  Nanking  and  Fukien 
naval  forces  are  said  to  consist  of  two 
cruisers,  two  gunboats,  four  torpedo  boats, 
and  two  transports,  which  are  anchored 
off  Liu  Ho.  So  far,  they  have  not  par- 
ticipated in  the  military  manuevers.  The 
commanders  of  both  the  Chekiang  and 
the  Kiangsu  fleets  have  promised  not  to 
fire  in  the  Whangpoo  River. 

Foreign  naval  contingents  landed  at 
daybreak  on  September  9,  merely  as  a 
precautionary  measure,  and  took  up  sta- 
tions, as  did  also  the  Shanghai  volunteer 
corps.  There  are  in  the  harbor  of  Shang- 
hai eleven  American,  four  British,  two 
Japanese,  two  French,  and  one  Italian 
ships.  The  naval  contingents  which  went 
ashore  number  approximately  1,360,  and 
there  are  about  1,000  members  of  the 
Shanghai  volunteer  corps. 


PEACEFUL  REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 

THE  Republic  of  Chile  has  just  passed 
through  a  peaceful  and  bloodless  rev- 
olution, which  has  resulted  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  strong  semi-military  govern- 
ment and  the  virtual  withdrawal  of  the 
duly  elected  President  of  the  Republic. 
The  change,  which  took  place  on  Septem- 
ber 5,  came  with  a  startling  rapidity. 
The  Chilean  Parliament,  elected  last 
March,  has  been  generally  accused  of  be- 
ing immersed  in  factional  politics  to  the 
neglect  of  national  interests.  The  discon- 
tent with  the  Parliament  came  to  a  head 
on  September  3,  when  the  members  laid 
aside  the  budget  and  other  urgent  bills  in 
order  to  vote  themselves  a  salary  of  2,000 
pesos  a  month.  This  caused  such  an  out- 
burst of  indignation  that  the  cabinet  in 
office,  which  is  blamed  for  the  general  dis- 
organization of  government,  resigned. 


192  Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


529 


New   Cabinet   and   the   Withdrawal   of   the 
President 

On  September  5  the  cabinet's  place  was 
taken  by  a  group  consisting  of  two  gen- 
erals, an  admiral,  and  three  civilians. 
The  following  statement  was  then  issued 
by  the  President  of  the  Republic : 

Officers  who  met  today  offered  me  uncon- 
ditional adherence,  and  a  new  cabinet  has 
been  formed  as  follows: 

General  Altamirano,  Prime  Minister  and 
Interior;  Don  Emilio  Bello  Codecido,  Foreign 
Affairs;  Seiior  Amunategui,  Public  Instruc- 
tion; Admiral  Nef,  Finance;  General  Ben- 
nett, War;  Seiior  Guarello,  Public  Works. 

General  Altamirano  stated  that  radical 
changes  in  public  administration  would  be 
the  feature  of  his  government,  together  with 
the  abolition  of  party  politics  and  the  sta- 
bilization of  finances.  My  program  is  the 
same  as  that  presented  by  the  brave  officers. 
It  is  a  program  of  valor  and  probity,  devoted 
to  honest  government  and  the  welfare  and 
progress  of  the  republic. 

In  spite  of  the  friendly  tone  of  this 
statement,  there  was  a  considerable  ten- 
sion between  President  Alessandri  and  the 
new  cabinet.  The  cabinet  immediately 
set  to  work  and  forced  the  Parliament  to 
pass  the  necessary  legislation,  the  bills 
being  duly  approved  by  the  President. 
Immediately  upon  the  signing  of  these 
bills  the  President  offered  his  resignation 
to  the  cabinet,  which,  however,  refused  to 
accept  it,  requesting  the  President,  in- 
stead, to  leave  the  country  "on  a  leave.*' 
It  is  expected  that  during  the  President's 
absence  the  Parliament  will  be  dissolved 
and  new  parliamentary  as  well  as  presi- 
dential elections  will  be  held. 

Circumstances   Leading  to   the   Revolut'-»n 

In  describing  the  circumstances  which 
led  up  to  these  startling  events  in  Chile  a 
correspondent  of  the  London  Times  says 
that  President  Alessandri  was  elected  dur- 
ing the  afterglow  of  war  prosperity,  but 
took  office  at  the  beginning  of  the  slump 
that  affected  all  South  America.  The  ex- 
change value  of  the  Chilean  peso  fell  very 
considerably  when  nitrate  became  a  drug 
upon  the  market;  more  than  half  the  ni- 
trate works  were  closed  down,  and  these, 
as  well  as  the  great  copper-mining  com- 
panies, were  forced  to  discharge  tens  of 
thousands  of  men. 


In  this  crisis  the  Chilean  Government 
sought  temporary  palliatives  only.  In 
common  with  many  other  rulers  of  the 
destinies  of  nations,  it  shirked  hard  facts. 
The  ruthless  reductions  in  expenditure 
which  might  have  balanced  the  Chilean 
budget  were  not  made,  because  a  country 
accustomed  during  the  last  40  years  to 
national  revenues  of  twenty-five  to  thirty- 
five  million  dollars  from  nitrate  export 
taxes  would  not  realize  the  emptiness  of 
its  coffers. 

The  difficulties  of  the  Alessandri  regime 
we^e  not  lessened  by  the  demands  of  the 
extreme  radical  elements  in  the  Liberal 
alliance,  not  unaffected  by  the  ideas  of 
Bolshevists  and  the  I.  W,  W.  (Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World) ;  and  they  became 
acute  when  growing  bitterness  between  the 
Senate  and  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  ren- 
dered impossible  any  effective  work  by  the 
cabinet  ministers. 

In  February  of  this  year  various  impor- 
tant reforms  were  cast  into  shape  by  Con- 
gress; in  March  parliamentary  elections 
gave  Chile  a  new  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
with  the  Liberal  alliance  again  dominant, 
and  changed  one-third  of  the  senators, 
whose  "color"  was  then  altered  from  that 
of  the  Union  Nacional  to  that  of  the 
Alianza.  Public  opinion  hailed  the  domi- 
nance of  one  party,  hoping  that  harmony 
would  henceforth  prevail,  that  a  perma- 
nent ministry  would  be  placed  in  power, 
that  the  budget  would  be  passed,  and  the 
hand  of  the  President  upheld. 

These  hopes  were  vain.  President  Ales- 
sandri continued  to  work  with  the  lame 
help  of  a  provisional  cabinet,  and  the 
budget  for  1924  was  not  passed. 

The  new  Senate  immediately  revoked 
certain  of  the  reforms  agreed  upon  by  its 
predecessor  in  February;  and  as  a  culmi- 
nation of  exasperations,  the  Congress  pro- 
ceeded to  vote  itself  salaries.  It  was  then 
that  a  group  outside  party  politics  rose 
and  grasped  the  reins. 


PROVISIONAL  PROGRAM 

Of  the  23d  International  Peace  Congress  of  the 
International  Federation  of  Peace  Unions, 
Berlin,  October  2-7,   1924. 

Thursday,  October  2: 

10  a.  m. — Session  of  the  Council  of  the 
International  Bureau. 


530 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


3  p.  m. — Constitutional  session  of  the 
congress. 

(A)  Election  of  the  chairmen  and  of 
the  secretaries. 

(B)  Appointment  of  the  commissions: 
(a)  Actualities,  (&)  Legislation  and 
League  of  Nations,  (c)  Disarmament,  (d) 
Economic  and  Social  Questions,  (e)  Edu- 
cation and  Propaganda. 

(C)  Assigning  of  the  resolutions  to  the 
commissions ;  order  of  the  congress. 

Friday,  October  3 : 

10  a.  m.  and  3  p.  m. — Sittings  of  the 
commissions. 

Saturday,  October  4: 

10  a.  m. — Sittings  of  the  commissions. 
3  p.  m. — General  meeting  of  the  Inter- 
national Federation  of  Peace  Unions. 

Sunday,  October  5 : 

11  a.  m.  in  the  Eeichstag — Official 
opening  session,  memorial  celebration. 

In  the  afternoon — Excursion. 
8.30  p.  m. — Evening  party,  official  re- 
ception. 

Monday,  October  5 : 

10  a.  m. — First  general  session  of  the 
congress. 

Keport  on  the  International  Historical 
Conference  of  the  "Bund  entschiedener 
Schulreformer,"  given  by  Professor  Oes- 
treich;  reports  on  Disarmament. 

3  p.  m. — Second  general  session.  Re- 
ports of  the  Commission  C  and  debate. 

8  p.  m. — Mass  meeting. 

Tuesday,  October  7 : 

10  a.  m. — Third  general  session.  "Pan- 
Europe  and  League  of  Nations";  reports. 
Commission  B  reports,  and  debate. 

3  p.  m. — Fourth  general  session.  Actu- 
alities (Commission  A),  Commission  D 
and  E  reports. 

The  evening  is  left  free  to  finish  up  the 
work  of  the  congress. 

Delegates  are  further  informed  as  fol- 
lows : 

From  October  2  to  4  an  "International 
Historical  Congress,"  arranged  by  the 
Bund  entschiedener  Schulreformer,  takes 
place  in  Berlin.    We  enclose  the  program. 

An  "Anti-War  Exhibition,"  prepared 
by  the  Berlin  group  of  the  Women's  Inter- 
national League  for  Peace  and  Freedom, 
will  be  open  during  the  days  of  the  con- 
gress.    Contributions   for  the   exhibition 


(pictures,  books,  toys,  etc.)  received  at 
Internationale  Frauenliga,  Berlin  N.  W. 
Handelstr.  21. 

On  October  8  the  German  Peace  Society 
has  its  general  convention. 

Dr.  Coudenhove-Kalergi,  Vienna,  con- 
sented to  speak  on  "Pan-Europe  and  the 
League  of  ISTations."  Generals  of  several 
nationalities  are  to  speak  on  "Disarma- 
ment." 

Those  attending  the  congress  may  be: 

1.  Delegates  with  a  vote :  (a)  represen- 
tatives of  organizations  affiliated  to  the 
Bureau;  (b)  representatives  of  authorities 
and  institutions  subsidizing  the  Interna- 
tional Bureau. 

2.  Attendants  without  a  vote :  (a)  mem- 
bers of  all  peace  organizations;  (&)  mem- 
bers of  other  organizations  if  they  have 
been  affiliated  to  the  International  Bureau 
for  at  least  three  months;  (c)  persons  in- 
vited by  the  International  Bureau  or  the 
Congress  Committee,  or  directly  or 
through  their  organizations. 

Fee:  5  marks  for  each  attendant  or 
delegate. 

Votes:  Organizations  affiliated  to  the 
International  Bureau  with  a  minimum  of 
30  members  are  sending  one  voting  dele- 
gate for  every  100  members  up  to  20 
votes. 

The  address  of  the  Bureau  International 
de  la  Paix  is  now  at  8  Rue  Charles  Bon- 
net, Geneva  (formerly  at  Bern). 


The  Thirty-third  Conference  of  the  In- 
ternational Law  Association  opened  at  Stock- 
holm, September  8,  under  the  presidency  of 
Dr.  Hammarskjold,  Governor  of  the  Province 
of  Upsala  and  former  Prime  Minister  of 
Sweden.  The  subjects  to  be  discussed  are 
numerous  and  some  of  them  very  technical. 
Among  the  latter  is  one  of  very  great  impor- 
tance to  the  commercial  and  shipping  inter- 
ests of  the  entire  world — a  new  code  for 
regulating  the  adjustment  of  shipping  losses 
which  come  under  the  head  of  "general  aver- 
age." At  this  section  of  the  conference  the 
commercial  interests  of  all  maritime  coun- 
tries will  be  represented.  Of  more  general 
interest  will  be  the  proposed  statute  for  a 
permanent  international  criminal  court,  put 
forward  by  Dr.  Hugh  Bellot. 


IMPORTANT  INTERNATIONAL  DATES 

(July  15-September  15) 


July  16 — London  Conference  opens. 
,_,   July  20 — London      Conference      reaches 
jp  agreement  on   default  question. 

*^  Major    Imbrie,    U.    S.    Consul    in 

Teheran,  murdered  by  a  crowd 
of  Persian  fanatics. 
Secretary  of  State  Hughes  arrives 
in  London. 

July  28 — London  Conference  decides  to 
invite  a  German  delegation. 
United  States  Government  sends 
a  note  to  Persia,  demanding 
military  guard  for  the  American 
Legation  and  agreement  to  de- 
fray the  expenses  of  sending  an 
American  warship  to  take  the 
body  of  the  murdered  consul  to 
America. 
New  cabinet  is  formed  in  Jugo- 
slavia, headed  by  Lyuba  David- 
ovich,  leader  of  the  opposition 
bloc. 

July  29 — Secretary  of  State  Hughes  ar- 
rives in  Paris. 

July  30 — German  Government  informs 
the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations  of  its  unwillingness  to 
accept  the  proposed  pact  of  mu- 
tual guarantees. 
Protocol  signed  between  Germany 
and  Soviet  Russia,  ending  dip- 
lomatic conflict  over  the  status 
of  the  Soviet  Trade  Mission. 

August  2 — London  Conference  reaches 
agreement  on  proposals  for  put- 
ting the  Dawes  plan  into  opera- 
tion, and  an  invitation  is  sent 
out  for  a  German  delegation  to 
attend  the  conference. 
The  diplomatic  body  in  Peking 
informs  the  Soviet  ambassador 
that,  subject  to  approval  of  their 
respective  governments,  they 
have  no  objections  to  his  taking 
possession  of  the  Russian  lega- 
tion in  Peking. 

August  3 — Secretary    of    States    Hughes 
arrives  in  Berlin. 

August  5 — German  delegation  arrives  in 
London  and  takes  part  in  plen- 
ary session  of  the  conference. 
Anglo-Soviet  conference  breaks  up 
without  reaching  agreement. 


August  6 — Anglo-Soviet  conference  re- 
assembles and  two  treaties  are 
agreed  to. 
German  delegation  submits  its  ob- 
servations to  the  London  Con- 
ference. 

August  11 — The  principal  celebration  of 
the  fifth  anniversary  of  the  Wei- 
mar Constitution  takes  place  in 
Berlin. 

August  12 — Following  outbreaks  of  Egyp- 
tian railway  troops  at  Atbara 
and  Port  Sudan  and  after  being 
attacked  by  the  mutineers,  Arab 
mounted  rifles  open  fire  at  At- 
bara, killing  four  Egyptians. 

August  14 — It  is  reported  that  50,000 
persons  have  been  drowned  in 
the  floods  which  have  devastated 
several  provinces  in  North 
China,  where  the  inhabitants 
are  threatened  with  famine. 

August  16 — The  London  Conference  ends. 

August  18 — ^The  British  Government  re- 
iterates its  warning  to  the  Egyp- 
tian Government  about  the  pol- 
icy it  intends  to  pursue  in  the 
Sudan. 

August  19 — The  French  Cabinet  unani- 
mously approves  the  work  of  the 
French  delegation  at  the  Lon- 
don Conference. 
The  German  state  premiers,  in- 
cluding the  Bavarian,  approve 
the  decision  taken  by  the  Ger- 
man delegates  in  London  as  rep- 
resenting the  best  terms  that 
could  be  obtained. 

August  21 — M.  Herriot  reads  the  minis- 
terial statement  on  the  London 
Conference  in  the  French  Par- 
liament. 
The  Reichsrat  approves  the  draft 
laws  with  the  necessary  two- 
thirds  majority. 

August  24 — After  a  debate  on  the  Lon- 
don agreement,  prolonged  until 
5  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies 
passes  a  vote  of  confidence  in  the 
Herriot  Government  by  336 
votes  to  204. 


531 


532 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-Octdher 


August  25 — All  the  members  of  the  Per- 
sian Cabinet  resign  except  the 
Sardar,  who  remains  Prime 
Minister. 

August  26 — M.  Poincare  makes  a  long 
speech  in  the  French  Senate, 
criticizing  the  London  agree- 
ment. The  Senate  approves  the 
government's  action  by  200  votes 
to  40. 

August  27 — The  bill  for  the  ratification 
of  the  Treaty  of  Lausanne,  al- 
ready passed  by  the  French 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  passes  in 
the  Senate. 
A  Franco  -  German  commercial 
agreement  is  concluded  with  re- 
gard to  the  export  of  potash  to 
America. 

August  29 — The     Eeichstag    passes     the 
bills  necessary  for  the  carrying 
out  of  the  Dawes  scheme. 
The  Council  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions meets  at  Geneva. 

August  30 — The  London  agreement  is 
signed. 
The  Eeparation  Commission  makes 
several  appointments  to  special 
posts  created  under  the  Dawes 
scheme,  including  that  of  Mr. 
Owen  D.  Young  as  agent  for 
reparation  payments  ad  interim. 

August  31 — The  first  steps  are  taken  by 
the  French  authorities  toward 
the  economic  evacuation  of  the 
Dortmund  zone  of  occupied 
German  territory. 

September  1 — The  League  of  Nations 
Assembly  begins  its  sittings  at 
Geneva,  M.  Motta,  the  chief  of 
the  Swiss  Political  Department, 
being  elected  president. 

September  3 — Hostilities  begin  in  China 
between  the  Kiangsu  and  Che- 
kiang  forces. 
Mr.  MacDonald  and  M,  Herriot 
attend  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations  at  Geneva. 
The  Eeparation  Commission  an- 
nounces that  Mr.  Seymour  P. 
Gilbert,  a  New^York  lawyer,  has 
been  appointed  agent  general 
for  reparations  payments. 


September  4 — Mr.  MacDonald  delivers  a 
speech  before  the  Assembly  of 
the  League  of  Nations  in  Ge- 
neva, explaining  the  British 
Government's  attitude  on  the 
subject  of  disarmament  and  se- 
curity and  advocating  a  system 
based  on  arbitration,  to  be 
worked  out  at  an  international 
conference. 

September  5 — M.  Herriot,  the  French 
Prime  Minister,  explains  the 
French  attitude  on  the  subject 
of  disarmament  and  security  be- 
fore the  Assembly  of  the  League 
of  Nations  at  Geneva,  welcom- 
ing Mr.  MacDonald's  advocacy 
of  arbitration,  but  urging  the 
necessity  of  force  behind  arbi- 
tration and  supporting  the  draft 
treaty  of  mutual  assistance. 

September  6 — A  joint  resolution  on  dis- 
armament is  moved  by  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald and  M.  Herriot  in  the 
Assembly  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions and  it  is  passed  unani- 
mously. 
The  Government  of  Peking  issues 
a  mandate  equivalent  to  the  dec- 
laration of  war  on  the  military 
governor  of  Chekiang,  to  whose 
aid  Sun  Yat-Sen  announces  his 
intention  of  going. 

September  8 — Chang  Tso-lin,  the  Man- 
churian  dictator,  declares  war 
on  the  Peking  Government. 

September  10 — The  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations  concludes  its 
discussions  on  the  question  of 
minorities. 

September  11 — Eeports  received  from 
Eussia  indicate  that  the  Geor- 
gian insurrection  against  the 
Bolsheviks  is  widespread  and, 
apparently,  has  not  been  crushed. 

September  12 — Signor  Casalini,  a  Fascist 
deputy,  is  shot  and  killed  in 
Eome  by  a  man  called  Corvi, 
who  said  he  wished  to  avenge  the 
death  of  Signor  Matteotti. 

September  15 — The  rising  in  Georgia 
against  the  Bolsheviks  becomes 
general  in  the  Caucasus,  and  the 
President  of  the  Georgian  Ee- 
public  appeals  to  the  League  of 
Nations. 


AMERICA  AND  WORLD  AFFAIRS 

Extracts  from  Acceptance  Speeches  by  (I)  the  Republican 
and  (II)  the  Democratic  Presidential  Candidates 


By  PRESIDENT  COOLIDGE 


AMERICA,  under  Providence,  has  come 
XJl  to  be  a  nation  of  great  responsibility. 
It  exists  as  one  of  the  family  of  nations. 
We  cannot  be  isolated.  Other  peoples  exist 
all  about  us.  Their  actions  affect  us  and 
our  actions  affect  them,  whether  we  will  or 
no.  Their  financial  condition  is  not  and 
cannot  be  entirely  separated  from  our  fi- 
nancial condition.  But  the  final  determi- 
nation of  our  relationship  to  other  coun- 
tries rises  into  a  higher  realm.  We  believe 
in  the  brotherhood  of  man  because  we  be- 
lieve in  the  fatherhood  of  God.  That  is  our 
justification  for  freedom  and  equality.  We 
believe  in  the  law  of  service,  which  teaches 
us  that  we  can  improve  ourselves  only  by 
helping  others.  We  know  that  these  prin- 
ciples are  applicable  alike  to  our  domestic 
and  our  foreign  relations.  We  cannot  live 
unto  ourselves  alone. 

The  foreign  policy  of  America  can  best 
be  described  by  one  word — peace.  Our 
actions  have  always  proclaimed  our  peace- 
ful desires,  but  never  more  evidently  than 
now.  We  covet  no  territory;  we  support 
no  threatening  military  array;  we  harbor 
no  hostile  intent.  We  have  pursued,  are 
pursuing,  and  shall  continue  to  pursue 
with  untiring  devotion  the  cause  of  peace. 

These  ideals  we  have  put  into  practical 
application.  We  have  sought  to  promote 
peace  not  only  by  word,  but  by  appropriate 
action.  We  have  been  unwilling  to  sur- 
render our  independence.  We  have  re- 
fused to  ratify  the  Covenant  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  but  we  have  co-operated  with 
it  to  suppress  the  narcotic  trade  and  pro- 
mote public  health.  We  have  every  desire 
to  help;  but  the  time,  the  place,  and  the 
method  must  be  left  to  our  own  determina- 
tion. Under  our  constitution  we  cannot 
foreclose  the  right  of  the  President  or  the 
Congress  to  determine  future  problems 
when  they  arise.  We  must  necessarily 
proceed  upon  the  principle  of  present  co- 
operation without  future  entanglements. 

As  peace  means  fundamentally  a  reign 
of  law,  we  propose  to  become  a  member  of 


the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice.  Such  action  woidd  do  much  to  in- 
dicate our  determination  to  restrain  the 
rule  of  force  and  solidify  and  sustain  the 
rule  of  reason  among  nations. 

We  have  observed  with  sympathy  the 
continuing  difficulties  of  Europe.  We 
have  desired  to  assist  whenever  we  could 
do  so  effectively.  Late  in  December,  1922, 
the  Secretary  of  State  announced  the 
American  plan,  which  was  finally  adopted. 
Under  it  the  Reparation  Commission  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  experts,  of  which 
three  were  Americans,  one  of  whom, 
Charles  G.  Dawes,  was  chosen  chairman. 
A  report  has  been  made  which  received 
world-wide  approbation  and  has  been  ac- 
cepted in  principle  by  the  governments 
interested.  At  a  conference  of  prime 
ministers  held  to  work  out  the  details  of 
putting  this  plan  into  operation,  I  di- 
rected the  attendance  of  Ambassador  Kel- 
logg, assisted  by  Colonel  Logan,  to  repre- 
sent our  government.  Throughout  all  this 
course  of  events  we  helped  in  the  only  way 
we  could  help. 

I  believe  the  substance  of  the  plan 
ought  to  be  adopted.  By  that  test  will  be 
revealed  whether  Europe  really  desires 
our  co-operation.  If  Europe  should  agree 
to  this  proposal,  then  a  private  loan 
should  be  made  by  our  citizens  to  Ger- 
many for  the  financial  support  of  this 
undertaking.  The  governments  interested 
should  make  necessary  concessions  for  the 
security  of  such  a  loan.  In  my  opinion 
such  action,  by  stabilizing  Europe,  would 
result  in  improving  our  own  economic 
condition;  but,  beyond  that,  it  is  the  duty 
of  our  people  who  have  the  resources  to 
use  them  for  the  relief  of  war-stricken 
nations  and  the  improvement  of  world 
conditions. 

As  this  is  written,  reports  indicate  that 
the  plan  of  General  Dawes  will  be  adopted, 
and  that  the  effort  of  America  has  made 
a  tremendous  contribution  to  the  welfare. 


533 


534 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Septemher-Octoher 


security,  and  peace  of  the  world.  But  I 
await  the  event. 

When  the  reparations  plan  is  in  opera- 
tion, I  shall  deem  it  an  appropriate  time 
to  approach  the  great  powers  with  a  pro- 
posal for  another  conference  for  a  further 
limitation  of  armaments  and  for  devising 
plans  for  a  codification  of  international 
law.  I  personally  should  favor  entering 
into  covenants  for  the  purpose  of  out- 
lawing aggressive  war  by  any  practical 
means.  Our  country  has  always  been 
against  aggresive  war  and  for  permanent 
peace.  Those  who  are  working  out  de- 
tailed plans  to  present  such  a  policy  for 
consideration  have  my  entire  sympathy.  I 
trust  that  never  again  will  the  women  of 
this  nation  be  called  on  to  sacrifice  their 
loved  ones  to  the  terrible  scourge  of  war. 

We  have  constantly  striven  to  come  to 


more  complete  understandings  and  im- 
prove our  relations  with  Latin  America. 
At  their  request  we  have  undertaken  to 
compose  their  difficulties.  We  helped  the 
government  of  Mexico  protect  itself 
against  domestic  violence.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  in  extending  this  assistance 
and  the  moral  support  which  it  indicated 
we  helped  save  the  people  of  Mexico  from 
the  terrors  of  another  revolution.  We  also 
indicated  the  adoption  of  a  policy  of  mak- 
ing it  worth  while  for  a  government  so  to 
conduct  itself  as  to  merit  our  recognition. 
We  have  secured  a  written  agreement  with 
Mexico  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  to  replace  one  which  was  can- 
celed as  long  ago  as  1881,  and  joint  com- 
missions will  shortly  meet  to  adjust  all 
American  claims  against  that  country. 


II 

By  HON.  JOHN  W.  DAVIS 


All  that  we  do  will  be  undone ;  all  that 
we  build  will  be  torn  down;  all  that  we 
hope  for  will  be  denied,  unless  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  rest  of  mankind  we  can  lift 
the  burden  of  vast  armaments  which  now 
weighs  upon  the  world  and  silence  the  re- 
curring threat  of  war.  This  we  shall  not 
do  by  pious  wishes  or  fervid  rhetoric. 
We  will  not  contribute  to  it  as  a  nation 
simply  by  offering  to  others,  no  more  con- 
cerned than  ourselves,  our  unsolicited  ad- 
vice. Providence  does  not  give  the  gifts 
of  peace  to  those  who  will  not  labor  to 
achieve  them.  In  the  name  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  therefore,  I  promise  to  the 
country  that  no  enterprise  sincerely  di- 
rected to  this  end  will  lack  our  approval 
and  co-operation.  We  favor  the  World 
Court  in  sincerity  and  not  merely  for 
campaign  purposes  or  as  an  avenue  of 
escape  from  the  consideration  of  larger 
questions.  We  believe  it  a  real  ad- 
vance toward  peaceful  settlement  of  inter- 
national disputes  —  an  advance  from 
which  America  cannot  turn  away  without 
proving  herself  false  to  the  teaching  of  a 
century. 

We  wish  to  see  America  as  a  nation  play 
her  part  in  that  reconstruction  of  the  eco- 
nomic life  of  Europe  which  has  proven 
itself  so  indispensable  to  our  own  well- 
being  and  prosperity.      We  are  ready  for 


any  conference  on  disarmament,  provided 
it  is  so  general  in  its  membership  and  so 
wide  in  its  scope  as  to  deal  broadly  with  so 
broad  a  theme.  We  do  not  and  we  cannot 
accept  the  dictum  unauthorized  by  any 
expression  of  popular  will  that  the  League 
of  Nations  is  a  closed  incident,  so  far  as 
we  are  concerned.  We  deny  the  right  of 
any  man  to  thus  shut  the  gates  of  the 
future  against  us  and  to  write  the  fatal 
word  "Never"  across  the  face  of  our  for- 
eign policy. 

My  own  beliefs  on  this  particular  sub- 
ject have  been  so  frequently  avowed  and 
are,  I  believe,  so  well  understood  as  hardly 
to  need  repetition.  I  yield  to  no  man  in 
my  resolve  to  maintain  America's  inde- 
pendence or  in  my  unwillingness  to  in- 
volve her  in  the  quarrels  of  other  nations. 
Yet,  from  the  day  when  the  proposal  was 
first  put  forward,  I  believed  that  Ameri- 
can duty  and  American  interests  alike  de- 
manded our  joining,  as  a  free  and  equal 
people,  the  other  free  peoples  of  the  world 
in  this  enterprise.  Nothing  that  has  since 
occurred  has  shaken  me  in  that  belief. 

On  the  contrary,  the  march  of  events 
has  shown  not  only  that  the  League  has 
within  it  the  seed  of  sure  survival,  but 
that  it  is  destined  more  and  more  to  be- 
come the  bulwark  of  peace  and  order  to 
mankind.      Fifty-four    nations    now    sit 


19SJ^ 


AMERICA  AND  WORLD  AFFAIRS 


535 


around  its  council  table.  Ireland,  I  re- 
joice to  say,  has  shaken  off  her  long  sub- 
jection, and  once  more  a  nation  has  made 
her  entry  into  the  League,  the  sign  and 
symbol  of  her  glorious  rebirth.  The  time 
cannot  be  far  distant  when  Germany  will 
take  the  seat  to  which  she  is  rightly  en- 
titled. Eussia,  Mexico,  and  Turkey  will 
make  the  roll,  with  one  exception,  entire 
and  complete.  None  of  the  nations  in  all 
this  lengthening  list  have  parted  with 
their  sovereignty  or  sacrificed  their  inde- 
pendence, or  have  imperiled  by  their  pres- 
ence their  safety  at  home  or  their  security 
abroad.  I  cannot  reconcile  their  experi- 
ence with  the  fears  of  those  who  dread  a 
different  fate  for  the  United  States. 

There  are  in  this  country  sincere  minds 
who  oppose  both  the  World  Court  and  the 
League  and,  indeed,  any  organic  contact 
with  other  nations,  because  they  wish  the 
United  States  to  live  a  purely  opportunist 
life.  They  wish  no  obligation  at  any  time 
to  any  other  powers,  even  the  slender  obli- 
gation to  consult  and  to  confer. 

I  respect  such  opinions,  even  though  I 
do  not  share  them;  for,  on  sheerest 
grounds  of  national  safety,  I  cannot  think 
it  prudent  that  the  United  States  should 
be  absent  whenever  all  the  other  nations 
of  the  world  assemble  to  discuss  world 
problems.  But  I  must  be  permitted  to 
doubt  the  intellectual  honesty  of  those 
who  profess  to  favor  organized  interna- 
tional co-operation  for  peace  and  who 
studiously  turn  away  from  the  only  agen- 
cies yet  created  to  that  end. 

In  my  own  thought  concerning  the 
League  two  aspects  of  the  question  have 
been  constantly  before  me.  I  have  never 
found  it  possible  greatly  to  concern  my- 
self as  to  terms  of  our  adherence  or  the 
language  in  which  those  terms  might  be 
phrased.  Deeds  are  of  more  consequence 
than  words.  Time  and  custom  and  the 
laws  of  natural  growth  will  have  their  way 
in  spite  of  language,  provided  a  sincere 


purpose  lies  behind  them.  Whatever  the 
character  in  which  we  shall  finally  appear, 
it  is  the  fact  of  our  presence  that  will 
count. 

Neither  have  I  at  any  time  believed,  nor 
do  I  now  believe,  that  the  entrance  of 
America  into  the  League  can  occur,  will 
occur,  or  should  occur  until  the  common 
judgment  of  the  American  people  is  ready 
for  the  step.  We  waited  for  this  judg- 
ment to  ripen  in  order  that  we  might  enter 
the  war.  I  am  content,  if  need  be,  to 
wait  until  it  speaks  for  the  agencies  of 
peace. 

That  a  day  can  and  will  come  when  this 
great  question  will  finally  be  lifted  en- 
tirely above  the  plane  of  partisan  politics ; 
when  men  will  cease  to  take  counsel  solely 
of  their  passions,  their  pride,  and  their 
fears,  and  when  the  voice  of  public  ap- 
proval will  find  means  to  make  itself 
heard,  I  am  serenely  confident. 

Until  that  day  arrives,  I  deem  it  the 
duty  of  the  Chief  Executive  to  co-operate 
officially,  by  every  means  at  his  command, 
with  all  legitimate  endeavors,  whether 
they  come  from  the  League  or  from  any 
other  source,  to  lessen  the  prospect  of 
future  war;  to  aid  in  repairing  the  rav- 
ages of  the  wars  that  are  past,  to  promote 
disarmament,  and  to  advance  the  well- 
being  of  mankind. 

Equally,  too,  his  duty  and  the  duty  of 
Congress,  burdensome  as  it  may  be,  to 
maintain  the  means  of  adequate  national 
defense  until  reason  is  permitted  to  take, 
the  place  of  force.  We  cannot  throw 
away  the  sword  when  other  scabbards  are 
not  empty.  Nor  can  I  reconcile  it  with 
my  ideas  of  the  dignity  of  a  great  nation 
to  be  represented  at  international  gather- 
ings only  under  the  poor  pretense  of  "un- 
official observation."  If  I  become  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  America  will 
sit  as  an  equal  among  equals  whenever  she 
sits  at  all. 


THE  MEANING  OF  DEFENSE  DAY 

By  HERBERT  HOOVER 

From  a  Speech  at  the  Dinner  of  the  106th  Regiment, 
Brooklyn,  New  York,  September  12,  1924 


THIS  is  the  day  set  aside  for  the  re- 
view of  our  land  forces,  and  it  is  an 
occasion  on  which  we  can  well  consider 
the  deeper  problems  which  face  the  world 
in  armament. 

Some  of  our  people  feel  deeply  that 
these  preparations  may  contribute  to  the 
stimulation  of  militarism  in  our  people; 
but  I  am  convinced,  if  we  look  beneath 
the  surface  of  what  actual  militarism  is, 
we  will  find  that  America  is  free  from  it. 

The  fear  that  our  people  have  of  mili- 
tarism is  the  fear  of  that  dreadful  spirit 
which  contributed  so  much  to  set  the 
world  on  fire  in  1914  and  which  still 
lingers  in  some  parts  of  the  world.  Mili- 
tarism is  the  direct  or  indirect  fostering 
of  the  belief  that  war  is  ennobling  to  a 
nation;  that  war  is  the  moment  of  a  na- 
tion's greatness;  that  a  martial  spirit  is  a 
beneficient  catalizer  of  the  blood  and  spirit 
of  the  nation ;  that  nations,  even  in  peace, 
gain  in  power  and  add  to  their 
prestige  and  prosperity  by  dominating 
armament.  In  the  persuasion  of  peoples 
to  carry  the  burdens  of  great  armament 
these  arguments  and  beliefs  are  stimulated 
by  painting  some  neighbor  nation  as  the 
enemy,  by  fanning  the  flames  of  hate,  of 
fear,  and  of  arrogance  in  their  peoples, 
and  thereby  is  created  that  spirit  of  ag- 
gression which  in  1914  broke  the  peace 
of  the  world. 

We  have  little  of  this  stuff,  in  fact,  it 
cannot  be  stimulated  out  of  our  chosen 
form  of  a  defense  system.  It  does  not 
germinate  from  small  skeleton  standing 
armies  dependent  upon  voluntary  reserve 
forces.  Militarism  feeds  itself  most  suc- 
cessfully upon  populations  militarized 
through  peace-time  conscription  of  the 
whole  manhood.  It  is  only  in  such  a  na- 
tion-wide school  that  it  can  be  well  sus- 
tained. There  can  be  little  stimulation 
of  these  malign  ideas  in  a  nation  where 
ten  million  men  could  be  massed  in  arms, 
yet  the  whole  of  its  standing  army  is  but 
140,000  men.  Indeed,  we'  are  the  only  im- 
portant nation  today  whose  standing  army 


is  less  than  the  policemen  on  its  street 
corners.  Our  voluntary  forces  are  but 
180,000  men,  and  the  essence  of  voluntary 
forces  is  that  of  sacrifice  which  must  be 
made  by  men  whose  callings  and  aspira- 
tions lie  in  peace,  whose  belief  is  that 
civilization  progresses  only  in  the  path  of 
peace. 

These  spirits  of  militarism  have  rarely 
been  conjured  up  by  the  responsible 
American  soldier  or  statesman.  Our  army 
has  never  been  the  center  point  of  such 
misguiding  of  the  American  people.  Once 
in  a  while  its  ugly  front  shows  itself 
among  jingoes  on  the  stump  or  in  the 
press,  and  the  very  promptness  with  which 
such  utterances  are  invariably  rebuked 
by  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the 
country  is  proof  of  our  freedom  from  its 
contaminating  influence. 

America  has  been  the  land  of  political 
experiment.  In  the  list  of  the  experiments 
we  have  made  in  many  fields  has  been  our 
determination  to  carry  on  our  national  de- 
fense without  peace-time  conscription. 
From  the  very  first  days  of  our  independ- 
ence we  have  set  our  faces  against  it  as 
the  stimulation  to  militarism.  We  have 
proved  the  truth  of  this.  We  have  never 
been  aggressors.  In  fact,  we  have  some- 
times denied  ourselves  that  rightful  jus- 
tice we  could  have  secured  did  we  wish  to 
exert  our  strength. 

Had  the  United  States  undertaken 
peace-time  conscription,  thereby  main- 
taining a  compulsory  standing  army  and 
reserves  on  the  basis  of  many  countries, 
we  should  today  have  a  million  and  a  half 
standing  army  and  four  millions  of  re- 
serves. In  our  resolution  to  maintain  our 
defense  on  our  own  system  we  have  saved 
the  Western  Hemisphere  from  the  catas- 
trophes of  Europe,  for  had  we  established 
such  an  army  we  should  have  imposed  the 
reply  of  conscription  upon  every  State  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere,  with  its  net  of 
military  alliances  and  its  inevitable  clash 
from  the  malign  forces  which  such  ideas 
and  such  armament  would  have  itself  pro- 
duced. 


536 


192  Jf 


THE  MEANING  OF  DEFENSE  DAY 


537 


But  to  say  that  Americans  are  not  mili- 
arists  does  not  imply  that  they  are  paci- 
fists. I,  like  almost  a  universality  of  Amer- 
icans, am  opposed  to  war.  It  has  been  my 
fortune,  or  perhaps  my  fate,  to  see  the  in- 
cantations which  raised  the  violence  of  the 
mob;  to  see  the  militant  armies  of  many 
nations  on  many  occasions.  I  have  been 
present  at  great  parades,  tremendous 
spectacles  of  military  prowess.  I  have 
seen  soldiers  going  to  battle,  their  faces 
set  in  grim  determination  and  lit  with  be- 
lief in  victory  for  a  sacred  cause.  I  have 
seen  them  returning  from  the  struggle, 
their  hopes  sustained  by  success  or  shat- 
tered by  defeat.  I  have  seen  the  thou- 
sands of  dead,  the  millions  of  starving 
women  and  children.  In  our  generation 
we  need  no  emphasis  of  survey  of  the  grief 
of  millions  of  homes,  the  miseries  of  fam- 
ine and  anarchy,  the  revolutions  that  have 
swept  many  nations  and  threatened  others, 
the  lowered  standards  of  living,  the  indeli- 
ble impress  of  hate,  the  more  terrible  pos- 
sibilities of  future  war,  through  ever- 
advancing  science.  Nor  is  it  wrong  to 
recall,  not  alone  the  moral  degeneration 
and  the  loss  of  life  that  flow  from  war, 
but  the  fact  that  the  delicate  machinery  of 
social  organization  of  production  and  of 
commerce,  upon  which  civilization  is 
founded  cannot  stand  such  a  shock  again. 
Our  people  know  the  narrow  margins  by 
which  civilization  and  all  that  we  hold 
dear  barely  escaped  destruction  six  years 
ago. 

So  it  is  that  we  in  America  have  come 
to  loathe  war  and  to  yearn  for  universal 
peace.  We  harbor  neither  fear  nor  hate, 
neither  aggression  nor  desire  for  power  or 
prestige,  other  than  that  which  lies  in  the 
arts  of  peace.  Our  country  has  led  in  the 
limitation  of  armament. 

Nevertheless,  however,  we  might  fer- 
vently hope  and  pray  that  wars  are  over, 
we  cannot  found  our  national  policies  upon 
such  a  basis.  Strive  as  we  may  for  the 
ideal,  we  must  look  out  upon  the  world 
through  the  clear  glass  of  realism.  We 
know  how  the  seeds  of  war  are  planted,  and 
that  human  nature  and  understanding 
changes  but  slowly;  that  man  is  proceed- 
ing only  little  by  little  toward  the  goal 
of  perfection,  and  that  nations  are  but 
aggregations  of  men.  If  we  survey  the 
world,  we  find  that  it  is  as  greatly  armed 


as  in  the  tinder-box  days  of  1914,  though 
not  in  the  same  places.  Preparedness  for 
defense  is  a  necessity  so  long  as  great 
armaments  and  the  spirits  of  fear,  hate, 
militant  nationalism,  arrogance,  or  ag- 
gression linger  in  the  world.  And  the 
world  is  not  free  from  these  uncomfortable 
bad  fellows,  though  some  of  them  be 
stunned  by  the  exhaustion  of  the  last  ten 
years.  We  must  need  maintain  such  forces 
as  assure  us  in  defense,  whose  equipment 
and  morale  keep  it  ever  ready,  and  whose 
public  support  is  one  of  appreciation  of  a 
national  service  well  given  to  the  security 
of  us  all. 

As  I  realize  that  all  over  America  to- 
day thousands  of  young  men  march  by  in 
voluntary  demonstration  of  patriotism, 
my  thoughts  were  not  merely  upon  visual 
features.  We  are  not  marching  to  culti- 
vate any  martial  spirit,  not  to  manifest 
any  desire  for  war,  but  to  show  to  ourselves 
and  to  the  world  our  readiness  to  protect 
ourselves  against  any  unlooked-for  ag- 
gressions. And  there  is  a  greater  signifi- 
cance than  this :  America  without  arming 
is  demonstrating  its  power  to  arm  and  its 
wish  for  peace. 

When  we  peer  deeper  into  the  forces 
which  impel  nations ;  when  we  have  regard 
for  the  combative  nature  of  man ;  when  we 
study  the  struggle  to  lift  the  standards 
of  life  for  great  peoples;  when  we  wit- 
ness the  pressures  of  overgrown  popula- 
tions ;  when  we  see  the  unredress  of  wrong ; 
when  we  know  that  nations,  like  individ- 
uals, have  moods  of  madness  and  arro- 
gance; when  we  see  the  ruthless  strivings 
for  the  intangibles  of  pride  and  prestige 
and  territory;  when  we  witness  in- 
creasing armament  for  defense  against 
or  for  aggression  in  these  forces — then 
some  become  discouraged  lest  peace  shall 
be  but  the  recuperation  from  war.  In  dis- 
couragement they  demand  greater  arma- 
ment. Yet  the  world  does  have  longer  and 
longer  periods  when  the  forces  of  peace 
are  triumphant  and  when  the  souls  of 
men  are  striving  to  greater  things.  And 
the  minds  of  men  are  today  directed  to- 
ward the  elimination  of  the  causes  of  war 
with  more  resolution  than  at  any  time  in 
centuries.  Reduction  of  armament  as  a 
step  in  the  elimination  of  the  causes  of 
war  through  reducing  fear  and  the  malign 


538 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


forces  of  militarism  has  today  more  sup- 
port than  ever  before. 

The  proposal  of  President  Coolidge  for 
further  conferences  between  nations  to 
accomplish  reduction  of  armaments  bids 
fair  to  realization.  Indeed,  it  is  the  next 
step  in  the  progres  of  practical  peace  and 
reconstruction.  Every  country  today  vis- 
ualizes its  defense  preparation  upon  the 
military  strength  of  its  neighbors,  and  un- 
til all  can  participate  there  can  be  little 
hope  of  relief.  America  broke  this  vicious 
cycle  in  naval  armament  two  years  ago, 
and  European  statesmen  are  today  working 
again  for  these  ends  with  hope  and  cour- 
age. 

There  is  a  matter  of  primary  importance 
in  the  question  of  reduction  of  armament 
which  merits  great  consideration.  If  we 
will  examine  historical  experience  in  the 
growth  of  militarism  and  its  contribution 
to  stimulation  of  war,  we  will  find  that  it 
secures  its  greatest  fertilizer  in  universal 
conscription  in  times  of  peace — a  very 
different  thing  from  universal  service  in 
times  of  war.  Here  is  an  enlarged  school 
through  which  these  evil  ideas  can  be  in- 
culcated in  a  people.  Seduction  of  arma- 
ment will  have  made  but  little  progress 
until  conscription  is  abolished.  Nor  is 
this  fact  unrecognized  by  the  world.  The 
first  principle  of  disarmament  imposed 
upon  Germany  and  Austria  was  the  aban- 
donment of  conscription.  Our  own  history 
of  over  140  years  and  the  greater  freedom 
of  the  Western  Hemisphere  from  periodic 


great  international  wars  and  the  burden 
of  great  armaments  is  itself  the  warranty 
of  experience.  If  conscription  could  be 
abolished  in  the  world,  peace  would  have 
won  a  great  victory.  The  security  of  the 
world  and  of  America  would  be  increased, 
the  prosperity  of  the  world  would  be 
greater,  the  burdens  upon  all  those  who  la- 
bor would  be  lighter. 

But  the  reduction  of  armament  is  not 
a  simple  problem  of  mathematics  among 
nations.  It  is  a  problem  of  infinite  com- 
plexity, which  will  find  solution  only  in 
the  will  to  peace.  It  is  in  this  sincerity 
that  statesmen  have  entered  upon  renewed 
determination  to  bring  it  about;  for  be- 
hind disarmament  must  come  the  allaying 
of  fear,  hate,  and  national  greed. 

Reduction  of  armament  is  a  step  in  the 
elimination  of  the  causes  of  war.  The 
settlement  of  disputes  by  judicial  pro- 
cesses, by  the  extension  of  the  principles 
of  arbitration,  and  the  prompt  settlement 
of  friction  and  fears  by  orderly  negotia- 
tion are  others  equally  important.  But 
in  the  end  peace  is  not  to  be  maintained 
by  documents,  no  matter  how  perpetual 
their  declarations  may  be,  nor  is  it  main- 
tained by  institutions,  no  matter  how  per- 
fect they  be.  It  is  only  to  be  gained 
through  good  will,  through  esteem,  by  the 
upbuilding  of  those  same  relations  of 
consideration  and  respect  that  make  good 
neighbors. 

In  the  meantime,  work  as  we  will  to 
these  purposes,  we  cannot  go  undefended. 


Who  would  be  a  Queen 
That  sees  what  my  love  hath  seen? — 
The  blood  of  myriads  vainly  shed 
To  make  one  royal  ruby  red! 


Then  tell  me,  music,  why  the  great 
For  quarrelling  trumpets  alxUcate 
This  quick,  this  absolute  estate. 

— Alfred  Noyes. 


CONGRESSMEN  IN  SWITZERLAND 

Twenty-second  Conference  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union  in  Bern  and  Geneva 

By  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 
Executive  Secretary  of  the  American  Group 


THE  thrill  of  the  Twenty-second  Con- 
ference of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  held  in  Bern,  Switzerland,  August 
22-27,  and  in  Geneva,  August  28,  came 
Saturday  morning,  the  second  day  of  the 
conference,  when  Hugh  Gibson,  United 
States  minister  to  Switzerland,  gracefully 
and  simply  presented  the  following  invi- 
tation : 

To  the  Interparlia/mentary  Union: 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  of 
America  having  h^  a  joint  resolution,  ap- 
proved May  13,  1924,  requested  the  President 
of  the  United  States  to  invite  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union  to  hold  its  annual  meeting 
for  the  year  1925  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
it  affords  me  very  great  pleasure  indeed,  as 
President  of  the  United  States,  to  extend  to 
the  Interparliamentary  Union,  in  pursuance 
of  the  said  joint  resolution,  the  cordial  invi- 
tation of  the  Government  and  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States  to  hold  its  Twenty-third 
Conference  in  the  city  of  Washington  at  such 
time  during  the  year  1925  as  the  Union 
may  fix. 

(Signed)  Calvin  Coolidge. 

By  the  President: 

(Signed)     Chabues  E.  Hughes, 

Secretary  of  State. 

Washington,  June  30,  1924. 

Importance  of  the  Invitation 

This  was  a  most  unusual  event.  In  the 
first  place,  only  members  of  parliaments 
are  permitted  by  the  constitution  of  the 
Union  to  speak  at  its  meetings.  This 
difficulty,  for  arrangements  had  been 
made  for  the  United  States  minister  to 
present  the  invitation  from  President 
Coolidge,  vanished  in  the  twinkling  of  an 
eye,  during  the  first  session  of  the  confer- 
ence, upon  the  motion  of  Baron  Adels- 
ward,  of  Sweden,  President  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Council.  It  was  early  in 
the  meeting  of  Friday,  August  22,  the  first 


day,  that  Baron  Adelsward  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  conference  to  the  fact  that 
the  United  States  minister  had  asked  the 
privilege  of  presenting  a  communication 
to  the  conference.  He  added  that  the 
Council  had  examined  the  question,  and 
that,  while  addresses  before  the  confer- 
ence under  the  rules  could  be  given  only 
by  members  of  parliaments,  he  considered 
it  necessary  to  make  an  exception  when  it 
became  a  matter  of  receiving  a  message 
from  the  government  of  a  great  nation. 
As  he  asked  the  approval  of  this  proposal, 
the  conference  agreed  with  spontaneous 
and  enthusiastic  applause. 

Still  more  impressive,  this  was  the  first 
time  that  the  head  of  a  government  had 
presented  such  an  invitation.  It  marked, 
therefore,  an  epoch  in  the  development 
and  importance  of  the  Union.  The  event 
added  pith  and  dignity  to  all  the  later 
discussions.  It  cheered  immeasurably  the 
delegates.  It  heartened  especially  the 
men  who  have  labored  through  the  many 
years  for  the  cause  which  the  Union  rep- 
resents. It  revealed  the  enthusisistic  in- 
terest of  parliamentarians  generally  in 
affairs  of  the  United  States,  and  the  wide- 
spread desire  to  know  more  intimately 
and  clearly  our  people,  upon  whom,  be- 
cause of  our  unparalleled  growth  and  po- 
tential power,  rest  so  much  the  future 
hopes  of  mankind.  The  enthusiasm  of 
the  delegates  at  the  prospect  of  visiting 
the  United  States  was  unmistakable.  The 
President's  invitation  has  rendered  a  great 
service  already  to  the  cause  of  friendship 
across  the  seas. 

The  City  of  Bern 

Bern  is  a  city  to  remember  and  to  go 
back  to.  There  are  less  than  100,000  peo- 
ple there,  but  these  people  and  their  town 
have  a  quality  which  appeals.  Pictur- 
esque is  the  first  word  one  thinks  of,  as 
one  looks  in  upon  or  out  of  the  place. 
Those  sixteenth-century  fountains,  topped 


539 


540 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


by  their  odd,  old-time  figures  and  scat- 
tered everywhere,  have  a  style  all  their 
own,  lively  and  medieval.  The  arcaded 
sidewalks,  with  the  heavy-arched  masonry 
supporting  the  buildings  above;  the  va- 
riety of  the  bear  motive  in  signs  and 
statues,  because  Bern  is  named  after  the 
bear — the  bear  is  a  sort  of  patron  saint  of 
the  city;  the  narrow,  winding  streets  of 
the  old  part;  the  roofs,  with  their  many 
dormers  one  above  the  other — yet,  there 
is  something  of  Niiremberg  about  the 
place.  And  yet  it  is  no  other  place  at  all. 
It  is  Bern. 

And  the  view !  I  like  it  better  than  any 
other  in  Switzerland.  The  Bliimlisalp, 
the  Breithorn,  the  Jungfrau,  through  the 
iridescent  and  clinging  clouds,  all  from 
the  windows  of  our  hotel — one  hotel  called 
Bellevue  with  genuine  propriety.  But 
such  a  view  is  for  the  poets  and  the  artists 
to  describe.  Mere  editors  are  not  up  to  it. 
But  I  must  add  that  the  Alpine  glow 
glows  around  Bern.  There  is  no  doubt 
of  that. 

On  Top  of  the  Jungfrau 

The  Swiss  are  a  kindly  and  a  hospitable 
people,  especially  so  in  Bern.  We  saw 
evidence  of  this  in  the  hotels,  in  the  shops, 
in  the  bureaus — everywhere.  Sunday, 
August  24,  the  Swiss  group  of  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union  took  us  by  special 
train  to  the  lake — Thunsee;  then  by  boat 
to  Interlaken ;  then  by  train  and  funicular 
to  the  top  of  the  Jungfrau,  where,  some 
12,000  feet  up,  amid  the  everlasting 
snows,  we  saw  and  felt  that  glory  of  color, 
of  line,  and  of  distance  which  has  made 
scenery  and  Switzerland  synonymous  the 
world  round.  Of  course,  we  shall  all  re- 
member the  reception  given  by  the  city  of 
Bern  at  the  Kursaal  Schanzli,  the  dinner 
given  by  the  Swiss  group,  the  excursion  to 
Lausanne,  and  the  boat  ride  from  there 
to  Geneva,  the  reception  in  Geneva  by  the 
Swiss  Council  of  State  and  the  Canton  of 
Geneva ;  but  that  day  on  the  Jungfrau  has 
become  a  permanent  possession  of  the  very 
spirit  of  every  member  of  that  happy 
party,  brought  together  from  many  quar- 
ters of  the  globe,  on  that  Sabbath  day  in 
August. 

The  Business  of  the  Conference 

Of  course,  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
met   in   Bern   for   business.      There   was 


plenty  of  business.  Twenty-five  parlia- 
ments were  represented,  as  follows:  Ger- 
many, the  United  States,  Austria,  Bel- 
gium, Bulgaria,  Canada,  Denmark,  Egypt, 
Finland,  France,  Great  Britain,  Hungary, 
Dutch-India,  Ireland,  Italy,  Latvia,  Lith- 
uania, Norway,  Holland,  Poland,  Eu- 
mania,  Jugoslavia,  Sweden,  Switzerland, 
and  Czechoslovakia.  Most  of  the  delega- 
tions included  a  number  of  the  best- 
known  men  of  their  respective  countries. 

The  American  party  was  as  follows : 
Senator  William  B.  McKinley,  of  Illinois, 
president  of  the  American  group;  Eepre- 
sentative  Theodore  E.  Burton,  of  Ohio, 
member  of  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Interparliamentary  Union;  Senator 
Selden  P.  Spencer,  of  Missouri;  Senator 
0.  E.  Weller,  of  Maryland;  Senator 
Charles  Curtis,  of  Kansas;  Eepresentative 
Andrew  J.  Montague,  of  Virginia;  Mrs. 
Andrew  J.  Montague ;  Eepresentative  Tom 
Connally,  of  Texas,  Mrs.  Connally,  Mr. 
Ben  Connally;  Eepresentative  J.  J.  Mc- 
Swain,  of  South  Carolina;  Arthur  Deerin 
Call,  Executive  Secretary  of  the  Amer- 
ican Group,  Washington,  D.  C,  Mrs. 
Call,  Miss  Margaret  F.  Call;  Walter  Pen- 
field,  Assistant  Secretary,  Washington, 
D.  C;  George  Buckingham,  Assistant 
Secretary,  Chicago,  111.;  Miss  Isabel 
Sedgley  and  Miss  Nellie  Sedgley,  of 
Washington,  D.  C,  and  Hon.  Eichard 
Bartholdt,  member  of  the  Council  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union,  of  Missouri; 
for  a  few  days.  Senator  Asmeiia,  of  the 
Philippine  Senate,  and  his  secretary,  M. 
Jassin  Joined  the  Americans. 

M.  Alois  de  Meuron,  president  of  the 
Swiss  group,  was  chosen  to  preside  over 
the  conferences.  M.  Giuseppe  Motta, 
Counselor  of  State  and  chef  du  Depa/rt- 
ment  politique^  welcomed  the  delegates. 
As  it  happened,  M.  Motta  a  few  days  later 
was  chosen  president  of  the  fifth  Assem- 
bly of  the  League  of  Nations,  at  Geneva. 

A  variety  of  matters  came  up  for  dis- 
cussion. A  number  of  recommendations 
relative  to  the  constitution  of  the  Union 
was  submitted  by  Senator  Henri  La  Fon- 
taine, of  Belgium.  The  financial  situa- 
tion of  the  organization  was  presented 
by  Baron  Adelsward,  of  the  Swedish  Sen- 
ate. The  report  of  the  Bureau,  to  which 
was  devoted  the  greatest  amount  of  discus- 
sion, was  laid  before  the  conference  by 


192Jf 


CONGRESSMEN  IN  SWITZERLAND 


541 


Kepresentative  Theodore  E.  Burton,  of  the 
United  States,  in  an  address  appearing 
elsewhere  in  these  columns.  This  address 
called  forth  many  speeches,  some  of  an 
order  calculated  to  influence  opinion  not 
only  within  the  Union,  but  in  the  govern- 
ments back  home. 

Two  Outstanding  Points  of  Interest 

Looking  back  across  these  addresses,  two 
facts  stand  out  with  striking  clearness — 
the  seriousness  of  the  problem  of  minori- 
ties throughout  central  Europe  and  the 
new  feeling  of  hope  aroused  by  the  Lon- 
don Conference.  Of  course,  the  changes 
in  the  constitution,  the  financial  situation 
of  the  Union,  the  scholarly  and  valuable 
report  on  the  parliamentary  control  of 
foreign  policy,  submitted  by  Professor 
Schiicking,  of  the  German  group;  M. 
Moutet's  statement  on  colonial  mandates 
and  the  League  of  Nations;  the  problem 
of  reparations,  as  set  forth  by  Baron 
Szterenyi,  of  Hungary,  and  the  Et.  Hon. 
Lord  Eathcreedan,  of  Great  Britain; 
Baron  Szterenyi's  further  report  on  the 
economic  solidarity  of  the  world  and  inter- 
national traffic;  the  problems  of  social 
policy  in  their  relation  to  emigration  and 
immigration,  as  set  forth  by  Senator  Mer- 
lin, of  France;  the  reduction  of  arma- 
ments, reported  upon  by  M.  van  Walle- 
ghem,  of  Belgium;  demilitarized  zones,  as 
pleaded  for  by  General  Spears,  of  England, 
and  Dr.  Munch's  plan  for  the  reduction  of 
armaments,  not  to  mention  other  aspects 
of  the  work  of  the  conference,  are  all 
creditable  evidences  of  the  tasks  attempted 
by  the  Interparliamentary  Union.  But 
the  passion  of  the  conference  reached  its 
highest  in  the  appeals  for  the  minorities 
struggling  under  their  new  enforced  alle- 
giances and  in  the  pledges  for  a  closer  co- 
operation, especially  between  France  and 
Germany. 

The  problem  of  the  discontented  minori- 
ties was  injected  into  the  discussions  on 
the  very  first  day  of  the  conference.  M. 
-Brabec,  of  Czechoslovakia,  mentioned  them 
in  his  address  of  Friday — rather  casually, 
it  is  true,  but  the  reference  was  enough. 
Nearly  every  speech  thereafter  contained 
some  expression  of  views  about  these  un- 
happy groups. 

The  Bitter  Minorities 

The   central  thought  of  many  of  the 


speeches  first  appeared  in  the  address  of 
Dr.  de  Lukacs,  of  Hungary,  who  regretted 
that  the  committee  had  neglected  to  deal 
with  the  questions  of  minorities,  for,  in 
his  opinion,  five  years  of  bitter  experience 
had  amply  proved  that  the  States  succes- 
sors to  the  former  Austro-Hungarian  Em- 
pire simply  deny  all  rights  to  their  minori- 
ties, and  that,  furthermore,  there  is  no 
organization  competent  to  protect  these 
minorities. 

M.  Medinger,  of  Czechoslovakia,  carried 
the  thought  further,  pointing  out  that  the 
League  of  Nations'  commission,  charged 
to  deal  with  these  questions,  has  been  a 
disappointment,  and  that  the  League  it- 
self has  been  a  profound  deception.  The 
League,  professing  to  be  inspired  by  the 
name  of  Wilson,  is  a  traitor  to  his  thought. 
It  is  too  inelastic  and  self-contradictory. 
It  rests  upon  force  and  follows  the  psy- 
chology of  war.  It  has  established  an  In- 
ternational Court  of  Justice,  supposed  to 
be  accessible  to  States  not  members  of  the 
League,  but  it  is  most  difficult  for  such 
States  to  get  before  the  court.  The  rights 
of  the  minorities  have  been  granted  with 
one  hand  and  taken  away  with  the  other, 
since  it  is  impossible  for  these  minorities 
to  get  any  redress  for  their  grievances. 
As  a  result,  Europe  has  been  Balkanized. 
Having  failed  before  the  League,  these 
minorities  turn  longingly  to  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union. 

Others  who  voiced  the  complaints  of  the 
minorities  were  such  men  as  Wilfan,  of 
Italy;  Senator  Ledebur-Wicheln,  of 
Czechoslovakia,  and  Molloff,  of  Bulgaria, 
who  pointed  out  that  his  country  is  suffer- 
ing from  an  excess  of  hospitality  and  pro- 
tection accorded  to  the  many  refugees  from 
practically  all  the  bordering  countries. 

Some  of  the  delegates  complained  of  the 
propaganda  carried  on  in  their  countries 
by  governments  to  whom  their  minorities 
formerly  belonged.  Thus  this  whole  ques- 
tion of  minorities,  altogether  too  deep  for 
Americans  to  understand,  is  a  veritable 
burning  brand  in  the  powder-house  of 
Europe. 

The  Interparliamentary  Union,  with  its 
freedom  from  government  control  and  its 
detachment  from  the  wiles  of  diplomacy, 
with  its  open  discussions,  may  well  be  the 
most  useful  of  all  the  agencies  attempting 
to  solve  these  most  difficult  problems. 


542 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


French  and  German  Cordiality 

Even  the  most  conservative  members  of 
the  conference  were  impressed  by  the  re- 
turn of  French  interest  in  the  Union,  and 
especially  by  the  new  will  to  co-operate 
across  the  Ehine.  This  new  spirit  ap- 
peared most  vividly  in  the  addresses  by 
Senator  Fernand  Merlin,  of  France,  and 
by  former  Chancellor  Wirth,  of  Germany. 
The  agreements  of  the  London  Conference, 
so  recently  accomplished,  had  their  in- 
fluence ;  but  time  and  the  better  natures  of 
men  contributed  toward  the  beneficent  re- 
sult. Both  speeches  held  the  breathless  at- 
tention of  the  conference.  Merlin's  elo- 
quence ended  in  a  peroration,  that  it  is 
not  war  and  hate,  but  work  and  friendship, 
which  unite  nations,  and  that  if  the  effort 
continues  henceforth  the  history  of  the 
world  will  not  be  of  wars  and  battles,  but 
rather  of  things  of  the  spirit. 

Chancellor  Wirth  met  this  new  challenge 
with  equal  grace  and  eloquence.  He  was 
convinced  that  the  address  by  M.  Merlin 
expressed  the  new  spirit,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  German  delegation  he  would  voice 
his  great  joy.  He  felt  it  to  be  tragic  that 
the  two  great  nations,  France  and  Ger- 
many, who  have  contributed  so  much  to 
humanity,  should  shatter  the  hopes  of  Eu- 
ropean civilization.  "We  have  been  pro- 
foundly deceived.  This  ought  not  to  ar- 
rest the  hope  in  a  reconcilliation." 

No  such  views  as  these  would  have  been 
possible  at  the  meeting  in  Copenhagen  a 
year  ago,  nor  at  any  meeting  of  the  Union 
since  the  war. 

Eepresentative  Theodore  E.  Burton,  of 
the  United  States,  said : 

In  closing  this  discussion  I  desire  to  repeat 
and  emphasize  what  I  said  on  Friday,  that 
the  outlook  for  peace  and  good  will  is  infi- 
nitely better  at  the  meeting  of  this  conference 
than  in  any  of  the  three  preceding.  The 
American  delegates  were  especially  pleased 
on  Saturday  by  the  words  of  conciliation  ex- 
pressed by  Senator  Merlin  and  ex-Chancellor 
Wirth.  We  trust  that  each  of  them  speaks 
not  for  himself  alone,  not  for  a  party,  but 
for  a  whole  nation,  and  thus  for  the  welfare 
of  the  whole  wide  world. 


Through  centuries  conflicts  between  the 
two  nations,  France  and  Germany,  have  been 
frequent.  The  reason  for  the  original  visit 
of  Julius  Caesar  to  Gaul  was  the  protection 
of  a  friendly  tribe  against  an  incursion  from 
Germany,  and  these  incursions  have  con- 
tinued since.  Let  us  hope  that  in  the  future 
the  crossings  of  the  Rhine  may  be  but  chan- 
nels of  trade,  of  social  intercourse  and  good 
will. 

The  American  delegates  have  with  some 
degree  of  pain  and  regret  listened  to  the 
numerous  complaints  from  minorities.  May 
we  not  trust  that  with  a  more  settled  world, 
with  better  international  relations,  there  may 
be  also  more  perfect  domestic  relations,  that 
all  these  problems  may  be  settled  with  justice 
and  in  a  spirit  of  common  interest.  One  of 
our  theologians  once  said,  "Evolution  tells  us 
where  we  came  from,  religion  tells  us  where 
we  are  going,  but  the  fact  is  we  are  here;" 
and  those  who  dwell  in  these  different  coun- 
tries, where  there  are  varied  races  and  men 
of  different  religions  and  languages,  are 
here — or  there.  They  must  dwell  together 
in  peace  and  amity,  and  we  can  but  call  their 
attention  to  that  great  declaration  which 
stated  that  all  men  are  created  free  and  en- 
dowed with  certain  inalienable  rights,  such 
as  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 
May  there  not  be  a  new  realization  of  the 
independent  rights  of  each  individual  to  fol- 
low the  dictates  of  his  conscience,  to  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  religion,  to  the  greatest  possible 
freedom  consistent  with  public  order. 

In  closing,  Monsieurs,  let  me  say  that  much 
that  must  be  accomplished  in  the  great 
cause  of  arbitration  and  peace,  and  the  inter- 
national co-operation  so  dear  to  our  hearts, 
must  be  Initiated  by  us.  This  organization 
speaks  for  the  prerogatives,  the  opportunities, 
and  the  responsibilities  of  legislative  bodies. 
Let  us  meet  these  responsibilities  and  quit 
ourselves  like  men — not  merely  patriotic  for 
our  own  country,  but  with  an  international 
mind  which  shall  bring  in  a  new  era  among 
the  nations. 

The  official  report  of  the  President  and 
the  Secretary  General,  setting  forth  the 
results  of  the  conference,  will  be  found 
elsewhere  in  this  issue. 


ACHIEVEMENTS  OF  THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY 

UNION 

Address  before  the  XXIInd  Conference  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union, 
Bern,  Switzerland,  August  22,  1924. 

By  THEODORE  E.  BURTON 
Retiring  American  Member  of  the  Executive  Commltte  of  the  Union 


AFTER  the  excellent  survey  of  the 
.  achievements  of  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Union  by  the  Secretary  General,  in 
the  Report  of  the  Bureau,  it  would  be 
almost  superfluous  to  give  more  than  a 
brief  mention  of  its  history  for  the  last  35 
years.  My  long  association  with  this  or- 
ganization, however,  impels  me  to  make  a 
passing  reference  to  certain  prominent 
facts  and  incidents.  It  has  a  most  in- 
spiring record.  The  actual  founder  was 
Sir  William  Randal  Cremer,  an  English 
carpenter,  for  a  long  time  a  member  of 
Parliament.  He  was  a  trade  unionist  who 
had  taken  a  leading  part  in  the  settlement 
of  labor  disputes  by  arbitration,  and  thus 
became  interested  in  the  larger  task  of 
the  settlement  of  international  contro- 
versies by  the  same  method,  especially  by 
the  establishment  of  this  general  congress, 
to  which  legislators  from  all  countries  are 
eligible.  Thus  it  appears  that  the  origi- 
nator of  this  movement  came  not  from  the 
seats  of  the  mighty,  but  from  the  humble 
ranks  of  labor.  He  was  a  man  of  the 
highest  motives.  Though  of  very  moder- 
ate means,  when  a  winner  of  the  Nobel 
Prize  he  devoted  the  larger  share  of  the 
proceeds  to  an  endowment  for  the  further- 
ance of  the  objects  so  dear  to  his  heart. 
Time  would  fail  me  to  mention  the  long 
list  of  publicists  who  co-operated  with  him 
in  the  most  noble  work  which  he  had  un- 
dertaken, and  who  made  the  very  begin- 
nings of  the  Union  notable  as  a  foundation 
for  that  progress  in  international  concilia- 
tion which  has  been  accomplished  by  it. 

The  original  scope  of  the  organization 
was  limited  to  the  promotion  of  inter- 
national arbitration,  but  since  the  year 
1899,  under  enlarged  plans,  efforts  have 
been  exerted  for  the  securing  of  every 
means  for  the  prevention  of  war  and  the 
growth  of  international  co-operation. 

Our  achievements  are  written  large  in 
the  history  of  pacifist  movements.  I  recall 
having  presented  at  the  White  House  in 


Washington "  in  1904  a  resolution  framed 
in  collaboration  with  Mr.  Bartholdt,  who 
is  present  here  today,  asking  President 
Roosevelt  to  request  the  respective  nations 
to  arrange  for  a  second  conference  at  The 
Hague.  This  request  was  acted  upon  by 
President  Roosevelt  and  led  to  the  meeting 
of  1907.  Prior  to  that  the  committees  of 
the  Union  had  taken  a*  prominent  part  in 
framing  model  arbitration  treaties  and  in 
active  movements  for  the  promotion  of 
peace. 

The  Russian  consul  at  Budapest,  after 
the  meeting  of  the  Union  in  that  city  in 
1896,  was  so  impressed  by  its  action  that 
he  reported  the  proceedings  to  his  govern- 
ment and  prevailed  upon  the  foreign  min- 
ister, Muravieff,  to  submit  a  memorandum 
to  the  Czar.  The  first  Hague  Conference 
of  1899  was  in  no  small  degree  the  result 
of  this  memorandum.  The  draft  of  the 
Brussels  Conference  of  this  body,  made  in 
1895,  served  as  a  basis  for  the  discussions 
relating  to  international  organization  for 
the  furtherance  of  international  arbitra- 
tion at  the  first  Hague  Conference,  and 
the  draft  treaty  of  arbitration  prepared  in 
London  in  1906  was  utilized  in  the  dis- 
cussion at  the  second  Hague  Conference 
of  the  following  year. 

There  was  a  dramatic  scene  at  the  gath- 
ering in  London  in  1906.  A  group  from 
Russia  was  present,  but  just  at  the  time 
of  their  arrival  a  ukase  was  issued  by  the 
Czar,  dissolving  the  Douma,  and,  amid 
shouts  of  "Vive  la  Douma!"  the  members 
of  the  group  most  unwillingly  went  out 
from  the  Assembly.  In  all  these  years  the 
Union  has  manifested  its  usefulness  in 
various  ways. 

More  recently,  and  within  the  recollec- 
tion of  most  of  you,  consideration  has 
been  given  to  the  perplexing  question  of 
the  rights  of  minorities,  to  parliamentary 
control  of  foreign  policy,  as  well  as  the 
equitable  management  of  mandated  terri- 
tories for  the  uplifting  of  backward  peo- 
ples, and  the  adoption  of  the  principle  of 


543 


544 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-Octoher 


the  "open  door" ;  for  let  it  be  understood 
that  the  just  and  rational  ground  upon 
which  these  mandates  should  rest  is  help- 
ful development  for  the  peoples  in  the 
mandated  territories,  not  exploitation  for 
the  benefit  of  those  entrusted  with  their 
care. 

Perhaps  the  greatest  benefit  of  all  arises 
from  the  association  in  annual  gatherings 
of  representatives  of  various  nations.  This 
renders  potent  aid  in  destroying  that  con- 
ceit of  nationality  which  assumes  that  the 
highest  virtue  and  excellence  dwell  only  in 
the  country  of  one's  birth  and  at  the  same 
time  ignores  the  fact  that  the  normal  de- 
velopment of  nations  as  well  as  of  indi- 
viduals must  depend  upon  diversity.  Peo- 
ples of  every  land  and  of  every  race  have 
superior  qualities. 

Still  further  these  gatherings  create 
cherished  friendships  between  those 
brought  together  from  lands  remote. 
These  are  not  merely  the  source  of  most 
pleasing  personal  intimacies,  but  they  also 
promote  good  will  between  the  countries 
represented  here. 

There  are  two  features  to  be  especially 
emphasized  in  forecasting  the  work  of  this 
Union  in  this  year  1924 : 

The  first  is  the  growing  importance  of 
legislative  bodies,  the  people's  representa- 
tives, whether  they  be  mere  lawmaking 
bodies  or,  as  in  the  larger  number  of  coun- 
tries, furnish  prime  ministers  and  cabinets 
with  executive  functions. 

This  growth  has  been  very  marked  dur- 
ing the  life  of  this  organization  and 
especially  in  the  last  twenty  years.  This 
interparliamentary  Union  speaks  for  the 
prerogatives,  the  opportunities,  and  the 
responsibilities  of  the  chosen  representa- 
tives of  the  people.  Now  and  then  there 
will  be  reactions  in  favor  of  executive  or 
central  authority,  and  this,  alike  with 
every  legislative  body,  will  be  powerful  or 
impotent  just  in  proportion  as  it  mani- 
fests or  fails  to  manifest  broad  vision  and 
an  adequate  grasp  of  the  problems  which 
are  now  pressing  upon  the  world  with  al- 
most bewildering  rapidity.  It  is  for  us  to 
become  a  parliament  of  parliaments. 

Let  us  remember,  my  fellow-members, 
that  this  Interparliamentary  Union  is  not 
a  mere  debating  society ;  it  is  not  a  "talk- 
fest";  it  is  not  an  organization  in  which 
members  are  authorized -to  leave  after  the 
adjournment  and  forget  the  recommenda- 


tions and  conclusions  reached  here.  We 
should  go  home  to  our  respective  countries 
to  spread  upon  the  records  that  which  has 
been  done  in  this  organization  and,  so  far 
as  we  may,  stimulate  the  adoption  of  legis- 
lation carrying  out  our  recommendations. 
In  my  own  country  the  president  of  our 
group,  Senator  McKinley,  spread  upon  the 
records  on  his  return  last  year  an  account 
of  the  transactions  at  Copenhagen,  and  it 
will  be  our  effort  to  bring  them  to  the 
attention  of  the  people,  to  secure  adoption 
by  our  Congress,  and  to  stimulate  popular 
opinion  in  favor  of  the  conclusions  reached 
here. 

The  second  feature  is  the  vastly  more 
encouraging  outlook  for  peace  and  inter- 
national co-operation  today.  The  world 
has  been  suffering  from  the  aftermath  of 
war,  from  the  loss  of  millions  of  lives  and 
the  destruction  or  waste  of  hundreds  of 
billions  in  property  values,  together  with 
the  demoralization  and  dislocation  result- 
ing therefrom;  but  more  serious  than  all 
these  are  the  spiritual  legacies  in  mani- 
festations of  hatred  and  revengeful  senti- 
ments. 

A  distinguished  historian  in  surveying 
events  succeeding  the  downfall  of  Na- 
poleon said  that  the  return  to  normal  con- 
ditions in  Europe  occurred  about  four 
years  after  1815.  More  than  four  years 
have  already  elapsed  since  the  Armistice  of 
November  11,  1918,  but  in  this  sixth  year 
a  calmer  disposition  affords  assurance  of 
a  settlement  of  the  harassing  problem  of 
reparations  and  of  all  those  questions 
which  like  a  threatening  cloud  have  hung 
over  Europe.  We  may  hope  that  these 
settlements  will  furnish  a  restoration  of 
national  credit  and  industrial  life  and  se- 
cure those  objects  so  necessary  for  pros- 
perity and  happiness. 

While  the  softening  influences  of  time 
cannot  be  disregarded,  our  Secretary  of 
State  and  our  President,  in  suggesting  the 
Dawes  Commission,  blazed  the  way  for 
these  adjustments.  The  agreements  rec- 
ommmended  must  be  accepted  by  diplo- 
mats and  ratified  by  parliaments.  I  am 
making  a  bold  statement,  but  I  verily  be- 
lieve that  if  anyone  should  in  this  situa- 
tion block  the  way  to  peace  it  were  better 
that  the  rocks  and  hills  should  fall  upon 
him  rather  than  that  he  should  have  to 
face  the  indignation  of  the  world,  which 
would  be  aroused  by  his  opposition.     It 


192  Jf. 


THE  INTERPARLIAMENTARY  UNION 


545 


should  not  be  forgotten  that  in  dealings 
between  nations  the  central  fact  must  be  a 
willingness  to  make  reasonable  concessions. 
No  nation  can  expect  the  adoption  of  all 
its  claims.  Just  as  in  private  contracts, 
so  in  international  agreements,  mutual 
concessions  are  necessary  conditions  for 
success. 

It  has  been  requested  that  I  offer  some 
suggestions  upon  the  attitude  of  the 
United  States  toward  the  European  situa- 
tion. I  undertake  this  with  no  official 
sanction,  but  as  a  careful  observer  having 
perhaps  exceptional  opportunities  for  in- 
formation. 

I  repeat  what  I  said  at  Copenhagen  last 
year,  that  there  is  the  most  intense  interest 
in  the  United  States  in  all  that  transpires 
in  Europe.  Our  newspapers  give  scarcely 
less — sometimes  even  more — attention  to 
conferences  and  measures  which  look  to 
the  settlement  of  controversies  than  our 
own.  It  is  true  that  among  a  small 
minority  this  interest  is  based  upon  com- 
mercial and  financial  considerations,  but 
with  the  great  mass  it  is  the  manifestation 
of  a  hope  that  there  may  be  a  peaceful 
and  contented  Europe.  It  has  been  the 
predominant  opinion  that  our  participa- 
tion in  conferences  and  membership  in 
leagues  would  be  futile  so  long  as  the 
bitter  antagonisms  which  have  prevailed 
are  rife.  Again,  such  participation  would 
be  a  departure  from  traditional  and  long- 
established  policies. 

What  can  be  accomplished  in  the  absence 
of  such  antagonisms  as  have  prevailed  here 
since  the  war  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
negotiation  of  a  treaty  at  Santiago,  in 
Chile,  last  year,  under  which  sixteen  na- 
tions of  the  New  World,  the  United  States 
included,  definitely  agreed  that  in  case  of 
controversy  between  any  of  them  which 
cannot  be  settled  by  the  ordinary  methods 
of  diplomacy  a  commission  shall  be  con- 
stituted, made  up  of  representatives  from 
each  of  the  contending  countries,  with 
arbitrators  from  neutral  nations,  and  that 
no  warlike  action  shall  be  taken  until  this 
commission  has  had  adequate  opportunity 
to  report  upon  the  facts  and  the  law  in- 
volved. This  effective  step  for  peace  and 
goodwill  seems  to  insure  an  era  of  peace  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere.  Our  one  aim 
in  dealing  with  the  Latin-American  coun- 
tries has  been  to  prevent  conflict  among 
them  and  to  promote  confidence  and  good 


will.  The  so-called  Monroe  Doctrine  is  by 
no  means  a  policy  of  aggression.  We  do 
not  ask  for  any  special  privileges  in  the 
Latin-American  countries.  We  believe  in 
the  "open  door"  there  as  elsewhere. 

While  not  assuming  membership  in  the 
League  of  Nations,  we  look  with  satisfac- 
tion upon  any  accomplishment  which  may 
be  the  result  of  its  deliberations  and  have 
ourselves  taken  part  in  humanitarian 
movements  initiated  by  the  League,  con- 
tributing by  private  benefaction  also  for 
their  promotion.  We  have  at  all  times 
been  ready  to  act  the  part  of  a  friend,  and 
suggestions,  not  always  made  public,  have 
been  made  by  us  for  mediation.  We  are 
ready  to  aid  with  material  resources  and 
in  such  ways  as  will  promote  the  pacifica- 
tion of  Europe.  Our  President  has  de- 
clared his  intention  to  invite  another  con- 
ference similar  to  that  of  1921-22,  and  no 
doubt  including  a  larger  number  of  na- 
tions, whenever  there  is  a  settled  Europe. 
He  has  declared  himself  in  favor  of  join- 
ing the  International  Court,  and  I  may 
say  that  the  overwhelming  opinion  of  our 
people  is  in  its  favor. 

May  I  be  permitted  to  state  an  opinion 
as  to  some  fundamental  facts  which  create 
the  problem  of  Europe?  These  facts  are 
those  of  geography  and  ethnology. 

The  geographical  configuration  of  Eu- 
rope is  exceptional.  With  the  exception 
of  the  great  plains  of  Eussia,  the  larger 
part  of  this  continent  is  divided  into  areas 
separated  by  mountain  chains  and  natural 
barriers,  or  made  up  of  jutting  peninsulas, 
as  illustrated  by  Greece,  Italy,  the  Iberian 
Peninsula,  Denmark,  and  Scandinavia. 
Besides,  there  is  the  United  Kingdom, 
separated  from  the  mainland. 

Passing  from  facts  of  geography  to 
those  of  ethnology,  Europe  was  settled 
by  successive  migrations  for  the  most  part 
from  Asia.  These  immigrants  came  with 
marked  diversities  of  motive:  some  for 
orderly  settlement,  others  actuated  by  the 
pressure  for  a  greater  food  supply,  others 
still  for  plunder  and  exploitation.  The 
stronger  nations  or  tribes  drove  the 
weaker  into  the  less-favored  localities. 
The  result  of  all  these  factors  may  be  de- 
scribed by  the  words  "segregation,  repul- 
sion, rivalry."  Within  this  vast  domain 
there  is  now  and  always  has  been  an  infi- 
nite variety  of  race,  language,  religion, 
and  cultural  advancement.    Circumstances 


546 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


which  make  for  war  and  antagonism  exist 
here  as  nowhere  else  in  the  world.  Thus, 
conflicts  in  earlier  centuries  were  almost 
constant. 

Then,  with  the  discovery  of  outlying 
portions  of  the  world,  there  was  a  fierce 
conflict  for  the  acquisition  of  remote 
islands  and  continents.  Still  later,  with 
the  beginning  of  the  industrial  era,  more 
than  100  years  ago,  another  rivalry  arose, 
even  more  fierce,  for  commercial  suprem- 
acy, for  the  supplies  and  outlets  which 
are  demanded  by  commerce.  How  differ- 
ent is  the  situation  in  the  United  States, 
where  48  States  are  united  in  social  and 
commercial  ties,  with  the  freest  access 
among  them  and  with  common  aims  and 
a  full  realization  of  the  benefits  of  unity 
and  co-operation.  It  may  be  said  that,  as 
in  America,  modern  means  of  transporta- 
tion have  pierced  mountains  and  crossed 
rivers,  annihilating  barriers;  but  this  de- 
velopment did  not  occur  in  Europe  until 
boundaries  had  been  set  and  types  of 
nationality  had  been  fixed. 

I  cannot  close  without  a  brief  reference 
to  the  example  of  Switzerland,  the  country 
which  has  welcomed  us  within  her  borders. 
Here  there  is  a  population  made  up  of 
three  races,  speaking  different  languages, 
divided  into  religious  beliefs,  separated  by 
mountains  and  natural  barriers  into  a 
large  number  of  distinct  areas.  Here  for 
centuries  there  have  been  peace  and  all 
the  helpful  features  which  make  for  unity 
and  co-operation.  This  was  not  obtained, 
however,  without  constant  striving  against 
the  foe  without  and  the  enemy  within. 
When,  more  than  40  years  ago,  with  the 
adventurous  spirit  of  youth,  I  indulged  in 


mountain-climbing  here,  I  thought  up  how 
much  steeper  heights  and  over  how  much 
more  rugged  paths  Switzerland  had 
climbed  in  her  struggle  for  liberty  and 
union.  There  is  here  today  a  splendid 
example  of  popular  government,  of  effici- 
ency and  of  patriotism,  with  no  ambition 
save  for  defense,  and  that  defense  is  se- 
cured, more  than  by  mountain  walls,  by 
the  spirit  of  her  people. 

Members  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  I  congratulate  you  upon  this  oc- 
casion, when  there  is  every  indication  that 
a  calmer  spirit  will  prevail  in  the  world, 
and  sentiments  of  peace,  with  an  apprecia- 
tion of  common  interest,  may  prepare  the 
way  to  banish  wars.  These  ennobling 
aims  cannot  be  gained  by  the  exercise  of 
force,  and  leagues  and  conferences  will  be 
useless  unless  there  is  a  will  to  peace,  an 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  will 
strive  to  outlaw  war  and  inaugurate  the 
rule  of  law.  It  is  to  these  objects  that 
all  our  activities  should  be  devoted. 

Let  us  engage  in  our  tasks  with  an 
earnest  desire  to  render  efficient  aid  in 
striking  at  the  root  of  causes  for  friction, 
in  harmonizing  conflicting  interests,  in 
suggesting  means  by  which  those  of  differ- 
ent races  and  traditions  may  live  side  by 
side  in  harmony.  Let  us  join  in  every 
effort  to  codify  international  law  and  en- 
large its  provisions;  also  to  devise  and 
promote  means  for  the  judicial  settlement 
of  all  international  controversies.  Thus, 
in  every  way,  we  shall  perform  our  part  in 
securing  a  settled  world,  which  shall  look 
back  upon  war  as  an  anachronism  and 
cherish  peace  and  universal  concord  as  the 
true  aim  of  all  nations. 


Beyond  all  other  sense  of  wrong, — 

The  loss  of  money,  loss  of  men. 

The  empty  streets,  divested  of  the  throngs 

Which  once  did  surge,  not  now  and  then, 

But  always, — 

Is  Heartache, 


All  else  beside  is  but  the  sordid  dross. 
For  from  the  heart  spring  all  things  good. 
From  now  to  when  Christ  died  upon  the  cross 
What  is  there  that  the  whole  world  would 
With  war  compare — 
■But  Heartache? 

—F.  H.  Coolbroth. 


THE  TASK  BEFORE  PREMIER  HERRIOT 

By  JOSEPH  CAILLAUX 


(Note. — This  article  by  the  extremely  able, 
though  much  criticized,  French  statesman 
assumes  special  interest  in  the  light  of 
Premier  Herriot's  policies  and  actions  at  the 
London  Conference  and  the  Assembly  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  It  appeared  originally 
in  the  Manchester  Guardian  Weekly.) 

THE  fall  of  the  Government  of  M. 
Poincare  shattered  by  the  electoral 
verdict  of  May  11;  the  rapid  disposal  of 
M,  Millerand,  the  President  of  the  Re- 
public ;  the  complete  collapse  of  a  policy — 
these  events  have  followed  upon  one  an- 
other in  my  country. 

It  is  revolution,  say  the  reactionaries. 
But  their  watch  is  slow.  There  has  been 
a  revolution,  if  the  word  may  be  taken  in 
the  sense  of  a  transformation  of  institu- 
tions without  violent  strains  being  placed 
upon  legality;  but  this  revolution  took 
place  between  1912  and  1914.  Its  effects 
have  gone  on  developing  until  1924.  In 
1924  the  French  nation  has  cried  a  halt. 
It  has  notified  its  sovereign  will  to  see  the 
Republic  restored  to  the  shape  which  is 
familiar  to  it,  of  a  republic  of  peace. 

The  Nationalists  have  frequently  re- 
marked with  justice  that  a  new  orientation 
in  the  general  policy  of  the  country  dated 
from  the  arrival  of  M.  Poincare  in  power, 
in  January,  1912.  The  change  was  hardly 
noticeable  for  the  first  year.  M.  Poincare, 
anxious  to  raise  himself  to  the  highest 
position  in  the  State,  which  he  had  long 
coveted,  applied  himself  to  allaying  the 
suspicions  of  the  Left-wing  Republicans. 
He  partly  succeeded.  In  any  case,  thanks 
to  the  support  which  he  obtained  from 
the  Right,  he  succeeded  in  securing  his 
election  in  1913  to  the  supreme  magistra- 
ture.  Carefully  avoiding  too  much  pub- 
licity, and  pursuing  his  designs  by  subter- 
ranean ways,  the  new  head  of  the  State 
was  able  for  another  year  to  ward  off  the 
storm  which  was  lowering.  The  tempest 
was,  however,  on  the  point  of  breaking  out, 
M.  Poincare  would  have  been  obliged,  if 
war  had  not  come,  to  give  way  before  the 
growing  dissatisfaction  of  the  Radicals 
and  the  Socialists,  who  were  alarmed  at 
the  subtle  turn  which  he  was  giving  to 
home  and,  above  all,  to  foreign  policy. 

During  the  whole   period  of   the  war 


patriotism  induced  in  the  politicians  of 
the  Left  a  reserve  which  they  carried  to 
the  point  of  abnegation  and  possibly  to 
excess.  They  submitted  to  the  dictatorship 
of  the  Elysee,  which  became  in  1917  a 
joint  dictatorship  with  M.  Clemenceau. 
They  submitted  to  the  persecution  and  the 
ostracism  with  which  some  of  their  leaders 
were  pursued,  while  their  adversaries, 
surreptitiously  pushed  forward,  first  in- 
sinuated themselves  and  finally  lorded  it 
in  the  councils  of  the  government.  Finally 
they  submitted  to  campaigns  of  vilification 
which  were  to  do  them  infinite  harm. 

The  politicians  of  the  Right  let  their 
irony  play  upon  the  Radicals  and  Social- 
ists, who  had  always  inscribed  "Peace"  at 
the  head  of  their  programs;  they  re- 
proached them  for  failing  to  foresee  the 
war  and  for  making  insufficient  prepara- 
tions for  it;  they  villified  and  slandered 
them,  and  gradually  undermined  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Republicans  in  the  country. 
They  would  not,  however,  have  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  majority  in  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  if  the  events  in  Russia  had 
not  enabled  them  to  frighten  the  nation 
by  holding  up  the  Red  bogy  and  arousing 
the  fear  of  an  importation  of  Bolshevism; 
and,  above  all,  if  they  had  not  had  the 
assistance  of  a  new  method  of  voting,  ab- 
surdly adjusted,  which  was  intended  to 
baffle,  and  which  did  baffle,  the  body  of 
electors.  The  Chamber  of  1919,  the 
Chamber  which  was  well  called  the  "Sky- 
blue"  Chamber,  came  into  existence 
through  this  concatenation  of  exceptional 
circumstances.  But  the  circumstances 
were  so  exceptional  that  it  was  unlikely 
that  they  would  be  reproduced.  Once  bit, 
twice  shy.  Those  among  the  reactionaries 
who  were  not  wanting  in  foresight — there 
did  exist  a  few  of  these  rare  birds — real- 
ized so  well  the  ephemeral  nature  of  their 
success  that  they  did  their  very  utmost  to 
put  off  any  fresh  consultation  of  the  elec- 
torate to  the  Greek  Kalends.  Making  a 
pretext  of  the  gravity  of  the  foreign  situa- 
tion, of  the  Ruhr  affair,  and  so  on,  they 
urged  the  government  during  1923  and 
the  early  months  of  1924  to  postpone  the 
appeal  to  the  country. 


547 


548 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


M,  Poincare  resisted  the  demand.  No 
doubt  its  enormity  alarmed  him.  It 
amounted  in  effect  to  nothing  less  than 
the  overthrow  of  free  institutions.  The 
late  premier  was  too  crafty  a  legalist  to 
lend  himself  to  such  operations.  They  are 
not  in  his  style.  No  doubt  when  he  was  at 
the  Elysee  he  took  certain  liberties  with 
the  rules  of  constitutional  procedure.  But 
he  never  openly  transgressed  them.  And 
after  all,  what  reason  was  there  for  him 
to  enter  in  1924  upon  the  perilous  path 
which  was  being  proposed?  Was  he  not 
constantly  being  told,  and  was  not  he 
himself  convinced,  that  he  enjoyed  im- 
mense popularity?  It  was  possible  that 
the  electors  would  vote  Left,  but  what  of 
it  ?  Modifying  his  cabinet  in  advance,  and 
introducing  into  it  a  few  moderate  Radi- 
cals, he  was  adapting  himself  to  the  move- 
ment which  he  half  foresaw;  in  any  case, 
in  his  view,  it  could  not  possibly  compro- 
mise his  predominance. 

On  May  12  he  discovered  the  extent  of 
his  error.  For  it  is  he  who  has  been 
beaten.  It  is  his  policy  which  has  been 
condemned,  above  all  his  foreign  policy. 
In  vain  has  he  equivocated.  In  vain  has 
he  tried  to  prove  that  his  defeat  was  due 
to  the  discontent  aroused  by  the  new  taxa- 
tion. One  single  fact  sweeps  away  all 
these  excuses:  the  whole  of  the  financial 
policy  of  the  Bloc  National  and  its  leaders 
aimed  at  sparing — I  was  going  to  say 
favoring — the  agriculturists;  and  it  is 
the  rural  population  which,  all  over  the 
country,  voted  in  serried  ranks  for  the 
Cartel  des  Gauches  and  sealed  the  fate  of 
Poincarism. 

The  members  of  the  late  majority  tried 
to  shelter  themselves  behind  their  leader. 
There  was  hardly  a  constituency  in  which 
the  Conservative  candidates  did  not  de- 
clare in  their  manifestoes  and  their 
speeches  that  to  vote  against  them  was  to 
vote  against  Poincare,  against  the  great 
Lorrainer  and  the  sublime  patriot.  I  may 
say  that  the  majority  added  that  to  vote 
for  their  opponents  was  equivalent  to  vot- 
ing for  the  writer  of  these  lines.  The 
coimtry  replied  as  clearly  as  could  possibly 
be  desired.  What  inspired  its  decision? 
The  fear  of  war,  the  fear  of  reaction. 

It  has  often  been  remarked  that  the 
French  electorate — perhaps  it  is  the  same 
in  other  countries — is  mlich  more  inclined 
to  vote  against  some  one  or  something  than 


for  some  one  or  something.  The  observa- 
tion is  quite  correct,  but  not  quite  com- 
plete. In  our  campaigns  the  peasant 
forms  his  opinion  not  from  the  papers — 
he  cares  nothing  for  the  Paris  press  and 
has  not  much  more  faith  in  what  the  local 
papers  tell  him — but  from  what  he  hears 
said  around  him.  When  the  lord  of  the 
manor,  the  noble,  or  the  rich  commoner, 
of  whose  reactionary  and  in  many  cases 
royalist  views  he  is  well  aware,  praises  a 
man  or  a  policy  in  his  presence;  when  he 
finds  that  the  Catholic  priest,  who  unfortu-  ' 
nately  is  nine  times  out  of  ten  the  mouth- 
piece of  the  aristocrats,  associates  himself 
with  this  praise,  Jacques  Bonhomme  has 
made  up  his  mind.  He  votes  against  the 
man  and  the  policy  cried  up  by  those  of 
whom  he  is  always  suspicious. 

The  more  the  partisans  of  the  late  re- 
gime declared  themselves  convinced  ad- 
mirers of  M.  Poincare,  the  more  they 
praised  his  qualities  as  a  statesman,  his 
unfaltering  patriotism,  and  so  on,  the 
more  the  army  of  the  rural  voters  became 
suspicious.  They  are  conservative  in  the 
highest  sense  of  the  word,  but  they  hate 
reaction.  Above  all,  they  will  not  hear  of 
war,  and  in  all  that  was  said  to  them  about 
the  Ruhr  expedition  and  about  the  energy 
of  the  prime  minister  and  his  government 
they  apprehended  adventures  which  were 
dangerous  to  peace;  and  to  peace  they  are 
more  attached  than  ever  after  their  hor- 
rible sufferings  in  the  nightmare  of  the 
war. 

M.  Millerand  was  bound  to  be  swept 
away  by  the  electoral  tidal  wave.  Tiie 
moderate  papers  sweated  blood  and  water 
to  prove  that  the  new  majority  was  abus- 
ing its  strength  in  claiming  to  cut  short 
the  duration  of  the  mandate  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Republic,  who  is  nominated 
for  seven  years.  They  deliberately  took  a 
line  which  was  beside  the  question.  No 
doubt  the  Chief  Magistrate  should  retain 
his  office  for  the  prescribed  period ;  but  on 
one  condition:  he  must  observe  the  con- 
stitutional law,  for  the  inviolacy  of  which 
he  is  responsible.  The  letter  and  spirit  of 
the  Constitution  require  that  the  head  of 
the  State,  who  is  not  responsible  to  the 
chambers,  shall  not  intervene  in  politics 
except  by  appointing  the  successive  prime 
ministers  in  conformity  with  the  parlia- 
mentary situation.  When  he  was  first  ap- 
pointed, M.  Millerand  made  clear  his  in- 


192Jk 


THE  TASK  BEFORE  PREMIER  EERRIOT 


549 


tention  to  play  a  more  active  part  than 
this.  No  great  importance  was  paid  at 
first  to  his  declarations.  Attention  was 
not  aroused  until  on  his  own  authority  M. 
Millerand  dismissed  the  Briand  Ministry 
in  January,  1932.  But  this  was  not  a  pub- 
lic gesture;  it  did  not  become  common 
knowledge.  Public  feeling  was  not 
aroused  until  the  President  came  for- 
ward in  widely  disseminated  speeches  as 
the  defender  of  the  Bloc  National  and  its 
vagaries.  Burning  his  boats,  M.  Mille- 
rand went  so  far  as  to  write  in  the  Matin 
last  March  that  he,  the  head  of  the  State, 
followed  a  definite  policy,  and  one  yet 
more  markedly  of  a  Eight-wing  tendency 
than  that  of  M.  Poincare,  whom  he  form- 
ally recommended  to  the  country ;  and  that 
if  the  electorate  did  not  share  his  views 
he  would  understand  what  its  verdict 
would  involve. 

No  doubt  M.  Millerand  was  suddenly 
stricken  with  deafness,  for  on  the  morrow 
of  May  11  he  gave  no  sign  of  acting  up 
to  the  intentions  which  he  had  announced. 
He  shuffled;  he  equivocated;  he  tried  to 
cling  to  his  post.  He  failed  to  realize 
that,  having  lost  the  game,  he  would  have 
to  pay  up. 

"Could  not  the  past  be  wiped  out?" 
some  have  asked.  Could  not  the  President 
be  forgiven  as  soon  as  he  promised  to  mix 
no  more  in  party  struggles?  No!  Be- 
cause such  undertakings,  given  at  the  ex- 
pense of  his  dignity,  inspired  no  confi- 
dence ;  every  one  feared  that  he  was  finess- 
ing; that  he  would  renew  the  tactics  of 
his  predecessor;  that  once  the  storm  had 
passed  he  would  apply  himself,  as  M. 
Poincare  had  done,  to  undermining  the 
majority  by  intrigue  and  by  insidiously 
instigated  press  campaigns. 

The  victors  of  May  11,  accurately  in- 
terpreting the  will  of  the  country,  were 
determined  to  make  an  end  of  the  sur- 
septitious  introduction  of  a  personal  policy 
into  the  conduct  of  the  State,  crippling 
the  parliamentary  order.  M,  Millerand 
has  had  to  go.  He  left  by  the  side  door, 
not  having  the  good  taste  to  take  the  front 
door. 

The  suddenness  of  this  evolution  in  our 
policy  surprised  our  neighbors.  Beyond 
the  frontiers  it  was  supposed  as  recently 
as  a  few  weeks  ago  that  MM.  Millerand 
and  Poincare,  especially  the  latter,  were 
the  masters  of  the  situation.     It  was  a 


strange  misjudgment  of  the  general  men- 
tality of  Frenchmen.  It  was  carried  to 
such  a  point  that  I  remember  reading  in 
various  British  reviews  and  periodicals 
that  my  country  was  definitely  won  for 
imperialism,  towards  which  it  had  an  in- 
nate tendency ;  that,  if  the  truth  were  told, 
a  Liberal  policy  at  home  and  a  policy  of 
peace  and  conciliation  abroad  had  never 
been  more  than  passing  phenomena  in  her 
history. 

It  is  the  Paris  of  the  boulevards,  the 
Paris  represented  by  the  great  dailies, 
which  deludes  our  friends  abroad.  It 
hides  from  them  the  real  France,  in  which 
I  could  not  too  strongly  urge  those  journal- 
ists and  writers  and  diplomats  to  stroll 
about  who  are  curious  to  make  the  ac- 
quaintance of  my  country.  If  they  will 
not  resign  themselves  to  serious  visits  into 
the  country,  I  must  advise  them  to  use 
great  caution  in  their  appreciations  and 
prognostications. 

A  word  or  two  to  sum  up  the  situa- 
tion. The  Republic  is  restored.  The  new 
President,  who  is  a  firm  Eepublican,  will 
have  to  conform,  and  no  doubt  will  con- 
form, to  the  rules  and  the  traditions  which 
have  always  been  observed,  with  one  ex- 
ception, by  all  his  predecessors,  commenc- 
ing with  M.  Loubet  and  M.  Fallieres.  The 
head  of  the  State  has  a  mandate  to  reign, 
not  to  govern. 

For  four  years  at  least,  probably  much 
longer,  the  government  will  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  parties  of  the  Left,  of  which 
M.  Herriot,  their  unchallenged  leader  by 
virtue  of  his  eminent  qualities,  his  respon- 
sible character,  his  democratic  sentiments, 
and  a  Europeanism  completing  and  broad- 
ening his  patriotism,  deserves  the  entire 
confidence. 

Only  let  him  be  on  his  guard!  The 
task  of  clearance  was  indispensable;  but 
it  was  the  easiest  of  his  tasks.  It  will  be 
harder  work  to  construct. 

"Well  cut,  my  son.  Now  we  have  to 
sew,"  said  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  Henry 
III,  when,  by  proceedings  hardly  to  be 
recommended,  he  had  got  rid  of  one  of 
those  Lorraine  princes  who,  to  serve  their 
evil  ambitions  at  the  expense  of  their 
country,  had  gathered  in  their  ranks  all 
the  fanatics  and  all  the  Nationalists  of 
their  epoch. 

Today,  once  more,  "we  have  to  sew," 
dogged  once  more  by  Lorraine  princes. 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 

By  the  RT.  HON.  LORD  PHILLIMORE 


(Note. — This  is  the  second  of  four  lectures 
delivered  at  the  Academy  of  International 
Law,  The  Hague,  Holland,  1923,  translated 
from  the  French.  The  first  lecture  appeared 
in  the  Advocate  of  Peace  for  December, 
1923.) 

IN  MY  first  lecture  I  finished  what  I 
wished  you  to  observe  concerning  the 
law  or  right  of  sovereignty.  Before  en- 
tering on  the  discussion  of  other  laws,  I 
wish  to  introduce  an  observation  of  gen- 
eral importance  and  speak  of  a  precaution 
which  every  one  who  would  be  an  au- 
thority on  international  law  ought  to  take. 
One  must  not  confuse  that  which  is 
positive  law  with  its  assured  jurispru- 
dence, with  principles  which,  according  to 
one's  idea,  ought  to  apply.  Certainly  one 
should  insist  on  the  latter.  It  is  in  insist- 
ing that  one  makes  progress.  But  it 
would  mislead  the  listeners  if  the  lecturer 
did  not  make  a  clear  distinction  between 
that  which  exists  as  law  and  that  which 
ought  to  become  law.  For  example,  after 
I  drew  up  my  first  lecture  I  found  in 
Grotius  another  definition  of  a  State : 
"Coetus  perfectus  liberorum  hominum, 
juris  fruendi  et  communis  utilitatis  causa 
sociatus"  ^ — a  charming  definition,  but 
too  idealistic. 

Three  years  ago,  when  we  were  here  in 
the  Palace  of  Peace  to  draw  up  the  plans 
for  the  permanent  International  Court 
and  we  were  occupied  with  the  competence 
of  the  future  court,  this  distinction  be- 
tween what  is  actually  the  law  and  the 
law  as  we  wish  it  might  be  struck  us  force- 
fully. As  a  result  we  drew  up  the  follow- 
ing article : 

"The  court  shall  apply — 
"(1)  International     conventions,     whether 
general  or  particular,  establishing  rules  ex- 
pressly recognized  by  the  contesting  States. 
"(2)   International  custom  as  evidence  of 
a  general  practice  accepted  as  law. 

"(3)  The  general  principles  of  law  recog- 
nized by  civilized  nations, 

"(4)  Subject  to  the  provisions  of  article 
59,  judicial  decisions  and  the  teaching  of  the 
most  highly  qualified  publicists  of  the  vari- 


^  De  J.  B.  et  P.  lib.  i  c.  1  s.  14. 


ous  nations  as  means  for  the  determination 
of  rules  of  law." 

To  these  propositions  were  added,  in 
the  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
this  paragraph : 

"This  provision  shall  not  prejudice  the 
power  of  the  court  to  decide  a  case  ex  cequo 
et  bono,  if  the  parties  agree  thereto." 

As  you  can  see,  it  is  only  by  agreement 
and  not  by  common  law  that  this  last 
principle  is  applied. 

The  second  branch  leaving  the  trunk  is 
the  law  or  right  of  independence.  Here 
one  must  remember  that  there  is  a  coun- 
ter-balance. One  must  never  forget  this 
maxim:  Sic  utere  tuo  ut  alienum  non 
Icedas.  One  can  use  one's  right  as  far  as 
the  boundaries  of  the  right  of  others,  not 
beyond. 

Perhaps  you  suppose  that  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  have  a  limit  to  the  right  of  inde- 
pendence; but  you  shall  see.  From  the 
right  of  independence  of  a  State  arises 
the  right  to  form  or  change  its  constitu- 
tion, to  organize  or  rebuild  a  kingdom  or 
a  republic,  to  give  itself  a  king,  a  presi- 
dent, a  directorate,  or  a  sovereign  as- 
sembly; to  make  its  laws,  to  establish  its 
tribunals,  its  executive  powers,  its  army, 
its  navy,  its  police;  to  regulate  its  com- 
merce, and  all  the  rest. 

Generally  speaking,  other  States  have 
nothing  to  say  concerning  the  action  of 
their  neighbor.  They  have  not  the  right 
to  oppose  it.  Thus  it  is  in  principle ;  it  is 
the  general  rule.  But  it  may  be  that  that 
which  a  State  performs  in  its  internal  or- 
ganization would  be  detrimental  to  other 
States. 

First.  If  a  change  of  constitution  gives 
place  to  a  civil  war  or  to  frequent  and 
violent  turmoils,  through  which  the  in- 
habitants of  a  neighboring  country  will 
suffer,  because  there  will  be  incursions  of 
armed  bands,  making  their  country  a 
point  of  departure  for  an  attack  or  a  ref- 
uge in  flight;  if  for  lack  of  police  robbers 
and  assassins  overstep  the  frontier  and 
make  a  descent  upon  peaceful  citizens,  the 
right  of  independence  clashes  with  an- 
other right  wliich  the  neighboring  country 

550 


192}t 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


551 


possesses,  that  of  self-protection.  It  is 
well  known  tliat  it  is  this  kind  of  events 
in  Mexico  which  has  tried  the  patience  of 
the  United  States  and  almost  provoked 
war  between  the  two  nations.  Or,  if  it  is 
a  maritime  State  which  is  in  a  condition 
of  disturbance,  this  may  give  rise  to  priva- 
teering, to  the  detriment  of  international 
commerce,  as  happened  in  Venezuela  in 
the  year  1885.  It  happens  that  I  remem- 
ber a  prosecution  of  some  Englishmen  for 
infraction  of  the  foreign  enlistment  act  in 
joining  with  the  revolting  Venezuelans 
who  had  acted  in  this  way.^ 

Secondly.  History  teaches  us  that  the 
revolutionary  spirit  which  may  take  pos- 
session of  a  State  is  not  contented  always 
with  its  internal  success,  but  tends  to 
spread  to  other  States  with  seditious 
propaganda  destructive  to  the  tranquillity 
of  neighboring  countries.  That  took 
place  at  the  beginning  of  the  French 
Eevolution.  In  1793  the  convention 
adopted  the  following  decree : 

"The  national  convention  declares  that  it 
will  grant  aid  to  all  peoples  who  wish  to  re- 
cover their  liberty,  and  it  charges  the  exec- 
utive power  to  give  orders  to  the  generals  of 
the  French  armies  to  aid  citizens  who  are 
liable  to  be  molested  for  the  cause  of  liberty. 

"The  national  convention  orders  the  gen- 
erals of  the  French  armies  to  print  and  pub- 
lish the  present  decree  in  all  the  places  where 
they  may  carry  the  arms  of  the  Republic." 

and  then  ordered  "that  this  decree  be 
translated  and  printed  in  all  languages."  ^ 
That  is  being  done  now  or  was  done  re- 
cently by  the  Bolsheviks  of  Kussia._  The 
right  of  independence  does  not  justify 
such  action. 

Thirdly.  Although  a  State  can  receive 
and  entertain  any  person  it  likes — per- 
haps even  malefactors  and  criminals — ac- 
cording to  common  law,  if  the  government 
permits  such  an  asylum  to  become  a  hot- 
bed of  conspiracies  hostile  to  a  neighbor- 
ing country,  or  the  point  of  departure  for 
filibuster  expeditions,  it  would  be  a  bad 
usage  of  the  right  of  independence.  By 
such  proceedings  it  would  offend  against 
the  rights  of  another  country. 


^  See  The  Justitia,  6  Aspinall's  Reports  of 
Maritime  Cases,  p.  198. 

"Moniteur,  November  20,  1792.  Philli- 
more's  Commentaries  on  International  Law, 
section  39G. 


Fourthly.  A  State  cannot,  by  reason  of 
its  independence  and  its  sovereignty  over 
all  those  who  are  found  on  its  territory, 
claim  the  right  of  maltreating  the  for- 
eigners who  happen  to  be  there  with  its 
permission. 

In  all  these  four  cases  the  determina- 
tion of  the  right  proceeds  without  diffi- 
culty. The  State  which  suffers  will  be 
able  to  claim  its  rights  without  injury  to 
the  right  of  independence  possessed  by  the 
other,  and  its  interference  in  the  affairs 
of  the  other  State,  even  the  most  domestic, 
will  be  without  blame.  This  is  called  the 
doctrine  of  intervention.  But  here  we 
touch  on  the  most  difficult  and  the  most 
delicate  questions  in  international  law. 
Outside  of  these  four  cases,  are  there  other 
cases  which  will  justify  intervention? 
What  are  they? 

The  doctrine  of  intervention  takes  an 
important  place  in  all  commentaries  on 
international  law.  Two  kinds  may  be 
distinguished.* 

1.  Intervention  of  a  third  State  in  dis- 
putes between  two  States,  of  which  I  am 
going  to  speak  later. 

2.  Intervention  in  domestic  or  internal 
affairs,  of  which  I  am  now  speaking. 

This  latter  can  be  divided  into  (1)  in- 
tervention justified  by  common  law,  and 
(2)  that  which  rests  on  the  obligations 
and  stipulations  of  a  previous  treaty. 

History  teaches  us  that  intervention  by 
a  State  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  another 
State  has  been  the  principal  source  of  al- 
most all  of  the  most  desperate  wars  of 
the  world.  This  question,  therefore,  is 
found  widely  discussed  by  the  publicists, 
especially  by  those  of  the  last  century. 
Calvo  dedicates  to  it  almost  all  of  his 
Book  III,  on  the  independence  and  pres- 
ervation of  States.  I  cannot  recapitu- 
late— it  would  be  impossible  here — his 
enumeration  of  the  opinions  of  writers  of 
importance  and  of  historical  references, 
but  I  can  say  that  his  doctrine  is  more 
conservative  than  that  of  Fiore.  He  ex- 
presses it  thus : 

"Right  or  duty,  no  author  furnishes  us 
with  clear,  irrefutable  principles  on  which 
one  can  base  fixed  and  precise  rules.  It  is 
not,  then,  in  the  writings  of  publicists  that 
one  must  look  for  the  connecting  thread. 
The  multiplicity  of  interpretations  that  they 


*  See  Holtzendorfif,  par.  25. 


553 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


present  to  us  and  the  divergence  that  we 
have  just  noticed  among  their  opinions  show 
sufficiently  the  difficulty  that  the  purely  theo- 
retical side  of  the  law  of  intervention  offers. 
In  our  view,  one  can  only  hope  to  solve  the 
question  in  an  entirely  satisfactory  manner 
by  examining  the  practice  of  States,  which 
goes  to  prove  that,  if  sometimes  interventions 
have  been  occasioned  by  selfish  interest  or 
an  erroneous  interpretation  of  treaty  engage- 
ments, yet  there  have  been  cases  of  interven- 
tion which  can  be  supported  on  the  exercise 
of  an  incontestable  right,  and  the  tendency 
and  appreciation  of  which  were  logically  and 
necessarily  in  accord  with  real  international 
principles.  This  interpretation  is  plainly 
confirmed  by  the  study  of  the  events  of  the 
most  important  cases  of  intervention  which 
history  presents,  above  all  during  the  times 
that  came  near  to  most  of  us." ' 

Hall®  will  not  permit  intervention  ex- 
cept for  the  legitimate  defense  of  the  in- 
tervening State,  or  to  prevent  an  illegiti- 
mate action  (which  I  do  not  understand 
exactly),  or  under  the  collective  authority 
of  all  civilized  States. 

In  the  same  way,  Fiore  seems  to  at- 
tribute a  special  position  to  what  he  calls 
collective  interference  (ingerenza  collet- 
tiva),  to  which  he  gives,  in  my  opinion, 
an  excessive  extension.  Like  Calvo,  he 
treats  this  question  under  the  title  of  a 
State's  right  of  independence.  That  is, 
I  think,  good.  It  is  thus  that  I  treat  it 
here.  Then  he  imposes  what  he  calls  the 
just  limits  of  independence,  and  he  says: 

"No  State  can  pretend  to  repel,  by  reason 
of  its  independence,  the  collective  interfer- 
ence of  civilized  States,  which  find  them- 
selves in  accord  in  determining  that  its  ex- 
ercise of  its  sovereign  powers  constitutes  a 
manifest  violation  of  international  law,  an 
attack  upon  the  rights  of  man  or  a  manifest 
violation  of  the  common  law." 

Collective  interference  must  be  ad- 
mitted : 

(a)  Where  a  government  of  a  State 
does  something  which  violates  interna- 
tional law. 

(&)  Where  the  public  authorities  in  the 
discharge  of  their  functions  clearly  violate     _ 

"  Calvo,   "Le   Droit   international,"    section  ^  Fiore,    "Diritto    Internazionale,"    sections 

134.  241,  242. 

'  A  Treatise  on  Tnternatioaal  Law,  7th  ed.  "  Fiore,    "Diritto    Internazionale,"    section 

Pearce  Higgins,  1917,  pars.  90,  91,  92,  95.  559. 


a  law  of  the  land,  applying  it  with  in- 
justice to  the  prejudice  of  foreigners,  as 
often  as  the  government,  in  spite  of  just 
complaints  made  by  the  representatives 
of  the  States  to  whom  the  wronged  per- 
sons belong,  has  not  proceeded  to  give 
them  complete  satisfaction. 

(c)  Where  the  law  of  the  land  does  not 
sufficiently  protect  the  rights  of  foreigners 
or  when,  in  general  opinion,  the  legal  and 
judicial  guaranties  are  insufficient  to  pre- 
vent abuse  on  the  part  of  the  public 
authority." ''' 

Again,  under  the  head  of  "when  collec- 
tive interference  can  be  justified,"  he  ex- 
plains : 

"Collective  interference  could  be  justified 
(a)  when  it  had  for  its  object  to  stop  or 
make  cease  a  state  of  things  contrary  to  law : 
like  the  incorporation  of  a  territory  effected 
during  conquest;  the  execution  of  a  treaty 
imposed  by  force  by  the  victors  on  the  con- 
quered, and  every  act  that  ought  to  be  con- 
sidered unjust  and  illegitimate  according  to 
common  law."  * 

There  is  in  the  two  passages  (sections 
342  and  559),  much  that  makes  me  hesi- 
tate. So  many  things  are  to  be  found  in 
them.  The  sentences  are  like  fathers  of 
families,  in  the  witty  words  of  Talleyrand, 
"open  to  anything."  One  finds  in  them  a 
meaning  as  large  as  that  of  the  nod  of 
Lord  Burleigh  in  the  clever  comedy  of 
Sheridan,  The  Critic. 

My  father  states  it  better.  According 
to  his  teaching, 

"The  reason  of  the  thing  and  the  practice 
of  nations  appear  to  have  sanctioned  inter- 
vention in  the  following  cases : 

"1.  Sometimes,  but  rarely,  in  the  domestic 
concerns  and  internal  rights  of  self-govern- 
ment, incident  as  we  have  seen,  to  every 
State. 

"2.  More  frequently,  and  upon  far  surer 
grounds,  with  respect  to  the  territorial  ac- 
quisitions or  foreign  relations  of  other  States, 
when  such  acquisitions  or  relations  threaten 
the  peace  and  safety  of  other  States. 

"In  the  former  case  the  grounds  of  inter- 
vention are : 

"1.  Self-defense,  when  the  domestic  institu- 


192Jf 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


553 


tions  of  a  State  are  inconsistent  with  tlie 
peace  and  safety  of  other  States. 

"2.  The  rights  and  duties  of  a  guarantee. 

"3.  The  invitation  of  the  belligerent  par- 
ties in  a  civil  war. 

"4.  The  protection  of  Reversionary  right  or 
interest. 

"In  the  latter  case  the  just  grounds  of  in- 
tervention are : 

"5.  To  preserve  the  balance  of  power — that 
is,  to  prevent  the  dangerous  aggrandizement 
of  any  one  State  by  external  acquisitions. 

"6.  To  protect  persons,  subjects  of  another 
State,  from  persecution  on  account  of  pro- 
fessing  a    religion   not   recognized   by    that 


State,  but  identical  with  the  religion  of  the 
intervening  State." " 

It  must  be  remarked  that  my  father 
does  not  speak  of  racial  sympathy  for  an 
oppressed  population  as  a  cause  of  inter- 
vention. Hall  ^°  thinks  that  my  father 
is  the  only  publicist  who  admits  interven- 
tion because  of  religious  sympathy;  but  I 
doubt  it. 

Note. — In  the  second  part  of  this  lecture, 
which  will  appear  in  the  next  number  of  the 
Advocate  of  Peace,  Lord  Phillimore  discusses 
the  causes  leading  to  intervention. 


*  Commentaries  on  International  Law,  sec- 
tion 393. 
"  Par.  92. 


RESULTS    OF    THE    XXIInd    INTERPAR- 
LIAMENTARY  CONFERENCE 

Official  Report  of  the  President  and  the  Secre- 
tary General  on  the  Resolutions  and  Nomina- 
tions of  the  Bern-Geneva  Sessions. 

Dear  Mb.  President:  In  accordance  with 
Art.  8  of  the  Regulations  of  the  Bureau  of 
the  Union,  I  beg  to  inform  you  that  the 
XXI Id  Interparliamentary  Conference,  which 
sat  at  Bern  and  Geneva  from  August  22  to 
28,  1924,  passed  the  following  resolutions: 

Resolutions  I  and  II 

Amendments  to  Arts  3  and  10  of  the  Statutes 
and  Regulations  for  Interparliamentary 
Conferences 

Rapporteur:  M.  Henri  La  Fontaine,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Belgian  Group,  in  the  Name 
of  the  Organization  Committee 


Amendments  to  the   Statutes 
New  Text  of  Art.  3 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  is  composed 
of  national  groups. 

Only  groups  constituted  within  parliaments 
of  States,  Dominions,  or  colonies  not  repre- 
sented in  any  other  parliament  can  join  the 
Interparliamentary  Union. 

No  parliament  may  have  more  than  one 


national  group.  Each  group  shall  elect  a 
bureau  with  power  to  direct  its  operations 
and  to  correspond  with  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Bureau  (IV),  and  it  shall  draw  up  its 
own  rules  of  organization  and  administra- 
tion. It  has  to  send  to  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Bureau,  before  the  end  of  March  of  each 
year,  a  report  upon  its  proceedings  and  a 
list  of  its  members. 

New  Text  of  Art.  10 

Only  members  of  the  Union  present  In 
person  have  the  right  to  vote. 

The  number  of  votes  to  which  each  group 
is  entitled  is  determined  according  to  the 
following  rules: 

(a)  Each  group  has  a  minimum  of  five 
votes. 

(6)  In  addition  to  these,  groups  belonging 
to  countries  with  less  than  1  million  inhab- 
itants are  entitled  to  1  extra  vote;  those  be- 
longing to  countries  with  1  to  3  millions,  2 
extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  3  to  6  millions,  3  extra  votes ;  those  be- 
longing to  countries  with  6  to  9  millions,  4 
extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  9  to  12  millions,  5  extra  votes ;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  12  to  16  millions, 
6  extra  votes ;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  16  to  20  millions,  7  extra  votes ;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  20  to  25  millions, 
8  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 


554 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


with  25  to  30  millions,  9  extra  votes;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  30  to  36  millions, 
10  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  36  to  42  millions,  11  extra  votes;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  42  to  49  millions, 
12  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  49  to  56  millions,  13  extra  votes;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  56  to  64  millions, 
14  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  64  to  72  millions,  15  extra  votes;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  72  to  81  millions, 
16  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  81  to  90  millions,  17  extra  votes ;  those 
belonging  to  countries  with  90  to  100  mil- 
lions, 18  extra  votes;  those  belonging  to 
countries  with  100  to  150  millions,  19  extra 
votes;  those  belonging  to  covmtries  with  150 
to  200  millions,  20  extra  votes ;  those  belong- 
ing to  countries  with  200  to  250  millions,  21 
extra  votes;  those  belonging  to  countries 
with  250  to  300  millions,  22  extra  votes; 
those  belonging  to  countries  with  300  to  350 
millions,  23  extra  votes. 

The  number  of  votes  allotted  to  groups  be- 
longing to  the  parliament  of  a  colony  shall 
be  calculated  on  the  basis  of  a  reduced  figure 
of  population,  the  said  figure  to  be  calculated 
by  multiplying  the  number  of  elected  depu- 
ties in  the  parliament  of  the  colony  by  the 
average  number  of  inhabitants  represented 
by  each  deputy  in  the  mother  covmtry  to 
which  the  colony  belongs. 

In  cases  where  a  colony  is  represented  in 
the  parliament  of  the  mother  country,  its 
population  is  added  to  that  of  the  mother 
country,  such  population  being  calculated  by 
multiplying  the  number  of  colonial  repre- 
sentatives by  the  average  number  of  inhab- 
itants represented  by  each  deputy  from  the 
mother  country. 

(c)  Finally,  groups  with  a  membership  of 
at  least  50  per  cent  of  the  members  of  the 
lower  house  of  parliament  shall  be  entitled 
to  one  extra  vote;  those  with  a  membership 
of  at  least  60  per  cent,  to  two  extra  votes; 
those  with  a  membership  of  at  least  75  per 
cent,  to  three  extra  votes ;  those  with  a  mem- 
bership of  at  least  90  per  cent,  to  four  extra 
votes. 

The  Council  is  to  inform  the  various  groups 
of  the  number  of  votes  to  which  they  are 
entitled,  when  it  summons  the  conference. 

If  necessary,  the  members  of  each  group 
taking  part  in  the  conference  shall  nominate 
those  amongst  them  who  are  to  exercise  the 
right  of  voting.     These  nominations  shall  be 


made  according  to  a  system  of  proportional 
representation.  No  one  member  may  record 
more  than  five  votes. 

Voting  shall  take  place  by  show  of  hands. 
Every  member  present  at  a  conference  has 
the  right  to  demand  voting  by  roll-call.  The 
result  of  such  voting  shall  be  inserted  in  the 
minutes. 

In  the  election  of  officers  the  vote  shall  be 
by  secret  ballot,  if  not  less  than  twenty  mem- 
bers so  demand. 

II 

Regulations  for  Intebpabliamentaby 
confebbnces 

Art.  1.  The  Interparliamentary  Conference 
shall  meet  in  ordinary  session  once  a  year, 
unless  the  Council  decide  otherwise.  The 
place  and  date  of  the  conference  shall  be 
fixed  by  the  Council,  if  possible  at  the  pre- 
ceding conference.  Convocations  to  a  regular 
session  shall  be  sent  out  to  the  groups  at 
least  three  months  before  the  date  fixed  for 
the  opening  of  the  conference. 

Art.  2.  The  conference  shall  be  summoned 
to  an  extraordinary  sitting  by  decision  of  the 
Council,  or  if  at  least  six  groups  so  request. 
In  the  latter  case,  the  Council  shall  summon 
the  conference  within  forty  days  of  the  re- 
ceipt of  such  a  request  by  the  Secretary 
General. 

Art.  3.  The  Interparliamentary  Group  of 
the  country  in  which  the  conference  is  to 
meet  shall,  by  arrangement  with  the  Secre- 
tary General,  be  responsible  for  the  material 
organization  of  the  meeting.  The  Council 
may,  however,  judge  whether  it  be  necessary 
in  certain  cases  for  the  Union  and  the  differ- 
ent groups  to  assume  part  of  the  expenses 
incurred  by  a  session. 

Members  taking  part  in  a  session  shall  pay 
a  personal  subscription,  the  amount  to  be 
fixed  by  the  Council.  The  subscription  shall 
be  payable  at  the  same  time  as  a  member 
enters  his  name  for  participation  in  a  given 
conference. 

Art.  4.  The  duration  of  each  session  shall 
be  fixed  by  the  Interparliamentary  Council, 
by  agreement  with  the  group  which  is  to  re- 
ceive the  conference.  Ordinary  sessions  shall 
last  at  least  five  days. 

Questions  placed  on  the  agenda  shall,  ex- 
cept in  urgent  cases,  be  submitted  to  the  per- 
manent or  temporary  committees,  to  enable 
their  immediate  discussion  at  the  plenary  sit- 
ting any  time  after  the  opening  of  a  session. 


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555 


Art.  5.  Unless  exceptional  circumstances 
should  arise,  the  Secretary  General  shall  see 
that  the  work  of  the  various  committees  is 
finished  in  time  to  permit  of  their  reports 
being  sent  to  the  groups  one  month  before 
each  session.  The  committees  shall  nominate 
one  or  several  rapporteurs  for  each  question 
placed  on  the  agenda. 

Art.  6.  Conferences  are  opened  by  the 
President  of  the  Council  or,  in  case  of  his 
absence,  by  a  provisional  president  chosen 
for  that  purpose  by  the  Interparliamentary 
Group  of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
is  held. 

The  conference  chooses  its  own  president, 
its  vice-presidents  and  its  tellers  (Statutes, 
Art.  8). 

The  number  of  vice-presidents  shall  be 
equal  to  that  of  the  groups  represented. 

Art.  7.  The  debates  at  the  conference  shall 
be  public.  They  shall  only  be  private  if  the 
conference  so  decide  by  a  two-thirds  majority 
and  only  if  questions  relating  to  individual 
persons  are  to  be  discussed. 

Art.  8.  Each  session  shall  open  with  a  gen- 
eral discussion  on  the  basis  of  the  report 
submitted  by  the  Secretary  General  in  the 
name  of  the  Council.  Part  of  this  report 
shall  bear  upon  the  general  political  situa- 
tion of  the  world.  Unless  it  be  otherwise  de- 
cided by  the  conference  by  a  two-thirds  ma- 
jority and  without  preliminary  discussion, 
the  said  discussion  shall  not  last  for  more 
than  three  sittings. 

Art.  9.  The  President  shall  open,  suspend 
and  adjourn  the  sittings  and  direct  the  work 
of  the  conference ;  he  shall  see  that  the  regu- 
lations are  observed,  call  upon  the  speakers, 
declare  the  sittings  closed,  put  the  questions 
to  the  vote  and  make  known  the  results  of 
divisions. 

The  President  shall  be  assisted  by  the 
members  of  the  Bureau  in  the  general  direc- 
tion of  the  work  of  the  conference,  the  insti- 
tution of  the  committees  which  the  confer- 
ence may  decide  to  form,  the  decisions  as  to 
the  communications  to  be  made,  the  fixing 
of  the  agenda  of  each  sitting  and  the  order 
In  which  the  different  questions  shall  be  con- 
sidered. 

Art.  10.  No  member  may  speak  without  the 
consent  of  the  President. 

No  member  of  the  conference  shall  speak 
more  than  twice  on  the  same  question.  The 
time  allotted  to  each  speaker  may  be  limited 
by  a  decision  taken  by  the  conference  with- 


out preliminary  discussion.  The  rapporteurs 
who  introduce  the  questions  with  which  they 
have  been  entrusted  shall  not,  however,  be 
subject  to  the  above  restrictions;  they  shall 
be  entitled  to  take  part  in  the  debate  when- 
ever they  deem  it  necessary.  Other  members 
shall  speak  in  the  order  in  which  the  appli- 
cations to  speak  are  made. 

The  President  may  call  a  speaker  to  order 
when  the  latter  does  not  keep  to  the  subject 
under  discussion,  and  may,  if  necessary, 
withdraw  the  permission  to  speak. 

Should  a  point  of  order  be  raised,  the 
President  shall  give  the  proposer  the  right  to 
speak,  and  shall  at  once  put  the  motion  to 
the  vote. 

Art.  11.  The  Secretary  General  shall  be 
responsible  for  the  organization  of  the  secre- 
tariat of  the  conference  and  for  the  secre- 
tariats of  the  committees. 

The  Secretary  General  may  be  assisted  or 
represented  during  the  sittings  of  the  confer- 
ence by  one  or  several  delegates.  The  Secre- 
tary General  or  his  delegates  may  at  any 
time,  by  request  of  the  President,  submit  to 
the  conference  supplementary  reports  on  any 
question,  which  the  meeting  has  under  con- 
sideration. They  may  be  asked  by  the  Presi- 
dent to  make  oral  communications  on  any 
question  before  the  conference. 

Art.  12.  The  secretariat  shall  receive,  print 
and  circulate  all  documents,  reports  or  reso- 
lutions ;  it  shall  print  and  circulate  the  min- 
utes of  the  meetings,  preserve  the  documents 
of  the  conference  in  the  archives  of  the 
Union,  publish  the  report  of  each  session  and 
in  general  carry  out  all  the  duties  which  the 
conference  may  think  fit  to  entrust  to  it. 

Art.  13.  The  agenda  of  a  conference  shall 
be  fixed  by  the  Council  (Statutes,  Art.  9). 
Draft  resolutions,  amendments  and  motions 
relating  to  questions  on  the  agenda  must  be 
communicated  in  good  time  and  in  writing 
to  the  President,  and  copies  shall  be  distrib- 
uted as  rapidly  as  possible  to  the  members 
present  at  the  conference. 

Draft  resolutions  or  motions  which  do  not 
figure  on  the  agenda  shall  only  be  discussed 
and  voted  upon  if  the  conference  takes  them 
into  consideration  and  authorizes  their  dis- 
cussion by  a  majority  vote  of  two-thirds, 
when  the  opinion  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Council  and  brief  explanations  from  the  pro- 
posers have  been  heard  (Statutes,  Art.  9). 
Art.    14.  The   decisions   of   the   conference 


556 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


are  reached  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  mem- 
bers present  entitled  to  vote. 

In  the  case  of  election  of  officers,  if  no 
single  candidate  obtain  a  majority  of  votes, 
a  ballot  shall  be  taken  between  the  two 
candidates  who  have  obtained  the  most  votes. 

The  result  of  a  vote  by  secret  ballot  shall 
be  ascertained  by  the  tellers  appointed  by  the 
conference. 

Art.  15.  Voting  shall  take  place  by  show 
of  hands  or,  if  a  member  present  so  request, 
by  roll-call.  The  election  of  officers  shall  be 
by  secret  ballot  if  not  less  than  twenty  mem- 
bers so  demand  (Statutes,  Art.  10). 

Each  group  shall  communicate  to  the  Sec- 
retary General,  at  least  one  month  in  ad- 
vance, the  names  of  those  of  its  members 
who  shall  exercise  the  vote,  as  well  as  the 
names  of  their  substitutes,  if  any. 

At  the  beginning  of  each  conference,  the 
Secretary  General  shall  give  each  member 
who  is  to  exercise  the  vote  a  card  bearing 
his  name,  the  name  of  his  group,  and  the 
number  of  votes  which  he  may  express  or  to 
which  he  is  entitled. 

Art.  16.  The  summary  minutes  of  each  sit- 
ting shall  be  at  the  disposal  of  members  half 
an  hour  before  the  following  sitting.  Any 
member  may,  in  the  course  of  that  sitting, 
raise  objections  to  the  said  minutes.  Such 
objections  shall  at  once  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration and  a  decision  reached.  Should 
no  such  objections  be  raised,  the  minutes 
shall  be  considered  as  approved.  Should  the 
conference  sit  in  secret  committee,  it  may 
decide  that  no  minutes  shall  be  kept. 

A  stenographic  report  of  the  sittings  shall 
be  published  later,  unless  exceptional  circum- 
stances, of  which  the  Council  shall  be  judge, 
intervene. 

Art.  17.  At  the  close  of  each  conference 
the  President  shall  enumerate  the  principal 
resolutions  adopted,  which  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  the  groups  to  present  to  their  respective 
governments  and  parliaments  (Statutes,  Art. 
5)  in  the  shape  of  bills,  motions,  questions, 
or  under  any  other  form  suitable  to  the  cir- 
cumstances. 

Art.  18.  In  every  case  not  provided  for  in 
the  present  regulations,  the  customary  rules 
in  deliberative  assemblies  shall  be  applied. 
In  case  of  disagreement,  the  Regulations  of 
the  Popular  House  of  the  country  in  which 
the  conference  is  being  held  shall  be  con- 
sulted. 


Ill 

Financial  Situation  of  the  Union 

Rapporteur:  Baron  Theodor  Adelswserd, 
President  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Council 

The  XXI  Id  Interparliamentary  Conference, 
seeing  that  the  highly  satisfactory  develop- 
ment and  the  increasing  activity  of  the  Union 
demand  more  ample  financial  means  than 
those  now  at  its  disposal,  asks  the  national 
groups  to  make  every  effort  to  obtain  an  in- 
crease in  the  grants  stipulated  by  the  present 
scale  of  contributions. 

It  considers  that  an  increase  of  50  per  cent 
should  be  regarded  as  the  minimum. 

The  conference  further  realizes  that  con- 
siderable difficulties  have  arisen  from  delay 
in  the  payment  of  grants,  and  therefore  urges 
upon  the  groups  the  importance  of  a  regular 
payment,  if  possible  at  the  beginning  of  each 
financial  year,  of  the  amounts  due. 

IV 
Pakliamentaby  Conteol  of  Foreign  Policy 

Rapporteur:  Prof.  Walter  Schiicking,  Mem- 
ber of  the  Reichstag,  President  of  the 
German  Group 


The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference 
considers  that  the  best  guarantee  for  an  In- 
ternational policy  of  peace  and  co-operation 
among  the  nations  will  be  found  in  the  appli- 
cation of  the  principle  of  the  widest  possible 
publicity. 

In  order  to  achieve  such  publicity,  the  con- 
ference declares  itself  in  favor  of  the  follow- 
ing measures : 

(o)  The  inclusion  in  the  constitutions  of 
all  nations,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of 
Art.  18  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations,  of  stipulations  forbidding  the  con- 
clusion of  secret  treaties  or  agreements,  or 
the  insertion  of  additional  secret  clauses,  of 
any  kind  whatsoever,  to  treaties. 

(&)  Communication  to  parliament  of  every 
treaty  or  agreement  concluded  with  other 
nations,  even  in  cases  where  the  assent  of 
parliament  to  the  ratification  is  not  provided 
for  in  the  constitution  or  does  not  yet  form 
part  of  the  constitutional  traditions  of  the 
country. 

(c)  The  institution  of  a  committee  on  for- 
eign affairs  in  countries  where  such  commit- 


192  Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


557 


tees  do  not  already  exist;  these  committees 
to  have  the  right  at  any  time  to  request  the 
responsible  minister  to  furnish  particulars 
of  negotiations  in  progress,  the  information 
to  be  as  complete  as  possible  and  accompa- 
nied by  appropriate  documents.  It  is  recom- 
mended that  in  these  committees  the  various 
shades  of  opinion  within  each  parliament 
should  be  proportionally  represented. 

(d)  While  recognizing  the  expediency  of 
special  or  confidential  communications  made 
by  the  government  to  parliament  or  to  the 
parliamentary  committee  concerned,  the  pub- 
lication, at  least  once  a  year,  of  a  full  report 
on  the  general  administration  of  foreign 
affairs. 

(e)  The  abolition  of  "secret  funds,"  since 
all  state  expenditure  should  be  subject  to 
public  control  under  the  supervision  of  par- 
liament. 

(/)  The  distribution  to  all  the  members 
of  the  foreign  affairs  committee  in  every 
country  of  documents  relating  to  the  delib- 
erations and  decisions  of  the  Assembly  and 
the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

ig)  The  preliminary  presentation  and  dis- 
cussion, in  the  foreign  affairs  committee,  of 
the  instructions  given  by  the  government  to 
its  delegation  to  the  League  of  Nations. 

II 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference 
endorses  the  stipulation  inserted  in  the  draft 
treaty  of  mutual  assistance  voted  at  the 
Fourth  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
by  the  terms  of  which  war  of  aggression  is 
described  as  an  international  crime,  and  rec- 
ommends that  proposals  be  submitted  by  the 
national  groups  to  their  respective  parlia- 
ments for  amendments  to  the  constitution; 
such  proposals 

(a)  To  forbid  resort  to  war,  except  in  the 
case  of  obligations  contracted  under  Art.  16 
of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

(h)  To  make  arbitration  or  other  amicable 
or  judicial  means  obligatory  for  the  solution 
of  disputes  with  other  nations,  in  cases  where 
an  amicable  settlement  has  not  been  reached 
by  direct  negotiation. 

The  conference  lays  particular  stress  on 
the  importance  of  securing  the  adherence  of 
all  nations  to  the  optional  clause  of  Art.  36 
of  the  Statute  of  the  Court  of  International 
Justice. 


Ill 

Seeing  that  the  interdependence  of  peoples 
and  nations  is  becoming  an  increasingly 
marked  feature  of  our  times,  the  XXIId  In- 
terparliamentary Conference  asks  the  na- 
tional groups  to  lay  before  parliament  a  pro- 
posal for  substituting,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
South  American  republics,  the  title  of  "Min- 
istry of  International  Relations"  to  that  of 
"Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs." 

IV 

The  conference  begs  the  Council  to  set  up 
a  committee  to  consider  the  possibility  of 
creating  a  bulletin  for  international  informa- 
tion concerning  problems  of  present-day  po- 
litical and  social  life,  whether  in  relation  to 
the  international  or  the  national  life  of  each 
country. 

V 

Colonial  Mandates  and  the  Imaqxtb  ow 

Nations 

Rapporteur :  M.  Marius  Moutet,  Deputj 
(France) 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference, 
after  hearing  the  report  made  by  M.  Mariua 
Moutet  in  the  name  of  the  committee  on 
ethnic  and  colonial  questions,  and  seeing  that 
the  system  of  colonial  mandates  can  only  be 
crowned  with  full  success  through  loyal  and 
disinterested  co-operation  between  the  League 
of  Nations  and  the  mandatory  powers,  in  ac- 
cordance with  Art.  22  of  the  covenant,  makes 
the  following  recommendations: 


(a)  The  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions should  have  the  right  at  any  time  to 
modify  the  terms  of  each  mandate.  It  should 
be  empowered,  if  necessary,  to  revoke  a 
mandate  assigned  to  a  power  and  to  entrust 
it  to  another. 

(6)  The  competency  of  the  Permanent 
Mandates  Commission  should  be  in  accord- 
ance with  its  mission  of  supervision  and  con- 
trol, the  above  recommendations  being  taken 
into  account.  The  commission  should  have 
the  right  to  apply  directly  either  to  the  As- 
sembly or  to  the  mandatory  powers.  The 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations  should  ex- 
ercise the  prerogatives  granted  to  it  by  the 
covenant  with  regard  to  colonial  mandates, 
on  the  basis  of  the  resolutions  passed  by  the 
Assembly. 


558 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


(c)  The  Permanent  Mandates  Commission 
should  be  empowered  to  make  or  to  institute 
inquiries  on  the  spot.  Such  inquiries  should 
not  be  entrusted  to  nationals  of  a  mandatory 
power. 

(A)  The  difference  between  mandates  B 
and  C  should  be  abolished,  territories  under 
C  mandates  being  administered  under  the 
same  system  as  those  luider  B  mandates. 

(e)  The  intellectual  and  political  educa- 
tion of  the  natives  should  be  carried  on  with 
a  view  to  an  ever-increasing  autonomy  lead- 
ing to  complete  independence,  in  accordance 
with  the  principles  of  the  covenant,  which 
states  the  temporary  nature  of  mandates. 

(/)  The  fiscal  organization  of  a  mandated 
territory  should  possess  the  same  autonomy 
as  that  of  an  independent  State.  It  should 
not  in  any  respect  be  assimilated  to  that  of 
the  mandatory  power.  Railways  and  other 
public  enterprises  in  a  mandated  territory 
are  the  property  of  that  territory  and  should 
be  worked  for  its  benefit  and  not  for  the 
benefit  of  the  mandatory  power. 

{g)  Since  the  natives  of  mandated  terri- 
tory are  not  the  subjects  of  the  mandatory 
power,  they  should  be  endowed  with  a  na- 
tionality of  their  own. 

{h)  Right  of  petition  to  the  League  of 
Nations  should  be  unrestricted.  All  petitions 
should  be  addressed  simultaneously  to  the 
Permanent  Mandates  Commission  and  to  the 
local  representative  of  the  mandatory  power. 

(*)  Domestic  slavery  should  not  be  recog- 
nized. Fugitive  slaves  cannot  be  captured 
and  delivered  up  to  their  masters  either  by 
force  or  by  judicial  or  administrative  meas- 
ures. 

Compulsory  labor  is  only  admissible  when 
it  arises  from  a  judgment  delivered  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  law  by  a  competent  tri- 
bunal. 

Compulsory  work  in  the  form  of  statute 
labor  is  only  admissible  as  a  means  of  dis- 
charging unpaid  taxes  and  for  public  enter- 
prises (roads,  irrigation,  canals,  etc.).  Stat- 
ute labor  can  only  be  ordered  for  the  benefit 
of  a  private  enterprise  in  cases  of  "force 
majeure"  and  only  subject  to  strict  regula- 
tions. 

(;■)  The  natural  resources  of  a  mandated 
territory  can  only  be  offered  as  security  by 
the  mandatory  power  for  the  benefit  of  that 
territory  and  after  the  assent  of  the  Assem- 
bly of  the  League  of  Nations  has  been  ob- 
tained.    Under   no   circumstances   shall   the 


land  of  a  mandated  territory  be  mortgaged 
by  the  mandatory  power. 

(fc)  The  recruiting  of  natives  of  mandated 
territories  with  the  object  of  increasing  the 
forces  of  the  mandatory  power  is  in  contra- 
diction with  the  explicit  text  of  Art.  22,  para- 
graph 5  of  the  Covenant.  Natives  can  only 
be  enrolled  to  the  extent  required  for  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  for  the  defense  of 
the  mandated  territory. 

{I)  The  extension  of  the  principle  of  "the 
open  door"  for  all  nations  is  in  accordance 
with  the  spirit  of  the  covenant  and  should 
therefore  be  applied  without  any  exception 
whatsoever,  even  to  nations  which  are  not 
yet  members  of  the  League  of  Nations.  The 
mandatory  powers  should  be  guided  by  that 
principle  in  the  application  of  Art.  122  of 
the  Treaty  of  Versailles. 

(m)  The  reports  furnished  by  the  manda- 
tory powers  shall  be  based  on  questionnaires 
of  a  more  complete  nature  than  hitherto. 
They  shall  in  particular  contain  statistics 
and  detailed  information  on  public  and  pri- 
vate education,  on  public  hygiene  and  on  all 
measures  taken  for  the  well-being  of  the 
natives. 

II 

Pending  the  development  of  the  system  of 
mandates  and  its  application  in  the  spirit  of 
the  recommendations  set  forth  above,  the 
XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference  re- 
quests the  committee  on  ethnic  and  colonial 
questions  to  consider,  in  the  course  of  its 
further  studies,  the  question  of  extending 
the  principle  of  colonial  mandates  to  other 
regions  than  those  mentioned  in  Art.  22  of 
the  covenant,  in  the  interests  of  the  peace  of 
the  world  and  of  the  well-being  of  colored 
races. 

The  commission  should  also  be  requested 
to  make  a  study  of  the  question  of  labor 
under  penal  contract. 

Ill 

With  regard  to  the  colonial  system  in  gen- 
eral, the  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Confer- 
ence further  declares  that — 

(a)  The  principle  of  the  "open  door" 
should  be  extended  to  all  colonies  without 
distinction,  except  in  colonies  where  trade 
with  the  natives  is  subject  to  a  special 
regime  under  the  control  of  the  government 
of  the  mother  country,  for  the  preservation 
of  weak  and  scanty  populations. 

(&)  Traffic  in  arms  and  munitions  in  all 


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the  colonies  should  be  under  the  control  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  in  accordance  with 
Art.  23,  d,  of  the  covenant. 

(c)  Traffic  in  drugs  and  liquor  in  all  the 
colonies  should  be  under  the  control  of  an 
international  body.  The  guiding  principle  of 
such  a  control  should  be  that  wherever  the 
climate,  the  race  or  other  factors  generally 
recognized  by  science,  testify  to  the  danger- 
population,  their  importation  should  be  for- 
bidden. 

{d)  Slavery  should  not  be  recognized, 
either  de  facto  or  de  jure. 

VI 

The  Problem  of  Repabations 

Reports  by  Baron  Ssterenyi  {Hungary)  and 
the  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Rathcreedan  {Great 
Britain),  in  the  Name  of  the  Committee 
for  Economic  and  Financial  Questions 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference 
registers  the  fact  that  the  resolution  voted 
by  the  Conference  of  Copenhagen,  on  August 
17,  1923,  indicated  the  methods  which  have 
since  been  followed  by  the  States  for  the 
solution  of  the  problem  of  reparations. 

The  conference  expresses  its  satisfaction 
at  the  agreement  concluded  at  London,  by 
which  the  above  problems  are  transferred 
from  the  political  to  the  economic  field. 

Seeing  that  the  solidarity  of  the  world 
should  be  the  fundamental  principle  of  the 
proposals  put  forward  by  the  Union,  the  con- 
ference expresses  the  wish  that  the  London 
decisions  be  carried  out  in  the  same  spirit 
of  good  will  in  which  they  were  drawn  up, 
and  that  the  methods  recommended  by  the 
Copenhagen  resolution  be  applied  not  only  to 
the  study  and  the  solution  of  the  problem  of 
reparations  in  general,  but  also  to  the  study 
of  other  international  questions  of  an  eco- 
nomic and  financial  nature. 

VII 

The  Economic  Solidarity  of  the  World 
AND  International  Traffic 

Rapporteur :  Baron  Josef  Szterenyi,  Former 
Minister  of  Commerce   (Hungary) 

The  XXI Id  Interparliamentary  Conference 
considers  the  re-establishment  of  the  eco- 
nomic solidarity  of  the  nations  to  be  of  the 
highest  importance.     It  believes  that  one  of 


the  surest  means  of  obtaining  this  would  be 
to  encourage  the  development  of  economic 
relations  between  the  different  countries  by 
the  suppression  of  all  the  hindrances  now 
existing. 

The  measures  which  appear  to  be  the  most 
called  for  are : 

(a)  The  conclusion  of  commercial  treaties 
and  of  conventions  for  the  regulation  of 
means  of  transport  ensuring  equal  treatment 
for  all  concerned,  and  the  suppression  of  the 
restrictions  which  still  impede  international 
relations. 

(6)  A  thorough  revision  of  the  present 
customs  regulations  in  order,  on  the  one 
hand,  to  ensure  the  unimpeded  transit  of 
goods,  the  creation  of  free  ports  and  the 
simplification  of  obsolete  customs  restrictions 
hindering  traffic,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
introduce  and  develop  to  the  greatest  pos- 
sible extent  the  traffic  for  the  perfecting  of 
goods  as  a  means  of  encouraging  industry, 
while  at  the  same  time  doing  away  with  the 
certificate  of  origin  demanded  up  till  now. 

(c)  The  introduction  of  through  collective 
railway,  sea  and  river  transport  tariffs,  a 
uniform  currency  being  fixed. 

Pending  the  day  when  it  will  be  possible 
to  establish  uniform  classification  for  all 
goods,  the  nations  should  at  least  endeavor 
to  establish  such  a  classification  for  the 
transport  agencies  of  the  different  countries, 
at  any  rate  with  regard  to  the  principal 
products.  They  should  also  endeavor  to  give 
to  traffic  as  a  whole  a  uniform  legal  basis 
for  the  conclusion  of  international  conven- 
tions. 

(d)  The  total  abolition  of  the  passport  as 
being  a  police  measure  hindering  the  rela- 
tions between  countries,  or  at  the  very  least 
the  abolition  of  the  visa. 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference 
begs  its  national  groups  to  exert  their  influ- 
ence in  this  direction  both  in  parliament  and 
with  their  governments,  in  the  interest  of 
the  rapid  re-establishment  of  normal  eco- 
nomic conditions.  It  further  urges  them  to 
work  for  the  immediate  acceptance  and  ap- 
plication of  the  resolutions  and  propositions 
presented  to  the  international  conferences 
convoked  by  the  League  of  Nations  for  the 
study  of  customs  questions,  the  regulation  of 
traffic,  and  the  question  of  passports. 


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September-October 


VIII 

Pboblems   of   Social  Poucy:   Emigration 
AND  Immigration 

Rapporteur:   M.   Fernand  Merlin,   Senator 
(France),     Member     of     the     Executive 
Committee 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Council, 
after  hearing  the  reports  of  M.  Fernand 
Merlin  on  the  problems  of  emigration  and 
immigration,  decides  to  institute  a  perma- 
nent committee  on  social  questions,  and  re- 
quests the  said  committee  to  continue  the 
study  of  the  above  problems  and  to  present 
its  conclusions  at  a  subsequent  conference. 

IX 

Reduction  of  Armaments 

I.  Private  Manufacture  and  Traffic  in  Arms 

Rapporteur:  M.  van  Walleghem,  Member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  (Belgium) 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference, 
seeing  that  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  draws  attention  to  the  "evil  effects" 
of  the  private  manufacture  of  munitions  and 
war  material ;  seeing,  moreover,  that  it  is 
generally  recognized  that  these  effects  can 
only  be  completely  eliminated  by  the  estab- 
lishment, in  addition  to  the  control  of  pri- 
vate manufacture  of  arms,  of  a  competent 
international  control  of  the  traffic  in  war 
materials,  applicable  to  all  countries  and  to 
all  parts  of  the  world,  expresses  the  hope 
that  the  co-operation  begun  in  this  field  be- 
tween the  League  of  Nations  and  the  United 
States  of  America  during  the  past  year  will 
result  in  universal  agreement  upon  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  the  St.  Germain  Con- 
vention of  September  10,  1919,  relating  to 
control  of  the  traffic  in  arms;  and  that  a 
settlement  of  these  two  closely  connected 
problems  will  thus  be  reached  between  all 
the  States  concerned  in  the  production  of 
war  material. 

The  conference  strongly  recommends  the 
calling  of  an  international  conference  to 
draw  up  the  necessary  international  conven- 
tions for  the  purpose,  and  begs  the  groups 
of  the  Union,  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  of 
the  reduction  of  armaments,  to  impress  the 
urgency  of  these  questfons  upon  their  re- 
spective parliaments  and  governments. 


II.  Demilitarized  Zones 

Rapporteur:  Brigadier-General  E.  L.  Spears, 
M.  P.   (Great  Britain) 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference, 
mindful  of  the  beneficial  results  obtained  for 
the  cause  of  peace  by  the  institution  of  de- 
militarized zones,  and  in  particular  by  the 
zone  created  between  the  United  States  and 
Canada  by  the  Treaty  of  1817;  seeing  that 
every  measure  tending  to  avoid  immediate 
contact  between  military  forces  would  avert 
the  danger  of  frontier  incidents  and  serve  to 
create  on  either  side  a  greater  sense  of  se- 
curity, thus  making  possible  a  considerable 
reduction  of  armaments,  calls  attention  to 
the  special  importance  which  the  generaliza- 
tion of  this  means  of  pacification  would  have 
under  the  auspices  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

The  conference  requests  the  Permanent 
Committee  for  the  Study  of  Disarmament 
questions  to  continue  its  study  of  the  prob- 
lem of  the  demilitarization  of  frontiers,  and 
suggests  that  a  special  committee  be  consti- 
tuted within  the  commission,  the  said  com- 
mittee to  meet  as  soon  as  possible  to  discuss 
this  question,  which  the  conference  considers 
to  be  of  the  greatest  importance. 

III.  Plan  for  a  Reduction  of  Armaments 

Rapporteur :  Dr.  P.  Munch,  former  Minister 
of  Defense,  Member  of  the  Folketing 
(Denmark) 

a 

The  XXIId  Interparliamentary  Conference, 
recalling  the  resolutions  of  previous  confer- 
ences and  insisting  emphatically  upon  the 
urgency  of  a  reduction  of  armaments  appli- 
cable to  all  countries,  draws  the  special  at- 
tention of  governments,  parliaments  and  peo- 
ples to  the  preliminary  symptoms  of  renewed 
competition  in  armaments  which  have  ap- 
peared within  the  last  few  years. 

The  conference  welcomes  with  the  greatest 
satisfaction  the  intention  proclaimed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States  shortly  to  call 
a  second  conference  on  naval  disarmament, 
as  well  as  the  idea  which  has  several  times 
been  advanced  by  the  head  of  the  British 
Government  to  submit  the  question  of  arma- 
ments to  international  discussion. 

The  conference  reminds  the  governments 
and  public  opinion  of  the  repeated  recom- 
mendations of  the  Assembly  of  the  League 
of  Nations  in  support  of  a  limitation  of  the 
total  budget  of  expenditure  on  armaments  for 


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561 


each  country,  and  urges  them  to  undertake 
the  immediate  acceptance  of  the  said  recom- 
mendation. 

Recognizing  the  necessity  of  giving  to  the 
different  peoples  a  feeling  of  security,  the 
conference  asks  the  groups  to  investigate  all 
practical  methods  for  the  creation  of  such  a 
mutual  feeling.  It  considers  that  one  of 
these  methods,  and  perhaps  the  most  fruitful 
one,  would  he  reduction  of  armaments  in  it- 
self. It  urges  the  expediency  of  an  imme- 
diate study  of  the  means  by  which  such  a 
reduction  might  be  brought  about,  and  rec- 
ommends that  a  general  plan  be  drawn  up 
according  to  Art.  8  of  the  covenant,  this  plan 
either  to  be  included  in  a  system  of  mutual 
assistance  based  on  the  covenant,  or  be  car- 
ried into  effect  independently  of  such  a  sys- 
tem. Without  entering  into  the  details  of 
such  a  plan,  the  conference  calls  the  atten- 
tion of  the  governments  and  of  the  Assembly 
of  the  League  of  Nations  to  the  two  propo- 
sals for  the  reduction  of  armaments  ap- 
pended to  this  resolution  (A  and  B). 


The  first  step  to  be  made  In  the  direction 
of  a  reduction  of  armaments  should  be  an 
undertaking  by  the  different  States  to  limit 
the  total  of  their  military  expenditure  (army, 
navy,  aviation,  etc.)  to  fixed  figures,  it  being 
agreed  that  the  said  total  shall  not  be  ex- 
ceeded and  that  it  shall  form  the  starting 
point  for  a  reduction  of  armaments. 

Dbaft  Plans  fob  Disabmament 
Plan  A 

1.  Recent  developments  in  means  of  de- 
struction tend  to  render  the  conception  of 
the  "defense"  of  a  country  by  military,  naval 
or  aerial  methods  more  or  less  of  an  illusion. 
Armaments  have  more  than  ever  come  to  be 
essentially  means  of  attack.  "Defense"  con- 
sists in  forestalling  an  attack  by  a  counter- 
offensive,  or  in  reprisals. 

2.  "Security"  for  a  State  is  consequently 
only  to  be  obtained  by  : 

1st.  Elimination  of  the  means  of  aggres- 
sion of  other  States  as  well  as  of  one's  own; 

2d.  The  development  of  a  policy  of  peace 
and  co-operation  between  all  States  ("moral 
disarmament"). 

3.  This  being  so,  a  unique  opportunity  is 
created  for  insisting  upon  the  urgent  need 
of  material  disarmament. 


4.  The  security  of  a  coimtry,  being  pro- 
portionate to  the  military  and  other  prepa- 
rations of  other  States,  will  remain  identical 
if  the  reduction  affects  the  armaments  of  all 
the  States  whose  military  and  other  prepara- 
tions might  constitute  a  threat  to  the  coun- 
try in  question  simultaneously  and  to  the 
same  extent  as  its  own  armaments  are 
affected. 

5.  Reduction  of  the  armaments  of  all 
States  is,  moreover,  a  fundamental  condition 
for  the  proper  working  of  the  Covenant  of 
the  League  of  Nations.  Such  a  reduction 
would  remove  the  temptation  to  a  country  to 
set  at  defiance  the  stipulations  of  the  cove- 
nant. 

6.  Decisions  relating  t5  the  reduction  of 
armaments  rest  with  each  individual  State; 
even  in  the  case  of  members  of  the  League 
of  Nations  (Art.  8  of  the  covenant). 

There  is,  however,  a  definite  moral  obliga- 
tion incumbent  on  all  countries  belonging  to 
the  League  of  Nations,  by  virtue  of  the  cove- 
nant and  of  the  peace  treaties  of  1919  and 
1920  (Part  V,  introduction,  of  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles). 

7.  The  whole  military  organization  of  a 
country  is  the  expression  of  two  factors,  the 
one  being  what  that  country  believes  to  be 
essential  for  its  "security,"  the  other  what  it 
considers  possible  to  spend  for  this  purpose, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  its  national  econ- 
omy and  of  its  finance. 

The  combination  of  these  two  factors  finds 
its  mathematical  expression  in  the  average 
sum  assigned  to  military,  naval  and  aerial 
expenditures  during  a  series  of  years. 

8.  It  therefore  follows  that  the  hudgets 
should  form  the  basis  of  the  fundamental 
undertakings  for  a  reduction  of  armaments. 

Incidentally,  the  principle  of  the  "sover- 
eignty" of  the  State  is  thus  always  safe- 
guarded, because  the  fundamental  basis  of 
the  reduction  is  fixed  by  the  State  itself, 
while  it  may  be  allowed  a  great  latitude  with 
regard  to  the  details  of  the  organization  of 
its  military  means  (military  service,  for  in- 
stance). 

9.  The  budgetary  basis  for  the  reduction 
of  armaments  can,  however,  be  supplemented 
in  respect  of  other 'factors  of  military  or- 
ganization, particularly  those  embodying  the 
idea  of  aggression,  thus : 

Peace  forces;  number  of  large-caliber 
cannons ;  number  of  naval  unities ;  number 
of  submarines;  number  of  aerial  unities. 


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ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


Dkaft  Proposal  fob  an  International 
Agreement  Relating  to  the  Reduction 
of  Armaments 

I.  Basis  and  Procedure 

1.  The  signatory  States  undertake  not  to 
exceed,  during  the  first  budgetary  year  be- 
ginning after  December  31,  1925,  their  aver- 
age total  expenditure  on  military,  naval  and 
aerial  objects  during  the  three  fiscal  years 
preceding  the  above-mentioned  period. 

2.  The  total  sum  spent  within  the  limits 
fixed  by  Art.  1  during  the  first  budgetary 
year  beginning  after  December  31,  1925,  shall 
form  the  basis  for  the  reduction  of  arma- 
ments which  is  the  object  of  this  agreement. 

3.  The  signatory  States  undertake  to  de- 
crease the  total  sum  mentioned  in  Art.  2  in 
the  proportion  of  10  per  cent  from  the  first 
budgetary  year  beginning  after  December  31, 
1927. 

The  said  decrease  of  10  per  cent  will  be 
repeated  from  the  first  budgetary  year  be- 
ginning after  December  31,  1929,  and  so  on 
every  two  years,  the  total  sum  mentioned  in 
Art.  2  being  taken  as  basis,  until,  after  a 
period  of  ten  years,  the  military,  naval  and 
aerial  budgets  show  a  total  of  not  more  than 
50  per  cent  of  the  budgetary  basis  stated  in 
Art.  2. 

4.  In  order  to  facilitate  the  execution  of 
the  present  agreement  the  States  undertake 
to  enter  all  sums  intended  for  military,  naval 
or  aerial  purposes  in  a  special  section  of  the 
budget  based  on  a  model  drawn  up  by  the 
Financial  Committee  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. 

The  said  section  shall  also  include  all  the 
credits  allotted  by  the  State  for  the  follow- 
ing objects : 

a.  The  development  of  the  industry  of  the 
country  with  a  view  to  its  mobilization  in 
case  of  war ; 

6.  Subsidies  to  the  shipping  industry  con- 
ditional on  the  transformation,  in  case  of 
need,  of  merchant  ships  into  warships; 

c.  Subsidies  to  civil  aviation  with  a  view 
to  the  utilization  of  the  aircraft  in  case  of 
war; 

d.  .    .    . 

5.  The  signatory  States  further  undertake 
not  to  increase,  during  the  period  of  ten 
years  mentioned  in  Art.  3,  the  following  ele- 
ments in  their  military  oi;ganization,  as  fixed 
for  the  budgetary  year  mentioned  in  Art.  2: 


a.  Their  peace  forces  in  all  military,  naval 
and  aerial  services ; 

6.  The  number  of  their  cannons  (land  and 
naval  artillery)  whose  caliber  exceeds  — 
millimeters ; 

c.  The  number  of  their  naval  unities  ex- 
ceeding —  tons ; 

d.  The  number  of  their  submarines; 

e.  The  number  of  their  aerial  unities; 
/.    .    .    . 

II.  Exceptions  and  Reservations 

6.  Those  States  whose  armaments  were 
reduced  by  the  peace  treaties  of  1919  and 
1920  shall  not  be  bound  by  the  undertakings 
stated  in  Arts.  1  to  5. 

7.  Expenses  incurred  in  connection  with 
military,  naval  or  aerial  action  undertaken 
on  the  recommendation  of  the  Council  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  in  conformity  with  Art. 
16  of  the  covenant,  shall  not  be  considered  as 
forming  part  of  the  total  sum  referred  to  in 
Arts.  2  and  3. 

8.  The  signatory  States  recognize  that  ex- 
ceptional circumstances — for  instance,  a  con- 
siderable increase  in  prices  on  the  home 
market,  or  participation  in  a  war — may  in 
individual  cases  prevent  a  State  from  strict 
adherence  to  the  stipulations  of  Arts.  2  and  3. 

They  undertake  if  necessary  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  Council  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions to  the  fact  that  such  exceptional  cir- 
cumstances may  prevent  them  from  fulfilling 
their  obligations  under  the  present  agree- 
ment. They  pledge  themselves  to  accept  the 
decision  of  the  Council  as  to  the  validity  of 
the  exceptional  cases  brought  to  its  notice  in 
conformity  with  the  present  article. 

III.  Control  and  Sanctions 

9.  The  Secretariat  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions is  instructed  to  publish  annually  all  the 
information  dealing  with  the  application  and 
execution  of  the  present  agreement,  in  a 
convenient  and  clear  form. 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  work,  the  signa- 
tory States  undertake  to  furnish  the  secre- 
tariat with  the  necessary  domuments  and  in- 
formation. In  particular,  they  undertake  to 
communicate  to  the  said  secretariat — 

(a)  All  draft  budgets,  definite  budgets  and 
annual  accounts  relating  to  armaments,  si- 
multaneously with  the  transmission  of  those 
documents  to  the  parliament  or  to  the  other 
controling  or  inspecting  bodies  (accountants, 
etc.)  of  the  State; 


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(6)  Detailed  information  concerning  the 
elements  of  their  military,  naval  and  aerial 
organization,  referred  to  in  Art.  5. 

The  latter  information  shall  be  transmitted 
at  least  three  months  before  the  end  of  the 
budgetary  year  mentioned  in  Art.  2. 

10.  The  signatory  States  recognize  the 
right  of  any  of  the  high  contracting  parties 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  Council  of  the 
League  of  Nations  to  any  action  which,  in 
the  opinion  of  that  contracting  party,  consti- 
tutes an  infringement  of  the  undertakings  of 
the  present  agreement. 

11.  The  signatory  States  recognize  the 
right  of  the  Financial  Committee  of  the 
League  of  Nations  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations  to  the 
fact  that  in  a  given  State  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  national  currency  has  increased 
in  such  a  way  as  to  make  an  appreciable 
difference  to  that  State's  power  of  extending 
its  military,  naval  or  aerial  organization. 

12.  The  Council  shall  immediately  come  to 
a  decision  with  regard  to  the  validity  of  the 
appeals  made  to  it  under  Arts.  10  and  11.* 
It  shall  be  empowered  to  submit  contested 
cases  to  the  International  Court  of  Justice.* 

IV.  Duration  and  Renewal  of  the  Agreement 

13.  The  present  agreement  shall  be  valid 
until  the  end  of  the  period  of  ten  years  re- 
ferred to  in  Art.  3,  c. 

At  least  three  years  before  the  end  of  that 
period,  the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations 
shall  invite  the  high  contracting  parties  to 
draft  a  new  agreement  for  a  further  reduc- 
tion of  their  armaments. 

Commentary 

1.  A.  The  budgetary  year  does  not  coincide 
in  every  country  with  the  calendar  year, 
hence  the  use  of  the  formula  "the  first  bud- 
getary year  beginning  after  December  31, 
1925."  If  another  budgetary  year  than  that 
opening  in  1926  is  to  be  taken  as  basis,  the 
years  mentioned  in  Art.  3  should  be  altered 
accordingly. 

B,  In  the  case  of  Federal  States  like 
Switzerland,  the  question  whether  certain 
expenditure  by  the  cantons  will  not  have  to 
be  included  in  the  treaty  will  have  to  be  con- 
sidered. 


1  Majority  vote? 

*  (Technical  assessors?)  Cp.  Statute  of  the  Court 
of  Justice,  Arts.  26  et  27. 


4.  The  enumeration  at  the  end  of  the  arti- 
cle is  an  approximate  one;  it  can  be  altered 
and  amplified. 

5.  A.  The  enumeration  is  an  approximate 
one  and  will  be  subject  to  alteration.  The 
main  purpose  of  the  stipulation  is  to  prevent 
a  State  from  concentrating  its  military  prep- 
arations on  one  branch  of  its  organization 
which  might  prove  a  grave  danger  to  another 
country. 

B.  The  term  "peace  forces"  will  perhaps 
have  to  be  defined,  especially  in  the  case  of 
countries  with  a  militia  (Norway,  Switzer- 
land). 

8.  A  body  other  than  the  Council  of  the 
League  of  Nations  might  be  entrusted  with 
the  inquiry  into  "exceptional  cases,"  as,  for 
instance,  the  International  Court  of  Justice, 
assisted  if  necessary  by  technical  assessors 
(cp.  Art.  10). 

12.  A.  The  Council  would  probably  have  to 
vote  by  simple  majority  and  the  States  con- 
cerned— the  accuser  and  the  accused — who 
would  be  represented,  in  conformity  with 
Art.  4  of  the  covenant,  should  not  have  the 
right  to  vote  (cp.  Art.  3  of  the  Draft  Treaty 
of  Mutual  Assistance  of  1923). 

B.  If  recourse  Is  to  be  had  to  the  Court  of 
Justice,  a  special  division  would  have  to  be 
instituted  for  this  class  of  litigation,  as  has 
already  been  done  by  the  statute  of  the  court 
for  litigation  concerning  labor  and  for  ques- 
tions of  transit  and  communication  (Arts.  26 
and  27  of  the  said  statute). 

Plan  B 

The  treaties  concluded  at  Versailles,  Saint- 
Germain,  Trianon  and  Neuilly  fixed  a  limit 
for  the  armaments  of  Germany,  Austria, 
Hungary,  and  Bulgaria,  "in  order  to  render 
possible  the  initiation  of  a  general  limitation 
of  the  armaments  of  all  nations." 

It  is  therefore  natural  to  take  the  stipula- 
tions of  the  above  treaties  as  a  basis  for  the 
plans  for  a  reduction  of  armaments  which 
have  to  be  elaborated  in  accordance  with 
Art.  8  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations. 

The  stipulations  relating  to  the  German 
army  being  of  a  special  character,  the  limits 
fixed  for  the  Austrian  army  may  be  taken  as 
a  basis. 

By  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Saint-Ger- 
main, the  total  military  force  of  the  Austrian 
army  may  not  exceed  30,(X)0  men.  This 
number  is  fixed  for  a  State  of  6  million  in- 


564 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


habitants;  taking  tliis  figure  as  a  basis,  a 
limit  of  5,000  men  for  every  million  inhab- 
itants should  therefore  be  fixed.  The  above 
limit  is  fixed  for  an  army  whose  soldiers  are 
engaged  for  twelve  years.  The  treaty,  more- 
over, contains  stipulations  relating  to  the 
number  of  officers,  to  the  fighting  unities,  to 
the  maximum  of  armaments  and  stock  of 
munitions,  etc.  All  these  stipulations  could 
be  used  as  a  basis  for  plans  for  a  general 
reduction  of  armaments. 

Nevertheless,  provision  must  be  made  for 
another  system  of  recruiting  and  training 
than  the  system  of  mercenaries  now  in  force 
in  the  countries  whose  military  organization 
has  been  fixed  by  the  peace  treaties.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  certain  States  would  prefer 
a  system  by  which  military  service  would  be 
of  much  shorter  duration — say,  six  months. 
An  army  organized  by  this  method  would  of 
course  be  inferior  to  an  army  composed  of 
the  same  number  of  mercenaries.  States  pre- 
ferring this  latter  system  should  therefore 
be  allowed  to  train  a  yearly  number  of  sol- 
diers, such  as  would  enable  them,  if  neces- 
sary, to  mobilize  a  larger  army  than  the 
mercenary  army  of  a  State  with  an  equal 
number  of  inhabitants.  They  might,  for  in- 
stance, be  allowed  to  train  1,000  soldiers  for 
every  million  inhabitants  each  year,  which 
would  enable  them  to  mobilize  10,000  men 
per  million  inhabitants. 

In  fixing  a  general  basis  of  armaments  for 
the  different  countries,  the  geographical  situ- 
ation and  the  special  conditions  of  each  State 
must  be  taken  into  consideration,  in  con- 
formity with  Art.  8  of  the  covenant. 

In  fixing  a  basis  for  the  number  of  soldiers, 
not  only  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  the 
mother  country,  but  also,  to  a  certain  extent, 
the  population  and  the  size  of  the  possessions 
belonging  to  each  State  on  other  continents, 
must  be  taken  into  consideration.  It  is  im- 
possible to  lay  down  a  general  rule  in  this 
connection;  the  particular  circumstances  in 
each  case  must  be  examined. 

It  must  also  be  remembered  that  certain 
countries  are  in  a  particularly  dangerous  po- 
sition geographically,  and  that  the  peace 
treaties  have  entrusted  some  States  with 
special  duties  of  a  military  character. 

With  regard  to  naval  forces,  the  limits 
fixed  for  Germany  by  the  Versailles  Treaty 
might  be  taken  as  basis.  The  said  treaty 
allows  Germany  to  maintain  a  navy  of  2,000 
tons  for  every  million  inhabitants.     As  the 


limits  fixed  for  Germany  by  the  peace  trea- 
ties with  regard  to  armaments  are  relatively 
stricter  than  for  the  other  States  whose 
armaments  have  been  limited  by  the  treaties, 
a  strength  of  4,000  tons  to  every  million  in- 
habitants might,  perhaps,  be  taken  as  the 
basis  for  a  limitation  of  naval  power.  In  fix- 
ing the  limits  of  their  naval  armaments  for 
each  State,  it  would  also  be  necessary  to  take 
into  account  the  particular  situation  of  each 
country  and  the  extent  of  its  possessions  on 
other  continents. 


Nominations 

Interparliamentary  Council,  from  the  XXIId 
to  the  XXIIId  Conference 

President  of  the  Council:  Baron  Theodor 
Adelswferd   ( Sweden ) 

Austria,  MM.  Mataja  and  Waiss ;  Belgium, 
La  Fontaine  and  Anseele ;  Bulgaria,  Molloff 
and  Fadenhecht;  Canada,  Dandurand  and 
Sir  Henry  Drayton;  Czechoslovakia,  Winter 
and  Hodza;  Denmark,  Moltesen  and  Borgb- 
jerg;  Dutch  East  Indies,  Galestin  and  Roep; 

Egypt,  Shamsy  and  Chamass ;  Esthonia, ; 

Finland,  Mantere  and  Schaumann ;  France, 
Merlin  and  Moutet;  Germany,  Schiicking  and 
Eickhoflf;  Great  Britain,  Lord  Treowen  and 
Sir  James  Agg-Gardner;  Greece,  ;  Hol- 
land, Koolen  and  Rutgers;  Hungary,  Count 
Apponyi  and  de  Berzeviczy;  Ireland,  Hayes 
and  O'Farrell;  Italy,  di  Stefano  and  Gentile; 

Japan,    ;    Latvia,    Vesmanis    and    Fels- 

bergs;  Lithuania,  Raulinaitis  and  Slezevi- 
cius ;  Norway,  Michelet  and  Mowinckel ;  Po- 
land,  Dembinski  and  Buzek ;   Rumania,  Ili- 

esco  et  V.   V,   Pella;    Spain,   ;    Sweden, 

Baron  Adelsward  and  Branting;  Switzer- 
land, de  Meuron  and  Forrer;  United  States 
of  America,  McKinley  and  Burton;  Yugo- 
slavia, Coumanoudy  and  Yovanovitch. 

II 

Executive  Committee 

The  conference  nominated  M.  R.  Dandu- 
rand (Canada)  to  take  the  place  of  Mr.  Bur- 
ton (U.  S.  A.),  and  M.  Fernand  Merlin 
(France)  to  take  the  place  of  M.  Buisson 
for  the  two  remaining  years  of  the  latter's 
term  of  office. 

The  committee  will  be  composed  as  fol- 
lows:    Baron    Adelsward    (Sweden),    Presi- 


192Jt. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


565 


dent;  Count  Apponyi  (Hungary),  to  retire 
at  the  XXIIId  Conference ;  M.  Fernand  Mer- 
lin (France),  to  retire  at  the  XXI Vth  Con- 
ference; M.  Lev.  Winter  (Czechoslovakia), 
to  retire  at  the  XXVth  Conference;  M.  R. 
Dandurand  (Canada),  to  retire  at  the 
XXVIth  Conference. 

The  committee  appointed  Count  Apponyi 
to  act  as  President  of  the  Council  in  the 
event  of  the  absence,  resignation,  or  death 
of  the  latter. 

Ill 

Auditors 

The  Council  elected  MM.  le  Prof.  Dembin- 
ski  (Poland)  and  Alois  de  Meuron  (Switzer- 
land)  to  be  auditors  for  the  year  1924. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient 
servants, 

(Signed)  A.  de  Neukon, 

President  of  the  Conference. 
(Signed)     Chr.  L.  Lange, 

Secretary  General. 


ANGLO-RUSSIAN  TREATIES 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  the  two 
treaties  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia, 
signed  in  London  on  August  8.  In  the  text 
of  the  General  Treaty  Articles  2,  3,  and  4, 
referring  to  the  treaties  between  the  two 
countries,  considered  as  having  lapsed  or  re- 
maining in  force,  and  Article  5,  dealing  with 
the  fisheries  question,  are  omitted.) 

I.  The  General  Treaty 

Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland,  of  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics,  of  the  other  hand,  being  animated 
with  the  desire  to  extend  and  develop  the 
commercial  relations  established  after  the 
signature  of  the  trade  agreement  of  March 
16,  1921,  and  to  remove  all  causes  of  friction 
and  disagreement  between  the  two  countries 
and  to  place  their  relations  on  a  firm,  just, 
and  durable  basis,  have  decided  to  conclude 
a  treaty  with  this  object,  and  for  the  conclu- 
sion of  which  they  are  represented  as  follows : 

Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland  by  the 
Right  Honorable  James  Ramsay  MacDonald, 
M.  P.,  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury  and  Prime 
Minister,  Principal  Secretary  of  State  for 
Foreign  Affairs ;  Mr.  Arthur  Augustus  Wil- 
liam Harry  Ponsonby,  M.  P.,  Under-Secretary 
of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs;  the  Union  of 
Soviet  Socialist  Republics  by  Christian 
'Oeorgievich  Rakovski,  Member  of  the  Presi- 


dium of  the  Central  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics, 
Deputy  People's  Commissary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  Charge  d'Affaires  in  London  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics;  Adolph 
Abramovich  loffe,  Member  of  the  Central  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  of  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics;  Andrei  Fedorovich 
Radchenko,  Member  of  the  Central  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics,  President  of  the  Provincial  Coun- 
cil of  Trade  Unions  of  the  Donets  Basin; 
Aron  Lvovich  Scheinmann,  Member  of  the 
Collegium  of  the  People's  Commissariat  of 
Finance;  Mikhail  Pavlovich  Tomski,  Member 
of  the  Presidium  of  the  Central  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics,  President  of  the  All-Russian  Cen- 
tral Council  of  Trade  Unions. 

These  plenipotentiaries  having  communi- 
cated their  full  powers,  found  in  good  and  due 
form,  have  agreed  as  follows : 

Article  1 

The  present  treaty  constitutes  the  formal 
general  treaty  adumbrated  in  the  preamble 
to  the  trade  agreement  between  His  Britannic 
Majesty's  Government  and  the  Government 
of  the  Russian  Socialist  Federative  Soviet 
Republic  signed  in  London  on  March  16,  1921, 
and  as  between  Great  Britain,  including 
Northern  Ireland,  and  the  Union  replaces  that 
agreement. 

Commercial  relations  between  the  two 
countries  will  in  future  be  regulated  by  the 
Commercial  Treaty  signed  this  day  by  the 
representatives  of  the  two  parties. 

Article  6 

In  pursuance  of  the  declaration  annexed  to 
the  trade  agreement  of  the  16th  March,  1921, 
the  Government  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  So- 
cialist Republics  declares  that  by  way  of  ex- 
ception to  the  decree  of  the  28th  January, 
1918  (concerning  the  annulment  of  debts  of 
the  former  Imperial  and  Provisional  Govern- 
ments), it  will  satisfy,  in  the  conditions  pre- 
scribed in  the  present  treaty,  the  claims  of 
British  holders  of  loans  issued  or  taken  over 
or  guaranteed  by  the  former  Imperial  Russian 
Government,  or  by  the  municipalities  or 
towns  in  the  territory  now  included  in  the 
Union,  payable  in  foreign  (non-Russian) 
currency. 

The  Government  of  His  Britannic  Majesty 
recognizes   that   the   financial   and   economic 


566 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-Octdher 


position  of  the  Union  renders  impracticable 
the  full  satisfaction  of  the  claims  referred  to 
in  the  proceeding  paragraph  of  this  article. 

The  Government  of  the  Union  agrees  to 
meet  the  claims  referred  to  in  the  first  para- 
graph of  this  article  in  respect  of  holdings 
by  British  subjects  or  companies  other  than 
holdings  which  were  acquired  by  purchase 
since  the  16th  of  March,  1921,  and  were  in 
other  than  British  ownership  on  that  date, 

After  negotiations  between  the  parties  con- 
cerned, the  terms  on  which  the  claims  re- 
ferred to  in  the  first  paragraph  of  this  article 
shall  be  satisfied  will  form  the  subject  of  an 
agreement  with  His  Britannic  Majesty's 
Government,  which  will  be  included  in  the 
treaty  referred  to  in  Article  11,  provided  that 
His  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  is  satis- 
fied that  such  terms  have  been  accepted  by 
the  holders  of  not  less  than  one-half  of  the 
capital  values  of  British  holdings  in  the  loans 
referred  to  in  this  article. 

Article  7 

All  questions  connected  with  the  claims  of 
the  Government  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  So- 
cialist Republics  against  the  Government  of 
His  Britannic  Majesty,  or  with  the  claims  of 
the  Government  of  His  Britannic  Majesty 
against  the  Government  of  the  Union,  arising 
out  of  events  which  took  place  between  Au- 
gust 4,  1914,  and  February  1,  1924,  are  re- 
served for  discussion  at  a  later  date.  This 
provision  includes  claims  in  respect  of — 

(o)  War  loans  advanced  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  His  Britannic  Majesty  to  the  former 
Russian  Imperial  or  Provisional  Govern- 
ments ; 

(6)  Gold  belonging  to  the  former  Russian 
Imperial  or  Provisional  governments,  and 
handed  over  to  the  Government  of  His  Brit- 
annic Majesty  by  either  of  those  govern- 
ments ; 

(c)  Russian  gold  handed  over  to  Germany 
under  the  supplementary  agreement  to  the 
Treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk ; 

{d)  Sums  owed  by  the  former  Russian 
Imperial  or  Provisional  governments  to  Brit- 
ish Government  Departments,  or  vice  versa; 

(e)  The  claims  advanced  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Union  on  the  ground  of  inter- 
vention between  November  7, 1917,  and  March 
16,  1921 ;  and  also  any  adjustments  made  or 
to  be  made  in  the  accounts  relating  to  such 
claims  on  either  side. 

There  shall  similarly  be  reserved  all  ques- 


tions connected  with  claims  by  the  nationals 
of  either  party  against  the  other  party,  in 
respect  of  loss  or  damage  suffered  in  the 
territory  of  the  party  whose  national  the 
claimant  is,  and  resulting  from  warlike  oper- 
ations or  hostile  measures  during  the  above- 
mentioned  period. 

Article  8 

Claims  by  nationals  (including  juridical 
persons)  of  the  one  party  against  the  other 
party  in  respect  of  loss  or  injury  due  to 
events  which  took  place  between  the  1st  of 
August,  1914,  and  the  coming  into  force  of 
the  present  treaty,  other  than  (1)  claims 
covered  by  other  articles  of  the  present 
treaty,  and  (2)  claims  arising  out  of  normal 
trading  relations  between  the  Government  of 
the  Russian  Socialist  Federative  Soviet  Re- 
public or  governments  allied  to  or  federated 
with  it,  or  its  agents,  and  British  nationals, 
or  between  the  Government  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty  and  citizens  of  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics,  shall,  in  view  of  the  ad- 
mitted preponderance  of  the  claims  of  Brit 
ish  nationals,  be  finally  settled  as  between 
the  contracting  parties  by  the  payment  of  a 
lump  sum  by  the  Government  of  the  Union 
to  the  Government  of  His  Britannic  Majesty. 

The  distribution  of  this  sum  shall  be  ef- 
fected by  the  Government  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty  in  such  manner  as  they  shall  con- 
sider just.  The  Government  of  the  Union 
undertakes  to  furnish  the  Government  of 
His  Britannic  Majesty  with  any  relevant 
papers  or  information  in  their  possession 
which  may  facilitate  the  just  distribution  of 
such  sum. 

Article  9 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  shall  ap- 
point three  properly  qualified  persons  to  ex- 
amine the  claims  of  which  the  settlement  is 
to  be  effected  by  the  payment  of  the  lump 
sum  provided  for  in  Article  8.  These  six  per- 
sons shall  make  a  joint  examination  of  the 
claims,  and  shall  report  to  the  two  contract- 
ing parties  the  amount  at  which  they  con- 
sider the  lump  sum  should  be  fixed.  If  they 
are  unable  to  agree  as  to  the  amount  of  the 
lump  sum,  they  shall  present  separate  re- 
ports. They  will  arrange  their  own  pro- 
cedure, and  shall,  in  particular,  be  entitled 
by  agreement  between  themselves  to  refer 
the  examination  of  any  particular  category 
of  claims  to  two  of  their  number. 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  shall  de- 


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INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


567 


fray  the  remuneration  and  expenses  of  the 
persons  appointed  by  it,  together  with  one- 
half  of  the  expenses  incurred  jointly. 

Article  10 

Being  desirous  of  re-establishing  the  eco- 
nomic co-operation  between  their  two  coun- 
tries, the  Government  of  His  Britannic  Maj- 
esty and  the  Government  of  the  Union  of 
Soviet  Socialist  Republics  agree  as  follows : 

The  Government  of  the  Union  will,  by  way 
of  exception  to  the  decrees  nationalizing  in- 
dustrial businesses  and  land,  negotiate  with 
British  nationals  (including  juridical  per- 
sons) in  respect  of  industrial  businesses  or 
concessions  which  have  been  nationalized  or 
canceled  by  it,  in  order  to  arrange  for  the 
grant  of  just  compensation  for  such  claims. 

Furthermore,  a  commission  shall  be  ap- 
pointed to  examine  the  validity  and  ascer- 
tain the  amount  of  the  claims. 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  agrees  to 
assist  the  commission  so  far  as  possible  with 
regard  to  supplying  or  collecting  papers  or 
information  required  for  the  proper  accom- 
plishment of  its  task. 

If  the  members  of  the  commission  are  un- 
able to  agree  on' a  joint  report  in  respect  of 
any  particular  property,  they  may  present 
separate  reports. 

In  cases  where  the  Government  of  the 
Union  concludes  an  agreement  with  an  in- 
dividual claimant,  the  commission  shall  be 
informed  of  such  agreement  in  order  that 
the  claim  in  question  may  be  withdrawn 
from  the  competence  of  the  commission. 

The  commission  shall  consist  of  six  per- 
sons possessing  the  necessary  qualifications 
for  their  task,  three  being  appointed  by  the 
Government  of  His  Britannic  Majesty  and 
three  by  the  Government  of  the  Union. 

The  commission  shall  settle  its  own  pro- 
cedure, which  shall  be  approved  by  the  two 
governments.  Each  of  the  contracting  par- 
ties shall  defray  the  remuneration  and  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  persons  appointed  by  it, 
together  with  one-half  of  the  expenses  in- 
curred jointly. 

Article  11 

A  second  treaty  will  be  entered  into,  which 
will  contain : 

(1)  The  conditions  accepted  in  accordance 
with  Article  6. 

(2)  The  amount  and  method  of  payment 
of  compensation  for  claims  under  Article  8. 


(3)  An  agreed  settlement  of  property 
claims  other  than  those  directly  settled  by 
the  Government  of  the  Union  of  Soviet  So- 
cialist Republics. 

Article  12 

Upon  the  signature  of  the  treaty  referred 
to  in  Article  11  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment will  recommend  Parliament  to  en- 
able them  to  guarantee  the  interest  and  sink- 
ing fund  of  a  loan  to  be  issued  by  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics. 

The  amount,  terms,  and  conditions  of  the 
said  loan  and  the  purposes  to  which  it  shall 
be  applied  shall  be  defined  in  the  treaty  pro- 
vided for  in  Article  11,  which  will  not  come 
into  force  until  the  necessary  parliamentary 
authority  for  the  guarantee  of  the  said  loan 
has  been  given. 

Article  13 

The  provisions  of  this  chapter  constitute  a 
single  and  indivisible  unit. 

Article  14 

On  the  coming  Into  force  of  the  treaty  re- 
ferred to  in  Article  11,  Article  10  of  the 
trade  agreement  of  March  16,  1921,  will  be 
abrogated,  until  which  time  it  will  be  main- 
tained in  force.  Article  1  of  the  present  treaty 
notwithstanding. 

Article  15 

Documents  and  papers  of  every  kind, 
which,  on  November  1,  1917,  belonged  to  in- 
dividual subjects  or  citizens  of  either  party, 
and  are  now  withheld  from  the  owners  and 
are  in  the  possession  or  under  the  control  of 
the  government  or  a  public  institution  of  the 
other  party,  shall  be  returned  to  the  owners, 
or  to  such  representative  as  they  may  ap- 
point, within  two  months  from  the  date  of  a 
request  to  that  effect. 

Article  16 

The  contracting  parties  solemnly  affirm 
their  desire  and  intention  to  live  in  peace 
and  amity  with  each  other,  scrupulously  to 
respect  the  undoubted  right  of  a  State  to 
order  its  own  life  within  its  own  jurisdiction 
in  its  own  way,  to  refrain  and  to  restrain  all 
persons  and  organizations  under  their  direct 
or  indirect  control,  including  organizations  in 
receipt  of  any  financial  assistance  from  them, 
from  any  act,  overt  or  covert,  liable  in  any 


568 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


way  whatsoever  to  endanger  the  tranquillity 
or  prosperity  of  any  part  of  the  territory  of 
the  British  Empire  or  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics  or  intended  to  embitter 
the  relations  of  the  British  Empire  or  the 
Union  with  their  neighbors  or  any  other 
countries. 

Article  17 

The  present  treaty  is  drawn  up  and  signed 
in  the  English  language.  A  translation  shall 
be  made  into  the  Russian  language  as  soon 
as  possible  and  agreed  between  the  parties. 
Both  texts  shall  then  be  considered  authentic 
for  all  purposes. 

Article  18 

The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified,  and 
the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  Lon- 
don as  soon  as  possible. 

In  witness  whereof  the  respective  plenipo- 
tentiaries have  signed  the  present  treaty  and 
have  affixed  thereto  their  seals. 

II.  Treaty  of  Commerce  and  Navigation 
Article  1 

For  the  purpose  of  developing  and  strength- 
ening the  commercial  relations  between  their 
respective  territories,  the  contracting  parties 
agree  that,  without  prejudice  to  any  more 
favorable  provisions  contained  in  the  present 
treaty,  all  facilities,  rights,  and  privileges 
which  in  the  territories  of  either  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  shall  be  accorded  in  matters 
of  commerce  to  the  nationals  or  juridical 
persons  of  any  other  foreign  State,  estab- 
lished in  the  territories  of  that  State,  or  to 
their  property  shall  be  extended,  on  condi- 
tion of  full  reciprocity,  to  the  nationals  of 
the  other  party,  to  juridical  persons  estab- 
lished in  the  territories  of  that  party  and  to 
their  property.  Each  of  the  contracting  par- 
ties shall  accord  to  goods,  the  produce  or 
manufacture  of  the  territories  of  the  other, 
all  facilities,  rights  and  privileges  which  are 
or  may  hereafter  be  accorded  in  the  terri- 
tories of  the  other  to  goods,  the  produce  or 
manufacture  of  the  territories  of  any  third 
foreign  country  in  all  that  relates  to  pro- 
hibitions and  restrictions  on  importation  or 
exportation,  customs  duties  and  charges, 
transport,  warehousing,  drawback,  and  ex- 
cise. The  provisions  of  this  paragraph  shall 
extend  to  the  treatment  of  commercial  trav- 
elers' samples. 


With  the  same  purpose  in  view  His  Maj- 
esty's Government,  on  its  part,  agrees  to  ex- 
tend the  facilities  of  the  Export  Credits 
Scheme  as  laid  down  in  "The  Overseas  Trade 
(Credits  and  Insurance)  Act,  1920,"  as 
amended  by  subsequent  enactments  to  trade 
between  Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland 
and  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics, 
and  further  agrees  that  in  respect  of  these 
and  any  similar  facilities  the  said  trade  shall 
be  placed  on  the  same  footing  as  trade  with 
any  other  foreign  country. 

Nothing,  however,  in  the  present  treaty 
shall  oblige  the  Union  to  extend  to  the  other 
party— 

[a)  The  special  provisions  relating  to 
commerce  contained  in  the  treaties  which  the 
Union  may  have  concluded  or  may  conclude 
in  the  future  with  those  States  the  territory 
of  which  on  August  1,  1914,  constituted  in  all 
respects  an  integral  part  of  the  former  Rus- 
sian Empire,  or  with  continental  border 
States  in  Asia. 

(6)  The  rights  which  are  or  may  be  ac- 
corded to  any  third  country  forming  part  of 
a  customs  union  with  the  Union. 

(c)  The  facilities  which  the  Union  has  or 
may  have  accorded  to  border  States  in  re- 
spect of  local  exchange  of  goods  between  the 
inhabitants  of  the  frontier  zones. 

Article  2 

Taking  into  account  that  the  monopoly  of 
foreign  trade  in  the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist 
Republics  belongs  to  the  government,  and 
that  this  government  may  engage  in  trading 
operations  either  directly  through  the  trade 
representative  of  the  Union  or  through  any 
body  or  authority  under  its  control,  or  other- 
wise, both  parties  agree  on  the  following: 

1.  The  trade  representative  and  his  assist- 
ants (members  of  the  council  of  the  trade 
representation),  the  number  of  which  shall 
be  determined  at  a  later  date  by  mutual 
agreement  of  both  parties,  shall  be  members 
of  the  Union  Embassy  in  London,  and  shall, 
as  such,  enjoy  all  the  privileges  and  immu- 
nities appertaining  thereto,  including  extra- 
territoriality for  their  oflices  in  the  embassy. 
For  this  purpose  the  existing  offices  of  the 
trade  delegation  and  such  other  offices  as 
may  form  the  subject  of  future  agreement 
shall  form  part  of  the  embassy. 

2.  The  Government  of  the  Union  assumes 
the  responsibility  for  all  transactions  con- 
ducted by  or  on  behalf  of  the  union  trade 


192Ji. 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


569 


representative  in  Great  Britain  and  Northern 
Ireland,  and  agrees  that  all  such  commercial 
transactions  shall  be  subject  to  the  laws  and 
courts  of  Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ire- 
land, but  in  view  of  the  responsibility  for 
these  transactions  which  is  assumed  by  the 
Government  of  the  Union,  neither  it  nor  its 
representatives  will  be  called  upon  to  give 
security  for  complying  with  the  orders  of  the 
court. 

3.  This  trade,  as  well  as  the  trade  of  the 
above-mentioned  bodies,  including  the  trade 
of  any  companies  organized  by  the  trade 
representative  in  conformity  with  the  laws 
existing  in  Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ire- 
land, shall  enjoy  the  same  privileges  and 
facilities  and  be  conducted  on  the  same  foot- 
ing in  Great  Britain  and  Northern  Ireland 
as  trade  which  is  not  conducted  by  govern- 
ments. 

Article  3 

Goods,  the  produce  or  manufacture  of  the 
territories  of  either  of  the  contracting  par- 
ties, passing  in  transit  across  the  territories 
of  the  other  by  routes  open  to  transit  under 
the  general  legislation  of  the  country,  shall 
be  free  in  those  territories  from  all  transit 
duties. 

Article  4 

Juridical  persons  (including  limited  lia- 
bility and  other  companies  and  associations) 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  commerce,  insur- 
ance, finance,  industry,  transport  or  any  other 
business  and  established  in  the  territories  of 
either  party  shall,  provided  that  they  have 
been  duly  constituted  in  accordance  with  the 
laws  in  force  In  such  territories,  be  recog- 
nized as  having  a  legal  status  in  the  terri- 
tories of  the  other,  and  in  particular  shall 
have  there  the  right  of  appearing  before  the 
tribunals,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  or  of 
defending  an  action. 

In  any  case  the  said  juridical  persons  shall 
enjoy,  in  the  territories  of  the  other  party, 
the  same  general  rights  as  are  or  shall  be 
accorded  to  similar  juridical  persons  of  any 
other  foreign  country. 

It  is  understood  that  the  foregoing  pro- 
vision does  not  affect  the  question  of  deter- 
mining whether  any  such  juridical  person 
constituted  in  the  territories  of  one  party 
shall  or  shall  not  be  permitted  to  carry  on 
its  business  in  the  territories  of  the  other 
party,  this  matter  remaining  always  subject 


to  the  existing  regulations  on  this  point  in 
the  last-named  territories. 

It  is  understood  that  the  foregoing  pro- 
visions are  applicable  to  juridical  persons 
constituted  before  the  signature  of  the  pres- 
ent treaty,  as  well  as  to  those  which  may  be 
constituted  subsequently. 

This  article  shall  replace  the  agreement 
signed  at  St.  Petersburg  on  December  16/29, 
1904,  which  shall  cease  to  have  effect. 

Article  5 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  undertakes 
to  grant  to  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  the 
other  the  right  to  enter  its  territories  on 
conditions  not  less  favorable  than  those  ap- 
plicable to  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  the 
most  favored  nation. 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  who  have  been  permitted  to 
enter  the  territories  of  the  other  may  reside 
there  and  exercise  their  trades,  industries  or 
professions  on  condition  that  they  comply 
with  the  regulations  in  force  for  the  citizens 
of  the  most  favored  nation  in  the  territories 
to  which  they  have  been  admitted,  and  they 
shall  be  at  complete  liberty  to  leave  the  ter- 
ritories to  which  they  have  been  admitted 
whensoever  they  please. 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  each  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  in  the  territories  of  the  other 
shall  have  free  access  to  the  courts  of  jus- 
tice for  the  prosecution  and  defense  of  their 
rights  without  other  conditions  or  taxes  be- 
yond those  imposed  on  nationals  or  on  sub- 
jects or  citizens  of  the  most  favored  foreign 
State,  and  shall,  like  them,  be  at  liberty  to 
employ  in  all  causes  their  advocates,  attor- 
neys or  agents  from  among  the  persons  ad- 
mitted to  the  exercise  of  those  professions 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  country. 

Article  6 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  each  of  the 
contracting  parties  shall  in  the  territories  of 
the  other  be  exempt  from  all  forms  of  com- 
pulsory military  service  whatsoever,  whether 
in  the  army,  fleet,  air  forces,  national  guard 
or  militia.  They  can  only  be  subject  to  mili- 
tary exactions,  requisitions  and  compulsory 
contributions  in  kind  on  payment  of  compen- 
sation. They  shall  be  exempt  from  all  money 
contributions,  compulsory  loans  and  pecu- 
niary taxes  for  war  purposes  and  from  com- 
pulsory billeting,  except  in  so  far  as  such 
contributions,  loans,  taxes,  and  billeting  are 


570 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


imposed  by  the  law  of  the  country  on  all  the 
inhabitants. 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  each  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  shall  in  the  territories  of  the 
other  likewise  be  exempt  from  all  judicial, 
administrative,  and  municipal  functions 
whatsoever,  other  than  those  imposed  by  the 
law  relating  to  juries,  as  well  as  from  all 
compulsory  services,  except  in  cases  of  sud- 
den and  unexpected  occurrences  involving 
great  public  danger,  and  from  all  contribu- 
tions, whether  pecuniary  or  in  kind,  imposed 
as  an  equivalent  for  personal  service.  They 
shall  be  subject  only  to  such  taxes  and 
charges  as  are  imposed  upon  the  inhabitants 
generally  by  the  law  of  the  country. 

In  all  matters  covered  by  this  article  the 
treatment  accorded  to  the  subjects  or  citizens 
of  each  of  the  contracting  parties  in  the  ter- 
ritories of  the  other  shall  not  be  less  favor- 
able than  that  which  is  or  may  be  accorded 
to  subjects  or  citizens  of  the  most  favored 
nation. 

Article  7 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  admitted  into  the  territories 
of  the  other  shall  be  at  liberty  to  communi- 
cate freely  by  post  and  by  telegraph  and  to 
make  use  of  telegraphic  codes,  provided  that 
they  specify  beforehand  the  code  being  used, 
and  under  the  conditions  and  subject  to  the 
regulations  laid  down  in  the  International 
Telegraph  Convention  of  St.  Petersburg  of 
1875,  as  revised  at  Lisbon  in  1908. 

Article  8 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  guarantees 
national  treatment  to  the  subjects  or  citizens 
of  the  other  party  and  to  juridical  persons 
(including  limited  liability  and  other  com- 
panies and  associations)  established  in  the 
territories  of  that  other  party  in  all  that 
concerns  the  possession,  inviolability  and 
right  to  dispose  of  property,  whether  im- 
ported into  the  territories  of  the  former  party 
or  acquired  in  those  territories  in  conformity 
with  the  provisions  of  the  present  treaty  and 
with  the  laws  and  regulations  there  in  force. 

Article  9 

The  contracting  parties  undertake  to  recog- 
nize arbitration  clauses  inserted  in  contracts 
between  persons  in  the  territories  of  one 
party  and  persons  in  the  territories  of  the 
other,  such  persons  being^ subjects  or  citizens 
of  either  of  the  contracting  parties  or  jurid- 


ical persons  established  in  their  territories. 
They  equally  undertake  to  execute  the 
awards  of  the  arbitral  tribunals  appointed 
in  conformity  with  the  above  contracts,  sub- 
ject, however,  to  the  following  conditions : 

1.  That  the  award  is  not  rendered  incapa- 
ble of  execution  by  the  existence  of  a  previ- 
ous judgment  given  on  another  point  by  the 
judicial  tribimals  of  the  country  where  the 
award  would  be  carried  into  effect. 

2.  That  the  award  does  not  contain  pro- 
visions contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  country 
where  it  is  to  be  carried  out. 

The  contracting  parties  agree  within  three 
months  of  the  coming  into  force  of  the  pres- 
ent treaty  to  enter  into  a  convention  laying 
down  the  procedure  to  be  followed  for  the 
better  observance  of  the  provisions  of  this 
article. 

Article  10 

The  subjects  or  citizens  of  one  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  admitted  into  the  territories 
of  the  other  shall  not  be  subjected  personally 
or  with  regard  to  their  property  or  to  their 
activities  to  any  other  or  higher  taxes,  im- 
posts or  obligations  than  those  which  are  or 
may  be  imposed  in  the  like  conditions  upon 
subjects  or  citizens  of  the  last-named  party, 
with  the  exception  of  special  cases  provided 
for  by  the  laws  in  regard  to  all  foreigners. 
Such  special  laws  shall  not  impose  taxation 
on  the  subjects  or  citizens  of  one  party  in 
the  territories  of  the  other  in  respect  of  their 
industry,  trade,  occupation,  or  business,  and 
in  regard  to  all  forms  of  taxation  such  sub- 
jects or  citizens  shall  not  be  placed  in  a  less 
favorable  condition  than  the  subjects  or  citi- 
zens of  the  most  favored  nation. 

Juridical  persons  (including  limited  lia- 
bility and  other  companies  and  associations) 
established  in  the  territories  of  one  party 
and  admitted  to  carry  on  operations  in  the 
territories  of  the  other  party  shall  not  be 
subject  in  the  territories  of  the  second  party 
to  any  other  or  higher  taxes,  imposts,  or 
obligations  than  those  which  are  or  may  be 
imposed  in  the  like  conditions  upon  similar 
juridical  persons  there  established  or  upon 
similar  juridical  persons  of  any  third  State 
which  are  admitted  to  carry  on  operations  in 
the  territories  of  the  second  party. 

Article  11 

Each  of  the  contracting  parties  undertakes 
to  treat  the  vessels  of  the  other  not  less  fa- 
vorably than  national  vessels  or  the  vessels 


192  Jf 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


571 


of  the  most  favored  nation.  This  equality  of 
ti-eatment  shall  extend  to  the  rules  and  reg- 
ulations governing  the  transport  of  goods  or 
passengers  from  and  to  the  ports  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  and  to  any  duties  or  charges 
levied  on  the  vessels,  their  cargoes,  or  pas- 
sengers, and  also  to  facilities  for  the  station- 
ing, loading,  and  unloading  of  vessels  in 
ports,  docks,  quays,  harhors,  and  roadsteads, 
as  well  as  tonnage  or  other  dues,  charges, 
and  payments  of  all  kinds  levied  on  ships, 
such  as  sanitary,  port,  quay,  harbor,  pilotage, 
quarantine,  lighthouse,  and  other  similar 
dues  levied  in  the  name  of  or  for  the  profit 
of  the  government,  public  functionaries,  pri- 
vate individuals,  corporations,  or  establish- 
ments of  any  kind. 

The  contracting  parties  undertake  that  im- 
ported or  exported  goods  shall  not  be  sub- 
jected in  their  ports  or  on  their  railways, 
rivers,  or  canals  to  any  differential  due,  sur- 
tax, charge,  or  disability  of  any  kind  based 
on  the  flag  of  the  ship  by  which  the  goods 
are  imported  or  exported  and  to  the  detri- 
ment of  the  flag  of  either  party.  This  pro- 
vision shall  not,  however,  be  regarded  as  pre- 
venting either  of  the  contracting  parties  from 
entering  into  contracts  with  any  persons  or 
companies  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
through  rates. 

Article  12 

The  provisions  of  the  present  treaty  shall 
not  extend  to — 

(a)  The  application  of  special  laws  for 
the  safeguarding,  renewal,  and  development 
of  the  national  merchant  fleet,  so  long  as 
such  laws  do  not  discriminate  in  favor  of  the 
carriage  of  goods  or  passengers  by  national 
ships  or  provide  for  reductions  in  the  dues 
levied  in  the  ports  of  either  contracting  party 
on  national  ships. 

(6)  Privileges  granted  to  marine  sports 
societies. 

(c)  Port  services,  including  pilotage,  tow- 
age, and  life-saving  and  maritime  assistance. 

(d)  Facilities  granted  to  national  ships 
engaged  in  the  coasting  trade. 

(e)  Privileges  which  are  or  may  be  con- 
ferred upon  countries  situated  on  the  Arctic 
Ocean  in  respect  of  fishing  and  the  sale  of 
the  catch  in  ports  of  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics  situated  on  that  ocean. 

(/)  Navigation  on  inland  waters  closed  to 
foreign  vessels  in  general,  even  though  such 
navigation  may  be  open  to  the  vessels  of 
limitrophe  States. 


Article  13 

Nothing  in  the  preceding  article  shall  pre- 
vent either  party  from  reserving  its  coasting 
trade  in  whole  or  in  part  to  national  vessels, 
provided  that — 

(a)  The  party  so  reserving  in  whole  or  in 
part  its  coasting  trade  cannot  claim,  in  virtue 
of  the  present  treaty,  that  its  vessels  shall 
be  admitted  to  the  coasting  trade  of  the  other 
party. 

(6)  Notwithstanding  such  reservation,  ves- 
sels of  the  other  party  may  proceed  from  one 
port  to  another  either  for  the  purpose  of 
landing  the  whole  or  part  of  their  cargoes  or 
passengers  brought  from  abroad,  or  of  tak- 
ing on  board  the  whole  or  part  of  their  car- 
goes or  passengers  for  a  foreign  destination, 
or  of  carrying  between  the  two  ports  goods 
consigned  on  through  bills  of  lading  or  pas- 
sengers holding  through  tickets  to  or  from  a 
foreign  country.  While  so  engaged,  these 
vessels  and  their  passengers  and  cargoes 
shall  enjoy  the  full  privileges  of  the  present 
treaty. 

So  long  as  the  coasting  trade  of  Great 
Britain  and  Northern  Ireland  is  thrown  open 
to  vessels  of  the  Union,  it  is  agreed  between 
the  parties  that  if  at  any  time  any  part  of 
the  coasting  trade  of  the  Union  is  thrown 
open  to  the  vessels  of  any  other  foreign 
country  it  shall  at  the  same  time  and  under 
the  like  conditions  be  thrown  open  to  British 
vessels. 

Article  14 

All  vessels  which,  under  the  law  of  either 
contracting  party,  are  national  vessels  shall 
for  the  purposes  of  the  present  treaty  be 
deemed  to  be  vessels  of  that  party. 

Article  15 

The  regulation  of  the  mutual  protection  of 
rights  in  industrial,  literary,  and  artistic 
property  of  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the 
contracting  parties  shall  be  arranged  for  by 
special  conventions,  which  shall,  so  far  as 
possible,  embody  the  principles  contained  in 
the  international  conventions  relating  to 
these  matters.  Such  conventions,  which  shall 
be  concluded  within  twelve  months  from  the 
coming  into  force  of  the  present  treaty,  shall 
further  make  suitable  provision  for  the  grant 
of  priority  to  British  subjects  or  corpora- 
tions who  previously  held  such  rights  in  the 
former  Russian  Empire. 


574 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Septemher-Octoher 


Czechoslovakia,  as  a  new  country,  is 
anxious  tliat  its  younger  generation  should 
be  orientated  toward  tiigh  ideals  of  citizen- 
ship, and  it  has  seen  in  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  move- 
ment a  valuable  means  to  this  end.  In  con- 
junction with  the  government,  a  $1,000,000 
project  has  been  laid  out,  three-quarters  of 
the  money  being  put  up  by  Czechoslovakia 
Itself  and  the  rest  promised  from  America. 
A  central  "Y"  is  to  be  constructed  in  Prague. 
It  is  reported  at  the  recent  meeting  of  the 
plenary  committee  of  the  World  Alliance  in 
Geneva  that  other  countries  of  eastern  Eu- 
rope may  adopt  a  similar  attitude,  although 
it  has  not  yet  taken  concrete  form. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Wab  ;  Its  Causes,  Consequences  and  Cure. 
By  Kirhy  Page.  Geo.  H.  Doran  Co.,  New 
York,  1923.     Pp.  215.     Price,  $1.50. 

The  Saint  and  the  Swobd.  By  Herbert 
Booth.  Geo.  H.  Doran  Co.,  New  York, 
1923.     Pp.  344.     Price,  $2.00. 

Christ  or  Mars?  By  Will  Irwm.  Appleton 
&  Co.,  New  York,  1923.  Pp.  188.  Price, 
$1.50. 

The  books  here  grouped  are  all  written 
from  the  absolutist  standpoint,  but  in  man- 
ner they  are  widely  different. 

Mr.  Page  follows  somewhat  the  arguments 
of  Mr.  Dickinson  in  his  book  on  a  similar 
subject,  and  quotes  him  quite  extensively 
in  his  review  of  Imperialism  as  a  cause  of 
the  recent  war.  He,  however,  enumerates 
five  basic  causes  of  the  great  war,  and  cites 
proof  of  each  in  the  events  preceding,  during, 
and  following  it. 

Outlawry  of  war  is,  he  believes,  in  the  last 
analysis,  an  ethical  question.  The  reasons 
for  it  he  rests  squarely  on  the  Christian  re- 
ligion. 

The  book  contains  much  that  is  not  new, 
but  the  power  of  its  earnestness  will  be  felt 
by  all  who  believe  in  what  he  calls  "Jesus' 
way  of  life." 

An  advertisement  of  the  Fellowship  of 
Reconciliation  forms  an'  appendix  to  the 
book. 


The  second  book  of  the  group  is  written 
by  the  son  of  the  founder  of  the  Salvation 
Army.  It  is  strictly  religious  in  its  treat- 
ment. The  thesis  of  the  book  is  that  war  is 
anti-Christian  and  the  proofs  are  drawn 
from  Biblical  arguments. 

Mr.  Booth  claims  that  what  we  need  to 
defeat  "pugilistic  Christianity"  is  a  "League 
of  Thoroughly  Christianized  Christians." 

The  tremendous  earnestness  of  the  book, 
especially  when  one  remembers  that  the  first 
draft  was  written  in  the  midst  of  war  propa- 
ganda, gives  a  special  interest  to  it. 

Mr.  Will  Irwin,  in  Christ  or  Mars,  uses 
also  the  religious  argument.  The  manner 
of  appeal  is  very  much  like  that  of  some  of 
those  who  were  writing  on  the  subject  in  the 
beginning  of  the  peace  movement  nearly  a 
century  ago.  But  from  his  participation  in 
the  late  war,  and  his  travel  about  the  war 
countries  since  then,  he  documents  his  ar- 
guments with  personal  observations  and  ex- 
periences. 

Like  the  two  preceding  authors,  Mr.  Irwin, 
brings  an  impassioned  indictment  against 
the  Christian  Church.  We  do  not,  he  thinks, 
want  peace  "hard  enough."  To  improve 
man's  moral  tone  and  to  eliminate  war  we 
must,  he  says,  return  to  the  basic  American 
creed  in  matters  of  conscience,  our  watchword 
in  crises  from  the  beginning  of  our  history, 
"It  can  be  done!" 

Culture  and  Democracy  in  the  United 
States  By  Horace  M.  Kallen.  Boni  & 
Liveright,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  347.  Price, 
$3.00. 

In  any  collection  of  essays  published  at 
different  times  there  are  bound  to  be  some 
repetitions.  Some  points  will  be  overargued, 
because  they  have  been  previously  presented ; 
some  points  which  might  well  be  stressed  in 
the  compass  of  a  volume  will  be  understated 
when  cast  in  the  smaller  mold  of  the  essay. 

Mr.  Kallen  is  quite  cognizant  of  these  facts 
and  alludes  to  them  in  the  "Postscript;  to  be 
read  first,"  which  prefaces  his  book.  He  does 
claim  for  his  volume,  however,  a  unity  of 
attitude  and  philosophy  which  is,  in  the 
main,  borne  out  by  the  essays  as  they  come. 

This  unifying  idea  he  himself  names  "cul- 
tural pluralism."  His  contention  is,  in  effect, 
that  the  "melting-pot"  theory  of  America  is 
untenable  and  undesirable.  Rather,  there 
must  be  co-operation  of  separate  parts,  dif- 
fering from  each  other,  but  each  contribut- 


192Jt 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


575 


ing  a  share  to  the  unity,  which  is  American 
culture. 

The  author's  favorite  topics  through  the 
book  are  Americanization,  including  the  con- 
sideration of  the  fear  motive  in  the  Ku  Klux 
Klan;  Democracy  and  Liberty. 

The  chapters  vary  considerably  in  manner. 
Some  are  tinged  with  sarcasm,  which  runs 
to  bitterness;  others,  especially  the  analysis 
of  Mr.  Santayana's  "Character  and  Opinion 
in  the  United  States,"  are  temperate  in  tone, 
but  at  the  same  time  a  bit  obscure  and  re- 
tarded in  movement. 

All  through  his  papers  Mr.  Kallen  empha- 
sizes explicitly  or  implicitly  the  greatness  of 
citizenship  as  a  vocation.  This  is  surely  one 
of  the  most  important  notes  in  the  book. 

The  American  Revolution,  a  (Constitu- 
tional Interpretation.  By  Chas.  Howard 
Mcllwain.  Macmillan  Co.,  New  York,  1923. 
Pp.  198.    Price,  $2.25. 

The  Pulitzer  School  of  Journalism  at  Co- 
lumbia University  offers  annually  prizes  for 
the  best  work  of  the  year  in  various  fields. 
One  of  these  annual  awards  is  given  for  the 
best  book  on  the  history  of  the  United  States. 
This  prize,  amounting  to  $2,000,  has  been 
given  this  year  to  Charles  H.  Mcllwain,  Pro- 
fessor of  History  and  Government  at  Har- 
vard, for  his  book  on  the  American  Revolu- 
tion. 

The  book  is  concerned  with  the  constitu- 
tionality of  the  claims  made  by  Adams  and 
others  in  the  American  colonies  before  they 
were  obliged  to  abandon  this  ground  and  be- 
come in  reality  revolutionists  against  both 
Parliament  and  Crown. 

Previous  to  May,  1776,  the  basis  of  the  re- 
volt in  America  rested  upon  a  denial  by  the 
Americans  of  the  authority,  under  English 
constitutional  law,  of  the  Parliament  at  West- 
minster to  bind  Englishmen  beyond  the  realm. 

To  be  sure,  the  English  revolution  of 
1688-89  had  definitely  placed  the  power  of 
Parliament  above  that  of  the  king.  English- 
men in  England  had  acquiesced  in  it.  It 
was  the  contention  of  Adams  and  Hutchin- 
son, however,  that  this  revolutionary  as- 
sumption of  parliamentary  superiority  had 
never  been  consciously  assented  to  in  Amer- 
ica, and,  therefore,  America  was  not  bound 
by  it.  And  on  true  political  principles 
England  could  not  accept  for  her  a  break 
in  the  continuous  validity  of  precedent,  such 
as    the    superior    authority    of    Parliament. 


America's  charter  and  allegiance  were  solely 
to  the  Crown.  Under  the  Crown  her  govern- 
ment was  entirely  her  own  affair. 

Professor  Mcllwain  ably  argues  Mr.  Adams' 
case,  and  cites  many  proofs  of  his  conten- 
tion that  previous  to  1776  America  was  on 
perfectly  tenable  ground,  according  to  Eng- 
lish constitutional  law.  After  stating  the 
problem,  he  considers  precedents — first  under 
the  caption  "The  Realm  and  the  Dominion," 
next  under  "Natural  and  Fundamental 
Law;  Taxation  and  Virtual  Representation." 

The  fact  that  a  number  of  historians  of 
the  Revolution  disagree  with  his  conclusion 
makes  this  technically  written  book  on  his 
side   of  the  controversy  the  more  valuable. 

After  1776,  of  course,  the  American  oppo- 
sition to  England  loses  its  constitutional 
character  and  becomes  truly  revolutionary ; 
from  that  time  on  it  is  based  on  political 
theory  instead  of  constitutional  law;  it  is 
an  appeal  to  the  world  instead  of  to  English- 
men alone.  With  that  era  Professor  Mcll- 
wain is  not  here  concerned. 

The  net  result  of  the  book  upon  the  reader 
who  is  not  a  specialist  in  law  is  a  vastly 
increased  respect  for  the  learning  and  ju- 
dicial mentality  of  the  founders  of  our  re- 
public. 

More  Wild  Folk.  By  Samuel  Scoville,  Jr. 
Century  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  185. 
Price,  $2.00. 

Keen  observation,  long  study,  dramatic 
imagination,  and  a  ready  pen  give  the  author 
of  these  fascinating  stories  rare  power  over 
his  readers.  However  housebound  one  may 
be,  the  reading  of  these  tragedies  and  adven- 
tures among  "the  creatures"  is  like  ozone 
from  far  spaces. 

The  characters  in  the  dramas  range  all  the 
way  from  the  tiny  Flittermouse  to  the  great 
hump-backed  whale.  They  are  not  made  to 
talk  and  think  like  human  beings;  but  we 
follow  the  thrilling  episodes  in  their  natural 
struggles  for  food  and  safety  with  interest 
no  less  breathless  for  this  fidelity  to  nature. 

A  large  part  of  the  charm  of  the  book  lies 
in  the  sudden,  unexpected  flashes  of  color. 
It  is  somehow  easier  to  picture  a  scene  in 
color  than  in  form  or  action  alone.  For  in- 
stance, among  the  coral  reefs  of  the  South- 
ern seas,  "silver  tarpon  shot  through  shoals 
of  chubby  cow-pilots,  all  green  and  gold  and 
indigo,  while  turquoise  blue  parrot-fish  raced 
here  and  there."     Even  in  the  freezing  dark 


576 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


September-October 


of  a  polar  winter,  comes  a  momentary  dash 
of  color.  "At  that  instant,"  he  says,  "the 
witch  fires  of  the  sky  flared  up  and  the  whole 
landscape  showed  with  strange  clearness, 
etched  in  sepia  brown  and  empurpled  blue." 
The  grim  fate  that  overhangs  all  wild 
life — the  fear,  the  cruelty,  the  desperate  cour- 
age— are  all  made  graphically  real,  without 
comment.  Here  by  proxy  we  may  all  have 
seeing  eyes. 

Wab;  Its  Nature,  Cause  and  Cube.  By  G. 
Lowes  Dickinson.  Macmillan,  1923.  Pp. 
155.     Price,  $1.50. 

Here  is  a  moving  appeal  in  the  platform 
manner,  from  a  fluent,  downright  English- 
man. He  makes  a  swift  two-edged  analysis 
of  the  causal  events  preceding  the  war.  Cu- 
pidity for  territory,  he  thinks,  judging  from 
the  treaties  of  1915  to  1917,  was  the  real 
reason  why  all  the  governments,  except 
America,  made  the  war.  His  appeal  is  for 
a  change  of  policy  as  regards  tariffs  and 
taxes  and  special  privileges  for  nationals,  in 
order  to  make  the  possession  of  territory  a 
responsibility  and  not  an  advantage. 

Mr.  Dickinson  has  the  grim,  gloomy  out- 
look on  the  future  of  civilization  so  preva- 
lent in  Europe  today.  One  wonders  why 
America  seems  the  only  country  which  is 
hopeful.  Is  it  because  we  are  blinded  and 
Europe  is  the  seer?  Or  is  it  that,  fagged 
and  disillusioned  by  war,  Europe  is  in  a 
pathological  condition,  while  we,  so  com- 
paratively untouched,  see  more  normally? 
Whatever  the  reason,  it  behooves  Americans 
to  consider  and  weigh  even  the  summary 
statements  so  sincerely  made  by  Mr.  Dickin- 
son, if  a  healthier  world  order  is  to  grow  up. 

India  in  Wobld  Politics.  By  Taranknath 
Das.  Huebsch,  New  York,  1923.  Pp.  135. 
Price,  $1.25. 

Mr.  Herbert  Adams  Gibbons,  says  in  the 
"New  Map  of  Asia,"  "None  can  understand 
the  foreign  policy  of  Great  Britain,  which 
has  inspired  military  and  diplomatic  activities 
from  the  Napoleonic  wars  to  the  present  day, 
who  does  not  interpret  wars,  diplomatic  con- 
flicts, treaties  and  alliances,  territorial  an- 
nexations, extensions  of  protectorates,  with 
the  fact  of  India  constantly  in  mind." 

The  same  idea  goes  all  the  way  through 
this  strongly  anti-British  book  written  by  an 
Indian.  Mr.  Das  bolsters  *  up  these  state- 
ments by  many  citations  from  British  speak- 


ers and  writers.  He  shows  quite  clearly  a 
relation  between  English  dominance  in  India, 
and  many,  at  least,  of  her  foreign  policies  for 
the  last  century. 

In  common  with  Ghandi  and  others,  Mr. 
Das  cherishes  the  ideal  of  an  India  freed 
from  British  control — a  federated  republic 
of  the  United  States  of  India.  He  believes 
that  the  peace  of  the  world  would  be  in- 
finitely better  served  with  a  free  India, 
playing  her  own  important  role  in  Euro- 
pean and  world  politics. 

He  quotes  Mr.  C.  R.  Das,  proponent  of 
the  village  community  type  of  government, 
and  president  of  the  All  India  National  Con- 
gress in  1922,  as  saying,  "no  nation  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  can  be  really  free  when 
other  nations  are  in  bondage." 

The  book  is  an  authentic  statement  of  the 
ideals  of  the  Indian  statesman.  Apart  from 
this,  it  is  of  special  value  to  Americans  in 
the  study  it  makes  of  Imperialism,  that 
disease  of  exaggerated  nationalism,  from 
which  even  democracies  are  not  quite  im- 
mune. 

John  Citizen's  Job.  By  Henry  H.  Curran 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons.  Pp.  253.  Price. 
$1.50. 

"Well,  it  might  be  worse,"  says  Mr.  Cur- 
ran, regarding  city  government,  "but,  by 
George,  it  might  be  better."  If  John  Citizen, 
he  argues,  would  take  a  hand  in  the  game 
of  better  government  as  he  did  in  the  war; 
if  he  would  be  as  thorough  in  it ;  if  he  would 
not  only  vote,  but  be  active  in  the  primaries, 
be  ready  to  take  public  office,  and,  above  all, 
be  industrious,  intelligent,  and  socially- 
minded,  there  would  be  large  returns  in  good 
government. 

"It  pays  to  help  get  a  full  dollar's  worth 
of  good  government  out  of  each  dollar's  tax." 

There  is  a  twinkle  on  every  page.  Each 
chapter  is  replete  with  pungent  illustrative 
stories,  often  from  the  author's  personal  ex- 
perience. The  colloquial  newspaper  style  is 
quite  in  key  with  his  imaginary  John  Citizen, 
who  is  the  returned  dough-boy,  and  "snappy," 
inquiring  business  man  of  the  hour. 

One  is  quite  attracted  with  the  idea  of 
John — yes,  and  Jane  Citizen,  too — both  hap- 
pily serving,  in  odds  and  ends  of  time,  their 
community  and  the  neighbors  in  it. 


The  WiU  to  End  War 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 


This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modem  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 


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For  International  Understanding 


Volume  86,  No.  11 


November,  1924 


The  League  at  Work 

History  and  Text  of  the 
League  Protocol 

The  United  States  of  Europe 

Militarism  before  the  War 


PUBLISHED    BY  THE 

AMERICAN  PEACE   SOCIETY 

COLORADO    BUILDNG 


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THE  PURPOSE 

V^OHE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
iC)    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
— Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  11. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Abthub  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 

Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  "Washington,  D.  C 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 

PUBLISHED  MONTHLY  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 

Sent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.  Separate  subscription 
price,  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies,  20  cents  each. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter.  June  1,  1911,  at  the  Post-OflBce  at  Washington, 
D.  C.  under  the  Act  of  July  16,  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  in  Section  1103,  Act  of  October  3,  1917  ;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  being  impracticahle  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  views  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 

Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World 579 

Editorials 

The  League  Protocol — Fall  of  the  British  Government — Success  of  the 
German  Loan — Unification  by  Force  in  China — Editorial  Notes  581-587 

World  Problems  in  Review 

Political  Deadlock  in  Germany — The  French  Budget — The  Anglo- 
Franco-German  Commercial  Treaty  Negotiations — Russia  Today — 
Breakdown  of  the  Anglo-Egyptian  Conference — Assassination  of 
Macedonian  Chiefs — Certificates  of  Identity  for  Refugees 588-507 

Important    International    Dates 598 

General  Articles 

The  Fifth  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Nations 600 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 
The  United  States  of  Europe 607 

By  Sir  Max  Waechtcr 
MilitarLsm  at  Work 611 

By  Heinrich  Kanner 
Rights  and  Duties  of  States  ( Second  Installment) 619 

By  the  Rt.  Hon.  Ix)rd  Philllmore 
Penny  Wisdom  in  Germany 622 

By  D.  Clausewitz 

International  Documents 

History  of  the  League  Disarmament  Work 624 

Protocol  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of  International  Disputes 626 

Note  on  the  St.  Lawrence  Waterway  Project 631 

News  in  Brief ■■     632 

Letter    Box 636 

Book    Reviews 637 


^  Vol.  86  NOVEMBER,  1924  No.  11  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  its  kind  In  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

It8  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  Injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Koman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  built  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

/(  has  spent  Its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  is  that  of  an  organization  whicl 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think 
ing  in  the  United  States  for  nearly  a  century  ;  whict 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  m 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  Internationa 
conference.s,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand 
ing  among  the  Powers.  It  publishes'  Advocate  oi 
Pe.\ce,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  cir 
culated  peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generouc 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  It 
its  work.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  its  head 
quarters  in  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  has  beei 
incorporated    under    the    laws   of    Massachusetts    sino 

1848. 


FEES 


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Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
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Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 


Institutional   Membership,   twenty-five  dollars ; 

Life  Membership  is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    t< 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  President  American 
Peace  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

Arthur  DEERi>f  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxton,  Ex-United  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  Tulsa,  Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thoma.s  E.  Gree.v,  Director  Speakei's'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinlev:,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague,  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Philip  North  Moore,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


Geouge  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  BuilcS 
Ing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Morels,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Bonlevarc 
Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  Ex-Presideut  Fairmont  Sem 
inary.  Southern  Pines,  North  Carolina. 

Paul  Sleman,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Colonizt 
tion  Society,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  Nei 
York,  N.  Y.  ' 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  Representative  from  Penn 
sylvania,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metre 
politan  Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  E.  Green 
Hon.  William  B.  McKinley 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
.Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon.  Henry  W.  Temple 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.   Theodore    E.    Bubton,    Member   of    Congress 
from  Ohio,   Washington,  D.  C. 
Secretary: 

Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 


Treasurer : 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vioe-Presidents: 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinley,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Janb  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  Richmond,   Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Prea.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York, 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Francis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence.  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D    C 

Everett  O.  Fisk,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D   C 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York    N   Y 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C 


Bishop  William  IjAwrence,  Boston,  Mass. 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.  H.  Pillsbury,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Frederic  Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr,  .Iames  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Sallda,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

•Pres.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.  C.  F.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 

•Emeritus. 


Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society,  May  27,  1921) 


THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  Its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  In  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  Its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  In  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague ;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes ;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committee  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions,  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
offic-e  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  report  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable,  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  whenever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
Its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non-justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council; 
and  to  provide  that. 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  tliat  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  .settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  ci-eation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Ivaw  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives: 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective;  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
pei'suade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and  desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 

86 


NOVEMBER,  1924 


NUMBER 
11 


EDITORIALS 


THE  LEAGUE  PROTOCOL 

THE  League  "Protocol  for  the  Pa- 
cific Settlement  of  International  Dis- 
putes" is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  docu- 
ments of  modern  times.  It  ranks  along 
with  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, which  it  aims  to  interpret,  fulfill, 
and  amend.  Its  purpose  is  to  set  up  a 
bullet-proof  protection  for  all  States, 
members  of  the  League  of  Nations  or  not, 
against  all  war.  Summarizing  its  main 
features,  one  readily  senses  the  struggles 
and  the  compromises  out  of  which  it  was 
born. 

The  first  article  immediately  arrests  at- 
tention, proposing,  as  it  does,  to  amend 
the  Covenant  without  consulting  the 
Covenant,  for  the  Covenant  provides  that 
amendments  must  be  ratified  by  all  the 
governments  represented  on  the  Council 
and  by  a  majority  in  the  Assembly.  The 
Covenant  does  not  provide  for  its  own 
amendments  by  the  adoption  of  protocols. 

The  nature  of  the  amendment  itself  is 
startling  enough :  It  discloses  the  plan  as 
the  refinement  —  under  given  circum- 
stances— not  of  peace,  but  of  war;  for, 
according  to  its  own  terms,  all  of  the 
members  of  the  League  are  called  upon  to 
agree  that  they  will  not  go  to  war  "except 
in  ease  of  resistance  to  acts  of  aggres- 
sion" or  with  the  consent  of  the  Council 
or  Assembly  of  the  League.  This,  if 
adopted,  would  constitute  the  Council  and 
the  Assembly,  in  a  way,  the  knight  errants 
of  the  world,  ready  at  a  moment's  notice 


to  sponsor  a  world  war  if  in  their  judg- 
ment it  seem  to  be  desirable.  This, 
evidently  the  result  of  French  influence, 
is  what  may  be  called  "putting  teeth  into 
the  League." 

Other  outstanding  features  of  the  plan 
are  less  drastic.  There  is  the  proposal 
that  all  the  nations  agree  to  the  optional 
clause  of  the  statute  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice;  that  Arti- 
cle XV  of  the  Covenant  be  amended  for 
the  purposes  of  increasing  the  powers  of 
the  Council  and  advancing  the  processes 
of  arbitration;  that  questions  affecting 
domestic  jurisdiction,  if  need  be,  be  re- 
ferred to  the  Permanent  Court  of  Inter- 
national Justice ;  that  every  State  promise 
not  to  double  up  its  fist  at  another  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  League;  that  the 
theory  of  the  Bryan  treaties — these  are 
not  mentioned  by  name — be  put  to  work; 
that  all  States,  members  of  the  League  or 
not,  be  urged  to  sign  the  protocol;  that 
an  international  conference  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  armaments  be  called  by  the  League 
as  a  step  precedent  to  putting  this  pro- 
tocol into  effect.  Throughout  this  set  of 
proposals  it  may  be  said  the  English  in- 
fluence was  to  the  fore. 

But  the  truly  arresting  thing  about  the 
protocol  is  the  proposal  to  place  the  armies 
and  navies  and  aircraft  and  other  war  ma- 
terials of  the  nations  at  the  job  of  policing 
each  other  and,  under  certain  circum- 
stances, of  joining  to  strangle  and  defeat, 
by  all  the  methods  of  war,  a  nation  which 
has  been   adjudged   to  be  an   aggressor. 


582 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


Any  nation  which  refuses  to  arbitrate,  to 
abide  by  a  judicial  or  arbitral  reward,  or 
which  commits  an  act  of  war  under  the 
terms  of  the  protocol,  shall  be  deemed  an 
aggressor  without  more  ado;  whereupon 
all  of  the  other  powers  agree  to  go  after 
the  offender,  altogether — politically,  finan- 
cially, economically,  militarily.  Of  course, 
that  is  war ;  but  it  is  only  "police  war,"  as 
one  of  the  enthusiastic  defenders  of  the 
League  has  put  it. 

Here,  it  would  seem,  is  the  old  Treaty 
of  Mutual  Assistance,  which  had  been  dis- 
carded by  many  of  the  governments,  in- 
cluding England  and  America,  only  in 
another  form.  In  the  building  of  the  pro- 
tocol the  French  evidently  had  their  way. 
The  spirit  of  Leon  Bourgeois,  overruled 
at  the  Paris  Peace  Conference,  had  tri- 
umphed here  at  last.  They  who  thought 
that  Article  X  and  the  other  fighting  arti- 
cles of  the  Covenant  were  dying  a  natural 
death  were,  it  would  appear,  mistaken. 
These  articles  here  appear  in  full  and 
virile  liveliness. 

And  this  is  the  answer  of  the  Fifth  As- 
sembly to  the  problem  presented  to  the 
League  by  the  prime  ministers  of  Eng- 
land and  France.  This  is  the  proposed 
solution  of  what  M.  Herriot  called  "the 
most  difficult  task  in  the  whole  lifetime  of 
this  League  of  Nations."  Elsewhere  in 
the  same  address  M.  Herriot  remarked : 

"For  you  to  realize  the  high  task  which 
you  are  about  to  undertake,  intelligence  is 
not  sufficient.  You  need  robust  and  stead- 
fast faith." 

To  an  American  somewhat  familiar 
with  the  Federal  Convention  of  1787, 
with  the  history  of  the  way  our  country 
has  provided  for  the  settlement  of  con- 
troversies between  States,  and  with  the 
debates  conducted  in  our  land  over  the 
League  of  Nations,  it  readily  appears  that 
the  framers  of  this  remarkable  protocol 
must  have  had  a  "robust  and  steadfast 
faith." 


In  any  event,  one  thing  stands  out: 
America  is  no  longer  a  serious  factor  in 
the  League's  plans  for  the  further  devel- 
opment of  its  ideals.  Furthermore,  the 
position  of  England  and  of  the  Scandi- 
navian countries  in  particular  seems  to 
have  been  reversed.  Mr.  MacDonald,  in 
his  first  address  before  the  Assembly,  used 
these  words: 

"History  is  full  of  invasions,  full  of 
wars  and  of  aggressions,  and  there  have 
always  been  pacts,  always  military  guar- 
antees, and  always  military  security.  The- 
history  of  the  world  is  a  history  which 
shows  the  nations  always  ready  for  war 
and  always  at  war,  and  the  one  is  abso- 
lutely essentially  and  organically  con- 
nected with  the  other.  History  is  full  of 
the  doom  of  nations  which  have  trusted^ 
that  false  security." 

And  Lord  Parmoor,  addressing  the  As- 
sembly a  few  days  later,  came  back  to  the- 
thought.     He  said: 

"So  far  as  military  force  is  concerned,. 
inequality  will  always  be  with  us,  and  the 
same  evil  agencies  which  have  wrecked  the 
chances  of  the  equality  of  treatment  in 
the  past  will  wreck  any  attempt  at  equal- 
ity in  the  future,  unless  we  have  the 
courage  to  eliminate  from  our  considera- 
tion the  element  of  military  and  unequal 
force. 

"I  want  now  to  express  what  I  consider 
to  be  the  only  principle  upon  which  we  can 
proceed.  I  desire  not  the  application  of 
force,  but  the  supremacy  of  and  obedience 
to  international  law  under  the  constituted 
authority  of  an  international  court.  It  i» 
in  law  that  we  can  find  equality;  it  la- 
in law  that  we  can  find  justice  and  equity. 
In  military  force  we  can  never  find  either 
the  one  or  the  other." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Lord  Par- 
moor  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Twelve  which  drafted  the  protocol. 

There  is  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of 
the  men  who  are  working  upon  this  mat- 
ter. They  are  able  and  conscientious  men. 
They  are  forward-looking  men — earnest, 
very  earnest,  men— who  have  caught  the- 


192Jt 


EDITORIALS 


583 


vision  of  the  new  day,  who  have  heard  the 
cry  of  the  world — as  other  men  heard  the 
cry  of  another  age  for  liberty — the  cry  for 
peace.  They  are,  however,  essentially 
European  men,  concerned  with  the  prob- 
lem of  setting  up  a  new  Europe.  "The 
League  of  Nations  takes  upon  itself  the 
first  task  of  creating  once  again  a  Euro- 
pean system,"  said  Mr.  MacDonald.  Tak- 
ing Europe  as  they  find  it,  they  think  it  a 
step  in  advance  to  develop  the  present  sys- 
tem of  multialliances  into  a  more  general 
European  alliance,  bringing  to  their  aid  as 
many  of  the  outside  nations  as  possible. 

Notwithstanding  these  motives,  the  pro- 
tocol has  already  aroused  misgivings  in 
England.  The  London  Times  sounded  a 
warning  in  its  issue  for  September  17, 
when  it  said : 

"Lightly  to  throw  the  [British]  Navy 
into  the  dialectics  of  a  very  involved  dis- 
cussion of  international  peace  proposals  is 
to  exceed  the  authority  of  any  representa- 
tive of  the  British  Government  abroad." 

And  again,  on  September  25,  this  same 
paper  returned  to  the  subject  as  follows: 

"Never  has  Geneva  seemed  so  strangely 
remote  from  the  capitals  of  Europe  as  at 
this  important  moment.  ...  A  special 
atmosphere  has  been  created  in  Geneva. 
It  seems  to  be  distinct  from  that  atmos- 
phere in  which  the  harassed  nations  try  to 
solve  their  own  urgent  political  problems. 
Perhaps  it  is  higher  and  better.  Perhaps 
the  fourth  dimension  will  release  us  from 
the  bondage  of  those  three  in  the  midst 
of  which  we  incessantly  struggle.  After 
all,  any  decisions  that  may  be  taken  in 
Geneva  will  have  to  be  tested  by  the  com- 
mon and  permanent  standards.  The  facts 
of  time  and  history  cannot  be  evaded.  .  .  . 
The  chief  British  interest  is  peace,  and 
the  principal  motive  of  the  British  peo- 
ples in  entering  the  war  ten  years  ago 
was  to  make  peace  secure  and  to  vindicate 
the  authority  of  international  law.  .  .  . 
British  opinion  is  anxious  because  it  seems 
that  our  precious  possession,  the  navy,  is 
someliow  to  be  brought  into  this  sphere  of 
unknown  contingencies,  over  which  the 
British  people  will  have  no  direct  con- 


trol. .  .  .  The  League  scheme  [pro- 
tocol] appears  to  be  an  attempt  to  escape 
from  immediate  realities.  .  .  .  Let  us 
rest  for  a  little  while  on  the  excellent 
Dawes  scheme." 

These  words  from  the  Times  sound 
strangely  familiar  to  one  able  to  recall  the 
objections  to  the  League  of  Nations  as 
raised  from  time  to  time  in  the  United 
States.  It  sounds  quite  like  the  oft- 
repeated  American  doctrine  to  refuse  all 
promises  to  go  forth  to  war  in  circum- 
stances the  nature  of  which  we  cannot  now 
foresee.  England  has  no  written  consti- 
tution, but  her  foreign  policies,  when  it 
comes  to  action,  seem  to  be  based  upon 
principles  some  of  which  are  quite  fa- 
miliar to  American  practice. 

What  the  future  of  the  protocol  is  to  be, 
of  course,  no  one  can  say.  One  thing  is 
sure :  the  discussions  about  it  will  be  most 
useful,  for  they  cannot  but  help  to  clear 
away  much  of  the  fog  enveloping  the  prob- 
lems which  it  aims  to  solve. 


FALL  OF  THE  BRITISH  GOVERN- 
MENT 

AFTEK  nine  months  of  maneuvering 
.  against  an  unmistakably  hostile  but 
hopelessly  divided  majority  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  the  Labor  Government  of 
Eamsay  MacDonald  fell  on  October  9. 
The  Parliament,  one  of  the  most  short- 
lived in  recent  British  history,  was  imme- 
diately dissolved  and  new  elections  were 
ordered  for  October  29. 

A  minority  government  to  begin  with, 
and  not  even  representing  the  largest 
single  group  in  the  House,  the  Labor 
Cabinet  was,  from  the  very  start,  at  the 
mercy  of  its  political  opponents.  It  con- 
trolled only  193  seats,  against  259  Con- 
servative and  158  Liberal  votes.  It  came 
into  power  because  the  two  older  parties 
refused  to  combine  into  a  working  ma- 
jority.    It  remained  in  power  as  long  as 


584 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


tlie  enmity  between  the  two  opposing 
parties  remained  irreconcilable.  It  fell 
the  moment  the  other  two  parties  showed 
signs  of  possible  co-operation. 

The  MacDonald  Government  was  over- 
thrown on  a*  more  or  less  trivial  issue.  A 
resolution  of  censure  was  moved  by  a 
prominent  Conservative  member,  accusing 
the  government  of  undue  leniency  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  editor  of  a  Communist 
paper.  The  Labor  benches  fought  the 
resolution  strenuously,  but  when  the  di- 
vision came  the  government  found  itself 
outvoted  by  a  majority  of  166.  After  that 
nothing  remained  for  the  Prime  Minister 
but  to  go  to  the  King  and  ask  for  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Parliament. 

But  while  the  actual  overthrow  came 
on  a  comparatively  unimportant  issue, 
much  graver  issues  were  behind  the  action 
of  tlie  opposition  parties.  For  months 
prior  to  the  rising  of  the  Parliament  for  a 
recess,  at  the  beginning  of  August,  these 
issues  had  been  pressing  forward.  Under 
the  influence  of  their  more  and  more  defi- 
nite emergence,  the  enmity  which  had  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  rendered  the  two 
older  parties  hopelessly  estranged  was 
rapidly  dispersing.  At  the  same  time,  the 
Prime  Minister  was  becoming  more  and 
more  defiant  It  was,  indeed,  an  angry 
and  sullen  Parliament  that  rose  in  August. 
It  was  a  determined  Parliament  that  re- 
assembled less  than  two  months  later,  four 
weeks  ahead  of  the  expiration  of  the  recess, 
and  in  the  course  of  ten  days  overthrew 
the  Labor  Government. 

When  Kamsay  MacDonald  took  over  the 
reigns  of  government  at  the  beginning  of 
this  year,  the  most  pressing  problems  that 
confronted  the  counti-y  were  those  con- 
cerned with  foreign  affairs.  Important 
and  delicate  negotiations  with  Prance  over 
the  reparation  question  were  in  prospect. 
They  overshadowed  everything  else.  The 
new  government  made  a  bold  and 
straightforward  bid  for  a  free  hand  in  the 
conduct  of  these  negotiations.    The  oppo- 


sition parties  showed  rare  wisdom  in  ac- 
ceding to  the  government's  request.  What 
became  known  as  the  "Truce  of  God"  was 
concluded  by  the  parliamentary  parties 
and  the  Prime  Minister  entered  upon  his 
negotiations  confident  of  undivided  sup- 
port in  Parliament. 

These  negotiations,  which  began  with 
the  Chequers  meeting  between  MacDonald 
and  Herriot  and  continued  through  the 
British  Prime  Minister's  yisit  to  Paris, 
and  finally  the  tortuous  London  Confer- 
ence, are  the  outstanding  achievement  of 
the  Labor  Government.  The  "Truce  of 
God"  justified  itself. 

But,  as  for  the  rest  of  the  work  ac- 
complished by  the  MacDonald  Govern- 
ment, it  has  not  been  of  such  a  nature  as 
to  be  conducive  to  amicable  relations  be- 
tween the  Ministerial  and  the  Opposition 
benches.  The  most  acrimonious  debates 
were  occasioned  by  the  treaties  negotiated 
and  signed  with  Soviet  Russia.  These 
treaties  constitute  now  the  central  issue  of 
the  electoral  campaign. 

The  provisions  of  the  Russian  treaties, 
dealing  with  the  salvaging  of  the  British 
investments  in  Russia  and  with  the  possi- 
bility of  new  Russian  loans  guaranteed 
by  the  British  Government,  have  aroused 
bitter  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  busi- 
ness interests  in  Great  Britain.  Gratified 
as  these  interests  were  by  the  moderation, 
of  the  budget,  prepared  by  the  Labor 
Chancellor  of  tlie  Exchequer,  they  have 
been  thrown  into  consternation  by  what 
they  consider  utter  failure  on  the  part  of 
the  MacDonald  Government  to  protect 
adequately  British  business  interests 
abroad. 

This  feeling  applies  also  to  the  attitude 
of  the  British  business  community  toward 
Prime  Minister  MacDonald's  work  in 
Geneva.  It  is  felt  that  the  creation  of 
great  industrial  combinations  on  the  con- 
tinent, the  way  for  which  is  being  opened 
by  the  work  of  the  League  Assembly  and 
the  commercial  treaty  negotiations  now  in, 


1024 


EDITORIALS 


585 


progress  between  France  and  Germany,  is 
apt  to  be  highly  detrimental  to  British 
interests. 

In  this  atmosphere  of  hostile  criticism 
along  the  lines  which  are  of  vital  concern 
to  every  Englishman,  the  Labor  Party  has 
been  forced  by  its  political  opponents  into 
a  new  contest  at  the  polls.  Its  position  is 
far  from  enviable ;  the  trumps  in  the  game 
are  massed  on  the  other  side. 


SUCCESS  OF  THE  GERMAN  LOAN 

ISSUED  as  a  part  of  the  application  of 
the  Dawes  Plan,  the  200-million- 
dollar  German  loan  has  been  a  tremendous 
success.  It  was  oversubscribed  in  every 
market  in  which  it  had  been  apportioned. 
Wall  Street  rumors  have  placed  the 
amount  available  for  subscription  in  this 
country  at  ten  times  the  100  millions  ac- 
tually called  for.  Even  the  small  amount 
placed  on  the  Paris  market  has  been 
readily  taken  up.  All  this  is  gratifying 
as  a  sign  of  readiness  for  international 
co-operation,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that 
extreme  caution  should  be  exercised  in 
this,  as  well  as  in  all  matters  connected 
with  present-day  international  finance. 

The  loan  has  been  necessary  as  an  in- 
tegral part  of  German  reconstruction  pro- 
vided for  by  the  plans  elaborated  by  the 
Committee  of  Experts  and  the  London 
Conference.  As  an  investment  proposi- 
tion, it  thus  carried  with  it  all  the  glamor 
that  has  attached  to  it  by  virtue  of  its 
international  importance.  But  the  fact 
that  its  need  has  been  urged  so  unan- 
imously is  far  from  indicating  that  Ger- 
many is  an  excellent  market  for  the  in- 
vestment of  foreign  capital — an  idea 
which  has  become  very  widespread,  if  one 
can  judge  rightly  by  the  enthusiastic 
oversubscription  of  the  initial  loan. 

The  Dawes  Eeport  has  made  quite  clear 
the  proposition  that  Germany's  paying 
capacity  abroad  can  be  gauged  only  by  the 


excess  of  her  exports  over  her  imports. 
The  risks  involved  in  lending  money  to 
her  are,  therefore,  tied  up  with  precisely 
this  aspect  of  her  financial  position.  Last 
year  Germany's  exports  and  imports  just 
about  balanced  in  value.  This  year  she 
bought  from  the  world  much  more  than 
she  had  sold  to  it.  She  made  up  the 
difference  out  of  the  accumulations  of  for- 
eign currencies  she  still  had.  The  pros- 
pect of  her  selling  to  the  world  more  than 
she  buys  from  it  in  the  near  future  are 
not  particularly  promising.  Her  credit 
position  is  not,  therefore,  intrinsically 
very  strong. 

It  is,  however,  quite  strong  sentimen- 
tally, which  is  far  from  being  the  same 
thing.  In  indulging  in  enthusiasm  over 
investments  in  Germany,  it  is  well  to  bear 
in  mind  the  unfortunate  experiences  of 
those  who  had  speculated  so  confidently  in 
German  marks. 

Germany  needed  the  300  million  dollars 
that  she  got,  and  needed  it  quite  badly. 
She  needs  more  credit,  but  she  ought  not 
to  avail  herself  of  it  without  caution. 
Immoderate  lending  to  Germany  will  not 
be  of  any  good,  either  to  her  or  to  the  rest 
of  the  world. 


UNIFICATION  BY  FORCE  IN 
CHINA 

THE  fortunes  of  the  civil  war  in  China 
are  definitely  on  the  side  of  the  Peking 
Government.  The  events  of  the  past  few 
weeks  have  given  so  many  advantages  into 
its  hands  that  there  is  very  little  reason 
now  to  look  for  failure  on  its  part. 

The  struggle  around  Shanghai  has  been 
decided  in  favor  of  the  adherents  of  the 
Chih-li  party — t.  e.,  the  Peking  Govern- 
ment. The  Tuchun  of  Chekiang,  the  last 
active  upholder  of  the  Anfu  Party,  has 
suffered  crushing  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
his  opponents.  Distance  and  floods  have 
rendered    impossible   any    aid    he    might 


686 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


have  received  from  his  Manchurian  ally, 
while  his  foes  received  ample  backing  from 
their  Peking  overlords. 

With  the  fall  of  Shanghai  the  fate  of 
Sun  Yat  Sen  and  his  whole  movement  in 
the  south  has  been  practically  sealed.  In- 
ternal difficulties  have  already  weakened 
that  movement  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
scarcely  presents  any  grave  danger  to 
Peking. 

There  still  remains  Chang  Tso-Lin,  the 
dictator  of  Manchuria.  His  powerful  and 
excellently  equipped  armies  have  been 
battling  for  weeks  at  the  outer  defenses  of 
the  Peking  territory.  As  long  as  the 
Peking  forces  were  divided  between  the 
Shanghai  front  and  the  defense  lines 
against  the  Manchurian  hosts,  Chang  Tso- 
Lin  presented  a  real  problem.  ISTow  he 
appears  to  be  very  much  less  of  a  problem. 

The  successes  of  the  Peking  Government 
are  all  the  more  startling  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  Chi-li  Party  itself  is  known 
to  be  badly  divided  in  its  own  ranks.  It 
was,  indeed,  an  achievement  for  it  to  have 
become  welded  together  in  the  face  of  the 
very  real  dangers  that  threatened  it  sev- 
eral weeks  ago.  The  concentration  of  all 
military  authority  in  the  hands  of  General 
Wu  Pei-Fu  has,  apparently,  borne  ample 
fruit. 

The  civil  war  is  not  over  as  yet.  Chang 
Tso-Lin  and  his  armies,  backed  by  Japan, 
are  still  a  factor  in  the  situation ;  but  they 
are  now  vastly  outnumbered  by  the  armies 
of  Peking.  By  concentrating  all  their 
military  resources  now  on  the  Manchurian 
front,  the  Peking  leaders  have  every  rea- 
son to  be  confident  of  an  ultimate  victory 
over  the  Manchurian  leader — their  former 
ally,  now  their  powerful  and  bitter  oppo- 
nent 

Ever  since  they  came  into  power,  four 
years  ago,  Wu  Pei-Fu  and  his  associates 
have  pursued  relentlessly  a  policy  of  uni- 
fication for  China.  They  believe  in  cen- 
tralism as  the  only  possible  scheme  for 
keeping  the  country  from  falling  apart. 


They  are  closer  now  to  a  realization  of  this 
policy  tlian  they  have  ever  been  before. 
Their  task  of  unifying  the  country  by 
sheer  force  is  almost  at  an  end;  but  the 
real  test  is  still  to  come,  and  first  of  all  in 
a  continued  unity  within  their  own  party. 


IT  SEEMS  very  unfortunate  that  so 
much  of  the  pre-election  discussion  of 
our  foreign  policies  centers  about  the 
Washington  treaties.  Thus  far  the  con- 
structive nature  of  the  results  achieved 
by  the  Conference  on  the  Limitation  of 
Armaments  has  been  practically  free  from 
criticism  in  serious  and  responsible  quar- 
ters. The  vote  of  the  Senate,  when  the 
treaties  were  before  it  for  ratification,  was 
almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  them,  and 
this  vote  came  only  after  a  searching  dis- 
cussion of  the  treaties.  The  country,  too, 
at  that  time  showed  unmistakably  its  ap- 
proval. The  assertion  that  our  navy  is  in 
reality  below  the  strength  assigned  to  it 
by  the  Naval  Treaty  ratio  still  remains 
to  be  proved,  and,  even  if  it  is  well 
founded,  it  does  not  in  any  way  discredit 
the  principles  which  are  at  the  bottom  of 
the  treaty  itself.  During  the  three  years 
that  have  elapsed  since  the  Washington 
Conference  nothing  has  been  brought  to 
light  that  would  tend  to  belittle  the  im- 
portance of  that  outstanding  move  toward 
world  peace,  the  whole  credit  for  which 
belongs  to  the  United  States. 


ANYONE  reading  such  documents  as 
-  the  memoirs  of  the  former  Austro- 
Hungarian  Chief  of  Staff,  summarized 
elsewhere  in  this  issue,  can  have  but  little 
patience  with  the  movement  toward  ex- 
onerating Germany  from  guilt  for  the 
World  War,  which  is  now  on  the  ascend- 
ent, both  in  this  country  and  in  Great 
Britain.  The  spokesmen  for  this  move- 
ment take  some  of  the  diplomatic  docu- 
ments dealing  with  the  weeks  that  pre- 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


587 


ceded  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  from 
these  argue  that  Germany  was  not  nearly 
as  much  responsible  as  some  of  the  Allied 
countries — Kussia  and  France,  for  ex- 
ample. German  statesmen  seize  avidly 
upon  these  "discoveries,"  made  by  hot- 
headed thinkers  here  and  elsewhere,  and 
immediately  turn  them  to  practical  ac- 
count. The  result  is  a  beclouding  of  pres- 
ent-day issues,  rather  than  their  clarifica- 
tion, which  the  exonerators  of  Germany 
urge  as  the  reason  for  their  activities. 


AFTEE  the  rosy  prospects  presented  by 
.  the  startlingly  rapid  success  of  Aus- 
trian reconstruction  during  the  initial  pe- 
riod of  the  League  control,  it  is  somewhat 
disconcerting  to  find  that  events  in  that 
country  are  not  proceeding  as  smoothly 
as  might  have  been  hoped  for.  The  Aus- 
trian Government  and  the  Commissioner- 
General  of  the  League  are  definitely  at 
odds  over  the  policies  of  the  immediate 
future.  The  point  at  issue  is  the  question 
of  the  budget.  Under  the  reconstruction 
plan,  the  Austrian  budget  must  be  bal- 
anced within  certain  limits.  This  balance 
has  been  attained,  and  now  the  Austrian 
leaders  wish  to  extend  the  limits  origi- 
nally set  by  the  League  plan.  The  policy 
they  advocate  is  one  of  budgetary  expen- 
sion,  to  be  compensated  for  by  increased 
taxation.  The  Commissioner-General,  on 
the  other  hand,  maintains  that  such  an  ex- 
pansion would  be  hazardous  and  prefers 
to  continue  budgetary  equilibrium  on  the 
basis  of  rigid  economies.  So  far,  he  has 
had  his  way,  and  the  general  economic 
situation  of  the  country,  after  the  recent 
banking  crisis,  seems  to  justify  his  policy. 
The  tendency  of  the  Austrian  leaders  to- 
ward overexpansion  seems,  indeed,  to  be  a 
rather  weak  element  in  the  still  precarious 
and  quite  uncompleted  work  of  the  inter- 
national salvaging  of  their  country. 


RUSSIA  is  again  in  the  clutches  of  a 
-famine.  The  reports  on  the  crop 
situation  in  that  country  no  longer  leave 
any  doubt  as  to  that.  Only  a  few  months 
ago  the  Soviet  Government  was  still  an- 
nouncing a  substantial  crop  for  the  cur- 
rent year,  equal  at  least  to  that  of  last 
year,  when  Eussia  not  only  fed  herself, 
but  also  exported  considerable  amounts  of 
grain.  Now  it  appears  that  the  grain 
production  of  the  country  this  year  is  less 
than  the  amount  remaining  in  the  country 
last  year,  even  after  the  exportation  of 
three  million  tons  of  grain.  Not  only  is 
there  famine  in  Eussia  now,  but  the  out- 
look for  next  year  is  also  dark,  as  there 
is  a  universal  shortage  of  seed  grain. 


RESPONSIBLE  thinkers  in  Europe 
•  are  turning  their  thoughts  more  and 
more  in  the  direction  of  transforming 
their  continent  into  the  United  States  of 
Europe.  The  essay  awarded  the  Filene 
prize  in  France  was  centered  around  this 
idea.  The  essay  by  Sir  Max  Waechter, 
the  noted  British  jurist,  the  text  of  which 
the  reader  will  find  elsewhere  in  this 
issue,  is  attracting  considerable  attention. 
There  is  a  growing  agitation  for  a  huge 
customs  union,  embracing  all  the  im- 
portant countries  of  the  continent — a  very 
important  first  step  toward  the  creation 
of  the  United  States  of  Europe. 


THE  breakdown  of  the  Anglo-Egyptian 
negotiations  leaves  the  British  Gov- 
ernment with  an  important  unsolved 
imperial  problem.  It  is  quite  easy  to 
understand  the  British  position  with  re- 
gard to  the  principal  point  of  discussion, 
viz.,  the  status  of  the  Sudan.  Apart  from 
any  obligations  which  the  British  Govern- 
ment may  or  may  not  have  toward  the 
Sudanese,  a  continued  participation  by 
Great  Britain  in  the  government  of  that 
country  is  essential  to  her,  because  Egypt 
is,   to  a  large  extent,  controlled  by  the 


588 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


Sudan.  On  the  other  hand,  Egypt  con- 
trols the  Suez  Canal,  and  this  fact  intro- 
duces an  unfortunate  geographic  factor 
into  its  aspirations  toward  complete  inde- 
pendence. Great  Britain  cannot  abandon 
the  protection  of  the  canal  to  Egypt,  since 
the  latter  can  never  be  powerful  enough 
to  insure  adequate  protection.     Egypt  is 


determined  to  shut  its  eyes  to  this  very 
real  situation,  as  well  as  to  the  fact  that, 
as  a  matter  of  practical  politics,  it  can 
scarcely  hope  to  obtain  from  Great  Britain 
greater  concessions  than  those  that  have 
already  been  offered  to  it  by  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


POLITICAL  DEADLOCK  IN 
GERMANY 

NO  WAY  has  yet  been  found  by  the 
German  leaders  to  lead  them  out  of 
the  political  deadlock  in  which  the  coun- 
try finds  itself  at  the  present  time.  The 
situation  is  the  heritage  of  the  crisis  that 
arose  out  of  the  negotiations  for  the  pas- 
sage through  the  Eeichstag  of  the  bills  re- 
quired for  putting  into  effect  the  Dawes 
Eeport.  This  was  secured  by  the  support 
of  a  section  of  the  Nationalist  Party,  and 
at  that  time  the  People's  Party,  led  by 
Herr  Stresemann,  the  Foreign  Minister, 
gave  what  was  really  a  pledge  to  support 
the  claims  of  the  Nationalists  for  a  share 
in  the  government  of  the  country  at  some 
date  unspecified,  but  understood  to  be  in 
the  near  future.  The  Center  and  Demo- 
crats, the  other  two  parties  of  the  Coali- 
tion, did  not  share  in  this  undertaking. 
The  present  crisis  is  the  outward  sign 
of  the  covert  attempts  of  the  People's 
Party  to  bring  the  Nationalists  into  the 
government.  The  degree  of  success  likely 
to  attend  these  efforts  is  uncertain  and  is 
not  likely  to  become  clearer  until  the 
various  parties  have  held  their  meetings  to 
decide  their  policy.  These  meetings  will 
be  held  during  the  coming  week,  beginning 
with  that  of  the  Democrats  on  Wednesday. 
A  rapid  solution  is  therefore  improbable. 

Parties  in  the  Reichstag  at   Odds 

The  Reichstag,  as  at  present  constituted, 
gives  no  majority  to  any  party,  or  even  to 
any  combination  of  parties,  for  the  effec- 


tive tackling  of  the  political  problems  im- 
mediately ahead.  The  present  govern- 
ment, composed  of  the  People's  Party,  the 
Center,  and  tlie  Democrats,  is  a  minority 
government,  dependent  upon  the  good  will 
of  the  Socialists  to  conduct  any  business 
at  all.  The  degree  of  its  dependence  was 
revealed  clearly  enough  in  the  debate  on 
the  Dawes  Eeport.  The  Eeichstag  has 
now  in  immediate  prospect  such  problems 
as  the  new  agrarian  duties,  the  protective 
industrial  tariff',  the  negotiations  for  trade 
agreements  with  Great  Britain,  Fmnce, 
and  Belgium,  a  whole  crop  of  domestic 
industrial  questions  relating  to  wages  and 
hours  of  labor,  the  international  loan,  and 
the  inclusion  of  Germany  within  the 
League.  If  the  People's  Party  of  Herr 
Stresemann,  in  the  process  of  making  good 
its  obligations  to  the  Nationalists,  were 
to  go  into  opposition,  the  government 
could  not  carry  on  for  a  single  day. 

The  other  two  parties  of  the  Coalition, 
the  Center,  and  the  Democrats,  are  op- 
posed in  principle  to  co-operating  with  the 
Nationalists  in  a  bourgeois  bloc.  They 
fear  the  anti-Eepublican  influence  that 
would  be  exercised  by  the  Nationalists 
within  the  government,  and  they  regard  a 
coalition  of  the  Eight  as  a  fresh  chal- 
lenge to  class  antagonisms.  There  is  also 
an  obscurity  about  the  intentions  of  the 
Nationalists  toward  the  execution  of  the 
Dawes  scheme  that  fills  them  with 
suspicion. 

A  coalition  of  this  kind  might  dispense 
with  the  Democrats,  but  not  with  the 
Center.    On  the  other  hand,  a  coalition  of 


192Jt 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


589 


the  Center,  Democrats,  and  Socialists, 
such  as  proved  effective  for  some  time 
after  the  Weimar  National  Assembly  was 
merged  with  the  new  Eeichstag,  is  now 
equally  impossible.  The  People's  Party 
has  declared  that,  if  the  Center  and  Demo- 
crats continue  to  oppose  the  inclusion  of 
the  Nationalists  in  the  government,  it  will 
retain  its  freedom  of  action,  which  may 
be  understood  to  mean  that  it  will  with- 
draw its  ministers  from  the  cabinet. 

The  Chancellor's  Coalition  Schemes 

In  these  circumstances  the  chancellor 
conceived  the  idea  of  a  political  commun- 
ity of  interests  in  the  form  of  a  coalition 
to  include  the  Nationalists  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  Socialists  on  the  other.  At 
the  time  of  the  passing  of  the  Dawes  bills 
the  Socialists  also  were  given  to  imder- 
stand  that  their  claims  to  share  in  the 
carrying  out  of  the  plan  would  be  met, 
and  the  chancellor's  scheme,  if  it  were 
possible,  would  thus  meet  the  claims  of 
both.  But  it  is  more  than  doubtful 
whether  co-operation  in  any  form  is  pos- 
sible between  Nationalists  and  Socialists. 
The  agrarian  duties  alone  would  prove  an 
acid  test,  to  say  nothing  of  control  in  the 
Prussian  government,  diet,  and  adminis- 
tration, which  is  the  real  goal  of  the  Na- 
tionalists. 

In  its  present  form  the  government  is 
powerless,  and  there  appears  to  be  little 
prospect  of  either  bourgeois  bloc  or  com- 
munity of  interests  being  realized.  The 
present  Reichstag,  which  was  elected  under 
the  shadow  of  the  inflation  period,  is  now 
believed  to  be  totally  unrepresentative  of 
the  nation.  In  particular,  it  is  thought 
that  the  conditions  which  made  possible 
the  return  of  over  60  Communists  and 
over  30  Fascists  have  vanished.  It  is  an 
argument  for  dissolution  that  it  would 
rectify  this  artificial  state  of  affairs.  The 
Socialists  would  certainly  welcome  an  elec- 
tion, since  they  could  hardly  help  improv- 
ing their  position,  and  the  Center  Party 
would  certainly  not  emerge  a  loser. 

Against  an  election  are  the  serious 
effects  it  might  have  on  the  loan  negotia- 
tions, the  trade  agreements,  and  the  ques- 
tion of  inclusion  in  the  League,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  fact  that  the  election  funds 
of  all  the  parties  were  exhausted  last 
May  and  have  not  yet  been  adequately 
replenished.    Since  the  term  of  the  present 


Prussian  Diet  expires  in  the  spring,  it 
would  appear  on  the  surface  to  be  more 
satisfactory  to  wait  until  then.  But  there 
are  many  other  pressing  matters,  and  the 
Nationalists  are  impatient  for  power. 


THE  FRENCH  BUDGET 

ON  September  30  the  French  Minister 
of  Finance,  M.  Clementel,  made  a 
detailed  statement  before  the  Finance 
Commission  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies 
regarding  the  plans  of  the  Herriot  Gov- 
ernment for  the  balancing  of  the  1925 
budget.  He  informed  the  commission  that 
the  deficit  on  the  1934  budget  would  prob- 
ably amount  to  only  about  2,500,000,000f. 
The  1925  budget  would  be  drawn  up  with 
a  view  to  clearing  up  the  French  financial 
situation. 

The  principal  feature  would  be  the  in- 
corporation in  the  general  budget,  not  only 
of  permanent  expenditure,  but  also  of  the 
non-permanent  expenditure  of  the  "spe- 
cial budget  of  recoverable  expenditure," 
which,  for  the  past  two  years,  had  existed 
separately  alongside  the  general  budget, 
and  amounted  to  a  total  of  7,677,000,000f. 
The  estimated  expenditure  for  1925  in 
what  had  before  been  known  as  the  gen- 
eral budget  amounted  to  25,691,000,000f. 
Economies  resulting  from  the  discussions 
with  the  various  departments  held  under 
the  presidency  of  M.  Herriot  had  reduced 
this  figure  to  24,079,000,000f.  This  was 
less  by  83,000,000f.  than  the  total  expendi- 
ture of  the  general  budget  of  1923,  in- 
cluding the  supplementary  credits.  The 
effect  of  certain  laws  passed  at  the  end 
of  the  last  Parliament,  which  involved 
new  charges  on  the  Treasury,  such  as  those 
increasing  the  allowances  for  the  families 
of  State  employees  and  civil  and  military 
pensions,  was  more  than  balanced  by  re- 
ductions made  by  the  government  in  other 
directions. 

Credits,  continued  the  minister,  had 
been  calculated  on  the  basis  of  real  ex- 
penditure to  be  faced.  For  payments  to 
be  made  abroad  the  average  rate  of  ex- 
change of  the  pound  and  the  dollar  for  the 
months  of  April,  May,  June,  and  July  had 
been  taken.  No  supplementary  credits 
other  than  those  which  might  arise  from 
accidental  circumstances  were  to  be  antici- 
pated. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


590 

After  the  fusion  of  the  two  budgets,  ex- 
penditure amounted  to  32,456,000,000f., 
including  700,000,000f.  for  improvements 
in  the  pay  of  State  officials. 

Old  Taxes  Will  Be  Extended 
In  spite  of  the  possibility  of  a  surplus 
yield,  owing  to  the  progressive  revival  of 
economic  activities  in  the  devastated 
regions,  he  had  assumed,  in  estimating 
revenue,  that  the  total  taxable  value  would 
remain  in  1935  at  the  same  average  level 
as  in  the  first  eight  months  of  1924.  On 
this  basis  the  revenue  would  reach  29,- 
854,000,000f.  In  order  to  meet  the  deficit 
of  2,602,000,000f.  he  proposed  fiscal  meas- 
ures of  which  the  total  net  yield  would 
be  l,777,000,000f.  The  rest  would  be 
made  up  out  of  receipts  from  Germany 
under  the  Dawes  plan. 

Dealing  with  his  proposed  measures,  M. 
Clementel  said  he  had  decided  to  take 
steps  to  prevent  defrauding  of  the  treas- 
ury. None  of  his  measures  would  in- 
jure the  market  or  the  exchanges.  On  the 
question  of  the  escape  of  bearer  securities 
from  taxation,  he  was  adopting  a  scheme, 
proposed  before  the  war,  by  which  the  legal 
transfer  of  inherited  property,  so  far  as 
bearer  securities  deposited  in  foreign 
countries  were  concerned,  would  have  to 
be  preceded  by  the  issue  of  a  document 
by  the  president  of  the  civil  tribunal  rec- 
ognizing the  ownership  of  such  securities. 
He  hoped  that  this  arrangement  would  be 
completed  by  international  agreements, 
which  he  was  seeking  to  make. 

In  regard  to  assessment,  the  general  in- 
come tax  would  be  assessed  on  the  basis 
of  the  house  rent  and  the  observable  ex- 
penditure of  the  taxpayer;  lawyers,  doc- 
tors, and  other  professional  men  would  be 
required  to  keep  a  book  of  receipts  and 
expenditure;  a  tariff  scale  applying  to 
gifts  would  be  instituted,  so  as  to  dis- 
courage gifts  made  for  the  purpose  of' 
escaping  death  duties.  The  government 
had  decided  to  hasten  the  recovery  of  taxes 
on  war  profits  by  proposing  the  immediate 
payment  of  interest  on  assessments  which 
were  the  subject  of  appeal.  Measures 
would  be  taken,  in  all  cases  where  it  was 
possible,  to  assess  on  the  income  actually 
received.  All  taxpayers  whose  business 
turnover  exceeded  200,000f.  would  in 
future  be  taxed  on  their  actual  profits  and 


November 


not  on  an  estimate  of  profits  made  from 
the  turnover. 

The  turnover  tax  would  in  future  be 
applied  to  export  trade,  which  had  hitherto 
not  been  liable.  This  non-liability  had 
been  interpreted  abroad  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  "dumping,"  and  some  countries 
had  imposed  duties  on  French  goods  in 
consequence.  Part  of  the  yield  of  the  tax 
would  be  used  to  endow  a  national  office  of 
insurance  and  reinsurance  for  export 
trade. 

New  Taxes  to  Be  Introduced 

The  following  new  taxes  are  proposed: 
First,  a  small  tax  of  0.05f.  per  l,000f.  on 
monetary  exchange  transactions,  to  be  col- 
lected on  similar  lines  to  the  tax  on  bourse 
transactions;  secondly,  a  tax  on  insurance 
companies  of  If.  per  l,000f.  on  the  total 
amount  of  insurance  premiums;  and, 
thirdly,  a  tax  on  the  increased  values  real- 
ized by  the  sale  of  house  property  and 
good  will  acquired  since  1919.  This  latter 
tax  would  afi'ect  particularly  the  too- 
rapid  increase  in  the  value  of  good  will, 
which  had  had  a  considerable  effect  on  the 
cost  of  living.  The  amount  of  the  tax 
would  increase  progressively,  the  relative 
importance  of  the  increase,  as  well  as  the 
length  of  the  period  during  which  it  had 
occurred  being  taken  into  account.  In- 
creases in  values  of  under  10  per  cent  will 
not  be  taxed. 

These  taxes  would  affect  only  accumu- 
lated wealth  and  revenues  from  it,  not  in- 
creasing in  any  way  the  amount  levied  on 
commodities.  They  would  enable  the 
budget  to  be  balanced,  which  was  essential 
to  the  stabilization  of  the  currency  and  the 
reduction  of  the  cost  of  living.  But  the 
existing  deficit  with  which  the  government 
was  confronted  on  taking  office,  but  for 
which  its  policy  was  in  no  way  responsible, 
prevented  this  year  the  rearrangement  of 
the  taxation  system  which  the  government 
considered  desirable.  To  indicate  the  path 
which  it  was  desired  to  pursue,  however, 
he  proposed  the  abolition  of  the  business 
turnover  tax  for  wheat  and  flour  and  the 
abolition  of  the  salt  duty. 

The  incorporation  in  the  general  budget 
of  the  "special  budget"  allowed  them  to 
put  down  as  revenue,  in  addition  to  the 
1,777,000,0001  from  new  taxes,  the  sums 
received  in  diminution  of  the  recoverable 
expenses — 50,000,000f. — and  the  German 


192U 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


591 


payments  under  the  experts'  scheme,  in  so 
far  as  these  exceeded  the  expenses  of  the 
army  of  occupation  and  the  various  organs 
of  control  or  of  administration  under  the 
treaty.  France's  share  was  estimated  at 
800,000,000f.  Altogether,  the  total  reve- 
nue thus  calculated  would  be  32,481,000,- 
OOOf.  and  would  exceed  the  expenditure  by 
25,000,000f.  Thus,  for  the  first  time  in 
11  years,  the  annual  expenditure  would  be 
met  completely  from  budgetary  receipts. 
This  balance  would  be  maintained  in  the 
future,  and  the  government  would,  there- 
fore, have  to  avoid  any  steps  likely  to 
involve  the  treasury  in  fresh  expenditure 
without  at  the  same  time  providing  new 
sources  of  revenue  to  meet  it. 

1925  Budget  Will  Mark  End  of  Old  Financial 
Policy 

It  was  from  this  standpoint  that  the 
finance  law  for  1925  would  be  drawn  up. 
It  marks  the  end  of  the  policy  of  floating 
loans  to  meet  normal  current  expenditure, 
a  policy  by  which  France  threatened  to 
be  engulfed.  Once  the  deficits  on  former 
budgets  have  been  regulated  by  a  liquida- 
tion loan,  future  appeals  to  investors 
should  be  confined  to  those  made  with  a 
view  to  the  consolidation  of  the  floating 
debt  and  the  completion  of  the  restoration 
of  the  devastated  regions. 

The  government  was  at  the  moment  en- 
gaged on  a  careful  review  of  liquidated  or 
pending  claims  for  war  damage.  It  ap- 
peared thai  the  estimate  of  sums  still  to 
be  paid  could  be  greatly  reduced  and  the 
figures  for  certain  payments  would  be  re- 
vised to  the  advantage  of  the  treasury. 
Schemes  were  in  preparation  which,  by 
offering  claimants  a  choice  between  vari- 
ous methods  of  settlement,  would  acceler- 
ate the  liberation  of  the  State  from  these 
burdens  and  reduce  the  total  cost.  It  was 
unlikely  that  the  total  annuity  correspond- 
ing to  the  capital  sum  still  to  be  paid  for 
war  damages  would  exceed  l,500,000,000f. 

In  conclusion,  M.  Clementel  appealed 
to  the  Finance  Commission  to  assist  him 
to  enable  the  budget  to  be  voted  on  before 
December  31.  It  was  a  "clearing-up" 
budget,  which,  if  it  included  new  burdens, 
nevertheless  put  the  truth  before  the  coun- 
try at  last,  and  showed  the  people  that  by 
sustained  work  and  economy  the  financial 
and  economic  restoration  of  France  could 
be  assured. 


Replying  to  various  questions,  M. 
Clementel  said  that  he  intended  to  con- 
centrate on  a  stabilization  of  the  ex- 
changes and  reminded  his  questioners  that 
he  had  at  his  disposal  the  necessary  re- 
serves to  fight  speculation  in  foreign  cur- 
rency. He  said  that  after  balancing  the 
budget  he  would  pursue  a  policy  aiming  at 
the  gradual  elimination  of  debt,  using  for 
this  purpose  the  moneys  received  from 
Germany. 


THE  ANGLO-FRANCO-GERMAN 

COMMERCIAL  TREATY 

NEGOTIATIONS 

GERMANY  is  now  engaged  in  nego- 
tiating a  number  of  very  important 
commercial  treaties,  among  which  those 
with  Great  Britain  and  France  hold  the 
first  place.  Under  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
sailles, France  enjoys  extensive  trade 
privileges,  which,  however,  cease  to  be 
operative  at  the  beginning  of  1925,  and 
the  French  Government  is  making 
strenuous  efforts  to  secure  a  continuation 
of  some  of  these  privileges.  Its  possible 
success  in  this  direction  is  causing  consid- 
erable apprehension  in  Great  Britain. 

Great  Britain  Worried  by  French  Negotiations 

At  the  close  of  the  London  Conference, 
it  became  known  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment had  submitted  a  draft  commercial 
treaty  to  the  German  Government  and  had 
demanded  a  number  of  exclusive  conces- 
sions which,  if  granted,  might  seriously 
prejudice  certain  branches  of  British 
trade. 

For  example,  the  French  wete  asking 
that  products  from  Alsace  and  Lorraine 
might  continue  to  enter  Germany  free  of 
duty,  and  were  seeking  by  customs  and 
other  agreements  to  dominate  the  Eu- 
ropean iron  and  steel  trade.  This  news 
created  considerable  anxiety  in  Great 
Britain,  and,  apparently  in  order  to  allay 
these  fears,  Mr.  MacDonald  issued  an  an- 
nouncement to  the  effect  that  he  was  in 
communication  with  representatives  of  the 
industries  which  would  be  affected  by  pos- 
sible European  industrial  combinations 
and  that  a  committee  was  to  be  constituted 
to  advise  the  Foreign  Office  on  the  subject. 

The  extent  of  British  trade  with  Ger- 
many  is  now  greater  than   is  generally 


592 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


realized.  In  spite  of  many  difficulties,  be- 
tween January  and  June  this  year,  British 
broods  were  exported  to  Germany  to  the 
value  of  nearly  £33,000,000,  compared 
with  £30,<S00,000  during  the  same  period 
in  1923  and  £14,200,000  in  1932.  In  fact, 
Germany  is  Great  Britain's  second  most 
important  market  outside  the  Empire. 

Under  the  Peace  Treaty  the  products 
of  the  Alsace  and  Lorraine  mills  have 
been  allowed  to  enter  Germany  free  of 
import  duty,  and  the  French  naturally 
desire  this  privilege  to  be  continued ;  but 
Germany  is  disinclined  to  accede  to  the 
request.  If  that  attitude  is  maintained, 
the  British  exporter  will  be  on  the  same 
basis  as  his  French  competitors.  What 
British  exporters  fear  is  that  France  will 
obtain  some  special  privilege,  and,  in  the 
absence  of  a  most  favored  nation  clause, 
this  would  be  a  definite  handicap  to  them. 

France  Seeks  to  Strengthen  Her  Bargaining 
Position 

In  the  meantime  France  is  doing  every- 
thing in  her  power  to  make  her  own  posi- 
tion in  the  negotiations  with  Germany  as 
strong  as  possible.  On  the  eve  of  the 
negotiations,  the  French  Government  im- 
posed a  26  per  cent  reparation  tax  on  im- 
ports from  Germany,  to  which  it  is 
entitled  by  the  Peace  Treaty — a  procedure 
already  employed  by  Great  Britain. 

Against  this  acti<m  on  the  part  of  the 
French  Government,  the  German  Govern- 
ment has  made  a  verbal  protest,  maintain- 
ing that  such  a  tax  was  not  foreseen  in  the 
London  Agreement,  and  claiming  that  the 
British  tax  is  an  exception  justified  by 
the  fact  that  Great  Britain  will  receive 
little  or  no  deliveries  in  kind.  The  French 
reply  declines  to  admit  this.  In  order  to 
prove  that  the  possibility  of  the  govern- 
ment's levying  a  tax  on  German  imports 
was  foreseen  in  the  London  Agreement, 
the  French  note  quotes  a  phrase  from  An- 
nex II  to  the  agreement,  referring  to  "the 
receipts  derived  from  the  British  Recovery 
Act,  or  analogous  measures  taken  by  other 
Allied  governments."  The  German  verbal 
note  makes  it  clear  that  the  German  Gov- 
ernment has  no  objection  to  the  levy  of  the 
tax  during  the  transitional  period,  but  de- 
clines to  admit  its  propriety  as  a  perma- 
nent imposition. 

It  is  quite  likely  that  the  French  tax  is 
merely  a  device  resorted  to  in  order  to 


put  pressure  on  the  Germans  during  the 
negotiations.  Without  this  the  German 
position  might  be  the  stronger  of  the  two. 
Germany,  even  last  year,  imported  an 
enormous  quantity  of  French  goods,  among 
which  wine,  perfumes,  and  silk  fabrics 
figure  largest. 

iSTow  that  the  mark  is  stable,  Germany's 
purchasing  power  has  increased  and  the 
imports  from  France  for  this  year  are 
very  large.  Heavy  duties  on  these  im- 
ports would  hit  French  trade  very  hard,- 
and  M.  Clementel's  budget  figures  show 
very  clearly  that  France  cannot  afford  to 
take  this  risk.  The  textile  and  metal- 
lurgical industries  of  Alsace  are  also  wait- 
ing anxiously  for  a  larger  market  in  Ger- 
many than  they  have  had  since  tlie  peace. 
Altogether,  France  wants  the  German 
market  very  badly. 

In  return  she  has  not  got  much  to 
bargain  with  except  the  Lorraine  iron  ore, 
which  is  wanted  in  the  Ruhr.  So  the 
36  per  cent  reparations  tax  has  apparently 
been  invented  to  provide  M.  Raynaldy,  the 
Minister  of  Commerce,  with  something 
else  to  give  away. 


RUSSIA  TODAY 

OUALIFIED  observers  returning  from 
Soviet  Russia  report  that  since 
Lenin's  death  the  extremist  elements  in 
the  Communist  Party  have  been  steadily 
gaining  control  of  the  situation  in  that  un- 
fortunate land.  With  the  passing  away  of 
Lenin,  the  curtain  fell  upon  the  split  in 
the  Communist  Party.  The  outside  world 
knows  nothing  beyond  such  inferences  as 
it  can  draw  from  the  absence  of  Trotsky 
from  Moscow,  the  new  elections  of  the 
House  committees,  the  "cleansing"  of  the 
universities,  and  similar — all  sure  symp- 
toms of  the  predominance  of  the  extrem- 
ists. 

Elections  to  the  House  Committees 

Very  characteristic  of  Bolshevist 
methods  were  the  elections  of  the  Doino- 
'pravlcnia,  or  House  committees.  As  the 
material  position  of  the  laboring  class  was 
the  reverse  of  improved  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, the  authorities  decided  to  pamper  the 
proletariat  politically.  An  opportunity 
was  afforded  by  the  election  of  new  House 
committees,   which   came    due   in    April. 


192  J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


593 


Every  house  or  block  of  flats  is  adminis- 
tered by  a  committee  of  residents  annually 
elected.  In  1923  a  substantial  number  of 
educated  men  and  women  were  serving  on 
these  committees.  This,  of  course,  was 
most  distasteful  to  the  Soviet  authorities, 
and,  consequently,  the  lists  were  revised 
shortly  before  the  elections,  and  the  names 
of  all  who  were  not  proletarians  were 
erased.  In  one  house  with  170  residents 
nearly  150  names  were  thus  removed,  and 
in  another  with  120  residents  not  one  edu- 
cated person  was  left  on  the  register. 

The  remaining  minorities,  qualified  by 
being  proletarians,  promptly  elected  their 
own  committees,  witli  chairmen  and  other 
officials,  and  took  over  the  management, 
which  they  signalized  by  taking  away  from 
the  "bourgeois"  members  much  of  the 
minute  space  left  to  them.  The  disquali- 
fied "bourgeois"  appealed  to  the  courts, 
which,  doubtless  to  uphold  the  honor  of 
the  Soviet  Government,  promptly  ordered 
the  restoration  of  the  erased  names.  Thus 
was  justice  satisfied.  But  the  elections 
were  not  quashed,  and  today  every  Domo- 
plavlenie  in  Moscow  consists  exclusively 
of  proletarian  members,  or  at  least  Com- 
munists. 

Students  Expelled  from  Universities 

Another  characteristic,  but  more  tragic, 
symptom  was  the  "cleansing"  of  the  uni- 
versities. A  commission  of  Communists 
interrogated  every  student  of  both  sexes 
and  weeded  out  all  who  could  not  prove 
proletarian  or  peasant  origin.  It  was  not 
right,  they  said,  that  any  "bourgeois,"  or 
non-proletarian,  should  enjoy  the  benefits 
of  education.  Consternation  reigned 
throughout  the  country.  The  Western 
world  can  have  but  a  faint  conception  of 
the  sacrifices  and  struggle  of  Russian 
students  in  their  ambition  to  secure  a 
diploma.  To  the  vast  majority,  if  not  to 
all,  it  was  the  one  object  left  in  life.  For 
it  they  had  worked  ten  hours  a  day,  or 
even  more,  for  three,  five,  or  even  seven 
years,  keeping  body  and  soul  together  on 
a  meager  ration  of  coarse  bread  and  salt 
herring,  sleeping  huddled  together  in  bare 
rooms,  attics,  and  cellars. 

But  the  machine  was  remorseless,  and 
on  the  very  eve  of  attainment  of  their 
single  ambition  in  life  upwards  of  5,000 
students  of  both  sexes  found  themselves 
expelled,  with  but  the  street  and  starva- 


tion before  them.  This  was  followed  by 
bloodshed  in  Petrograd — now,  in  its 
ruined  conditions,  not  inappropriately 
called  Leningrad — and  an  epidemic  of 
suicides :  over  60  cases  were  reported  in 
Moscow  in  one  week.  The  whole  thing  is 
characteristic  of  the  shortsightedness  of 
the  extreme  element,  which  rides  rough- 
shod over  economics  and  humanity  alike, 
for  by  this  "cleansing,"  of  which  they 
boast,  they  have  raised  a  storm  of  hatred, 
such  as  foreigners  can  scarcely  under- 
stand, in  a  body  of  desperate  youths  just 
at  that  age  when  Russians  generate  the 
maximum  of  energy. 

Some,  knowing  the  fate  in  store  for 
them,  took  a  certain  satisfaction  in  defy- 
ing the  commission  to  its  face.  One  was 
asked,  it  is  related,  "What  are  your  politi- 
cal views  ?"  He  replied :  "I  am  the  same 
as  Comrade  Trotsky,  a  Social  Democrat." 
"And  of  what  origin  are  you?"  "Of  the 
same  origin  as  Comrade  Tchitcherin, 
noble."  "And  what  is  your  attitude  to- 
wards alcohol?"  "The  same  as  that  of 
Comrades  Eykoff  and  Dzerzhinsky." 
"And  what  is  your  attitude  towards 
women?"  "The  same  as  Comrade  Luna- 
charsky."  It  is,  perhaps,  advisable  to  add 
that  the  weakness  of  these  three  "Com- 
rades" in  these  respective  spheres  of 
activity  is  notorious. 

Finally  they  asked  him:  "And  by  what 
road  do  you  propose  to  travel  in  the  event 
of  being  ^cleaned'  out  from  the  univer- 
sity?" "By  the  same  and  only  road  that 
was  open  to  expelled  students  in  the  days 
of  the  Tsar,  ...  to  the  cells.'"  The  com- 
missioners winced,  for  the  resemblance  be- 
tween their  tyranny  and  the  milder  form 
under  the  Tsars  is  a  sore  point  with  them. 

The  fate  of  this  bold  youth  is  not 
known.  It  was  probably  worse  than  that 
of  a  keen  young  chemist,  born  on  the 
torrid  frontiers  of  Persia,  who  was  ban- 
ished, on  the  eve  of  the  completion  of  his 
course,  to  an  island  in  the  White  Sea  for 
three  years  because  his  father  had  been  a 
land-owner. 

Teachers   in  a  Sorry  Plight 

The  position  of  the  teaching  staffs  is 
only  less  precarious,  because  they  are  for 
the  moment  indispensable,  but  they  all 
feel  that  their  days  are  numbered.  Their 
own  students  report  upon  them  to  the 
political     authorities,     and     their     least 


594 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Novemhe', 


anxiety  is  the  constant  anticipation  of  a 
fortnight's  notice.  Even  the  pittance  that 
they  earn,  about  as  much  as  they  paid 
their  domestics  before  the  war,  was  re- 
cently paid  them  with  but  half  in  cash, 
the  other  half  in  the  form  of  a  promissory 
note — and  this  is  a  city  where  the  cost  of 
living  is  about  double  that  of  London. 

Beggars  and  Propaganda  Much  in  Evidence 

In  no  city  in  the  world  can  there  be 
so  many  cripples,  beggars,  and  maimed  as 
in  the  streets  of  Moscow,  some  exhibiting 
horrible  monstrosities  and  mutilations, 
others  well  dressed,  speaking  with  an 
educated  voice,  and  often  addressing  for- 
eigners in  good  French.  But  there  is  still 
a  substantial  population  of  "bourgeois" — 
schoolmasters,  officials,  engineers,  and 
others.  Sometimes  these  endeavor  to  re- 
pay themselves  for  the  loss  of  all  their 
possessions  at  the  expense  of  the  State, 
but  the  Soviets  have  a  short  method  with 
such  cases.  In  one  night  11  architects 
found  or  reported  guilty  of  misappropria- 
tion in  connection  with  government  works 
were  taken  from  their  beds  and  shot.  It 
is  this  ruthless  efficiency  which  has 
cleared  the  streets  of  Moscow  and  Lenin- 
grad of  the  bandits,  who  made  an  evening 
stroll  unsafe  but  a  short  time  ago. 

After  the  multilated  beggars  the  visitor 
to  Moscow  is  perhaps  most  struck  with 
the  blatant  and  perpetual  propaganda 
which  assails  his  eyes  on  every  side.  It  is 
worse  than  an  old-fashioned  election  day; 
but,  of  course,  there  is  only  one  party. 
On  every  side,  in  every  shop,  an  tramcars, 
on  hoardings,  there  are  busts  and  por- 
traits of  Lenin  and  Karl  Marx.  On  the 
wrappers  of  every  little  purchase  you 
make  on  your  very  crockery  in  the  restau- 
rants, are  proclamations  of  the  dictator- 
ship of  the  proletariat. 

And  in  the  few  remaining  restaurants, 
including  the  Luxe,  on  the  Tverskaia, 
where  the  foreign  Communists  foregather, 
including  English  girls  with  cropped  hair, 
arm-in-arm  with  Mongols  and  Chinamen, 
the  walls  are  placarded  with  appeals  to 
the  waiters  not  to  accept  tips  "for  tea." 
"To  take  tips  is  to  accept  bribes  from  the 
'bourgeois'";  "Whoso  taketh  tips  is  un- 
worthy to  be  a  member  of  his  Profsoyuz 
(trade  union)";  "It  is  unworthy  to  pick 
up  the  crumbs  that  fall  from  the  rich 
man's  table";  "A  tip  is  an  insult  to  an 


honorable  proletarian."  Yet  no  one  hai 
yet  stated  that  he  has  met  a  waiter  wh( 
admitted  that  he  was  fit  to  be  a  membei 
of  his  Profsoyuz,  and  all  waiters  eagerb 
look  for  an  "insult"  under  the  coffee-cup 


BREAKDOWN  OF  THE  ANGLO- 
EGYPTIAN  CONFERENCE 

AFTER  about  one  week  of  conversation! 
between  the  former  British  Prim< 
Minister,  MacDonald,  and  the  Egyptiai 
Premier,  Zaghlul  Pasha,  the  Anglo 
Egyptian  negotiations  broke  down  oi 
October  3.  An  official  communique  issuec 
on  that  day  stated  that  Zaghlul  Pasha  it 
returning  to  Egypt,  "in  view  of  the  in 
clement  weather  and  in  anticipation  of  th( 
meeting  of  the  Egyptian  Parliament  ir 
November." 

Premier    MacDonald's    Explanation 

In  a  dispatch  from  Mr.  MacDonald  t( 
Lord  Allenby,  the  British  High  Commis 
sioner  for  Egypt  and  the  Sudan,  mad( 
public  by  the  Foreign  Office,  we  find  th( 
following  official  explanation  of  the  rea- 
sons which  rendered  the  conference  shorl 
and  abortive: 

In  the  course  of  my  conversations  with  th( 
Egyptian  Prime  Minister  His  Excellency  ex 
plained  to  me  the  modifications  in  the  statut 
quo  in  Egypt  on  which  he  felt  bound  to  in 
sist.  If  I  have  correctly  understood  him  thej 
were  as  follows : 

(a)  The  withdrawal  of  all  British  forces 
from  Egyptian  territory. 

(&)  The  withdrawal  of  the  financial  am 
judicial  advisers. 

(c)  The  disappearance  of  all  British  con 
trol  over  the  Egyptian  Government,  notablj 
in  connection  with  foreign  relations,  whict 
Zaghlul  Pasha  claimed  were  hampered  bj 
the  notification  of  His  Majesty's  Governmeni 
to  foreign  powers  on  the  15th  March,  1922 
that  they  would  regard  as  an  unfriendly  ad 
any  attempt  at  interference  in  the  affairs  oJ 
Egypt  by  another  power. 

(d)  The  abandonment  by  His  Majesty's 
Government  of  their  claim  to  protect  for 
eigners  and  minorities  in  Egypt. 

(e)  The  abandonment  by  His  Majesty's 
Government  of  their  claim  to  share  in  any 
way  in  protecting  the  Suez  Canal. 


192Ji. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


595 


Anti-British  Public  Statements  by  Zaghlul 

As  regards  the  Sudan,  I  drew  attention 
to  certain  statements  wliich  His  Excellency 
had  made  as  president  of  the  Council  of 
Ministers  before  the  Egyptian  Parliament 
during  the  course  of  the  summer.  On  the 
17th  May,  according  to  my  information, 
Zaghlul  Pasha  stated  that  the  fact  that  a 
foreign  officer  was  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Egyptian  army  and  the  retention  in  that 
army  of  British  officers  were  inconsistent 
with  the  dignity  of  independent  Egypt.  The 
expression  of  such  sentiments  in  an  official 
pronouncement  by  the  responsible  head  of 
the  Egyptian  Government  has  obviously 
placed  not  only  Sir  Lee  Stack  as  Sirdar,  but 
all  British  officers  attached  to  the  Egyptian 
army  in  a  difficult  position. 

I  also  had  in  mind  that  in  June  Zaghlul 
Pasha  was  reported  to  have  claimed  for 
Egypt  complete  rights  of  ownership  over  the 
Sudan,  and  characterized  the  British  Gov- 
ernment as  usurpers. 

His  Excellency  observed  that  In  making  the 
above  statements  he  was  merely  voicing  the 
opinion  not  only  of  the  Egyptian  Parliament, 
but  of  the  Egyptian  nation,  and  I  gathered 
that  he  still  adhered  to  that  position.  Such 
statements  have  made  it  appear  that  loyalty 
to  the  Egyptian  Government  is  something  dif- 
ferent from  and  inconsistent  with  loyalty  to 
the  existing  administration  of  the  Sudan.  As 
a  result,  not  only  has  there  been  an  entire 
change  in  the  spirit  of  Anglo-Egyptian  co- 
operation which  has  in  the  past  prevailed  in 
the  Sudan,  but  also  Egyptian  subjects  serving 
under  the  Sudan  Government  have  been  en- 
couraged to  regard  themselves  as  propa- 
gandists of  the  Egyptian  Government's  views, 
with  results  that,  if  persisted  in  in  the 
absence  of  any  agreement,  would  render  their 
presence  in  the  Sudan  under  the  existing 
regime  a  source  of  danger  to  public  order. 

I  promised  in  the  course  of  our  first  con- 
versation to  be  perfectly  frank  with  His 
Excellency.  Then,  and  subsequently,  I  left 
him  under  no  illusion  as  to  the  position  which 
His  Majesty's  Government  are  compelled  to 
take  up  in  regard  to  Egypt  and  the  Sudan. 
Though  I  have  by  no  means  abandoned  hope 
that  on  further  consideration  the  basis  of  an 
agreement  acceptable  to  both  countries  can 
be  found,  the  attitude  adopted  by  Zaghlul 
Pasha  has  rendered  such  agreement  impos- 
sible for  the  present. 


The  Status  of  the  Suez  Canal 

I  raised  the  question  of  the  canal  straight 
away,  because  its  security  is  of  vital  interest 
to  us,  both  in  peace  and  in  war.     It  is  no 
less  true  today  than  in  1922,  that  the  security 
of  the  communications  of  the  British  Empire 
in  Egypt  remains  a  vital  British  interest,  and 
that  absolute  certainty  that  the  Suez  Canal 
will  remain  open  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war, 
for  the  free  passage  of  British  ships  is  the 
foundation    on    which    the    entire    defensive 
strategy  of  the  British  Empire  rests.     The 
1888  convention  for  the  free  navigation  of  the 
canal  was  an  instrument  devised  to  secure 
that  object.     Its  ineffectiveness  for  this  pur- 
pose was  demonstrated  in  1914,  when  Great 
Britain  herself  had  to  take  steps  to  insure 
that  the  canal  would  remain  open.    No  Brit- 
ish Government  in  the  light  of  that  experi- 
ence can  divest  itself  wholly,  even  in  favor 
of  an  ally,  of  its  interest  in  guarding  such  a 
vital  link  in  British  communications.     Such 
a  security  must  be  a  feature  of  any  agree- 
ment come  to  between  our  two  governments, 
and  I  see  no  reason  why  accommodation  is 
impossible,  given  good  will.    The  effective  co- 
operation of  Great  Britain  and  Egypt  in  pro- 
tecting those  communications   might,  in  my 
view,  have  been  insured  by  the  conclusion  of 
a  treaty  of  close  alliance.    The  presence  of  a 
British  force  in  Egypt,  provided  for  by  such 
a  treaty,  freely  entered  into  by  both  parties 
on  an  equal  footing,  would  in  no  way  be  in- 
compatible    with     Egyptian      independence, 
while  it  would  be  an  indication  of  the  special- 
ly close  and  intimate  relations  between  the 
two  countries  and  their  determination  to  co- 
operate in  a  matter  of  vital  concern  to  both. 
It  is  not  the  wish  of  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment that  this  force  should  in  any  way 
interfere  with  the  functions  of  the  Egyptian 
Government     or     encroach     upon     Egyptian 
sovereignty,  and  I  emphaticaly  said  so.     It 
is  not  the  intention  of  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment  to   assume  any   responsibility   for  the 
actions  or  conduct  of  the  Egyptian  Govern- 
ment or  to  attempt  to  control  or  direct  the 
policy   which   that  government   may   see   fit 
to  adopt. 

A  Warning  on  the  Sudan 

So  far  as  my  conversations  with  Zaghlul 
Pasha  turned  on  the  question  of  the  Sudan, 
they  have  only  served  to  show  his  presistence 
in  the  attitude  disclosed  in  his  previous  pub- 
lic utterances.     I  must  adhere  to  the  state- 


596 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


ments  I  made  on  the  subject  in  the  House 
of  Commons.  About  that,  neither  in  Egypt 
nor  in  the  Sudan  should  there  be  any  doubt. 
If  there  is,  it  will  only  lead  to  trouble. 

In  the  meantime,  the  duty  of  preserving 
order  in  the  Sudan  rests,  in  fact,  upon  His 
Majesty's  Government,  and  they  will  take 
every  step  necessary  for  this  purpose.  Since 
going  there  they  have  contracted  heavy 
moral  obligations  by  the  creation  of  a  good 
system  of  administration;  they  cannot  allow 
that  to  be  destroyed;  they  regard  their  re- 
sponsibilities as  a  trust  for  the  Sudan  people. 

His  Majesty's  Government  have  no  desire 
to  disturb  existing  arrangements,  but  they 
must  point  out  how  intolerable  is  a  status 
quo  which  enables  both  military  and  civil 
officers  and  officials  to  conspire  against  civil 
order,  and  unless  the  status  quo  is  accepted, 
new  arrangement  may  be  reached ;  the  Sudan 
Government  would  fail  in  its  duty  were  it 
to  allow  such  conditions  to  continue. 

His  Majesty's  Government  have  never 
failed  to  recognize  that  Egypt  has  certain 
material  interests  in  the  Sudan  which  must 
be  guaranteed  and  safeguarded,  these  being 
chiefly  concerned  with  her  share  of  the  Nile 
water  and  the  satisfaction  of  any  financial 
claims  which  she  may  have  against  the 
Sudan  Government.  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment have  always  been  prepared  to  secure 
these  interests  in  a  way  satisfactory  to  Egypt. 

With  the  fall  of  the  Labor  Ministry, 
this  difficulty  and  thorny  problem  of  an 
adjustment  with  the  Government  of 
Egypt  remains  over  for  Mr.  MacDonald's 
successor  in  office. 


ASSASSINATION  OF  MACEDONIAN 
CHIEFS 

THE  Macedonian  movement,  which 
has  been  a  matter  of  great  apprehen- 
sion to  the  Government  of  Jugoslavia  for 
the  past  few  years,  has  just  been  much 
shaken  by  the  assassination  of  its  outstand- 
ing leaders.  On  August  31  Todor  Alex- 
androff,  the  head  of  the  whole  movement, 
was  murdered  by  his  Communist  oppo- 
nents, while  several  days  later  a  similar 
fate  befell  two  prominent  members  of  the 
Macedonian  Revolutionary  Organization 
and  two  of  the  leaders  of  Macedonian 
Federalists,  all  of  whom  were  killed  in 
Bulgaria. 


Macedonian   Negotiations  with   Moscow 

Frequent  accusations  have  been  made 
against  the  Alexandroff  movement,  to  the 
effect  that  it  is  connected  with  Moscow 
and  Communism.  Alexandroff  himself 
has  denied  these  accusations.  In  a  state- 
ment made  shortly  before  his  death,  he 
admitted  that  he  and  his  representatives 
had  conducted  negotiations  with  the 
Soviet  mission  in  Vienna,  as  well  as  with 
the  Bulgarian  Communists.  He  declared 
emphatically,  however,  that  these  negotia- 
tions did  not  succeed,  because  he  and  his 
followers  could  not  accept  the  terms  laid 
down  by  Moscow.  These  terms  consisted 
in  a  promise  to  assist  in  the  communiza- 
tion  of  both  Bulgaria  and  Macedonia.  On 
the  contrary,  Alexandroff  claimed  that  he 
had  served  notice  on  the  Communist 
Party  of  Bulgaria  that  he  and  his  organi- 
zation would  oppose  a  Soviet  coup  d'etat 
in  Bulgaria. 

At  the  same  time  Alexandroff  was  pre- 
pared to  continue  as  actively  as  ever  his 
struggle  for  the  liberation  of  Macedonia. 
He  held  that  the  regime  established  in 
Macedonia  by  the  Serbians  and  the  Greeks 
is  more  intolerable  than  that  under  which 
the  country  had  lived  as  a  part  of  Turkey. 

AIexandro£P's  Demands  and  Declaration  of 
Policy 

In  the  same  statement  Alexandroff  de- 
scribed as  follows  his  demands  and  the 
policy  he  was  pursuing: 

We  do  not  want  the  dissolution  of  Jugo- 
slavia; on  the  contrary,  we  desire  that  Jugo- 
slavia become  a  Federal,  free  and  strong 
State;  and  in  the  name  of  the  organization 
I  formally  declare  that  the  organization 
will  cease  its  armed  struggle  if  the  follow- 
ing conditions  are  fufilled: — 

1.  The  dissolution  of  subsidized  official 
Serbian  bands  of  Stoyan  Micheff,  Zikleflf, 
and  other  traitors  throughout  Macedonia  and 
the  prosecution  of  the  members  of  these 
bands  for  the  crimes  which  they  have  com- 
mitted (rape,  assassination,  and  brigandage). 

2.  The  application  of  the  clauses  included 
in  the  Peace  Treaty  for  the  defense  of  the 
rights  of  National  Minorities  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  League  of  Nations  and  under  the 
guarantee  of  the  great  powers. 

3.  An  amnesty  of  all  arrested  Macedonians 
and  the  permission  to  return  to  Macedonia  to 
refugees  and  emigres,  also  under  the  control 


192Jt 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


597 


of  the  League  of  Nations  and  the  guarantee 
of  the  great  powers. 

4.  The  liberty  of  elections  in  the  Skupsh- 
tina  and  the  granting  to  the  Macedonians  of 
the  right  to  form  legal  political  parties. 

These  are  our  fundamental  requests,  and  if 
our  demands  are  executed  in  a  strict,  loyal, 
and  honest  manner,  we  engage  ourselves  to 
put  aside  our  arms  and  to  cease  our  armed 
struggle. 

We  also  insist  in  the  same  way  as  other 
people  included  in  Jugoslavia  on  the  recon- 
struction of  Jugoslavia  into  a  federal  State 
in  which  Macedonia  would  enter  as  a  member 
of  the  Federation  on  equal  rights  with  the 
other  members  of  the  Jugoslav  Federation. 
Taking  into  consideration  the  inevitable  de- 
composition in  the  near  future  of  Greece,  we 
ask  the  incorporation  into  the  Autonomous 
Macedonia  of  the  Macedonian  territory  which 
is  now  under  the  Greek  dominion.  When  all 
the  above-mentioned  conditions  are  sincerely 
and  honestly  executed,  the  part  of  Mace- 
donia which  is  in  the  hands  of  Bulgaria  must 
also  be  incorporated  into  the  Autonomous 
Macedonia.  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  only 
in  this  way  and  acting  as  I  have  indicated 
that  it  will  be  possible  to  avoid  Bolshevism 
in  the  Balkan  peninsula,  that  peace  will  be 
insured  in  the  Balkans,  and  that  a  strong 
and  durable  Jugoslavia  will  be  created.  The 
duty  of  the  Western  European  democracies, 
in  which  we  still  have  faith,  is  to  save  Mace- 
donia from  death  and  the  Macedonian  popula- 
tion from  destruction,  or,  which  is  the  same 
thing,  from  Bolshevism. 

Communists     Dissatisfied     with     Alexandroff's 
Policy 

There  was  a  growing  dissatisfaction  in 
the  ranks  of  Alexandroff's  followers  with 
the  above  policy.  The  Communist  propa- 
ganda was  making  rapid  inroads,  and  more 
and  more  of  his  followers  were  inclining  to 
the  view  that  aid  should  be  sought  in  Mos- 
cow, whatever  the  price  demanded  by  the 
Communists.  The  growing  controversy 
finally  resolved  itself  into  the  murder  of 
Alexandroff  himself  and  of  some  of  his 
more  active  adherents. 

Todor  Alexandroff,  who  was  born  in 
1882,  was  one  of  the  most  picturesque 
leaders  in  the  Balkans.  He  began  life  as 
a  schoolmaster,  but  soon  forsook  this  pro- 
fession for  the  more  warlike  one  of 
komitadji   (political   brigand).     He  took 


part  in  the  continuous  struggle  which  the 
Macedonians  waged  against  the  Turks,  but 
in  1913  his  health  gave  way  and  he  went 
to  France.  During  the  European  War  he 
belonged  to  the  Macedonian  Division 
which  operated  against  the  Allies  on  tlie 
Struma  front  and  worked  for  the  Germans 
as  a  spy.  After  the  war  he  sank  into  com- 
parative obscurity,  but  when  the  Treaty 
of  Neuilly  was  signed,  in  November,  1919, 
dividing  the  greater  part  of  Macedonia  be- 
tween Jugoslavia  and  Greece,  Alexandroff 
resumed  his  crusade  for  an  autonomous 
Macedonia.  Together  with  General  Pro- 
togueroff,  who  now  succeeds  him,  and 
Peter  Chaiileff,  Alexandroff  directed  the 
policy  of  the  revolutionary  organization 
and  roamed  the  countryside  to  keep  the 
revolutionary  spirit  alive. 


CERTIFICATES  OF  IDENTITY  FOR 
REFUGEES 

ON  JUNE  10,  1924,  the  League  of  Na^ 
tions  inquired  of  the  Department  of 
State  whether  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  would  consider  a  plan  pro- 
posed by  Dr.  Nansen  to  provide  identity 
certificates  for  Armenian  refugees. 

This  plan  contained  similar  rules  to 
those  laid  down  in  the  Geneva  Arrange- 
ment relating  to  Eussian  refugees,  and 
the  certificates  are  substantially  identical 
with  the  certificates  now  employed  for  the 
latter,  which  are  considered,  for  all  perti- 
nent purposes,  by  the  Department  of  State 
to  fall  within  the  category  of  documents 
in  lieu  of  passports. 

On  August  5  the  American  Minister  at 
Bern,  the  Honorable  Hugh  S.  Gibson, 
was  instructed  to  transmit  a  communica- 
tion to  the  Secretary  General  of  the 
League  of  Nations  in  reply  to  its  note 
dated  June  10.  The  text  of  the  State  De- 
partment's communication  is  as  follows: 

The  Acting  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States  of  America  has  received  the 
communication  of  the  Secretary-General  of 
the  League  of  Nations,  dated  June  10,  1924, 
transmitting  a  plan  for  the  issue  of  certifi- 
cates of  identity  to  Armenian  refugees  in 
order  that  they  may  establish  their  identity 
and  travel  freely  in  pursuance  of  their  nor- 
mal occupations. 

The  American  Government  is  not  in  a  posi- 
tion to  issue  travel  documents  to  aliens.    It 


598 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


does  not  require  certificates  of  identity  of 
aliens  sojourning  within  its  territory  or  of 
those  desiring  to  depart  therefrom.  For  en- 
try into  the  United  States,  alien  immigrants 
are  required  to  present  an  immigration  visa 
issued  by  the  appropriate  American  consul. 
The  American  consuls  will  accept  from  aliens 
unable  to  present  passports  in  connection 
with  their  applications  for  immigration  visas 
appropriate  documents  of  identity  in  lieu  of 
passports.  The  Nansen  certificates  issued  to 
Russian  refugees  have  been  considered  to 
fall  within  the  category  of  documents  in  lieu 
of  passports.  Similarly,  non-immigrant  aliens 
are  granted  passport  visas  upon  personal  affi- 
davits or  other  documents  in  lieu  of  pass- 
ports when  they  are  unable  to  present  pass- 
ports. Aliens  resident  in  the  United  States 
who  desire  to  depart  temporarily  may  obtain 
from  the  Commissioner-General  of  Immigra- 
tion, Washington,  D.  C,  permits  to  return, 
valid  for  six  months,  capable  of  further  ex- 
tension in  the  discretion  of  the  Commis- 
sioner-General of  Immigration. 


In  a  note  dated  September  13,  1924,. 
the  Secretary-General  of  the  League  of 
I^ations,  referring  to  the  State  Depart- 
ment's communication  of  August  5,  stated 
in  part  that  Dr.  Nansen,  to  whom  this- 
communication  had  been  transmitted,  de- 
sired to  record  his  high  appreciation  of 
the  recognition  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  of  the  identity  certificate* 
for  Eussian  refugees  and  ventured  to  as- 
sume that,  as  the  identity  certificates  for 
the  Armenian  refugees  was  to  all  intenta 
and  purposes  an  analogous  document,  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  would 
find  it  possible  to  afford  recognition  to- 
that  document  also.  On  October  9  the 
American  Minister  at  Bern  was  in- 
structed telegraphically  to  inform  the  Sec- 
retary General  of  the  League  of  Nations^ 
in  reply,  that  the  Department  of  State 
would  be  willing  to  consider,  for  all  prac- 
tical purposes,  the  identity  certificates  for 
Armenian  refugees  as  appropriate  docu- 
ments in  lieu  of  passports. 


IMPORTANT  INTERNATIONAL  DATES 

(September  16-October  15) 


September  17 — At  a  war  council  in  Pe- 
king, Wu  Pei-Fu  is  appointed 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Chi- 
hli  armies. 

September  18 — Part  of  the  Chekiang 
forces  go  over  to  the  enemy; 
refugees  arrive  in  the  city  of 
Shanghai ;  no  fear  expressed  for 
the  safety  of  the  foreign  settle- 
ments. 

September  19 — The  Spaniards,  with  40,- 
000  troops,  open  an  offensive 
with  the  object  of  relieving 
Sheshuan,  and  heavy  fighting 
occurs. 

September  23— Zaghlul  Pasha,  the  Egyp- 
tian Premier,  arrives  in  London 
for  a  conference  with  Ramsay 
MacDonald,  the  British  Prime 
Minister. 
The  Government  of  India  suffers 
two  rebuffs  in  the  Assembly: 
Dr.  Gour's  bill  for  repealing  the 
criminal  law  amendment  act, 
which  gave  the  executive  power 
to  declare  associations  unlawful, 
is    passed,    and    the    Assembly 


sends  a  select  committee  a  bill 
prescribing  the  precautions  to  be 
observed  by  officers  charged  with 
the  duty  of  suppressing  riots. 

The  German  Government  decide* 
to  take  steps  to  obtain  the  ad- 
mission of  Germany  to  the 
League  of  Nations. 

The  British,  American,  and  Jap- 
anese authorities  disclaim  anj 
intention  to  intervene  in  the  civO 
war  in  China. 
September  24 — Conversations  in  Berlin 
between  British  and  German 
representatives  preparatory  to 
the  negotiation  of  a  commercial 
treaty  are  broken  off,  it  being" 
impossible  to  find  a  basis  for 
agreement. 
September  25 — Mr.  MacDonald  and  Zagh- 
lul Pasha  meet  in  Downing 
street  for  a  preliminary  discus- 
sion of  the  attitudes  of  the  Brit- 
ish and  Egyptian  Governments. 

The  Peking  Government  concen- 
trates a  force  of  200,000  men  on 


IMPORTANT  INTERNATIONAL  NOTES 


699 


the    Manchurian    front   for   the 
campaign  against  Chang  Tso-lin. 

September  28 — A  deadlock  is  reached  in 
the  discussion  of  the  draft  Arbi- 
tration, Security,  and  Disarma- 
ment Protocol  by  the  First  Com- 
mittee of  the  League  of  Nations 
Assembly  because  of  the  Japan- 
ese objections  to  the  wording  of 
one  of  the  articles,  and  the  mat- 
ter is  referred  to  a  subcommittee. 
The  United  States  Army  airmen, 
Lieutenants  Nelson  and  Smith, 
arrive  at  Seattle,  completing 
their  flight  around  the  world. 

September  29— Mr.  J.  H.  Thomas,  the 
British  Colonial  Secretary,  re- 
turns from  his  visit  to  South 
Africa  and  states  that  the  ques- 
tion of  separation  is  not  a  live 
issue  there. 
The  German  representatives  in 
London,  Paris,  Kome,  and  the 
other  countries  represented  on 
the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations  present  a  note  from 
their  government,  asking  for  re- 
plies to  certain  questions  con- 
nected with  the  possible  applica- 
tion of  Germany  to  join  the 
League. 

September  30— M.  Clementel,  the  French 
Minister  of  Finance,  explains  to 
the  Finance  Commission  of  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies  how  he 
proposes  to  balance  the  budget 
properly  for  the  first  time  in 
eleven  years. 

October  2 — Two  resolutions  are  passed  at 
the  closing  session  of  the  Fifth 
League  of  Nations  Assembly  at 
Geneva,  one  approving  the  arbi- 
tration protocol  and  the  other 
requesting  the  League  Council 
to  call  a  disarmament  conference 
next  year. 
Twenty-third  International  Peace 
Congress  convenes  in  Berlin. 

October  3— Hussein,  King  of  Hejaz,  ab- 
dicates, and  his  son,  the  Shenf 
Ali,  Emir  of  Medina  and  heir 
apparent,  is  elected  king. 

October  7— It  is  arranged  that  the  Khuie 
and  Euhr  railways  shall  pass 
under  German  control  again,  in 


accordance  with  the  Dawes  plan, 
on  November  16. 

October  8 — The  French  Finance  Minis- 
ter's budget  estimates  are  en- 
dangered by  the  insistence  of  the 
civil  servants  on  a  minimum 
salary  of  6,000  francs  a  year. 

October  9 — Ramsay  MacDonald,  the  Brit- 
ish Prime  Minister,  recommends 
to  King  George  a  dissolution  of 
Parliament,  and  the  King  signs 
the  proclamation. 

Mr.  MacDonald  announces  in  the 
House  of  Commons  the  dissolu- 
tion of  Parliament  and  a  general 
election;  in  the  House  of  Lords 
the  Irish  Free  State  Bill  passes 
and  receives  the  royal  assent  by 
commission;  the  members  of  the 
House  of  Commons  go  to  the 
House  of  Lords  to  hear  the 
King's  speech  read  and  the  com- 
mission proroguing  Parliament. 

October  10 — The  contract  is  signed  at  the 
Bank  of  England  for  the  loan  of 
800,000,000  gold  marks  to  the 
German  Government,  the  bonds 
to  mature  in  twenty-five  years, 
bearing  7  per  cent  interest  and 
issued  at  92. 

October  11 — Premier  Herriot  of  France 
decides  that,  in  order  to  meet  the 
demand  for  a  6,000-franc  mini- 
mum salary  for  civil  employees, 
20,000  of  the  present  workers 
must  be  dismissed. 

October  12 — The  giant  dirigible,  the 
ZR-3,  built  by  the  Zeppelin 
works  at  Friedrichshafen,  Ger- 
many, for  the  United  States 
Navy,  starts  on  her  trans-Atlan- 
tic flight  to  Lakehurst,  New 
Jersey. 

October  14— The  $110,000,000  German 
Government  external  loan  of 
1924  7  per  cent  bonds,  the  share 
of  the  United  States  in  the  re- 
construction loan  agreed  upon 
under  the  Dawes  plan,  is  over- 
subscribed. 

October  15 — The  airship  ZR-3  arrives  at 
Lakehurst,  New  Jersey,  complet- 
ing a  flight  of  5,060  miles  in 
eighty-one  hours. 


THE  FIFTH  ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  LEAGUE 
OF  NATIONS 

By  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 


Geneva,  Switzerland,  October  2,  1924. 

THE  League  of  Nations  is  a  "virile 
fact"  of  our  modern  world.  More 
tlian  any  other  single  agency,  its  Secre- 
tariat, headed  by  an  amiable  and  titled 
British  gentleman,  sees  to  that.  This 
Secretariat  consists  of  some  800  salaried 
persons,  glorifying  their  offices  usually 
with  intelligence,  often  with  ability,  some- 
times with  distinction,  and  always  with 
energy.  The  League,  its  Council,  its  As- 
sembly, its  commissions,  its  various  bu- 
reaus, cannot  be  visualized  separate  from 
the  Secretariat,  for  this  is  the  engine,  the 
push  and  pull  of  the  League.  The  motive 
power  of  this  engine  is  as  complex  as  hu- 
man nature.  Indeed,  it  is  human  nature, 
varying  from  most  ordinary  political  or 
personal  selfishness,  all  the  way  up  to  a 
fanatical  zeal,  with  brains  and  timber  of 
finest  quality  in  between. 

The  Secretariat 

The  unique  position  of  the  members  of 
the  Secretariat  is  set  forth  in  Article  6 
of  the  Covenant,  where  it  is  provided  that 
officials  of  the  the  League — men  or 
women — "when  engaged  on  the  business 
of  the  League  shall  enjoy  diplomatic 
privileges  and  immunities,"  and  "the 
members  of  the  Secretariat  act,  during 
their  period  of  office,  in  an  international 
capacity  and  are  not  in  any  way  repre- 
sentatives of  their  own  country." 

Governments  not  represented  upon  the 
Secretariat  probably  find  comfort  in  this 
latter  provision;  otherwise  they  might 
suspect  the  control  of  the  League  to  be  in 
the  hands  of  the  British,  because,  as  it 
happens,  not  only  is  Sir  Eric  Drummond, 
of  England,  the  Secretary-General,  it  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  head  of  the 
financial  administration  is  a  Canadian, 
the  head  of  the  economic  and  financial 
section  and  of  the  special  organization  on 
transit  is  Sir  James  Arthur  Salter,  and 
the  head  of  the  department  of  opium  traf- 
fic and  of  the  department  of  social  ques- 
tions is  Mrs.  Eachel  Crowdy,  of  England. 
The  chief  accountant,  one  of  the  two  head 
interpreters,    the    superintendent   of   the 


precis-writing  department,  the  secretary 
of  the  drafting  committee,  the  verbatim 
reporter,  and  the  head  of  the  department 
of  registry  are  some  of  the  other  repre- 
sentatives from  England  at  the  head  of 
permanent  branches  of  the  work.  The 
assistant  director  of  the  information  sec- 
tion, the  leading  member  of  the  section 
on  administration  and  minorities  ques- 
tions, the  head  of  the  department  on 
"establishment,"  and  the  librarian  are 
Americans. 

In  addition  to  the  Secretariat,  but 
closely  and  permanently  affiliated  with  it,, 
are  certain  technical  organizations  work- 
ing on  draft  treaties,  investigations,  re- 
ports, functioning  as  experts  where  ex- 
perts are  needed. 

With  such  an  organization,  even  were 
there  no  other  factors — of  course,  there 
are  other  factors — the  verve  and  persist- 
ence of  the  League  would  go  on  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course.  This  is  all  very  apparent 
here  in  Geneva  during  the  work  of  the 
Fifth  Assembly.  The  machinery  is  oiled 
and  in  excellent  working  condition.  By 
the  time  Prime  Minister  MacDonald's  im- 
promptu speech  on  September  4  had  been 
translated  for  the  Assembly  orally  intO' 
French,  a  mimeographed  copy  was  placed 
in  my  box  at  the  press  bureau,  a  typical 
example  of  the  efficiency  of  the  Secre- 
tariat. 

jSTo  one  here  knows  everything  that  is 
going  on,  however,  because  the  activities 
are  too  various.  It  is  quite  as  if  our 
State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments  at 
Washington  were  scattered  throughout  the 
hotels  and  meeting  places  of  down-town, 
interested  people  from  every  part  of  the- 
world  feverishly  demanding  tickets  of  ad- 
mission to  this  or  that  part  of  the  show, 
the  rooms  too  small,  the  tickets  too  few, 
and  disappointment  correspondingly  gen- 
eral. The  League  is  scattered  all  over  the 
place,  even  leaking  out  into  the  suburbs. 

The  Assembly 

There  is  the  Assembly.  This  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  main  show  of  the  League. 
It  is  held  in  the  main  tent — La  Salle  de  la 


600 


192J^ 


FIFTH  ASSEMBLY  OF  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


601 


Reformation — not  much  of  a  place,  poorly 
lighted,  innocent  of  ventilation,  with 
abominable  acoustics,  and  seating  about  as 
many  as  an  ordinary  American  church. 
Plans  are  on  the  way  for  a  new  convention 
hall.     It  is  sorely  needed. 

This  is  the  fifth  meeting  of  the  As- 
sembly. The  first  was  held  in  November 
and  December,  1920.  The  rest  of  these 
annual  gatherings  have  been  held  during 
September,  sometimes,  as  this  year,  run- 
ning a  few  days  into  October.  The  "stated 
interval"  provided  for  in  the  Covenant 
has  thus  far  been  interpreted  as  meaning 
each  year.  The  Assembly  may  meet  at 
any  time,  but  the  annual  meeting  is  still 
deemed  sufficient. 

Under  the  terms  of  the  Covenant,  "The 
Assembly  may  deal  at  its  meetings  with 
any  matter  within  the  sphere  of  the  action 
of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of 
the  world."  One  gathers  the  impression 
that  they  are  leaving  nothing  untouched 
here,  at  least  in  the  speeches  poured  forth 
upon  tlie  Assembly. 

There  is  no  difficulty  involved  in  know- 
ing what  these  speeches  are  about.  Two 
languages  are  employed  —  French  and 
English.  After  each  address  it  is  im- 
mediately translated  into  the  other  lan- 
guage. Stenographers  rush  it  to  the 
mimeographers,  and  copies  in  French  and 
English  are  soon  available.  Later,  every 
word  uttered  in  the  Assembly  is  printed 
for  the  convenience  of  the  press,  the  dele- 
gates, or  others  interested.  The  Assembly 
is  open  diplomacy  par  excellence. 

Devotion  to  the  League 

There  is  one  refrain  running  through 
nearly  all  the  speeches — "Isn't  the  League 
of  Nations  wonderful?"  M.  Hymans, 
acting  president  of  the  Council,  in  the 
first  speech  of  the  Assembly,  began  the 
praises  of  the  League  for  its  constitution 
of  the  Permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice,  for  the  reconstruction  of  Austria 
and  of  Hungary;  M.  Motta,  of  Switzer- 
land, chosen  president  of  the  Assembly,  in 
his  opening  address  carried  the  praise 
further  by  calling  attention  to  the  London 
Conference  as  a  most  happy  augury  for 
the  League.  The  many  speeches  which 
followed  through  the  succeeding  days  be- 
gan and  ended  with  encomiums,  the  most 
pronounced  of  which,  perhaps,  was  the  one 


by  Eamsay  MacDonald,  Prime  Ministei 
of  Great  Britain. 

Mr.  MacDonald  had  been  prepared  for. 
He  did  not  appear  until  the  sixth  plenary 
session.  In  the  meantime  interest  in  his 
coming  increased.  When,  in  simple  busi- 
ness gray,  he  ascended  the  high  platform 
on  that  4th  of  September,  the  floor  and 
the  galleries  were  tense  with  anticipation. 
There  was  a  general  applause.  Mr.  Mac- 
Donald began : 

"Mr.  President,  I  am  very  glad  that  it  has 
been  my  good  fortune  to  have  an  opportun- 
ity of  talilng  part  in  the  work  of  the  League 
of  Nations.  The  League  of  Nations,  both  as 
an  organization  and  as  a  spirit,  is  struggling 
under  somewhat  adverse  circumstances,  and 
I  am  here  today  as  a  pledge  that  the  coun- 
try I  represent.  Great  Britain,  will  use  every 
means  in  its  power  to  widen  the  influence 
and  to  increase  the  authority  of  the  League 
of  Nations. 

"Ah,  my  friends,  the  emotions  that  come 
to  one,  as  one  stands  here,  facing  delegates 
from  over  half  a  hundred  nations,  many  of 
them  devastated,  all  of  them  impoverished, 
owing  to  the  war;  facing  delegates  battling 
against  those  adverse  circumstances,  and 
yet  hoping  against  hope  very  often,  deter- 
mined sometimes  when  determination  appears 
to  be  little  better  than  folly,  that  by  our  in- 
telligence and  by  our  good  will  we  shall, 
through  the  Ijeague  of  Nations,  lay  securely 
and  finally  the  foundations  of  peace  upon 
earth. 

"The  late  war  was  commended  in  my  coun- 
try as  being  a  war  to  end  all  wars.  Alas, 
the  human  eye  sees  but  few  prospects  that 
that  hope  and  that  pledge  are  to  be  fulfilled ! 
I  do  not  know  what  the  Divine  mind  sees — 
the  Divine  mind  that  sees  the  future  as 
clearly  as  you  and  I  can  see  the  present- 
but  I  hope  it  sees  more  calm  confidence  in 
the  future  and  more  happiness  in  it  than  the 
human  mind,  which  has  to  nourish  its  faith 
upon  appearances.  If  the  future  is  to  justify 
our  confidence  and  our  happiness,  it  will  be 
owing  solely  to  the  deliberations,  the  negotia- 
tions, the  work,  and  the  agreement  of  the 
League  of  Nations." 

If  one  may  judge  by  the  many  other 

speeches  before  the  Assembly,  these  are 
the  views  of  a  large  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates. M.  Edouard  Herriot,  Prime  Min- 
ister of  France,  in  his  address  the  follow- 


602 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


ing  day,  however,  expressed  the  feeling  in 
a  slightly  different  key.  His  opening 
words  were : 

"It  is  with  deep  feeling  of  respect  for  this 
most  august  assembly  that  I  come  up  to  this 
platform  to  speak  in  the  name  of  France. 
France  has  ever  shown  her  desire  for  peace, 
and  not  only  peace  for  herself,  but  peace 
for  all  nations,  especially  those  who  are 
gathered  together  here  in  the  presence  of 
their  most  distinguished  representatives — 
peace  with  honor,  peace  which  will  enable 
us  to  live  the  life  we  desire.  And  the 
smallest  country  has  the  same  right  to  our 
consideration  as  the  largest,  because  all  na- 
tions are  equal  here.  This  is  a  family  of 
nations  banded  together  to  combat  the 
scourge  of  war,  and  France  offers  her  sincere 
help  to  her  sister  nations  who  are  met  here 
together. 

"We  know  too  well  the  suffering  that  war 
brings.  We  know  that  war  brings  more  than 
suffering;  it  also  brings  violence;  it  brings 
injustice. 

"We  are  faithful  to  the  letter  and  to  the 
spirit  of  that  covenant  which  the  nations 
signed  at  the  end  of  the  last  terrible  conflict. 
That  covenant,  which  bears  such  illustrious 
signatures,  is  a  pact  between  the  nations  for 
co-operation,  a  pact  for  justice,  and  a  pact 
for  law  and  peace.  We  stand  by  all  the 
articles  of  that  covenant,  because  we  con- 
sider that  you  cannot  dissociate  one  article 
from  another  without  mutilating  the  cove- 
nant itself.  I  desire  to  do  justice  to  the 
work  which  has  already  been  done.  Perhaps 
I,  as  a  newcomer,  appreciate  rather  better 
than  those  who  have  often  been  here  before 
the  great  work  which  the  League  of  Nations 
has  already  done  in  the  last  four  years.  It 
has  indeed  done  yeoman  service.  It  has 
peacefully  settled  the  most  difficult  and  deli- 
cate disputes,  and  its  authority  has  been  un- 
contested. 

"I  know  that  the  League  has  not  yet  come 
to  its  full  power,  but  we  are  sure  that  it  will 
develop  as  any  other  organization,  and  we 
of  France  desire  that  we  should  appreciate 
and  stand  by  what  has  been  done  already, 
and  should  assist  the  development  of  an 
organization  which  has  already  done  so 
much." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  these  two  ad- 
dresses by  the  prime  ministers  of  Europe's 
two  most  powerful  governments  set  the 


high-water  mark  of  the  changing  tides  in 
the  hopes  of  the  friends  of  the  League. 
Other  leaders  in  the  work — Cecil,  Balfour, 
La  Fontaine — seem  to  have  passed  from 
the  stage  in  Geneva.  A  new  setting  on  a 
larger  scale  was  needed.  MacDonald  and 
Harriot  furnished  this  setting.  With  the 
shifting  of  the  scenes,  there  is  a  new  glad- 
ness, a  greater  assurance,  especially  in  the 
Secretariat  of  the  League.  The  talk  is  of 
large  matters,  some  of  it  of  very  large 
matters. 

The  Outstanding  Problem 

The  main  question,  bruited  in  the  press 
and  heard  most  around  the  corridors,  is. 
How  can  the  League  combine  arbitration, 
security,  and  disarmament  unto  the  aboli- 
tion of  war?  This  is  the  question  which, 
precipitated  by  the  proposed  Treaty  of 
Mutual  Assistance,  was  thrown  into  the 
open  arena  by  the  speeches  of  the  prime 
ministers.  This  is  the  spring  whence 
comes  the  flux  de  paroles  so  bewildering 
to  the  casual  onlooker  here  in  Geneva, 
anxious  to  know  what  it  is  all  about. 

The  steps  leading  up  to  this  develop- 
ment began,  of  course,  in  Article  8  of  the 
Covenant  of  the  League  and  in  the  Perma- 
nent Advisory  Commission  on  Military, 
Naval,  and  Air  Questions  set  up  in  1930 
under  Article  9.  There  was  then  organ- 
ized also  in  1920  a  Temporary  Mixed 
Commission  on  Armaments,  which  com- 
mission drew  up  the  so-called  Draft 
Treaty  of  Mutual  Assistance.  The  Coun- 
cil of  the  League  submitted  this  draft 
treaty  to  the  governments  and  asked  them 
to  communicate  their  views  in  regard  to 
it.  In  the  meantime  a  group  of  American 
gentlemen,  after  considerable  study,  drew 
up  a  Draft  Treaty  of  Disarmament  and 
Security  which  attracted  the  attention  of 
the  League  and  aroused  no  little  interest 
in  other  quarters.  Out  of  these  two 
draft  treaties,  one  the  product  of  the 
League''s  Temporary  Mixed  Commission 
and  the  other  a  proposal  of  a  few  Ameri- 
cans, grew  the  major  question  of  the 
Fifth  Assembly,  the  question  of  harmoniz- 
ing the  reduction  of  armaments,  security, 
arbitration,  and  peace. 

In  spite  of  the  air  of  cordiality  around 
Mr.  MacDonald  and  Mr.  Herriot,  their 
handshaking,  their  smiles  and  exchanges 
of  good  feeling,  their  addresses  revealed 
two  high-minded  men  holding  directly  op- 


FIFTH  ASSEMBLY  OF  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


603 


posite  views  upon  the  main  issue.  It  has 
frequently  been  pointed  out  that  the  for- 
eign policies  of  France  and  England  are 
fundamentally  different;  that  the  French- 
man thinks  in  terms  of  history  rather 
than  in  terms  of  principles,  of  concrete 
realities  rather  than  universal  sentiments, 
while  the  Englishman  harks  continually 
to  his  philosophy.  This  difference  stood 
out  as  one  listened  to  these  two  addresses. 
Both  Mr.  MacDonald  and  Mr.  Herriot 
favor  arbitration,  stand  by  the  Covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  believe  that  a 
conference  should  be  summoned  by  the 
League  for  the  limitation  of  armaments, 
and  long  to  do  something  for  the  advance- 
ment of  international  peace.  But  there 
is  a  gulf  between  them  as  wide  as  the 
temperaments  and  the  philosophies  of  the 
two  peoples.  The  British  Premier  is 
utterly  opposed  to  the  Treaty  of  Mutual 
Assistance  and  to  the  whole  theory  of 
military  alliances,  on  the  ground  that  such 
things  can  never  bring  security.  The 
French  Premier  believes  with  Pascal,  that 
justice  cannot  be  divorced  from  might, 
that  justice  without  might  is  impotent,  as 
might  without  justice  is  tyranny.  The 
English  see  no  hope  for  disarmament  ex- 
cept general  disarmament.  The  French 
see  no  reason  why  there  cannot  be  partial 
and  local  policies  of  disarmament,  pro- 
ceeding from  situations  to  general  prin- 
ciples rather  than  from  general  principles 
to  situations.  The  French  are  little  in- 
terested in  principles  so  universal  that 
they  are  incapable  of  application  to  a  con- 
crete situation  here  and  now.  Therefore 
they  are  not  so  skeptical  of  alliances  as 
the  English. 

Hence  it  was  the  French  Premier  who 
pointed  out  that  arbitration  and  disarma- 
ment cannot  be  divorced  from  security. 
And  the  Frenchman  knows  what  he  means 
by  security. 

After  further  discussions  and  many  con- 
ferences, however,  the  French  and  English 
delegations  were  able  to  agree  upon  the 
following  resolution : 

"The  Assembly,  noting  the  declarations  of 
the  governments  represented,  observes  with 
satisfaction  that  they  contain  the  basis  of 
an  understanding  tending  to  establish  a  se- 
cure peace  and  decides  as  follows : 

"With  a  view  to  reconcile  in  the  new  pro- 
posals the  divergences  between  certain  points 


of  view  which  have  been  expressed,  and, 
when  agreement  has  been  reached  to  enable 
an  international  conference  upon  armaments 
to  be  summoned  by  the  League  of  Nations 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment ; 

"(1)  The  Third  Committee  is  requested  to 
consider  the  material  dealing  with  security 
and  the  reduction  of  armaments,  particularly 
the  observations  of  the  governments  on  the 
Draft  Treaty  of  Mutual  Assistance  prepared 
in  pursuance  of  Resolution  XIV  of  the  Third 
Assembly  and  other  plans  prepared  and  pre- 
sented to  the  Secretary-General  since  the 
publication  of  the  draft  treaty,  and  to  ex- 
amine the  obligations  contained  in  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  in  relation  to  the  guar- 
antees of  security  that  a  resort  to  arbitration 
and  a  reduction  of  armaments  may  require; 
"(2)  The  First  Committee  is  requested 
(o)  to  consider,  in  view  of  possible  amend- 
ments, the  articles  in  the  covenant  relating 
to  the  settlement  of  disputes; 

"(6)  To  examine  within  what  limits  the 
terms  of  Article  36,  paragraph  2,  of  the 
statute  establishing  the  International  Court 
might  be  rendered  more  precise  and  thereby 
facilitate  the  more  general  acceptance  of  the 
clause : 

"And  thus  strengthen  the  solidarity  and 
the  security  of  the  nations  of  the  world  by 
settling  by  pacific  means  all  disputes  which 
may  arise  between  States." 

Thus  the  whole  question  of  armaments, 
arbitration,  and  security  came  before  the 
Assembly.  It  is  familiar  to  our  readers 
that  the  work  of  the  Assembly  is  divided 
among  six  committees,  the  First  dealing 
with  constitutional  questions,  the  Second 
with  technical  organizations,  the  Third 
with  the  reduction  of  armaments,  the 
Fourth  with  the  budget  and  financial 
questions,  the  Fifth  with  social  and  gen- 
eral questions,  and  the  Sixth  with  political 
questions.  Because  of  its  own  terms,  this 
resolution  was  naturally  referred  to  the 
Third  Committee. 

This  committee  went  at  its  business 
with  energy  and  determination.  It  agreed 
that  the  three  terms  arbitration,  security, 
and  disarmament  must  be  taken  together. 
Since  arbitration  falls  within  the  province 
of  the  First  Committee,  it  was  decided  to 
form  a  liaison  between  the  Third  and  the 
First  committees. 

It  was  then  further  decided  to  refer 
the  whole  matter  of  drafting  a  protocol 
to  a  special  committee  of  twelve,  with  the 


604 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


hope  that  such  a  committee  would  be  able 
to  draft  such  a  protocol  embodying  and 
harmonizing  the  views  which  had  been 
expressed  by  Messrs.  MacDonald,  Herriot, 
and  others.  The  chairman  chosen  for  this 
committee  was  the  very  able  and  active 
M.  Benes,  of  Czechoslovakia.  The  other 
members  were  Boncour  of  France,  Brant- 
ing  of  Sweden,  Henderson  of  England, 
Lange  of  Norway,  Matsuda  of  Japan, 
Lord  Parmoor  of  England,  PouUet  of 
Belgium,  Schanzer  of  Italy,  Skrzynski  of 
Poland,  Titulesco  of  Eumania,  and  Ville- 
gas  of  Chile.  These  are  the  men  who 
drafted  the  protocol  entitled  "Keduction 
of  Armaments,"  published  in  the  Journal 
of  the  Assembly  September  23,  1924. 

This  protocol  was  referred  to  in  the 
leading  article  of  the  Journal  de  Geneve 
the  next  morning  as  the  "chart  of  the  new 
Europe."  Revised  by  the  Third  Com- 
mittee, it  was  presented  to  and  adopted  by 
the  Assembly  today,  October  2. 

The  Protocol 

As  we  have  seen,  the  problem  of  the 
Committee  of  Twelve  was  to  harmonize 
MacDonald  and  Herriot.  This  was  in- 
terpreted as  meaning  to  bring  arbitration, 
security,  and  disarmament  into  a  homo- 
geneous whole,  "to  insure  the  maintenance 
of  general  peace  in  the  world,"  and  to 
guarantee  "the  security  of  nations  whose 
existence,  independence,  or  territories 
may  be  threatened" — the  resulting  proto- 
col that  is  bound  to  bring  to  the  fore 
plenty  of  very  serious  problems. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  are  already 
problems  enough  looming  on  the  horizon. 
Article  five's  provision,  that  even  domes- 
tic questions  may  be  tampered  with  by  the 
Council  or  the  Assembly,  has  aroused 
Australia  and  Canada,  who  are  thinking 
of  the  immigration  problem.  I  am  natu- 
rally wondering  how  this  will  be  received 
in  our  own  country.* 

The  protocol  seems  top-heavy,  im- 
wieldy,  and  vague.  It  is  a  long  jump 
ahead,  perhaps  too  long.  Paul  Boncour, 
of  France,  seconded  by  M.  Politio,  of 
Greece,  announces  that  it  provides  for  the 
automatic  application  of  all  the  sanctions 


*  The  reader  will  find  the  text  of  the  pro- 
tocol in  the  International  Documents  section 
of  this  issue  of  the  Advocate  of  Peace,  and 
a  discussion  of  it  in  the  editorial  columns. 


of  force  by  all  the  nations  against  an 
aggressor.  That  is  a  large  order,  a  breath- 
taking order.  Senator  Dandurand,  of  Can- 
ada, frankly  expressed  to  the  Assembly 
his  views  of  some  of  these  difficulties, 
saying  that  Canada  lived  far  from  the  in- 
flammable material  of  Europe,  and  had 
always  sought  an  interpretation  of  Article 
10  of  the  Covenant  which  would  leave  to 
her  Parliament  the  decision  as  to  the 
measure  of  participation  in  a  conflict.  He 
recalled  the  fact  that  last  year  an  amend- 
ment to  Article  10  in  this  sense  secured 
the  support  of  the  Assembly  with  the  ex- 
ception of  one  dissentent  vote,  which  suf- 
ficed to  reject  it.  It  is,  indeed,  singular 
to  reflect  that  in  two  successive  years  the 
League  has  pursued  two  opposite  policies 
in  regard  to  Article  10 — last  year  it  sought 
to  weaken  its  effect,  this  year  to  make  it 
more  effective.  There  are  many  here  who 
greatly  regret  that  it  has  not  confined 
itself  to  repeating  last  year's  attempt  to 
make  participation  in  League  sanctions 
dependent  in  each  case  upon  parliamen- 
tary approval.  By  that  way  alone,  it  is 
felt,  could  the  United  States  ever  approach 
the  League.  As  it  is,  this  year's  proceed- 
ings have  led  the  League  farther  away 
from  the  New  World  and  implicated  it 
more  closely  in  Europe.  The  hasty  con- 
cession to  Japan  in  allowing  matters  of 
"domestic  jurisdiction"  to  come  in  certain 
circumstances  before  the  Council  of  the 
League  is  considered  a  short-sighted  ex- 
pedient, which  may  ultimately  prove  a 
disastrous  obstacle  to  universality. 

In  any  event,  however,  the  protocol  has 
placed  the  whole  question  of  organizing 
the  nations  for  peace  clearly  once  more  in 
the  realm  of  practical  national  and  inter- 
national politics.  That  ought  to  mean  a 
net  gain  for  the  cause  most  to  the  front 
here  in  Europe,  a  cause  which  ought  to  be 
upmost  throughout  the  world. 

A  Reminder  of  International  Law 

The  conception  that  international  law 
has  a  bearing  on  the  problems  of  peace 
and  war  has  not  been  lost  sight  of  here. 
On  September  8  Baron  Marks  von  Wur- 
temberg,  of  Sweden,  called  attention  to 
the  duty  of  the  League  to  develop  inter- 
national law  along  the  right  lines  and  to 
develop  a  definite  plan  of  action  to  that 
end.  The  matter  had  been  presented  to 
the  first  Assembly  without  effect,  but  the 


1924 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


605 


Baron  thought  the  time  had  come  for 
some  definite  effort  to  aid  and  encourage 
the  conclusion  of  agreements  between 
States  based  on  the  principles  of  inter- 
national law,  such  as  regards  the  extent 
of  territorial  waters  and  their  legal  status, 
the  rights  of  foreigners,  diplomatic  im- 
munity, and  other  matters.  Attention  of 
the  Assembly  was  called  to  the  Congress 
of  Jurists  set  up  by  the  American  repub- 
lics for  the  purpose  of  contributing  to  the 
gradual  and  progressive  codification  of 
international  law  in  the  western  Hemi- 
sphere, to  the  work  which  has  been  done 
also  at  The  Hague,  at  Brussels  and  else- 
where, to  the  same  end. 

The  result  has  been  that  the  Assembly 
recognized  the  Swedish  Minister's  position 
and  approved  his  resolution.  This  reso- 
lution contemplates  the  calling  of  inter- 
national conferences  by  the  League,  after 
preliminary  consultation  with  govern- 
ments and  experts,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
corporating, in  terms  of  international  law, 
items  which  lend  themselves  to  this  pro- 
cedure. To  this  end  the  Assembly  has 
requested  the  Council  to  do  four  things: 

"(1)  To  invite  the  members  of  the  League 
of  Nations  to  signify  to  the  Council  the 
items  or  subjects  of  international  law,  public 
or  private,  which  in  their  opinion  may  be 
usefully  examined  with  a  view  to  their  in- 
corporation in  international  conventions  or 
in  other  international  instruments  as  indi- 
cated above; 

"(2)  To  address  a  similar  invitation  to  the 
most  authoritative  organizations  which  have 
devoted  themselves  to  the  study  and  develop- 
ment of  international  law ; 

"(3)  To  examine,  after  the  necessary  con- 
sultations, the  measures  which  may  be  taken 
with  respect  to  the  various  suggestions  pre- 
sented, in  order  to  enable  the  League  of 
Nations  to  contribute  in  the  largest  possible 
measure  to  the  development  of  international 
law ;  and 

"(4)  To  present  a  report  to  the  next  As- 
sembly on  the  measures  taken  in  execution 
of  this  resolution." 

In  my  own  humble  judgment,  the 
League  of  Nations  has  done  a  no  more 
intelligent  and  hopeful  thing  than  this. 

Other  Work  of  the  Assembly 

While  the  Protocol  has  held  the  center 
of  the  picture,  there  are  other  features  of 


the  Assembly  worthy  of  note.  In  the 
afternoon  of  October  2  the  election  of  the 
non-permanent  members  of  the  Council 
for  the  coming  year  was  held.  The  sit- 
ting members  were  all  re-elected.  They 
are  Czechoslovakia,  Brazil,  Uruguay, 
Belgium,  Sweden,  and  Spain.  China  was 
a  candidate,  and  on  her  failure  to  secure 
election  her  four  representatives  rose  from 
their  seats  and  walked  out  of  the  hall. 
The  Chinese  delegation  had  already  let  it 
be  known  that  the  Peking  Parliament  had 
passed  a  special  resolution  to  the  effect 
that,  if  China  did  not  regain  the  seat  on 
the  Council  which  she  lost  last  year,  she 
would  withdraw  from  the  League.  She 
will  probably  not  withdraw.  At  one  time 
during  the  debate  in  committee  over 
domestic  questions  Japan  threatened  to 
leave  the  League  if  she  could  not  have  her 
way. 

But,  in  the  main,  the  feeling  of  the 
Assembly  is  milder  and  more  hopeful  than 
even  a  year  ago. 

Most  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the 
Assembly  begin  with  a  note  of  satisfac- 
tion. For  example,  the  Assembly  noted 
with  satisfaction  the  report  of  the 
Advisory  and  Technical  Committee  for 
Communications  and  Transit  on  the  work 
accomplished  by  the  organization  for  com- 
munications and  transit  between  the 
fourth  and  fifth  Assemblies;  expressed  its 
gratification  at  the  success  of  the  second 
General  Conference  on  Communications 
and  Transit  and  hoped  that,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  States  whose  governments  have 
voted  the  conventions  adopted  will,  before 
the  closing  of  the  protocol  of  signature, 
sign  the  conventions  and  will  proceed  to 
the  necessary  ratifications  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible; and  invited  the  governments  con- 
cerned to  facilitate,  as  in  the  past,  the 
work  of  the  Committee  for  Communica- 
tions and  Transit  and  its  subcommittees, 
with  a  view  to  the  general  improvement 
of  the  regime  of  transport  and  to  the  de- 
velopment of  international  law  in  the  do- 
main of  international  communications,  in 
conformity  with  Article  23  (e)  of  the 
Covenant. 

The  Assembly  drew  the  attention  of  the 
Council  to  the  extreme  urgency  of  giving 
effect  to  the  proposal  already  submitted 
to  the  Council,  for  a  revision  of  the  Lon- 
don Convention  of  1912,  particularly  in 
view    of    the    enormous  development    in 


606 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


radio-telephony;  and  recommended  that 
the  States  members  of  the  League  of 
Nations  should  grant  to  Esperanto,  as  a 
practical  auxiliary  language  for  interna- 
tional communications  side  by  side  with 
the  national  languages  in  use,  the  treat- 
ment and  the  charges  in  force  for  a 
language  en  clair  in  telegraphic  and  radio- 
telegraphic  communications. 

Besides,  there  has  been  great  labor  in 
behalf  of  minorities— a  very  thorny  prob- 
lem; of  refugees,  particularly  in  Greece; 
of  the  financial  reconstruction  of  Hun- 
gary, to  which  I  shall  have  to  devote  a 
special  article;  of  the  advancement  of 
laborers,  to  which  I  shall  have  to  devote 
another  special  article;  to  the  ameliora- 
tion of  customs  formalities,  of  which  there 
are  altogether  too  many  for  the  peace  of 
any  business  or  traveling  person.  Traffic 
in  women  and  children,  which  seems  a 
very  mysterious  matter;  in  opium  and 
other  dangerous  drugs,  much  less  mystify- 
ing, have  come  in  for  a  large  share  of  at- 
tention. 

The  work  of  the  Committee  on  Intellec- 
tual Co-operation  has  resulted  in  the 
formation  f-f  national  committees  on  in- 
tellectual co-operation.  This  work  is  being 
pushed  as  fast  as  the  limited  financial  re- 
sources allow.  The  committee  is  looking 
after  the  rights  involved  in  scientific  prop- 
erties, after  the  co-ordination  of  biblio- 
graphical work,  especially  in  the  domain 
of  physics;  after  the  international  ex- 
change of  publications,  after  the  inter- 
changing of  students,  the  traveling  facili- 
ties of  duly  qualified  teachers  and  scholars, 
the  equivalence  of  university  degrees,  and 
the  foundation  of  scholarships  for  certain 
purposes.  The  committee  has  instructed 
the  Secretariat  to  investigate  the  means 
by  which  efforts  to  promote  contacts  and 
to  educate  the  youth  of  all  countries  in 
the  ideals  of  world  peace  and  solidarity 
may  be  further  developed  and  co-ordi- 
nated. Two  other  developments  growing 
out  of  the  efforts  of  the  committee  is  the 
International  Institute,  which  the  French 
Government  is  planning  to  found  and  to 
put  at  the  disposal  of  the  League  as  an 


agency  for  carrying  out  the  intricate  work 
involved  by  the  decisions  of  this  Commit- 
tee on  Intellectual  Co-operation;  and,  sec- 
ond, the  International  Institute  for  the 
Unification  of  Private  Law  at  Rome, 
which  the  Italian  Government  is  planning 
to  found  and  to  put  at  the  service  of  the 
League. 

So  the  story  might  run  on  for  a  long 
time,  covering  the  work  to  promote  closer 
municipal  relations,  the  protection  of 
young  women  traveling  alone,  legal  assis- 
tance for  the  poor,  the  abolition  of  slavery, 
pensions  for  retiring  members  of  the 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Jus- 
tice, the  reorganization  of  the  League's 
South  American  Bureau,  the  promotion  of 
child  welfare,  the  budget  of  the  League, 
amendments  to  the  Covenant,  which  are 
found  to  come  hard;  the  complaints  and 
protests  and  petitions  and  panaceas  and 
threats  and  sermons  and  prayers  and  hopes 
and  fears  and  cries  of  our  staggering,  but 
ever  hopeful,  herd. 

The  kindly  minister  of  the  American 
Church  in  Geneva  has  had  "printed  for 
private  circulation"  the  following  "prayer 
for  the  spiritual  union  of  mankind,"  by 
Fosdick : 

"Eternal  God,  Father  of  All  Souls,  grant 
unto  us  such  a  clear  vision  of  the  sin  of  war 
that  we  may  earnestly  seek  that  co-operation 
ietween  nations  which  alone  can  make  war 
impossible. 

"As  man  ty  his  inventions  has  made  the 
whole  world  into  one  neighborhood,  grant 
that  he  may,  by  his  co-operations,  make  the 
whole  world  into  one  brotherhood. 

"Help  us  to  break  down  all  race  prejudice; 
stay  the  greed  of  those  who  profit  by  war 
and  the  ambitions  of  those  who  seek  an  im- 
perialistic conquest  drenched  in  blood. 

"Guide  all  statesmen  to  seek  a  just  basis 
for  international  action  in  the  interests  of 
peace.  Arouse  in  the  whole  body  of  the 
people  an  adventurous  willingness,  as  they 
sacrificed  greatly  for  war,  so  also  for  inter- 
national good  will  to  dare  bravely,  think 
wisely,  decide  resolutely,  and  to  achieve 
triumphantly.     Amen." 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE 


By  SIR  MAX  WAECHTER,  D.  L.,  J.  P. 


THERE  is  nothing  so  bad  that  some 
good  cannot  be  extracted  from  it,  and 
from  the  most  terrible  human  experiences 
lessons  can  be  learned  that  will  be  of  ad- 
vantage to  us  in  time  to  come,  if  we  will 
only  learn  them  and  act  upon  what  they 
teach  us.  The  World  War  of  1914-1918 
was  one  of  the  most  terrible  experiences 
for  the  whole  world.  The  trouble  and 
suffering  that  it  brought  in  its  train  were 
not  confined  to  the  belligerent  nations; 
there  were  few  of  the  neutral  countries 
that  did  not  eventually  feel  something  of 
its  devastating  effects.  How  to  prevent  a 
recurrence  of  those  four  black  years — that 
is  the  question  to  which  all  the  best  minds 
of  all  nations  should  address  themselves, 
and  particularly  does  that  duty  devolve 
upon  the  peoples  of  Europe. 

The  war  of  1914-1918  called  forth  far 
more  formidable  means  of  destruction. 
The  science  of  chemistry  was  added  to 
saber,  shot,  and  shell.  The  mastery  of  the 
air  increased  the  horrors  of  warfare  as  the 
human  race  had  hitherto  known  them. 
For  the  dash  of  cavalry  charge  was  sub- 
stituted the  dreary  mud  and  water  of  the 
trenches,  with  the  occasional  "over  the 
top,"  which  meant  almost  certain  annihi- 
lation for  the  majority  of  those  ordered  to 
the  attack.  The  developments  in  aerial 
flight  and  chemical  methods  for  obliterat- 
ing not  only  armed  forces,  but  unarmed 
citizens,  open  up  possibilities  for  the  de- 
struction of  life  and  property  against 
which  little  can  be  done  save  reprisals  of 
a  similarly  horrible  kind.  All  experts  are 
agreed  that  the  next  war,  if  and  when  it 
comes,  will  surpass  in  its  direful  conse- 
quences all  that  happened  in  the  last  ter- 
rible conflict.  It  is,  therefore,  to  the  in- 
terest of  the  peoples  of  the  entire  world 
that  no  effort  be  spared  to  arouse  them  to 
a  vivid  sense  of  the  dangers  that  will  be- 
fall them  if  they  should  unwarily  allow 
things  to  drift  towards  another  armed  con- 
flict among  nations. 

A   Question   Primarily   For   Europe 

I  have  said  that  this  question  particu- 
larly concerns  the  peoples  of  Europe.  It 
is  in  P;urope  that  the  dangers  of  war  are 

607 


greatest  today.  Moreover,  the  European 
nations  underwent  the  horrors  of  the  last 
war  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  any  other 
part  of  the  world.  It  is  in  Europe,  then, 
that  a  beginning  should  be  made  as  speed- 
ily as  possible  for  a  federation  of  nations 
for  peace  and  security.  We  need  in  Eu- 
rope particularly  conditions  that  will  in- 
sure a  lasting  peace  in  order  that  there 
shall  be  no  repetition  of  1914-1918.  Those 
conditions  exist  in  the  community  of  in- 
terests between  the  different  European  na- 
tions, if  only  the  peoples  will  grasp  that 
essential  fact,  and  rely  in  future  on  that 
community  of  interests  and  not  on  formal 
treaties  and  conventions,  which,  as  the  last 
war  showed,  can  simply  be  ignored  by  any 
one  nation  if  it  makes  up  its  mind  to  go 
to  war. 

There  is  one  way  of  strengthening  this 
community  of  interests  between  the  peo- 
ples of  Europe  and  that  is  by  uniting  all 
the  European  Powers  in  one  federation,  on 
the  model  of  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, and  binding  them  together  by  a  system 
of  free  trade  and  free  intercourse  through- 
out the  continent.  Such  a  federation,  I 
am  convinced,  is  the  only  possible  alterna- 
tive to  war.  I  felt  this  most  keenly  in  the 
last  stages  of  the  World  War,  and  the 
overthrow  of  all  the  old  obsolete  and  semi- 
feudal  autocracies  has  unquestionably  pre- 
pared the  war  for  and  made  easier  a  Eu- 
ropean Federation  of  Nations. 

Pre-war  Visits  to  the  Continent 

About  ten  years  before  the  World  War 
broke  out  I  visited  Germany  on  business. 
I  found  to  my  astonishment  a  strong  war- 
like feeling  apparently  pervading  the 
whole  nation.  Probably  it  was  produced 
by  the  press  of  that  country,  which,  with 
one  or  two  exceptions,  was  entirely  domi- 
nated by  the  War  Party.  The  idea  of  the 
War  Party  was  to  smash  France  com- 
pletely, seize  some  of  the  channel  ports, 
and  then  deal  with  England.  The  latter 
was  the  main  object.  I  made  up  my  mind 
to  do  all  I  could  to  prevent,  if  possible, 
the  carrying  out  of  this  plan.  As  I  then 
did  not  know  enough  about  the  various 
European  States,  I  visited  every  one  of 


608 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


Novemher 


them  with  the  object  of  stiidying  their 
political  and  economic  conditions  and 
their  national  mentality. 

As  a  result  of  my  visits  I  discovered  that 
the  whole  of  Europe  was  a  complete  chaos 
politically,  and  that  the  mentality  of  the 
jieople  differed  in  every  State.  I  realized 
that  this  was  a  very  serious  state  of  affairs, 
and  that  the  evil  must  be  attacked  at  the 
root.  Permanent  peace  was  impossible  as 
long  as  this  state  of  things  existed.  After 
thinking  the  matter  over  from  every  as- 
pect, I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
only  guarantee  of  permanent  peace  was  a 
federation  of  Europe  on  lines  similar  to 
the  United  States  of  America.  It  took 
me  some  time  to  find  out  the  way  in  which 
the  idea  could  be  realized,  and  as  soon  as 
I  found  what  I  thought  was  a  practical 
solution  I  took  action.  I  consulted  the 
King,  then  Prince  of  Wales.  He  listened 
with  great  interest  and  urged  me  to  lay 
the  whole  scheme  before  King  Edward 
VII. 

European  Federation  Favored  by  King 
Edward  VII 

When  I  placed  the  plan  before  King 
Edward  VII  he  exclaimed,  "This  is  the 
only  plan  which  can  possibly  save  the 
world !"  He  encouraged  me  to  go  forward 
with  it.  He  continued  to  be  highly  inter- 
ested in  it;  in  fact,  before  his  premature 
death  he  made  the  scheme  practically  his 
own  and  suggested  the  steps  to  be  taken. 
This  was  in  1909,  when  I  met  him  in 
Marienbad.  After  a  discussion  we  decided 
that  propaganda  for  this  object  should  be 
started  in  England. 

In  1913  I  founded  the  European  Unity 
League  as  a  means  of  promoting  the  idea 
of  the  federation  of  Europe  in  the  United 
Kingdom  and  throughout  the  continent. 
In  a  comparatively  short  time  more  than 
30,000  members  of  the  League  had  been 
enrolled,  and  the  General  Council  of  the 
League  consisted  of  more  than  300  of  the 
most  prominent  men  in  the  British  Em- 
pire, including  48  peers,  51  admirals,  52 
generals,  and  163  members  of  Parliament, 
among  them  our  present  Prime  Minister, 
Mr.  James  Eamsey  MacDonald. 

As  soon  as  the  plan  was  properly  formed 
I  again  visited  every  continental  country. 
I  saw  the  sovereigns,  many  ministers,  and 
other  prominent  men,  and"  found  them  all 
ready  to  adopt  the  plan  and  join  a  Euro- 


pean federation,  with  the  sole  exception  of 
Germany.  The  German  Emperor  showed 
in  every  way  that  he  thoroughly  approved 
of  my  plan,  but  I  could  not  induce  him  to 
take  action.  He  was  by  nature  a  pacifist, 
but  unfortunately  he  was  constantly  sur- 
rounded and  influenced  by  the  War  Party, 
and  he  could  not  see  his  way  to  break  with 
them. 

The  World  War  put  a  stop  to  the  work 
of  the  European  Unity  League.  That  was 
inevitable,  but  no  less  unfortunate,  for  if 
the  work  of  that  League  had  had  a  few 
years  in  which  to  grow  in  power  and  in- 
fluence, might  it  not  have  been  the  means 
of  preventing  that  catastrophe  from  which 
Europe,  at  any  rate,  is  likely  to  suffer  for 
many  years  to  come? 

In  Europe  Today 

More  than  five  years  have  past  since  the 
Armistice  of  November,  1918.  Europe  is 
still  unsettled,  No  good  purpose  will  be 
served  by  discussing  the  cause  of  the  pres- 
ent unsettled  state  of  Europe.  There  is 
no  one  cause:  the  causes  are  many;  but, 
whether  one  or  many,  suspicions  and  an- 
tagonisms are  again  raising  their  heads 
among  the  nations  of  Europe,  armed  forces 
are  being  increased  and  strengthened,  and 
the  probable  outcome  of  another  war  is 
discussed  and  considered  by  experts  of  all 
kinds.  Unfortunately,  I  am  prevented  by 
my  health  from  taking  up  active  propa- 
ganda again  for  the  United  States  of  Eu- 
rope, but  no  chance  of  its  succeeding  now 
must  be  neglected.  Therefore  I  bring  for- 
ward once  more  the  Federation  of  Euro- 
pean Nations — the  United  States  of  Eu- 
rope— as  the  most  practical  and  urgent 
proposal  for  rendering  the  possibility  of 
another  war  so  remote  that  the  League  of 
Nations  may  have  the  opportunity  so  to 
consolidate  its  position  in  the  world  that 
we  may  shortly  approach  the  time  when 
we  can  safely  look  forward  to  war  being 
abolished. 

The  United  States  of  Europe  the  Only 
Guarantee  Against  War 

Such  a  federation  of  Europe  is  the  only 
possible  alternative  to  the  dangers  of  fur- 
ther armed  conflicts.  Nothing  else  can 
guarantee  Europe  against  the  possibility 
of  future  war  quite  as  disastrous  as,  if  less 
extensive  than,  the  last  great  armed  strug- 
gle.   The  statement  that  the  United  States 


192Jk 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE 


609 


of  Europe  is  the  only  alternative  to  war 
may  seem  presumptuous,  but  in  the  course 
of  my  investigations,  from  ten  to  fifteen 
years,  I  put  the  question  to  hundreds  of 
statesmen  and  important  people  whether 
they  could  suggest  another  way  of  securing 
a  desirable  peace,  and  none  of  them  was 
able  to  suggest  an  alternative  course.  I 
contend,  then,  that  the  United  States  of 
Europe  is  the  only  plan  capable  of  avoid- 
ing the  danger  of  future  wars  and  pre- 
paring the  way  finally  for  their  abolition. 

Such  an  association  of  nations  would 
have  other  and  more  immediate  advan- 
tages. It  would  quickly  bring  about 
greater  prosperity  in  Europe,  most  badly 
needed  today.  By  freedom  of  trade  and 
intercourse  throughout  Europe,  as  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  it  would  do 
much  to  break  down  barriers  that  now 
exist.  By  the  gradual  adoption  of  a  uni- 
versal monetary  system  it  would  put  an 
end  to  the  chaos  of  the  exchanges,  which 
otherwise  may  continue  for  a  generation 
or  two,  if  not  longer.  By  the  steady  re- 
duction of  armaments  which  is  bound  to 
follow,  since  no  State  will  go  on  paying 
for  armaments  which  are  demonstrably  un- 
necessary, money  will  be  released  for  far 
more  productive  and  beneficial  purposes. 

It  must,  of  course,  be  understood  that  a 
permanent  European  federation  can  only 
be  achieved  on  an  absolutely  equitable 
basis  by  the  consent  of  all  the  nations  con- 
cerned, and  that  no  preference  or  privi- 
leges shall  be  granted  to  any  one  State. 
Such  a  scheme  of  federation  between  the 
nations  of  Europe  can  be  formulated  and 
established,  with  all  its  details  worked  out, 
only  after  full  public  discussion  and  free 
negotiation,  which  should  be  undertaken 
in  a  spirit  of  "give  and  take"  and  with 
the  determination  to  secure  the  desired 
result. 

Pre-war  Plan  to  Make  War  linpossible  in 
the  Future 

As  long  as  the  chaotic  political  and 
mental  conditions  in  Europe  exist,  there 
is  no  possibility  of  a  permanent  peace, 
which  can  only  be  brought  about  by  the 
federation  of  Europe.  Therefore  the  fed- 
eration of  Europe  on  similar  lines  to  the 
U.  S.  A.  is  a  necessary  preliminary  to 
make  war  impossible. 

As  soon  as  the  federation  of  Europe  has 


been  completed,  Europe  and  the  U.  S.  A. 
should  stop  war  completely.  They  should 
establish  a  permanent  International  Arbi- 
tration Court,  which  would  dead  with  any 
difficulties  existing  between  the  different 
States. 

Europe  and  America  jointly  would  then 
invite  every  country  in  the  world  to  join 
the  movement  to  make  war  impossible. 
The  probability  is  that  they  would  all 
agree  to  join,  but  if  any  country  declined 
to  do  so  it  should  be  notified  that,  in  case 
they  should  go  to  war  instead  of  referring 
the  question  to  the  International  Arbitra- 
tion Court,  they  would  be  heavily  pun- 
ished— probably  by  complete  isolation. 

For  the  federation  of  the  States  the  fol- 
lowing plan  could  be  adopted : 

All  the  States  should  meet  and  draw  up 
the  constitution  of  the  federation  on  the 
basis  of  one  tariff,  one  coinage,  and  one 
language,  which  should  be  taught  in  every 
school  as  a  second  language.  The  choice 
of  this  language  to  be  adopted  would  be 
decided  by  the  first  European  parliament. 

The  abolition  of  frontiers,  and  free  in- 
tercourse between  the  different  States. 

The  presidency  of  the  federation  to  be 
held  by  the  great  powers  in  rotation, 
whether  monarchies  or  republics. 

The  Late  President  Harding's  Approval 

During  the  summer  of  1922  Sir  Francis 
Trippel  visited  the  United  States  of 
America  at  the  joint  invitation  of  the 
American  and  British  boards  of  governors 
of  the  Sulgrave  Institution.  On  May  31 
he  had  the  honor  of  being  received  by  the 
late  President  Harding  at  the  White 
House  in  "Washington,  and  in  the  course  of 
conversation  took  the  opportunity  of  ex- 
plaining to  the  President  my  pre-war  plan 
for  making  war  in  Europe  impossible  in 
the  future. 

President  Harding  was  greatly  inter- 
ested in  it,  discussed  it  at  some  length, 
and  agreed  that  it  might  be  the  only  possi- 
ble way  of  securing  international  peace  on 
the  European  continent. 

On  a  subsequent  occasion,  when  Sir 
Francis  Trippel  again  met  the  President 
at  the  White  House,  the  latter  referred  to 
the  scheme,  and  was  then  more  emphatic, 
asserting  that  unification  of  Europe  was 
the  only  means  of  preventing  another  dis- 
astrous war. 


610 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  EUROPE 


November 


The  League  of  Nations 

It  may  naturally  be  asked,  Why  attempt 
a  federation  of  European  States  when  the 
Versailles  Treaty  has  called  the  League 
of  Nations  into  being,  and  that  body  is 
working  for  peace  and  arbitration  and  the 
settlement  of  disputes  between  nations 
without  the  use  of  armed  force?  That 
question  calls  for  a  frank  reply.  I  do  not 
consider  that  the  League  of  Nations  can 
possibly  become  strong  and  influential 
enough  to  carry  out  its  high  and  noble 
mission  until  there  exists  something  like 
unity  in  Europe.  Can  it  be  said  with 
truth  that  the  League  of  Nations  is  power- 
ful enough  today  to  secure  international 
peace?  I  wish  that  it  were,  but  I  am 
afraid  it  is  not.  There  are  two  great  na- 
tions of  Europe  outside  of  it,  Germany 
and  Russia,  the  one  not  yet  admitted,  the 
other  openly  scoffing  at  it.  While  the 
Republican  Party  is  in  power  in  the 
United  States  there  is  little  chance  of  that 
great  country  coming  into  the  League. 
Further,  we  know  that  France  in  the  occu- 
pation of  the  Ruhr  and  Italy  over  the 
bombardment  of  Corfu  caused  it  to  be  dis- 
tinctly understood  that  they  would  regard 
the  intervention  of  the  League  of  Nations 
in  those  matters  as  anything  but  a  friendly 
act.  Inasmuch  as  the  danger  of  war  is 
greatest  in  Europe  today — what  it  may  be 
years  hence  we  do  not  know — it  is  obvious 
that  the  League  of  Nations,  as  at  present 
constituted,  is  not  powerful  enough  to 
eliminate  that  danger. 

It  must  be  remembered,  too,  that  the 
League  of  Nations  is  not  at  all  a  new  idea. 
There  was  the  "Grand  Design"  of  Henry 
IV  of  France,  one  of  the  most  successful 
of  royal  mediators,  with  a  council  com- 
posed of  commissioners  from  the  various 
States  to  discuss  differences  and  pacify 
quarrels ; ,  there  were  the  proposals  of 
Grotius  for  arbitration;  Perni's  proposals 
for  a  European  Parliament ;  and  after  the 
fall  of  Napoleon  the  Peace  of  Vienna 
adopted  it.  It  failed  then  because  the 
nations  of  Europe  were  not  ready  for  it; 
and  even  if  it  had  succeeded  at  that  time 
and  continued,  it  could  not  have  remained 
a  league  of  nations  in  any  real  sense  of  the 
term,  for  it  would  not  have  been  much 
more  than  a  league  of  governments,  many 
of  them  autocracies  politically  a  century  or 
more  behind  the  times. 


Europe  Now  More  Democratized 

There  can  be  no  question  that  the  na- 
tions of  Europe  are  far  more  democratic 
in  their  political  constitutions  today  than 
at  any  other  previous  period  of  their 
history.  This  democratic  development 
should  undoubtedly  help  forward  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  United  States  of  Eu- 
rope, not  by  an  understanding  between 
autocratic  governments  above,  but  by  a 
genuine  federation  of  European  peoples 
below.  Over  and  over  again  has  the  fed- 
eration of  the  Balkan  States  been  urged 
as  a  means  of  relieving  those  unhappy 
regions  from  being  the  cockpit  of  Europe ; 
but  dynastic  and  governmental  interests 
have  hitherto  stood  in  the  war.  Let  that 
idea  recommended  for  the  Balkan  States 
be  applied  to  the  whole  continent  of  Eu- 
rope. Let  it  be  taken  up  at  the  "No  More 
War"  demonstrations  held  in  the  impor- 
tant centers  of  all  countries  at  the  end  of 
July  each  year.  Let  it  be  promulgated  at 
the  agitation  against  war  which  the  Inter- 
national Federation  of  Trade  Unions  is  or- 
ganizing for  next  September.  Let  the 
peoples  of  Europe  do  everything  they  can, 
politically  and  industrially,  to  promote  the 
United  States  of  Europe  as  a  real  and  last- 
ing guarantee  of  European  peace. 

The  peace  of  Europe,  once  secured,  will 
do  an  immense  deal  to  make  it  likewise 
secure  for  the  whole  world.  The  United 
States  of  America  will  no  longer  regard 
the  continent  of  Europe  as  an  armed  camp 
which  merits  neither  sympathy  nor  fra- 
ternity. The  consolidation  of  the  Euro- 
pean States  will  furnish  a  guarantee 
against  all  fear  of  Asiatic  invasion  such  as 
nothing  else  can  provide.  Moreover,  the 
Far  East  will  respect  a  federation  of  the 
States  of  Europe  united  in  a  peaceful  en- 
deavor for  the  general  welfare  of  all,  de- 
siring no  imperialist  enroachments  on 
other  parts  of  the  earth's  surface,  as  mod- 
ern Europe  has  not  been  respected  by  Asia 
up  till  now.  And,  above  all,  the  United 
States  of  Europe  will  contribute  in  every 
way  to  the  success  of  the  League  of 
Nations.  Without  it  the  League  of  Na- 
tions may  remain  ineffective  for  years  to 
come,  and  may  even  suffer  a  severe  setback 
by  a  recrudescence  of  warfare,  if  only  on 
a  minor  scale.  Because,  therefore,  though 
difficult,  it  is  easier  to  accomplish  effect- 
ively than  a  world-wide  League  of   Na- 


192Jf 


MILITARISM  AT  WORK 


611 


tions;  because  it  will  materially  help  for- 
ward the  work  of  peace  and  arbitration 
which  the  League  of  Nations  was  estab- 
lished to  carry  through;  because  it  gives 
to  the  peoples  a  more  secure  guarantee  of 
general  peace  than  any  other  scheme  pro- 
posed, the  United  States  of  Europe  should 


be  taken  up  enthusiastically  and  deter- 
minedly by  all  that  racial  and  national 
antagonisms  and  antipathies  shall  give 
way  to  cordial  sympathy  and  fraternal 
endeavor  to  make  the  best  of  this  world 
for  the  peace  and  security  of  the  genera- 
tions which  will  follow  us. 


MILITARISM  AT  WORK 

FIELD  MARSHAL  CONRAD'S  DISCLOSURES  ABOUT  THE  ORIGIN  OF 

THE  WORLD  WAR  * 

By  Dr.  HEINRICH  KANNER,  of  Vienna 


AMONG  all  the  military  men  who  were 
l\.  destined  to  make  world  history  dur- 
ing the  World  War,  perhaps  no  one  was 
such  a  typical  representative  of  militarism 
in  its  most  objectionable  form  as  the  chief 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  general  staff, 
Field  Marshal  Conrad  v.  Hotzendorf. 

Militarism  in  this  form  gives  a  decisive 
influence  in  politics  to  the  military  men, 
who  are  always  anxious  to  have  war,  and 
thus  compels  the  leading  military  men  to 
take  part  in  politics,  regardless  whether 
or  not  they  bring  an  inborn  interest  for 
politics  into  the  profession,  A  military 
man  who  is  politically  inclined  by  nature 
wiU  gladly  grasp  the  opportunity  of  tak- 
ing part  in  politics  as  soon  as  he  has 
reached  a  leading  position  in  the  military 
hierarchy  of  a  militaristic  State,  and 
even  after  he  has  lost  this  position  he 
will  continue  to  take  part  in  politics. 
This  is  the  general  who  is  either  a  poli- 
tician or  a  pothouse  politician. 

There  have  always  been  such  generals 
in  the  German  Empire.  In  the  time  of 
Bismarck,  who  knew  how  to  keep  the  sol- 
dier out  of  politics,  one  only  needs  to  men- 
tion General  Count  Waldersee,  who  was 
even  considered  Bismarck's  rival.  In  later 
times,  before  the  World  War,  General 
Eeim  must  be  mentioned.  Ludendorff  also 
is  of  a  political  nature.  He  used  the  power 
vested  in  him  by  his  position  as  senior 
quartermaster  general  during  the  World 
War  to  exercise  a  real  political  dictator- 
ship not  only  over  Germany,  but  also  over 
Austria-Hungary.  But  now,  after  his 
power  is  taken  from  him,  he  continues  to 
carry  on  in  politics,  the  best  proof  that 
he  is  a  politician,  though  a  bad  one — one 
might  even  say  a  pothouse  politician. 

*A  translation  from  Der  Friedenswarte. 


Conrad  von  Hotzendorf 

His  former  Austro-Hungarian  colleague, 
Conrad  von  Hotzendorf,  is  of  quite  a  dif- 
ferent nature.  As  shown  by  his  recently 
published  memoirs,*  he  was  intensively 
busy  in  politics  as  long  as  he  was  chief  of 
the  general  staff,  thereby  committing  a 
great  political  crime.  But  he  has  taken 
part  in  politics  rather  reluctantly,  as  he 
confesses  in  his  memoirs,  and  only  because 
engrossed  in  the  then  prevailing  concep- 
tion of  militarism,  he  thought  that  this 
was  part  of  the  duties  of  the  chief  of  the 
general  staff.  When  he  lost  his  position 
and  was  retired,  he  no  longer  felt  inclined 
to  take  part  in  politics,  much  to  the  satis- 
faction of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  has  not 
a  natural  disposition  for  politics.  This  is 
the  very  reason  why  the  political  passion, 
one  might  almost  call  it  fanaticism,  that 
he  developed  in  his  high  office — and  on 
account  of  which  he  at  times  even  for- 
sook the  office — this  passion  developed  in 
and  for  the  military  service.  This  purely 
officious  political  passion  is  so  much  the 
more  characteristic  of  the  system  of  mili- 
tarism that  engages  military  men  as  soon 
as  they  have  been  promoted  into  a  leading 
position  in  political  endeavors  where  they 
lack  the  necessary  training  and  possibly 
even  the  natural  inclination. 

The  System 

Therefore  Conrad  is  a  pure  product  of 
militarism,  and  his  memoirs  are,  though 
unintentionally,  so  much  more  valuable 
as  a  contribution  to  the  knowledge  of  this 
system,  which  spelled  ruin  for  the  two 
Central  Powers. 


*My  Military  Service,  1906-1918.     Vienna, 
Rikola  publ.,  4  volumes. 


612 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


He  writes  of  the  time  (November  18, 
1906)  when,  through  the  grace  of  the  heir 
presumptive,  he  was  called  from  line  serv- 
ice to  the  head  of  the  general  staff,  as 
follows : 

"The  first  and  most  important  thing  on 
entering  into  my  new  duties  seemed  to  me  to 
establish  harmony  with  the  Secretary  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  because  I  considered  most  im- 
portant the  close  connection  between  inter- 
national politics  and  preparation  for  war, 
which  is  the  duty  of  the  chief  of  the  general 
staff." 

And  then : 

"Having  been  occupied  with  purely  mili- 
tary questions  for  years,  it  was  extremely 
disagreeable  to  me  to  have  to  solve  political 
problems  now,  yet  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  the 
peremptory  duty  of  my  position."  (Vol.  1, 
p.  39). 

Difficulties  Involved 

However,  he  places  at  the  beginning  of 
his  description  of  his  activity  the  remark 
which  sums  up  all  his  experiences : 

"My  whole  activity  as  chief  of  the  general 
staff  during  peace  was  permeated  by  con- 
flicts resulting  from  the  fact  that  my  funda- 
mental ideas  about  politics  and  their  execu- 
tion were  opposed  to  those  of  the  leading 
personalities  (powers  that  be)"  (I,  13). 

Thus  the  harmony  with  the  Secretary 
of  Foreign  Affairs  was  an  ideal  that  could 
not  be  easily  obtained.  For  Conrad  was 
always  in  conflict  with  the  leading  per- 
sonalities in  politics,  among  whom  there 
were  not  only  the  Austro-Hungarian  Sec- 
retary of  Foreign  Affairs,  but  also  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  and  the  German  Em- 
peror, who  was  much  more  important  than 
all  others  in  the  question  of  war  or  peace, 
the  only  question  that  had  any  influence 
upon  Conrad. 

This  conflict  lasted  throughout  the 
whole  time  of  peace,  for  Conrad's  only 
goal  was  war,  and  only  when  this  goal  was 
reached  the  ideal  "harmony"  between  Con- 
rad and  the  other  leading  personalities 
was  reached.  Conrad  had  been  victorious, 
to  be  sure,  only  over  the  other  leading  per- 
sonalities of  the  Central  Powers,  but  not 
over  their  enemies,  much  to  the  detriment 
of  these  personalities. 

In  the  fourth  volume  of  his  memoirs, 
just  published,  Conrad  relates  the  events 


during  the  critical  days,  and  by  his  many 
details  contributes  much  valuable  infor- 
mation elucidating  the  history  immedi- 
ately preceding  the  World  War. 

The  news  of  the  assassination  of  the 
Crown  Prince  and  his  wife  was  given  to 
Conrad  on  June  28,  1914,  in  the  after- 
noon, in  Karlstadt  (Croatia),  by  two  tele- 
grams of  the  Governor  of  Bosnia,  Quarter- 
master General  Patiorek.  In  the  tele- 
grams nothing  was  said  about  the  assas- 
sination except  that  the  assassin  was  a 
Bosnian  of  Serbian  nationality.  Nothing 
else.  No  word  that  anyone  from  the 
Kingdom  of  Serbia  had  anything  to  do 
with  the  murder,  no  news  about  the  par- 
ticipation of  royal  Serbian  officers  and 
officials  in  the  preparation  of  the  murder, 
no  news  about  the  Serbian  origin  of  the 
death-dealing  revolver  and  the  bombs  that 
had  been  tried  first.  The  latter  was  found 
out  later  by  the  testimony  of  the  assassin, 
when  it  also  became  known  that  the 
Serbian  Government  did  not  know  any- 
thing about  it. 

Originator  of  the  War 

In  spite  of  all  this,  Conrad  immediately 
knew  the  consequence  of  this  murder.  As 
he  says : 

"The  assassination  was  the  declaration  of 
war  of  Serbia  to  Austria-Hungary.  It  could 
only  be  answered  by  war."     (IV,  17f.) 

Easy  to  understand !  This  had  been 
his  continuous  demand  for  the  last  six 
years.  For  Conrad  any,  even  the  most  un- 
just, pretext  was  good  enough  for  this 
fatal  decision.  That  military  procedure 
against  Serbia  might  lead  to  other  armed 
entanglements — yes,  even  to  a  general 
European  war,  and  to  a  world  war — was 
well  known  to  Conrad.  On  account  of 
and  for  these  possibilities,  he  had  con- 
cluded a  military  alliance  with  the  Chief 
of  the  German  general  staff  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1909,  an  alliance  which 
was  revised  and  renewed  in  May,  1914 — 
i.  e.,  a  few  weeks  before  Serajeva.  If  Con- 
rad laid  his  plans  for  a  war  against  Serbia 
on  the  afternoon  after  the  assassination, 
at  a  time  when  no  one  besides  him  had 
thought  that  far,  then  he  must  have  been 
aware  of  the  consequences  of  this  step — 
t.  e.,  the  World  War.  Therefore,  he  must 
be  considered  first  among  the  originators. 

In  his  brain,  on  the  28th  of  June,  1914, 


192Ji. 


MILITARISM  AT  WORK 


613 


when  the  whole  world  was  still  living  in 
peaceful  illusions,  this  accursed  thought 
appeared  for  the  first  time.  Since  this 
brain  was  the  birthplace  of  this  thought, 
it  is  only  fitting  to  devote  some  attention 
to  this  brain,  or  rather  to  the  logical  op- 
eration that  led  Conrad  to  his  conclusion. 

The  Utilization  of  Fallacy 

Conrad  says:  "The  assassination  was 
the  declaration  of  war  by  Serbia  against 
Austria-Hungary"  (IV,  17,  18).  In  the 
first  place,  this  sentence  is  begging  the 
question.  The  subject  of  the  sentence, 
the  assassination,  was  the  deed  of  a  "Bos- 
nian of  Serbian  nationality,''  of  whom 
Conrad  knew  absolutely  nothing  more, 
not  even  whether  the  Serbian  Government 
or  only  Serbian  nationals  had  anything  to 
do  with  him.  The  predicate  of  the  sen- 
tence, "the  declaration  of  war  by  Serbia 
against  Austria-Hungary,"  interpolates, 
under  the  ambiguous  designation  "Ser- 
bia," the  Serbian  Government  as  author 
of  the  assassination. 

Furthermore,  in  the  quoted  sentence 
the  words  "declaration  of  war"  are  used 
metaphorically  only.  Therefore  the  con- 
clusion, "it  could  only  be  answered  by 
war,"  can  only  be  meant  metaphorically. 
Austria-Hungary's  answer  to  Serbia's 
metaphorical  declaration  of  war  could 
only  be  a  metaphorical  war,  either  a  diplo- 
matic war  (demand  for  explanation,  satis- 
faction, etc.)  or  a  police  war  (expulsion  of 
the  Serbs),  or  an  economic  war  (embargo 
on  importation).  The  world  might  have 
understood  this.  But  Conrad's  answer  to 
the  metaphorical  declaration  of  war  of 
Serbia  was  the  real  war  of  Austria-Hun- 
gary. He  is  not  able  to  distinguish  be- 
tween reality  and  metaphor  in  the  lan- 
guage, and  he  considers  this  flash  of  wit 
so  important  that  he  hands  it  down  to 
posterity.  With  such  logical  stupidity,  if 
some  one  would  call  a  slender  girl  a  pine 
tree,  Conrad  would  draw  the  conclusion 
that  pine  cones  are  growing  on  the  girl's 
body. 

Gaining  Over  the  Statesmen 

After  Conrad  had  conceived  this  bright 
thought  he  returned  to  Vienna,  and  in  the 
evening  he  had  a  conference  with  the  Sec- 
retary of  Foreign  Affairs,  of  whom  he  de- 


manded "immediate?"  mobilization  against 
Serbia. 

But  at  that  time  Berchtold  did  not 
think  that  far.  Like  the  whole  civilized 
world,  he  only  thought  of  diplomatic  re- 
prisals against  Serbia,  a  metaphorical  war. 
He  told  Conrad  that  the  real  motive  for  a 
mobilization  was  lacking;  that  he  had 
planned  a  different  mode  of  procedure — 
i.  e.,  to  demand  of  Serbia  that  certain 
clubs  should  be  dissolved,  that  the  chief 
of  the  police  should  be  discharged,  etc. 

Conrad,  however,  knows  more  about 
politics  than  the  secretary,  who  has  been 
appointed  to  carry  it  on.  He  advises  the 
secretary:  "That  has  no  effect;  might 
alone  will  be  effective."  After  he  had 
talked  with  derision  to  Berchtold  about 
his  fear  of  a  revolution  in  Bohemia,  he 
tries  to  deceive  him  about  the  danger  of 
his  demand:  "To  Eussia  we  must  point 
out  the  anti-monarchical  element  of  the 
assassination  (in  case  of  a  mobilization 
against  Serbia),  and  King  Charles  of 
Rumania  cannot  open  hostilities  against 
us  on  account  of  it"  (IV,  33-34).  He 
wishes  to  make  Berchtold,  who  had  grown 
afraid,  believe  that,  while  he  himself  does 
not  believe  it.  The  simpleton  betrays  that 
himself;  for,  eager  to  let  his  mental  su- 
periority shine  on  every  page  of  his  book 
and  before  everybody,  he  tells  that  on  the 
very  day  before  his  conversation  with 
Berchtold  he  had  said  to  his  military  col- 
leagues on  the  general  staff  that  in  a  war 
with  Serbia  "the  danger  was  imminent  to 
look  upon  Russia  and  Rumania  as  en- 
emies" (I,  39).  Thus  the  soldier  med- 
dles in  politics,  but  not  to  tell  the  secre- 
tary the  truth,  his  own  conviction,  but  to 
tell  him  the  opposite,  to  lead  him  astray 
politically,  to  silence  by  his  authority  the 
last  remorse  of  the  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  to  deceive  him  into  the  war.  This 
was  why  the  high  officers  demanded  influ- 
ence in  foreign  politics.  This  is  the 
deeper  meaning  of  militarism. 

Influence  Upon  Berchtold 

In  opposition  to  his  predecessor,  Count 
Aehrenthal,  Berchtold  had  always  lent  an 
open  ear  to  Conrad's  political  suggestions. 
Although  a  diplomat  by  his  office,  he  was 
an  advocate  of  might  in  his  fundamental 
conception,  and  during  the  preceding  two 
years  of  his  secretaryship  he  had  tried  to 


614 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


use  every  opportunity  to  solve  the  south- 
Slavic  problem  with  blood  and  iron,  an_d 
was  kept  from  doing  this  only  by  external 
influence,  especially  by  that  of  the  Ger- 
man Emperor.  These  failures  of  his  pol- 
icy of  violence  had  scalded  him.  After 
the  conclusion  of  the  two  Balkan  wars  he 
had  been  compelled,  under  Tisza's  influ- 
ence, to  work  out  a  plan  for  a  peaceful 
Balkan  policy,  and  had  just  set  about  to 
win  Germany  for  this  plan.  The  assassi- 
nation in  Serajeva  did  not  throw  the  lazy 
thinker  off  his  track. 

However,  Conrad''s  few  words  about 
violence,  about  the  chance  with  Eussia 
and  Rumania,  were  sufficient  to  revive  his 
old  inclination  toward  the  policy  of  vio- 
lence. Too  bad  that  he  had  not  thought 
of  it  himself,  Conrad  had  perceived  the 
new  bloody  possibilities  quicker  than  he. 
Immediately  he  renounced  his  peaceful 
plan,  that  did  not  suit  his  character,  and 
adopted  Conrad's  war  plan,  which  was 
more  congenial  to  him;  but  with  the  sole 
reservation  to  wait  for  the  conclusion  of 
the  legal  investigation  and  not  to  mobilize 
"immediately."  As  he  had  already  told 
Conrad  on  July  1,  the  Austrian  Prime 
Minister,  Count  Stiirgckh,  and  the  Hun- 
garian Prime  Minister,  Count  Tisza,  were 
at  first  opposed  to  it;  but  they  were 
quickly  converted,  as  we  know — Stiirgckh 
during  the  same  and  Tisza  during  the  fol- 
lowing week. 

Berchtold  had  also  submitted  Conrad's 
plan  to  Emperor  Francis  Joseph.  The 
Emperor  agreed  with  Berchtold's  state- 
ment and  was  in  favor  of  waiting  for  the 
investigation,  as  Berchtold  reported  to 
Conrad  on  July  1.  Francis  Joseph  had 
only  one  doubt.  During  the  last  years 
William  II  had  often  stopped  him  when 
he  was  about  to  attack  the  Serbs.  But 
without  William  II's  help  Francis  Joseph 
could  not  risk  a  war  against  Serbia,  as 
Eussia  probably  would  be  drawn  into  it. 
Who  could  know  what  attitude  William  II 
would  take  to  the  war  this  time  ? 

Count  Berchtold  knew  what  to  do.  He 
persuaded  the  Emperor  to  send  a  personal 
letter  to  William  II,  asking  this  very  ques- 
tion. This  was  done  July  4.  Berchtold's 
confidant.  Councilor  Count  Alexander 
Hoyos,  traveled  to  Berlin  with  the  per- 
sonal letter  July  5.  The  Austro-Hun- 
garian     ambassador,     Count     Szogyeny, 


handed  it  to  the  German  Emperor,  July 
6.  Szogyeny  and  Hoyos  had  a  conference 
with  the  German  Chancellor,  von  Beth- 
mann,  and  the  Undersecretary  of  State, 
Dr.  Zimmermann.  July  7  Hoyos  re- 
turned with  the  answer. 

In  the  meantime,  July  6,  Conrad  had 
another  conference  with  Berchtold,  who 
faithfully  reported  what  had  happened 
and  accepted  his  advice.  In  the  first 
place,  Berchtold  told  Conrad  the  agree- 
able news,  that  the  German  Emperor  had 
said  "Yes;"  but  that  he  still  had  to  con- 
fer with  Bethmann.  Conrad,  who  the- 
day  before  had  worked  on  Francis  Joseph,, 
rejoiced  at  the  situation.  "The  Emperor" 
(Francis  Joseph)  "will  favor  the  war 
with  Serbia,"  he  said. 

But  Berchtold  had  another  little  at- 
tack of  weakness.  Not  only  did  he  feel 
intellectually  dependent  upon  Conrad,  but 
also  upon  the  all-powerful  and  brutal 
Hungarian  Prime  Minister,  who  was  still 
opposed  to  the  war.  Berchtold  wished  to 
gain  time.  Pie  shrunk  back  from  Con- 
rad's unrelenting  "immediately"  and  tried 
again  to  obtain  a  short  delay  of  the  war. 
For  this  purpose  he  referred  to  the  ap- 
proaching harvest,  which  should  he 
awaited,  because  it  would  furnish  the 
supplies  for  a  year,  and  tried  to  appease 
Conrad  by  the  proposal  of  a  "trial  mo- 
bilization"— that  is  a  mobilization  which 
was  not  to  lead  to  war,  but  only  to  sup- 
port the  diplomatic  negotiations.  Con- 
rad did  not  yield;  he  demanded  "a  full 
mobilization^'  against  Serbia. 

Berchtold  now  began  to  talk  plainer; 
referred  to  Tisza's  opposition  and  again 
called  Conrad's  attention  to  the  danger 
threatening  from  Eussia  and  Eumania. 
Conrad  treated  this  danger  lightly,  and 
the  section  chief.  Count  Forgach,  a 
principal  instigator  of  war,  who  took  part 
in  this  conference,  helped  him  by  leading 
the  conversation  back  to  the  more  en- 
joyable topic,  Germany's  assistance. 

However,  Count  Berchtold,  who  was 
thoroughly  afraid  of  Tisza,  now  raised 
another  objection ;  "But  the  Germans  will 
ask  us  what  will  happen  after  the  war  (to 
Serbia)?"  "Then  say  that  we  do  not 
know  ourselves,"  the  General,  who  was 
never  bothered  by  doubts,  snapped  back. 

In  the  morning  of  July  7 — Hayas  had 
hardly    returned    from    Berlin — Conrad 


19U 


MILITARISM  AT  WORK 


j615 


heard  that  he  was  bringing  a  favorable  re- 
ply from  Berlin  and,  upon  inquiry,  he 
received  from  Berchtold,  who  acted  like 
his  reporter,  the  information  that  "Ger- 
many would  unconditionally  side  with 
Austria-Hungary.  Even  though  the  ac- 
tion against  Serbia  would  start  the  Great 
(European)  War,  Germany  advised  Aus- 
tria-Hungary to  attack^'  (IV,  42). 

That  same  July  7  a  cabinet  meeting 
took  place,  to  which  Berchtold  was  in- 
vited. Here  he  learned,  in  addition,  that 
the  German  Chancellor,  as  well  as  the 
German  Emperor,  advocated  "an  im- 
mediate attack  upon  Serbia,"  and  "from 
an  international  point  of  view  considered 
the  present  moment  more  favorable  than 
a  later  one"  (IV,  55  f.).  Thus  Conrad 
carried  his  point;  in  his  controversy  with 
Berchtold  concerning  now  or  later,  Ber- 
lin had  completely  taken  his  side.  Per- 
haps he  felt  that  his  victory  was  too 
complete. 

When  Tisza,  who  was  not  in  favor  of 
the  war,  in  spite  of  Berlin,  and  for  whom 
Conrad  had  more  respect  than  for  indolent 
Berchtold,  put  the  thumbscrews  on  him 
during  the  cabinet  meeting  by  sharply 
pointed  questions,  Conrad  admitted  that 
in  the  case  of  a  war  against  Eussia,  Ru- 
mania, Serbia,  and  Montenegro,  Austria- 
Hungary's  chances  would  not  be  very 
good  (IV,  55).  Conrad  did  not  dare 
to  answer  the  Hungarian  dictator  with 
a  few  meaningless  phrases,  as  he  had 
done  a  few  days  before  with  Count  Berch- 
told when  discussing  the  same  question. 

Whether  the  chances  for  his  State  were 
favorable  or  unfavorable,  that  did  not 
change  Berchtold's  desire  for  war.  Under 
no  condition  would  he  give  up  this  chance 
of  waging  the  long-desired  war  against 
Serbia,  no  matter  what  happened  after- 
wards. In  spite  of  Bethmann's  and  Wil- 
liam II's  consent,  Berchtold,  under  pres- 
sure from  Tisza,  could  not  make  up  his 
mind  to  attack  "immediately,"  "to  in- 
vade Serbia  without  diplomatic  prepara- 
tion," as  Tisza  depreciatingly  had  called 
it.  He  planned  a  compromise  with  Tisza 
which  later  came  to  pass  and  which  was  a 
short-timed  (24  or  48  hours)  ultimatum 
to  Serbia  with  impossible  conditions.  It 
was  to  be  sent  after  the  harvest  and  after 
the  investigation  of  July  22. 

The   day   following   the   cabinet   meet- 


ing he,  in  duty  bound,  made  his  report 
to  Conrad.  Conrad  was  dissatisfied. 
"Rather  today  than  tomorrow,"  he 
answered.  But  he  finally  gave  his  con- 
sent. And  now  Berchtold,  who  was  not 
yet  sure  of  Tisza,  tried  to  make  another 
bargain  with  Conrad.  Timidly  he  asked 
if  the  occupation  of  "sufficient"  territory 
in  Serbia  would  be  satisfactory.  Then 
the  bloodthirsty  lion  was  reawakened  in 
the  General.  He  would  not  stop  until 
he  had  "Tseaten"  the  whole  Serbian  army. 
That  was  the  end. 

Only  in  one  point  Conrad  again  had  to 
give  in  to  the  irresistible  Tisza — in  fixing 
the  scope  of  the  war.  Conrad  had  always 
favored  the  complete  annexation  of  the 
Serbian  kingdom  into  the  Austro-Hun- 
garian  monarchy.  Tisza  was  absolutely 
opposed  to  it  because  then  the  Magyars 
could  no  longer  predominate  in  Hungary, 
Conrad  had  to  yield.  They  agreed  upon 
an  adjustment  of  the  boundaries  in  favor 
of  Austria-Hungary  and  a  reduction  of 
Serbia  only  in  favor  of  other  adjacent 
States.  But  Conrad  consoled  himself 
and  his  congenial  Secretary  of  War  with 
the  assurance  that  after  the  war  (vic- 
torious, of  course)  no  one  would  pay 
any  attention  to  these  promises  (IV,  92). 

Austria-Hungary's   Imperfect   Military 
Preparation 

July  14,  Tisza  had  fallen  when  he  had 
noticed  Francis  Joseph''s  desire  for  war; 
on  the  23rd  the  forty-eight-hour  ulti- 
matum, with  the  intentionally  impossible 
demands,  had  been  handed  to  Belgrade.  On 
the  25th  the  Austro-Hungarian  ambas- 
sador broke  off  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  Serbian  Government  and  a  part  of 
the  Austro-Hungarian  army  was  being 
mobilized  against  Serbia.  Conrad  had 
reached  his  goal,  although  with  a  delay 
of  three  weeks  and  a  diplomatic  palliative. 
Nothing  stood  in  the  way  of  his  warfare 
against  Serbia. 

But  now  the  roles  of  Berchtold  and 
Conrad  were  changed.  The  secretary, 
who  had  accomplished  his  task  and  did 
not  any  more  have  to  fear  objection  and 
resistance  from  Vienna,  from  Berlin,  or 
Budapest,  became  bold  and  dashing,  for 
he  had  protected  his  responsibility  in 
every  way.  Conrad,  however,  who  now 
had   to   do   his   work   and   take   the   re- 


616 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


sponsibility  upon  himself,  became  timid 
and  doubtful.  That  was  seen  already  on 
the  next  day,  the  26th. 

The  German  government,  which  from 
the  beginning  had  insisted  upon  an  im- 
mediate attack,  without  diplomatic 
preparation,  was  rather  worried  by  the 
three  weeks*  delay  and  the  diplomatic  ac- 
tion of  Berchtold.  They  were  afraid  that 
Austria-Hungary,  "always  slow  to  pro- 
ceed," would  take  too  much  time  in  mili- 
tary execution,  and  that  the  foreign  powers 
in  the  meantime  would  make  use  of  Berch- 
told's  diplomatic  action  to  offer  mediation, 
which  would  compromise  the  war  against 
Serbia.  Therefore  the  Vienna  Govern- 
ment was  told  on  the  26th  that,  "in  order 
to  avoid  interference  from  other  Powers, 
the  greatest  speed  in  military  operations 
and  an  immediate  declaration  of  war  on 
Serbia  were  considered  desirable." 

In  order  to  prepare  an  answer  to  this 
note,  Berchtold,  lazy  and  sly  as  he  was, 
invited  the  German  ambassador,  Tscher- 
schky,  and  also  his  former  oppressor,  Con- 
rad, to  a  conference.  Then  and  there  the 
"Katzen jammer"  began.  Conrad  told  the 
two  diplomats  that  he  could  not  attack 
before  August  12 ;  whereupon  the  German 
Secretary  of  State,  v.  Jagow,  having  read 
the  ambassador's  report,  expressed  his  "re- 
gret" to  the  Austro-Hungarian  Govern- 
ment. 

Berchtold,  now  a  brave  supporter  of 
Germany,  wished  immediately  to  issue  the 
declaration  of  war  to  Serbia,  in  order  to 
prevent  any  attempts  at  mediation  by  this 
paper  fait  accompli.  Conrad  asked  him 
in  private  to  postpone  the  declaration  of 
war  till  August  12.  But  when  Berchtold 
did  not  yield  to  his  former  oppressor,  who 
had  become  weak,  the  latter  asked  for  "a 
few  days'  respite"  at  least.  "It  is  not  so 
urgent,"  said  the  former  firebrand,  who 
had  wished  to  start  the  attack — with  his 
mouth — on  June  29.  The  declaration  of 
war  followed,  two  days  later,  after  Con- 
rad's consent  had  been  obtained. 

While  on  June  29  he  unhesitatingly 
considered  Russia  and  Rumania  as  ene- 
mies, he  now  urged  Berchtold  to  "spare" 
Rumania,  "to  clarify  the  relation  with 
Russia  as  soon  as  possible,"  and  "to  put 
off  as  long  as  possible"  that  tiny  country 
of  Montenegro  (IV,  131  f.).  As  the 
poet  says,  "the  guilty  man  was  horror- 


stricken."  Conrad  complains  again  and 
again  that  Austria-Hungary  went  into 
the  war  "with  the  most  faulty  diplomatic 
preparation  possible"  (IV,  112).  But  no 
word  of  explanation  or  justification  for 
the  imperfect  military  preparation;  that 
was  indeed  his  own  crime. 

From  the  Serbian  to  the  World  War 

On  July  27  news  arrived  about  Russian 
mobilization  in  the  military  districts  on 
the  Austro-Hungarian  boundary.  As 
customary,  Berchtold  asked  Conrad,  his 
mentor,  what  could  be  done.  N"ow,  as 
he  re-entered  foreign  diplomatic  activities, 
Conrad  was  again  on  top.  He  was  always 
ready  with  advice  for  others.  This  time 
he  not  only  advised  Berchtold,  but  alsa 
the  German  Government.  On  July  28, 
in  order  to  make  sure,  he  repeated  his 
plans  by  telephone. 

In  the  first  place,  he  advised  Berchtold 
to  ask  the  German  Government  to  notify 
Russia  that,  if  she  mobilized  against 
Austria-Hungary,  "Germany  would  im- 
mediately start  to  mobilize  against  Rus- 
sia." Conrad  also  wrote  the  text  of  the 
note  that  Germany  was  to  send  to  Russia. 
The  note  was  written  in  this  peremptory 
tone  (IV,  133).  The  military  men  of 
the  Central  Powers  seem  to  have  con- 
sidered their  quill-driving  diplomats  even 
incapable  of  writing.  It  is  well  known 
that  Moltke,  in  Berlin,  wrote  the  text 
of  the  fatal  communication  to  Belgium 
which  drew  Belgium  into  the  war.  On 
the  28th  Berchtold  obediently  adopted  the 
idea  of  his  military  mentor,  only  in  a 
slightly  milder  form;  but  his  plan  came 
too  late.  Berlin  had  already  taken 
another  step  in  Petrograd  on  the  26th. 
Furthermore,  Conrad  advised  Berchtold 
to  ask  the  King  of  Rumania,  through 
Berlin,  to  make  a  similar  declaration  in 
Petrograd  (IV,  134)  ;  but  Berlin  recog- 
nized the  futility  of  such  a  suggestion 
to  Carol. 

Third,  Conrad  asked  Berlin  that  Ger- 
many at  once  should  answer  Russia's  mo- 
bilization against  Austria-Hungary  by  her 
own  mobilization ;  Austria-Hung;-iry  would 
mobilize  against  Russia  only  after  Ger- 
many had  done  so  (IV,  134).  Berlin, 
however,  did  not  agree  to  this  demand, 
for  the  German  Emperor,  having  read 
the  Serbian  reply,  had  been  seized  by  a 


19U 


MILITARISM  AT  WORK 


617 


desire  for  peace  and  had  started  an  offer 
of  mediation  on  July  38.  Now  this  had 
to  be  frustrated,  and  for  this  purpose 
Conrad  and  Berchiold  worked  harmoni- 
ously with  Moltke  during  the  next  days. 

On  July  28  Berchtold  received  the  first 
peaceful  advice  from  Berlin.  It  seems 
to  have  again  weakened  Berchtold.  Con- 
rad had  to  quiet  him  anew  and  encourage 
him.  On  July  27  and  28  Conrad  in- 
tended to  mobilize  the  Austro-Hungarian 
army  (against  Kussia)  only  after  Ger- 
many had  mobilized  against  Russia;  but 
on  July  29  he  conceived  the  plan  of  de- 
manding an  immediate  general  mobiliza- 
tion of  the  Austro-Hungarian  army  with- 
out waiting  for  Germany's  mobilization; 
and  this  right  in  the  midst  of  Germany's 
offer  of  mediation,  which  had  been  re- 
newed and  made  stronger  on  July  29. 
Germany's  aversion  against  an  immediate 
mobilization  was  well  known. 

In  the  meantime,  on  July  30,  at  noon, 
a  third,  the  most  energetic  telegraphic 
offer  of  mediation,  had  arrived  from  Ber- 
lin, wherein  Bethmann  advocated  a  new 
English  peace  plan.  In  the  afternoon 
Conrad  and  Berchtold  went  to  the  Em- 
peror; they  decided  to  reject  the  English 
peace  proposition  and  to  order  the  gen- 
eral mobilization  (IV,  151). 

The  Decisions  for  War 

How  correctly  he  had  entered  into  the 
ideas  of  the  war  party  was  proved  by  a 
dispatch  from  the  Berlin  ambassador, 
which  arrived  shortly  after  these  resolu- 
tions. In  it  Moltke  advised  Conrad  to 
proceed  at  once  with  the  general  mobili- 
zation. It  was  also  proved  by  another 
telegram,  which  had  been  sent  from  Ber- 
lin on  July  30,  in  the  evening,  but  had 
been  delivered  to  Conrad  only  on  July 
31,  in  the  morning.  In  it  Moltke  recom- 
mended in  plain  words  "to  reject  Eng- 
land's renewed  attempts  to  maintain 
peace,"  and  to  mobilize  against  Eussia. 
The  European  war  was  necessary  to  save 
Austria-Hungary.  "Germany  will  join 
unconditionally,'"  "Germany  will  mobi- 
lize," Moltke  told  Conrad  at  the  same 
time  in  a  private  telegram  (IV,  152). 

The  same  morning  Berchtold  had  re- 
ceived information  from  Berlin  that  Ger- 
many would  send  an  ultimatum  to  Rus- 
sia.    When  Conrad  read  his  telegram  to 


Berchtold,  in  the  morning  of  July  31, 
Berchtold,  who  lately  had  been  tormented 
by  doubts,  regained  his  good  humor. 
Gaily  he  exclaimed,  "That  is  well  done! 
Who  is  the  leader,  Moltke  or  Bethmann  ?" 
He  declared  that  he  was  satisfied  and  de- 
cided, jointly  with  Conrad,  to  ask  Francis 
Joseph  to  issue  the  formal  decree  for  the 
general  mobilization  that  had  been  de- 
cided upon  on  the  day  before.  This  de- 
cree was  given  from  the  Imperial  Chan- 
cery to  the  War  Department  at  12:23 
o'clock  p.  m.  (IV.  153-155).  Even 
earlier  than  that,  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, Berchtold  and  Conrad,  simultaneously 
and  in  mutual  understanding  had  notified 
the  German  Chancellor  and  the  chief  of 
the  German  general  staff  of  the  decision 
for  a  general  mobilization  (against  Rus- 
sia), and  of  the  carrying  out  of  the  war 
against  Serbia  (i.  e._,  the  rejection  of 
all  mediation  and  peace  proposals).  There- 
upon the  last  decision  was  made  in  Ber- 
lin. At  1  o'clock  Berlin  declared  that 
"the  danger  of  war  was  imminent," 
which  meant  the  getting  ready  for  mobili- 
zation; at  3:30  o'clock  the  twelve-hour 
ultimatum  was  sent  to  Petrograd.  The 
military  men  had  their  way — Conrad  in 
the  war  against  Serbia,  Moltke  in  the 
European  war. 

Attitude  Toward   Russia 

Conrad's  memoirs  show  the  important 
fact  that  the  military  leaders,  Conrad  as 
well  as  Moltke,  during  that  critical 
period  did  not  at  all  look  upon  the  Rus- 
sian mobilization  as  being  identical  with 
war,  as  later  the  defenders  of  William  II 
tried  to  represent  it,  and  that  decidedly 
they  were  not  of  the  opinion  that  the 
answer  to  the  Russian  mobilization  ought 
to  be  an  ultimatum  and  the  declaration 
of  war.  In  the  evening  of  July  30,  be- 
fore the  above-mentioned  telegram,  which 
reached  Vienna  only  on  July  31,  Moltke 
contemptuously  speaks  of  the  "customary 
Russian  mobilizations  and  demobiliza- 
tions" in  a  telegram  which  reached  Con- 
rad on  the  30th,  in  the  evening,  and 
instructs  him  "not  to  declare  war  on 
Russia,"  although  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment oilicially  had  notified  the  Central 
Powers  of  the  Russian  mobilization 
against  Austria  -  Hungary.  Conrad 
answered  Moltke  in  the  affirmative.    Con- 


618 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


rad  had  not  needed  these  instructions 
from  Moltke.  Conrad  had  already  voiced 
the  same  opinion  to  Berchtold. 

When  Conrad,  on  the  morning  of  July 
30,  proposed  the  general  mobilization  of 
the  Austro-Hungarian  army  (against 
Eussia),  Berchtold  and  Stiirgckh  became 
doubtful  again;  they  feared  that  Austria- 
Hungary  could  not  stand  financially  a 
war  against  Serbia  and  Russia  at  the  same 
time.  Conrad's  answer  was:  "The  Rus- 
sians may  come  to  a  standstill.'"  When 
Count  Berchtold,  in  the  afternoon  of  this 
day,  during  the  conference  with  the  Em- 
peror, again  voiced  the  fear  that  if  the 
Austro-Hungarian  army  were  in  Galicia 
a  war  with  Russia  would  be  inevitable, 
Conrad  replied:  "If  the  Russians  do  not 
do  anything  to  us,  we  do  not  need  to  do 
anything  to  them." 

Furthermore,  Conrad  conceived  the 
text  of  a  note  to  be  sent  to  Russia  by 
Berchtold;  therein  he  stated  emphatically 
that  Austria-Hungary  had  mobilized 
"without  any  intention  to  attack  or  to 
threaten  Russia"  (IV,  147-152),  a  con- 
ception which  Berchtold  adopted  as  his 
own  in  a  different  form. 

Concluding  Remarks 

We  break  off  here.  In  his  fourth  vol- 
ume Conrad  gives  an  account  of  his  ac- 
tivity until  September  30,  1914.  But  our 
report  may  suffice  to  show  our  readers  the 
militarism  at  work.  The  idea  of  waging 
war  against  Serbia  originated  with  one 
man,  the  chief  of  the  general  staff — 
Conrad.  Step  by  step  Conrad  urges  his 
government  on,  while  his  Berlin  colleague, 
Moltke,  "encourages"  the  German  Govern- 
ment, which  in  the  last  moment  shrunk 
back  from  an  impending  European  war, 
and  drives  it  to  the  fatal  last  decision. 

In  Berlin,  Moltke  is  ruling  during  the 
critical  days,  not  Bethmann,  just  as  in 
Vienna  Conrad,  not  Berchtold.  The  in- 
terference of  the  military  men  in  Vienna 
and  in  Berlin,  their  encroachment  upon 
politics,  leads  to  war  first  against  Serlsia, 
and  then  against  all  Europe.  The  mili- 
tarism of  the  Central  Powers  completely 
ceases  to  live. 

Conrad's  disclosures  are  an  extremely 
valuable  contribution  to  the  question  of 
guilt,  surely  without  the  author's  inten- 
tion.    The  defenders  of  William  II's  re- 


gime have  been  complaining  for  almost 
ten  years  that  the  Central  Powers  have 
been  attacked  in  the  World  War  by  the 
Entente  Powers.  Conrad's  undisguised 
statement  shows,  on  the  contrary,  that 
the  then  governments  of  the  Central 
Powers,  immediately  after  the  assassina- 
tion in  Serajevo,  had  planned  an  invasion 
of  Serbia,  as  Tschirschky  himself  has 
called  it,  by  immediate  attack,  without 
diplomatic  warning.  The  defenders  of  the 
old  regime  of  the  Central  Powers  accuse 
Russia  that  it  had  forced  the  Central 
Powers  into  war  by  its  general  mobiliza- 
tion, which  had  to  be  regarded  as  a  declara- 
tion of  war. 

However,  Conrad's  documentary  state- 
ment shows  that,  according  to  the  opinion 
of  the  chiefs  of  the  general  staffs  of  the 
Central  Powers,  the  Russian  mobilization 
did  not  have  to  lead  to  war,  but  could 
have  been  settled  peacefully  by  demobili- 
zation; and  indeed  the  Czar  had  assured 
the  Emperor  of  this  on  his  word  of  honor. 
Furthermore  it  is  shown  that  Germany's 
mobilization,  which  was  announced  to  be 
equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war,  was 
an  accomplished  fact  in  the  evening  of 
July  30,  while  the  Russian  general  mob- 
ilization, which  was  supposed  to  be  the 
reason  for  it,  became  known  in  Berlin 
only  in  the  forenoon  of  July  31.  Finally, 
it  is  proved  that  the  German  mobiliza- 
tion really  was  caused  by  Austria-Hun- 
gary's rejection  of  the  last  English-Ger- 
man peace  proposal,  in  the  afternoon  of 
July  30,  and  that  this  rejection  was 
recommended  not  only  by  Berchtold  and 
Conrad,  but  also  by  Moltke,  in  opposi- 
tion to  Bethmann;  and,  further,  that 
Moltke  considered  the  fighting  of  a  Euro- 
pean war  necessary  for  the  conservation 
of  Austria-Hungary. 

These  disclosures  of  Conrad  are  either 
entirely  covered  with  silence  by  the  mili- 
taristic German  press  or  given  in  a  form 
that  is  not  conclusive  to  the  uninitiated 
reader.  It  is  so  much  more  important 
for  the  pacifists  to  spread  abroad  the 
politically  valuable  contents  of  this  work, 
which  is  difficult  to  read.  Without  the 
author's  intention,  merely  on  account  of 
the  facts  which  it  reports,  unadulterated, 
it  is  one  of  the  most  im.portant  indict- 
ments of  the  system  of  militarism  yet 
made. 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 

By  the  RT.  HON.  LORD  PHILLIMORE 


Note. — This  is  the  second  half  of  Lord 
Phillimore's  lecture  delivered  at  the  Academy 
of  luternational  Law,  The  Hague. 

THE  conditions  that  might  be  consid- 
ered as  leading  to  intervention  are 
three:  religion,  nationality,  humanity.  It 
is  historical  enough  that  a  common  faith 
has  caused  the  people  of  a  State  to  act  in 
sympathy  with  their  oppressed  or  perse- 
cuted coreligionists.  It  dates  back  to  the 
time  of  the  Crusades.  Afterwards  we  find, 
in  the  16th  century,  numberless  interfer- 
ences because  of  religion;  for  example: 
the  Spaniards  aiding  the  Holy  Catholic 
League  of  France;  Elizabeth,  Queen  of 
England,  giving  aid  to  the  Keformers  of 
the  Netherlands.  Later — much  later — in 
order  to  take  only  a  striking  example,  we 
have,  in  the  19th  century,  France,  Eng- 
land, and  Russia  intervening  with  one  ac- 
cord between  the  Sultan  of  Turkey  and 
his  subjects  in  revolt,  the  Greeks,  and  the 
sinking  of  the  Turkish  fleet  at  Navarino. 

I  do  not  insist  on  interventions  as  re- 
sults of  a  former  treaty,  like  the  interven- 
tions of  Russia  in  Turkey  after  the  Treaty 
of  Kainardji,  1774,  up  to  the  war  of  1887, 
and  the  Treaty  of  Berlin  in  1878,^  nor 
on  the  stipulations  between  Sweden  and 
Poland  in  the  Peace  of  Oliva,  1660,  for 
the  mutual  protection  of  "Dissenters"  and 
Catholics,  with  all  the  treaties  that  fol- 
lowed,^ because  they  are  not  examples  of 
intervention  taking  its  justification  from 
the  ordinary  law. 

Between  States,  like  individuals,  a  con- 
tract has  the  force  of  law.  A  reciprocal 
treaty,  as  far  as  the  contracting  parties 
are  concerned,  gives  rise  to  special  laws 
and  duties. 

When  a  treaty  has  once  been  concluded, 
there  is  no  longer  need  to  fund  oneself 
on  ordinary  international  law.  The 
claims  are  deduced  from  the  rights  which 
the  contract  gives.  Still,  if  one  philoso- 
phizes a  little,  how  does  it  happen  that 
there  are  treaties  of  this  sort?     The  only 


*  Phillimore's  "Three  Centuries  of  Treaties 
of  Peace,"  pp.  54-57. 

"  Phillimore's  "Three  Centuries  of  Treaties 
of  Peace,"  pp.  55,  56. 


reason  for  them  is  that  human  sympathy 
has  outrun  logic. 

As  with  religion,  so  with  the  sentiment 
of  nationality.  The  two  wars  of  Sardinia 
against  Austria,  the  one  in  1848,  which 
did  not  succeed,  and  that  in  1859,  when 
King  Victor  Emmanuel  received  aid  from 
France  and  had  such  great  success,  had 
for  motives,  at  least  on  the  part  of  Sar- 
dinia, sympathy  for  the  other  Italians, 
oppressed  men  of  the  same  race. 

The  English  got  into  war  with  the 
Boers  of  Transvaal  (1899-1902)  because 
they  thought  that  British  subjects  who  in- 
habited the  Transvaal  were  deprived  of 
the  ordinary  rights  of  citizens. 

How  many  times  has  the  hatred  felt 
by  the  Irish  who  have  emigrated  to  the 
United  States  for  the  British  Empire 
given  cause  to  difficulties  and  misunder- 
standings between  the  two  countries  ?  Did 
not  the  House  of  Representatives  even 
vote  several  years  ago  a  resolution  in 
favor  of  the  separation  of  the  two  coun- 
tries? Was  it  not  the  fear  that  Serbia 
would  form  a  rallying  point  for  the  Slav 
peoples,  who  said  that  they  were  oppressed 
by  the  Magyars  and  the  Austrians,  which 
whetted  the  demands  of  the  Austro-Hun- 
garian  Empire  till  she  drove  Serbia  to 
extremes  and  caused  the  beginning  of  the 
World  War? 

Now,  in  the  peace  treaties  that  have  fol- 
lowed the  World  War,  we  see  everywhere 
this  concession  to  religious  and  nationalist 
sympathies.  Let  us  take,  for  example, 
the  Treaty  of  Saint-Germain-en-Laye,  of 
September  10,  1919,  between  the  principal 
allied  powers  and  Czechoslovakia : 

"Czechoslovakia  undertakes  to  assure  full 
and  complete  protection  of  life  and  liberty  to 
all  inhabitants  of  Czechoslovakia,  without 
distinction  of  birth,  nationality,  language, 
race,  or  religion.  All  inhabitants  of  Czecho- 
slovakia shall  be  entitled  to  the  free  exercise, 
whether  public  or  private,  of  any  creed,  re- 
ligion, or  belief,  where  practices  are  not  in- 
consistent with  public  order  or  public  morals. 
(Article  2).  All  Czechoslovak  Nationals 
shall  be  equal  before  the  law  and  shall  enjoy 
the  same  civil  and  political  rights,  without 
distinction  as  to  race,  language,  or  religion. 


619 


620 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


"Differences  of  religion,  creed,  or  confes- 
sion shall  not  prejudice  any  Czechoslovak 
National  in  matters  relating  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  civil  or  political  rights,  as,  for  in- 
stance, admission  to  public  employments, 
functions,  and  honors  or  the  exercise  of  pro- 
fessions and  industries. 

"No  restriction  shall  be  imposed  on  the  free 
use  by  any  Czechoslovak  National  of  any 
language  in  private  intercourse,  in  com- 
merce, in  religion,  in  the  press,  or  publica- 
tions of  any  kind,  or  at  public  meetings. 
(Article  7). 

"Czechoslovak  Nationals  who  belong  to 
racial,  religious,  or  linguistic  minorities 
shall  enjoy  the  same  treatment  and  security 
in  law  and  in  fact  as  the  other  Czechoslovak 
Nationals.     (Article  8). 

"Czechoslovakia  agrees  that  the  stipula- 
tions of  chapters  I  and  II,  so  far  as  they 
affect  persons  belonging  to  racial,  religious, 
or  linguistic  minorities,  constitute  obligations 
of  international  concern  and  shall  be  placed 
under  the  guaranty  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

"Czechoslovakia  further  agrees  that  any 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  questions  of  law 
or  of  fact  arising  out  of  these  articles,  be- 
tween the  Czechoslovak  Government  and  any 
one  of  the  principal  allied  and  associated 
powers,  or  any  other  power  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  League  of  Nations,  shall  be 
held  to  be  a  dispute  of  an  international 
character  under  Article  14  of  the  covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  The  Czechoslovak 
Government  hereby  consents  that  any  such 
dispute  shall,  if  the  other  party  hereto  de- 
mands, be  referred  to  the  Permanent  Court 
of  International  Justice.  The  decision  of 
the  Permanent  Court  shall  be  final  and  shall 
have  the  same  force  and  effect  as  an  award 
under  Article  13  of  the  convenant." 

Sir  Edward  Creasy,  the  publicist,  not 
only  Justified  interference;  he  made  it  a 
duty  in  the  following  exceptional  cases : 

"3.  When  one  intervenes  in  favor  of  an 
oppressed  people,  which  has  never  blended 
its  nationality  with  that  of  its  oppressors, 
who  regard  it  as  a  foreign  race  subjected  to 
the  same  sovereign  authority,  but  treated 
differently  in  other  respects."" 

For  the  third  motive  of  intervention, 
pure  human  sympathy,  it  is  founded,  I 
suppose,  on  the  principle  expressed  by  the 

•Calvo,  "Le  Droit  international,"  section 
119. 


slave  Davus  in  the  comedy  of  "Terence": 
"Homo  sum  humani  nihil  a  me  alienum 
puto." 

That  is  what  Fiore  aims  at  when  he 
uses  the  phrase:  "Every  act  that  ought  to 
be  considered  unjust  and  illegitimate  ac- 
cording to  the  common  law." 

Hall  has  almost  the  same  idea.^* 

But,  in  my  opinion,  one  should  not 
admit  intervention  for  such  a  cause.  It 
would  be  boundless.  Besides,  this  is  the- 
ory, not  practice.  I  do  not  remember 
any  historical  example.  That  which  ap- 
proaches it  most  is  the  war  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain,  which  would  not 
have  been  provoked  by  the  mere  sinking 
of  an  American  warship  in  the  port  of 
Havana  if  public  opinion  in  the  States 
had  not  been  already  exasperated  by  what 
seemed  the  maltreatment  bestowed  upon 
their  neighbors,  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba, 
by  the  government  of  the  mother  country. 

An  intervention  of  this  kind  is  not  sup- 
ported either  by  "international  custom" 
or  by  "the  doctrine  of  the  greatest  pub- 
licists," and  I  ask  you  to  reject  it  from 
Jurisprudence. 

What  remain  are  interventions  because 
of  religious  or  nationalist  sympathy,  and 
it  seems  to  me  that,  after  what  I  have  told 
you,  it  is  necessary  to  admit,  always  with 
many  precautions  and  within  narrow 
limits,  that  these  interventions  in  do- 
mestic or  internal  affairs  are  lawful. 

Now,  for  the  intervention  of  a  third 
State  in  the  disputes  between  two  or  more 
other  States.  This  intervention  is  either 
claimed  by  one  of  the  disputing  parties  or 
made  spontaneously  for  the  sake  of  gen- 
eral security. 

You  will  find  this  subject  largely  dis- 
cussed by  the  writers  of  the  19th  century, 
but  for  my  part  I  am  not  going  to  retain 
you  long,  because  since  the  formation  of 
the  League  of  Nations  this,  for  most  of 
the  world,  is  a  matter  of  convention,  being 
governed  by  the  covenant. 

"Article  11 

"Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  whether  im- 
mediately affecting  any  of  the  members  of 
the  League  or  not,  is  hereby  declared  a 
matter  of  concern  to  the  whole  League,  and 
the  League  shall  take  any  action  that  may  be 
deemed  wise  and  effectual  to  safeguard  the 


*  Pars.  91,  95. 


19U 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


621 


peace  of  nations.  In  case  any  such  emer- 
gency should  arise,  the  Secretary  General 
shall  on  the  request  of  any  member  of  the 
League  forthwith  summon  a  meeting  of  the 
Council. 

It  is  also  declared  to  be  the  friendly  right 
of  each  member  of  the  League  to  bring  to  the 
attention  of  the  Assembly  or  of  the  Council 
any  circumstance  whatever  affecting  inter- 
national relations  which  threatens  to  disturb 
international  peace  or  the  good  understand- 
ing between  nations  upon  which  peace  de- 
pends." 


Also  by 


"Article  17 


"In  the  event  of  a  dispute  between  a  mem- 
ber of  the  League  and  a  State  which  is  not  a 
member  of  the  League,  or  between  States  not 
members  of  the  League,  the  State  or  States 
not  members  of  the  League  shall  be  invited 
to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership  in 
the  League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute, 
upon  such  conditions  as  the  Council  may 
deem  just.  If  such  invitation  is  accepted, 
the  provisions  of  Articles  12  to  16,  inclusive, 
shall  be  applied  with  such  modifications  as 
may  be  deemed  necessary  by  the  Council. 

"If  a  State  so  invited  shall  refuse  to 
accept  the  obligations  of  membership  in  the 
League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute,  and 
shall  resort  to  war  against  a  member  of  the 
League,  the  provisions  of  Article  16  shall  be 
applicable  as  against  the  State  taking  such 
action. 

"If  both  parties  to  the  dispute,  when  so  in- 
vited,   refuse    to   accept   the   obligations    of 


membership  in  the  League  for  the  purposes 
of  such  dispute,  the  Council  may  take  such 
measures  and  make  such  recommendations 
as  will  prevent  hostilities  and  will  result  in 
the  settlement  of  the  dispute." 

It  may  be  said  that  this  article  has  no 
force  for  a  State  which  has  not  consented 
to  the  covenant;  but,  looking  at  the  other 
side,  one  might  say  that  an  ally  could 
alM^ays  come  to  aid  its  associate,  and  that 
in  this  matter  all  the  States  which  are 
members  of  the  League  of  Nations  have 
made  a  real  league  of  alliance. 

Still  for  the  League  to  use  this  article 
to  interfere,  "esqualite"  in  a  dispute,  let 
us  say  between  Germany  and  Eussia,  or 
between  the  United  States  and  Ecuador 
or  Mexico  (as  long  as  these  nations  re- 
main outside  of  the  League),  would  be  a 
grave  thing,  for  which  the  covenant,  res 
inter  alios  acta,  would  not  be  an  adequate 
justification,  and  which  would  not  be 
founded  in  justice,  except  in  the  rather 
improbable  case  that  the  dispute  threat- 
ened peace  or  security  of  some  members  of 
the  League,  in  which  case  one  would  fall 
back  on  the  ordinary  law. 

For  the  States  bound  by  the  covenant 
there  is  no  difficulty;  the  question  falls 
under  the  law  of  contract. 

I  have  been  forced,  gentlemen,  to  con- 
secrate the  whole  of  this  second  lecture  to 
the  right  of  independence,  with  its  correc- 
tive on  the  other  side,  the  right  of  inter- 
vention in  the  cases  above  mentioned. 
For  the  rest  of  the  chapter  on  rights  I 
must  wait  until  the  next  lecture. 


Yesternight  Death  held  his  revels, 

And  his  wine  was  scalding  blood; 
And  his  score  of  thirsty  Devils 

Set  it  streaming  like  a  flood ; 
Deep  they  drank,  until  a  whirling 

Madness  seized  them  in  its  gale; 
And  their  raging  songs  came  hurling 

Molten  notes  of  iron  hail. 


Heaven  heard  the  drunken  bestials, — 

Angels  saw  their  work  of  woe; 
Lowly  mourned  the  grand  celestials 

Mighty  Death  should  sink  so  low. 
Earth  grows  desolate  and  lonely, — 

Mortals  waste  beneath  the  blight; 
Hearts  that  once  breathed  blessings  only, 

Curse  the  revels  of  that  night. 

— Oeorge  Birdseye. 


622 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


PENNY  WISDOM  IN  GERMANY 

By  D.  CLAUSEWITZ 

(Note. — In  the  following  article  a  German 
writer  describes,  in  a  ratlier  whimsical  man- 
ner, some  of  the  things  that  happened  in 
Germany  when  the  rentcnmark  was  intro- 
duced in  the  place  of  the  absurdly  depreci- 
ated currency  and  prices  began  to  be  reck- 
oned in  plain  marks  and  pfennigs  instead  of 
in  billions  and  quadrillions  of  marks.) 

«nnHREE  cakes  a  mark!"    "Three  for 

i.  10  pfennigs!"  "50  pfennigs  a 
dozen !" 

Soap,  boot-laces,  oranges.  The  Christ- 
mas angels  had  dressed  up  as  street  mon- 
gers and  blew  along  the  streets  from  all 
corners  and  about  all  places.  Amazed  like 
children,  the  figure-crushed  inhabitants  of 
great  cities  were  crowding  round  the  street- 
monger  angels  and  bought,  bought,  bought. 
That  all  seemed  really  given  away  for 
nothing. 

Soap — three  cakes  of  real  soap  all  at 
once !  One  scarcely  dared.  That  had  rep- 
resented half  a  week's  salary  until  now. 
When  a  cake  was  finished,  one  had  always 
tried  whether  one  couldn't  do  without  for 
a  whole  week,  until  one  made  up  one's 
mind  again,  after  all.  And  then  it  was  at 
best  only  common  soap  and  one  cake.  And 
now  three  cakes,  all  at  once,  of  toilet 
soap — fabulous ! 

Boot-laces !  Ye  gods !  Even  Mr.  Mor- 
gan, I  believe,  has  not  got  as  much  money 
as  we  had  to  pay  for  one  pair  of  boot- 
laces. At  the  end  we  had  gone  the  pace, 
really. 

The  Austrians  —  pooh !  At  70,000 
crowns  they  became  stabilized,  gave  up  the 
race.  We  did  not  stop  at  such  trifles.  We 
beat  the  crown,  the  Polish  mark,  and  even 
the  Soviet  ruble;  and  the  last-mentioned 
surely  did  accomplish  everything  possible 
in  the  way  of  falling.  We  beat  the  ruble 
hollow.  For  the  amount  we  had  to  pay 
for  one  pair  of  boot-laces  one  could  al- 
ways get  a  rump  steak  still  in  Moscow,  or 
a  pair  of  boots  in  Warsaw,  and  in  Vienna 
a  motor  car.  And  now  three  laces  for  10 
pfennigs!    Is  it  possible?    Marvelous! 

And  the  oranges!  Were  they  not  a 
luxury  ?  One  did  not  even  dream  of  them ! 
A  dozen  of  oranges !  One  would  have  de- 
served being  placed  under  guardianship 
for  such  an  idea.  It  was  just  like  a  pound 
of  caviar  for  breakfast!  Oranges  were 
generally  allotted  to  those  from  month-to- 


month  increasing  kinds  of  things  that  did 
not  count,  that  were  beyond  the  range  of 
possibility  and  were  not  even  given  a 
thought. 

And  now  one  thought  and  pondered  a 
good  while — a  very  long  while — until, 
timidly  and  bashfully,  one  bought  a  half 
dozen,  quickly  hiding  them  away  in  the 
pocket  of  one's  overcoat.  There  should,  at 
least,  nobody  be  the  wiser  for  one's  crim- 
inal prodigality. 

So  we  were  living  in  a  fool's  paradise, 
where  all  sorts  of  delicious  and  necessary 
things  are  growing  on  the  trees,  and  who- 
ever lusted  took.  They  did  scarcely  cost 
anything. 

But  alas !  how  long ! 

For  four  years  we  have  been  hunted 
about  on  cipher-ladders,  until  we  had  be- 
come either  perfect  jonglers  or  insane,  and 
at  the  end  we  discovered  that  the  naughts 
were  in  the  wrong  places — i.  e.,  that  they 
should  be  placed  behind  the  comma  and 
not  before. 

This  is  the  reason  why  we  went  over  to 
the  dollar.  One  calculated  in  dollars,  one 
had  got  dollars,  one  shuffled  in  dollars 
until,  until — yes,  then  we  discovered  again 
that  the  dollar,  too,  was  depreciating. 
What  one  could  get  for  half  a  dollar  in  the 
summer  did  suddenly  cost  two  or  three  of 
these  pleasingly  clean  greenbacks. 

Now  the  naughts  have  fallen  off  the 
prices  like  withered  leaves,  and  the  dollar 
remains  where  it  is  and  we  scarcely  want 
it  any  more,  and  the  figures  seem  so  de- 
lightfully small.    One  may  again     .     .     . 

And  there  one  must,  of  course,  discover 
something  else  again,  namely,  one  has  not 
got.  One  has  not  got  the  precious  renten- 
mark  wherewith  one  may  buy  anything. 
One  calculates  and  turns  one's  pockets  in- 
side out  and  wonders.  One  always  won- 
ders. But  one  has  got  it.  That  is  the 
only  certainty.  One  has  only  got  the 
pfennigs,  which  have  now  also  come  back 
again.  For  a  while  they  were  still  repre- 
sented by  notes  with  milliards  printed  on ; 
but  we  had  lost  all  respect  for  them.  They 
were  dirty  and  torn,  like  tattered  soldiers 
of  a  vanquished  army — held  up  to  public 
contempt.  They  will  soon  have  disap- 
peared. Their  place  is  being  taken  by 
tlie  good  old  honest  pfennig — partly  by 
the  worthy  copper  pfennig  of  the  peace 
time,  partly  by  its  liew  brethren,  which 
are  still  quite  shiny. 


192^ 


SKY  BATTLES 


623 


We,  however,  are  daily  making  new  dis- 
coveries. For  instance  a  dozen  or  oranges 
50  pfennigs.  All  right!  But  every  day 
makes  15  marks  a  month.  Tramway, 
15  pfennigs.  All  right!  But  twice  a 
day  is  9  marks  a  month.  That  is  24 
marks  already,  and  that  you  can't  afford, 
my  dear  fellow,  because  your  boss,  who  so 
kindly  paid  you  in  advance,  as  much  as 
you  wanted — millions,  milliards,  billions, 
and  more  and  more — is  now  dead  off.  He 
pays  you  15  marks  a  week,  wherewith  you 
have  to  make  shift,  and  you  may  be  glad 
if  you  are  not  retrenched  on  the  1st 
proximo. 

The  privy-councillor,  it  is  true,  is  now, 
at  last,  receiving  again  a  better  pay  than 
the  street-sweeper ;  but  what  he  receives  is 
not  overwhelming,  all  the  same.  It  is 
certainly  not  enough  for  oranges;  and  so 
he  trots  again  past  the  orange  cart,  to- 
gether with  the  street-sweeper,  and  neither 


pays  any  heed  to  the  southern  delicacies. 
These  delicacies  are  again  amongst  those 
kinds  of  things  that  do  not  count,  that 
are  beyond,  etc.,  etc.  And  the  street 
mongers  don't  look  any  more  like  angels, 
but  again  like  ordinary  street  mongers. 

But  cheer  up,  0  German  soul!  This 
state  of  things  has  also  its  advantages. 
In  the  cigarettes  you  can  afford  to  buy, 
there  is  no  nicotine  any  more,  since  a 
good  long  time  already.  The  coffee  you  may 
drink  will  not  cause  you  any  palpitations 
of  the  heart.  The  10-pfennig  beer,  my 
dear  fellow,  contains  no  traces  of  alcohol, 
which  is  so  obnoxious  to  the  system;  nor 
will  you  be  afflicted  with  shortness  of 
breath,  owing  to  obesity,  even  if  you 
should  sometimes  gasp  for  breath. 

You  learn  to  appreciate  the  pfennig. 
You  respect  it  and  grow  worthy  of  the 
"Taler,"  even  if  you  do  not  get  one.  One 
must  not  be  so  materialistic. 


SKY  BATTLES 

The  hosts  of  rain  rush  into  war  tonight ; 

Its  cavalry  charges,  mounted  on  the  wind, 

Its  far  artillery  rolls  and  roars,  behind, 

Before,  on  every  side — from  depth  to  height, 

The  sky  is  all  confusion,  conflict,  flight, 

And  close  pursuit,  like  madness  in  the  mind. 

The  arrows  of  the  lightning,  golden-twined. 

Now  here,  now  there,  shoot  in  sky-branching  flight. 

But  would  all  battles  were  as  is  the  rain's, 
"Which  wakes  to  life,  nor  strews  the  field  with  dead — 
Covering  blue-topped  hills,  fresh  groves,  wide  plains 
With  springing  hosts  of  flowers  and  grass  instead, 
While  every  drop  that  greets  the  morning's  eyes 
Shines  like  a  jewel  lost  from  paradise. 

— Harry  Kemp. 
From  Smart  Set,  Octoljer,  1914. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  LEAGUE  DIS- 
ARMAMENT WORK 

Statement  Prepared  for  the  Fifth  Assembly  of 

the  League  by  the  First  and   Ihird 

Committees 

The  problem  of  the  reduction  of  armaments 
is  presented  in  Article  8  of  the  Covenant  in 
terms  which  reveal  at  the  outset  the  com- 
plexity of  the  question  and  which  explain 
the  tentative  manner  in  which  the  subject 
has  been  treated  by  the  League  of  Nations 
In  the  last  few  years. 

"The  members  of  the  League  recognize  that 
the  maintenance  of  peace  requires  the  reduc- 
tion of  national  armaments  to  the  lowest 
point  consistent  with  national  safety  and  the 
enforcement  by  common  action  of  interna- 
tional obligations." 

Here  we  see  clearly  expressed  the  need 
of  reducing  the  burden  which  armaments  im- 
posed upon  the  nations  immediately  after 
the  war  and  of  putting  a  stop  to  the  compe- 
tition in  armaments,  which  was  in  itself  a 
threat  to  the  peace  of  the  world.  But,  at 
the  same  time,  there  is  recognized  the  duty 
of  safeguarding  the  national  security  of  the 
members  of  the  League  and  of  safeguarding 
it,  not  only  by  the  maintenance  of  a  necessary 
minimum  of  troops,  but  also  by  the  co-opera- 
tion of  all  the  nations,  by  a  vast  organization 
for  peace. 

Such  is  the  meaning  of  the  Covenant, 
which,  while  providing  for  reduction  of  arma- 
ments properly  so  called,  recognizes  at  the 
same  time  the  need  of  common  action  by 
all  the  members  of  the  League,  with  a  view  to 
compelling  a  possible  disturber  of  the  peace 
to   respect  his  international   obligations. 

Thus,  in  this  first  paragraph  of  Article  8, 
which  is  so  short  but  so  pregnant,  mention  is 
made  of  all  the  problems  which  have  en- 
gaged the  attention  of  our  predecessors  and 
ourselves  and  which  the  present  Assembly 
has  specially  instructed  us  to  solve,  the  prob- 
lems of  collective  security  and  the  reduction 
of  armaments. 

Taking  up  Article  8  of  the  Covenant,  the 
First  Assembly  had  already  outlined  a  pro- 


gram.    At  its  head  it  placed  a  pronounce- 
ment of  the  Supreme  Council : 

"In  order  to  diminish  the  economic  diffi- 
culties of  Europe,  armies  should  everywhere 
be  reduced  to  a  peace  footing.  Armaments 
should  be  limited  to  the  lowest  possible  figure 
compatible  with  national  security." 

The  Assembly  also  called  attention  to  a 
resolution  of  the  International  Financial 
Conference  of  Brussels,  held  a  short  time 
before : 

"Recommending  to  the  Council  of  the 
League  of  Nations  the  desirability  of  confer- 
ring at  once  with  the  several  governments 
concerned  with  a  view  to  securing  a  general 
reduction  of  the  crushing  burdens  which,  on 
their  existing  scale,  armaments  still  impose 
on  the  impoverished  peoples  of  the  world, 
sapping  their  resources  and  imperilling  their 
recovery  from  the  ravages  of  war." 

It  also  requested  its  two  advisory  com- 
missions to  set  to  work  at  once  to  collect 
the  necessary  information  regarding  the  prob- 
lem referred  to  in  Article  8  of  the  Covenant. 
From  the  beginning,  the  work  of  the  Tem- 
porary Mixed  Commission  and  of  the  Per- 
manent Advisory  Commission  revealed  the 
infinite  complexity   of  the  question. 

The  Second  Assembly  limited  its  resolu- 
tions to  the  important,  but  none  the  less  (if 
one  may  say  so)  secondary,  questions  of 
traffic  in  arms  and  their  manufacture  by 
private  enterprise.  It  only  touched  upon  the 
questions  of  military  expenditure  and  budgets 
in  the  form  of  recommendations  and,  as  re- 
gards the  main  question  of  reduction  of 
armaments,  it  confined  itself  to  asking  the 
Temporary  Mixed  Commission  to  formulate 
a  definite  scheme. 

It  was  between  the  second  and  third 
assemblies  that  the  latter  commission,  which 
was  beginning  to  get  to  grips  with  the  vari- 
ous problems,  revealed  their  constituent  ele- 
ments. In  its  report  it  placed  on  record 
that— 

"The  memory  of  the  World  War  was  still 
maintaining  in  many  countries  a  feeling  of 
insecurity,  which  was  represented  in  the 
candid  statements  in  which,  at  the  request 


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INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


625 


of  the  Assembly,  several  of  them  had  put 
forward  the  requirements  of  their  national 
security,  and  the  geographical  and  political 
considerations  which  contributed  to  shape 
their  policy  in  the  matter  of  armaments." 

At  the  same  time,  however,  the  commis- 
sion stated : 

"Consideration  of  these  statements  as  a 
whole  has  clearly  revealed  not  only  the 
sincere  desire  of  the  governments  to  reduce 
national  armaments  and  the  corresponding 
expenditure  to  a  minimum,  but  also  the  im- 
portance of  the  results  achieved.  These 
facts,"  according  to  the  commission,  "are 
indisputable,  and  are  confirmed,  moreover,  by 
the  replies  received  from  governments  to 
the  recommendation  of  the  Assembly  regard- 
ing the  limitation  of  military  expenditure." 

That  is  the  point  we  had  reached  two 
years  ago ;  there  was  a  unanimous  desire  to 
reduce  armaments.  Reductions,  though  as 
yet  inadequate,  had  been  begun,  and  there 
was  a  still  stronger  desire  to  insure  the  se- 
curity of  the  world  by  a  stable  and  perma- 
nent organization  for  peace. 

That  was  the  position  which,  after  long 
discussions,  gave  rise  at  the  Third  Assembly 
to  the  famous  Resolution  XIV  and  at  the 
Fourth  Assembly  to  the  draft  Treaty  of 
Mutual  Assistance,  for  which  we  are  now 
substituting  the  protocol  submitted  to  the 
Fifth  Assembly. 

What  progress  has  been  made  during  these 
four  years? 

Although  the  Treaty  of  Mutual  Assistance 
was  approved  in  principle  by  eighteen  gov- 
ernments, it  gave  rise  to  certain  misgivings. 
We  need  only  recall  the  most  important  of 
these,  hoping  that  a  comparison  between 
them  and  an  analysis  of  the  new  scheme  will 
demonstrate  that  the  first  and  third  com- 
mittees have  endeavored,  with  a  large  meas- 
ure of  success,  to  dispose  of  the  objections 
raised,  and  that  the  present  scheme  conse- 
quently represents  an  immense  advance  on 
anything  that  has  hitherto  been  done. 

In  the  first  place,  a  number  of  governments 
or  delegates  to  the  Assembly  argued  that  the 
guarantees  provided  by  the  draft  Treaty  of 
Mutual  Assistance  did  not  imply  with  suffi- 
cient definiteness  the  reduction  of  armaments 
which  is  the  ultimate  object  of  our  work. 

The  idea  of  the  treatj'  was  to  give  effect  to 
Article  8  of  the  Covenant,  but  many  persons 
considered  that  it  did  not,  in  fact,  secure 
the  automatic  execution  of  that  article.    Even 


if  a  reduction  of  armaments  was  achieved 
by  its  means,  the  amount  of  the  reduction 
vi^as  left,  so  the  opponents  of  the  treaty 
urged,  to  the  estimation  of  each  government, 
and  there  was  nothing  to  show  that  it  would 
be  considerable. 

With  equal  force  many  States  complained 
that  no  provision  had  been  made  for  the  de- 
velopment of  the  juridical  and  moral  ele- 
ments of  the  Covenant  by  the  side  of  material 
guarantees.  The  novel  character  of  the 
charter  given  to  the  nations  in  1919  lay  essen- 
tially in  the  advent  of  a  moral  solidarity 
which  foreshadowed  the  coming  of  a  new  era. 
That  principle  ought  to  have,  as  its  natural 
consequence,  the  extension  of  arbitration  and 
international  jurisdiction,  without  which  no 
human  society  can  be  solidly  grounded.  A 
considerable  portion  of  the  Assembly  asked 
that  efforts  should  also  be  made  in  this  di- 
rection. The  draft  treaty  seemed  from  this 
point  of  view  to  be  insufficient  and  ill- 
balanced. 

Finally,  the  articles  relating  to  partial 
treaties  gave  rise,  as  you  are  aware,  to  cer- 
tain objections.  Sevei*al  governments  con- 
sidered that  they  would  lead  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  groups  of  powers  animated  by 
hostility  toward  other  powers  or  groups  of 
powers,  and  that  they  would  cause  political 
tension.  The  absence  of  the  barriers  of  com- 
pulsory arbitration  and  judicial  intervention 
was  evident  here  as  everywhere  else. 

Thus,  by  a  logical  and  gradual  process, 
there  was  elaborated  the  system  at  which  we 
have  now  arrived. 

The  reduction  of  armaments  required  by 
the  Covenant  and  demanded  by  the  general 
situation  of  the  world  today  led  us  to  con- 
sider the  question  of  security  as  a  necessary 
complement  to  disarmament. 

The  support  demanded  from  different 
States  by  other  States  less  favorably  situ- 
ated had  placed  the  former  under  the  obliga- 
tions of  asking  for  a  sort  of  moral  and  legal 
guarantee  that  the  States  which  have  to  be 
supported  would  act  in  perfect  good  faith 
and  would  always  endeavor  to  settle  their 
disputes  by  pacific  means. 

It  became  evident,  however,  with  greater 
clearness  and  force  than  ever  before,  that  if 
the  security  and  effective  assistance  de- 
manded in  the  event  of  aggression  was  the 
condition  sine  qua  non  of  the  reduction  of 
armaments,  it  was  at  the  same  time  the 
necessary  complement  of  the  pacific  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes,  since  the  non- 


626 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


execution  of  a  sentence  obtained  by  pacific 
methods  of  settlement  would  necessarily 
drive  the  world  back  to  the  system  of  armed 
force.  Sentences  imperatively  require  sanc- 
tions or  the  whole  system  would  fall  to  the 
ground. 

Arbitration  was  therefore  considered  by 
the  Fifth  Assembly  to  be  the  necessary  third 
factor,  the  complement  of  the  two  others 
with  which  it  must  be  combined  in  order  to 
build  up  the  new  system  set  forth  in  the 
protocol. 

Thus,  after  five  years'  hard  work,  we  have 
decided  to  propose  to  the  members  of  the 
League   the   present   system    of   arbitration. 


security,  and  reduction  of  armaments — a 
system  which  we  regard  as  being  complete 
and  sound. 

That  is  the  position  with  which  the  Fifth 
Assembly  has  to  deal  today.  The  desire  to 
arrive  at  a  successful  issue  is  unanimous.  A 
great  number  of  the  decisions  adopted  in  the 
past  years  had  met  with  general  approval. 
There  was  a  thoroughly  clear  appreciation 
of  the  undoubted  gaps  which  had  to  be  filled 
and  of  the  reasonable  apprehensions  which 
had  to  be  dissipated.  Conditions  were  there- 
fore favorable  for  arriving  at  an  agreement. 

An  agreement  has  been  arrived  at  on  the 
basis  of  the  draft  protocol  which  is  now 
submitted  to  you  for  consideration. 


PROTOCOL  FOR  THE  PACIFIC  SETTLEMENT 
OF  INTERNATIONAL  DISPUTES 

Text  Approved  by  the  First  and  Third  Committees 
and  Revised  by  the  Drafting  Committee 


Submitted  to  the  Assembly  on  October  1,  1924, 

by   the    First   and    Third    Committees    and 

Adopted  Unanimously  the  Next  Day 

Animated  by  the  firm  desire  to  insure  the 
maintenance  of  general  peace  and  the  se- 
curity of  nations  whose  existence,  inde- 
pendence or  territories  may  be  threatened ; 
recognizing  the  solidarity  of  the  members  of 
the  international  community ;  asserting  that 
a  war  of  aggression  constitutes  a  violation 
of  this  solidarity  and  an  international  crime ; 
desirous  of  facilitating  the  complete  appli- 
cation of  the  system  provided  in  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations  for  the  pacific 
settlement  of  disputes  between  States  and 
of  insuring  the  repression  of  international 
crimes ;  and  for  the  purpose  of  realizing,  as 
contemplated  by  Article  8  of  the  Covenant, 
the  reduction  of  national  armaments  to  the 
lowest  point  consistent  with  national  safety 
and  the  enforcement  by  common  action  of 
international  obligations,  the  undersigned, 
duly  authorized  to  that  effect,  agree  as  fol- 
lows: 

Article  1 

The  signatory  States  undertake  to  make 
every  eflfort  in  their  power  to  secure  the  in- 
troduction into  the  Covenant  of  amendments 
on  the  lines  of  the  provisions  contained  in 
the  following  articles. 

They  agree  that,  as  between  themselves, 
these  provisions  shall  be  binding  as  from  the 


coming  into  force  of  the  present  protocol  and 
that,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned,  the 
Assembly  and  the  Council  of  the  League  of 
Nations  shall  thenceforth  have  power  to  exer- 
cise all  the  rights  and  perform  all  the  duties 
conferred  upon  them  by  the  protocol. 

Article  2 

The  signatory  States  agree  in  no  case  to 
resort  to  war  either  with  one  another  or 
against  a  State  which,  if  the  occasion  arises, 
accepts  all  the  obligations  hereinafter  set 
out,  except  in  case  of  resistance  to  acts  of 
aggression  or  when  acting  in  agreement  with 
the  Council  or  the  Assembly  of  the  League 
of  Nations  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 
of  the  Covenant  and  of  the  present  protocol. 

Article  3 

The  signatory  States  undertake  to  recog- 
nize as  compulsory,  ipso  facto  and  without 
special  agreement,  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice  in 
the  cases  covered  by  paragraph  2  of  Article 
36  of  the  statute  of  the  court,  but  without 
prejudice  to  the  right  of  any  States,  when 
acceding  to  the  special  protocol  provided  for 
in  the  said  article  and  opened  for  signature 
on  December  16,  1920,  to  make  reservations 
compatible  with  the  said  clause. 

Accession  to  this  special  protocol,  opened 
for  signature  on  December  16,  1920,  must  be 


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INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


637 


given  within  the  month  following  the  com- 
ing into  force  of  the  present  protocol. 

States  which  accede  to  the  present  protocol, 
after  its  coming  into  force,  must  carry  out 
the  above  obligation  within  the  month  fol- 
lowing their  accession. 

Article  4 

With  a  view  to  render  more  complete  the 
provisions  of  paragraphs  4,  5,  6,  and  7  of 
Article  15  of  the  Covenant,  the  signatory 
States  agree  to  comply  with  the  following 
procedure : 

1.  If  the  dispute  submitted  to  the  Council 
is  not  settled  by  it  as  provided  in  paragraph 
3  of  the  said  Article  15,  the  Council  shall 
endeavor  to  persuade  the  parties  to  submit 
the  dispute  to  judicial  settlement  or  arbi- 
tration. 

2.  (c)  If  the  parties  cannot  agree  to  do  so, 
there  shall,  at  the  request  of  at  least  one  of 
the  parties,  be  constituted  a  committee  of 
arbitrators.  The  committee  shall,  so  far  as 
possible,  be  constituted  by  agreement  between 
the  parties. 

( ft )  If  within  the  period  fixed  by  the  Coun- 
cil the  parties  have  failed  to  agree,  in  whole 
or  in  part,  upon  the  number,  the  names,  and 
the  powers  of  the  arbitrators  and  upon  the 
procedure,  the  Council  shall  settle  the  points 
remaining  in  suspense.  It  shall  with  the 
utmost  possible  dispatch  select  in  consulta- 
tion with  the  parties  the  arbitrators  and 
their  president  from  among  persons  who  by 
their  nationality,  their  personal  character, 
and  their  experience  appear  to  it  to  furnish 
the  highest  guarantees  of  competence  and 
impartiality. 

(c)  After  the  claims  of  the  parties  have 
been  formulated,  the  committee  of  arbitra- 
tors, on  the  request  of  any  party,  shall 
through  the  medium  of  the  Council  request 
an  advisory  opinion  upon  any  points  of  law 
in  dispute  from  the  Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice,  which  in  such  case 
shall  meet  with  the  utmost  possible  dispatch. 

3.  If  none  of  the  parties  asks  -for  arbitra- 
tion, the  ouncil  shall  again  take  the  dispute 
under  consideration.  If  the  Council  reaches 
a  report  which  is  unanimously  agreed  to  by 
the  members  thereof  other  than  the  repre- 
sentatives of  any  of  the  parties  to  the 
dispute,  the  signatory  States  agree  to  comply 
with  the  recommendations  therein. 

4.  If  the  Council  fails  to  reach  a  report 
which  is  concurred  in  by   all  its  members. 


other  than  the  representatives  of  any  of  the 
parties  to  the  dispute,  it  shall  submit  the 
dispute  to  arbitration.  It  shall  itself  de- 
termine the  composition,  the  powers,  and  the 
procedure  of  the  committee  of  arbitrators 
and,  in  the  choice  of  the  arbitrators,  shall 
bear  in  mind  the  guarantees  of  competence 
and  impartiality  referred  to  in  paragraph  2 
( b )   above. 

5.  In  no  case  may  a  solution,  upon  which 
there  has  already  been  a  unanimous  recom- 
mendation of  the  Council  accepted  by  one  of 
the  parties  concerned,  be  again  called  in 
question. 

6.  The  signatory  States  undertake  that 
they  will  carry  out  in  full  good  faith  any 
judicial  sentence  or  arbitral  award  that  may 
be  rendered,  and  that  they  will  comply,  as 
provided  in  paragraph  3  above,  with  the 
solutions  recommended  by  the  Council.  In 
the  event  of  a  State  failing  to  carry  out  the 
above  undertakings,  the  Council  shall  exert 
all  its  influence  to  secure  compliance  there- 
with. If  it  fails  therein,  it  shall  propose 
what  steps  should  be  taken  to  give  effect 
thereto,  in  accordance  with  the  provision 
contained  at  the  end  of  Article  13  of  the 
Covenant.  Should  a  State  in  disregard  of  the 
above  undertakings  resort  to  war,  the  sanc- 
tions provided  for  by  Article  16  of  the  Cove- 
nant interpreted  in  the  manner  indicated  in 
the  present  protocol,  shall  immediately  be- 
come applicable  to  it. 

7.  The  provisions  of  the  present  article  do 
not  apply  to  the  settlement  of  disputes  which 
arise  as  the  result  of  measures  of  war  taken 
by  one  or  more  signatory  States  in  agree- 
ment with  the  Council  or  the  Assembly. 

Article  5 

The  provisions  of  paragraph  8  of  Article 
15  of  the  Covenant  shall  continue  to  apply 
in  proceedings  before  the  Council. 

If  in  the  course  of  an  arbitration,  such  as 
is  contemplated  by  Article  4  above,  one  of 
the  parties  claims  that  the  dispute,  or  part 
thereof,  arises  out  of  a  matter  which  by  inter- 
national law  is  solely  within  the  domestic 
jurisdiction  of  that  party,  the  arbitrators 
shall  on  this  point  take  the  advice  of  the 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice 
through  the  medium  of  the  Council.  The 
opinion  of  the  Court  shall  be  binding  upon 
the  arbitrators,  who,  if  the  opinion  is  affirma- 
tive, shall  confine  themselves  to  so  declaring 
in  their  award. 


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ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


If  the  question  is  held  by  the  Court  or  by 
the  Council  to  be  a  matter  solely  within  the 
domestic  jurisdiction  of  the  State,  this  de- 
cision shall  not  prevent  consideration  of  the 
situation  by  the  Council  or  by  the  Assembly 
under  Article  II  of  the  Covenant. 

Article    6 

If,  in  accordance  with  paragraph  9  of 
Article  15  of  the  Covenant,  a  dispute  is  re- 
ferred to  the  Assembly,  that  body  shall  have 
for  the  settlement  of  the  dispute  all  the 
powers  conferred  upon  the  Council  as  to 
endeavoring  to  reconcile  the  parties  in  the 
manner  laid  down  in  paragraphs  1,  2,  and  3 
of  Article  15  of  the  Covenant  and  in  para- 
graph 1  of  Article  4  above. 

Should  the  Assembly  fail  to  achieve  an 
amicable  settlement: 

If  one  of  the  parties  asks  for  arbitration, 
the  Council  shall  proceed  to  constitute  the 
committee  of  arbitrators  in  the  manner  pro- 
vided in  subparagraphs  (o),  (&),  and  (c)  of 
paragraph  2  of  Article  4  above. 

If  no  party  asks  for  arbitration,  the  As- 
sembly shall  again  take  the  dispute  under 
consideration  and  shall  have  in  this  con- 
nection the  same  powers  as  the  Council.  Rec- 
ommendations embodied  in  a  report  of  the 
Assembly,  provided  that  it  secures  the  meas- 
ure of  support  stipulated  at  the  end  of  para- 
graph 10  of  Article  15  of  the  Covenant,  shall 
have  the  same  value  and  effect,  as  regards  all 
matters  dealt  with  in  the  present  protocol, 
as  recommendations  embodied  in  a  report  of 
the  Council  adopted  as  provided  in  paragraph 
3  of  Article  4  above. 

If  the  necessary  majority  cannot  be 
obtained,  the  dispute  shall  be  submitted  to 
arbitration  and  the  Council  shall  determine 
the  composition,  the  powers,  and  the  pro- 
cedure of  the  Committee  of  Arbitrators  as 
laid  down  in  paragraph  4  of  Article  4. 

Article   7 

In  the  event  of  a  dispute  arising  between 
two  or  more  signatory  States,  these  States 
agree  that  they  will  not,  either  before  the 
dispute  is  submitted  to  proceedings  for  pacific 
settlement  or  during  such  proceedings,  make 
any  increase  of  their  armaments  or  effectives 
which  might  modify  the  position  established 
by  the  Conference  for  the  Reduction  of 
Armaments  provided  for  by  Article  17  of  the 
present  protocol,  nor  will  they  take  any 
measure  of  military,  naval,  air,  industrial  or 


economic  mobilization,  nor  in  general  any 
action  of  a  nature  likely  to  extend  the  dis- 
pute or  render  it  more  acute. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Council,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  provisions  of  Article  11  of 
the  Covenant,  to  take  under  consideration 
any  complaint  as  to  infraction  of  the  above 
undertakings  which  is  made  to  it  by  one  or 
more  of  the  States  parties  to  the  dispute. 
Should  the  Council  be  of  opinion  that  the 
complaint  requires  investigation,  it  shall,  if 
it  deems  it  expedient,  arrange  for  inquiries 
and  investigations  in  one  or  more  of  the 
countries  concerned.  Such  inquiries  and  in- 
vestigations shall  be  carried  out  with  the 
utmost  posible  dispatch  and  the  signatory 
States  undertake  to  afford  every  facility  for 
carrying  them  out. 

The  sole  object  of  measures  taken  by  the 
Council  as  above  provided  is  to  facilitate 
the  pacific  settlement  of  disputes  and  they 
shall  in  no  way  prejudge  the  actual  settle- 
ment. 

If  the  result  of  such  inquiries  and  investi- 
gations is  to  establish  an  infraction  of  the 
provisions  of  the  first  paragraph  of  the  pres- 
ent Article,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Coun- 
cil to  summon  the  State  or  States  guilty  of 
the  infraction  to  put  an  end  thereto.  Should 
the  State  or  States  in  question  fail  to  comply 
with  such  summons,  the  Council  shall  declare 
them  to  be  guilty  of  a  violation  of  the  Cove- 
nant or  of  the  present  protocol,  and  shall 
decide  upon  the  measures  to  be  taken  with 
a  view  to  end  as  soon  as  possible  a  situation 
of  a  nature  to  threaten  the  peace  of  the 
world. 

For  the  purposes  of  the  present  article,  de- 
cisions of  the  Council  may  be  taken  by  a 
two-thirds  majority. 

Article   8 

The  signatory  States  undertake  to  abstain 
from  any  act  which  might  constitute  a  threat 
of  aggression  against  another   State. 

If  one  of  the  signatory  States  is  of  opin- 
ion that  another  State  is  making  preparations 
for  war,  it  shall  have  the  right  to  bring  the 
matter  to  the  notice  of  the  Council. 

The  Council,  if  it  ascertains  that  the  facts 
are  as  alleged,  shall  proceed  as  provided  in 
paragraphs  2,  4,  and  5  of  Article  7. 

Article    9 

The  existence  of  demilitarized  zones  being 
calculated  to  prevent  aggression  and  to  facili- 
tate a  definite  finding  of  the  nature  provided 


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for  in  Artice  10  below,  the  establishment  of 
such  zones  between  States  mutually  consent- 
ing thereto  is  recommended  as  a  means  of 
avoiding  violations  of  the  present  protocol. 
The  demilitarized  zones  already  existing 
under  the  terms  of  certain  treaties  or  con- 
ventions, or  which  may  be  established  in 
future  between  States  mutually  consenting 
thereto,  may,  at  the  request  and  at  the  ex- 
pense of  one  or  more  of  the  conterminous 
States,  be  placed  under  a  temporary  or 
permanent  system  of  supervision  to  be 
organized  by  the  Council. 

Article   10 

Every  State  which  resorts  to  war  in  viola- 
tion of  the  undertakings  contained  in  the 
Covenant  or  in  the  present  protocol  is  an 
aggressor.  Violation  of  the  rules  laid  down 
for  a  demilitarized  zone  shall  be  held 
equivalent  to  resort  to  war. 

In  the  event  of  hostilities  having  broken 
out,  any  State  shall  be  presumed  to  be  an 
aggressor  unless  a  decision  of  the  Council, 
which  must  be  taken  unanimously,  shall 
otherwise  declare : 

1.  If  it  has  refused  to  submit  the  dispute 
to  the  procedure  of  pacific  settlement  pro- 
vided by  Articles  13  and  15  of  the  Covenant 
as  amplified  by  the  present  protocol,  or  to 
comply  with  a  judicial  sentence  or  arbitral 
award  or  with  a  unanimous  recommendation 
of  the  Council,  or  has  disregarded  a  unani- 
mous report  of  the  Council,  a  judicial  sen- 
tence or  an  arbitral  award  recognizing  that 
the  dispute  between  it  and  the  other  bellig- 
erent State  arises  out  of  a  matter  which  by 
international  law  is  solely  within  the  domes- 
tic jurisdiction  of  the  latter  State ;  neverthe- 
less, in  the  last  case  the  State  shall  only  be 
presumed  to  be  an  aggressor  if  it  has  not 
previously  submitted  the  question  to  the 
Council  or  the  Assembly,  in  accordance  with 
Article  11  of  the  Covenant. 

2.  If  it  has  violated  provisional  measures 
enjoined  by  the  Council  for  the  period  while 
the  proceedings  are  in  progress  as  contem- 
plated by  Article  7  of  the  present  protocol. 

Apart  from  the  cases  dealt  with  in  para- 
graphs 1  and  2  of  the  present  Article,  if  the 
council  does  not  at  once  succeed  in  determin- 
ing the  aggressor,  it  shall  be  bound  to  en- 
join upon  the  belligerents  an  armistice,  and 
shall  fix  the  terms,  acting,  if  need  be,  by  a 
two-thirds  majority  and  shall  supervise  its 
execution. 


Any  belligerent  which  has  refused  to  ac- 
cept the  armistice  or  has  violated  its  terms 
shall  be  deemed  an  aggressor. 

The  Council  shall  call  upon  the  signatory 
States  to  apply  forthwith  against  the  aggres- 
sor the  sanctions  provided  by  Article  11  of 
the  present  protocol,  and  any  signatory  State 
thus  called  upon  shall  thereupon  be  entitled 
to  exercise  the  rights  of  a  belligerent. 

Article  11 

As  soon  as  the  Council  has  called  upon  the 
signatory  States  to  apply  sanctions,  as  pro- 
vided in  the  last  paragraph  of  Article  10 
of  the  present  protocol,  the  obligations  of  the 
said  States,  in  regard  to  the  sanctions  of  all 
kinds  mentioned  in  paragraphs  1  and  2  of 
Article  16  of  the  Covenant,  will  immediately 
become  operative  in  order  that  such  sanc- 
tions may  forthwith  be  employed  against  the 
aggressor. 

Those  obligations  shall  be  interpreted  as 
obliging  each  of  the  signatory  States  to  co- 
operate loyally  and  effectively  in  support  of 
the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations,  and 
in  i-esistance  to  any  act  of  aggression,  in  the 
degree  which  its  geographical  position  and 
its  particular  situation  as  regards  armaments 
allow. 

In  accordance  with  paragraph  3  of  Article 
16  of  the  Covenant,  the  signatory  States  give 
a  joint  and  several  undertaking  to  come  to 
the  assistance  of  the  State  attacked  or  threat- 
ened, and  to  give  each  other  mutual  support 
by  means  of  facilities  and  reciprocal  ex- 
changes as  regards  the  provision  of  raw  ma- 
terials and  supplies  of  every  kind,  openings 
of  credits,  transport,  and  transit,  and  for 
this  purpose  to  take  all  measures  in  their 
power  to  preserve  the  safety  of  communica- 
tions by  land  and  by  sea  of  the  attacked  or 
threatened  State. 

If  both  parties  to  the  dispute  are  aggres- 
sors within  the  meaning  of  Article  10,  the 
economic  and  financial  sanctions  shall  be 
applied  to  both  of  them. 

Article  12 

In  view  of  the  complexity  of  the  conditions 
in  which  the  Council  may  be  called  UDon  to 
exercise  the  functions  mentioned  in  Article 
11  of  the  present  protocol  concerning 
economic  and  financial  sanctions,  and  In 
order  to  determine  more  exactly  the  guar- 
antees afforded  by  the  present  protocol  to 
the  signatory  States,  the  Council  shall  forth- 


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November 


with  invite  the  economic  and  financial  organi- 
zations of  the  League  of  Nations  to  consider 
and  report  as  to  the  nature  of  the  steps 
to  be  taken  to  give  effect  to  the  financial 
and  economic  sanctions  and  measures  of 
co-operation  contemplated  in  Article  16  of 
the  Covenant  and  in  Article  11  of  this 
protocol. 

When  in  possession  of  this  information, 
the  Council  shall  draw  up  through  its  com- 
petent organs :  1,  plans  of  action  for  the 
application  of  the  economic  and  financial 
sanctions  against  an  aggressor  State ;  2, 
plans  of  economic  and  financial  co-operation 
between  a  State  attacked  and  the  different 
States  assisting  it ;  and  shall  communicate 
these  plans  to  the  members  of  the  League 
and  to  the  other  signatory  States. 

Article   13 

In  view  of  the  contingent  military,  naval, 
and  air  sanctions  provided  for  by  Article 
16  of  the  Covenant  and  by  Article  11  of  the 
present  protocol,  the  Council  shall  be  en- 
titled to  receive  undertakings  from  States 
determining  in  advance  the  military,  naval, 
and  air  forces  which  they  would  be  able 
to  bring  into  action  immediately  to  insure 
the  fulfilment  of  the  obligations  in  regard 
to  sanctions  which  result  from  the  Covenant 
and  the  present  protocol. 

Furthermore,  as  soon  as  the  Council  has 
called  upon  the  signatory  States  to  apply 
sanctions,  as  provided  in  the  last  paragraph 
of  Article  10  above,  the  said  States  may,  in 
accordance  with  any  agreements  which  they 
may  previously  have  concluded,  bring  to  the 
assistance  of  a  particular  State  which  is  the 
victim  of  aggression  their  military,  naval, 
and  air  forces. 

The  agreements  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
paragraph  shall  be  registered  and  published 
by  the  Secretariat  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
They  shall  remain  open  to  all  States  mem- 
bers of  the  League  which  may  desire  to  ac- 
cede thereto. 

Article   14 

The  Council  shall  alone  be  competent  to 
declare  that  the  application  of  sanctions 
shall  cease  and  normal  conditions  be  re- 
established. 

Article  15 

In  conformity  with  the  spirit  of  the  present 
protocol,  the  signatory  States  agree  that  the 


whole  cost  of  any  military,  naval,  or  air 
operations  undertaken  for  the  repression  of 
an  aggression  under  the  terms  of  the  protocol,, 
and  reparation  for  all  losses  suffered  by  in- 
dividuals, whether  civilians  or  combatants, 
and  for  all  material  damage  caused  by  the 
operations  of  both  sides,  shall  be  borne  by  the 
aggressor  State  up  to  the  extreme  limit  of 
its  capacity. 

Nevertheless,  in  view  of  Article  10  of  the 
Covenant,  neither  the  territorial  integrity  nor 
the  political  independence  of  the  aggressor 
State  shall  in  any  case  be  affected  as  the 
result  of  the  application  of  the  sanctions 
mentioned  in  the  present  protocol. 

Article  16 

The  signatory  States  agree  that  in  the 
event  of  a  dispute  between  one  or  more  of 
them  and  one  or  more  States  which  have 
not  signed  the  present  protocol  and  are  not 
members  of  the  League  of  Nations,  such  non- 
member  States  shall  be  invited,  on  the  condi- 
tions contemplated  in  Article  17  of  the  Cove- 
nant, to  submit,  for  the  purpose  of  a  pacific 
settlement,  to  the  obligations  accepted  by 
the  State  signatories  of  the  present  protocol. 

If  the  State  so  invited,  having  refused  to- 
accept  the  said  conditions  and  obligations,  re- 
sorts to  war  against  a  signatory  State,  the 
provisions  of  Article  16  of  the  Covenant,  as 
defined  by  the  present  protocol,  shall  be 
applicable  against  it. 

Article   17 

The  signatory  States  undertake  to  par- 
ticipate in  an  International  Conference  for 
the  Reduction  of  Armaments  which  shall 
be  convened  by  the  Council  and  shall  meet 
at  Geneva  on  Monday,  June  15,  1925.  AU 
other  States,  whether  members  of  the  League 
or  not,  shall  be  invited  to  this  conference. 

In  preparation  for  the  convening  of  the 
conference,  the  Council  shall  draw  up,  with 
due  regard  to  the  undertakings  contained  in 
Articles  11  and  13  of  the  present  protocol, 
a  general  program  for  the  reduction  and 
limitation  of  armaments,  which  shall  be  laid 
before  the  conference  and  which  shall  be 
communicated  to  the  governments  at  the 
earliest  possible  date,  and  at  the  latest  three 
months  before  the  conference  meets. 

If  by  May  1,  1925,  ratifications  have  not 
been  deposited  by  at  least  a  majority  of  the 
permanent  members  of  the  Council  and  ten 
other  members  of  the  League,  the  Secretary- 


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631 


<3eneral  of  the  League  shall  immediately 
consult  the  Council  as  to  whether  he  shall 
•cancel  the  invitations  or  merely  adjourn  the 
conference  until  a  sufficient  number  of  rati- 
fications have  been  deposited. 

Article   18 

Wherever  mention  is  made  in  Article  10, 
or  in  any  other  provision  of  the  present 
protocol,  of  a  decision  of  the  Council,  this 
fihall  be  understood  in  the  sence  of  Article  15 
-of  the  Covenant,  namely,  that  the  votes  of  the 
representatives  of  the  parties  to  the  dispute 
shall  not  be  counted  vi^hen  reckoning 
nnanimity  or  the  necessary  majority. 

Article   19 

Except  as  expressly  provided  by  its  terms, 
the  present  protocol  shall  not  affect  in  any 
way  the  rights  and  obligations  of  members 
of  the  League  as  determined  by  the  Cove- 
nant. 

Article   20 

Any  dispute  as  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
present  protocol  shall  be  submitted  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice. 

Article   21 

The  present  protocol,  of  which  the  French 
and  English  texts  are  both  authentic,  shall 
S)e  ratified. 

The  deposit  of  ratifications  shall  be  made 
at  the  Secretariat  of  the  League  of  Nations 
as  soon  as  possible. 

States  of  which  the  seat  of  government  is 
outside  Europe  will  be  entitled  merely  to  in- 
form the  Secretariat  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions that  their  ratification  has  been  given; 
in  that  case  they  must  transmit  the  instru- 
ment of  ratification  as  soon  as  possible. 

So  soon  as  the  majority  of  the  permanent 
members  of  the  Council  and  ten  other  mem- 
Ijers  of  the  League  have  deposited  or  have 
«ffected  their  ratifications,  a  procis-verhal 
to  that  effect  shall  be  drawn  up  by  the 
Secretariat. 

After  the  said  procds-verbal  has  been 
drawn  up,  the  protocol  shall  come  into  force 
as  soon  as  the  plan  for  the  reduction  of  arma- 
•nents  has  been  adopted  by  the  conference 
^provided  for  in  Article  17. 

If  within  such  period  after  the  adoption 
of  the  plan  for  the  reduction  of  armaments 
as  shall  be  fixed  by  the  said  conference  the 
plan  has  not  been  carried  out,  the  Council 


shall  make  a  declaration  to  that  effect; 
this  declaration  shall  render  the  present 
protocol  null  and  void. 

The  grounds  on  which  the  Council  may 
declare  that  the  plan  drawn  up  by  the  In- 
ternational Conference  for  the  Reduction  of 
Armaments  has  not  been  carried  out,  and 
that  in  consequence  the  present  protocol  has 
been  rendered  null  and  void,  shall  be  laid 
down  by  the  conference  itself. 

A  signatory  State  which,  after  the  expira- 
tion of  the  period  fixed  by  the  conference, 
fails  to  comply  with  the  plan  adopted  by  the 
conference,  shall  not  be  admitted  to  benefit 
by  the  provisions  of  the  present  protocol. 

In  faith  whereof  the  undersigned,  duly 
authorized  for  this  purpose,  have  signed  the 
present  protocol. 

Done  at  Geneva,  on  the  —  day  of  October, 
nineteen  hundred  and  twenty-four,  in  a  single 
copy,  which  will  be  kept  in  the  archives  of 
the  Secretariat  of  the  League  and  registered 
by  it  on  the  date  of  its  coming  into  force. 


NOTE  ON  THE  ST.  LAWRENCE 
WATERWAY  PROJECT 

(Note.— On  September  10,  1924,  the  De- 
partment of  State  communicated  to  the  Brit- 
ish Embassy  the  following  note  regarding  the 
instructions  to  be  given  to  the  Joint  Board 
of  Engineers  for  the  investigation  of  the 
proposed  St.  Lawrence  Waterway  project.) 

Excellency  : 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  your  note  of  August  18,  1924,  in 
which  you  communicate  the  views  of  the 
Canadian  Government  concerning  the  recom- 
mendations for  instructions  to  be  given  by 
the  United  States  and  Canada  to  the  enlarged 
Joint  Board  of  Engineers  appointed  for  the 
investigation  of  the  proposed  St.  Lawrence 
Waterway. 

It  is  observed  that  the  Canadian  Govern- 
ment is  prepared  to  accept  the  recommenda- 
tions formulated  by  the  technical  officers 
designated  for  that  purpose  by  the  two  gov- 
ernments, and  to  adopt  them  as  instructions 
to  be  given  to  the  Canadian  members  of  the 
enlarged  Joint  Board  of  Engineers,  but  that 
it  is  unable  to  accept  the  proposed  amend- 
ment of  section  66  of  the  recommendations 
which  was  communicated  in  my  note  of  July 
2,  1924,  to  the  British  charge  d'affaires  ad 
interim,  by  virtue  of  which  the  Joint  Board 
of   Engineers    would    be   instructed    to    give 


632 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


consideration  to  the  question  of  the  extent 
to  which  the  unequal  diversions  from  Lake 
Erie  and  the  Niagara  River  for  power  com- 
pensate for  loss  of  power  attributable  to 
diversions  from  Lake  Michigan. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
quite  willing  to  have  the  Joint  Board  of 
Engineers  develop  the  facts  with  respect  to 
any  phase  of  the  St.  Lawrence  problem  with 
a  view  to  arriving  at  an  equitable  adjustment 
of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  two  coun- 
tries therein,  but  it  is  not  convinced  that  it 
would  be  wise  to  consider  the  power  value  of 
diversions  from  Lake  Michigan  without,  at 
the  same  time,  considering  the  power  value 
of  other  diversions. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  recommenda- 
tions formulated  by  the  technical  officers 
have,  with  the  exception  of  section  6,  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  United  States  and 
Canada,  this  government  is  prepared  to  in- 
struct the  American  representatives  on  the 
Joint  Board  of  Engineers  to  proceed  with  the 
consideration  and  investigation  of  the  mat- 
ters covered  by  the  recommendations  of  the 
technical  officers,  with  the  exception  of  the 
questions  in  section  6,  if  the  Canadian  Gov- 
ernment should  be  willing  to  issue  similar 
instructions   to   its   representatives. 

This  government  is  further  prepared,  if 
such  a  course  should  meet  with  the  approval 
of  the  Canadian  Government,  to  instruct  its 
technical  officers  again  to  confer  with  the 
technical  officers  representing  Canada  for  the 
further  consideration  of  the  questions  em- 
braced in  section  6  of  the  recommendations 
with  a  view  to  their  modification  in  a  form 
acceptable  to  both  governments. 

I  should  be  pleased  to  receive  at  the  early 

convenience  of  the  Canadian  Government  a 

further  expression  of  its  views  on  the  subject. 

Accept,  Excellency,  the  renewed  assurances 

of  my  highest  consideration. 

(Signed)  Charles  A.  Hughes. 


A  Red  Cross  Truce  was  proclaimed  on 
April  19  by  the  children  of  Prague,  Czecho- 
slovakia. The  celebration  coincided  with  a 
Congress  of  Youth  Movements  there.  The 
representative  of  the  International  Red  Cross 
Committee  was  M.  Lescaze.  He  is  a  member 
of  the  Committee  of  the  International  Secre- 
tariat of  Youth  Movements  for  the  Relief  of 
children  in  distress  and  a  scout  master  at 
Geneva. 


News  in  Brief 


The  Alsace-Loraine  railway  system  was 
in  1923  finally  consolidated  with  the  French 
systems,  and  it  is  now  controlled  by  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Works  at  Paris.  This 
system  has  a  total  length  of  1,386  miles  and 
supplies  a  territory  of  about  5,600  square 
miles. 

An  important  conference  of  maritime 
health  officers  was  held  in  Panama  in  Feb- 
ruary. One  of  its  achievements  was  the 
organization  of  a  permanent  council  of  in- 
ternational observers  of  public  health  and 
sanitation  methods,  to  be  located  in  Panama 
and  presided  over  by  a  representative  of  the 
Pan  American  Sanitary  Bui-eau.  Each  ob- 
server is  to  serve  for  one  year,  when  he  is  ta 
be  replaced  by  another  public  health  officer 
from  his  country. 

The  National  Conference  on  the  Science 
of  Politics  will  hold  its  second  annual  meet- 
ing at  Chicago,  September  &-12,  1924.  The 
announcement  states  that  the  absence  of  an 
adequate  technique  and  method  constitutes- 
the  chief  obstacle  to  scientific  progress  in  the 
field  of  politics.  Therefore  the  purix)se  of 
this  conference  is  to  concentrate  attention 
upon  those  problems  by  which  "political  sci- 
ence may  emerge  into  a  science  of  politics. 
To  this  end  the  descriptive,  historical,  and 
comparative  methods  are  of  themselves  in- 
adequate, save  as  they  ascertain  and  or- 
ganize material  facts  of  evidential  value." 
The  chief  concern  of  the  political  scientist 
must  be  the  determination  of  what  facta 
may  be  material  to  a  specific  project  of  re- 
search, and  the  collection  and  interiiretation 
of  such  facts. 

One  of  the  most  momentous  problems  In 
Russia  today,  according  to  Dr  Nansen,  is  the 
number  of  homeless,  untaught  children  living 
criminal  lives  in  that  country.  Hundreds  of 
them  flock  to  the  towns,  whence  they  beg  and 
thieve  their  way  to  Moscow.  It  is  estimated 
that  over  15,000  such  child  beggars  and 
criminals  live  in  the  deserted  houses  and 
cellars  of  that  city.      Peddlers  of  cigarettes. 


192Jf 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


633 


pickpockets,  prostitutes,  and  dealers  in  vodka 
and  cocaine  are  to  be  found  in  these  gangs  of 
children,  led  by  boys  often  not  over  fifteen 
years  of  age.  "This  shows,"  says  a  paper  of 
Moscow,  "the  decadence  in  our  home  life,  in 
our  education,  the  growing  unemployment, 
and  the  general  demoralization  of  our  people." 

To  HELP  Russian  peiasants  in  the  famine 
districts,  Dr.  Nansen's  relief  organization  is 
establishing  two  model  reconstruction  sta- 
tions— one  in  Russia  and  one  in  the  Ukraine. 
The  peasants  are  nearly  destitute  of  live 
stock  and  agricultural  implements.  These 
stations  will  be  furnished  with  tractors  and 
necessary  equipment  of  other  sorts  to  farm 
a  considerable  extent  of  country.  The  sta- 
tions will  be  run  on  a  strictly  commercial 
basis,  under  the  direction  of  a  foreign  agricul- 
tural expert.  They  will  work  for  and  with 
the  peasants,  receiving  pay  in  corn  after  the 
next  harvest.  Profits  are  all  to  be  expended 
in  further  relief  in  famine  districts. 

Anatole  France  has  addressed  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  an  association  of  American 
women  who  visited  France  in  order  to  bring 
over  a  sum  of  money  collected  in  America 
for  the  reconstruction  of  the  devastated 
areas:  "I  have  been  told  that  you  will  not 
refuse  the  greetings  of  an  old  man  who, 
after  sharing  in  all  the  errors  of  his  time, 
has  at  last  come  to  recognize  that  a  true 
government  exists  through  the  people  and 
for  the  people.  You  come  from  a  rich  and 
industrious  land  to  a  land  which  is  oppressed 
by  a  fatal  glory  and  which  is  suffering  from 
its  misfortunes  more  deeply  than  its  pride 
will  allow  it  to  admit.  You  come  to  help 
in  the  reconstruction  of  our  devastated  area. 
I  bid  you  welcome !  But  even  when  the 
ruins  wrought  by  war  have  been  removed, 
all  will  not  have  been  done.  You  are  women, 
and  women  are  braver  than  men.  Save 
mankind !  You  women  must  attack  thei 
monster  which  is  threatening  it.  You  must 
make  war  on  war,  and  the  war  that  you 
make  must  be  a  war  to  the  death.  Hate 
war  with  an  inappeasable  hatred !  Hate  it 
and  recognize  its  criminality.  Hate  it,  even 
though  it  appears  in  all  the  glory  of  victory ; 
hate  it  although  it  is  crowned  with  laurel. 
Let  your  hatred  destroy  it!  Kill  It!  Do 
not  say  that  this  is  impossible,  that  there 
have  been  wars  as  long  as  there  have  been 
men,   and   that   the  nations  will   always   be 


hostile  to  each  other.  They  will  be  hostile 
so  long  as  they  continue  to  exist.  But  na- 
tions do  not  live  forever.  O,  women  mothers ! 
Our  gi-andchildren  will  see  the  United  States 
of  Europe,  the  world  republic!  Noble 
women,  go  through  the  world  and  find  your 
inspiration  in  these  words.  Then  you  will 
save  Europe  and  will  bring  happiness  to  the 
world." 

It  is  thought  that  the  adoption  of  the 
metric  system  of  weights  and  measures  is 
now  more  likely  to  be  accomplished  in  this 
country.  The  metric  system  is  now  stand- 
ard in  most  of  the  civilized  world,  except 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  and  the 
standards  in  these  two  countries  are  unlike 
each  other.  The  matter  is  now  before  Con- 
gress in  the  Britten-Ladd  Metric  Standards 
Bill,  which  proposes  the  establishment  of 
metric  units  of  measurement  in  the  United 
States  after  1933.  The  adoption  of  this 
system  is  urged  by  the  National  Association 
for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  the  National 
Research  Council,  and  many  other  organiza- 
tions, including  the  World  Conference  on 
Education,  which  met  last  June  in  San  Fran- 
cisco. As  long  ago  as  the  year  1866,  Charles 
Sumner  urged,  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
the  adoption  of  the  metric  system,  saying: 
"It  will  help  undo  that  primeval  confusion  of 
which  the  Tower  of  Babel  was  the  repre- 
sentative." 

A    60,000-TON    FLOATING    DRY    DOCK,    bUilt    at 

the  Walker-on-Tyne  yard  of  Sir  W.  G.  Arm- 
strong, Whitworth  &  Co.,  Limited,  for  the 
Southern  Railway  Co.  of  England,  was  safely 
berthed  at  Southampton  on  April  21.  It  is 
the  largest  floating  dry  dock  in  existence  and 
capable  of  docking  the  biggest  ship  afloat. 
Its  principal  dimensions  are :  Lifting  power, 
60,000  tons;  over-all  length,  900  feet;  over- 
all height  of  the  side  walls,  70  feet  6  inches ; 
clear  width  of  entrance,  134  feet;  draft  of 
water  over  keel  blocks,  38  feet;  depth  of 
water  required  at  site,  65  feet.  The  weight 
of  steel  used  in  constructing  the  hull  is  ap- 
proximately 16,200  tons ;  adding  to  this  the 
weight  of  machinery,  fittings,  and  timber, 
the  net  weight  of  the  completely  equipped 
dock  is  about  18,000  tons.  The  area  of  the 
pontoon  is  142,000  square  feet,  or  about  3% 
acres. 

Argentina  is  the  largest  foreign  market 
for  American  windmills.    Uruguay  and  Chile 


634 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


are  fairly  large  users  of  such  articles,  but 
cannot  in  any  way  be  compared  with  Argen- 
tina in  that  respect. 

The  German  foreign  trade  balance  in 
the  month  of  April  was  the  most  unfavorable 
thus  far  in  1924.  The  value  of  the  exports 
for  that  month  amounted  to  but  60  per  cent 
of  the  value  of  the  imports. 

The  fluctuation  and  depreciation  of  the 
French  franc  is  hampering  business  activity 
in  France  to  some  extent.  Unemployment 
has  slightly  increased.  Foreign  trade,  how- 
ever, is  brisk,  with  exports  exceeding  im- 
ports. 

American  industrt,  which  is  a  large  buyer 
of  graphites,  is  more  and  more  turning  for  its 
supply  to  the  French  colonies.  It  seems  timely, 
therefore,  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that 
Tongking  (French  Indochina),  which  is  ex- 
tremely rich  in  all  kinds  of  ore,  possesses  also 
excellent  graphite  deposits.  One  mine,  in 
course  of  exploitation,  near  Lackay  (on  the 
border  between  Tongling  and  the  Chinese 
province  of  Yunnan),  is  planning  the  con- 
struction of  two  plants,  one  at  Lackay,  for 
standardizing  the  graphites  at  85  per  cent 
carbon,  and  the  other  at  Haiphong  (the  prin- 
cipal seaport  of  Tongking),  for  refining.  In 
the  meanwhile,  and  quoting  for  ore,  copper, 
lead,  zinc,  antimony,  and  phosphates  of  lime, 
the  transport  of  raw  graphite  would  be  from 
7  piastres  (silver  dollar  equal  to  ^^  American 
dollar)  to  11  piastres  per  ton.  After  the  con- 
struction of  the  Lackay  plant  and  after  the 
graphites  of  Tongking  have  found  a  market, 
the  movement  of  graphite  between  Lackay 
and  Haiphong  is  estimated  to  be  from  2,000 
to  3,000  tons  yearly.  But  the  Lackay  graphite 
mines  are  not  the  only  ones,  nor  the  richest, 
which  Tongking  possessesi.  Much  richer 
strata  and  purer  graphites  have  also  been  dis- 
covered in  the  hills  north  of  Yenbay,  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  Red  River  (which  flows 
down  from  Yunnan,  passes  Hanoi,  and 
reaches  the  Gulf  of  Tongking  at  Haiphong). 

Australia,  that  island  in  the  South 
Pacific  which  the  average  citizen  is  in  the 
habit  of  associating  with  kankaroos,  boom- 
erangs, and  wild  men,  is  at  present  one  of 
our  best  foreign  customers.  It  stands  eighth 
on  the  list  of  all  countries  to  which  we  ex- 
port, and  it  is  more  important  from  the 
American  exporters'  point  of  view  than  such 
countries   as   China,    Mexico,   Brazil,   Argen- 


tina, the  Philippines,  Spain,  or  the  Nether- 
lands. During  the  nine  months  ended  March 
31,  1924,  we  exported  to  Australia  goods 
valued  at  $95,987,000,  as  compared  with  $68,- 
892,000  for  the  corresponding  period  of  1922- 
23.  While  this  appears  to  be  an  extraor- 
dinary jump,  it  may  be  regarded  as  normal 
and  an  indication  of  what  may  be  expected 
in  our  future  trade  relations  with  that  area. 
The  Australian  market  is  particularly  impor- 
tant to  our  industrial  community,  since  it 
takes  largely  manufactured  products  of  the 
variety  in  common  use  throughout  the  United 
States.  This  fact  makes  it  unnecessary  for 
the  manufacturer  to  make  a  special  type 
article  for  the  Australian  trade  or  to  give 
the  market  requirements  any  particular  study 
before  entering  it.  Practically  everything  in 
the  manufactured  line  that  is  sold  in  our 
domestic  market  is  or  can  be  sold  in  Aus- 
tralia. During  1923  we  sold  by  far  more 
automobiles  to  Australia  than  to  any  other 
foreign  country,  and  in  addition  large  quan- 
tities of  all  kinds  of  machinery,  fats  and  oils, 
textiles,  rubber  goods,  tires,  etc.,  as  well. 

Two  DRAFT  conventions  ON  THE  EMPLOY- 
MENT OF  CHILDREN  and  young  persons  were 
adopted  at  the  First  International  Labor 
Conference  held  in  Washington  in  1919.  The 
first  of  these  conventions  proposed  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  minimum  age  for  employment 
of  14  years,  while  the  second  dealt  with  the 
prohibition  of  night  work  for  young  persons. 
A  review  of  action  taken  throughout  the 
world  on  these  conventions  is  significant  at 
the  present  time. 

The  minimum  age  convention  has  been 
ratified  by  8  countries:  Bulgaria,  Czecho- 
slovakia, Denmark,  Esthonia,  Great  Britain, 
Greece,  Rumania,  and  Switzerland. 

Ratification  has  been  authorized  by  the 
competent  authorities  in  Finland,  Italy, 
Japan,  Netherlands  and  Poland. 

Ratification  has  been  recommended  in 
Argentine,  Belgium,  Brazil,  Chile,  Cuba, 
France,  Germany,  Lithuania  and  Spain. 

Legislative  acts  in  accordance  with  the 
convention  are  already  enforced  in  Belgium, 
Canada,  Bulgaria,  Denmark,  Great  Britain, 
India,  Japan,  Poland,  Serb-Croat-Slovene 
Kingdom  and  Switzerland. 

The  Night  Work  Convention  has  been  rati- 
fied by  ten  countries:  Bulgaria,  Denmark, 
Esthonia,  Great  Britain,  Greece,  India,  Italy, 
Netherlands,  Rumania  and   Switzerland. 


192Jf 


NEWS  IN  BEIEF 


635 


Ratification  has  been  authorized  in  Aus- 
tria, Finland  and  Poland. 

Ratification  has  been  recommended  in 
Argentine,  Belgium,  Brazil,  Chili,  Cuba, 
Czechoslovakia,  France,  Germany,  Lithuania 
and  Spain. 

Eight  countries  have  already  in  force  legis- 
lation on  the  subject :  Belgium,  Canada,  Den- 
mark, Great  Britain,  Italy,  Japan,  Serb- 
Croat-Slovak  Kingdom  and  Switzerland. 

The  total  funds  subscribei>  by  the  "Co- 
mity frangais  de  secours  aux  enfants"  for 
German  relief,  up  to  April,  amounted  to 
17,660  francs.  On  March  25  a  contribution  of 
3,000  francs  was  turned  in  for  the  French 
canteen  No.  9  at  Odessa,  in  the  Ukraine. 

Three  conferences  of  pubuc  health 
OFFICIALS  have  been  held  in  1924.  From 
February  to  April  representatives  of  eighteen 
nationalities  made  in  Great  Britain  theoreti- 
cal and  practical  studies  of  public  health, 
with  special  emphasis  on  the  medical  institu- 
tions of  that  country.  From  April  24  to  May 
30,  officials  from  twenty  nationalities  did  the 
same  sort  of  work  in  the  Netherlands,  and 
later  in  the  summer  in  Denmark.  These  con- 
ferences followed  one  which  took  place  in 
New  York  on  the  initiative  of  Surgeon-Gen- 
eral Cumming,  of  the  United  Sta'tes,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1923. 

The  University  of  Pa  via  will  celebrate  its 
eleventh  centennial  next  May.  It  was  in  May 
of  the  year  825  that  Lothaire,  King  of  Italy, 
organized  the  Schola  Papiensis  and  made 
Pavia  the  seat  of  higher  learning  in  Lom- 
bardy.  The  university  and  the  city  intend 
to  erect  a  monument  to  the  many  celebrated 
men  who  have  been  trained  there  during  the 
centuries.  Among  the  most  eminent  was  Lan- 
franco,  of  Pavia,  who  later  became  Benedic- 
tine h  Bee,  and  who,  at  his  death,  in  1089, 
was  Prime  Minister  of  England  and  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury. 

An  administrative  reform  rendered  nec- 
essary in  the  financial  reconstruction  of 
Austria  is  a  drastic  reduction  in  the  number 
of  officials,  now  that  the  territory  of  the 
country  is  so  greatly  reduced.  It  was,  there- 
fore, agreed  between  the  provisional  delega- 
tion and  the  Austrian  Government  that  by 
degrees  100,000  officials  should  be  dismissed. 
The  number  of  dismissed  on  July  7,  1923,  the 
time  of  the  last  report,  was  44,871. 


The  currency  of  the  Free  City  of  Dant- 
ziG  has  finally  been  effected  through  the  Bank 
of  Dantzig,  which  was  founded  in  January, 
1924.  The  base  of  the  currency  is  the  gulden, 
twenty-five  of  which  make  a  pound  sterling. 

The  cold,  wet  summer  has  seriously 
affected  the  grain  crop  in  France.  This  will 
inevitably  cause  a  scarcity  in  home-produced 
flour.  Poor  harvests  are  general  in  Europe, 
so  that  Great  Britain,  Germany,  Italy,  Bel- 
gium, and  Holland  have,  it  is  said,  been  buy- 
ing steadily  for  some  weeks.  French  im- 
porters have  done  little  buying  because  of 
recent  fiscal  measures  by  the  government, 
such  as  the  tax  on  flour  and  increase  of  duty 
on  foreign  corn.  A  sharp  increase  in  the 
price  of  bread  is  dreaded  unless  the  govern- 
ment immediately  modifies  the  decre  regulat- 
ing the  application  of  the  law  on  flour  taxa- 
tion. 

The  Japanese  Government  subjects  the 
manufacture  of  certain  silks  intended  for  ex- 
portation to  rigid  supervision.  In  order  to 
obtain  the  necessary  authorization,  the  goods 
must  conform  to  rigid  standards. 

The  Government  of  Persia  has  recently 
undertaken  the  control  and  gradual  reduc- 
tion of  opium  cultivation  in  that  country. 

The  next  congress  of  the  International 
Chamber  of  Commerce  will  be  held  in  Brus- 
sels in  1924. 

The  prospect  of  an  International  Insti- 
tute of  Intellectual  Co-operation  in  Paris  is 
one  of  the  outcomes  of  the  Fifth  Assembly 
of  the  League  of  Natiolis.  The  necessary 
money  and  accommodation  for  the  proper 
working  of  the  institute  was  offered  by  the 
French  Government  to  the  Committee  on  In- 
tellectual Co-operation,  and  later  accepted  by 
the  Assembly.  The  provision  is  made  that 
this  institute  shall  be  actually  international, 
its  funds  administered  and  its  policy  directed 
by  the  committee  of  the  League.  A  few  days 
after  the  acceptance  of  the  French  offer,  the 
Italian  Government  offered  the  sum  of  one 
million  lire  to  found  an  international  insti- 
tute at  Rome  for  the  study  of  private  inter- 
national law.  This  institute  is  to  be  subject 
to  the  same  sort  of  government  as  the  insti- 
tute at  France. 

Four  specialists  in  malaria — Sir  David 
Prain,  Professor  Martinotti,  Professor 
Giemsa,    and    Professor    Perrot — are    about 


636 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


to  inquire  into  the  world's  quinine  require- 
ments, ttie  means  of  increasing  ttie  output, 
and  the  extension  of  chincona  cultivation. 
Cost,  distribution  and  sale  prices  also  come 
within  the  scope  of  the  inquiry. 


LETTER  BOX 


Hastings,  England. 

To  the  Editor  Advocate  of  Peace, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Deab  Sib  and  Colleague  : 

A  recent  issue  of  your  magazine,  so  rich 
in  its  varied  contents,  has  just  reached 
me,  and  I  am  particularly  interested  in  the 
valuable  articles  on  the  "Women's  Interna- 
tional Congress"  and  on  "Women  and  Peace." 
In  reading  them  it  occurred  to  me  that  a 
letter  of  mine,  "Why  I  Shall  Vote  for  a 
Woman  Candidate,"  which  appeared  in  the 
Sussex  Evening  Argus  of  December  3,  may 
prove  of  equal  interest  to  Americans,  as  in- 
deed to  all  citizens  in  the  countries  where 
women  have  already  acquired  the  political 
franchise.  Briefly,  my  reasons  are  as 
follows : 

(1)  Because  undoubtedly  by  far  the  great- 
est and  fundamental  problem  of  today  is  that 
of  a  settled  world's  peace,  in  comparison  with 
which  all  other  problems  are  but  secondary 
in  urgency,  and  without  which  many  of  these 
problems  could  not  even  be  approached. 

(2)  Because  undoubtedly  the  maternal  in- 
stinct is  much  stronger  than  the  paternal, 
the  mother  being  more  anxious  for  the  life 
and  health  of  her  son  and  more  disconsolate 
at  his  loss.  Statistics  of  illegitimate  children 
show  that,  roughly  speaking,  only  about  4 
per  cent  of  them  are  willingly  acknowledged 
by  their  fathers. 

(3)  Because,  therefore,  women  in  Parlia- 
ment are  almost  sure  to  form  a  more  solid 
factor  for  peace  than  the  men,  and  in  peace- 
ful conditions  we  may  hope  that  class  and 
other  struggles  will  gradualy  right  them- 
selves. 

Of  course,  there  are  other  moral  and  econ- 
nomic  grounds  making  the  return  of  more 


women  to  Parliament  most  desirable,  but  the 
above  reasons  seem  to  me  sufficient  in  them- 
selves. 

That  is  why  I  have  voted  for  Mrs.  Ogilvie 
Gordon,  not  as  a  Liberal  candidate,  but  as  a 
woman,  and  a  very  worthy  and  distinguished 
woman,  too.  If  she  were  a  Conservative  or 
a  Labor  Candidate,  I  would  have  voted  for 
her  all  the  same,  as  all  other  problems  are 
dependent  on  peace  and  security  in  the  first 
place. 

I  have  received  objections  to  the  effect  that 
if  my  above  reasons  were  generaly  accepted 
and  acted  upon,  then  in  such  a  country  as 
England,  with  a  great  preponderance  of 
women,  and  in  all  similar  countries  with  a 
female  majority,  women  would,  sooner  or 
later,  form  the  majority  in  legislative  assem- 
blies, and  then,  who  knows,  realizing  their 
power,  they  might  turn  the  tables  and  legis- 
late against  the  other  sex,  as  man  has  done 
in  the  past  towards  woman. 

To  these  forebodings  of  a  posible  develop- 
ment in  the  future  I  reply: 

Firstly,  the  objection  implies  the  assump- 
tion that  all  women  would  think  and  act 
unanimously  and  present  a  united  front 
against  men,  which  is,  of  course,  inadmissible. 
Women,  not  less,  and  perhaps  even  more, 
than  men  will  always  differ  between  them- 
selves, and  it  is  scarcely  conceivable  that 
such  a  point  will  ever  be  reached  when  man's 
influence  on  womankind  will  entirely  disap- 
pear and  he  will  become  the  victim  of  fem- 
inine political  oppression. 

Secondly,  should,  however,  the  unexpected 
happen  and  woman,  by  her  emancipation, 
progress  so  much  that  she  becomes  both  in- 
telligent and  strong  of  will  enough  to  prove 
and  assert  her  superiority,  while  man  at  the  j 
same  time  will  retrogress  to  such  a  degree  1 
that  he  will  no  longer  be  able  to  hold  his 
own,  then  I  do  not  see  why  the  universal 
natural  law  of  gravitation,  by  which  the 
greater  body  controls  the  movements  and  the 
very  existence  of  the  smaller,  should  not  act 
equally  in  human  affairs,  in  sex  relation- 
ships. In  such  case  the  ascendency  of  the 
new  female  sovereignty  would  be  natural  and 
legitimate.  In  fact,  it  frequently  takes  place 
even  now,  whenever  a  strong  woman  comes 
into  contact  with  a  weak  man. 

With  fraternal  greetings, 

Sincerely  yours, 

JaAKOFF  TBELOOKEat. 


192  Jf 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


637 


p.  S. — I  regret  to  say  that  Mrs.  Gordon  was 
not  returned,  being  defeated  by  Lord  Eustace 
Percy,  the  Conservative  member,  who  already 
represented  Hastings  in  the  last  two  Parlia- 
ments, but  she  polled  a  larger  number  of 
votes  than  the  third  candidate,  representing 
Labor,  There  is  little  doubt  that  if  Labor 
had  not  split  the  Liberal  vote,  Mrs.  Gordon 
would  have  been  elected. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


The  Contrast.  By  Hillaire  Belloc.  Mc- 
Bride  and  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  267. 
Price,  $2.50. 

Can  It  be  true  that  Great  Britain  is  be- 
coming aware  of  us?  She  has  long  known 
we  existed,  of  course,  running  about  the  gar- 
den in  our  pinafores,  but,  like  the  proverbial 
small  child  of  the  family,  we  have  not  been 
much  noticed.  Our  views,  when  they  were 
not  impertinent,  were  quite  inconsequential. 
We  were  not  supposed  to  disturb  the  adults 
of  the  European  family.  The  fact  that  we 
rather  preferred  to  play  by  ourselves  was  all 
to  our  credit,  but  in  truth  we  have  been 
somewhat  ignored  by  the  superior  elder 
sisters  of  our  household. 

Suddenly  we  are  discovered !  We  are 
grown  up !  We  have  established  a  menage 
of  our  own  !  We  are  getting  on  in  the  world ! 
Furthermore — astonishing  fact — we  are  not 
running  our  household  according  to  the  usage 
of  the  remainder  of  the  family.  We  are  dif- 
ferent. There  you  have  it  in  a  nutshell.  Mr, 
Belloc  has  discovered  what  we  have  known 
for  a  long  time.  We  are  different.  More, 
there  is  a  "contrast"  between  us  and  our 
sisters. 

His  book  on  the  subject  is  delightfully  em- 
phatic and  tremendously  analytical.  Euro- 
peans ought  to  read  it  and  Americans  will 
find  it  stimulating. 

The  causes  of  our  differences  from  Europe 
Mr.  Belloc  lays  principally  to  subtle  influ- 
ences working  unconsciously  within  us.  We 
are  inclined  to  admit  the  essential  accuracy 
of  this  analysis.  But  he  does  not  seem  to 
recognize  one  fact  which  makes  for  our  most 


outstanding  difference  from  Europe.  We 
were  determined,  from  the  beginning,  to  be 
different.  Was  there  ever  a  shrewd  child, 
slipping  quietly  about  among  the  adults  of  a 
large  family,  who  did  not  observe  the  faults 
and  consequent  troubles  of  her  elder  sisters? 
If  the  child  be  shrewd  enough  she  will  re- 
solve that  never,  no  never,  will  she  be  and 
do  "just  that."  And  so  it  is  with  us  more 
than  "an  American  instinct  of  suspicion" 
which  keeps  us  free  from  European  political 
entanglements.  It  is  a  fundamental  axiom 
in  our  polity.  All  our  lives  we  have  seen  the 
results  of  intermeddling  in  Europe,  We 
came  away  from  it.  We  moved  over  to  an- 
other street  to  avoid  it.  We  love  our  sisters, 
but  we  hope  we  need  not  often  take  sides  in 
their  many  quarrels.  We  do  not  wish  to  live 
in  the  same  house  with  them. 

It  is  not  accident  that  makes  us  "differ- 
ent." It  is  design.  Our  desire  to  seek  peace 
and  pursue  it  is  of  long  standing.  We  have 
faults  of  our  own,  many  and  grievous,  and 
we  would  not  add  to  them  that  of  priggish- 
ness.  But  in  this  matter  of  keeping  out  of 
political  entanglements  we  wonder  what 
would  be  the  result  if  the  elder  sisters,  now 
that  they  have  discovered  that  we  are  here, 
and  that  we  are  different,  should,  perhaps, 
try  to  emulate  that  one  tiny  virtue. 

Readings  in  English  Social  History,  from 
Pre-Boman  Days  to  A,  D.  1837.  R.  B. 
Morgan,  Editor.  Cambridge  University 
Press,  England,  1923.    Pp.  585.    Price,  16s. 

The  days  are  long  past  when  a  parrot- 
like  knowledge  of  the  list  of  kings,  the  dates 
of  their  reigns,  and  the  wars  they  fought,  can 
be  called  a  knowledge  of  history.  We  have 
begun  to  learn  that  the  really  significant 
events  of  history  are  quite  other.  What 
really  matters  and  what  always  did  matter, 
had  we  known  it,  was  the  people ;  what  they 
were  doing  and  thinking;  how  they  were 
living;  on  what  basis  they  were  classified, 
and  what  was  going  on  to  modify  or  serve 
their  well-being  of  body,  mind,  and  spirit. 

Historians  usually  now  go  back  to  sources 
and  give  us  their  summary  of  findings  on  the 
past  of  the  nation  or  people  under  considera- 
tion. Here  we  have  a  most  interesting  col- 
lection of  original  sources,  selected,  classi- 
fied, and  translated,  when  necessary,  into 
modern  English.  We  may,  ourselves,  read 
what  the  men  of  the  past  said  about  them- 
selves,    or     their    immediate    predecessors. 


638 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


We  are  also  given  an  opportunity  to  read 
what  the  Romans  said  about  Britain ;  what 
a  Frenchman  thought  of  the  Anglo-Saxons ; 
a  Spaniard  summed  us  up  in  1730,  and  a 
German  later. 

The  selections  are  classified  under  the 
heading  of  the  ruling  house  of  the  time. 
Otherwise  the  history  is  entirely  the  every 
day  life  of  the  people,  not  at  all  the  political 
history,  a  knowledge  of  which  is  presup- 
posed. 

Tradesmen,  farmers,  squires,  lords,  and 
gentlemen,  pass  in  review  before  us.  We 
read  chat  of  theatres,  schools,  games,  and 
parties.  The  great  plague  and  the  fire  of 
London,  are  described  by  eye-witnesses. 
We  find  old  songs  and  carols  here,  laws  and 
rules  of  conduct,  poll-tax  returns  containing 
some  odd  information,  and  other  homely 
facts. 

The  extracts  from  the  Paston  letters  are 
particularly  delicious.  There  is  a  love 
letter,  weighted  with  formalities,  but  with  a 
sparkling  affection  impossible  to  smother  in 
form.  A  delightful  letter  from  an  Eton 
schoolboy,  written  before  the  discovery  of 
America,  is  just  the  same  sort  which  a  boy 
writes  home  today.  He  mentions  allowance 
received  and  bills  paid.  A  certain  box  of 
fruit  which  was  promised  has  not  yet  come. 
He  wishes  his  elder  brother  would  go  and 
meet  a  certain  beautiful  girl  of  whom  they 
have  been  writing  before,  "and  especially  be- 
hold her  hands."  At  the  end,  lessons.  Marks 
a  little  low,  but,  "I  lack  nothing  but  versi- 
fying, which  I  trust  to  have  with  a  little 
continuance." 

There  are  also  some  particularly  interest- 
ing bits  from  William  Harrison  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  which  are  taken  from  Holins- 
hed's  Chronicles. 

The  book  is  fully  embellished  with  illus- 
trations copied  from  old  prints,  drawings, 
and  tablets. 

The  collection,  as  a  whole,  presents  the 
portrait  of  a  sturdy,  independent,  whimsical, 
people;  a  people,  moveover,  who  are  hardy, 
though  they  love  good  living;  a  people 
strongly  individualistic,  but  just,  and  lovers 
of  fairplay. 

Inteenational  Law.  By  Charles  O.  Fen- 
wick.  Century  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp. 
641.     Price,  $4.00. 

The  international  law  of  today  is  quite  an- 
other thing  from  the  international  law  that 


existed  before  1914.  Not  only  the  World 
War,  but  the  advent  of  aircraft,  submarine 
vessels,  radio,  and  chemical  discoveries  have 
drawn  new  fields  into  the  scope  of  law  be- 
tween nations. 

Without  being  too  technical  for  the  reader 
of  average  intelligence.  Professor  Fenwick, 
of  Bryn  Mawr,  has  produced  a  worthy 
analysis  of  present  international  law.  In- 
deed, the  table  of  contents,  13  pages  of  fine 
print,  itself  presents  a  skeleton  analysis  of 
the  subject,  portions  of  which  must  automat- 
ically arrest  the  attention  of  one  who  is  in- 
terested in  almost  any  phase  of  international 
operations.  That,  in  these  days,  should  mean 
every  citizen. 

Marginal  references  and  footnotes  on  every 
page,  appendices  and  a  remarkably  full  index 
at  the  end,  complete  the  usefulness  of  this 
volume  as  a  reference  text. 

Man  and  Mystery  in  Asia.  By  Ferdinand 
Ossendowslci.  E.  P.  Button,  New  York, 
1924.     Pp.  343.     Price,  $3.00. 

The  distinguished  Pole,  who  here  publishes 
the  record  of  his  early  journeys  in  Siberia 
and  the  wastes  of  north  Asia,  is  now  a  pro- 
fessor in  two  academies  in  Warsaw.  During 
the  Washington  Conference  he  acted  as  ad- 
visor to  the  Polish  embassy  on  Far  Eastern 
questions.  He  has  written  many  articles  and 
pamphlets,  in  several  languages,  and  some 
books  previous  to  this  one.  Mr.  Ossendowski 
is  a  geologist,  an  expert  on  coal.  There  have 
come  to  him,  therefore,  in  years  past  oppor- 
tunities to  explore  the  great  plains  and 
wildernesses  of  Russia,  especially  Siberia. 

Many  of  the  narratives  here  given  were  in 
the  notes  or  the  published  Russian  books, 
which  were  literally  all  that  were  saved  by 
his  mother  when,  in  1920,  she  escaped  from 
Bolshevik  Russia.  They  are  written  with  the 
skill  of  a  journalist  who  has  an  instinct  for 
drama,  as  well  as  the  trained  eye  of  the 
scientist. 

The  inevitable  melancholy  of  the  orient 
pervades  the  book.  Some  of  the  stories  told 
are  gruesome,  some  blood-curdling,  others 
merely  entertaining  accounts  of  interesting 
discoveries  or  of  thrilling  hunts.  We  have 
depressing  accounts  of  the  degeneration 
found  in  the  outposts  of  civilization,  offset 
by  tales  of  occasional  majestic  spirits  stum- 
bled upon,  here  and  there,  in  unexpected, 
places. 


192U 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


639 


There  are  poetry  and  humor,  all  tinged 
with  a  sadness  which  makes  Mr.  Ossendow- 
ski's  work  like  that  of  no  other  writer  we 
know. 

Red  Bear  or  Yeijx)w  Dragon.  By  Mar- 
guerite E.  Harrison.  George  H.  Doran  Co., 
New  York,  1924.    Pp.  296.    Price,  $3.00. 

"Snap  Shots  Around  the  World"  might 
easily  have  been  the  title  of  this  racy  book 
of  adventure  in  travel.  As  a  newspaper  cor- 
respondent, Mrs.  Harrison  has  before  this 
had  some  vivid  experiences  in  a  Russian 
prison.  She  has,  therefore,  a  background  of 
knowledge  of  the  Soviet  Republic.  It  is  al- 
ways interesting,  of  course,  to  get  the  reac- 
tions of  an  intelligent  and  experienced  per- 
son to  bits  of  information  and  gossip  picked 
up  in  travel. 

As  a  book  of  such  adventure  and  gossip, 
this  is  a  distinct  success.  As  a  solution  of 
the  major  problems  which  the  author  set  her- 
self in  the  first  chapter,  it  is  quite  unsatisfy- 
ing. "What  was  the  real  attitude  of  Japan 
toward  naval  disarmament?"  she  asked  her- 
self after  the  Washington  Conference.  "How 
far  could  the  agreements  of  the  Powers  with 
regard  to  the  Far  East  be  carried  out  with- 
out reckoning  with  the  Russian  Bear?  What 
was  the  extent  of  Soviet  influence  in  Mon- 
golia? .  .  .  Was  the  chaos  in  China  more 
apparent  than  real?  What  was  the  real  sig- 
nificance of  the  Pan-Asiatic  movement?" 

To  answer  these  questions  she  took  her 
rapid  journey  around  the  world.  Her  ex- 
periences vary  all  the  way  from  taking  tea 
with  diplomats  in  Japan  to  a  second  period 
of  imprisonment  in  Russia.  At  the  end  she 
admits  that  what  she  accomplished  does  not 
pretend  to  be  a  serious  analysis  of  the  Far 
Eastern  problem. 

Naturally!  How  could  it  be  that?  But  as 
a  book  of  the  observations  of  a  wide-awake 
traveler  this  is  crowded  with  interest. 

Russia's  Women.  By  IJina  Nikolaevna  Seli- 
vanova.  E.  P.  Dutton,  New  York,  1923. 
Pp.  226.     Price,  $3.00. 

Feminists  everywhere  are  interested  in  the 
status  of  woman  in  all  ages  and  countries. 
This  book  follows  the  thread  of  women's  de- 
velopment in  Russia  from  the  earliest  his- 
tory of  that  land  to  the  present  time.  It  will 
appeal  especially,  therefore,  to  feminists. 

The  early  part  of  the  book  suffers  a  bit 
from    a    certain    abruptn.-'ss    of    sty?e,    due. 


doubtless,  to  the  catalog  character  of  its 
structure.  When,  however,  the  history 
reaches  the  time  of  Peter  the  Great,  his 
daughter  Elizabeth,  and  Catherine  the  Great, 
the  stream  of  narrative  broadens  out  to  a 
sort  of  lake  of  interesting  story  and  incident. 

All  the  way  through,  the  Rise  of  Edu- 
cation in  Russia  might  be  a  subtitle  of  the 
book. 

For  the  later  years  we  have  brief  biog- 
raphies of  prominent  figures  in  Bolshevist 
Russia  among  the  women.  "But,"  says  the 
author,  "it  is  too  early,  and,  moreover,  too 
dangerous  to  speak  of  the  women  of  non- 
Bolshevist  creed."  Nevertheless  the  last  chap- 
ter gives  a  pathetic  and  inspiring  picture  of 
"the  woman  who  has  fought  in  the  vanguard, 
who  has  sacrificed  everything  to  see  the  free- 
dom of  every  Russian  and  not  the  freedom  of 
one  class  at  the  expense  of  another."  None 
of  these  non-Bolshevist  women  are  mentioned 
by  name. 

One  finds  in  the  book  a  faint  distant  pic- 
ture of  a  renewed  Russia,  in  whose  regenera- 
tion her  "amazing  women"  will  take  their 
full  share  and  responsibility. 

The  Freedom  of  the  Seas  in  History,  Law 
AND  Politics.  By  Pitman  B.  Potter.  Long- 
mans, Green  &  Co.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp. 
299.     Price,  $2.50. 

The  author  of  this  work  acknowledges  in- 
debtedness to  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for 
International  Peace,  which  granted  him  a 
fellowship  in  International  Law.  It  was 
under  this  fellowship  that  he  produced  this 
work  from  the  doctorial  thesis  which  was  the 
germ  of  the  book. 

The  freedom  of  the  seas  is  a  highly  contro- 
versial subject,  but  it  nevertheless  influences 
profoundly,  international  polity.  Mr.  Potter 
says  that  no  other  question  except  that  of 
the  balance  of  power  touches  international 
problems  more  vitally.  Therefore,  it  follows 
that  a  book  which  fixes  and  clarifies  the 
vagueness  of  the  phrase  "Freedom  of  the 
Seas"  is  a  valuable  contribution  to  interna- 
tional law. 

The  author  has  studied  particularly  Gro- 
tius  and  Selden  on  his  subject  and  has  done 
a  well-nigh  incredible  amount  of  reading 
besides.  The  book  resulting  is  an  excellent 
summary  of  the  conclusions  reached  from 
this  voluminous  reading,  arranged  in  well- 
organized  relation. 

Of  special  excellence  is  the  bibliography 
which  forms  Appendix  B. 


640 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


November 


League  of  Nations.  Foueth  Year  Book. 
By  Charles  H.  Levermore,  Ph.  D.  Brook- 
lyn Daily  Eagle,  1924.  Pp.  440.  Price, 
$1.50. 

This  brochure,  prepared  by  the  winner  of 
the  Bok  peace  plan,  provides  a  useful  sum- 
mary of  the  deeds  of  the  League  of  Nations 
during  the  past  year.  He  has  included  ref- 
erences to  other  international  events  closely 
touching  the  purposes  of  the  League,  such  as 
conferences,  reparations,  and  the  ofBcial  and 
unofficial  co-operation  of  the  United  States 
with  the  League. 

The  book  also  includes  Mr.  Levermore's 
winning  plan  in  the  recent  "American  peace 
award." 

A  Strong  Man's  House.  By  Francis  Neilson. 
B.  W.  Huebsch,  Inc.,  New  York,  1924.  Pp. 
360.    Price,  $2.00. 

A  great  novel  always  teaches  some  vital 
truth,  but  not  all  novels  written  to  teach  a 
vital  truth  are  great.  Though  not  among 
the  greatest,  this  book,  the  scene  of  which  is 
laid  in  war-time  England,  is  so  earnestly 
done,  the  characters  are  so  well  delineated, 
and  the  plot,  for  the  most  part,  so  convincing, 
that  it  ranks  high  in  its  class  of  novels  with 
a  purpose. 

The  ruling  class  in  England  is  represented 
by  Sir  Alfred  Horton-Birkett,  M.  P.,  a  man 
whose  personal  appearance  and  mental  make- 
up are  almost  too  perfectly  the  typical  "John 
Bull."  The  particular  political  faith  of  Sir 
Alfred  he  expressed,  before  the  World  War, 
as  follows:  "The  old  gospel  of  Bright  and 
Cobden  is  gone  forever.  Britain  must  arm 
to  keep  the  peace.  It  is  the  only  way.  An 
armed  peace  may  be  expensive,  but  money 
wisely  spent  on  insurance  is  never  wasted." 
With  this  convenient  doctrine,  in  which,  by 
the  bye.  Sir  Alfred  was  perfectly  sincere,  he 
was  able  to  expand  his  large  holdings  and 
ventures  in  munitions  factories.  He  became 
very  rich  and  powerful,  not  only  from  his 
British  factories,  but  from  others  in  Ger- 
many, France,  Russia,  Austria,  Spain,  Italy, 
and  Japan.  The  ownership  of  the  foreign 
plants  was  slightly  camouflaged,  to  be  sure. 
He  disliked  deception,  but  "with  so  many 
evil-minded  people  about  one  must  be  cau- 
tious." 

Sir  Alfred's  family  was  composed  of  per- 
sons all  of  whom  are  interesting  for  one  rea- 
son or  another.     The  havoc  wrought  among 


them  by  the  war,  their  reaction  to  it,  and  the 
pathetic  amazement  of  their  father  is  un- 
commonly well  told.  Sir  Alfred's  dogged 
but  faithful  persistence  in  his  ways,  in  the 
face  of  all  evidence  of  their  error  is  human 
and  pitiful. 

Up  to  the  very  close  the  story  moves 
with  the  ease  of  inevitability.  The  catas- 
trophe at  the  end,  however,  is  not  convinc- 
ing. Perhaps  because  it  is  not  sufficiently 
foreshadowed,  perhaps  because  it  is  so  pat 
as  to  be  artificial,  the  conclusion  comes  like 
a  joke.  On  almost  the  last  page  Sir  Alfred 
wanders  unexpectedly  down  to  Wapping, 
where  his  business  life  began,  and  which  we 
have  not  heard  of  since  the  first  page.  Here, 
standing  by  his  factory,  a  bomb,  perhaps  one 
of  his  own  patents,  drops  from  a  Zeppelin, 
blowing  up  both  man  and  building.  It  comes 
with  the  sort  of  sudden  surprise  used  in 
humor,  but  not  in  tragedy. 

Aside  from  this,  the  art  of  the  story  is 
unusual.  It  is  also  a  dramatic  and  truthful 
study  of  the  delusion  of  armament  war- 
insurance. 

England's  Labor  Rulers.  By  Iconoclast. 
Thos.  Seltzer,  New  York,  1924.  Pp.  136. 
Price,  $1.50. 

The  author  of  this  book,  Mrs.  Mary  Hamil- 
ton, has  already  written  a  biography  of  Ram- 
say MacDonald.  This  series  of  portrait 
sketches  completes  the  list  of  England's  pres- 
ent government.  It  is  a  humanly  written 
"Who's  Who"  of  the  Labor  leaders  of  Eng- 
land. 

It  is  evident  that  the  writer  is  herself  in 
sympathy  with  Socialism,  as  opposed  to  Bol- 
shevism and  to  militarism.  But  it  is  quite 
respectable  in  Europe  today  to  be  a  Socialist. 

The  biographical  sketches  are  short  and 
graphic,  few  more  than  two  pages  in  length ; 
but,  supplemented  as  they  are  with  pen-and- 
ink  portraits,  they  serve  clearly  to  delineate 
the  outstanding  men  in  Great  Britain's  af- 
fairs at  the  moment. 

The  book  will  be  of  value  especially  to 
Americans.  It  gives  the  sort  of  information 
which  the  Englishman  has  gathered  from  his 
newspapers  and  magazines,  just  as  we  un- 
consciously gather  information  about  our 
own  political  leaders  as  they  come  into  promi- 
nence. Our  press,  however,  does  not  keep  us 
so  well  informed  about  European  leaders. 
Therefore,  a  book  of  this  kind  is  much  needed 
here. 


The  Will  to  End  War 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 

This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modern  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 

PRICE,  FIFTEEN  CENTS 

Order  from 

The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  G. 


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International  Peace 


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612-614  Colorado  Building 
Washington,  D.  C. 


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Pamphlet 


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for  twenty-five  or  more — should  be  ordered  from 


The  American  Peace  Society 

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AppKcation  for  Membership 

IN 

The  American  Peace  Society 


The  Membership  Includes  Subscription 
TO  THE  ADVOCATE    OF   PEACE 

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Address . 


For  International  Understanding 


'!PH'WWH'!W*'''IW 


Volume  86,  No.  12 


December,  1924 


Christmas 


The  Next  Four  Years 


Enthusiastic  Pacifists  in  Berlin 


Peace  Essay  Awards 


PUBLISHED    BY    Tp.^ 

AMERICAN  PEACF    :SO 

COLORADO    BV..^Diy.^ 
WASHINGTON.  DX 


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THE  PURPOSE 

OC>HE  purpose  of  the  American  Peace 
^O    Society  shall  be  to  promote  perma- 
nent  international   peace   through 
justice ;  and  to  advance  in  every  proper 
way  the  general  use  of  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, judicial  methods,  and  other  peace- 
ful means  of  avoiding  and  adjusting  differ- 
ences among  nations,  to  the  end  that  right 
shall  rule  might  in  a  law-governed  world. 
•—Constitution  of  the 
American  Peace  Society 
Article  II. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 

Edited  by  Arthub  Deerin  Call 
Published  since  1834  by 

THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 

1815-1828 

Suite  612-614  Colorado  Building,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Cable  address,  "Ampax,  Washington.") 

PUBLISHED  MONTHLY  EXCEPT  SEPTEMBER 


Bent  free  to  all  members  of  the  American  Peace  Society.     Separate  subscription 
price.  $2.00  a  year.     Single  copies.  20  cents  each. 


Entered  as  second-class  matter.  June  1,  1911.  at  the  Post-Offlce  at  Washington, 
D.  C.  under  the  Act  of  .Tuly  16.  1894.  Acceptance  for  mailing  at  special  rate  of  postage 
provided  for  In  Secllon  lioa.  Act  of  October  8,  1917;  authorized  August  10,  1918. 

It  hrinfj  imprarticnhJe  to  express  in  these  columns  the  divergent  vieivs  of 
the  thousands  of  members  of  the  Am,erican  Peace  Society,  full  responsibility 
for  the  utterances  of  this  magazine  is  assumed  by  the  Editor. 


CONTENTS 

Suggestions  fob  a  Governed  World 643 

Editorials 

Our  Christmas  Shopping — Our  Next  Four  Years  Abroad — British 
Conservatives  at  the  Helm — End  of  the  Peace  Essay  Awards — The 
Most  Beautiful  Thing  in  the  World — "The  Wrestlers" — Editorial 
Notes    645-654 

WoET-D  Problems  in  Review 

Economic  Progress  in  the  United  States — The  New  British  Govern- 
ment— The  Communist  International — The  Last  Five  Years  in  the 
Devastated  Regions — Pan  Pacific  Scientific  Research — Results  of 
the  German  Peace  Award 654-666 

Important  International  Dates 667 

General  Articles 

Twenty-third  International  Peace  Congress  in  Berlin 669 

By  Arthur  Deerln  Call 

Rights  and  Duties  of  States  (Third  Installment) 673 

By  the  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Phllllmore 

Foreign  Societies  in  Peking 679 

By  John  Gilbert  Reld 

A  Winning  German  Peace  Plan 681 

International  Documents 

The  German  Loan 690 

French  Recognition  of  the  Soviet  Government 694 

The  Zinoviev  Letter  and  the  British  Protest 695 

The  United  States  Note  to  Persia 698 

N«:W8  in  Brief 698 

Book  Reviews 703 


-V   Vol.  86  DECEMBER,  1924  No.  12  ^ 


AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY 


It  is  the  first  of  its  kind  in  the  United  States.  It 
will  be  one  hundred  years  old  in  1928.  It  has  helped 
to  make  the  fundamental  principles  of  any  desirable 
peace  known  the  world  around. 

Its  purpose  is  to  prevent  the  injustices  of  war  by 
extending  the  methods  of  law  and  order  among  the 
nations,  and  to  educate  the  peoples  everywhere  in 
what  an  ancient  Roman  law-giver  once  called  "the 
constant  and  unchanging  will  to  give  to  every  one 
his  due." 

It  is  huilt  on  justice,  fair  play,  and  law.  If  men 
and  nations  were  just,  this  Society  would  never  have 
been  started. 

/*  has  spent  its  men  and  its  money  in  arousing 
the  thoughts  and  the  consciences  of  statesmen  to  the 
ways  which  are  better  than  war,  and  of  men  and 
women  everywhere  to  the  gifts  which  .America  can 
bring  to  the  altar  of  a  Governed  World. 


Its  claim  upon  you  Is  that  of  an  organization  which 
has  been  one  of  the  greatest  forces  for  right  think- 
ing in  the  United  Slates  for  nearly  a  century  ;  which 
is  today  the  defender  of  the  principles  of  law,  of 
judicial  settlement,  of  arbitration,  of  internjitional 
conferences,  of  right-mindedness,  and  of  understand- 
ing among  the  Powers.  It  publishes  Advocate  of 
Peace,  the  first  in  point  of  time  and  the  widest  cir- 
culated peace  magazine  in  the  world. 

It  is  supported  entirely  by  the  free  and  generous 
gifts,  large  and  small,  of  those  who  are  interested  in 
its  vt'ork.  It  has  never  received  a  dollar  from  State, 
city,  or  nation. 

It  is  the  American  Peace  Society,  with  Its  head- 
quarters In  Boston  for  three-quarters  of  a  century, 
but  since  1911  in  Washington,  D.  C.  It  lias  been 
Incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Massachusetts  since 
1848. 


FEES 


The  minimum  fees  for  membership: 
Annual  Membership  is  two  dollars ; 
Sustaining  Membership,  five  dollars; 
Contributing  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars; 


Institutional  Membership,  twenty-five  dollars ; 

Life  Membership  Is  one  hundred  dollars. 

All    memberships    include    a    free    subscription    to 
Advocate  of  Peace. 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 


Hob.  Theodore  E.  Burton,  President  American 
Pence  Society,  Member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C.  .        ,  „ 

Arthur  Deerix  Call,  Secretary  American  Peace 
Society  and  Editor  of  Advocate  of  Peace,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 

Hon.  P.  P.  Claxtox,  Ex-Unlted  States  Commis- 
sioner of  Education,  Tulsa,  Oklahoma. 

Dr.  Thomas  E.  Gueem,  Director  Speakers'  Bureau, 
American  Red  Cross,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  David  .Tayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McKinlby,  Senator  from  Illinois, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Andrew  .7.  Montague,  Member  of  Congress 
from  Virginia,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Philip  North  Moore,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan,  1841  Irving  Street  N.  W., 
Washington,  D.  C. 


George  Maurice  Morris,  Esq.,  Union  Trust  Build- 
ing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  C.  Moreis,  Esq.,  1155  Hyde  Park  Boulevard, 
Chicago,  111. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alio,  California. 

Prof.  Arthur  Ramsay,  Ex-President  Fairmont  Sem- 
inary, Southern  Pines,  North  Carolina. 

I'AUL  Sle.ma.v,  Esq.,  Secretary  American  Coloniza- 
tion Society,   Washington,  D.  C. 

Theodore  Stanfield,  126  W.  74th  Street,  New 
York,  N.  Y. 

Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D.,  Upper  Montclair,  N.  J. 

Hon.  Henry  Temple,  Representative  from  Penn- 
sylvania,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dr.  George  W.  White,  President  National  Metro- 
politan Bank,  Washington,  D.  C. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


Hon.  Theodore  E.  Burton 
Arthur  Deerin  Call 
Dr.  Thomas  B.  Green 
Hon.  William   B.  McKinlet 
Hon.  Andrew  J.  Montague 
Rev.  Walter  A.  Morgan 


George  Maurice  Morris 
Henry  C.  Morris 
Paul  Sleman 
Theodore  Stanfield 
Jay  T.  Stocking,  D.  D. 
Hon.  Henry  W.  Temple 


Dr.  George  W.  White 


OFFICERS 


President: 

Hon.   Theodore    E.    Burton,    Member    of    Congress 
from  Ohio,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Secretary: 

Arthdr  Deerin  Call,  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington, 
D.  C. 


Treasurer: 

George    W.    White,    National    Metropolitan    Bank, 
Washington,  D.  C. 
Vice-Presidents : 

Hon.  David  Jayne  Hill,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  William  B.  McIvinley,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Hon.  Jackson  H.  Ralston,  Palo  Alto,  Calif. 


HONORARY  VICE-PRESIDENTS 


Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

A.  T.  Bell,  Esq.,  Chalfonte,  Atlantic  City,  N.  J. 

Gilbert  Bowles,  Esq.,  Richmond,   Indiana. 

Dean  Charles  R.  Brown,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pies.  E.  E.  Brown,  New  York  University,  New  York. 

George  Burnham,  Jr.,  Philadelpliia,  Pa. 

Dr.  Praxcis  E.  Clark,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rt.  Rev.  Bishop  J.  Darlington,  Harrisburg,  Pa. 

Dr.  W.  H.  P.  Faunce,  Brown  Univ.,  Providence,  R.  I. 

George  A.  Finch,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Everett  O.  Fisk,  Esq.,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  P.  Gest,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Hon.  Charles  Cheney  Hyde,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  E.  Jefferson,  D.  D.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Stanford  University,  Calif. 

Geo.  H.  Judd,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Bishop  William   Lawrence,  Boston,  Mass, 

Joseph  Lee,  Boston,  Mass. 

William  H.  Luden,  Reading,  Pa. 

L.  II.  PiLLSBURY,  Derry,  N.  H. 

Judge  Henry  Wade  Rogers,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Hon.  Elihu  Root,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mrs.  Frederic  Schoff,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  James  Brown  Scott,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Ruth  H.  Spray,  Salida,  Colo. 

Senator  Thomas  Sterling,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Edward  Stevens,  Columbia,  Mo. 

•I'res.  M.  Carey  Thomas,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

*Pres.  C.  P.  Thwing,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Pres.  Mary  E.  Woolley,  South  Hadley,  Mass. 

•Emeritus. 


Suggestions  for  a  Governed  World 

(Adopted  by  the  American  Peace  Society,  May  27,  1921) 


THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY,  mindful  of  the  precepts  of  its  founders— pre- 
cepts which  have  been  confirmed  by  the  experience  of  the  past  hundred  years — 
recurs,  in  these  days  of  storm  and  stress  at  home  and  of  confusion  and  discord 
abroad,  to  these  precepts  and  its  own  traditions,  and,  confessing  anew  its  faith  in  their 
feasibility  and  necessity,  restates  and  resubmits  to  a  hesitant,  a  suffering,  and  a  war- 
torn  world : 

That  the  voluntary  Union  of  States  and  their  helpful  co-operation  for  the  attainment 
of  their  common  ideals  can  only  be  effective  if,  and  only  so  far  as,  "The  rules  of  conduct 
governing  individual  relations  between  citizens  or  subjects  of  a  civilized  State  are 
equally  applicable  as  between  enlightened  nations" ; 

That  the  rules  of  conduct  governing  individual  relations,  and  which  must  needs  be 
expressed  in  terms  of  international  law,  relate  to  "the  enjoyment  of  life  and  liberty, 
with  the  means  of  acquiring  and  possessing  property  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happi- 
ness and  safety" ;  and 

That  these  concepts,  which  are  the  very  life  and  breath  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  the  Law  of  Nations  is  founded,  must  be  a  chief  concern  of  nations,  inasmuch  as 
"justice,"  and  its  administration,  "is  the  great  interest  of  man  on  earth." 

Therefore,  realizing  the  conditions  which  confront  the  world  at  the  termination  of  its 
greatest  of  wars ;  conscious  that  permanent  relief  can  only  come  through  standards  of 
morality  and  principles  of  justice  expressed  in  rules  of  law,  to  the  end  that  the  conduct 
of  nations  shall  be  a  regulated  conduct,  and  that  the  government  of  the  Union  of  States, 
as  well  as  the  government  of  each  member  thereof,  shall  be  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men ;  and  desiring  to  contribute  to  the  extent  of  its  capacity,  the  American 
Peace  Society  ventures,  at  its  ninety-third  annual  meeting,  held  in  the  city  of  Wash- 
ington, in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  nine  hundred  and  twenty-one,  to  suggest, 
as  calculated  to  incorporate  these  principles  in  the  practice  of  nations,  an  international 
agreement : 


I.  To  institute  Conferences  of  Nations,, 
to  meet  at  stated  intervals,  in  continua- 
tion of  the  first  two  conferences  of  The 
Hague ;  and 

To  facilitate  the  labors  of  such  confer- 
ences ;  to  invite  accredited  institutions  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  international  law,  to 
prepare  projects  for  the  consideration  of 
governments,  in  advance  of  submission  to 
the  conferences ;  in  order 

To  restate  and  amend,  reconcile  and 
clarify,  extend  and  advance,  the  rules  of 
international  law,  which  are  indispen- 
sable to  the  permanent  establishment  and 
the  successful  administration  of  justice 
between  and  among  nations. 

II.  To  convoke,  as  soon  as  practicable, 
a  conference  for  the  advancement  of  in- 
ternational law ;  to  provide  for  its  organi- 
zation outside  of  the  domination  of  any 
one  nation  or  any  limited  group  of  nations ; 
to  which  conference  every  nation  recog- 
nizing, accepting,  and  applying  interna- 
tional law  in  its  relations  with  other 
nations  shall  be  invited  and  in  which  all 
shall  participate  upon  a  footing  of 
equality. 

III.  To  establish  an  Administrative 
Council  to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  accredited  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  State  in  which  the  conference 


for  the  advancement  of  international  law 
convenes;  which  representatives  shall,  in 
addition  to  their  ordinary  functions  as 
diplomatic  agents,  represent  the  common 
interests  of  the  nations  during  the  inter- 
val between  successive  conferences ;  and  to 
provide  that 

The  president  of  the  Administrative 
Council  shall,  according  to  diplomatic 
usage,  be  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
of  the  country  in  which  the  conference 
convenes ; 

An  advisory  committee  shall  be  appointed 
by  the  Administrative  Council  from  among 
Its  members,  which  shall  meet  at  short, 
regular,  and  stated  periods ; 

The  chairman  of  the  advisory  commit- 
tee shall  be  elected  by  its  members; 

The  advisory  committee  shall  report  the 
result  of  its  labors  to  the  Administrative 
Council ; 

The  members  of  the  Administrative 
Council,  having  considered  the  report  of 
the  advisory  committee,  shall  transmit 
their  findings  or  recommendations  to  their 
respective  governments,  together  with 
their  collective  or  individual  opinions,  and 
that  they  shall  act  thereafter  upon  such 
findings  and  recommendations  only  in  ac- 
cordance with  instructions  from  the  gov- 
ernments which  they  represent. 


IV.  To  authorize  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint,  outside  its  own  mem- 
bers, an  executive  committee  or  secre- 
tary's office  to  perform  such  duties  as  the 
conference  for  the  advancement  of  inter- 
national law,  or  the  nations  shall  from 
time  to  time  prescribe;  and  to  provide 
that 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  be  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Administrative  Council ; 

The  executive  committee  or  secretary's 
office  shall  i-eport  to  the  Administrative 
Council  at  stated  periods. 

V.  To  empower  the  Administrative 
Council  to  appoint  other  committees  for 
the  performance  of  such  duties  as  the  na- 
tions in  their  wisdom  or  discretion  shall 
find  it  desirable  to  impose. 

VI.  To  furnish  technical  advisers  to  as- 
sist the  Administrative  Council,  the  advis- 
ory committee,  or  other  committees  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  in  the  performance 
of  their  respective  duties  whenever  the 
appointment  of  such  technical  advisers 
may  be  necessary  or  desirable,  with  the 
understanding  that  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  such  experts  may  be  made 
by  the  conference  for  the  advancement  of 
international  law  or  by  the  Administra- 
tive Council. 

VII.  To  employ  good  offices,  mediation 
and  friendly  composition  wherever  feasi- 
ble and  practicable,  in  their  own  disputes, 
and  to  urge  their  employment  whenever 
feasible  and  practicable,  in  disputes  be- 
tween other  nations. 

VIII.  To  organize  a  Commission  of  In- 
quiry of  limited  membership,  which  may 
be  enlarged  by  the  nations  in  dispute,  to 
which  commission  they  may  refer,  for 
investigation  and  report,  their  differences 
of  an  international  character,  unless  they 
are  otherwise  bound  to  submit  them  to 
arbitration  or  to  other  form  of  peaceful 
settlement ;  and 

To  pledge  their  good  faith  to  abstain 
from  any  act  of  force  against  one  another 
pending  the  investigation  of  the  commis- 
sion and  the  receipt  of  its  report ;  and 

To  reserve  the  right  to  act  on  the  report 
as  their  respective  interests  may  seem  to 
them  to  demand ;  and 

To  provide  that  the  Commission  of  In- 
quiry shall  submit  its  report  to  the  na- 
tions in  controversy  for  their  action,  and 
to  the  Administrative  Council  for  its  in- 
formation. 

IX.  To  create  a  Council  of  Conciliation 
of  limited  membership,  with  power  on 
behalf  of  the  nations  in  dispute  to  add  to 
its  members,  to  consider  and  to  report 
upon  such  questions  of  a  non- justiciable 
character,  the  settlement  whereof  is  not 
otherwise  prescribed,  which  shall  from 
time  to  time  be  submitted  to  the  Council 


of  Conciliation,  either  by  the  powers  in 
dispute  or  by  the  Administrative  Council ; 
and  to  provide  that. 

The  Council  of  Conciliation  shall  trans- 
mit its  proposals  to  the  nations  in  dispute, 
for  such  action  as  they  may  deem  advisa- 
ble, and  to  the  Council  of  Administration 
for  its  information. 

X.  To  arbitrate  differences  of  an  inter- 
national character  not  otherwise  provided 
for  and,  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  to 
the  contrary,  to  submit  them  to  the  Perma- 
nent Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  adjusted  upon 
a  basis  of  respect  for  law,  with  the  under- 
standing that  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature  may  likewise  be  referred  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  when  the 
parties  in  controversy  prefer  to  have  their 
differences  settled  by  judges  of  their  own 
choice,  appointed  for  the  occasion. 

XI.  To  set  up  an  international  court  of 
justice  with  obligatory  jurisdiction,  to 
which,  upon  the  failure  of  diplomacy  to 
adjust  their  disputes  of  a  justiciable 
nature,  all  States  shall  have  direct  ac- 
cess— a  court  whose  decisions  shall  bind 
the  litigating  States,  and,  eventually,  all 
parties  to  its  creation,  and  to  which  the 
States  in  controversy  may  submit,  by 
special  agreement,  disputes  beyond  the 
scope  of  obligatory  jurisdiction. 

XII.  To  enlarge  from  time  to  time  the 
obligatory  jurisdiction  of  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice  by  framing 
rules  of  law  in  the  conferences  for  the 
advancement  of  international  law,  to  be 
applied  by  the  court  for  the  decision  of 
questions  which  fall  either  beyond  its 
present  obligatory  jurisdiction  or  which 
nations  have  not  hitherto  submitted  to 
judicial  decision. 

XIII.  To  apply  inwardly  international 
law  as  a  rule  of  law  for  the  decision  of 
all  questions  involving  its  principles,  and 
outwardly  to  apply  international  law  to 
all  questions  arising  between  and  among 
all  nations,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
Law  of  Nations. 

XIV.  To  furnish  their  citizens  or  sub- 
jects adequate  instructions  in  their  inter- 
national obligations  and  duties,  as  well 
as  in  their  rights  and  prerogatives: 

To  take  all  necessary  steps  to  render 
such  instruction  effective ;  and  thus 

To  create  that  "international  mind"  and 
enlightened  public  opinion  which  shall 
persuade  in  the  future,  where  force  has 
failed  to  compel  in  the  past,  the  observ- 
ance of  those  standards  of  honor,  moral- 
ity, and  justice  which  obtain  between  and 
among  individuals,  bringing  in  their  train 
law  and  order,  through  which,  and 
through  which  alone,  peace  between  na- 
tions may  become  practicable,  attainable, 
and  desirable. 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


VOLUME 
86 


DECEMBER,  1924 


NUMBER 
12 


EDITORIALS 


ONE  WAY  TO  DO  OUR  CHRIST-  PRESIDENT  COOLIDGE  AND  OUR 

MAS  SHOPPING  FOREIGN  POLICIES 

YOU  and  I   will   soon   be   doing  our  /^UR  elections,   November  4,    decided 

Christmas  shopping.     We  will  worry  yj  that,    beginning    the    4th    of    next 

long  about  the  appropriate  gift  for  this  ^^^^^   ^^  ^^^  ^^  j^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^  of  Caj. 

and  that  friend  of  ours  ^i^  Coolidge  as  President  of  the  United 

Have  you  thought  ot  a  subscription  to  °                  . 
Advocate  of  Peace?  States.     He  will  begin  his  term  with  a 
You  have  been  receiving  this  magazine ;  safe  majority  of  Eepublican  supporters  in 
you  have  been  enjoying  it.    Some  of  your  the  Senate  and  with  a  majority  of  fifty- 
friends  would  enjoy  it,  too ;  and  the  maga-  ^^^  -^  ^^^  House.     This  means  that  our 

zine  will  be  a  welcome  remembrance  for  ,.           j  i     •  i  j.-       j        4.^     ^ 

,    ,  executive  and  legislative  departments  are 

a  whole  year.  ^    .           ^^    ,i   i  ?      ,,           7  s;                u 

Furthermore,    the    subscription    price,  to  be  controlled  for  the  next  few  years  by 

$2.00  a  year,  enables  you  to  bestow,  with-  the  Eepublicans.     We  are,  therefore,  nat- 

out  spending  a  fortune,  a  really  worth-  urally  concerned  to  forecast  as  best  we  can 

while  gift.  the  meaning  of  this  situation,  particularly 

The   new   volume,    volume    87     begins  .^^    ^                         ^^^    ^                ^^.^.^^_ 

with  the  next  number,  January,  1935.  -r    .     ,    .                a        •        j!-j£- 

Why  not  write  out  some  such  form  as  J^st  what  can  we  American  friends  of  m- 

the  following,  send  it  to  us  at  once,  and  ternational  peace  work  for  and  look  for- 

solve  a  large  part  of  your  Christmas  shop-  ward  to  in  the  light  of  this  new  situation  ? 

ping  problems?  Our  answer  to  this  question  takes  us 

DiTOR.  ^^^j^  ^^  another,  namely,  what  manner  of 

Date,                 .  jn^jj  jg  this  Calvin  Coolidge? 

American  Peace  Society,  ttt    i           ±^    ±  i                      i.      x.             a 

613  Colorado  Bldg.,  Washington,  D.  C:  We  know  that  he  was  country  born  and 

For  the  enclosed  remittance  of  $ enter  country   bred;   that   he   graduated    from 

the  following  subscriptions  to  Advocate  of  ^^^^j^      t  college;  that  he  studied  law  and 

Peace   ($2.00  each,  including  membership  m  -cmutcioo  ^.v.   ^g    ,                              j.      •        • 

the  American  Peace   Society)    for  the  year  took  up  the  practice  of  that  profession  m 

1925.     You  are  to  send  to  each  a  compli-  ^^^  j-^^j^  ^^^^  ^^  Northampton,  Massa- 

mentary  copy  of  the  December  number,  and  '■ 

also  notify  each  one  of  my  gift.  chusetts,    where    he    became    councilman, 

jj^j^g                    city  solicitor,  clerk  of  the  courts,  and  then 

Mayor.    We  know  that  he  became  a  mem- 
Address  •      ■.«.•••••••••••••••••• 

ber    of    the    Massachusetts    Assembly,    a 

^^^^'  member  of  the  State  Senate,  Lieutenant 

Address,  Governor,  and  Governor.    He  was  elected 

(My  renewal  of  subscription.)  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for 

Name,  the  term  1921-25,  and  therefore  took  the 

Address    ^^^^  ^^  President  after  the  death  of  War- 


646 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


ren  G.  Harding.  In  1905  he  married  Miss 
Grace  Goodhue,  of  Burlington,  Vermont. 
He  is  the  author  of  two  little  books,  one 
entitled,  "Have  Faith  in  Massachusetts;" 
another,  "The  Price  of  Freedom." 

It  is  out  of  this  record  that  we  must 
find  the  answer  to  our  question  about  the 
character,  ability,  and  outlook  of  Calvin 
Coolidge, 

Had  Mr.  Harding  lived,  Mr.  Coolidge 
would  probably  have  continued  to  play  a 
minor  role  in  our  national  affairs.  His 
record  as  Vice-President,  his  rather  trite 
and  pious  addresses  on  various  occasions, 
had  failed  to  arouse  any  enthusiastic  sup- 
port for  his  further  advancement  in  the 
political  service  of  the  nation.  In  the 
natural  course  of  events  he  probably  would 
not  have  been  renominated  for  the  posi- 
tion of  Vice-President.  But  the  fates 
have  decided  otherwise.  When  in  his 
paternal  home  in  the  village  of  Plymouth, 
Vermont,  a  little  before  3  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  August  3,  1923,  Calvin  Cool- 
idge took  the  oath  of  office,  administered 
by  his  father,  the  world  began  to  ask, 
"What  will  he  do?  How  will  he  meas- 
ure up  to  the  task?  Can  this  somewhat 
taciturn  and  comparatively  unknown  New 
England  Yankee  be  expected  to  win  any 
appreciable  support  from  the  people  of 
the  United  States?  The  answer  was  a 
popular  majority  of  three  million  votes 
at  the  November  election. 

Evidently,  here  is  a  man  to  be  reck- 
oned with.  Why  is  this  so?  Mr.  Cool- 
idge's  success  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
the  result  of  any  calculated  policy  of  self- 
ish ambition.  He  never  gives  one  the  im- 
pression of  being  a  conceited  man.  Noth- 
ing in  his  presence  or  in  his  writings  in- 
dicates that  he  is  an  egotistical  person. 
He  seems  rather  to  have  instinctively  ab- 
sorbed and  adopted  the  old-fashioned  prin- 
ciples upon  which  America  has  been 
reared.  He  has  applied  these  principles 
as  a  practical  politician.    As  is  seen  from 


his  career,  he  has  been  constantly  ab- 
sorbed with  the  art  of  government.  One 
has  come  to  think  of  him  as  a  pragmatist 
in  politics.  He  once  charged  the  Massa- 
chusetts Senate,  "Do  the  day's  work." 
There  is  a  quality  of  constructive  assert- 
iveness  about  him.  And  yet  he  is  a  plain 
man,  never  apparently  looking  for  un- 
usual effects.  There  is  a  clarity  about 
him  which  catches  the  public  approval. 
He  can  put  things  straight.  When  elected 
President  of  the  Massachusetts  Senate, 
he  said  to  that  body,  "Do  not  hesitate  to 
be  as  revolutionary  as  science.  Do  not 
hesitate  to  be  as  reactionary  as  the  mul- 
tiplication table." 

Mr.  Coolidge  is  not  a  stand-patter.  In 
an  address  on  "The  Nature  of  Politics," 
he  used  these  words,  "Government  is  not 
an  edifice  that  the  founders  turned  over 
to  posterity  all  completed.  It  is  an  in- 
stitution, like  a  university,  which  fails 
unless  the  process  of  education  continues." 
He  does  not  look  upon  government  as  a 
mystery.  He  feels  that  it  is  the  task  of 
the  statesman  to  simplify  and  to  clarify 
the  truths  of  government. 

It  may  be  charged  that  he  is  a  conserva- 
tive, but  this  is  true  only  in  the  sense 
that  he  prefers  the  system  under  Avhich 
America  has  become  great  to  any  system 
based  merely  upon  speculation.  Back  in 
1921,  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Mr.  Coolidge  said:  "It  is  impossible  for 
society  to  break  with  its  past.  It  is  the 
product  of  all  which  has  gone  before 
.  .  .  the  development  of  society  is  a 
gradual  accomplishment." 

American  born,  American  bred,  he  has 
stood  for  American  ideals,  in  his  utter- 
ances and  in  his  life.  He  believes  in  a 
government  of  laws  rather  than  in  a  gov- 
ernment of  men.  He  has  always  ex- 
pressed himself  as  a  firm  believer  in  the 
principles  of  democracy.  He  believes  in 
courts  and  the  processes  of  law.  He  has 
frequently  pleaded  for  a  more  enlightened 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


647 


public  opinion  as  the  hope  for  our  ad- 
vancing social  order. 

But,  still  more  important  for  us  peace 
workers,  we  may  believe  that  Calvin  Cool- 
idge  is  a  pacifist  of  the  best  kind.  He  has 
frequently  spoken  in  behalf  of  interna- 
tional peace.  He  is  opposed  to  a  large 
standing  army.  He  profoundly  hopes  for 
the  outlawry  of  war  in  this  world.  He 
wishes  that  war  may  be  made  impossible. 
We  know  these  things  to  be  true,  for  he 
said  so  in  a  letter  dated  July  23,  1924. 
But  he  has  also  pointed  out  that  he  be- 
lieves in  an  army  and  in  a  navy,  not  for 
aggression,  but  for  defense.  He  said, 
"Security  and  order  are  our  most  valuable 
possessions.  They  are  cheap  at  any  price. 
But  I  am  opposed  to  every  kind  of  mili- 
tary aggrandizement  and  to  all  forms  of 
competitive  armament.  The  ideal  would 
be  for  nations  to  become  parties  to  mutual 
covenants  limiting  their  military  estab- 
lishments, and  making  it  obvious  that 
they  are  not  maintained  to  menace  each 
other.  This  ideal  should  be  made  practi- 
cal as  fast  as  possible."  Mr.  Coolidge 
has  frequently  recognized  the  binding 
force  of  treaties.  His  lawyer's  mind  leads 
him  to  respect  international  law.  He  is 
favorable  to  international  co-operation. 
He  is  sympathetic  toward  any  covenant 
or  league  of  nations  which  will  not  re- 
strict the  sovereignty  of  America  or  dimin- 
ish her  power  of  determining  her  own 
affairs.  He  is  therefore  opposed  to  the 
existing  League  of  Nations.  At  least,  he 
is  opposed  to  the  United  States  joining  it 
as  a  member. 

In  his  first  message  to  Congress,  Mr. 
Coolidge  said :  "Our  country  has  definitely 
refused  to  adopt  and  ratify  the  Covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations.  We  have  not 
felt  warranted  in  assuming  the  responsi- 
bilities which  its  members  have  assumed. 
I  am  not  proposing  any  change  in  this 
policy;  neither  is  the  Senate.  The  inci- 
dent, so  far  as  we  are  concerned,  is  closed. 


The  League  exists  as  a  foreign  agency. 
We  hope  it  will  be  helpful.  But  the 
United  States  sees  no  reason  to  limit  its 
own  freedom  and  independence  of  action 
by  joining  it.  We  should  do  well  to  rec- 
ognize this  basic  fact  in  all  national  af- 
fairs and  govern  ourselves  accordingly. 
.  .  .  For  us  peace  reigns  everywhere.  We 
desire  to  perpetuate  it  always  by  granting 
full  justice  to  others  and  requiring  of 
others  full  justice  to  ourselves." 

He  believes  in  the  Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice,  and  that  we  should 
make  use  of  it  as  occasion  may  arise. 

We  may  expect  President  Coolidge  to 
work  with  the  United  States  Senate.  He 
admires  that  branch  of  our  Government. 
As  he  has  said:  "Whatever  its  faults, 
whatever  its  human  imperfections,  there 
is  no  legislative  body  in  all  history  that 
has  used  its  powers  with  more  wisdom  and 
discretion,  more  uniformity  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  public  will,  or  more  in  har- 
mony with  the  spirit  of  the  authority  of 
the  people  which  has  created  it,  than  the 
United  States  Senate." 

In  the  light  of  these  facts,  it  appears 
reasonable  to  assume  that  America  will 
now  have  a  President  working  in  har- 
mony with  the  Legislature  for  the 
firmer  establishment  of  the  principles  of 
international  peace.  We  shall  have  an 
American  President  working  with  an 
American  Senate  for  the  realization  of 
American  ideals  in  international  affairs. 
This  does  not  mean  that  America  will 
scrap  her  Constitution  and  pass  the  con- 
trol of  its  foreign  policies  over  to  any 
group  of  outside  persons.  It  does  mean 
that  we,  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
have  every  reason  for  believing  that  our 
Government  will  continue  to  improve  its 
already  excellent  diplomatic  and  consu- 
lar services,  the  methods  of  friendly  ad- 
justment of  disputes,  conciliation,  arbi- 
tration, and  judicial  settlement.  We  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  our  Govern- 


648 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


ment  will  go  about  the  business  of  pro- 
moting international  conferences,  inter- 
national law,  and  applied  justice  between 
nations. 

It  is  proper  and  highly  desirable  that  our 
Government  should  know  that  we,  the  peo- 
ple, are  expecting  these  things.  The  call 
to  the  peace  workers  of  America  is  plain. 


BRITISH  CONSERVATIVES  IN 
POWER 

THE  last  British  elections  have  insured 
Great  Britain  from  change  of  govern- 
ment for  the  next  four  or  five  years.  Un- 
less the  huge  majority  now  possessed  by 
the  Conservative  Party  in  the  House  of 
Commons  dissolves  through  internal  fric- 
tion, there  will  be  no  new  elections  until 
the  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  the 
new  Parliament  has  been  elected. 

This  is  the  outstanding  fact  of  the  elec- 
tions. It  has  come  as  a  distinct  surprise 
to  seasoned  political  observers.  On  the 
very  eve  of  the  elections  there  was  still  a 
widespread  feeling  in  British  political  cir- 
cles that  the  country  had  definitely  entered 
upon  a  period  of  minority  governments, 
i.  e.,  a  situation  in  which  none  of  the  three 
major  political  parties  would  have  a  clear 
majority  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
one  of  them  would  have  to  rule,  either  in 
coalition  with,  or  by  consent  of,  another 
party.  Instead  of  that,  the  elections  have 
given  the  Conservative  Party  twice  as 
many  seats  as  the  combined  number  ob- 
tained by  the  other  two  parties. 

Apparently  the  British  electorate  had 
decided  that  the  country  had  had  enough 
of  the  uncertainty  and  instability  incident 
upon  frequent  dissolutions  of  the  Parlia- 
ment. The  short  electoral  campaign, 
which  lasted  but  three  weeks,  was  fought 
in  an  atmosphere  of  mounting  frenzy,  and 
its  outcome  has  been  a  veritable  landslide 
for  the  Conservatives,  a  fair  showing  for 
the  Laborites,  and  a  spectacular  crash  of 
the  Liberals.    The  Conservative  gains  were 


overwhelmingly  from  the  ranks  of  the  Lib- 
eral Party.  That  was  the  British  elector's 
way  of  showing  that  he  was  tired  of  mid- 
dle-of-the-road policies.  He  wanted  some- 
thing definite,  and  he  has  got  it  in  the 
form  of  the  largest  single  party  majority 
in  the  House  since  1880,  except  for  the 
Liberal  landslide  in  1906. 

As  the  electoral  campaign  gathered  its 
swift  momentum,  it  was  becoming  more 
and  more  apparent  that  the  fundamental 
issue  upon  which  it  was  being  fought  was 
that  of  Socialism.  It  is  true  that  Labor 
showed  unmistakable  moderation  all 
through  Mr.  MacDonald's  tenure  of  office. 
But  that  was  because  it  was  merely  a  mi- 
nority government.  The  Conservative  ap- 
peal centered  around  the  dangers  for  the 
business  interests  of  the  country  inherent 
in  a  growth  of  Socialistic  ideas,  and  it  was 
eminently  successful  with  the  electorate. 

The  Eussian  question,  as  it  figured  in 
the  campaign,  played  entirely  into  the 
hands  of  Labor's  opponents.  During  the 
first  phase  of  the  campaign  the  point  of 
attack  focussed  on  the  treaties  signed  by 
MacDonald  with  the  representatives  of 
Moscow,  particularly  on  the  provisions  re- 
garding a  new  loan  to  Eussia,  guaranteed 
by  the  British  government.  During  the 
concluding  phase,  the  injection  of  the  Zin- 
oviev  letter  and  of  the  Foreign  Office's 
protest  against  it  (the  text  of  both  of 
these  documents  appears  elsewhere  in  this 
issue)  raised  excitement  to  a  frenzied  pitch 
and  was,  probably,  the  strongest  factor  in 
determining  the  outcome. 

The  British  Conservatives,  led  by  Mr. 
Stanley  Baldwin,  the  new  Prime  Minister, 
are  now  strongly  entrenched  in  power. 
They  are  confronted  with  problems  of  pri- 
mary importance  and  marked  difficulty, 
especially  in  the  realm  of  foreign  affairs. 
But  in  the  handling  of  these  problems  they 
do  not,  at  least,  have  the  handicap  of  a 
Parliament  split  into  three  impotent  mi- 
norities. 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


649 


S^ 


THE  END  OF  THE  PEACE  ESSAY 
AWARDS 

INCE  Mr.  Bok's  peace  award,  Mr.  Ed- 
ward A.  Filene,  of  Boston,  Massachu- 
setts, has  been  conducting  a  similar  series 
of  contests  in  Great  Britain,  France,  Ger- 
many, and  Italy.  In  each  case  the  ques- 
tion has  been.  How  can  peace  and  pros- 
perity be  restored  within  the  given  country 
and  in  Europe  through  international  co- 
operation? We  have  dealt  with  the 
awards  in  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ger- 
many. Indeed,  in  this  number  we  are 
printing  one  of  two  German  peace  plans  to 
which  was  awarded  the  first  prize.  We 
are  now  in  receipt  of  the  Italian  prize- 
winning  plans.  These  in  all  probability 
close  the  peace  essay  contests,  at  least  for 
JP.  a  time.  The  Italian  competition  officially 
closed  on  September  10. 

Separate  awards  of  $10,000  in  various 
graded  prizes  were  offered  for  the  best 
proposals  submitted  in  each  country.  As 
announced  by  the  donor,  the  purpose  of 
these  competitions  was  to  stimulate  public 
opinion  in  the  four  most  important  na- 
tions of  Europe  on  the  conditions  neces- 
sary for  restoring  prosperity  and  peace  in 
the  world.  Over  15,000  plans  were  sub- 
mitted in  the  various  competitions,  and 
Mr.  Filene  believes  that  the  result  has 
been  to  reveal  the  interesting  and  impor- 
tant cross-section  of  European  opinion  on 
international  problems.  This  in  all  prob- 
ability may  be  accepted  as  the  fact. 

In  the  case  of  Italy,  the  first  prize  was 

k  awarded  equally  to  Prof.  P.  Feddozi  and 
Prof.  Gino  Arias,  the  joint  authors  of  one 
plan,  and  to  V.  Cento,  author  of  another. 
There  was  a  second,  a  third,  and  twenty- 
two  minor  prizes. 

Assuming  that  the  winning  Italian 
prizes  represent  a  real  portion  of  public 
opinion  in  Italy,  a  summary  of  these  plans 
is  of  interest.     Such  a  summary  follows: 


\ 


I, — Crisis  Prevailing  in  Democratic  Countries 
of  Europe 

1.  Duality  of  their  essential  principle. 

(a)  Ideal  of  liberty  and  spirit  of  class 
struggle  not  easily  reconciled. 

(6)  Roots  of  social  conflicts  and  con- 
stant menaces  of  war  found  in 
this  deadlock. 

(c)  New  problem :  to  reconcile  the  pre- 
requisites of  liberty  with  the  au- 
thority of  the  State. 

2.  Case  of  Italy. 

(o)  Short  experience  as  a  united  State 
the  cause  of  her  political  imma- 
turity. 

(6)  Her  demographic  wealth  the  cause 
of: 

(1)  Domestic  difficulties. 

(2)  International  complications, 
(c)  Necessity  for  a  national  conscious- 
ness to  co-ordinate : 

(1)  Government  by  the  people. 

(2)  Government  for  the  people. 
8.  A  national  State  the  legitimate  heir  of  the 

ideal  of  liberty. 

(a)  Need  of  a  leading  class  to  sanction 

the  rights  of  the  people. 
(6)  The  cultural  class  the  natural  cus- 
todian of: 

(1)  The  ideal  of  State. 

(2)  The  elements  of  liberty. 

(c)   Italy    constitutionally    hampered    In 
development  of  a  leading  group. 
4.  Interdependence  of  Italian  and  European 
problems. 

(o)  Problems  of  peace  must  be  solved 
simultaneously  with  that  of  gov- 
ernment. 

(6)  Prosperity  the  result  of  a  relative 
harmony  of  interests. 

II. — Meaning  and  Significance  of  a  National 
State 

1.  Nationalism  does  not  mean  denial  of: 

(o)  Other  States'  rights. 

(b)  Humanity  as  a  whole. 

2.  Nationalism    implies    existence    of   a    na- 

tional consciousness. 

3.  Development  from  national  state  to  feder- 

ation of  the  States  of  Europe  with 
the  supreme  common  weal  the 
mainspring  of  such  union. 

4.  Motives  for  international  solidarity. 

(o)  To  organize  discordant  economic  in- 
terests. 


650 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


(6)  To  reconcile  the  tendencies  of  gov- 
ernments witti  the  demands  of 
their  peoples. 

5.  Decline  of  European  hegemony;  no  longer 

enjoys  unchallenged  world  domi- 
nation. 

(a)  Financial  supremacy  of  United 
States  a  challenge  to  Europe. 

(6)  American  assistance  in  Europe  con- 
ciliatory and  protective  as  yet. 

(c)  An  Asiatic  hegemony  near  its  reali- 

zation. 

(d)  Danger  of  deterioration  from  inter- 

state discord. 

(e)  Need   of   consolidating   common   in- 

terests imperative. 

6.  United  States  of  Europe  and  United  States 

of  America  cannot  have  identical 
meaning. 

(0)  National    and    racial   traditions    an 

obstacle  to  a  political  unity  like 
that  in  America. 

7.  United   States   of  Europe  and   League  of 

Nations  will  have  different  ten- 
dencies. 

(a)  The  former  a  stable  organization  to 
withstand  similar  organizations. 

(6)  The  latter  with  tendency  toward  ab- 
stract peace. 

(c)  Universal  co-operation  the  outcome 
of  both. 

III. — Obstacles  in  Way  of  European  Federa- 
tion 

1.  Nationalistic    sensibilities     and    demands 

unfavorable  to  a  plural  organiza- 
tion of  Europe. 

2.  Unification  of  the  Balkan  States  prerequi- 

site to  a  United  States  of  Europe. 

3.  Struggle  of  France  and  Germany  for  su- 

premacy must  end. 

4.  Means  of  achieving  European  co-operation. 

(a)  Idea  of  its  necessity  must  become 
common  knowledge. 

(6)  General  favorable  feeling  for  it 
created. 

(c)  No  abstract  theories  allowed  to  ex- 
ercise their  fascination. 

id)  Common  advantages  made  clear. 

IV. — Reforms  in  the  League  of  Nations 
Advocated 

A.  Covenant  should   be   separated  from   the 

peace  treaties. 

B.  Reforms  in  the  constitution. 

(1)  Made    universal    with    participation 

of  all  States. 


(2)  Method     of     nominating     delegates 

modified. 

(3)  Mutual    i-elations    of   the   Assembly 

and  Council  more  clearly  defined. 

(4)  Principle  of  unanimity  modified. 

C.  Functions  of  the  reformed  League  of  Na- 
tions. 

(1)  Codification  of  international  laws. 

(2)  Reduction  of  armaments. 

(3)  Peaceful  settlement  of  international 

controversies. 

(4)  Determining    procedure    to    be    fol- 

lowed in  use  of  coercion, 

(5)  Establishment  of  guarantees  against 

aggression. 

(6)  Regional     and     continental     agree- 

ments in  accordance  with  Article 
21  advocated. 

(7)  Economic  functions. 

(a)  The  Economic- Financial  Com- 

mittee   should    be    granted 
new  and  larger  powers. 

(b)  Assigned  independent  work. 

V. — World's  Economic  Crisis  Examined 

A.  Causes  originating  in  the  "World  "War. 

B.  Reparations  and  interallied  debts. 

(1)  Stabilization  of  currency  and  finance 

In   certain   countries   on   principle 
of  "equivalent  fiscal  burdens." 

(2)  Countries   suffering   from    moderate 

depreciation   aided   to   restoration. 

(3)  Gradual     revaluation     of     currency 

recommended. 

C.  Economic  and  financial  reconstruction. 

(1)  Currency  should  be  adapted  to  in- 

dividual country. 

(2)  New   bank   of   emissions   should   be 

modified   to   avoid   future   contro- 
versies. 

D.  International     collaboration     to    promote 

economic  solidarity. 

(1)  Task  of  the  Economic  Committee  of 

the  League. 

(2)  Promotion    of   the   principle    of   co- 

ordination and  division  of  labor. 

(3)  Tendency  toward  an  economic  rap- 

prochement   the    sure    foundation 
of  world's  peace  and  prosperity. 

A  study  of  the  various  plans  reveals  a 
certain  unanimity  upon  a  number  of  mat- 
ters. It  appears  that  all  of  the  plans 
criticize  the  League  of  Nations  as  or- 
ganized at  present,  on  the  ground  that  its 
activity  is  insufficiently  adapted  to  exist- 


192Jf 


EDITORIALS 


651 


ing  conditions;  that  it  is  weak;  that  it  is 
handicapped  by  the  absence  of  the  United 
States,  Germany,  Eussia,  and  others.  The 
plans  are  in  practical  agreement  that  the 
use  of  armed  force  by  the  League  should 
not  be  authorized.  Yet  practically  all  the 
writers  seem  to  feel  the  necessity  for  some 
form  of  sanction,  such  as  political  coer- 
cion, minus,  however,  the  character  of 
armed  intervention. 

A  number  of  the  plans  lay  special  em- 
phasis on  the  arbitration  of  international 
controversies  through  the  arbitration  court 
at  The  Hague. 

In  general,  all  possible  forms  of  inter- 
national collaboration  are  favored,  par- 
ticularly separate  agreements  leading  to- 
ward a  gradual  consolidation  of  the  larger 
interests.  There  is  a  wide  feeling  that  a 
free  exchange  of  raw  materials,  of  goods 
and  services,  is  the  ideal  means  to  a  nat- 
ural adjustment  of  the  world's  economic 
situation. 

A  number  of  the  plans  offer  proposals 
calculated  to  eliminate  all  competition. 
Others  emphasize  the  importance  of  a 
imiform  medium  of  exchange. 

Plans  of  a  political  character  confine 
themselves  in  the  main  to  one  of  two  pro- 
posals: either  the  creation  of  a  United 
States  of  Europe,  with  a  representative 
body — a  strictly  authoritative  supreme  or- 
ganization; or,  second,  either  mutual 
guarantees  or  an  absolute  prohibition  of 
the  manufacture  of  war  materials. 

The  necessity  is  also  affirmed  of  devel- 
oping greater  consciousness  of  unity  in 
Europe,  somewhat  like  that  already  devel- 
oping in  America,  with  the  view  of  coun- 
terbalancing the  ethnic,  the  political  and 
economic  antagonisms. 

As  far  as  the  Italian  situation  in  par- 
ticular is  concerned,  all  plans  agree  that 
there  are  two  chief  issues  of  an  interna- 
tional character,  of  which  the  first  is  repa- 
rations of  war  damages,  forming  part  of 
the  general  question  of  interallied  debts. 


All  efforts  of  the  Italian  nation  to  re-es- 
tablish a  normal  balance  will  remain  with- 
out results  as  long  as  this  question  re- 
mains unsolved.  Italy's  solvency  in  rela- 
tion to  Europe,  and  especially  to  America, 
is  paralyzed  by  the  present  state  of  affairs. 
The  Dawes  Plan  is  considered  a  good  be- 
ginning in  the  work  of  bringing  order  into 
the  situation ;  but  it  should  be  followed  by 
a  solution  of  the  question  of  reparations 
and  debts. 

The  other  grave  question  is  that  of  emi- 
gration. The  population  of  Italy  is  in- 
creasing at  a  rate  which  makes  it  impos- 
sible for  the  nation  to  subsist  on  the  re- 
sources of  the  country.  If  the  internal 
and  colonial  policies  of  other  States  should 
make  all  immigration  into  their  territories 
impossible,  not  excluding  even  those  lands 
which  are  capable  of  absorbing  additional 
population,  the  result  will  be  an  ever- 
present  cause  of  conflicts.  This  question 
ought  to  form  the  subject  of  a  special  in- 
ternational investigation. 

As  one  studies  these  prize-winning 
plans,  one  is  impressed  with  a  degree  of 
chaos  in  the  minds  of  the  faithful.  They 
frequently  contradict  each  other  and  are 
frequently  in  themselves  self-contradic- 
tory. But  throughout,  the  will  to  end  war 
is  unmistakable. 

Looking  back  across  this  worthy  effort 
to  stimulate  interest  in  international 
problems,  one  can  but  sense  the  difficulties 
besetting  any  democratic  approach  to  the 
establishment  of  world  peace.  Carlyle 
once  entered  in  his  journal:  "The  public 
is  an  old  woman.  Let  her  maunder  and 
mumble" — an  unusually  savage  thrust, 
even  for  that  rather  choleric  genius  of 
Cheney  Row. 

And  yet,  so  far  as  the  attention  of  men 
and  women  has  been  called  to  the  nature 
of  the  problem,  and  this  seems  to  have 
been  considerable,  both  Mr.  Bok  and  Mr. 
Filene  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  their 
fellows. 


652 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


THE  MOST  BEAUTIFUL  THING 
IN  THE  WORLD 

Paris,  August  17,  1934. 

THE  most  beautiful  thing  in  the  world 
is  the  Venus  de  Melos,  now  in  the 
Louvre.  Its  beauty  is  best  felt  from  the 
seat  in  the  corner  to  the  figure's  front  and 
left,  where  the  matchless  lines  from  the 
shadows  of  face  and  neck,  of  trunk  and 
drapery,  picture  as  nowhere  else  in  all  the 
earth  the  purity  and  lofty  reach  of  sculp- 
ture. One  sitting  there  catches  the  health, 
dignity,  simplicity,  and  repose  along  those 
inner  and  invisible  curves  which  mark  the 
grace  of  posture.  If  even  in  the  presence 
of  a  Grecian  urn  one  finds  it  difficult  to 
sense  with  the  young  English  poet  that 
beauty  is  truth,  one  will  certainly  feel  it 
before  this  master  work  of  that  unknown 
Grecian  artist.  Only  those  shallow  sight- 
seers, scribbling  their  notes,  listening  to 
the  official  guide  mouthing  his  lecture, 
mar  the  scene.  But  now  and  then  comes  a 
fine  and  silent  one,  alone,  who  looks  and 
sees  and  apprehends,  with  unconscious 
moisture  in  the  eyes.  This  perfect  em- 
bodiment of  woman's  nobility  transcends 
the  expression  of  words  quite  as  the  gods 
have  thus  far  defied  m.an's  poor  efforts  to 
explain. 


"THE  WRESTLERS" 

Avignon,  France,  October  31,  1924. 

THAT  statue  in  this  little  park  here  in 
Avignon — "The  "Wrestlers" — is  an  ac- 
tive thing,  intense;  the  victor  about-to-be 
has  one  of  his  opponent's  heels  pinned  to 
the  earth,  the  other  foot  high  in  the  air, 
and  the  victory  of  superior  strength  seems 
near. 

Similarly,  time  has  overcome  and  de- 
stroyed the  once  famous  university  of 
Avignon,  and  all  that  is  left  is  the  Place 
des  Etudes,  a  few  steps  away.  The  little 
church  of  the  Poor  Clares  there,  where  in 
1327,  Francesco  Petrarca  entered  to  pray 
and  beheld  the  Laura  of  his  lyrical  plaints 


and  praises,  has  given  way  to  a  furniture- 
maker.  Time  has  bitten  into  the  Bene- 
dictine church  and  into  the  school  where 
Andre  la  Fabre  taught,  right  before  Char- 
pentier's  clever  bronze.  Time  has  dropped 
those  old  men  on  the  benches  around, 
lonely,  forgotten  hulks,  whose  only  ap- 
parent comfort  in  life  is  the  tobacco  from 
stubs  and  cigarettes  snatched  from  street 
and  gutter.  Time  has  rubbed  out  that  old 
monastery,  save  only  a  few  stones  of  the 
cloisters  to  our  left.  Time  is  now  eating 
her  holes  into  the  poor  stone  figures  man 
has  scattered  long  since  around  the  little 
park  in  his  lame  attempts  to  express  him- 
self in  beauty.  Time  has  apparently  taken 
a  child  from  the  young  and  kindly  couple 
in  black,  sitting  wistfully  there  hand  in 
hand,  on  that  little  bench. 

And  yet,  and  yet  the  victorious  wrestler 
is  there,  at  his  job ;  and  playing  children, 
and  lovers,  brisk-walking  shoppers,  all, 
with  their  unstudied  assurance,  uncon- 
sciously serve  notice  that,  in  the  struggle 
of  life  with  death,  life  goes  on.  Workmen 
are  repairing  the  roof  of  the  post  oiBce 
hard  by. 


THE  charm  of  the  Christmas  season  is 
breaking  upon  the  world  once  more. 
It  is  the  time  of  the  year  when  men  and 
women  are  at  their  best.  Life  is  a  mys- 
tic stream,  rising  in  the  upland  of  thorn 
and  fiower,  flowing  now  turbulently,  now 
placidly  out  into  the  bosom  of  an  in- 
finite sea.  The  hope,  the  delight,  the 
honor  of  it  are  fairer  and  sweeter  things 
because  of  what  came  to  pass  in  those 
days  in  Bethlehem  of  Judea. 


AMERICA  does  not  need  assurance  that 
-  any  government  in  England  will  pur- 
sue the  policies  of  international  peace. 
It  is  comforting,  however,  to  read  the  re- 
marks of  Mr.  Austen  Chamberlain,  new 
Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs,  of 
the  new  Prime  Minister,  and  others  at  the 


192J^ 


EDITORIALS 


663 


Guild  Hall  banquet  November  10.  Mr. 
Chamberlain  said,  "My  Lord  Mayor,  the 
aim  of  every  statesman  in  the  British 
Empire  is,  and  must  ever  be,  to  preserve 
peace."  The  Prime  Minister  said,  "We 
stand  by  the  peace  treaties,  and  we  will 
cultivate  good  relations  with  foreign  coun- 
tries on  the  basis  of  those  treaties." 


AMEEICANS  are  planning  to  partici- 
-  pate  in  the  celebration  of  the  first 
centenary  of  the  publication  of  Hugo 
Grotius'  "De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacis."  It 
was  in  June,  1625,  that  the  Hollander, 
Hugo  Grotius,  gave  to  the  world  this  his- 
torical work. 

He  was  then  living  in  exile  in  Paris 
after  a  life  spent  in  closest  touch  with  the 
momentous  political  changes  of  his  time. 
He  had  already  astonished  Europe  by  his 
learning.  He  knew,  as  few  men  have 
known,  the  motives  for  the  actions  of 
princes  and  statesmen.  The  book  which 
he  produced  revolutionized  the  world's 
attitude  towards  war.  Grotius  showed 
that  the  glory  of  princes  was  better  served 
by  a  peaceful  reign  than  by  a  successful 
war,  and  by  humanity  tow-ards  one's  ene- 
mies rather  than  the  barbarity  customarily 
practised  upon  defeated  troops  and  civil- 
ian population. 

It  is  recounted  that  the  famous  Cardi- 
nal Richelieu,  when  he  took  La  Rochelle 
in  1628,  was  so  impressed  by  the  reason- 
ing of  the  great  jurist  that  he  forbore  to 
subject  the  military  prisoners  to  the  usual 
cruelties  and  ordered  that  the  citizens  be 
spared  the  horrors  of  pillage.  This  in- 
stance is  merely  one  effect  of  Grotius'  book 
in  his  own  time.  Its  subsequent  influence 
has  been  greater  still.  Every  disquisition 
on  World  Peace,  on  international  justice 
and  arbitration,  and  on  humanity  between 
combatants,  must  go  back  to  the  opinion 
of  the  great  Dutch  scholar  and  statesman. 
Grotius  has  been  justly  called  the  "Father 
of  International  Law." 


In  order  to  conmiemorate  fittingly  the 
three  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth 
of  Grotius'  masterpiece,  the  Netherlands- 
America  Foundation  has  offered  to  raise 
a  fund.  Ten  thousand  dollars  is  needed 
for  a  memorial  window  to  be  presented 
to  the  Nieuwe  Kerk  at  Delft — the  Dutch 
Westminster  Abbey  built  in  the  fourteenth 
century — where  Grotius  lies  buried.  The 
Minister  from  the  Netherlands  has  trans- 
mitted the  proposal  to  the  Dutch  Govern- 
ment, which  welcomed  the  suggestion  and 
expressed  cordial  appreciation  of  the  spirit 
which  prompted  it. 

It  is  the  intention  of  the  Netherlands- 
America  Foundation  to  approach  the  legal 
profession  through  the  various  Associa- 
tions of  the  Bar,  so  that  the  window  in 
memory  of  Grotius  may  be  the  gift  of 
the  American  Bench  and  Bar.  Individual 
subscriptions  may  be  small  as  the  amount 
needed  is  modest,  and  the  legal  profession 
throughout  the  United  States  will  be  asked 
to  contribute.  The  expense  of  the  collec- 
tion and  preservation  of  the  fund  will  be 
borne  by  the  Foundation  so  that  the  full 
amount  collected  may  go  to  the  purpose 
for  which  it  is  given.  The  window  is  to 
be  of  American  design,  and  careful  steps 
will  be  taken  to  make  it  an  adequate  me- 
morial in  every  artistic  and  practical  sense. 

Checks  should  be  drawn  to  the  order  of 
Netherlands- America  Foundation,  Grotius 
Fund,  17  East  42d  Street,  New  York  City. 


OUR  appalling  ignorance  of  the  peoples 
of  other  nations  is  not  so  much  wilful 
as  it  is  inevitable  under  the  circumstances. 
Most  of  us  are  busy  people,  concerned  pri- 
marily with  our  own  affairs.  With  the 
time  at  our  disposal,  we  find  it  difficult 
to  keep  track  of  our  own  people.  Then, 
too,  when  we  have  the  opportunity  to  learn 
of  another  nation,  we  don't  know  just 
how  to  go  about  it.  Indeed,  we  don't 
know  what  it  is  we  want  to  know.     Now 


654 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


comes  the  Division  of  Intercourse  and 
Education  of  the  Carnegie  Endowment  for 
International  Peace  with  the  answers  to 
just  the  questions  we  ought  to  ask,  par- 
ticularly about  the  other  Republics  of  this 
hemisphere.  "Inter-American  Digests — 
Economic  Series  No.  I,"  has  just  appeared 
from  the  Inter-American  Press  of  New 
York.  It  deals  with  Argentina,  in  a 
brochure  of  some  48  pages.  It  is  an  au- 
thorized digest  of  El  Desarrollo  Economico 
de  la  Repuhlica  Argentina  en  los  tJUimos 


Cincuenta  Anos,  made  and  translated  by 
Peter  H.  Goldsmith.  The  little  work  is 
divided  into  ten  parts  as  follows:  popu- 
lation; production;  industries;  communi- 
cations; foreign  trade;  shipping;  ex- 
change, banking  and  credit  institutions; 
public  wealth;  consumption;  and  public 
finance.  Truly  here  are  the  things  we  all 
should  be  interested  to  know  about  a  coun- 
try. Without  any  information  in  these 
fields,  we  can  never  get  far  toward  the 
understanding  of  a  people. 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


ECONOMIC  PROGRESS  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

IN  a  review  of  business  conditions  dur- 
ing the  year  ending  June  30,  1924, 
Secretary  of  Commerce  Hoover  gives  the 
following  as  the  outstanding  features  of 
the  fiscal  year  under  consideration :  First, 
the  advance  in  agricultural  prices,  which 
had  hitherto  lagged  behind  industry  since 
the  slump  of  1920 ;  second,  the  beginnings 
of  sound  policies  in  German  reparations, 
leading  to  a  hopeful  measure  of  economic 
recovery  in  Europe;  and  third,  the  com- 
plete recovery  of  our  own  industry  and 
commerce  (aside  from  agriculture),  great 
stability  of  prices,  high  production,  full 
employment,  expanding  foreign  trade,  and 
prosperity  throughout  the  business  world. 
There  are  some  moderate  decreases  in  ac- 
tivity of  some  lines  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  fiscal  year,  but  since  its  close  there 
has  again  been  general  recovery  in  those 
lines. 

Industry 

The  general  condition  of  manufactures, 
industry,  and  commerce,  as  distinguished 
from  agriculture,  may  be  judged  from  such 
major  economic  indexes  as  volume  of  busi- 
ness, value  of  sales,  etc. 

These  indexes,  based  on  the  calendar 
year  1919  as  100,  show  that  the  general 


level  of  business  activity  was  decidedly 
higher  than  even  in  that  very  prosperous 
year.  The  table  indicates  the  following 
changes  in  the  volume  of  business  (quan- 
tities, not  value)  in  the  fiscal  year  1924 
as  compared  with  the  fiscal  year  1923 : 
The  index  of  manufacturing  production 
dropped  slightly,  being  115  in  1924  as 
compared  with  116  in  1923.  Mineral  pro- 
ductions rose  from  118  in  1923  to  131  in 
1924.  Forest  products  production  rose 
from  111  to  117,  Railroad  freight  (ton- 
miles)  rose  from  109  to  110,  electric  power 
production  from  136  to  148,  building  con- 
tracts let  (square  feet),  from  107  to  109. 
Notwithstanding  far  lower  prices  than 
in  1919  the  value  of  sales  of  retail  stores 
was  greater  in  1924  than  in  that  year. 
Thus  the  value  of  department-store  sales 
stood  at  120  in  1923  and  128  in  1924,  of 
five-and-ten-cent  stores  at  152  and  173, 
respectively.  In  the  case  of  mail-order 
houses  the  indexes  rose  from  90  in  1923  to 
100  in  1924,  and  of  wholesale  trade  from 
80  to  82,  the  lower  indexes  as  compared 
with  1919  being  wholly  due  to  the  decline 
in  prices.  Based  upon  the  calendar  year 
1913  as  100,  the  general  average  of  whole- 
sale prices  dropped  from  156  in  1923  to 
150  in  1924. 

A  slight  slackening  in  production  occur- 
red at  the  end  of  the  fiscal  year.    However, 


192Jf 


WOULD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


655 


the  sales  of  department  stores,  chain  stores, 
and  mail-order  houses,  the  seasonal  fluctua- 
tions of  which  make  comparison  from  one 
month  to  another  misleading,  were  larger 
in  June  than  in  the  corresponding  month 
of  1923.  The  subsequent  recovery  is  shown 
by  the  September  indexes,  which  for  manu- 
facturing production  stood  13  points 
higher  than  in  June,  for  mineral  produc- 
tion 9  points,  and  for  forest  production  1 
point  higher.  All  these  facts  indicate  that 
there  had  been  but  a  very  minor  temporary 
recession  in  the  spring.  Of  the  most  im- 
portance, however,  the  agricultural  recov- 
ery by  September  had  proceeded  to  a  point 
where  the  wholesale  price  index  of  farm 
products  was  143  on  the  1913  base,  as 
compared  to  149  for  the  price  of  all  com- 
modities, thus  marking  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  farmers'  buying  power  at 
much  more  nearly  the  pre-war  ratio. 

Agriculture 

The  outstanding  event  of  the  year  was 
the  improvement  in  agricultural  prices. 
Unlike  manufacturing  and  mineral  indus- 
tries, a  change  in  the  volume  of  agricul- 
tural production  often  does  not  reflect  a 
parallel  change  in  the  well-being  of  the 
producers.  Farm  products  in  general  have 
little  elasticity  of  demand  in  the  home 
market.  The  farmer  cannot  adapt  his  out- 
put rapidly  to  changes  in  the  foreign  de- 
mand. The  aggregate  area  planted  to 
crops  in  this  country  has  varied  only 
slightly  from  year  to  year  since  the  war, 
and  most  of  the  individual  crops  show 
little  change  in  acreage,  although  the  low 
prices  of  wheat  have  resulted  in  a  very  con- 
siderable reduction  in  the  planting  of  that 
cereal.  The  farmer,  from  the  very  nature 
of  things,  cannot  suddenly  and  greatly 
increase  or  reduce  his  aggregate  plantings 
or  the  proportion  of  his  land  devoted  to 
different  crops.  Industries  and  commerce 
more  readily  adapt  themselves  to  change 
in  demand.  The  variations  in  output  of 
crops  from  year  to  year  are  usually  due 
much  more  to  weather  conditions  than  to 
the  will  of  the  farmer.  Therefore,  farm 
prosperity  cannot  be  judged  upon  the 
criterion  of  production  alone,  but  requires 
consideration  of  prices  as  well. 

The  situation  of  agricultural  prices  may 
be  well  indicated  by  comparing  September 
prices  with  the  general  level  of  commodity 
prices.      Based   upon    1913    as    100,    the 


wholesale  price  index  of  all  commodities 
was  149.  The  corresponding  price  index 
of  No.  1  northern  wheat  was  148;  of  cot- 
ton (New  York),  191;  corn,  186;  and 
hogs,  118.  From  the  low  point  since  the 
beginning  of  1921,  these  figures  represent 
recoveries:  for  wheat,  of  37  points;  cotton, 
99;  corn.  111;  and  hogs,  37.  Many  re- 
adjustments are  needed  yet,  but  agricul- 
ture has  turned  an  important  corner,  and 
this  change  marks  a  vital  step  in  the  whole 
after-war  economic  readjustment. 

The  increasing  stability  in  agriculture 
is  further  marked  by  the  fact  that  whole- 
sale prices  of  food  products  show  a  con- 
tinuing decrease  in  spread  as  compared  to 
farm  prices.  This  spread  in  the  two  in- 
dexes, which  amounted  in  certain  months 
of  1921  to  as  much  as  27  points,  has  now 
(September,  1924)  decreased  to  5  points, 
indicating  the  steady  elimination  of  specu- 
lation and  closer  trading  margins  through 
increasing  economic  stability  and  closer 
competition.  The  rise  in  agricultural 
prices,  while  in  large  part  due  to  general 
world  economic  readjustment  and  to  settle- 
ment of  European  economic  conflicts,  has 
been  favored  to  some  degree  by  local  and 
special  causes,  such  as  the  decrease  in  corn 
crop  and  the  fact  that  the  abnormal  world 
wheat  crop  of  1923  swung  over  to  a  slightly 
subnormal  crop  in  1924. 

Transportation 

This  fiscal  year  marks  the  first  occasion 
since  long  before  the  war  when  our  rail- 
way facilities  have  been  completely  equal 
to  the  demand  of  the  country.  There  were 
no  car  shortages  of  any  consequence. 
There  was  a  speeding  up  of  delivery  of 
all  goods.  This  complete  reconstruction, 
expansion,  and  growing  efficiency  in  trans- 
portation facilities  marks  a  fine  accom- 
plishment on  the  part  of  our  railway  man- 
agement. Its  economic  effect  is  most  far- 
reaching.  Every  car  shortage  is  a  strangu- 
lation in  the  movement  of  commodities 
which  reduces  price  levels  to  the  producer 
and  increases  them  to  the  consumer.  It 
disarranges  the  synchronizing  of  our  in- 
dustrial fabric  and  widens  the  margin  all 
along  the  line  between  producer  and  con- 
sumer. There  is  still  requirement  for  ex- 
tension of  terminals  and  readjustment  of 
rates.  There  are  large  consolidations 
needed  for  the  ultimate  best  service  and 
sound  finance. 


656 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


The  making  of  our  transportation  facili- 
ties adequate  to  our  needs  is  one  of  the 
greatest  contributions  toward  our  economic 
stability. 

Banking  and  Finance 

The  figures  of  the  Federal  Eeserve  sys- 
tem operations  indicate  a  high  degree  of 
stability  and  an  abundance  of  loanable 
capital. 

The  total  volume  of  money  in  circula- 
tion on  July  1,  1924,  was  practically  the 
same  as  one  year  before,  but  its  component 
elements  had  changed  markedly.  Federal 
Eeserve  notes  and  Federal  Eeserve  bank 
notes  declined  from  $3,254,000,000  to 
$1,853,000,000,  but  the  circulation  of  gold 
and  gold  certificates  increased  from  $791,- 
000,000  to  $1,198,000,000.  The  increase 
in  gold  and  gold  certificates  in  circulation 
was  almost  equal  to  the  net  imports  of 
gold  from  abroad,  and  was  about  $6,000,- 
000  greater  than  the  volume  of  Federal 
Eeserve  notes  and  Federal  Eeserve  bank 
notes  retired  from  circulation.  This  pro- 
cess makes  for  stability  and  minimizes 
dangers  from  inflation  due  to  superabund- 
ant gold  holdings. 

One  of  the  encouraging  features  of  the 
exchange  situation  was  the  greater  sta- 
bility during  the  first  half  of  1924  in  the 
values  of  the  currencies  of  countries  that 
have  undertaken  currency  reforms.  This 
was  true  not  only  of  the  rentenmark,  the 
currency  unit  adopted  in  Germany  after 
the  collapse  of  the  reichsmark,  in  the  clos- 
ing months  of  1923,  and  of  the  chervonetz 
of  Eussia,  but  also  of  the  currencies  of 
Austria,  Czechoslovakia,  Poland,  Finland, 
Esthonia,  Latvia,  and  Lithuania. 

The  foreign  capital  issues  (exclusive  of 
refunding  loans)  brought  out  in  the 
United  States  during  the  fiscal  year  aggre- 
gated about  $450,000,000,  a  moderate  in- 
crease over  the  preceding  year.  The  new 
issues  included  $150,000,000  for  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Japan  for  purchase  of  supplies 
in  the  United  States,  $25,000,000  for  the 
Dutch  East  Indies,  $40,000,000  for  the 
Netherlands,  $50,000,000  for  Switzerland, 
and  $20,000,000  for  Norway.  In  addition 
to  these  issues,  large  amounts  of  short- 
term  dollar  credits  were  placed  at  the  dis- 
posal of  several  European  countries  for 
the  purpose  of  exchange  stabilization. 


Dawes  Plan 

A  most  important  event  in  the  field  of 
world  finance  was  the  formulation  of  the 
plan  of  the  first  committee  of  experts, 
commonly  called  the  Dawes  Plan,  which 
was  finally  ratified  by  the  London  Confer- 
ence on  August  17,  1924.  The  plan  pro- 
vides that  German  financial  and  currency 
stabilization  is  to  be  brought  about  by 
an  internationally  controlled  gold-reserve 
bank  of  issue.  During  the  period  neces- 
sary for  economic  rehabilitation,  an  inter- 
national loan  of  about  800,000,000  gold 
marks  is  to  be  floated,  proceeds  of  which 
are  to  be  placed  in  this  bank  and  to  be 
used  for  rehabilitation  purposes  for  the 
continuance  of  essential  deliveries  in  kind, 
and  certain  pro-reparation  costs.  Eepara- 
tions  are  to  be  paid  during  the  interim 
period  on  an  increasing  scale,  reaching  a 
total  annual  figure  of  two  and  a  half  bil- 
lions of  gold  marks  in  the  fifth  year,  and 
may  be  increased  thereafter  by  a  pros- 
perity index  outlined  by  the  committee. 

These  sums  are  to  be  raised  from  a 
budget  surplus,  from  interest  on  railroad 
bonds  (the  German  Government  railroads 
being  turned  over  to  a  private  company 
under  international  control),  from  the 
railroad  transportation  tax  now  in  effect, 
and  from  interest  and  sinking-fund  pay- 
ments on  industrial  debentures.  The  lat- 
ter are  to  be  placed  on  German  industry 
in  order  to  equalize  approximately  the 
bonded  indebtedness  on  these  industries 
before  the  war,  which  is  assumed  to  have 
been  wiped  out  by  post-war  currency  de- 
preciation. The  funds  thus  obtained  on 
reparation  account  are  to  be  deposited  in 
the  new  bank  of  issue,  and  the  responsi- 
bility for  transferring  these  sums  into 
foreign  exchange  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Allies  rests  with  an  international  transfer 
committee,  the  chairman  of  which,  called 
the  agent  for  reparation  payments,  must 
effect  these  transfers  without  undermining 
German  financial  stability.  Controls  are 
established  to  insure  the  payment  of  the 
sums  specified  into  the  bank  of  issue.  The 
plan  offers  within  itself  machinery  for  cor- 
rection or  alteration  of  details  as  difficul- 
ties arise  in  its  execution. 

European  stabilization,  which  this  plan 
may  be  expected  to  achieve,  will  bring 
about  a  revival  in  world  trade  and  in- 
creased consumption  of  commodities,  in 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


667 


which  the  United  States  is  bound  to  have 
its  share.  This  trade  revival  and  increased 
consumption  power  should  outweigh  any 
increased  competitive  power  which  might 
be  expected  from  the  execution  of  the  plan. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  this  settle- 
ment of  the  vexed  reparation  problem, 
coming  at  the  time  it  did,  prevented  an- 
other European  collapse,  with  its  inevi- 
table repercussion  on  world  trade  and  on 
the  business  of  the  United  States.  The 
Dawes  Plan  is  the  first  effort  to  solve  the 
reparations  question  purely  on  a  commer- 
cial and  economic  basis.  The  American 
members  on  the  committee  were  assisted 
by  a  competent  staff  of  technical  experts, 
among  them  some  of  the  officials  of  the 
Department  of  Commerce. 

Foreign  Trade 

In  the  fiscal  year  under  review  exports 
increased  9  per  cent  in  value  as  compared 
with  the  preceding  fiscal  year,  while  im- 
ports decreased  6  per  cent.  The  net  result 
of  these  changes  in  opposite  directions  was 
an  increase  in  the  excess  of  exports  over 
imports  from  $176,000,000  in  1923-23  to 
$757,000,000  in  1923-24.  While  in  ab- 
solute amount  this  is  a  larger  export  bal- 
ance than  in  any  year  prior  to  the  war,  the 
percentage  by  which  exports  exceed  im- 
ports is  somewhat  smaller  than  in  most 
pre-war  years. 

The  outstanding  feature  of  our  foreign 
trade  in  commodities  is  its  strong,  real 
growth  since  1913.  Our  total  imports  and 
exports  in  that  fiscal  year  amounted  to 
$4,279,000,000,  against  $7,865,000,000  in 
1923-24.  If  we  correct  this  difference  by 
the  depreciated  buying  power  of  the  dollar, 
we  still  find  an  increase  of  18.2  per  cent. 

This  compares  with  decreases  of  12  per 
cent  for  the  United  Kingdom,  14  per  cent 
for  France,  and  51.4  per  cent  for  Germany 
(in  each  case  based  on  the  calendar  year 
1923  in  comparison  with  1913,  and  with 
corrections  for  currency  depreciation). 

The  gain  in  our  total  trade  over  the 
fiscal  year  1913  is  largely  accounted  for  by 
the  marked  increases  in  our  trade  with 
Asia,  Oceania,  and  South  America.  The 
value  of  trade  with  Asia  increased  244  per 
cent  and  that  with  Oceania  and  South 
America  192  and  95  per  cent,  respectively. 
Although  the  actual  value  of  trade  with 


Europe  is  greater  than  prior  to  the  war, 
the  gain  is  less  than  the  increase  in  prices 
and  the  actual  quantity  of  goods  is  smaller. 
This  decline  in  the  relative  importance  of 
Europe  as  a  factor  in  our  trade  as  other 
areas  gain  is  in  part  a  continuation  of  a 
gradual  shift  in  this  direction  evident  be- 
fore the  war  and  in  part  the  result  of  the 
war's  serious  impairment  of  European 
commercial  strength. 


THE  NEW  BRITISH  GOVERN- 
MENT 

THE  British  elections,  which  took  place 
on  October  29,  changed  the  status  of 
the  three  major  parties  in  the  British  Par- 
liament. Whereas  before  the  dissolution 
of  the  Parliament,  early  in  October,  none 
of  the  parties  had  a  majority  of  seats,  in 
the  new  Parliament  the  Conservative 
Party  has  a  large  majority  over  the  other 
two  parties  combined. 

Composition  of  the  New  Parliament 

The  state  of  the  parties  in  the  new  Par- 
liament is  as  follows: 

Conservatives    413 

Labor    152 

Liberals   42 

Independents    5 

612 

The  state  of  the  parties  at  the  dissolu- 
tion was  as  follows: 

Conservatives     257 

Labor    193 

Liberals   158 

Independents    6 

614 

London  University  vacant. 

The  total  net  party  gains  and  losses  for 
612  of  the  615  seats  are: 

Net  Conservative  gains 154 

Net  Liberal  losses   116 

Net  Labor  losses 41 

This  overwhelminsr  majority  obtained  by 
the  Conservatives  is  due  in  a  very  consider- 
able measure  to  the  peculiarities  of  the 
British  electoral  system.     As  a  matter  of 


658 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


fact,  the  votes  cast  in  the  election  were 

divided  as  follows: 

Conservatives  7,855,242 

Labor    5,482,133 

Liberals   2,985,519 

Independents    121,504 

Constitutionalists    101,052 

Communists    68,989 

Thus,  while  the  Liberal  and  the  Labor 
parties  obtained  together  more  votes  than 
the  Conservative  Party,  the  latter  has  two- 
thirds  of  the  seats  in  the  new  Parliament. 

The  New  Baldwin  Ministry 

On  November  4  Premier  Eamsay  Mac- 
Donald  had  an  audience  with  the  King,  at 
which  he  tendered  the  resignation  of  the 
Labor  Cabinet.  The  King  immediately 
sent  for  Mr.  Stanley  Baldwin,  the  leader 
of  the  victorious  Conservatives,  and  asked 
him  to  form  a  new  cabinet. 

Two  days  later  the  following  list  of  ap- 
pointments was  announced  by  the  new 
premier : 

Prime  Minister,  First  Lord  of  the  Treas- 
ury and  Leader  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
Et.  Hon.  Stanley  Baldwin,  M.  P. 

Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs 
and  Deputy  Leader  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, Et.  Hon.  Austen  Chamberlain, 
M.  P. 

Lord  Privy  Seal,  Most  Hon.  the  Mar- 
quess of  Salisbury,  K.  G.,  G.  C.  V.  0., 
C.  B. 

Lord  President  of  the  Council  and 
Leader  of  the  House  of  Lords,  Most  Hon. 
the  Marquess  Curzon  of  Kedleston,  K.  G., 
G.  C.  S.  L,  G.  C.  L  E. 

Lord  Chancellor,  Et.  Hon.  Viscount 
Cave,  G.  C.  M.  G.,  K.  C. 

Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  Et.  Hon. 
Winston  Churchill,  C.  H.,  M.  P. 

Secretary  of  State  for  Home  Affairs, 
Et.  Hon.  Sir  William  Joynson-Hicks,  Bt., 
M.  P. 

Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  Et. 
Hon.  L.  C.  M.  S.  Amery,  M.  P. 

Secretary  of  State  for  War,  Et.  Hon,  Sir 
L.  Worthington-Evans,  Bt.,  C.  B.  E.,  M.  P. 

Secretary  of  State  for  India,  Et.  Hon. 
the  Earl  of  Birkenhead,  K.  C. 

Secretary  of  State  for  Air,  Et.  Hon.  Sir 
Samuel  Hoare,  Bt.,  C.  M.  G.,  M.  P. 

First  Lord  of  the  Admiralty,  Et.  Hon. 
W.  C.  Bridgeman,  M.  P. 


President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Et. 
Hon.  Sir  Philip  Lloyd-Greame,  K.  B.  E., 
M.  C,  M.  P. 

Minister  of  Health,  Et.  Hon.  Neville 
Chamberlain,  M.  P. 

Minister  of  Agriculture  and  Fisheries, 
Et.  Hon.  E.  F.  L.  Wood,  M.  P. 

Secretary  for  Scotland,  Et.  Hon.  Sir 
John  Gilmour,  Bt.,  M.  P. 

President  of  the  Board  of  Education, 
Lord  Eustace  Percy,  M.  P. 

Minister  of  Labor,  Sir  Arthur  Steel- 
Maitland,  Bt.,  M.  P. 

Attorney  General,  Et.  Hon.  Sir  Douglas 
McGarel  Hogg,  K.  C,  M.  P. 

Considerable  surprise  was  caused  by  the 
importance  of  the  appointments  received 
by  Mr.  Winston  Churchill  and  Lord  Birk- 
enhead. Mr.  Churchill  had  deserted  the 
Conservative  Party  twenty  years  ago  in 
favor  of  the  Liberal  Party  and  had  held 
important  portfolios  under  that  party's 
government.  He  was  elected  to  the  new 
Parliament  as  a  Constitutionalist,  a  small 
faction  organized  by  himself,  and  while  it 
was  generally  expected  that  he  would  be 
given  a  ministerial  post,  his  appointment 
to  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  came 
as  a  distinct  surprise.  Lord  Birkenhead, 
while  always  a  Conservative,  has  not  been 
on  good  terms  with  his  party  since  it  broke 
up  the  post-war  coalition. 

Biographies  of  the  New  Ministers 

Following  are  biographical  data  of  the 
more  prominent  members  of  the  new  Bald- 
win Cabinet: 

Mr.  Stanley  Baldwin,  Prime  Minister 
and  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  is  57,  and 
was  at  Harrow  and  Trinity,  Cambridge. 
He  has  represented  the  Bewdley  Division 
of  Worcestershire  since  1908,  and  became 
Financial  Secretary  to  the  Treasury  in  the 
Coalition  Government  in  1917.  In  1921 
he  was  appointed  President  of  the  Board 
of  Trade,  and  in  1922  he  helped  to  secure 
the  withdrawal  of  the  Unionist  Party  from 
the  Coalition.  In  Mr.  Bonar  Law's  Min- 
istry he  became  Chancellor  of  the  Excheq- 
uer and  visited  the  United  States  for  the 
funding  of  the  war  debt.  He  succeeded 
Mr.  Bonar  Law  as  prime  Minister  in  May, 
1923.  In  the  following  November  he  ap- 
pealed to  the  country,  but  failed  to  obtain 
a  majority,  and  resigned  last  January. 


19U 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


659 


Mr.  Joseph  Austen  Chamberlain,  who  is 
61,  was  at  Rugby  and  Trinity,  Cambridge. 
He  has  been  successively  Civil  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty,  Financial  Secretary  to  Treas- 
ury, Postmaster  General,  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  Chairman  of  the  Royal  Com- 
mission on  Indian  Finance  and  Currency, 
Secretary  of  State  for  India,  member  of 
the  War  Cabinet,  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, and  Lord  Privy  Seal  and  Leader 
of  the  House  in  1921-22. 

Lord  Salisbury,  who  is  63,  was  at  Eton 
and  University  College,  Oxford.  He  was 
Under-Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
1900-3,  Lord  Privy  Seal  in  1903-5,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Board  of  Trade,  1905,  Lord 
President  of  the  Council,  1922-23,  and 
Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster, 
1922-23. 

Lord  Curzon  of  Kedleston,  who  is  65, 
was  at  Eton  and  Balliol  and  a  fellow  of 
All  Souls.  He  was  Under-Secretary  for 
India,  1891-92,  and  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
1895-98.  He  was  Viceroy  of  India  with 
an  Irish  peerage  from  1899  to  1905.  In 
1916  he  was  a  member  of  the  Imperial 
War  Cabinet  and  leader  in  the  House  of 
Lords,  and  Foreign  Secretary  from  1919 
until  the  fall  of  the  Conservative  Govern- 
ment last  January. 

Lord  Cave,  who  is  68,  was  at  Merchant 
Taylors'  and  St.  John's  College,  Oxford. 
A  chancery  barrister  he  took  silk  in  1904, 
was  Solicitor  General  in  1915,  Home  Sec- 
retary in  1916,  and  a  Lord  of  Appeal  from 
1919  to  1922.  He  was  created  Viscount 
in  1918,  and  was  Lord  Chancellor  from 
1922  until  last  January. 

Mr.  Churchill,  who  is  50,  was  at  Harrow 
and  Sandhurst,  and  entered  the  army  in 
1895.  He  served  with  the  Spanish  forces 
in  Cuba,  the  Malakand  field  force,  the 
Tirah  Expedition,  and  the  Nile  Expedi- 
tion; also  in  the  South  African  War.  He 
was  successively  Conservative  M.  P.  for 
Oldham,  Liberal  M.  P.  for  N.  W.  Man- 
chester, and  Liberal  M.  P.  for  Dundee. 
He  was  Under-Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies,  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
Home  Secretary,  First  Lord  of  the  Admi- 
ralty, Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lan- 
caster, Minister  of  Munitions,  and  Secre- 
tary of  State  for  War  and  for  Air.  He 
was  defeated  at  Dundee,  West  Leicester, 


and  Westminister  (Abbey  Division),  but 
was  returned  last  week  as  Constitutional- 
ist M.  P.  for  Epping. 

Lord  Birkenhead  was  educated  at  Birk- 
enhead School  and  Wadham  College,  Ox- 
ford. As  Mr.  F.  E.  Smith,  he  obtained  a 
large  practice  at  the  bar,  and  after  being 
Solicitor  General  and  Attorney  General 
was  Lord  Chancellor  from  1919  to  1922. 


THE  COMMUNIST  INTERNA- 
TIONAL 

EVENTS  connected  with  the  British 
election  have  drawn  close  and  more 
general  attention  to  the  Communist  Inter- 
national, and  though  its  character  is 
roughly  understood,  there  must  be  many 
who  would  be  glad  to  have  more  precise 
and  authentic  information  about  it.  The 
chief  points  of  interest  are  its  connection 
with  the  Bolshevist  Government  of  Russia 
and  the  conditions  of  admission,  which  lay 
down  the  duties  that  affiliated  bodies,  such 
as  the  Communist  Party  in  this  country, 
pledge  themselves  to  carry  out. 

The  following  survey  of  the  C.  I.,  or 
Communist  International,  is  given  by  the 
London  Times: 

The  Origin 

The  C.  I.,  which  is  also  called  the  Third 
International,  was  created  somewhat  hur- 
riedly in  March,  1919,  with  the  obvious 
intention  of  anticipating  or  counteracting 
the  Right  Wing,  or  non-revolutionary  So- 
cialists, who  were  attempting  to  recon- 
struct the  old  Second  International,  which 
had  gone  to  pieces  on  the  outbreak  of  war. 
The  Inter- Allied  Socialists  had  in  1918 
taken  steps  to  hold  a  general  conference  at 
Bern  in  February,  1919,  and  the  Bolshe- 
vists, seeing  what  was  in  the  wind,  rushed 
out  in  January  an  invitation  to  a  congress 
to  be  held  in  Moscow  at  the  beginning  of 
March.  The  hurry  is  evident,  because  it 
was  impossible  in  the  disturbed  state  of 
affairs  for  many  of  those  invited  to  travel 
to  Moscow  at  such  short  notice,  and  some 
never  received  the  invitation  at  all  until 
after  the  congress  was  over.  However,  it 
was  held  on  March  2-6  and  the  C.  I.  was 
set  up.  The  invitation,  which  condemned 
the  Bern  Conference  before  it  had  been 


660 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


held,  was  signed  by  Lenin  and  Trotsky  for 
Kussia,  and  the  manifesto  and  program 
adopted  by  the  congress  were  signed  by 
Lenin,  Trotsky,  Zinoviev,  Rakovsky,  and 
Flatten.  These  documents  laid  down  the 
aims  of  the  new  organization,  which  were 
simply  to  make  Bolshevism  a  world-wide 
movement  and  so  realize  the  Communist 
manifesto  of  Marx.  In  brief,  what  had 
been  done  in  Russia  was  to  be  done  every- 
where. This  had  always  been  the  dream 
of  Lenin,  who  regarded  the  Russian  Revo- 
lution as  merely  the  beginning  of  world 
revolution.  Zinoviev,  who  had  long  been 
a  devoted  disciple  of  Lenin,  was  made 
president,  and  he  has  held  that  position 
ever  since. 

At  the  second  congress,  held  in  August, 
1920,  tliis  country  was  represented  for  the 
first  time  by  four  delegates — Quelch,  Gal- 
lacher,  Pankhurst,  and  MacLaine — who 
signed  the  manifesto  issued  by  the  con- 
gress; it  was  signed  for  Russia  by  Lenin, 
Trotsky,  Zinoviev,  and  Bukharin.  But  the 
principal  business  was  the  adoption  of  the 
statutes  and  the  conditions  of  affiliation. 
The  most  interesting  point  in  the  statutes 
is  the  extreme  emphasis  laid  on  the  prin- 
ciple of  centralization,  which  is  empha- 
sized over  and  over  again.  There  must  be 
an  "iron  proletarian  centralism,"  "an  iron 
military  order,"  "the  strictest  discipline," 
&c.;  and  all  affiliated  parties,  organs,  and 
accessory  agencies  are  to  be  brought  under 
the  same  central  authority,  which  is  the 
executive  committee,  seated  in  Moscow, 
under  the  presidency  of  Zinoviev.  Russia 
has  five  representatives  on  it,  and  ten 
other  countries  have  one  each;  but  power 
is  taken  to  maintain  the  purest  orthodoxy 
and  suppress  all  independence  by  remov- 
ing persons  or  groups  who  show  any  signs 
of  doubtful  allegiance. 

Conditions  of  Affiliation 

In  order  to  make  clear  the  working  of 
the  C.  I.  in  other  countries,  it  is  necessary 
to  quote  the  conditions  of  affiliation  in 
full: 

(1)  The  entire  propaganda  and  agitation 
must  bear  a  thoroughly  Communistic  char- 
acter and  accord  with  the  program  and  deci- 
sions of  the  C.  I.  All  press  organs  of  the 
party  must  be  conducted  by  trustworthy  Com- 
munists who  have  proved  their  devotion  to 


the  cause  of  the  proletariat.  The  dictator- 
ship of  the  proletariat  must  not  be  spoken  of 
merely  as  a  current  stereotyped  formula,  but 
must  be  so  propagated  that  its  necessity  is 
made  intelligible  to  every  simple  workman, 
workwoman,  soldier,  and  peasant  from  the 
facts  of  daily  life,  which  must  be  systematic- 
ally observed  by  our  press  and  exploited  day 
by  day. 

The  periodical  and  ordinary  press  and  all 
publication  offices  of  the  party  must  be  com- 
pletely subordinated  to  the  central  authority, 
without  regard  to  the  question  whether  the 
party  as  a  whole  is  at  any  given  moment 
legal  or  illegal.  It  is  not  permissible  for  the 
publication  offices  to  misuse  their  independ- 
ence and  pursue  a  policy  which  does  not  com- 
pletely coincide  with  that  of  the  party.  In 
the  columns  of  the  press,  in  popular  meetings, 
in  the  trade  unions,  in  the  co-operative  socie- 
ties —  everyvirhere,  where  adherents  of  the 
Third  International  can  gain  admittance,  it 
is  necessary  to  stigmatize  systematically  and 
mercilessly  not  only  the  bourgeoisie  but  also 
their  assistants,  the  reformists  of  all  shades. 

(2)  Every  organization  which  desires  affili- 
ation to  the  C.  I.  must  regularly  and  system- 
atically remove  from  all  more  or  less  respon- 
sible posts  in  the  labor  movement  (party  or- 
ganizations, editorial  offices,  trade  unions, 
parliamentary  groups,  co-operative  societies, 
communal  administrations)  the  reformist  and 
center  elements  and  replace  them  by  ap- 
proved Communists,  no  matter  if  the  place 
of  "experienced"  opportunists  be  taken,  par- 
ticularly at  the  beginning,  by  simple  work- 
men from  the  rank  and  file. 

(3)  In  almost  all  European  and  American 
countries  the  class  conflict  has  entered  on  the 
phase  of  civil  war.  In  these  circumstances 
Communists  can  place  no  reliance  on  civil  le 
gality.  They  are  in  duty  bound  to  create 
everywhere  a  parallel  illegal  apparatus, 
which  will  assist  the  party  at  the  decisive 
moment  to  fulfill  their  duty  toward  the  revo- 
lution. In  all  countries  where  it  is  impossible, 
on  account  of  a  state  of  siege  and  exclusion 
regulations,  for  Communists  to  carry  on  the 
whole  of  their  work  legally,  it  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  combine  legal  with  illegal  ac- 
tivities. 

(4)  The  duty  of  disseminating  Communist 
ideas  includes  the  special  obligation  of  an  in- 
tensive systematic  propaganda  in  the  army. 
Where  this  agitation  is  repressed  by  prohibi- 
tive regulations  it  is  to  be  illicitly  carried  on. 


192  Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


661 


To  abandon  this  task  would  be  equivalent  to 
a  betrayal  of  revolutionary  duty  and  incom- 
patible with  membership  of  the  Third  Inter- 
national. 

(5)  A  systematic  and  planned  agitation  in 
agricultural  areas  is  necessary.  The  work- 
ing class  cannot  be  victorious  unless  it  has 
behind  it  the  land  proletariat  and  at  least 
part  of  the  poorest  peasantry,  and  has  se- 
cured by  its  policy  the  neutrality  of  the  rest 
of  the  village  population.  The  Communist 
task  in  agricultural  areas  is  of  outstanding 
importance  at  the  present  time.  It  must  be 
carried  on  chiefly  with  the  help  of  the  revo- 
lutionary Communistic  workers  of  the  town 
and  the  land  who  have  agricultural  connec- 
tions. To  abandon  this  task  or  to  hand  it 
over  to  unreliable  half-reformist  hands  is 
equivalent  to  abandoning  the  proletarian 
revolution. 

(6)  Every  party  which  desires  affiliation  to 
the  Third  International  is  bound  to  expose 
not  only  open  social  patriotism,  but  also  the 
insincerity  and  hypocrisy  of  social  pacifism, 
and  systematically  to  impress  upon  the  work- 
ers that  without  the  revolutionary  overthrow 
of  capitalism  no  international  court  of  arbi- 
tration, no  agreement  about  the  reduction  of 
armaments,  no  "democratic"  reconstruction 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  will  be  in  a  position 
to  prevent  new  imperialist  wars. 

(7)  Parties  which  wish  to  belong  to  the 
C.  I.  are  bound  to  acknowledge  the  complete 
breach  with  reformism  and  the  politics  of  the 
Center,  and  to  propagate  this  breach  in  the 
remotest  circles  of  their  members.  Without 
that,  a  consistent  Commimistic  policy  is  im- 
possible. 

The  C.  I.  demands  the  unqualified  and  de- 
finitive execution  of  this  breach  with  the 
least  possible  delay.  The  C.  I.  cannot  con- 
sent to  allow  that  notorious  opportunists, 
as  now  represented  by  Turati,  Kautsky,  Hil- 
ferding,  Hillquit,  Longuet,  MacDonald,  Modi- 
gliani,  and  others,  should  have  the  right  to 
count  as  belonging  to  the  Third  International. 
That  could  only  lead  to  the  Third  Interna- 
tional becoming  just  like  the  Second,  which 
has  gone  to  pieces. 

(8)  In  the  question  of  colonies  and  subject 
peoples,  there  is  needed  a  particularly  clear 
and  sharply  defined  attitude  from  parties  in 
those  countries  whose  bourgeoisie  possess 
colonies  and  hold  other  nations  in  subjection. 
Every  party  which  wishes  to  belong  to  the 
Third  International  is  bound  to  expose  the 


intrigues  of  its  own  Imperialists;  to  support, 
not  only  in  words,  but  with  deeds,  every 
movement  for  freedom  in  the  colonies ;  to  de- 
mand the  expulsion  of  native  imperialists 
from  the  colonies;  to  cultivate  in  the  hearts 
of  the  workers  of  its  own  country  a  real 
brotherly  relation  to  the  working  population 
of  the  colonies  and  the  subject  nations,  and 
to  carry  on  a  systematic  agitation  among  the 
troops  of  its  country  against  any  and  every 
subjection  of  the  colonial  peoples. 

(9)  Every  party  which  wishes  to  belong  to 
the  C.  I.  must  develop  a  systematic  and  per- 
sistent Communist  activity  within  the  trade 
unions,  works  committees,  co-operative  socie- 
ties, and  other  mass  organizations  of  work- 
men. Within  these  organizations  it  is  neces- 
sary to  organize  cells,  which  by  continuous 
and  persistent  work  must  win  the  unions, 
&c.,  to  the  cause  of  Communism.  The  cells 
are  bound  to  expose  everywhere  in  their  daily 
work  the  treason  of  the  social  patriots  and 
the  vacillation  of  the  Center.  The  Communist 
cells  must  be  completely  subordinated  to  the 
party  as  a  whole. 

(10)  Every  party  affiliated  to  the  C.  I.  is 
bound  to  carry  on  a  determined  fight  against 
the  Amsterdam  International  of  the  yellow 
unions.  It  must  propagate  among  the  work- 
ers, in  the  most  energetic  manner,  the  neces- 
sity of  breaking  with  the  Amsterdam  Yellow 
International.  It  must  support  with  every 
means  the  growing  international  unity  of  the 
Red  trade  unions  which  adhere  to  the  C.  I. 

(11)  Parties  which  wish  to  belong  to  the 
C.  I.  are  bound  to  submit  the  personnel  of 
their  parliamentary  groups  to  revision,  to  re- 
move all  unreliable  elements  from  them,  to 
subordinate  these  groups  to  the  party  author- 
ity, not  only  in  word,  but  in  deed,  by  demand- 
ing from  every  single  member  of  Parliament 
that  his  entire  activity  be  subjected  to  the 
interests  of  a  really  revolutionary  propa- 
ganda and  agitation. 

(12)  The  parties  affiliated  to  the  C.  I.  must 
be  built  on  the  basis  of  the  principle  of  demo- 
cratic centralization.  In  the  present  period 
of  acute  civil  war  the  Communist  Party  will 
be  in  a  position  to  fulfill  its  duty  only  if  it  is 
organized  in  the  most  centralized  possible 
manner,  if  iron  discipline  rules  in  it,  and  if 
the  party  center,  upheld  by  the  confidence  of 
the  membership,  is  furnished  with  the  fullest 
power,  authority,  and  the  most  far-reaching 
rights. 

(13)  The  Communist  parties  of  those  coun- 


662 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


tries  in  which  they  carry  on  their  work  le- 
gally must  from  time  to  time  undertake 
cleansings  (new  registrations)  of  the  com- 
position of  their  party  organizations  in  order 
to  purge  the  party  systematically  of  petty 
bourgeois  (lower  middle  class)  elements  that 
have  crept  in. 

(14)  Every  party  which  wishes  to  belong 
to  the  C.  I  is  bound  to  lend  unreserved  sup- 
port to  every  Soviet  republic  in  its  fight 
against  counter-revolutionary  forces.  The 
Communist  parties  must  carry  on  an  unam- 
biguous propaganda  to  prevent  the  transport 
of  munitions  to  enemies  of  the  Soviet  repub- 
lics; and,  further,  they  must  carry  on  propa- 
ganda with  every  means,  legal  and  illegal, 
among  troops  dispatched  to  strangle  workers' 
republics. 

(15)  Parties  which  have  still  retained  their 
old  social  democratic  programs  are  now 
bound  to  alter  them  as  quickly  as  possible 
and  to  work  out  a  new  Communist  program 
in  the  sense  of  the  decisions  of  the  O.  I.,  in 
conformity  with  the  particular  conditions  of 
their  own  country.  As  a  rule,  the  program 
of  every  party  affiliated  to  the  C.  I.  must  be 
approved  by  the  regular  Congress  of  the  C.  I. 
or  by  the  executive.  In  case  of  non-approval 
of  a  party  program  by  the  executive,  the 
party  concerned  has  the  right  of  appeal  to 
the  Congress  of  the  C.  I. 

"Acute  Civil  War" 

(16)  All  decisions  of  the  Congress  of  the 
C.  I.,  as  also  decisions  of  the  executive,  are 
binding  on  all  affiliated  bodies.  The  C.  I. 
having  to  work  under  the  conditions  of  acute 
civil  war,  must  be  far  more  centralized  in  its 
structure  than  was  the  case  with  the  Second 
International.  At  the  same  time  the  C.  I. 
and  its'executive  committee  must,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  in  all  their  proceedings  take  ac- 
count of  the  different  conditions  under  which 
individual  parties  have  to  fight  and  work, 
and  adopt  decisions  of  universal  application 
only  in  such  questions  as  admit  of  it. 

(17)  In  this  connection  it  is  incumbent  on 
all  parties  wishing  to  belong  to  the  C.  I.  to 
alter  their  titles.  Every  such  party  must 
bear  the  name  "Communist  International"  of 
such  and  such  a  country  (section  of  the  Third 
Communist  International).  The  question  of 
title  is  not  merely  formal,  but  in  a  high  de- 
gree a  political  question  of  great  importance. 
The  C.  I.  has  declared  war  on  the  whole  bour- 
geois world  and  the  yellow  social  democratic 


parties.  It  is  necessary  that  the  difference 
between  the  Communist  parties  and  the  old 
official  social  democratic  and  socialist  parties, 
which  have  betrayed  the  banner  of  the  work- 
ing class,  should  be  made  clear  to  every 
simple  working  man. 

(18)  All  leading  press  organs  of  the  parties 
of  all  countries  are  bound  to  print  all  im- 
portant official  documents  of  the  executive  of 
the  C.  I. 

(19)  All  parties  which  belong  to  the  C.  I. 
or  have  presented  a  request  for  admission  are 
bound  as  soon  as  possible,  and  not  later  than 
four  months  after  the  Second  Congress,  to 
call  an  extraordinary  meeting  to  examine  all 
these  conditions.  At  the  same  time,  the  cen- 
tral authorities  must  see  to  it  that  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Second  Congress  are  made 
known  to  all  local  organizations. 

(20)  Those  parties  which  now  desire  ad- 
mission to  the  Third  International,  but  have 
not  radically  altered  their  previous  tactics, 
must  before  admission  see  to  it  that  not  less 
than  two-thirds  of  the  members  of  their 
central  committee  and  of  all  important  cen- 
tral institutions  are  composed  of  comrades 
who  have  expressed  themselves  already  be- 
fore the  Second  Congress  unambiguously  in 
favor  of  admission  to  the  Third  International. 
Exceptions  are  permissible  with  the  approval 
of  the  Executive  of  the  Third  International. 
The  executive  of  the  C.  I.  has  the  right  to 
make  exceptions  in  the  case  of  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  Center  referred  to  in  (7). 

(21)  Those  party  members  who  disagree 
thoroughly  with  the  conditions  and  principles 
laid  down  by  the  C.  I.  are  to  be  expelled  from 
the  party.  That  particularly  applies  to  dele- 
gates to  the  extraordinary  meeting.  (Com- 
munist International,  No.  13,  pp.  92-96.  Mos- 
cow: The  official  journal  of  the  C.  I.) 

The  conditions  are  carefully  and  clev- 
erly designed  to  combine  widespread  mul- 
tiple and  systematic  propagation  of  Bol- 
shevism, with  strict  centralization  of  au- 
thority in  the  hands  of  the  Moscow  group. 
The  pretended  independence  of  the  C.  I.  is 
belied  not  only  by  its  whole  history,  origin, 
aims,  methods,  and  statutes,  but  also  by 
the  admissions  of  Zinoviev  in  a  speech 
made  last  February  to  the  Eussian  Bolshe- 
vists and  reported  in  the  Pravda.  He 
said: 

While  Lenin  was  in  a  state  to  direct  our 
work  we,  the  members  of  the  Communist  In- 


192J^ 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


663 


temational,  came  to  him  for  advice,  and  the 
whole  central  committee  agreed  that  his 
views  were  to  be  put  in  practice  without 
further  debate.  When  this  became  impos- 
sible, Lenin's  guidance  had  to  be  replaced  by 
that  of  a  collective  body. 

The  C.  I.  is,  in  effect,  a  department  of 
the  Moscow  Administration,  under  the 
charge  of  Zinoviev,  and  its  importance 
makes  him  a  very  influential  member  of 
the  party.  The  apparent  separation  en- 
ables the  Moscow  Government  to  speak 
with  two  voices;  one  makes  promises  to 
foreign  governments,  while  the  other  is- 
sues orders  in  an  opposite  sense  to  revolu- 
tionary parties  in  other  countries. 


FIVE  YEARS'  WORK  IN  THE 
DEVASTATED  REGIONS 

THE  latest  figures  concerning  recon- 
struction in  the  devastated  regions  of 
France  have  just  been  published.  They 
give  a  good  idea  of  what  has  been  accom- 
plished there  during  the  last  five  years. 

Plants,  Manufactures,  and  Workshops: 
To  be  reconstructed  at  the  time  of  the 
armistice:  22,900. 

Kebuilt:  January,  1921,  18,091;  Janu- 
ary, 1922,  19,442 ;  January,  1923,  20,150 ; 
January,  1924,  20,872. 

Dwellings:  To  be  reconstructed,  741,- 
933. 

Eebuilt:  January,  1921,  278,834;  Janu- 
ary, 1922,  355,479;  January,  1923,  575,- 
533;  January,  1924,  605,989. 

Population:  Before  the  war,  4,690,183; 
Armistice,  2,075,067. 

January,     1921,     3,288,152;    January, 

1922,  3,985,913;  January,   1923,  4,074,- 
970 ;  January,  1924,  4,253,677. 

Mines:  Number  of  mines  destroyed  or 
damaged,  200. 

In  operation  January,  1922,  106 ;  Janu- 
ary, 1923,  123;  January,  1924,  145. 

Highways:  Total  to  be  rebuilt  at  the 
end  of  the  war,  36,500  miles. 

Rebuilt:  January,  1921,  5,600  miles; 
January,    1922,    14,000    miles;    January, 

1923,  24,000  miles;  January,  1924,  26,500 
miles. 

Bridges,  Tunnels,  etc.:  Total  to  be  re- 
built at  the  end  of  the  war,  6,125, 
Eebuilt:  January,  1921,  2,653;  January, 


1922,  3,689;  January,  1923,  4,707;  Janu- 
ary, 1924,  4,800. 

Land  under  Cultivation:  The  work  of 
filling  old  trenches,  of  clearing  barbed 
wires  and  destroying  unexploded  shells  is 
practically   completed. 

At  the  time  the  Armistice  was  signed, 
1,923,479  hectares  (about  4,800,000  acres) 
of  land  had  been  rendered  unfit  for  culti- 
vation. The  progress  made  in  reclaiming 
that  land  is  shown  by  the  following 
figures : 

January,  1921,  1,007,240  hectares  (2,- 
600,000  acres) ;  January,  1922,  1,474,796 
hectares      (3,700,000     acres)  ;     January, 

1923,  1,763,769  hectares  (4,400,000 
acres) ;  January,  1924,  1,788,755  hectares 
(4,500,000  acres). 

Cattle:  Pre-war  number  of  oxen,  892,- 
338 ;  horses,  407,888 ;  sheep,  949,774;  pigs, 
356,610. 

Oxen.  Horses.  Sheep  Pigs. 

January,  1921: 

129,975  95,695         118,738  3,561 

January,  1924: 

529,940        299,690        429,000        183,720 

Financial  Effort  Made  hy  France  in  Re- 
construction :  The  total  amount  of  damages 
to  private  properties  was  estimated  by  local 
commissions,  after  investigation  on  the 
spot,  at  82  billion  francs. 

For  reparation  of  those  damages,  France 
has  already  disbursed  54  billion  francs. 

Moreover,  damages  done  to  government 
properties  (highways,  railroads,  canals, 
bridges,  etc.)  amounting  to  20  billion 
francs  are  now  almost  entirely  repaired. 


PAN-PACIFIC  SCIENTIFIC 
RESEARCH  WORK 

THE  first  Pan-Pacific  Food  Conserva- 
tion Congress,  which  came  to  its  offi- 
cial close  with  Governor  Wallace  E.  Far- 
rington's  banquet,  has  placed  the  Pan- 
Pacific  Union  on  a  firm  basis  as  an  organi- 
zation interested  in  scientific  research  in 
conservation  of  natural  resources,  and  in 
co-operation  among  Pacific  countries  in  all 
matters  of  interest  to  their  peoples. 

According  to  G.  E.  Allen,  writing  in  the 
Honolulu  Star-Bulletin,  one  of  the  less 
tangible,  but  nevertheless  important, 
achievements  of  the  conference  was  the 
bringing  together  from  all  over  the  Pacific 


664 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


of  men  with  similar  interests  and  similar 
hopes.  These  men,  many  of  whom  knew 
each  other  by  reputation  and  correspond- 
ence, met  one  another,  in  many  cases,  for 
the  first  time. 

Pan-Pacific   Representation 

In  representation,  the  conference  was 
truly  Pan-Pacific.  For  the  first  time, 
Eussia,  China,  Siam,  Indo-China,  and 
Latin  America  have  been  represented  at  a 
Pan-Pacific  scientific  conference.  For  the 
first  time,  delegates  from  foreign  coun- 
tries outnumbered  the  delegates  from  the 
mainland  United  States  and  Hawaii.  For 
the  first  time,  a  delegate  from  the  League 
of  Nations  attended  a  conference  of  "the 
Pan-Pacific  League  of  Nations." 

The  parts  of  the  world  represented  form 
a  continuous  line  around  the  border  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  There  were  Canada, 
mainland  United  States,  Mexico,  Latin 
America,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  Java, 
the  Philippines,  Siam,  Indo-China,  For- 
mosa, China,  Japan,  Korea,  Siberia,  and 
Hawaii. 

More  distinguished  persons  attended 
this  conference  than  any  other  one  held 
under  the  Pan-Pacific  Union's  auspices. 
In  the  delegation  from  the  United  States 
there  were  four  members  of  the  National 
Academy  of  Science — Dean  E.  D.  Merrill, 
Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Dr.  W.  A. 
Setchell,  and  Dr.  L.  0.  Howard. 

Australia's  delegation  consisted  of  a 
number  of  prominent  men,  headed  by  Sir 
Joseph  Carruthers,  leader  of  the  upper 
house  of  Parliament  and  former  premier 
of  New  South  Wales.  New  Zealand's  dele- 
gation was  headed  by  two  members  of  its 
legislature,  the  Hon.  Mark  Cohen  and  the 
Hon.  George  M.  Thomson. 

Indo-China  sent  heads  of  six  depart- 
ments and  members  of  the  governor's  staff. 
Her  delegation  consisted  of  Hippolyte 
Damiens,  assistant  chief  of  staff  of  the 
governor  general;  Viscount  de  la  Jarrie, 
director  of  the  bureau  of  French  Colonial 
Information;  Max  de  St.  Felix,  chief  of 
the  cabinet  of  the  governor  general ;  Henri 
Guibier,  inspector  in  chief  of  the  forests 
of  Indo-China;  Yves  Henry,  chief  of  the 
department  of  agriculture,  Armand 
Krempf,  director  of  fisheries,  and  Georges 
Marie  Le  Louet,  head  of  the  veterinary 
service. 


From  Macao  came  the  governor  himself. 
Dr.  Rodrigo  Rodrigues,  and  numerous 
other  government  officials  appointed  per- 
sonal representatives. 

The    Pan-Pacific    Scientific    Institute 

The  conference  has  been  doing  much, 
but  its  work  is  to  be  continued  through 
permanent  organization  and  through  work 
at  the  Pan-Pacific  Scientific  Institute  at 
Castle  Home,  announcement  of  which  was 
made  at  the  opening  of  the  conference. 

Castle  Home,  according  to  the  announce- 
ment, will  be  given  to  the  Pan-Pacific 
Union,  beginning  next  Christmas  Day, 
with  the  possibility  of  permanent  occu- 
pancy if  the  research  institute  is  a  success. 
The  plans  for  the  home  will  be  in  the 
hands  of  a  Pan-Pacific  Scientific  Council, 
Avhich  will  consist  of  the  section  members 
of  the  Pan-Pacific  Conservation  Confer- 
ence. 

Many  suggestions  have  been  made  by 
delegates  of  work  which  may  well  be 
undertaken  by  the  Pan-Pacific  Scientific 
Institute.  They  feel  that  it  can  direct  the 
work  of  scientists  working  in  co-operation 
throughout  the  Pacific  and  can  act  as  a 
clearing  house  for  scientific  information. 

Australia  will  be  willing  to  help  finance 
the  institute  in  recognition  of  the  work 
which  it  will  do  for  the  agriculture  and 
industry  of  the  country.  Sir  Joseph  Car- 
ruthers has  said.  Tentative  arrangements 
have  also  been  made  with  other  govern- 
ments and  institutions,  it  is  said,  for  the 
financing  of  the  project. 

Castle  Home,  or  some  other  centrally 
located  place,  has  been  suggested  as  a 
place  for  collections  of  rice  and  breadfruit 
species,  where  those  interested  in  their 
cultivation  can  study  them  conveniently. 

Fisheries  and  Sugar  Work 

The  Pan-Pacific  Scientific  Council  or 
the  directors  of  Castle  Home  will  have 
charge  of  the  work  of  the  proposed  Pan- 
Pacific  Fish  Survey.  The  Minnesota  dele- 
gation to  the  conference  will  continue  its 
work  on  a  fish  survey  in  Hawaii  and  will 
report  in  Minnesota,  after  which  details 
for  the  fish  survey  of  the  entire  Pacific 
waters  will  be  worked  out.  Each  group  of 
scientists  will  take  one  section  of  the  Pa- 
cific for  its  special  field  of  work,  and  the 
directors  of  the  Pan-Pacific  Scientific  Re- 


192Jf 


WORLD  PROBLEMS  IN  REVIEW 


665 


search  Institute  will  be  in  general  super- 
vision. Applications  have  already  been 
received  from  organizations  which  wish  to 
work  in  certain  places,  and  indications  are 
that  many  separate  groups  will  be  at  work 
within  the  next  two  years.  Each  group 
of  scientists  will  probably  put  in  two  years 
of  continuous  work  on  its  project. 

Formation  of  the  Association  of  Investi- 
gators of  the  Cane  Sugar  Industry  by  the 
sugar  delegates  to  the  conference  is  an- 
other outcome  of  the  gathering  which  will 
be  of  lasting  importance.  The  conference 
of  cane  sugar  men  plans  to  meet  once  every 
three  years  in  the  various  sugar-growing 
regions  of  the  world,  to  inspect  planta- 
tions and  mills  of  different  countries,  to 
exchange  ideas,  and  to  learn  of  new  and 
improved  methods. 

Announcements  of  recent  developments 
in  the  scientific  world  have  been  made  at 
the  conference  and  have  been  of  great 
interest  to  the  delegates.  One  of  the  most 
important  was  that  made  by  Dr.  P.  H. 
Browning  in  regard  to  the  probable  dis- 
covery of  the  foot-and-mouth-disease  virus. 
Discovery  of  the  cause  of  the  so-called 
"Lahaina  disease"  of  sugar  cane  was  an- 
other announcement  of  importance. 

Complete  proceedings  of  the  conference 
in  a  book  comprising  several  hundred 
pages  are  to  be  published.  The  publica- 
tion committee  consists  of  local  delegates, 
with  Hamilton  P.  Agee  as  chairman. 


RESULTS  OF  THE  GERMAN 
PEACE  AWARD 

HOW  can  peace  and  prosperity  be  re- 
stored in  Germany  and  in  Europe 
through  international  co-operation?"  was 
the  question  submitted  to  the  people  of 
Germany  in  a  competition  inaugurated 
during  the  past  months  by  Mr.  Edward 
A.  Filene,  of  Boston,  Massachusetts,  to- 
gether with  similar  competitions  in  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Italy.  Awards  of 
$10,000  in  various  graded  prizes  were  of- 
fered in  each  country.  The  purpose  of 
the  competitions  was  to  stimulate  wide- 
spread interest  among  people  of  all  classes 
in  the  problem  of  international  co-opera- 
tion, and  it  was  hoped  that  this  might  re- 
sult in  a  measurable  contribution  towards 
its  solution. 


The  awards  were  administered  by  dis- 
tinguished committees  in  each  country, 
including  such  men  as  Premier  Edouard 
Herriot,  Paul  Painleve  and  Leon  Bour- 
geois in  France;  Tommaso  Tittoni,  Luigi 
Luzzatti,  and  Guiseppi  Bianchini  in  Italy ; 
Sir  Arthur  Steel-Maitland,  Sir  William 
Beveridge,  Dr.  Ernest  Barker,  and  Pro- 
fessor Gilbert  Murray  in  England.  The 
German  competition  was  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Dr.  Walter  Simons,  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Leipzig,  assisted 
by  Count  Bernstorff,  Dr.  Breitscheid,  Dr. 
Hilferding,  Count  Lerchenfeld,  Dr.  Hugo 
Preuss,  Professor  Schiiking,  Count  Harry 
Kessler,  and  others. 

Over  15,000  plans  were  submitted  in  the 
various  competitions,  the  competitors  be- 
ing drawn  from  every  walk  of  life  and 
school  of  thought,  and  the  result  has  been 
to  reveal  a  large  and  important  cross-sec- 
tion of  European  opinion  on  international 
problems.  The  French  and  British  plans 
were  publicly  announced  on  September  1 
and  September  8,  respectively,  and  created 
widespread  interest  in  this  country.  The 
present  publication  of  the  German  prize- 
winning  plans  is  perhaps  of  even  greater 
interest  to  the  American  public,  as  indi- 
cating the  trend  of  thought  in  Germany 
today. 

The  adjudication  of  the  German  plans 
was  undertaken  by  a  jury  composed  of 
Dr.  Breitscheid,  Professor  Dr.  Harms, 
Count  M.  Montgelas,  Frau  Antoine  Pfiilf, 
Professor  Dr.  Ludwig  Quidde,  Legations- 
rat  Freiherr  von  Rheinbaben,  Dr.  Walter 
Simons,  President  of  the  Reichsgericht ; 
Dr.  Spahn,  and  Frau  Ministerialrat  Hel- 
ene  Weber.  The  final  selection  of  the  win- 
ning plans  from  the  4,400  plans  submit- 
ted was  completed  on  September  5. 

In  the  opinion  of  the  prize  jury,  no 
single  plan  was  outstandingly  qualified  for 
the  first  prize,  and  it  therefore  unani- 
mously decided  to  divide  the  first  prize 
between  the  two  comparatively  best  plans 
submitted.  The  following  survey  covers 
one  of  the  two  first  prize-winning  plans 
and  the  second  prize-winning  plan.  The 
text  of  First  Prize  Plan,  No.  1682,  is 
given  elsewhere  in  this  issue. 

The  First  Prize  Plan— No.  1681 

This  plan  states  that  the  dictate  of  Ver- 
sailles provides  a  breeding  ground  for  new 


666 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


war;  that  no  genuine  condition  of  peace 
has  yet  begun,  least  of  all  in  Germany, 
where  political  and  economic  tension  has 
reached  a  threatening  point,  and  that  be- 
hind a  new  World  War  a  world  revolution 
threatens.  It  holds  that  only  when  the 
problem  of  reparations,  with  the  experts' 
report  as  a  basis,  has  been  brought  to  a 
peaceful  solution  can  the  question  of  serv- 
iceable proposals  for  the  lasting  security 
of  European  peace  have  any  practical 
meaning. 

For  the  permanent  pacification  of  Eu- 
rope it  maintains  that  the  economic 
sources  of  conflict  must  be  eliminated  or 
so  restricted  that  a  decision  by  arms  is 
needless.  These  conflicts  must  be  regu- 
lated through  the  development  of  a  union 
of  economic  purpose  in  order  to  clear 
away  national  economic  rivalry  and  pro- 
mote the  national  existence  of  all  members 
of  the  Western  and  Central  European 
group  of  States. 

The  most  essential  steps  for  security 
depend  on  the  peaceful  solution  of  the 
reparations  problem  and  the  political  per- 
ils bound  up  with  it,  the  abandonment  of 
force  measures  in  the  occupation  of  the 
Ruhr,  and  in  the  immediate  solution  of 
the  armament  problem. 

The  League  of  Nations  is  considered  a 
valuable  instrument  for  peace,  but  its 
capacity  for  action  must  be  strengthened 
by  admitting  Germany  as  an  equal  mem- 
ber, and  by  supplementing  its  activities 
through  the  co-operation  of  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union.  The  latter  would  un- 
dertake the  establishment  of  a  special 
propaganda  center  for  peace,  would  deal 
with  the  question  of  a  special  security 
treaty  betwen  Germany  and  France,  would 
direct  the  immediate  completion  of  the 
general  disarmament  obligation  as  laid 
down  in  Article  8  of  the  Versailles  Treaty, 
would  examine  the  Versailles  Treaty  with 
a  view  to  its  revision  by  the  League,  and 
would  prepare  a  plan  to  clear  the  way  for 
an  economic  union  of  Western  and  Cen- 
tral Europe. 

The  Second  Prize  Plan 

This  plan  summons  the  nations  to  a 
common  peaceful  effort  toward  an  eco- 
nomic and  political  world  community.  It 
holds  that  world  solidarity  is  the  immi- 


nent idea  of  our  time,  which  is  ceaselessly, 
even  if  almost  unconsciously,  being  forced 
to  realization.  The  question  is  of  de- 
liberately embodying  the  ideal  of  a  world 
community  in  the  world  system  which  will 
otherwise  be  brought  about  at  the  cost  of 
appalling  sacrifices.  The  plan  considers 
the  political  organization  as  the  cause  of 
international  conflicts,  and  remedies  for 
this  are,  therefore,  provided  by  regulat- 
ing trade  and  commerce  between  the 
States  through  properly  constituted  com- 
mercial commissions,  by  providing  that 
diplomatic  steps  be  taken  always  through 
some  agency  of  the  League,  by  conclud- 
ing treaties  between  nations  only  under 
authority  of  the  League,  and  by  publicly 
conducted  negotiations.  With  regard  to 
disarmament,  the  plan  provides  for  the 
scrapping  of  all  war  materials  by  means 
of  a  consortium  constituted  by  the  League 
of  Nations,  the  entire  proceeds  to  be  used 
for  the  purpose  of  paying  off  the  war  debts. 
Armament  industries  are  to  be  reduced 
radically  and  placed  on  a  peace  basis.  The 
Treaty  of  Versailles  is  to  be  revised,  pro- 
viding for  the  complete  sovereignty  of 
Germany.  There  is  to  be  no  Ottomaniz- 
ing  of  Germany.  The  archives  of  all  coun- 
tries are  to  be  opened,  and  all  frontier 
districts  are  to  be  neutralized.  The  pres- 
ent rivalry  among  nations  is  to  be  aban- 
doned by  subjecting  all  colonies  not  ready 
for  independence  to  the  authority  and 
administration  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
by  the  abolishment  of  barriers  of  pro- 
tective tariffs,  by  the  regulation  of  travel 
between  States,  and  by  the  creation  of  a 
unified  system  of  weights  and  measures 
and  currencies.  The  organization  of 
world  economy  and  world  community  will 
require  free  trade  as  an  international  prin- 
ciple, will  necessitate  the  reorganization 
of  the  League  of  Nations  and  the  disso- 
lution of  modern  peace  treaties  which  do 
not  comply  with  the  new  principle. 

Note. — Since  receiving  this  German 
plan,  we  have  received  the  winning  plans 
of  the  Italian  Peace  Award — last  of  the 
series — to  which  we  have  referred  in  our 
editorial  columns.  Persons  wishing  to 
know  more  of  these  plans  may  write  to 
Edward  P.  Pierce,  Jr.,  5  Park  Square, 
Boston,  Mass. — The  Editor. 


IMPORTANT  INTERNATIONAL  DATES 
(October  I6-November  15) 


October  16 — Fighting  in  Canton  ends  and 
a  destructive  fire  is  stopped. 

October  17 — Five  thousand  well  -  armed 
but  leaderless  men  threaten 
Shanghai. 

October  18. — J.  P.  Morgan,  Premier  Her- 
riot,  and  Finance  Minister  Cle- 
mentel  hold  a  conference  in 
Paris  in  regard  to  the  raising  of 
a  French  loan  in  the  United 
States. 
The  new  Socialist  Cabinet  of 
Sweden,  of  which  M.  Branting 
is  Prime  Minister,  assumes 
office,  and  announces  its  pro- 
posal to  reduce  the  military 
forces  now  maintained  for  the 
country's  defence. 
The  funeral  of  Anatole  France  oc- 
curs in  Paris,  the  expenses  be- 
ing defrayed  by  the  State. 

October  19 — M.  Herriot,  the  French 
Prime  Minister,  delivers  a  long 
speech  at  Boulogne,  in  which  he 
reviews  the  government's  achieve- 
ments and  discusses  its  future 
policy. 

October  20 — President  Ebert  of  Germany 
signs  a  declaration  dissolving  the 
Reichstag. 
Zaghlul  Pasha  returns  to  Egypt 
after  a  conference  with  Premier 
MacDonald  in  London. 
General  von  Freytag-Loringhoven, 
well-known  German  writer  on 
history  and  science  of  war,  dies. 

October  21 — The  119th  anniversary  of  the 
Battle  of  Trafalgar  and  of  the 
death  of  Nelson  is  celebrated  by 
a  commemoration  service  in  St. 
Paul's  Cathedral,  London. 
The  Greek  Government  appeals  to 
the  League  of  Nations  to  inter- 
vene in  respect  to  the  arrest  of 
Greeks  at  Constantinople  by  the 
Turks. 

October  23— The  fifth  session  of  the  Per- 
manent Mandates  Commission 
of  the  League  of  Nations  opens 
in  Geneva  to  consider  British 
and  French  reports  on  Palestine 
and  Syria. 
Eailway  and  telegraphic  communi- 
cations between  Peking  and  the 


rest  of  China  are  suddenly  cut, 
as  Feng  Yu-hsiang,  the  "Chris- 
tian General,"  takes  possession 
of  the  city;  Feng  declares  it  is 
his  purpose  to  end  the  war  in 
China,  and  issues  a  presidential 
decree  ordering  hostilities  to 
cease. 

October  24 — A  Franco-Belgian  commer- 
cial agreement  is  signed  in  Paris. 

October  25 — Lord  Heading,  Viceroy  of 
India,  grants  extraordinary 
powers  to  the  Government  of 
Bengal  to  enable  it  to  suppress 
revolutionary  crime. 
Tsao  Kun  resigns  the  Presidency 
of  the  Chinese  Republic,  and 
General  Feng  orders  the  cabinet 
to  continue  its  work. 

October  27 — The  Council  of  the  League 
of  Nations  meets  at  Brussels  to 
consider  the  question  of  the 
status  quo  on  the  northern  Irak 
border. 
The  Allied  and  American  financial 
experts  meet  in  Paris  to  allocate 
the  reparation  payments  under 
the  Dawes  Plan. 

October  28— M.  Herriot,  on  behalf  of  the 
French  Government,  sends  a 
note  to  Moscow,  granting  recog- 
nition de  jure  to  the  Soviet  Gov- 
ernment. 

October  29 — The  Council  of  the  League 
of  Nations  determines  the  pro- 
visional frontier  between  Turkey 
and  Irak,  which  both  sides  have 
agreed  to  observe  pending  the 
final  decision  by  the  League. 
In  the  English  general  election  the 
Unionists  win  a  total  of  406,  a 
majority  of  208  over  all  other 
parties. 

October  30 — An  award,  to  be  known  as 
the  Wright  Brothers  Medal  and 
to  be  given  each  year  for  the 
most  meritorious  contribution  to 
aeronautical  science,  is  an- 
nounced by  the  Dayton  Section 
of  the  American  Society  of  Au- 
tomotive Engineers. 

November  1 — Gerardo  Machado,  Liberal 
candidate,  is  elected  President 
of  Cuba  by  a  majority  of  50,000 


667 


668 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


over    his    opponent,    Mario    G. 
Menocal. 
The  British  Empire  Exhibition  at 
Wembley  closes. 

November  4 — Eamsay  MacDonald  tenders 
to  the  King  his  resignation  as 
Prime  Minister  and  First  Lord 
of  the  Treasury,  and  Mr.  Bald- 
win accepts  the  Eling's  invitation 
to  form  a  new  cabinet. 
Negotiations  for  a  Franco-German 
commercial  treaty  are  resumed 
in  Paris. 
In  the  presidential  election  in  the 
United  States,  President  Cool- 
idge  wins  379  electoral  votes, 
227  more  than  the  combined 
votes  of  his  two  opponents,  Davis 
and  La  Follette. 

November  5 — The  Messrs.  Vickers,  at 
Sheffield,  England,  announce 
having  signed  a  contract  to 
build  an  airship  of  5,000,000 
cubic  feet  capacity,  more  than 
twice  the  size  of  the  ZE3. 
Soldiers  sent  by  the  provisional 
government  invade  the  imperial 
palace  in  Peking  and  compel  the 
young  Manchu  emperor  to  sign 
a  revised  agreement  between  the 
Manchu  family  and  the  Repub- 
lic of  China. 

November  6 — Stanley  Baldwin,  the  new 
English  Prime  Minister,  an- 
nounces the  names  of  his  cabinet 
members,  after  approval  had 
been  given  by  the  King. 

November  7 — Ramsay  MacDonald's  labor 
cabinet  relinquish  their  offices  to 
the  King,  and  Stanley  Baldwin's 
new  ministers  receive  them  a 
few  minutes  later. 
Premier  Herriot,  following  a 
stormy  session  concerning  the 
budget  in  the  Chamber  of  Dep- 
uties, wins  a  vote  of  confidence 
by  393  to  117. 
A  mandate  is  issued  by  the  Pro- 
visional Chinese  Government  re- 
storing the  honors  of  various 
personages,  including  Chang 
Tso-lin,  the  Manchurian  com- 
mander who  was  stripped  of  his 
honors  in  1922. 
The  attack  on  the  Cambattenti  by 
Fascisti  recently  in  Rome  causes 
a  split  in  the  Fascist  Party. 


November  8 — Following  a  general  strike 
on  the  Austrian  Federal  Rail- 
ways November  7,  involving 
95,000  men,  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment resigns;  Dr.  Hainish, 
the  President  of  the  Republic, 
accepts  the  resignation  of  the 
chancellor.  Dr.  Seipel,  but  re- 
quests him  to  remain  in  office 
pending  the  replacement  of  the 
cabinet. 

November  9  —  Senator  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  conspicuous  figure  in  the 
United  States  Senate  for  a  gen- 
eration, dies. 

November  10 — Abdel  Krim,  the  Rifi 
leader,  makes  a  statement  de- 
claring that  he  is  in  rightful  oc- 
cupation of  part  of  the  region 
on  the  Rif  border  within  the 
French  zone  in  Morocco. 

November  11 — The  nations  of  the  world 
pay  solemn  tribute  on  the  sixth 
anniversary  of  the  signing  of  the 
Armistice. 
On  the  occasion  of  the  celebration 
of  the  birthday  of  the  King  of 
Italy,  Premier  Mussolini  makes 
an  important  speech  in  defense 
of  his  Government  and  again 
sets  forth  the  aims  of  the  Fascist 
Party. 

November  12 — Mussolini  opens  his  parlia- 
ment, with  all  the  members  of 
the  party  of  the  opposition  ab- 
sent. 
Chang  Tso-lin  and  Feng  Yu- 
hsiang,  masters  of  North  China, 
urge  Tuan  Chi-Jui,  the  Anfu 
leader,  to  come  forth  from  his 
retirement  in  Tientsin  and  as- 
sume the  Presidency  of  the 
Chinese  Republic. 

November  13 — Foreign  Minister  Hymans 
suggests  the  desirability  of  a 
triple  entente  comprising  Bel- 
gium, England,  and  France. 

November  14 — An  agreement  is  reached 
between  the  United  States  Treas- 
ury Department  and  representa- 
tives of  the  Polish  Government 
for  the  funding  of  the  Polish 
debt  of  $178,560,000. 

November  15 — Mussolini  wins  a  vote  of 
confidence  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies  by  315  to  6,  with  26 
abstentions. 


THE  TWENTY-THIRD  INTERNATIONAL  PEACE 

CONGRESS 


BY  ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL 


Berlin^  October  9,  1924. 

THE  Congress  of  peace  workers  which 
began  here  in  Berlin,  October  2, 
ended  last  night  with  a  dinner.  A  drab 
statement  such  as  this  covers  practically 
every  peace  conference,  sometimes  it  must 
be  confessed,  with  sufficing  fullness.  It 
would  not,  however,  be  an  adequate  or  a 
just  summary  of  what  has  been  going  on 
here  in  the  "Reichswirtschaftsrat,"  a  gov- 
ernment building  formerly  devoted  to  the 
administration  of  the  German  colonies, 
but  now,  I  judge  from  the  word,  the  gov- 
ernment's house-cleaning  department. 

Co-operation   of   German  Government 

One  of  the  many  interesting  things  to 
an  ordinary  American,  wandering  around 
the  various  conferences  here,  is  to  note 
how  readily  the  present  German  Govern- 
ment turns  over  its  buildings  to  the  use  of 
the  peace  workers.  It  is  difficult  to  con- 
jure up  in  one^s  imagination  one  of  our 
peace  societies  at  home  holding  a  meet- 
ing, say,  in  our  Supreme  Court  chamber 
at  Washington,  of  the  American  Peace 
Society  holding  a  peace  demonstration  in 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  or  of 
our  Government  at  Washington  turning 
over  the  Department  of  the  Interior  to  a 
radical  peace  demonstration.  And  yet, 
here  in  Berlin,  I  have  seen  an  interna- 
tional conference  arranged  by  the  Union 
of  Radical  School  Reformers,  held  through 
a  number  of  days  in  the  New  Schoeneberg 
Rathaus ;  a  series  of  quite  radical  meetings 
in  the  Berlin  Stadthalle;  and  the  official 
opening  of  this  the  Twenty-third  Interna- 
tional Peace  Congress  in  the  Reichstag  it- 
self, Sunday  morning,  October  5,  when  the 
place  was  packed  with  German  men  and 
women  listening  to  an  address  by  Senator 
Henri  La  Fontaine  of  Belgium,  to  an- 
other by  Senator  Ferdinand  Buisson  of 
^  France,  to  another  by  Mrs.  E.  Pethick- 
Lawrence  of  England,  one  by  Paul  Loebe 
of  the  German  Parliament,  and  one  by 
Fridtjof  Nansen  of  Norway.  The  ova- 
tion which  this  large  audience,  mostly 
German  men  and  women,  gave  to  each 


of  these  speakers — standing  on  the  plat- 
form made  conspicuous  by  Von  Bethmann- 
Hollweg  and  others  in  1914 — gripped  the 
visiting  delegates,  at  least  one  of  them. 
There  was  a  dramatic  element  in  the  oc- 
casion. I  noted,  sitting  there  myself  on 
the  platform,  that  the  seating  capacity  of 
the  place  seems  larger  than  that  of  our 
own  House  of  Representatives.  The  deco- 
rations are  heavier,  more  ornate  and  sym- 
bolic. The  hall  is  lighted  from  above 
through  a  glass  the  centerpiece  of  which 
is  a  shield  and  an  eagle  with  savage,  red 
talons  astride  a  Greek  cross.  Every  seat 
is  taken  and  many  are  standing  on  the 
floor.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  gal- 
lery. At  11 :18  the  presiding  officer  rings 
a  little  bell.  There  is  silence.  Music  by 
stringed  instruments  and  a  flute  creates 
an  atmosphere  of  religious  solemnity.  The 
speakers  begin.  The  listeners  follow  the 
speakers  with  intentness  and  enthusiasm 
and  applaud  with  sincerity.  Every  appeal 
to  justice  and  freedom  and  peace  seems 
to  strike  a  tender  and  a  responsive  cord  in 
the  heart  of  each.  This  in  the  German 
Reichstag. 

Preparatory    Work 

The  preparation  of  the  work  of  the 
congress  was  delegated,  as  is  usual  in 
these  conferences,  to  commissions:  one  on 
actualities,  a  second  on  questions  of  in- 
ternational law  and  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, a  third  on  disarmament,  a  fourth  on 
economic  and  social  questions,  a  fifth  on 
education  and  propaganda. 

These  commissions  began  their  work 
Thursday,  October  2.  Their  sessions 
lasted  through  Thursday,  Friday,  Satur- 
day, and  some  of  them  into  the  next  week. 
It  must  be  said  that  the  members  of 
these  commissions  worked  diligently,  some 
of  them  through  three  sessions  daily. 
The  discussions  in  committee  sometimes 
reached  fever  heat.  Certain  representa- 
tives of  extreme  views,  resenting  the  will 
of  the  majority,  later  carried  their  pro- 
posals before  the  general  assembly,  where 
they  remained  defeated  but  unconvinced 
still. 


669 


670 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


Some  of  the  Proposals 

But  all  of  the  committees  were  able  to 
report  resolutions  acceptable  to  the  Con- 
gress. This  was  true  even  of  the  very- 
thorny  problem  of  the  minorities,  agi- 
tating particularly  the  newly  created  gov- 
ernments of  Central  Europe  and  the  Bal- 
kans. It  was  generally  agreed,  for  ex- 
ample, that  the  various  peace  organiza- 
tions within  the  States  where  there  are 
these  national  minorities  should  urge 
these  minorities  to  create  peace  organiza- 
tions on  their  own  behalf.  The  thought 
seemed  to  be  that  in  this  way  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau  at  Geneva  could  be 
kept  informed  of  the  nature  of  the  con- 
flicts arising  between  these  majorities  and 
minorities.  It  was  agreed  that  the  States, 
particularly  those  created  after  the  war, 
should  organize  the  protection  of  the  mi- 
norities in  a  way  that  these  minorities 
should  be  endowed  with  the  same  intellec- 
tual, moral,  religious,  and  economic  rights 
and  duties  as  the  majorities,  and  that  the 
existing  treaties  for  the  protection  of  these 
minorities  should  be  kept,  amplified,  and 
extended  to  States  that  have  not  yet  sim- 
ilar treaties.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this 
problem  of  the  minorities  must  of  neces- 
sity thrust  itself  into  the  discussions  of 
any  group  concerned  with  the  "actualities'" 
in  Europe. 

Other  "actualities"  were  noted  by  the 
Congress.  For  example,  it  was  felt  that 
FVance  and  Germany  are  showing  signs  of 
coming  more  hopefully  together.  The 
Congress  recognized  "with  satisfaction" 
that  nations  are  supporting  the  policy  of 
conciliation  and  peace  in  their  elections. 
The  acceptance  and  the  institution  of  the 
Dawes  Plan,  pledges  and  guarantees  by 
Germany,  a  comprehensive  treatment  of 
German  indebtedness,  the  recent  con- 
ference in  London,  the  fifth  Assembly 
of  the  Leage  of  Nations  at  Geneva,  the 
efforts  by  the  Leage  of  Nations  to  direct 
and  control  military  activities,  the  grad- 
ual evacuation  of  the  Ruhr,  the  proposed 
conference  on  disarmament,  were  all 
looked  upon  as  "actualities"  leading 
toward  a  real  international  peace. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Congress  af- 
firmed that  the  adequate  and  honorable 
payment  of  reparations  by  Germany,  the 
reconstruction  of  the  devastated  areas  in 
northern  France  and  in  Belgium,  "are  in- 


dispensable in  law  and  in  practice."  It 
urged  the  entry  of  Germany  into  the 
League  of  Nations,  and  the  firmer  estab- 
lishment of  the  International  Court  of 
Justice,  "supported  by  necessary  sanc- 
tions." 

The  International  Peace  Bureau  was  re- 
quested to  follow  with  special  attention 
the  course  of  events  in  the  Balkans,  from 
whence  sprang  the  World  War,  to  publish 
widely  information  of  the  situation  in 
that  section  of  Europe,  and,  if  necessary, 
to  take  steps  on  its  own  initiative  to 
awaken  public  opinion  to  the  claims  of 
civilization,  to  bring  governments  to  recog- 
nize their  duty  to  preserve  peace.  The 
International  Peace  Bureau  was  further 
urged,  in  accordance  with  a  custom  of  the 
past,  to  furnish  to  future  congresses  a 
detailed  report  as  a  suitable  basis  for  the 
discussion  and  decision  on  "actualities." 

It  appeared  that  the  Congress  was  in- 
terested in  political  prisoners,  "who  in 
many  lands  are  suffering  long  periods  of 
imprisonment  without  trial."  It  was  felt 
that  such  things  lead  to  misunderstand- 
ings and  increase  international  ill-will. 
The  military  campaign  now  devastating 
China  was  thought  apparently  to  be  "in- 
stigated by  certain  foreign  influences," 
and  the  Congress  pointed  out  the  danger 
to  all  countries,  even  to  those  remotely 
situated,  inherent  in  all  outbreaks  of  war. 
It  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Fifth  Assembly  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions has  passed  formal  condemnation 
upon  war,  and  that  there  is  no  conflict  in- 
capable of  solution  according  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  right  and  equity. 

The  Weakness  of  Attempting  Too  Much 

Looking  back  across  these  days,  perhaps 
the  outstanding  impression  is  that  in  at- 
tempting so  much,  very  little  has  been 
accomplished.  Seemingly  only  the  lim- 
itations of  time  curtailed  the  ambitions 
of  the  delegates.  Besides  matters  already 
mentioned,  some  were  concerned  with  the 
improvement  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
some  with  the  methods  of  peace  propa- 
ganda, some  with  the  codification  of  inter- 
national law,  some  with  the  difficulties 
arising  from  passports  and  visas,  some 
with  the  adoption  of  some  international 
language,  some  with  the  setting  up  of  a 
Pan   Europe,   some   with   the  alternative 


192J^ 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  PEACE  CONGRESS 


671 


service  laws  adopted  by  the  governments 
of  Sweden,  Norway,  Denmark,  Holland, 
and  Russia,  which  laws  recognize  the  right 
of  the  individual  to  refuse  military  serv- 
ice on  conscientious  grounds. 

The  Congress  went  on  to  advocate  the 
complete  disarmament  of  all  States  "with 
the  exception  of  the  police  force  neces- 
sary for  the  maintenance  of  internal  order 
and  the  collaboration  in  international  ac- 
tion." It  favored  the  general  abolition  of 
compulsory  military  service  and  "the  proc- 
lamation by  the  League  of  Nations  of  a 
prohibition  of  compulsory  military  serv- 
ice in  all  affiliated  States."  It  was  be- 
lieved that  all  private  manufacture  of  war 
materials  must  be  prohibited  and  the  arms 
industry  must  become  a  State  monopoly, 
under  the  control  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. One  group  of  the  Congress  felt 
that  the  maximum  eight-hour  day  should 
be  adopted  by  all  countries,  and  that  there 
should  be  a  universal  index  as  the  basis 
for  the  minimum  wages  in  the  different 
countries.  The  fourth  commission  felt 
that  this  should  make  impossible  that 
workers  of  one  country  are  lower  paid 
than  another,  and  that  thus  pressure  on 
wages  would  be  prevented.  The  control  of 
aircraft  came  in  for  its  share  of  discus- 
sion. It  was  pointed  out  that,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  economic  rivalry  is  one  of  the 
main  causes  of  war,  "it  is  of  the  greatest 
interest  to  establish  free  trade  as  soon 
as  possible,"  and  that  there  should  be  "an 
international  conference  for  economic  dis- 
armament." It  was  urged  that  there 
should  be  an  international  institution  of 
credit  and  finance  for  the  stabilization  of 
commerce,  for  the  flotation  of  interna-' 
tional  loans  and  the  control  of  these  loans, 
and  the  re-establishment  of  production, 
trade,  and  commerce.  One  group  pointed 
out  that  there  must  be  a  radical  reform  in 
the  whole  system  of  education  in  the  in- 
terest of  world  peace,  a  system  impreg- 
nated with  the  spirit  of  conscious  social 
unity  embracing  all  mankind. 

The  Congress  resolved  that  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau  should  arrange  for 
one  uniform  badge  for  all  international 
peace  congresses,  and  to  do  everything  in 
its  power  to  effect  a  closer  and  more  inti- 
mate union  of  all  the  peace  societies  of 
the  world,  and  to  issue  a  world  peace 
movement  yearbook,  giving  as  completely 


as  possible  a  list  of  addresses  of  societies, 
of  speakers,  of  publications,  and  the  like, 
together  with  a  short  up-to-date  outline  of 
the  world  peace  movement. 

Having  learned  that  members  of  the 
Danish  Government  are  working  for  a 
total  disarmament  of  Denmark,  the  Con- 
gress sent  its  congratulations  and  fer- 
vently hoped  that  this  large-hearted  initia- 
tive will  be  adopted  by  the  Chamber.  I 
have  since  learned  that  this  proposal  to 
the  Danish  Parliament  is  a  long  way  from 
adoption. 

It  was  suggested  that  one  of  the  most 
efficient  means  to  promote  international 
conciliation  is  by  personal  contacts,  and 
that  peace  societies,  therefore,  should  fa- 
cilitate as  far  as  possible  the  foreign  jour- 
neys of  their  members. 

Another  Dramatic  Picture 

Some  twenty  nationalities  were  repre- 
sented in  the  Congress.  About  a  dozen 
delegates  registered  from  the  United 
States.  There  was  a  delegate  from  Ar- 
gentina and  another  from  Bulgaria.  There 
were  two  Belgians  present,  a  score  or  more 
from  England.  Several  hundred  Ger- 
mans, members  of  various  peace  organiza- 
tions, registered  and  attended  the  confer- 
ences. There  were  sixteen  French  peace 
workers  present,  including  Ferdinand 
Buisson,  Prof.  Victor  Basch,  Lucian  Le 
Foyer,  Gaston  Moch,  and  General  Ver- 
raux. 

The  name  of  General  Verraux  reminds 
me  of  another  interesting  memory  of  this 
conference.  General  Verraux  is  not  only 
a  French  general,  he  saw  active  service 
in  his  country's  war  with  Germany. 
There  has  also  been  at  the  conference  an- 
other general.  General  Freiherr  von 
Schonaich,  a  German  general  who  saw 
service  on  the  other  side.  I  had  an  inter- 
view with  General  von  Schonaich.  He  is 
a  tall,  upstanding,  and  vigorous  type.  He 
looked  mildly  into  my  eyes  and  announced, 
"I  am  now  a  pacifist  general.^''  He  has 
written  a  book  the  title  of  which,  trans- 
lated into  English,  is  "From  the  Last  to 
the  Next  War,"  This  book,  which  has 
been  from  the  press  only  a  short  time,  has 
reached  its  second  edition.  General  Per- 
cin  of  France  and  General  Hamilton  of 
England  have  written  prefaces  to  the  book. 
The  General  tells  me  that  the  ambition 


672 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


of  his  life  is  to  win  people  to  pacifism, 
and  that  the  immediate  purpose  of  his 
book  is  to  convince  nations  that  it  is  to 
their  interest  to  adopt  the  doctrines  of 
pacifism.  But  the  interesting  memory  to 
which  I  have  just  alluded,  a  picture  which 
comes  back  now  to  me  clearly,  is  that  of 
General  Verraux  of  the  French  army  and 
General  von  Schonaich  of  the  German 
army  vying  with  each  other,  one  in  the 
French  and  the  other  in  the  German 
tongue,  from  a  common  platform  in  a  gov- 
ernment-owned building  in  the  city  of 
Berlin,  pleading  with  all  the  sincerity  at 
their  command  for  a  new  world  order 
based  without  equivocation  upon  the  un- 
alloyed principles  of  pacifism. 

As   to   Publicity 

The  papers  have  not  done  justice  to  this 
Congress.  They  have  represented  it  in- 
adequately. They  have  pictured  it  un- 
truthfully. For  example,  when  Prof. 
Victor  Basch  of  France  and  Herr  Loebe, 
former  President  of  the  German  Eeichstag, 
addressed  a  peace  meeting  in  Potsdam  on 
the  evening  of  October  6,  one  paper — 
printed  in  English,  it  must  be  confessed — < 
ran  at  the  head  of  its  leading  article  the 
next  day  "Potsdam  Scene  of  Facist  Riot 
incident  first  test  of  strength 
between  monarchists  and  republicans." 
The  facts  connected  with  this  meeting 
warranted  no  such  heading  whatsoever. 
When  the  head  of  the  police  of  Potsdam 
heard  that  there  was  to  be  a  meeting,  he 
notified  the  chief  of  police  in  Berlin  that 
he  would  not  be  responsible  for  whatever 
might  happen  at  the  meeting.  This  evi- 
dently was  a  monarchist's  expression  of 
resentment  that  there  was  to  be  a  peace 
meeting  in  Potsdam,  headquarters  of  the 
Nationalist  movement.  Berlin's  chief  of 
police  notified  the  Potsdam  official,  how- 
ever, that  he  would  be  held  strictly  re- 
sponsible for  any  disorders  which  might 
arise  because  of  the  peace  meeting.  The 
simple  result  was  that  there  were  no  dis- 
orders of  any  kind  whatsover. 

The  worst  that  can  be  said  of  this  In- 
ternational Peace  Congress  is  that  it  had 
its  share  of  what  Mr.  Roosevelt  called  the 
"lunatic  fringe."  But  it  had  no  more 
than  the  average  conference  of  a  similar 
size  where  reformers  foregather. 


The  Meaning  of  It  All 

These  gatherings  are  not  without  mean- 
ing. I  have  been  watching  the  men  and 
women  responsible  for  this  Congress  care- 
fully. I  have  talked  with  many  of  them. 
I  have  listened  to  their  views  and  tried  to 
understand  with  an  open  and  sympathetic 
mind.  Undoubtedly,  these  people  repre- 
sent a  transection  of  genuine  public  opin- 
ion— a  public  opinion  which  rulers  may 
well  bear  in  mind  as  they  go  about  their 
jobs  of  running  things. 

Reformers,  especially  when  they  are 
more  zealous  than  informed,  often  injure 
their  cause  and  at  best  secure  for  their 
efforts  only  smiles  of  forbearance,  if  not 
contempt,  from  the  men  in  positions  of  j 
responsibility,  the  men  who  control  and  I 
direct  policies.  Enthusiasm  is  a  most 
necessary  factor  in  the  upward  march  of 
humanity;  it  may  be  a  glorious  thing; 
but  it  may  also  be  a  foolish,  a  futile,  even 
a  harmful  thing. 

Yet  this  Congress  has  been  brought  into 
being  by  the  International  Peace  Bureau 
which  received  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize  in 
1910.  The  President  of  this  bureau  is 
Senator  Henri  La  Fontaine,  of  Belgium, 
who  received  the  Nobel  Peace  Prize  in 
1913.  Indeed,  the  second  award  of  the 
Nobel  Peace  Prize,  in  1902,  went  to 
Messrs.  Ducommun  and  Gobat,  officials  of 
this  bureau.  Dr.  Ludwig  Quidde,  long  a 
professor  in  the  University  of  Munich 
and  a  former  member  of  the  German 
Reichstag,  an  outstanding  peace  worker 
of  Europe  for  a  generation,  a  captivating 
personality,  with  sense,  devotion,  and 
sweetness,  has  been,  througjout,  the  main 
directing  influence  of  the  v~'ongress.  Of 
course.  Dr.  Golay,  Secretary  of  the  Peace 
Bureau,  has  been  constantly  at  his  post. 
Wehberg,  Schiicking,  Eickhoff,  Gerlach, 
not  to  mention  the  staff  of  secretaries, 
are  some  of  the  other  Germans  who  made 
the  conferences  go. 

But  the  Congress  has  meant  more  than 
any  person.  It  has  been  an  expression  of 
the  universal  will,  deep  in  the  hearts  of 
the  common  people  everywhere,  to  end 
war.  President  Harding  was  right: 
"With  the  possible  exception  of  a  few 
selfish  politicians,  no  people  in  all  the 
world  want  war." 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


By  the  Rt.  Hon.  LORD  PHILLIMORE 


(Note. — Following  Is  the  translation  of  the 
third  lecture  delivered  by  Lord  Phillimore  at 
the  Academy  of  International  Law,  at  The 
Hague,  July,  1923.  The  second  lecture  was 
published  in  the  October  and  November  num- 
bers of  the  Advocate  of  Peace.) 

I  AM  not  sorry  to  have  finished  my  long 
account  of  the  right  of  independence. 
The  rights  which  remain  for  discussion 
can  be  more  easily  explained  and  applied. 
The  third  branch  of  the  trunk  is  the  right 
of  self-defense. 

Calvo  calls  it  the  right  of  preservation, 
and  according  to  him  it  includes  perform- 
ance of  all  those  acts  which  are  indispen- 
sable in  order  to  repel  an  aggression  or 
avoid  an  imminent  danger. 

On  this  point  I  propose  to  cite  an  im- 
portant passage  from  Wheaton : 

"The  first  and  most  important  of  all  ab- 
solute international  rights,  that  which  serves 
as  a  fundamental  base  to  most  of  the  others, 
is  the  right  of  preservation.  Every  corporate 
body  from  the  moment  that  it  achieves  a 
lawful  existence  has  the  right  to  provide  for 
the  functioning  and  preservation  of  this  ex- 
istence. Therefore  political  societies  or  sov- 
ereign States,  lawfully  established,  also  enjoy 
this  right.  The  right  of  self-preservation 
necessarily  implies  all  the  other  incidental 
rights  which  are  essential  for  arriving  at 
this  object.  Among  these  rights  is  to  be 
found  that  of  repelling  with  force  against 
the  aggressor  any  unjust  attacks  against  the 
State  or  its  citizens. 

"This  form  of  the  right  of  preservation  is 
called  the  right  of  lawful  defense,  and  this 
right  comprehends  that  of  requiring  military 
service  from  all  the  peoples  of  the  State,  of 
keeping  on  foot  naval  forces,  or  of  erecting 
fortifications  and  imposing  taxes  and  requir- 
ing contributions  for  these  objects.  It  is 
evident  that  the  only  limit  which  can  be  put 
on  the  exercise  of  these  absolute  rights  is 
placed  by  the  corresponding  and  equal  rights 
of  other  States  or  by  special  treaties  with 
those  States."  * 

My  father  has  said: 
"The  right  of  self-preservation  is  the  first 
law  of  nations,  as  it  is  of  individuals.     A 


*  Wheaton's    Droit 
part  2,  ch.  1,  par.  2. 


International,    vol.    1, 


society  which  is  not  in  a  condition  to  repel 
aggression  from  without  is  wanting  in  its 
principal  duty  to  the  members  of  which  it  is 
composed  and  to  the  chief  end  of  its  institu- 
tion. 

"All  means  which  do  not  affect  the  inde- 
pendence of  other  nations  are  lawful  for  this 
end.  No  nation  has  a  right  to  prescribe  to 
another  what  these  means  shall  be,  or  to  re- 
quire any  account  of  her  conduct  in  this 
respect." ' 

It  is  not  difficult  to  form  an  idea  of 
what  this  right  of  preservation  carries 
with  it.  Every  State  has  the  right  to 
maintain  an  army,  and,  if  it  is  a  maritime 
State,  a  fleet,  and  a  sufficient  coast  guard 
for  its  security ;  to  fortify  its  ports  and  its 
frontiers  and  all  its  territory  against  all 
sorts  of  incursions,  military,  naval,  or 
aerial;  to  construct  and  collect  munitions 
of  war;  to  repel  hostile  bands;  to  refuse 
admission  to  evil-disposed  persons  and  to 
goods  which  are  unwholesome  in  them- 
selves or  hurtful  to  domestic  animals  or 
cultivated  trees  and  plants;  to  impose 
quarantine  and  every  kind  of  hygienic 
precaution. 

As  a  consequence  of  this  right,  the 
State,  if  it  perceives  in  any  neighboring 
State  military  preparations  without  ap- 
parent motive,  or  a  concentration  of 
troops  near  its  frontiers,  or  even  a  great 
increase  of  military  forces,  .will  be  en- 
titled, as  a  precautionary  measure,  to  de- 
mand explanation,  and,  if  the  answers 
made  to  it  are  not  satisfactory,  to  take  its 
own  measures  of  defense;  or  if  there 
should  be  a  gathering  of  conspirators 
against  its  security  which  finds  shelter  in 
a  neighboring  State,  to  make  its  own  de- 
mands accordingly. 

But  one  must  always  keep  in  mind  the 
counterpoise — i.  e.,  the  maxim  sic  utere 
tuo  ut  alienum  non  laedas.  and  that  each 
right  carries  along  with  it  a  reciprocal 
duty.  A  State  which  complains  of  the 
increase  in  the  military  forces  of  another 
State  must  in  itself  give  no  cause  for  such 
an  increase  by  its  own  military  or  naval 
preparations.  It  must  not  give  shelter  to 
people  who  are  endeavoring  to  subvert  the 
constitution  of  some  other  country,  etc. 

'  Phillimore's  International  Law,  sec.  211. 


673 


674 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


All  that  I  am  saying  to  you  on  this  point 
is  obvious,  and  there  is  no  place  for  deli- 
cate distinctions.  I  can  imagine  only  one 
exceptional  case.  If  the  police  of  a  neigh- 
boring State  is  so  feeble  that  it  lets  bands 
of  adventurers  form  near  the  frontier, 
must  the  other  State  remain  on  the  de- 
fensive, or  has  it  the  right  to  cross  the 
frontier  to  disperse  these  hostile  gather- 
ings ?  My  father  thought  that  it  had  the 
right,  and  in  connection  with  this  matter 
he  relates  the  affair  of  the  ship,  the  Caro- 
line^— that  is,  the  sinking  by  the  Cana- 
dian militia  of  an  American  ship  anchored 
in  American  waters,  which  was  about  to 
aid  a  revolt  in  Canada.  It  is  a  case  which 
has  also  an  interest  on  the  question  of  the 
discharge  by  a  Federal  State  of  its  inter- 
national obligations,  and  we  shall  return 
to  it  in  my  next  lecture.  My  father  justi- 
fies this  drastic  action  as  being  one  of 
legitimate  self-defense,  and  Hall  supports 
it  as  intervention  for  self -protection.* 
But  Calvo  expresses  himself  in  a  contrary 
sense : 

"In  strictness  we  think  that  this  is  to  go 
too  far,  to  encourage  the  abuse  of  force,  and 
to  malse  a  grave  attack  on  the  right  of  sov- 
ereignty." 

And  then  he  explains  that  one  ought  to 
begin  by  making  a  complaint  to  the  other 
State  and  putting  upon  it  the  duty  of  tak- 
ing necessary  measures,  and  that  after  this 
has  been  done  its  acts  or  omissions  would 
become  unfriendly  proceedings  and  give 
the  right  to  acts  of  retorsion. 

In  my  view,  always  excepting  cases  of 
emergency  like  that  of  the  Caroline,  a 
State  should  act  as  Calvo  says.  Or  now, 
in  the  case  of  States  which  belong  to  the 
League  of  Nations,  it  should  make  a  rep- 
resentation to  the  Council  of  the  League, 
according  to  articles  12  and  15  of  the 
Covenant. 

Westlake  says  that  one  may  go  too  far 
in  the  exercise  of  this  right.®  He  objects 
to  the  application  of  this  doctrine,  either 
in  jurisprudence  or  as  a  matter  of  moral- 
ity, in  the  case  of  individuals,  as  if  (to 
put  cases  which  occur  to  me)  on  a  ship- 
wreck two  persons  were  clinging  to  a 
plank  which  could  not  support  both,  or 

•  Phillimore,  vol.  1,  sec.  216 ;  vol.  II,  sec.  38. 

*  Hall,  sections  90  and  91. 

'  Westlake :  International  Law,  1904,  ch.  13. 


two  men  were  in  a  desert  or  in  the  Arctic 
regions  with  provisions  for  one  only.  I 
think  these  are  theoretical  objections.  I 
do  not  see  how  they  could  arise  between 
two  nations.  I  had,  indeed,  supposed  that 
it  might  be  possible,  in  the  development 
of  mechanical  science,  that  such  a  barrage 
of  the  Nile  might  be  set  up  as  could  turn 
the  river  away  to  right  or  left,  and  thus 
ruin  Egypt;  in  which  case  Egypt  would 
have  the  right  to  save  itself.  But  the  gen- 
eral law  with  regard  to  the  rights  of 
riverain  States  might  well  cover  such  a 
case.  However,  I  make  no  objection  to 
Westlake's  definition  of  this  right  as  a 
right  of  defense. 

Writers  sometimes  speak  of  the  right 
of  equality  and  the  right  of  respect  as 
separate  things,  but  they  can  be  treated 
together.  The  equality  of  States  is  a 
phrase  which  in  one  sense  is  a  truism,  but 
in  another  sense  false.  It  is  like  the 
equality  side  by  side  with  liberty  and  fra- 
ternity in  the  well-known  saying  estab- 
lished by  the  French  Eevolution.  It  is 
true  to  say  that  all  men  are,  as  regards 
the  law,  equal.  No  citizen,  no  State,  has 
a  right  to  have  a  special  law  or  privilege 
for  itself.  Laws  apply  equally  to  the 
noble  and  to  the  peasant,  to  States  which 
are  great  and  powerful  and  to  those  which 
are  small  and  weak. 

The  rights  of  sovereignty,  independ- 
ence, and  self-defense,  and  the  other 
rights  of  which  we  have  still  to  speak,  ex- 
ist for  small  States  as  well  as  great  ones. 
A  conference  of  the  Great  Powers  cannot 
make  new  international  laws  without  the 
consent  of  the  smaller  States.  Wherever 
unanimity  is  required,  the  dissent  of  the 
smallest  State  is  fatal.  This  appears  in 
the  Covenant,  in  which,  by  article  5,  ex- 
cept for  certain  questions  of  procedure, 
unanimity  is  required,  whether  in  the 
Council  or  in  the  Assembly. 

But  now  let  us  look  at  the  reverse  of 
the  medal.  For  practical  purposes,  one 
must  reckon  for  an  inequality  among 
States.  At  any  rate,  since  1815,  if  not 
before,  the  Great  Powers  have  exercised 
an  hegemony.  Every  one  of  the  schemes 
for  securing  perpetual  peace  which  have 
been  published  during  or  since  the  World 
War,  which  I  have  read,  and  I  have  pe- 
rused many,  have  accepted  this  kind  of 
hegemony;  and  it  is  to  be  noticed  in  the 


192J^ 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


675 


construction  of  the  League  of  Nations,  if 
the  formation  of  the  Council  be  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  Assembly. 

It  is  the  same  thing  in  the  Permanent 
Court  of  International  Justice.  After  the 
failure  of  all  the  attempts  which  were 
made  at  The  Hague  Conference  in  1907, 
and  after  we  in  the  preparatory  commis- 
sion had  found  ourselves  in  difficulty  be- 
cause the  equality  of  States  was  insisted 
upon,  the  genius  of  Mr.  Root  discovered 
a  method  of  election  which,  while  grant- 
ing the  suffrage  to  each  State,  gave  not- 
withstanding recognition  to  the  national 
authority  of  the  Great  Powers.  As  said 
the  poet  Sophocles : 

"The  small  stones,  without  the  support  of 
the  great,  make  a  feeble  and  tottering  fort- 
ress wall."* 

Nevertheless,  in  the  peerage  of  nations, 
each  State  is  entitled  to  respect — Ach- 
tung.  The  right  belongs  to  all,  great  and 
small.  The  style  which  each  gives  itself 
is  accepted.  We  give  to  it  and  to  its  chief 
the  titles  of  honor  that  it  claims.  We 
recognize  the  dignity  of  its  King,  Em- 
peror, or  Prince;  or,  if  it  is  a  Republic, 
of  its  President  or  the  members  of  its 
Directory.  Its  accredited  diplomats  will 
all  enjoy  the  same  privileges;  its  flag  re- 
ceives the  same  salutes.  It  is,  perhaps,  a 
question  of  courtesy.  But  these  matters 
are  not  unimportant  for  a  nation  which 
is  jealous  and  proud  of  its  fatherland. 

On  the  right  of  acquiring  territory  (ac- 
quisition), much  learning  is  to  be  found; 
but,  for  my  part,  I  am  not  going  to  detain 
you  long  by  discussing  this  subject,  be- 
cause almost  every  future  acquisition  will 
be  obtained  by  way  of  cession,  and  we  are 
not  discussing  rights  which  arise  from 
contract  or  the  products  of  a  treaty,  but 
only  those  rights  which  are  primary  and 
fundamental.  In  those  rare  cases  where 
acquisition  will  be  made  otherwise  than 
by  cession,  the  right  of  acquiring  by  occu- 
pation must  be  admitted  as  a  principle. 
No  doubt  you  will  remember  this  quota- 
tion from  La  Fontaine: 

"La  dame  au  nez  pointu  r^pondit  que  la 
terre  6tait  au  premier  occupant."  ^ 


•Ajax,  II,  158-159. 

'  Le  Chat,  La  Belette  et  le  petit  Lapln. 


But,  with  the  exception  of  some  deserts 
and  the  polar  regions,  there  is  now  no  part 
of  the  world  unoccupied.  The  difficult 
moral  question  on  the  right  of  occupying 
territories  where  savage  tribes,  though 
without  fixed  habitation  in  them,  were  ac- 
customed to  wander  as  nomads  are  now 
matters  of  ancient  history. 

In  a  somewhat  modified  sense,  one  may 
think  of  the  right  of  acquisition  as  the 
right  of  acquiring  the  riches  of  a  country, 
exploiting  its  territory,  unearthing  its 
minerals,  making  use  of  all  the  intellec- 
tual and  scientific  capacities  of  its  citizens, 
augmenting  its  commerce — in  fine,  devel- 
oping itself.  And  the  right  of  develop- 
ment (to  use  a  phrase  of  the  late  M. 
Zeballos)  without  any  interference  from 
any  jealous  neighbor  is  an  indisputable 
right. 

The  right  of  possession  of  public  treas- 
ure and  public  ships,  etc.,  to  bring  actions 
to  recover  or  maintain  possession,  is  a 
corollary  of  the  right  of  acquisition. 

Some  writers  make  the  right  of  juris- 
diction into  a  separate  right.  By  this 
they  mean  the  right  to  constitute  tri- 
bunals and  courts  of  justice;  to  confer  on 
them  the  authority  of  judging  causes  and 
giving  their  decisions  thereon  and  having 
them  carried  into  execution,  manu  mili- 
tari,  as  the  Roman  lawyers  used  to  ex- 
press it — that  is,  by  the  officers  of  jus- 
tice— sergens,  nuissiers,  etc.  (the  sheriffs 
in  Anglo-American  jurisprudence). 

It  is  as  well  that  you  should  understand 
that  this  right  exists,  but  for  my  part  I 
would  rather  treat  it  as  a  branch  from  or 
a  consequence  of  the  right  of  sovereignty 
than  a  separate  right. 

At  this  point,  gentlemen,  I  set  myself 
to  study  the  texts,  so  as  to  be  certain  that 
jurisprudence  did  not  conceive  of  other 
rights  besides  those  with  which  I  have 
been  occupying  myself.  I  was  reassured. 
Even  the  careful  enumeration  of  Cruchaga 
and  his  recapitulation  of  the  rights  men- 
tioned by  his  predecessors  did  not  reveal 
any  other  rights  except  those  which  I 
have  mentioned  and  those  about  which  I 
still  propose  to  speak.  It  is  true  that 
writers  do  not  always  use  the  same  terms. 

I  pass,  therefore,  on  to  the  three  last 
rights,  which  can  be  grouped  under  one 
formula — relative  rights.  They  are  the 
right  of  embassy,  the  supplementary  right 


676 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


of  making  treaties,  and  the  right  of  com- 
merce. 

It  is  well  that  I  should  remind  you  here 
of  that  which  I  said  in  my  first  lecture, 
that  it  is  impossible  in  practice  for  a  State 
to  escape  from  having  relations  with  other 
States,  and  it  is  in  order  that  these  rela- 
tions may  be  properly  established  that  use 
is  made  of  the  first  right,  the  right  of 
embassy. 

When  I  speak  of  embassy  and  an  am- 
bassador I  use  these  words  in  a  general 
sense,  understanding  thereby  every  sort  of 
diplomatic  representation  from  one  State 
towards  another.  Comprised  under  this 
genus  are  the  following  species:  the  am- 
bassador in  the  strict  sense,  the  officer  who 
is  called  "ministre"  in  French  and  in 
English  envoy  extraordinary  and  minister 
plenipotentiary,  and  also  the  charge 
d'affaires  and  the  diplomatic  agent.  In  a 
word,  I  speak  of  all  those  whom  Bynker- 
shoek  calls  "legati." 

From  time  to  time  it  is  necessary  for 
every  State  to  communicate  with  another 
State — that  is  to  say,  to  make  friendly 
communications;  to  offer  excuses  if  any 
injury  has  been  done  by  the  State  or  its 
citizens  to  the  subjects  of  another  State; 
to  demand  the  discontinuance  of  some 
injury  being  done  or  compensation  for  an 
injury  already  done ;  to  give  explanations ; 
to  effect  reconciliations  and  to  agree  upon 
measures  which  are  advantageous  to  the 
citizens  of  the  two  countries. 

The  bearer  of  such  commissions  must 
necessarily  have  the  right  to  a  safe  con- 
duct and  a  peaceful  reception.  This  is  the 
elementary  condition  of  the  right  of  em- 
bassy. Then  progress  is  made  on  these 
lines.  The  messenger  is  directed  to  make 
explanations  viva  voce,  to  receive  them 
personally,  to  enter  into  conversations. 
Then  he  becomes  a  real  ambassador.  And 
on  the  occasions  when  there  is  need  of  an 
ambassador,  the  State  has  a  right  to  send 
one,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  other  State 
to  receive  him,  always  provided  he  is  a 
persona  grata;  for  if  by  possibility  he 
might  be  a  spy  or  a  breeder  of  quarrels  or 
likely  to  start  a  conspiracy,  the  State  to 
whom  he  is  accredited  has  a  right  to  say, 
"Find  me  some  one  else." 

So  far  I  have  been  speaking  of  an  em- 
bassy sent  for  a  particular  occasion,  tem- 
porary, ad  hoc.     No  State  has  a  right  to 


demand  of  another  State  that  it  should 
admit  the  residence  of  a  foreigner,  bound 
in  duty  to  his  own  State,  privileged  by 
virtue  of  his  position,  always  at  hand  to 
collect  and  report  the  proceedings  of  the 
government — perhaps  the  most  secret 
ones — and  the  floating  currents  of  public 
oj)inion. 

A  permanent  embassy  is  not  a  matter  of 
right.  The  Amir  of  Afghanistan  was,  in 
my  opinion,  "dans  son  droit"  when  in 
years  past  he  refused  to  admit  a  resident 
English  ambassador.  And  it  was,  as  I 
thought  at  the  time,  a  mistake  when  my 
country  used  its  right  as  a  conqueror  to 
insist  upon  such  a  permanent  embassy — 
a  mistake  which  entailed  sad  results. 

I  should  agree  with  a  government  which, 
while  admitting  the  presence  of  a  Russian 
negotiator  for  the  purpose  of  solving  a 
particular  question,  refused  him  permis- 
sion to  make  a  long  stay,  while  the  Soviet 
Government  took  up  a  position  upsetting 
and  disturbing  the  repose  of  other  States. 

But,  though  a  permanent  embassy  is  not 
a  matter  of  right,  its  existence  has  been 
so  much  accepted  for  a  long  time  by  most 
of  the  States  of  the  world,  accepted  with 
reciprocity,  "sub  mutas  vicissitudinis 
obtentu,"  to  use  a  phrase  taken  from  the 
canon  law,  that  it  would  be  a  grave  and 
unfriendly  act  if  a  State,  without  some 
serious  reason,  refused  to  receive  a  resi- 
dent ambassador. 

This  being  so,  the  position  of  an  am- 
bassador, a  privileged  foreigner  enjoying 
the  right  of  exterritoriality,  has  led  to 
almost  a  code  of  special  laws,  which  will 
be  discussed  in  the  lectures  of  my  col- 
league, M.  Strisower. 

Now  I  pass  to  the  right  of  making 
treaties.  "What!"  some  one  will  ask  me, 
"cannot  one  enter  into  contracts  with 
whom  one  wishes?  Is  there  a  different 
rule  for  individuals  and  for  States?"  I 
answer  that  I  agree  with  you  and  that  it 
would  be  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word 
impertinent  if  State  X  were  to  complain 
that  States  A  and  B  have  come  to  an 
agreement  between  themselves.  Never- 
theless, it  will  be  useful  to  insist  somewhat 
on  this  right. 

For  history  teaches  us  that  a  powerful 
State  has  sometimes  considered  that  it 
had  another  State,  so  to  speak,  "in  its 
pocket,"  and  has  gone  so  far  as  to  treat 


192 Ji. 


RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES  OF  STATES 


677 


it  as  an  act  of  treachery  if  that  State 
contracted  a  treaty  without  its  permission. 

It  is  the  touchstone  of  a  protectorate. 
A  protected  State  cannot  make  treaties 
except  with  the  permission  of  the  protec- 
tor State.  For  this  very  reason,  therefore, 
the  right  to  make  treaties  is  so  plainly  a 
mark  of  independence  that  it  must  be 
insisted  upon. 

Nevertheless,  as  always,  this  right  has 
its  limitations.  If  by  treaties  of  alliance, 
such  as  would  form  a  league  for  offensive 
purposes,  the  peace  of  some  other  State 
was  threatened,  this  latter  could  in  its 
turn  avail  itself  of  the  right  of  self- 
defense.  To  avoid  this  danger,  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations  contains 
three  articles : 

"Article  18.  Every  treaty  or  international 
engagement  entered  into  hereafter  by  any 
member  of  the  League  shall  be  forthwith 
registered  with  the  Secretariat  and  shall  as 
soon  as  possible  be  published  by  it.  No  such 
treaty  or  international  engagement  shall  be 
binding  until  so  registered. 

"Article  19.  The  Assembly  may  from  time 
to  time  advise  the  reconsideration  by  mem- 
bers of  the  League  of  treaties  which  have 
become  inapplicable  and  the  consideration  of 
international  conditions  whose  continuance 
might  endanger  the  peace  of  the  world. 

"Article  20.  The  members  of  the  League 
sevei'ally  agree  that  this  Covenant  is  accepted 
as  abrogating  all  obligations  or  understand- 
ings inter  se  which  are  inconsistent  with  the 
terms  thereof,  and  solemnly  undertake  that 
they  will  not  hereafter  enter  into  any  engage- 
ments inconsistent  with  the  terms  thereof. 

"In  case  any  member  of  the  League  shall, 
before  becoming  a  member  of  the  League, 
have  undertaken  any  obligations  inconsistent 
with  the  terms  of  this  Covenant,  it  shall  be 
the  duty  of  such  member  to  take  immediate 
steps  to  procure  its  release  from  such  obliga- 
tions." 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  right  of  com- 
merce (Verkehr).  This  right,  one  should 
remark,  is  not  the  right  of  a  State  in  its 
corporate  capacity.  It  is  the  right  of  its 
subjects,  the  citizens  of  its  nation. 

Here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  treaties,  a 
third  State  cannot  offer  opposition  to  the 
subjects  of  two  other  States  engaging  in 
mutual  commerce.'  If  the  United  States 
sends  goods  to  Holland  and  the  people  of 


Holland  wish  to  receive  them,  France  can- 
not forbid  this  commerce.  Yes;  but  if 
Holland  does  not  desire  that  its  subjects 
should  receive  American  merchandise? 

I  must  ask  pardon  of  our  hosts  for  the 
supposition  that  Holland  could  be  capable 
of  so  unreasonable  an  act;  but  still,  if  it 
pleased  her  to  forbid  commerce  with  some 
other  country — that  is  to  say,  to  order  its 
citizens  not  to  receive  products  of  another 
country — it  would  be  within  its  rights. 
There  are  examples  to  be  found  every- 
where. In  my  country  there  is  a  prohibi- 
tion on  the  importation  of  cattle,  with  a 
noteworthy  and  recent  exception  for 
Canada;  also,  we  do  not  allow  dogs  to  be 
imported.  In  many  countries  all  kinds  of 
vegetable  objects  which  might  carry 
phylloxera  are  forbidden. 

In  Article  23  of  the  Covenant,  on  the 
subject  of  mandates,  it  is  stated: 

"Other  peoples  *  *  ♦  are  at  such  a 
stage  that  the  mandatory  must  be  respon- 
sible for  the  administration  of  the  territory 
under  conditions"     *     *     * 

Among  which  are  enumerated — 

"the  prohibition  of  abuses  such  as  the 
slave  trade,  the  arms  traffic,  and  the  liquor 
traffic."    *    *    * 


admission   for  the 
certain 


m 


Here   we   trace   an 
right  to  forbid  commerce 
articles. 

If  you  substitute  for  absolute  prohibi- 
tion an  imposition  of  duty  so  discourag- 
ingly  heavy  as  almost  to  amount  to  actual 
prohibition,  you  will  find  nearly  every- 
where custom  duties  proposed  for  the  pro- 
tection of  native  industries. 

Myself  I  have  always  been  a  disciple  of 
Cobden,  Laveleye,  and  Gladstone — a  deter- 
mined supporter  of  free  trade ;  but  I  must 
admit  that  this  doctrine  has  not  made 
much  progress  during  the  last  80  years. 
Even  in  my  own  country,  which  is  the 
source  of  this  tenet,  they  have  lately 
fallen  away  with  a  law  which  professes  to 
be  for  the  safeguarding  of  certain  indus- 
tries (Act  of  1921,  11  and  12  George  V, 
c.  47). 

Again,  by  a  sort  of  analogy,  there  are 
certain  countries  which  do  not  permit  free 
immigration.  I  shall  speak  more  fully 
about  these  in  my  next  lecture. 

'  See  also  Holtzendorff,  sec.  2(J. 


678 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


Now,  as  to  exportation,  a  matter  of 
greater  delicacy,  I  do  not  think  that  up 
to  this  moment  any  State  has  pushed  its 
rights  so  far  as  to  refuse  to  supply  foreign- 
ers with  raw  materials;  but  till  quite 
lately,  if  not  still,  the  law  of  Holland  for- 
bade the  exportation  of  sugar  unless  by 
license  or  in  minute  quantities;  and  Italy 
does  not  allow  objects  of  antiquity  or  its 
masterpieces  of  painting  and  sculpture  to 
be  taken  out  of  the  country. 

It  is  all  very  well  to  speak  of  the  right 
of  commerce,  but  in  reality  Vattel  is  right 
when  he  imposes  his  limitations: 

"Seeing,  then,  that  a  nation  has  not  by 
nature  the  right  to  sell  its  merchandise  to 
another  which  does  not  wish  to  buy  it,  and 
that  she  has  only  an  imperfect  right  to  buy 
from  other  nations  what  she  needs ;  that  it 
is  for  these  latter  to  determine  whether  they 
are  in  the  position  to  sell  or  are  not,  and 
that  commerce  consists  in  the  reciprocal  sale 
and  purchase  of  all  sorts  of  merchandise, 
it  is  evident  that  it  is  a  matter  which  depends 
on  the  will  of  each  nation  whether  she  will 
or  will  not  have  commerce  with  another. 
And  if  she  is  willing  to  permit  it  to  a  nation, 
it  is  still  for  her  to  permit  it  under  such 
conditions  as  she  may  deem  suitable.  For 
in  permitting  commerce  with  her,  she  grants 
to  her  a  right;  and  every  one  is  free  to 
attach  such  conditions  as  one  pleases  to  a 
right  which  one  voluntarily  grants."  • 

Calvo  well  says: 

"That  it  is  in  virtue  of  this  same  principle 
of  the  mutual  independence  of  nations  that 
one  cannot  refuse  to  any  people  the  right  of 
refusing  to  admit  foreign  commerce,  to  pro- 
hibit the  exportation  of  its  products  or  its 
treasures  and  to  prevent  immigration."  " 

I  am  bold  enough  to  refuse  to  follow 
the  authority  of  Cruchaga  when  he  says: 

"Do  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  a 
State  extend  so  far  as  to  authorize  it  to  shut 
all  its  doors  against  foreign  commerce,  thus 
isolating  itself  completely?  Certainly  not, 
because,  as  we  have  seen,  the  right  of  every 
State  has  for  its  limit  the  right  of  others."  " 

For  my  part,  it  seems  to  me  that  the 
best  statement  of  principle  on  this  ques- 
tion is  to  be  found  in  Oppenheim,  a  jurist 

•  Vattel :  Droit  de  Gens,  sec.  92. 


of  great  distinction,  from  whom  I  extract 
a  rather  long  quotation : 

"Many  adherents  of  the  doctrine  of  funda- 
mental rights  include  therein  also  a  right  of 
intercourse  of  every  State  with  all  others. 
This  right  of  intercourse  is  said  to  contain  a 
right  of  diplomatic,  commercial,  postal  tele- 
graphic intercourse,  of  intercourse  by  rail- 
way, a  right  of  foreigners  to  travel  and 
reside  on  the  territory  of  every  State,  and 
the  like.  But,  if  the  real  facts  of  inter- 
national life  are  taken  into  consideration,  it 
becomes  at  once  apparent  that  such  a  funda- 
mental right  of  intercourse  does  not  exist. 
All  the  consequences  which  are  said  to  follow 
from  the  right  of  intercourse  are  not  at  all 
consequences  of  a  right,  but  nothing  else 
than  consequences  of  the  fact  that  inter- 
course between  the  States  is  a  condition  with- 
out which  a  law  of  nations  would  not  and 
could  not  exist.  The  civilized  States  make 
a  community  of  States  because  they  are  knit 
together  through  their  common  interests  and 
the  manifold  intercourse  which  serves  these 
interests.  Through  intercourse  with  one  an- 
other and  with  the  growth  of  their  common 
interests,  the  law  of  nations  has  grown  up 
among  the  civilized  States,  Where  there  is 
no  intercourse,  there  cannot  be  a  community 
and  a  law  for  such  community.  A  State 
cannot  be  a  member  of  the  family  of  nations 
and  an  international  person  If  it  has  no  inter- 
course whatever  with  at  least  one  or  more 
other  States.  Varied  intercourse  with  other 
States  is  a  necessity  for  every  civilized 
State.  .  .  .  But  no  special  right  or 
rights  of  intercourse  between  the  States  exist, 
according  to  the  law  of  nations.  It  is  because 
such  special  rights  of  intercourse  do  not  exist 
that  the  States  conclude  special  treaties 
regarding  matters  of  post,  telegraphs,  tele- 
phones, railways  and  commerce.  On  the 
other  hand,  most  States  keep  up  protective 
duties  to  exclude  or  hamper  foreign  trade 
in  the  interest  of  their  home  commerce,  in- 
dustry and  agriculture.  And  although  as  a 
rule  they  allow  aliens  to  travel  and  to  reside 
on  their  territory,  they  can  expel  every  for- 
eign subject,,  according  to  discretion."  " 

Hall   certainly,"   and   it   seems   to   me 


"Calvo:  Droit  International,  sec.  385. 

"  Cruchaga :  Nociones  de  Derecho  Interna- 
tional, sec.  249. 

"  L,  Oppenheim :  International  Law,  vol.  1, 
pages  199-200, 

"  Ed,  Pearce  Higgins,  sec.  13. 


192J^ 


FOREIGN  SOCIETIES  IN  PEKING 


679 


Holzendorff  "  also,  is  of  the  same  opinion. 
It  follows  that  the  right  of  commerce 
exists  only  as  the  right  of  any  two  nations 
to  engage  in  commerce  between  each  other 
without  interference  from  a  third  State, 
and  that  for  all  other  cases  it  is  rather  a 
proposition  of  political  wisdom  than  one 
of  jurisprudence. 

So,    gentlemen,    of   the   three   relative 
rights,  the  right  of  embassy  exists  abso- 


"  Holzendorff,  sec.  26. 


lutely,  but  only  within  certain  limits;  the 
rights  to  make  treaties  and  to  engage  in 
commerce  exist  only  relatively — that  is  to 
say,  that  if  two  States  desire  to  bind  them- 
selves by  an  ordinary  treaty  or  to  engage 
mutually  in  commerce,  a  third  State  has 
no  right  to  interfere.  But  no  State  can 
insist  that  another  State  should  make  a 
treaty  with  it  or  engage  in  commerce 
with  it. 

So,  gentlemen,  I  conclude  the  chapter 
on  fundamental  rights. 


FOREIGN  SOCIETIES  IN  PEKING 

By  JOHN  GILBERT  REID 
President  of  the  International  Institute  of  China 


AN  eminent  Chinese  physician  re- 
cently made  a  suggestion  which  was 
something  like  this:  In  Peking  there  are 
too  many  societies,  all  with  different  offi- 
cers and  membership  lists;  also  member- 
ship fees.  Why  not  form  one  large,  all- 
embracing  organization  and  have  the  vari- 
ous society  activities  included  under  de- 
partment heads  ?  For  instance,  a  resident 
of  Peking  might  be  interested  in  literature 
and  public  questions ;  then  he  could  attend 
the  meetings  of  the  departments  under 
those  headings,  which  now,  offered  by 
separate  societies,  he  can  only  attend  if  a 
member  of  both  societies.  That  means, 
if  the  all-embracing  organization  were 
adopted,  the  various  independent  clubs 
and  societies  in  Peking  would  unite, 
amalgamate,  and  divide  up  into  branches 
of  one  society.  The  present  Chinese  So- 
cial and  Political  Science  Association 
would  then  be  a  department  with  the 
same  purpose;  the  present  Historical  As- 
sociation would  be  another  department; 
the  present  Wen  Yu  Hui  would  be  a  third 
department;  the  present  "Things  Chi- 
nese" Society  would  be  a  fourth;  the 
present  Friday  Study  Club  a  fifth;  the 
Mothers'  Club  a  sixth,  and  so  forth — all, 
however,  being  necessary  and  desirable 
parts  of  the  one  parent  organization, 
which  would  be  international  in  character, 
broad  in  purpose,  and  useful  in  extent  and 
scope. 

While  it  is  not  the  intention  here  to 
advocate  any  such  combination,  it  is 
nevertheless   interesting  to   ponder   what 


such  union  might  mean  to  the  social,  in- 
tellectual, and  recreational  life  of  Peking. 
The  American  Woman's  Club  of  Shanghai 
is  an  example  of  what  such  a  combination 
might  be,  except  that  the  Shanghai  or- 
ganization is  restricted  to  American 
women,  more  or  less,  while  the  contem- 
plated combination  in  Peking  would  in- 
clude men  and  women  of  all  nationalities. 
The  main  advantage  of  such  an  organiza- 
tion would  be  in  the  bringing  closer  to- 
gether persons  of  various  nations,  in  their 
association  for  mutual  benefit,  and  in  a 
simplification  of  the  present  rather  con- 
fused state  of  Peking  interests.  A  new- 
comer to  Peking  finds  so  many  clubs, 
societies,  and  associations  to  join  or  to 
choose  from  that  he  or  she  is  at  a  loss 
what  to  do.  Certainly  one  cannot  get  the 
full  benefit  of  all  the  organizations,  for 
they  even  meet  on  the  same  evening  or  at 
the  same  time.  However,  it  is  not  the 
intention  here  to  discuss  the  advantages 
or  disadvantages  of  details. 

Peking's  organizations  have  increased 
by  leaps  and  bounds  in  very  recent  times. 
A  score  years  ago,  particularly  before  the 
Boxer  movement,  there  were  very  few  or- 
ganizations, such  as  clubs,  in  Peking. 
Thirty  years  ago  such  a  thing  as  interna- 
tionalism in  Peking  was  practically  un- 
known. The  Mandarin  official  had  little 
or  nothing  to  do  with  the  foreigner. 
Foreigners  approached  Chinese  officials 
only  through  their  legations.  There  was 
scarcely  any  intercourse,  any  exchange  of 
ideas.     The  foreign  population  in  Peking 


680 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


was  almost  nil,  so  far  as  influence  went. 
Only  the  diplomat  and  the  missionary 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  Chinese  in 
Peking,  for  the  trader  was  in  a  decided 
minority  out  of  the  coast  treaty  port. 
The  missionary  confined  his  activities  ex- 
clusively to  the  poorer  classes,  leaving  the 
official  and  higher  classes  to  look  after 
their  own  interests,  which  they  were  able 
to  do  with  equanimity.  It  was  really  not 
until  after  the  fateful  days  of  the  summer 
of  1900  that  any  semblance  of  intercourse 
between  foreigners  and  Chinese  official 
classes  could  be  noted  in  Peking  life. 
Only  in  the  most  recent  years  has  the 
rapid  increase  of  Sino-foreign  organiza- 
tions taken  place.  Perhaps  either  a  halt 
or  reorganization  is  needed  now. 

Thirty  years  ago  a  new  and  even  novel 
venture  was  undertaken  by  an  American 
whose  first  ten  years  in  China  as  a  mis- 
sionary had  convinced  him  that  the  higher 
classes  also  deserved  some  attention  from 
the  foreigner,  particularly  if  friendship 
were  to  develop  between  the  Easterner 
and  the  Westerner.  The  form  which  this 
venture  took  was  described  originally  as 
a  Mission  Among  the  Higher  Classes, 
later  being  renamed  the  International  In- 
stitute of  China.  The  founder  of  this 
organization,  if  such  it  might  be  called  at 
that  early  period  of  Sino-foreign  relations, 
arrived  back  in  China  from  furlough  at 
home  with  a  scant  thousand  dollars  with 
which  to  begin  work.  He  was  not  sup- 
ported by  any  home  board  and  depended 
entirely  on  friends  at  home  and  in  China 
for  the  success  of  his  venture  into  inter- 
nationalism in  China.  He  came  direct  to 
Peking,  seat  of  the  government,  and 
promptly  tackled  the  higher  classes.  What 
at  that  time  was  unheard  of — visiting  im- 
perial princes  and  officials  without  lega- 
tion help — became  one  of  the  chief  meth- 
ods of  bringing  the  West  to  the  Eastern 
higher  classes.  Thirty  years  have  brought 
many  changes ! 

In  less  than  three  years  the  venture  re- 
ceived its  first  official  approval,  which  was 
later  again  shown  at  different  times.  On 
account  of  the  sudden  anti-foreign  move- 
ment Avhich  broke  out  in  North  China  in 
1900,  the  headquarters  of  the  Interna- 
tional Institute  of  China  were  transferred 
to  Shanghai.  Prior  to  the  anti-foreign 
outbreak,  cordial  approval  and  promised 


financial  aid  from  Americans  and  Euro- 
peans at  home  had  encouraged  the  pro- 
moters of  the  venture  to  enlarge  their 
efforts.  At  that  time  the  founder  himself 
had  secured  the  valuable  assistance  of  a 
co-worker,  the  well-known  sinologue.  Dr. 
W.  A.  P.  Martin,  and  of  a  self-supporting 
friend  from  America,  Rev.  William  B. 
Stelle.  With  this  foreign  staff  the  work 
was  pushed  vigorously,  until  the  Boxer 
uprising  put  an  end  to  it  in  Peking.  Dr. 
Martin  and  Mr.  Stelle  did  not  feel  ready 
to  move  to  Shanghai,  and  the  founder 
went  south  alone,  however,  with  many  ex- 
pressions of  good  will  and  sympathy.  It 
is  not  exactly  correct  to  say  he  went  alone,, 
for  he  had,  during  the  enthusiastic  period 
just  prior  to  the  Boxer  movement,  under- 
taken a  second  venture.  As  a  result,  he 
went  to  Shanghai  with  a  family  consisting 
of  wife  and  son.  In  Shanghai  he  found 
immediate  support  and  great  encourage- 
ment. The  names  of  men  who  backed  the 
International  Institute  of  China  are  most 
of  them  prominent  in  the  Sino-foreign 
life  of  Shanghai  at  that  time.  With  their 
active  help,  the  venture  entered  upon  an 
era  of  growth  and  influence  which  lasted 
until  war  broke  down  every  last  vestige  of 
internationalism  in  the  world. 

More  than  five  years  have  now  elapsed 
since  the  war  ended.  Due  to  the  shatter- 
ing of  most  of  the  war  illusions  since  the 
armistice,  the  spirit  of  internationalism 
has  begun  again  to  revive.  Peking  is  a 
splendid  place  in  which  to  encourage  this 
spirit.  China  took  no  active  part  in  the 
war  and  the  community  in  Peking  is  in- 
ternational in  character.  The  futile  feel- 
ings of  the  war  are  over,  the  hatreds  have 
subsided,  and  common  sense  is  once  more 
forging  to  the  front.  The  founder  of  the 
first  international  friendship  society  in 
China  still  believes  in  the  principles  for 
which  he  stood  when  he  launched  his  ven- 
ture thirty  years  ago.  Whether  he  is  per- 
sonally able  to  see  the  vindication  of  those 
principles,  it  really  does  not  matter;  the 
point  is  that  they  should  be  and  surely 
will  be  vindicated  sooner  or  later.  The 
Chinese  physician's  idea  of  a  combined 
organization  might  suggest  a  way  toward 
this  vindication  of  the  desirability  for  a 
real  spirit  of  harmony,  peace,  friendship, 
of  international  proportions,  especially  in 
Peking,  where  East  meets  West  every  day 
in  the  year. 


THE   GERMAN  PEACE  PLAN 


How  Can  Peace  and  Prosperity  Be  Restored  in  Germany 
and  in  Europe  through  International  Co-operation? 

Prize-winning  Plan  No.  1632 — One  of  Two  Plans  Aw^arded 
First  Prize  in  the  German  Peace  Award 


The  Impending  Peril  of  a  New  War 

THE  question  stated  above  is  of  the 
utmost  practical  importance.  Its 
peaceful  solution  therefore  cannot  be 
sought  or  found  in  considerations  the- 
oretically devised,  but  rather  in  a  com- 
prehension of  contemporary  realities  and 
possibilities. 

The  dictate  of  Versailles  has  created 
more  hostilities  and  antagonisms  within 
the  European  family  of  nations  than  it 
has  settled.  No  genuine  condition  of 
peace  has  yet  begun — least  of  all  in  Ger- 
many, where  political  and  economic  ten- 
sions have  reached  a  threatening  height. 
The  Poincare  policy  on  the  Rhine  and  in 
the  Euhr  has  been  a  veritable  hothouse  for 
their  growth. 

The  solution  favored  by  the  overwhelm- 
ing majority  of  the  German  people  im- 
mediately after  the  war,  "Nie  wieder 
Krieg!'"'  (No  more  war!),  has  manifestly 
lost  in  its  attractiveness  and  its  followiiig. 
The  hope  of  regaining  along  the  path  of 
international  conciliation  the  complete 
means  of  economic  life  and  equality  has 
been  blasted.  The  thought  that  eventually 
there  will  be  no  other  means  left  save  to 
shatter  by  violence  the  chains  of  slavery 
imposed  on  us,  in  order  to  win  once  more 
all  the  rights  of  national  life,  has  found 
lodging  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of  mil- 
lions. 

Among  the  tens  of  thousands  of  ex- 
officers  left  without  employment  through 
compulsory  disarmament,  the  movement 
for  a  new  war  has  found  its  natural  lead- 
ers and  propagandists.  The  coming  gen- 
erations of  youth,  especially  those  in  the 
higher  educational  institutions  and  acad- 
emies, are  being  filled  with  ideal  represen- 
tations of  our  former  power  and  might. 
The  justifiable  exasperation  over  the  gag- 
ging and  humiliation  imposed  upon  our 
nation  from  without  offers  fruitful  soil 
from    which    the    seed    of    bitter    hatred 


against  the  foreign  oppressor  shoots  up, 
depriving  leaders  and  led  of  any  sound 
judgment  as  to  the  limits  of  political  and 
military  possibilities.  Thus  it  is  that  in 
modern  Germany  dangerously  strong 
forces  are  working  toward  the  catastrophe 
of  a  new  war. 

Outside  Germany,  however,  prospects 
for  eternal  peace  are  not  much  brighter. 
No  signs  of  the  general  limitation  of  arm- 
ament proposed  in  the  Versailles  Treaty 
are  to  be  seen.  In  almost  all  European 
countries — most  of  all  in  France  and  its 
satellite  States  to  the  east — military  equip- 
ment on  land,  on  water,  and  in  the  air 
has  been  strengthened  and  perfected. 
Tools  of  annihilation — newer,  more  ef- 
fective, and  more  terrible  than  the  old 
ones — have  been  introduced.  Science  and 
technology  labor  tirelessly  to  the  end  that 
the  next  war  may  work  a  still  more  terrible 
destruction  of  human  life  in  masses,  a 
more  complete  shattering  of  European 
civilization  and  its  economic  requisites 
than  the  last  war  produced. 

He  who  labors  for  the  development  of 
a  human  and  humane  civilization,  the  man 
who  believes  in  such  a  development  as  his 
life's  ideal,  must  behold  the  approach  of 
this  new  international  catastrophe  with 
the  heaviest  heart.  And  its  Gorgon  coun- 
tenance would  show  features  quite  other 
than  those  of  a  war  of  nation  against  na- 
tion, for  simultaneously  with  nationalistic 
passions  the  social  antagonisms  existing 
within  the  various  nations  themselves  have 
been  embittered.  The  economic  misery  of 
millions — terribly  increased  by  the  war 
and  the  dictate  of  Versailles — provides  a 
breeding  ground.  A  new  war  would  prob- 
ably be  quick  to  loose  a  destructive  inter- 
nal struggle  in  Germany.  Indeed,  even  in 
the  States  which  were  victorious  in  1919, 
the  prospects  of  civil  war  have  increased. 
Behind  a  new  world  war  a  world  revolu- 
tion stands  threateningly.  Bolshevist 
Russia  maintains  everywhere  a  well  or- 


681 


683 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


ganized  and  financed  propaganda  service 
for  that  very  purpose  and  its  Red  army 
awaits  the  hoped-for  hour. 

II 

An   Unpleasant   Preliminary   Question 

As  we  confront  this  threatening  state 
of  things,  the  preliminary  question  arises : 
Is  it,  after  all,  possible  to  prevent  the  dis- 
aster of  a  new  war? 

The  question  whether  the  development 
of  a  new  war  can  be  checked  at  all  turns 
on  the  solutions  of  the  reparations  prob- 
lem wtih  the  Experts'  Eeport  as  a  basis. 
If  this  attempt  at  conciliation  is  wrecked 
on  the  opposition  of  the  nationalistic  ele- 
ment in  Germany  and  on  the  influence  of 
imperialistic-nationalistic  groups  outside 
Germany,  then,  so  far  as  we  can  see  into 
the  future,  I  discern  no  possible  way  in 
which  "peace  and  prosperity  can  be  se- 
cured for  Germany  and  Europe  through 
international  co-operation." 

Only  when  the  problem  of  reparations, 
which  controls  the  situation  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  has  been  brought  successfully 
to  a  peaceful  conclusion  does  the  question 
of  serviceable  proposals  for  the  lasting  se- 
curity of  European  peace  have  any  special 
practical  meaning.  Only  upon  this  sup- 
position, too,  can  and  will  the  subsequent 
discussions  come  to  grips  with  the  prob- 
lem of  rectifying  existing  political  reali- 
ties and  possibilities. 

Our  preliminary  question,  however,  has 
a  still  more  general  significance.  There  is 
no  lack  of  serious  political  leaders,  his- 
torians, and  sociologists  who  maintain 
that  the  ideal  of  a  permanently  established 
peace  is  nothing  more  than  a  Utopia,  and 
that  the  question  we  have  asked  above  is 
beyond  solution  under  any  circumstances. 
This  widespread  idea,  buttressed  with 
strong  arguments,  forms  a  heavy  handi- 
cap for  any  effort  toward  European  paci- 
fication. Its  destruction  is  a  necessary- 
part  of  the  work  of  pacification. 

The  limited  scope  prescribed  for  our 
theme  prevents  any  very  close  approach  to 
this  question.  Let  it  suffice  to  say :  The 
exponents  of  the  theory  of  "eternal  war" 
are  doubtless  right  in  so  far  as  it  is  an 
error  to  believe  that  strained  relationships 
between  States  and  the  outbursts  of  hos- 
tility incident  to  them  could  be  over- 
come by  moralistic  warnings  to  the  re- 


sponsible statesmen,  by  appeals  to  the 
consciences  of  the  nations,  or  by  similar 
purely  ethical  means.  However  powerful 
the  ethical  groundwork  of  the  peace  prop- 
aganda may  be,  it  does  not  suffice  in  case 
of  war.  All  manner  of  protests,  pledges, 
and  resolutions  do  not  restrain  the  storm 
of  excited  national  passions,  which  in  days 
of  intensified  conflict  in  foreign  affairs 
grow  to  a  hurricane  and  sweep  the  na- 
tions involved  into  war.  The  belief  that 
the  national  honor  or  right  of  existence  of 
a  nation  are  threatened — a  belief  which 
may  either  have  grown  up  honestly  or 
have  been  artificially  cultivated — carries 
an  incredible  force  within  itself.  With 
suggestive  strength,  the  wrought-up  na- 
tional antagonism  sweeps  away  the  ethico- 
pacific  shackles  that  were  forged  in  times 
of  peace  and  quiet. 

If  one  seeks  to  become  the  permanent 
master  of  the  war  danger,  he  must  ferret 
out  the  origin  of  every  case  of  national  an- 
tagonism, down  to  its  very  root,  and  con- 
sider the  question  whether  it  can  be  done 
away  with,  and,  if  so,  by  what  means. 

Ill 

The  Line  to  Take  for  the  Permanent  Pacifica- 
tion of  Europe 

If  it  is  true  that  the  fundamental  causes 
of  international  struggles  and  the  antago- 
nisms that  develop  into  the  catastrophe 
of  war  are  to  be  sought  in  the  economic 
sphere — in  the  effort  of  the  nations  to  se- 
cure a  higher  standard  of  living — then 
there  can  be  no  enduring  pacification  un- 
less we  succeed  in  eliminating  these 
sources  of  confiict  or — in  so  far  as  this  is 
impossible — in  so  restricting  them  that  a 
decision  by  arms  is  needless. 

Besides  its  relation  to  foreign  affairs, 
this  problem  has  a  relation  to  domestic 
policy.  The  exponents  of  the  economic 
struggle  between  nations  of  modern  de- 
velopment are  capitalistic  entrepreneurs. 

They  are  interested  as  directly  as  it  is 
possible  to  be  in  securing  advantageous 
outlets  for  export,  sources  for  raw  mate- 
rials, and  opportunities  for  investment.  It 
is  they,  therefore — controlling,  as  they  do, 
the  State's  instruments  of  power  through 
their  influence  over  the  press — who  draw 
Parliament  and  the  government  into  the 
service  of  their  enterprises.  They  are  often 
held   primarily  responsible   for   the   eco- 


192J^ 


A  GERMAN  PEACE  PLAN 


683 


nomic  conflicts  and  antagonisms  between 
nations,  and  the  idea  is  held  that  one  need 
but  deprive  them  of  the  capacity  to  make 
the  machinery  of  the  state  serve  their  ends 
in  order  to  remove  the  impulse  to  eco- 
nomic-political struggles  and  antagonisms 
between  States.  That  this  is  an  error  is 
shown  by  the  economic-political  conflicts, 
the  diplomatic  struggles  and  exertions  of 
Soviet  Eussia.  But  one  thing  is  quite 
true :  through  the  fact  that  capitalists  and 
groups  of  capitalists,  spurred  on  solely  by 
their  own  private  prospects  of  gain  and 
viewing  things  from  that  standpoint  alone, 
are  in  a  position  to  exert  an  authoritative 
influence  in  economic  politics,  and  in  cer- 
tain circumstances  to  bring  the  machinery 
of  force  to  their  aid,  uncontrollable  and 
irresponsible  forces,  which  are  capable  of 
working  the  utmost  disaster,  are  brought 
into  the  economic  relations  and  rivalries 
of  nations. 

Every  nation  is,  therefore,  under  com- 
pelling necessity  to  bring  the  observation 
of  their  vital  economic  interests  abroad 
into  complete  control  and  under  such  di- 
rection as  the  public  interest  of  the  State 
demands.  The  freeing  of  foreign  affairs 
from  interests  whose  orientation  is  solely 
egoistic  is  a  domestic  task  of  the  greatest 
importance  for  the  forces  in  every  country 
that  are  devoted  to  securing  peace. 

But  even  when  influences  in  economic 
policy  which  are  prejudicial  to  the  gen- 
eral interest  have  been  done  away  with, 
conflicts  of  interest,  which  harbor  in  them- 
selves the  threat  of  war,  still  remain  be- 
tween nations  which  are  competitors  for 
the  same  sources  of  raw  materials  or  export 
markets.  Is  it  possible  today  so  to  regu- 
late these  conflicts  of  economic  interest 
among  the  European  nations  that  they 
cease  to  be  the  causes  of  international  an- 
tagonism and  of  war  ? 

The  general  economic  and  cultural  rea- 
sons for  thinking  thus  are  now  sufficiently 
understood.  If  we  except  Russia,  which 
with  her  Asiatic  territory  represents  a 
world  of  special  political,  economic,  and 
social  structure,  it  can  Ve  said  of  the  rest 
of  Europe  that  the  differences  of  politi- 
cal, economic,  and  social  opinions  in  the 
various  countries  have  been  so  nearly  lev- 
eled that  the  formation  of  a  Western  Eu- 
ropean economic  community  can  be  placed 
before  us  as  a  political  goal. 


How  little  economic  autonomy  the 
States  of  Western  Europe  still  retain — 
that  is,  how  little  they  continue  to  be  self- 
sufficient  national  economic  units — has 
been  impressed  upon  their  inhabitants  dur- 
ing the  war,  and  still  more  thoroughly 
during  the  period  since  the  war.  They 
have  become  so  entirely  dependent  one 
upon  another  in  an  economic  way,  each 
suffers  so  bitterly  from  the  others'  eco- 
nomic difficulties,  that  the  feeling  of  fun- 
damental economic  solidarity  forces  ita 
way  over  more  vigorously  into  their  con- 
sciousness. The  economic  paralysis  and 
crises  that  have  made  themselves  felt  in 
all  coimtries  which  are  economically  linked 
with  Germany,  as  a  result  of  her  crash, 
have  had  an  illuminating  effect;  and  the 
handling  of  these  difficulties  by  an  inter- 
national committee  of  experts  is  a  striking 
example  of  the  extent  to  which  the  idea 
of  a  great  supemational  economic  regula- 
tion has  made  its  way  into  the  conscious 
aims  and  achievements  of  men. 

The  development  of  a  union  of  economio 
purpose  is  also  to  be  sought  in  order  to 
clear  away  national-economic  rivalries  and 
to  promote  the  national  existence  of  aU 
members  of  the  Western  and  Central  Eu- 
ropean group  of  States. 

That  is  a  very  distant  goal.  Yet  it  is 
intentionally  made  not  nearly  so  distant 
as  the  aim  of  the  "League  of  European 
States,"  or  "United  States  of  Europe,"  for 
which  of  late  there  has  been  so  much  zeal- 
ous propaganda.  It  is  possible  constantly 
to  recognize,  a  political  federation  of  the 
States  of  Western  and  Central  Europe, 
such  as  Coudenhove  advocates  in  his  book 
Paneuropa,  as  the  ultimate  goal  of  this 
development.  The  immediate  task,  how- 
ever, is  in  any  case,  that  of  bringing  about 
economic  solidarity.  That  forms  the  pre- 
supposition without  which  a  close  political 
union  is  not  to  be  thought  of. 

Even  thus  limited,  the  appointed  task 
is  hard  enough,  when  we  consider  the  over- 
powering egoistic  resistance  of  individuals 
and  of  groups  within  the  several  States. 
But  the  question  whether  such  a  Euro- 
pean economic  union  in  its  entirety  is 
possible  or  premature  does  not  matter  so 
much  as  the  question  whether  this  aim  is 
right  in  itself,  and,  hence,  whether  the 
effort  toward  its  gradual  attainment  is  the 
policy  leading  to  a  lasting  victory  over  war. 


684 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


An  affirmative  answer  to  this  question 
may  be  given  if  we  recognize  the  fact  that 
the  modern — the  most  modern — develop- 
ment in  the  technique  of  trade  and  eco- 
nomics is  necessarily  a  tendency  to  do 
away  with  petty  State  divisions  in  the  eco- 
nomic life  of  Western  and  Central  Europe. 
A  glance  at  the  map  of  the  world  shows 
how  parochial  is  the  system  of  tariff  fron- 
tiers—  from  a  geopolitical  standpoint 
wholly  senseless — -by  means  of  which  the 
States  of  Western  and  Central  Europe, 
fettered  in  the  chains  of  history,  make 
their  own  lives  difficult.  Europeans  can 
no  longer  afford  the  luxury  of  an  economic 
system  that  is  so  irrational,  that  is  bur- 
dened with  so  high  a  cost  in  unproduc- 
tivity,  and  that  takes  refuge  under  the 
shield  of  antiquity,  unless  they  are  to  be 
thrown  wholly  out  of  line  in  the  eco- 
nomic competition  of  the  world  and  given 
over  to  cultural  stagnation.  The  condi- 
tion of  national  economic  tension  in  the 
struggle  for  existence  among  the  coun- 
tries of  Western  and  Central  Europe 
would,  under  such  circumstances,  become 
still  more  unbearable  in  the  future,  so  that 
lasting  peace  would  be  out  of  the  question. 

IV 

The   Most  Essential  Step  to   Banishing  an 
Immediate  Danger  to  Peace 

Though  the  systematic  removal  of  na- 
tional  economic  rivalries  between  the  Eu- 
ropean States  is  the  aim  of  a  policy  de- 
signed to  secure  permanent  peace,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  obviously  impossible  to  await 
the  completion  of  this  fundamental  task 
of  pacification  if  we  are  to  escape  the  im- 
pending danger  now  rising  before  our 
eyes,  of  a  new  war.  For  that  purpose  im- 
mediate political  steps  for  security  must 
be  taken  as  speedily  as  possible.  For  this, 
however,  an  essential  preliminary  is  a 
peaceful  solution  of  the  reparations  prob- 
lem and  the  political  perils  so  closely 
bound  up  with  it.  Only  when  the  meas- 
ures of  force  taken  in  the  west  in  connec- 
tion with  the  occupation  of  the  Ruhr  have 
been  undone  and  conditions  in  accordance 
with  the  treaty  restored  is  the  way  clear 
for  further  steps  toward  peace. 

In  France  the  conclusion  of  a  security 
pact  is  desired  as  a  condition  of  the  with- 
drawal of  the  forces — at  present  power- 


ful— and  the  military  regime  on  the 
Ehine.  England  is  at  length  ready  to 
come  half  way,  and  on  the  German  side 
also,  providing  reciprocity  is  guaranteed, 
public  opinion  here  and  there  is  not  un- 
willing to  take  this  road  toward  pacifica- 
tion. 

More  important,  however,  than  any 
such  new  assurance  of  peace  by  treaties  is 
the  immediate  solution  of  the  armament 
problem.  If  armaments  for  war  proceed  as 
they  have  hitherto  done,  all  the  treaties 
of  the  world  will  be  of  no  avail  on  the  out- 
break of  hostilities.  Mistrust  is  contin- 
ually receiving  new  nourishment,  and 
constant  familiarity  with  the  militaristic 
spirit  overcomes  the  disposition  to  peace- 
ful conciliation.  The  problem  of  disarma- 
ment is  today  no  theme  for  purely  theo- 
retical discussion.  Even  the  nations  vic- 
torious in  the  World  War  have  pledged 
themselves  to  it  by  treaty.  The  document 
of  Versailles  envisions  the  general  limita- 
tion and  control  of  armaments  in  relation 
to  and  in  consequence  of  German  disarma- 
ment. It  is  self-evident  that  Germany 
cannot  be  held  indefinitely  in  a  condition 
of  one-sided  defenselessness  in  the  midst 
of  a  Europe  armed  to  the  teeth  for  war. 
It  is,  as  a  matter  of  national  psychology, 
simply  impossible,  and  the  longer  this  un- 
natural state  of  affairs  continues,  the 
worse  must  be  the  consequence,  so  far  as 
the  humiliated  nation  is  concerned.  Ger- 
man disarmament  can  be  maintained  only 
if  the  disarmament  of  the  other  States  fol- 
lows hard  upon  it.  That  is  the  plain 
meaning  of  the  Versailles  Treaty.* 


*  The  preamble  to  the  disarmament  pro- 
visions imposed  on  Germany  in  the  Versailles 
Treaty  runs  as  follows:  "In  order  to  render 
possible  the  initiation  of  a  general  limitation 
of  the  armaments  of  all  nations,  Germany 
undertakes  strictly  to  observe  the  military, 
naval,  and  air  clauses  which  follow."  And 
Article  8  of  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations  says:  "The  members  of  the  League 
recognize  that  the  maintenance  of  peace  re- 
quires the  reduction  of  national  armaments 
to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with  national 
safety  and  the  enforcement  by  common  ac- 
tion of  international  obligations. 

"The  Council,  taking  account  of  the  geo- 
graphical situation  and  circumstances  of 
each  State,  shall  formulate  plans  for  such 
reduction  for  the  consideration  and  action 
of  the  several  governments. 

"Such  plans  shall  be  subject  to  reconsid- 
eration and  revision  at  least  every  ten  years. 


192^ 


A  GERMAN  PEACE  PLAN 


685 


The  League  of  Nations  as  an  Instrument  of 
Peace  and  Its  Necessary  Extension 

In  addition  to  its  responsibility  for  the 
question  of  disarmament,  the  League  pos- 
sesses still  other  far-reaching  powers  in- 
tended to  aid  in  assuring  peace.  Article 
11  says  specifically  that  every  war  and 
every  threat  of  war,  whether  or  not  a 
member  of  the  League  is  immediately  af- 
fected, is  a  matter  of  concern  to  the  whole 
League,  and  that  it  shall  take  action  to 
safeguard  the  peace  of  nations.  The  steps 
proposed  in  the  following  articles  for 
avoiding  war  strike  deep  into  the  sover- 
eign rights  of  the  State  in  restricting  war, 
and  no  doubt  imply,  so  far  as  they  are  ob- 
served, an  effective  blocking  of  the  war 
peril. 

The  provisions  of  Article  16 — in  which 
all  members  of  the  League  pledge  them- 
selves to  sever  all  financial,  commercial, 
or  personal  relations  with  a  State  that 
goes  to  war  in  disregard  of  the  covenants 
for  the  assurance  of  peace,  and  likewise  to 
subject  it  to  a  complete  economic  block- 
ade— offer  an  extremely  effective  means 
of  reprisal  against  a  deliberate  breach  of 
the  peace,  against  what  nationalistic  poli- 
ticians style  "sacred  egoism." 

When  one  ponders  further  the  signifi- 
cance of  Article  14  of  the  Covenant,  with 
its  provisions  for  a  "Permanent  Court  of 
International  Justice,"  as  well  as  the  very 
far-reaching  controls  over  special  interna- 
tional agreements  provided  for  in  Articles 
18-21,    and   finally,    when    one    considers 


"After  these  plans  shall  have  been  adopted 
by  the  several  governments,  the  limits  of 
armaments  therein  fixed  shall  not  be  ex- 
ceeded without  the  concurrence  of  the 
Council. 

"The  members  of  the  League  agree  that 
the  manufacture  by  private  enterprise  of 
munitions  and  implements  of  war  is  open  to 
grave  objections.  The  Council  shall  advise 
how  the  evil  effects  attendant  upon  such 
manufacture  can  be  prevented,  due  regard 
being  had  to  the  necessities  of  those  members 
of  the  League  which  are  not  able  to  manu- 
facture the  munitions  and  implements  of  war 
necessary  for  their  safety. 

"The  members  of  the  League  undertake  to 
interchange  full  and  frank  information  as  to 
the  scale  of  their  armaments,  their  military, 
naval,  and  air  programs,  and  the  condition 
of  such  of  their  industries  as  are  adaptable 
to  warlike  purposes." 


that  the  most  perilous  source  of  interna- 
tional conflicts — the  field  of  economic  re- 
lationships— is  placed  within  the  power 
of  the  League  (Article  23  and  the  Inter- 
national Labor  Office),  one  is  forced  to 
admit  that  a  valuable  instrument  for  the 
peaceful  conciliation  of  the  nations  has 
here  been  created. 

It  is  natural  that  there  should  be  no 
lack  of  people,  even  outside  the  circles  of 
war  ideologists  and  those  having  a  direct 
interest  in  war,  who  regard  the  League  of 
Nations  with  thoroughgoing  skepticism. 
They  feel  no  faith  in  the  honesty  of  its 
desire  to  administer  impartial  justice 
among  the  nations,  neither  do  they  feel 
confident  that  it  has  sufficient  force  at  its 
disposal,  especially  where  the  prevention 
of  war  is  in  question,  to  do  anything  really 
effective.  There  is,  of  course,  much  to  be 
said  in  criticism  of  the  League  in  both 
respects;  but  he  who  believes  in  the  possi- 
bility of  impartial  justice  between  nations 
and  its  effectiveness  in  preventing  war 
would  be  very  foolish  if  he  passed  by  the 
League  in  order  to  undertake  the  hopeless 
experiment  of  creating  from  the  very  be- 
ginning a  new  and  perfect  instrument  for 
carrying  out  his  peace  plan.  The  or- 
ganization at  Geneva,  as  it  is  today  con- 
stituted, represents  a  union  of  consider- 
able international  power,  competence,  and 
organization. 

It  would,  therefore,  be  a  blunder,  in 
spite  of  the  shortcomings  that  still  persist 
in  it,  to  ignore  the  League  in  the  practical 
solution  of  the  problem  with  which  we  are 
confronted.  Its  claim  to  consideration  in 
any  practicable  peace  policy  is  obvious. 

If  the  League  is  to  be  equitable  in  the 
great  task  that  has  been  entrusted  to  it, 
there  is,  indeed,  much  to  do  that  wiU 
strengthen  its  capacity  for  action  in  the 
great  European  questions,  as  well  as  faith 
in  its  objectivity  and  its  executive  power 
against  any  violator  of  the  peace.  For 
this  purpose  there  are  two  prime  necessi- 
ties: 

In  the  first  place,  Germany  must  im- 
mediately become  a  member  of  the  League. 
However  desirable  it  may  be  for  the  solu- 
tion of  further  problems  of  world  politics 
that  the  North  American  Eepublic  and 
the  Federation  of  Russian  Soviet  Repub- 
lics should  join  the  League  organization, 
tlie  entry  of  Germany  has  a  far  more  prac- 


686 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


tical  meaning  for  the  consolidation  and 
pacification  of  the  community  of  nations 
in  Central  and  Western  Europe.  With 
Germany  co-operating  as  an  equal  among 
equals,  the  League  can  become  for  the  first 
time  a  living  and  objective  organ  of  the 
European  peace  policy. 

Then,  too,  Germany  will  thus  secure 
for  the  first  time  a  field  for  central  oper- 
ation and  legal  standing  in  her  efforts  to 
make  her  right  to  national  existence  felt 
within  the  community  of  European  States. 
Such  questions,  moreover,  as  the  Saar  ter- 
ritory, the  shameful  occupations  of  the 
Rhine  and  Euhr,  German  national  rights 
in  the  separated  territories,  colonial  man- 
dates, and  the  union  of  Germany  with 
Austria,  as  well  as  many  others,  can  be 
discussed  at  Geneva  and  brought  to  a  de- 
cision. With  the  League  lies  the  general 
power  to  revise  the  terms  of  the  Versailles 
Treaty  (Of.  Article  19  of  the  Covenant  of 
the  League  and  the  Entente's  ultimatum 
of  June  16,  1919). 

But  still  another  development  is  neces- 
sary to  bring  the  League  into  close  and 
living  relation  with  the  democratic  forces 
and  tendencies  in  all  countries.  Today 
the  Assembly  of  the  League  is  a  mere  con- 
ference of  government  officials.  Even 
though  these  are  sent  by  governments  that 
are,  in  the  last  analysis,  chosen  by  popular 
vote,  such  an  indirect  relation  between  the 
representatives  of  the  people  and  the  or- 
ganization at  Geneva  does  not  suffice. 
The  assembly  of  the  League  ought  to  be 
in  constant  and  intimate  touch  with  the 
stream  of  political  life  of  the  various  peo- 
ples. If  the  sessions  of  the  League  are  not 
to  remain  diplomatic  conferences  pure 
and  simple,  they  must  be  supplemented  by 
the  participation  of  representatives  of  the 
people  of  the  various  countries. 

The  proposals  for  a  League  of  Nations 
that  the  German  Government  laid  before 
the  Versailles  Conference  in  the  year 
1919,  suggested  as  an  organ  of  the  Lea.gue 
a  "World  Parliament,"  which  was  to  take 
over  the  task  of  representing  the  peoples, 
side  by  side  with  the  "Congress  of  States," 
which  was  to  be  an  assemblage  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  governments.  Such  an  or- 
ganic supplementing  by  means  of  a  parlia- 
mentary body,  which  had  already  been 
suggested  in  other  and  earlier  outlines  of 


a  possible  League,  must  be  an  object  in 
the  further  development  of  the  League's 
constitution.  As  for  the  next  imperative 
task,  it  is  desirable  to  create  a  provisional 
something  as  soon  as  possible,  which  can 
link  itself  up  with  what  is  already  in  ex- 
istence and  pave  the  way  for  an  eventual 
permanent  solution. 

VI 

The  Interparliamentary  Union  as  a  Preliminary 
Parliament  of  the  League 

Among  all  the  other  international  or- 
ganizations existing  today  for  purposes  of 
political  conciliation,  one  is  especially 
adapted  to  assume  the  task  of  a  provi- 
sional Parliament  for  the  League.  This 
is  the  "Interparliamentary  Union." 

This  organization,  to  which  only  active 
members  or  ex-members  of  national  par- 
liaments belong,  was  founded  in  the  year 
1889  with  the  special  purpose  of  further- 
ing the  cause  of  international  arbitration. 
As  an  instigator  and  initiator  in  this  field, 
it  has  achieved  as  much  merit  as  it  has 
gained  experience.  In  its  ranks  are  found 
the  most  active  and  prominent  workers 
for  international  law  and  conciliation  of 
every  country.  The  total  number  of  its 
members  runs  at  present  to  more  than 
3,000  parliamentarians,  who  are  organized 
in  24  national  groups.  In  the  last  year 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  has  realized 
that  its  true  aim  lies  in  aiding  and  en- 
couraging the  work  of  the  League  and, 
before  everything  else,  in  extending, 
strengthening,  and  completing  the  assur- 
ance of  peace.  Its  principal  task  is  thus 
formulated  in  its  constitution :  "To  unite 
the  members  of  all  parliaments,  assembled 
in  national  groups,  in  order  to  gain  the 
co-operation  of  their  States  for  the 
strengthening  and  democratic  develop- 
ment of  the  international  movement  for 
peace  and  conciliation  among  the  nations, 
by  means  of  an  all-embracing  interna- 
tional organization."  In  accord  with  this 
pronouncement,  it  enjoins  its  members 
"to  co-operate  with  all  possible  energy  in 
the  maintenance  of  peace." 

At  the  last  two  sessions  in  Vienna 
(1922)  and  Copenhagen  (1923)  it  dealt, 
among  other  grave  questions  of  interna- 
tional conciliation,  with  the  gravest  and 


192J^ 


A  GERMAN  PEACE  PLAN 


687 


most  pressing  problem  in  the  prevention 
of  war — general  disarmament.* 

In  addition  to  this,  the  Interparlia- 
mentary Union  grappled  with  the  prob- 
lem of  the  economic  conciliation  of  the 
European  peoples,  which  is  gravest  of  all, 
so  far  as  permanent  elimination  of  the 
war  danger  is  concerned.f 

*  The  resolution  laid  before  the  Vienna 
Conference  and  carried  through  by  Deputy 
Moutet  (France),  after  a  sharp  criticism  of 
the  "system  of  armed  peace,"  expresses  the 
wish  that  the  Assembly  of  the  League  should 
take  action  in  favor  of  general  disarmament. 

"That  the  work  of  the  commission  on  the 
limitation  of  armaments  should  be  carried  to 
its  conclusion  in  a  complete  plan  for  dis- 
armament, prescribing  a  limitation  and  pro- 
gressive reduction  of  armaments  applicable 
to  all  States,  the  reduction  of  military  es- 
tablishments, and  of  the  supply  of  munitions 
through  the  prohibition  of  private  trade  in 
military  supplies." 

In  Copenhagen,  Dr.  Munch  (former  Danish 
Minister  of  the  Defense)  and  J.  R.  M.  Butler 
(a  former  British  M.  P.)  carried  the  treat- 
ment of  the  question  still  further,  as  corre- 
spondents. In  one  of  the  resolutions  passed 
there  this  passage  occurs : 

"In  view  of  the  fact  that  an  immediate 
reduction  of  armaments  affecting  all  States 
is  an  imperative  necessity  in  the  interests  of 
peace  and  economics,  the  21st  Conference  of 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  pledges  the 
support  of  the  Union  to  every  plan  that  en- 
sures a  speedy  and  effective  means  of  dis- 
armament, whether  by  means  of  a  treaty 
of  guarantee — necessarily  supplemented  by 
special  fulfillment  treaties  added  to  the  gen- 
eral treaty ;  or  through  the  establishment  of 
demilitarized  zones  in  specially  dangerous 
frontier  districts  on  a  basis  of  mutual  reci- 
procity; or  through  a  combination  of  both 
methods.  And  it  requests  the  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  Union  to  name  a  special  com- 
mittee to  be  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  or- 
ganizing a  propaganda  campaign  among  the 
parliaments  of  the  entire  world  in  favor  of 
a  general  and  considerable  reduction  of  ar- 
maments, whether  by  means  of  such  treaties 
or  in  other  ways." 

t  In  the  resolution  laid  before  the  Copen- 
hagen Conference  by  the  former  Finance 
Minister,  Dr.  Treub   (Holland)  : 

"The  21st  Conference  proclaims  the  im- 
perative necessity  of  instituting  an  oversight 
of  methods  of  every  kind  that  in  artificial 
and  useless  ways  limit  the  import  and  export 
of  finished  goods  and  raw  materials;  and  it 
requests  the  groups  of  the  Union  to  give  their 
support  to  the  conclusion  of  commercial  trea- 
ties which,  as  required  by  Article  23  of  the 
League  Covenant,  guarantee  freedom  of  com- 
munication and  transit,  as  well  as  equitable 
treatment  of  commerce,  and  place  the  States 
concerned  on  a  footing  of  equality." 


The  Interparliamentary  Union  is,  there- 
fore, in  its  entire  organization  and  polit- 
ical adjustment,  an  instrument  adapted  in 
the  highest  degree  for  furthering  the  work 
of  international  pacification.  Current 
business  is  managed  by  an  executive  com- 
mittee consisting  of  five  members,  at 
whose  disposal  there  is  a  permanent  secre- 
tariat (Bureau  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union)  as  an  auxiliary.  Between  the 
yearly  congresses  the  Interparliamentary 
Council  functions  as  a  limited  advisory 
body,  to  which  every  national  parliamen- 
tary group  nominates  two  members.  As 
most  of  the  States  represented  in  the  In- 
terparliamentary Union  grant  yearly  sub- 
ventions out  of  the  State  funds,  this  vol- 
untary international  parliament  for  the 
promotion  of  peace  has  practical  official 
recognition. 

My  proposal  is,  then,  to  bring  this  or- 
ganization into  a  still  closer  and  perma- 
nent relationship  with  the  League.  The 
goal  to  be  attained  is  the  integration  of 
their  organs  (the  full  Assembly,  Council, 
Executive  Committee,  and  Secretariat)  in 
the  working  organization  of  the  League 
of  Nations. 

So  long,  however,  as  this  aim  has  not 
been  attained,  the  personal  and  practical 
connections  existing  on  both  sides  are  to 
be  made  still  more  intimate,  since  the  In- 
terparliamentary Union  is  concentrating 
its  entire  work  at  Geneva.  Since  the  au- 
tumn of  1920  its  permanent  bureau  has 
been  settled  there.  The  sessions  of  the 
Council  and  the  full  Assembly,  however, 
migrate  from  land  to  land.  In  these  busi- 
ness sessions  here  and  there,  the  delegates 
and  their  wives  become  acquainted  with 
the  beauties  and  the  sights  of  the  various 
metropolises  and  enjoy  special  hospitali- 
ties. But,  however  valuable  the  personal 
contacts  with  the  parliaments  and  polit- 
ical leaders  who  act  as  hosts,  for  which 
these  events  give  opportunity,  this  way  of 
doing  things  makes  serious  inroads  on  the 
time  remaining  for  interparliamentary 
work.  These  interruptions  and  also  the 
needless  and  costly  external  preparations, 
as  well  as  the  task  of  finding  lodgings, 
would  be  obviated  by  a  fixed  meeting  place. 
The  Union  would  also  enjoy  a  parlia- 
mentary apparatus  of  its  own,  instead 
of  an  improvised  one. 


688 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


The  most  effective  external  conditions 
for  an  intimate  collaboration  of  parlia- 
ments and  governments  in  the  work  of 
conciliation  would  thereby  be  created.  The 
quick  and  easy  development  of  impulses 
and  initiatives  from  various  parliaments 
and  the  Interparliamentary  Union  at  the 
Geneva  center  and  their  permanent  prose- 
cution would  be  made  possible;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  immediate  reaction  of 
the  League's  resolutions  would  have  a  far 
more  powerful  effect  upon  the  individual 
parliaments  and  governments  than  is  now 
the  case.  The  delay  of  ratifications  and 
the  complete  oozing  away  of  impulses  pro- 
ceeding from  the  League  would  be  prac- 
tically done  away  with. 

If  the  regular  sessions  of  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union  took  place  shortly  be- 
fore the  Assembly  of  the  League  and  if 
the  sessions  of  the  councils  on  both  sides 
were  placed  near  together  in  point  of 
time,  we  should  see  the  growth  of  a  feeling 
of  close  personal  relation  between  the  rep- 
resentatives of  both  bodies,  and  a  fruitful 
co-operation  in  dealing  with  the  great 
task  that  both  share  would  then  be  a  mat- 
ter of  a  very  short  time. 

In  case,  too,  that  peace  were  actually  in 
peril,  the  possibility  would  be  created  of 
taking  up  at  once  the  work  of  conciliation 
through  the  immediate  convening  of  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  in  Geneva,  in 
contact  with  the  League,  and  of  throwing 
into  the  scales  the  whole  weight  of  the 
peace-policy  men  in  the  parliaments  of 
every  country  in  favor  of  a  peaceful  and 
impartial  solution. 

VII 

International  Peace  Establishment  Enlarged  by 
a  Propaganda  Center 

By  the  method  outlined  in  the  preced- 
ing paragraphs  we  shall  secure  the  most 
important  factor  in  the  prevention  of  a 
new  war:  the  organized  assemblage  of  all 
the  forces  working  for  peace  in  a  syste- 
matic effort  at  preventing  war. 

Such  an  international  establishment, 
in  constant  and  immediate  relationship 
with  the  parliaments  and  governments  of 
individual  States  on  the  one  hand  and 
with  the  League  as  a  center  on  the  other, 
is  quite  indispensable  for  the  measures 
necessary  to  preserve  peace.    Without  such 


a  well  organized  and  sturdy  supporter  of 
the  peace  policy,  it  is  unthinkable  that  the 
political  and  economic  forces  working 
against  it  could  be  conquered,  and  all  the 
various  proposals  for  peace  would  remain 
tangled  in  a  confusion  of  hindrances  due 
to  domestic  or  foreign  politics. 

This  active  gathering  together  of  all  the 
forces  devoted  to  promoting  peace  through 
international  conciliation  would  heighten 
the  national  and  international  impulses  in 
an  extraordinary  degree.  Whether,  how- 
ever, they  would  today  be  sufficiently 
strong,  even  when  thus  gathered  together 
to  check  a  new  war  psychosis,  appears  nec- 
essarily questionable.  The  war  ideology, 
not  yet  discredited  in  certain  circles,  which 
is  impressed  on  youth  in  school  and  home, 
the  great  influence  of  groups  having  a  pro- 
fessional or  economic  interest  in  war,  the 
operations  of  a  widely  circulated  press  de- 
voted to  the  cult  of  "sacred  egoism,"  which 
labors  day  in,  day  out,  to  embitter  the  mis- 
trust and  antagonism  between  nations — 
these  are  forces  that  will  long  remain  un- 
conquered.  Luckily  the  peace  propaganda 
that  opposes  them  is  growing.  The  asso- 
ciations promoting  a  peace  policy  and  the 
parties  supporting  international  concilia- 
tion are  doing  yeoman  service.  Yet  all 
this  does  not  suffice  to  overcome  the 
poisoning  of  the  international  atmosphere. 

For  the  great  and  imperative  task  of 
intellectual  disarmament  among  the  Euro- 
pean nations,  therefore,  a  central  organiza- 
tion ought  to  be  set  up,  a  bureau  for  peace 
propaganda,  which  would  have  to  stand  in 
close  relationship  with  the  Interparliamen- 
tary Union  and  the  peace  blocs  in  the  sev- 
eral parliaments;  for  success  would  not 
be  attained  through  the  hasty  work  of 
daily  journalism,  but  through  clarification 
and  leadership  in  the  great  questions  of 
international  politics  based  on  experience 
in  co-operation  between  parliaments.  For 
the  supporters  of  peace  in  the  various  na- 
tions, it  is  constantly  a  question  of  finding 
the  line  along  which  the  justifiable  inter- 
ests of  their  own  nations  coincide  with 
international  interests.  Such  political 
leaders,  for  whom  the  increasing  develop- 
ment of  their  own  nation  and  that  of  man- 
kind are  developing  ideals,  will  find  the 
line  of  conciliation,  even  in  the  difficult 
cases  where  national  interests  clash. 

That  is  one  side  of  the  work.     To  it 


192Jt 


A  GERMAN  PEACE  PLAN 


689 


must  be  added  a  systematic  and  well-or- 
ganized distribution  of  the  insight  that 
has  been  gained  and  the  requests  submit- 
ted. That  demands  great  means.  But, 
however  great  these  may  be,  the  cost  of 
such  a  propaganda  center  for  an  entire 
3'ear  certainly  could  not  reach  the  cost  of 
a  single  day  of  the  World  War. 

In  all  countries  the  men  who  at  the  bot- 
toms of  their  hearts  desire  peace  form  the 
great  majority;  but  while  the  war  ideolo- 
gists and  the  war  interests  push  their  in- 
terests deliberately  and  with  a  widespread 
propaganda,  the  great  body  of  the  friends 
of  peace  remain  persistently  lethargic.  It 
is  a  matter  of  stirring  them  out  of  their 
indifference,  to  bring  to  their  eyes  the 
danger  of  the  warlike  entanglements  that 
threaten  us,  to  enlighten  them  as  to  the 
ways  and  means  of  defense  against  it,  and 
to  lead  them  into  active  co-operation  in 
eliminating  the  evil.  A  strenuous  cam- 
paign of  education  and  enlightenment  in 
the  peace  policy  is  still  to  be  carried  out. 
It  implies  the  creation  in  all  countries  of 
an  invincible  army,  running  into  millions, 
for  the  cause  of  peace.  To  them,  and  not 
to  the  representatives  of  the  means  of  war- 
like violence  will  the  future  belong. 

VIII 

Summary  of   the   Measures   Proposed 

The  execution  of  the  policy  of  pacifica- 
tion developed  above  would  lead  the  sup- 
porters of  peace  in  the  German  Eeich- 
stag  to  make  the  following  motions  re- 
spectively, both  there  and  in  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union.  Motions  provid- 
ing for: 

I.  Entrance  of  Germany  as  a  member, 
with  full  rights,  in  the  League  of  Nations. 
Members  of  the  I.  U.  and  the  group  repre- 
senting this  point  of  view  in  the  German 
Eeichstag  face  the  necessity  of  bringing 
the  German  Government  to  the  point  of 
authorizing  the  appropriate  application 
to  the  League.  Members  of  the  I.  U.  in 
groups  in  foreign  parliaments,  especially 
the  French  and  Belgian  Parliaments,  face 
the  necessity  of  combatting  the  opposition 
still  existing  there.  All  along  the  whole 
interparliamentary  line  there  is  work  to 
do  in  preparing  the  governments  to  ensure 
Germany  an  honorable  reception,  with  no 
hampering  conditions,  and  to  prepare  a 
place  for  her  in  the  Council. 


II.  Transfer  of  the  established  meet- 
ing place  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union 
to  the  seat  of  the  League  of  Nations.  A 
motion  to  that  effect  should  be  sent  on  im- 
mediately by  the  German  group  to  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee. 

III.  Increase  of  the  subventions 
granted  by  the  individual  States  for  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  for  the  purpose 
of  setting  up  an  adequate  parliamentary 
equipment  at  Geneva.  So  far  as  this  is 
concerned,  we  may  anticipate  a  common 
use  of  the  arrangements  and  quarters  of 
the  League,  to  the  extent  that  this  is  tech- 
nically feasible.  At  the  same  time  the 
broadening  of  the  national  groups  to  se- 
cure satisfactory  representation  of  their 
parliaments  should  be  pushed  forward. 

IV.  The  establishment  of  a  special 
propaganda  center  on  the  part  of  the  I.  U. 
This  is  to  ramify  into  the  individual  par- 
liaments in  such  a  way  that  henceforward 
constant  co-operation  can  be  carried  on 
and  a  wider  distribution  of  materials  in 
parliament  and  press  of  the  individual 
countries  can  be  taken  care  of. 

V.  The  question  of  a  special  security 
treaty  dealing  with  the  strained  relations 
between  Germany  and  France  is  to  be 
dealt  with  by  the  interparliamentary  rep- 
resentatives of  the  countries  most  closely 
affected  and  arranged  in  a  spirit  of  equita- 
ble co-operation. 

VI.  Immediate  completion  of  a  gen- 
eral disarmament  obligation,  as  laid  down 
in  Article  8  of  the  Versailles  Treaty,  is  to 
be  carried  forward  under  the  direction  of 
the  Interparliamentary  Union  with  the 
united  support  of  the  elements  friendly 
to  a  peace  policy  in  all  countries.  The 
standing  commission  of  the  I.  U.  to  be 
strengthened  in  order  to  work  out  an  ade- 
quate plan.  In  this  work  contact  to  be 
maintained  with  the  organizations  of  the 
League  charged  with  similar  work  for  the 
purpose  of  overcoming  the  still  powerful 
forces  supporting  a  war  policy. 

VII.  Examination  of  the  Versailles 
Treaty  with  a  view  to  doing  away  with  all 
national  humiliation  and  causes  of  bit- 
terness is  to  be  taken  up  by  the  German 
group  within  the  I.  U.,  with  the  object 
of  bringing  about  a  proposal  by  the  Union 
to  the  League  that  will  restore  equality 
and  recognition  of  national  honor  to  the 
States  conquered  in  the  World  War.    The 


690 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


League  is  to  be  reminded  of  the  powers 
of  treaty  revision  granted  it  in  Article  19 
and  induced  to  carry  out  the  increasing  re- 
sponsibilities arising  from  it. 

VIII.  The  permanent  economic  com- 
mission of  the  I.  U.  is  to  be  entrusted  with 
the  task  of  preparing  a  plan  to  clear  the 
way  for  an  economic  union  of  Western 
and  Central  Europe  for  the  purpose  of 
national  economic  pacification  of  Euro- 
pean States  as  a  basis  for  the  permanent 
political  pacification.  A  European  Sec- 
tion is  to  be  created  in  the  I.  U.  and  in 
the  League  for  the  examination  of  this 
question. 

IX.  In  the  event  that  the  hoped-for 
solution  of  the  reparations  question  and 


the  political  cleansing  of  the  Ehine  and 
Euhr,  immediately  related  thereto,  should 
come  to  nothing,  an  immediate  convening 
of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  at  Ge- 
neva should  be  authorized,  to  make  the 
attempt  to  overcome  the  highly  critical 
condition  of  European  affairs  that  would 
then  ensue,  through  measures  that  would 
protect  Germany  and  Europe  from  the 
catastrophe  of  a  new  war.  All  forces 
working  for  international  conciliation  and 
true  democracy  are  then  to  be  brought  into 
play  as  an  international  defense  against 
the  threatening  disaster.  A  passive  policy 
of  "Let  well  enough  alone"  would  be  a 
crime.  Where  there  is  a  single  strong  will, 
there  is  a  way ! 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


THE  GERMAN  LOAN 

I.  OFFICIAL     COMMUNIQUE     OF     THE 
REPARATION  COMMISSION 

The  Reparation  Commission  held  a  meet* 
ing  on  October  13,  1924,  under  the  chairman- 
ship of  M.  Louis  Barthou. 

In  the  presence  of  Mr.  Owen  D.  Young, 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments,  the 
Commission  took  the  following  decisions  con- 
cerning the  loan  of  800  million  gold  marks 
provided  for  in  the  report  of  the  First  Com- 
mittee of  Experts: 

Decision  No.  1 

The  Reparation  Commission,  considering 
that  by  Article  2  of  the  agreement,  dated  the 
9th  August,  1924,  between  the  said  Com- 
mission and  the  German  Government,  the 
said  Commission  undertook  to  take  all  ap- 
propriate measures  for  carrying  into  effect 
the  plan  for  the  discharge  of  the  reparation 
obligations  and  other  pecuniary  liabilities  of 
Germany  under  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  pro- 
posed to  the  Reparation  Commission  on  the 
9th  April,  1924,  by  the  First  Committee  of 
Experts  appointed  by  the  said  Commission 
(which  plan  is  hereinafter  referred  to  as 
"the  Experts'  Plan"),  and,  in  particular,  all 
measures    appropriate    for    facilitating    the 


issue  of  the  German  loan  of  the  effective 
equivalent  of  800,000,000  gold  marks  provided 
for  in  the  Experts'  Plan  as  an  essential  part 
thereof ; 

And  considering  that  under  the  Experts' 
Plan  the  amount  required  for  the  service 
of  the  said  German  loan  was  to  be  deducted 
from  the  sums  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
Germany's  creditors  under  that  plan ; 

And  considering  that  at  the  International 
Conference  held  in  London  and  concluded 
on  the  16th  August,  1924,  all  the  govern- 
ments concerned  and  the  said  Commission 
confirmed  their  acceptance  of  the  Experts' 
Plan  and  agreed  to  its  being  brought  into 
operation ; 

And  considering  that  in  the  course  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  said  conference  certain 
mutually  interdependent  agreements  (of 
which  the  said  agreement  of  the  9th  August, 
1924,  was  one)  necessary  to  bring  the  Ex- 
perts' Plan  into  operation  were  drawn  up 
and  annexed  to  the  final  protocol  of  the 
said  conference ; 

And  considering  that  all  the  said  agree- 
ments were  subsequently  duly  signed  by  the 
parties  thereto  and  are  in  course  of  being 
carried  into  effect ; 

And  considering  that  under  the  Experts' 
Plan  the  payments  to  be  made  out  of  the 


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691 


German  budget,  including  any  payments 
made  by  tbe  German  Government  under  its 
guarantee  of  ttie  railway  and  industrial 
bonds,  are  secured  on  the  gross  receipts  of 
the  German  customs  and  the  taxes  on  to- 
bacco, beer,  and  sugar,  and  the  net  receipts 
from  the  spirits  monopoly,  and  any  other 
indirect  taxes  that  may  hereafter  be  tem- 
porarily assigned  (hereinafter  referred  to 
as  "the  controlled  revenues")  ; 

And  considering  that  under  the  Experts' 
Plan  the  whole  of  the  payments  to  be  made 
for  the  discharge  of  the  obligations  of  Ger- 
many under  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  in- 
cluding such  amounts  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  service  of  the  said  German  loan, 
are  to  be  paid  into  the  account  of  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments 
provided  for  by  and  now  instituted  under 
the  Experts'  Plan ; 

And  considering  that  it  is  contemplated 
that  the  annual  amounts  required  for  the 
service  of  the  said  German  loan  will  be  ap- 
proximately the  equivalent  of  91,500,000  gold 
marks ; 

And  considering  that  it  is  proposed  as  one 
of  the  terms  of  the  issue  of  the  said  Ger- 
man loan  that  the  annual  amounts  required 
for  the  service  thereof  shall  be  paid  out  of 
the  account  of  the  said  Agent  General  for 
Reparation  Payments  in  priority  to  all  pay- 
ments in  discharge  of  the  obligations  of  Ger- 
many for  reparation  and  otherwise  under  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles  and  the  Experts'  Plan, 
and  shall  also  be  secured  by  way  of  col- 
lateral security  as  a  first  charge  upon  the 
controlled  revenues,  so  that  resort  may  be 
had  to  those  revenues  in  the  event  of  the 
said  annual  amounts  not  being  provided 
out  of  the  account  of  the  said  Agent  General, 
such  resort  being  had  in  priority  to  all 
other  payments,  of  whatsoever  nature  or 
kind,  whether  by  way  of  reparation  pay- 
ments or  payments  for  the  service  of  the 
interest  or  the  amortization  of  the  railway 
and  industrial  bonds,  and  in  respect  of  which 
the  guarantee  of  the  German  Government  is 
collaterally  secured, — 

Hereby,  in  exercise  of  the  power  conferred 
by  Article  248  of  the  Treaty  of  Versailles 
to  make  exceptions  to  the  first  charge  created 
by  that  Treaty  upon  all  the  assets  and  reve- 
nues of  the  German  Empire  and  its  con- 
stituent States  for  the  cost  of  reparation 
and  other  costs,  and  of  every  or  any  other 
power  the  said  Commission  thereunto 
enabling,  and  in   execution   of  the   Experts' 


Plan,  so  accepted,  as  aforesaid,  by  all  the 
governments    concerned, 

Postpones  to  the  payments  necessary  for 
the  service  of  the  said  German  loan,  (a) 
the  charges  on  the  assets  and  revenues  of 
Germany  and  the  German  States,  and  on  the 
controlled  revenues  respectively  created  by 
the  said  Article  248  and  by  the  Experts' 
Plan,  and  (6)  any  and  every  other  charge  to 
which  the  powers  of  the  said  Commission 
extend,  and  excepts  the  said  assets  and 
revenues,  whether  controlled  or  otherwise, 
accordingly  to  the  intent  that  the  said  Agent 
General  for  Reparation  Payments  (assenting 
hereto)  shall  in  priority  to  and  before  pro- 
viding for  or  allowing  the  costs  of  repara- 
tion, restitution,  or  any  other  obligation  of 
Germany  under  the  Experts'  Plan,  or  under 
the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  or  under  any  treaty, 
agreement,  or  arrangement  under  Article  248 
thereof  or  otherwise,  by  cash  payments,  or 
by  deliveries  in  kind  (whether  direct  or  by 
the  operation  of  any  recovery  act,  decree), 
or  otherwise,  howsoever,  make  provision  for 
the  service  of  the  said  German  loan  by  means 
of  payments  to  the  trustees  or  other  proper 
officer  or  officers  appointed  under  the  con- 
tracts relating  to  that  loan  out  of  the  sums 
going  to  the  credit  of  the  Agent  General 
under  the  Experts'  Plan,  and  that  in  the 
event  of  such  provision  not  being  duly  and 
fully  made,  resort  may  be  had  on  behalf 
of  the  holders  of  the  bonds  of  the  said  Ger- 
man loan  to  the  controlled  revenues  inl 
priority  to  the  claims  of  the  Reparation 
Commission. 

For  the  purposes  of  conveniently  and 
definitely  insuring  that  the  respective  serv- 
ices of  the  various  tranches  constituting  the 
before-mentioned  loan  shall  be  duly  met  in 
accordance  with  the  relative  provisions  of 
the  general  bond  to  secure  such  loan  (a 
copy  of  which  general  bond  is  attached 
hereto),  it  is  understood  that  the  Agent  Gen- 
eral shall  pay  to  the  trustees  for  the  time 
being  for  the  bondholders,  or  as  they  may 
direct,  one-twelfth  of  the  gross  annual  sum 
necessary  to  meet  the  yearly  service  of  each 
such  tranche  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  clause  8  of  the  said  general  bond. 

Considering  that  it  is  of  importance  that 
the  trustees  for  the  bondholders  of  the  loan 
shall  continue  to  act  in  harmony  with  the 
Agent  General  for  reparation  payments,  the 
Reparation  Commission  consider  it  desirable 
that  the  Agent  General  for  Reparation  Pay- 
ments should  ex  officio  be  one  of  the  trustees 


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December 


for  the  bondholders.  In  order  to  insure,  if 
possible,  the  continuation  of  this  arrange- 
ment, the  Reparation  Commission  will,  in 
the  e^'ent  of  the  post  of  the  Agent  General 
for  Reparation  Payments  becoming  vacant, 
consult  with  the  remaining  trustees  with  a 
view  to  appointing  to  the  vacant  post  a  per- 
son satisfactory  to  them,  as  representing  the 
bondholders : 

Provided  alioays,  and  it  is  hereby  declared, 
That,  save  as  expressly  herein  provided,  noth- 
ing herein  contained  shall  prejudice  or  aifect 
the  rights  of  the  said  Commission  under  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles  and  the  Experts'  Plan 
for  securing  and  recovering  the  amounts 
payable  by  Germany  thereunder. 

Decision  No.  2 

Considering  the  Resolution  No.  2950  (I), 
passed  by  this  Commission  on  the  13th  Octo- 
ber, 1924; 

And  considering  that  it  is  appreciated  by 
this  Commission  that,  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  issue  of  the  German  loan  in  the  said 
resolution  referred  to,  all  assurances  should 
be  given  to  the  lenders  that  all  possible  steps 
will  be  taken  and  all  necessary  measures 
enforced  for  the  purposes  of  insuring  that 
the  annual  services  of  the  bonds  of  each 
tranche  of  the  loan  shall  be  duly  and  punc- 
tually paid  to  or  at  the  direction  of  the 
trustees  of  the  general  bond  securing  the  loan 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  such 
general  bond  whilst  such  bonds  or  any  of 
them  are  not  redeemed  or  are  not  due  for 
redemption, 

It  is  further  resolved  as  follows : 

In  the  event  of  this  Commission  alienat- 
ing or  authorizing  or  concurring  in  the  aliena- 
tion or  redemption  of  the  bonds,  debentures, 
scrip,  or  other  like  securities  created  under 
or  in  pursuance  of  the  Experts'  Plan  (i.  e. 
(a)  the  railway  bonds;  (h)  the  industrial 
bonds;  (c)  any  bonds,  debentures,  or  other 
securities  issued  secured  wholly  or  in  part 
on  the  transportation  tax  or  on  the  con- 
tributions from  the  German  budget;  and  (d) 
any  bonds,  debentures,  or  other  securities 
issued,  secured  wholly  or  in  part  upon  the 
bonds  and  other  securities  referred  to  in 
(a),  (&),  and  (c),  or  any  one  or  more  of 
them,  respectively,  or  upon  any  portion  there- 
of, respectively),  the  moneys  from  time  to 
time  necessary  for  the  payment  of  the  in- 
terest and  redemption  of  such  bonds  or  other 
securities  so  alienated  or  redeemed  shall  be 


paid  into  and  through  the  account  of  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments,  and 
the  payment  out  of  such  account  shall  be 
subject  in  all  things  to  the  approval  of  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments  and 
of  the  Transfer  Committee,  to  the  intent  that 
nothing  shall  be  done  or  authorized  to  be 
done  in  connection  with  any  such  alienation 
or  redemption  whereby  the  said  services  of 
the  said  loan  shall  be  in  anywise  delayed  or 
otherwise  affected. 

And  it  is  further  resolved,  That  any  such 
alienations  or  redemptions,  as  aforesaid,  shall 
be  effected  only  under  the  advice  of  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments  and 
of  the  Transfer  Committee. 

Decision  No.  3 

The    Commission    approved    the  signature 

by   the   General   Secretary   of  the  following 

letter  addressed  to  Dr.  Luther,  the  Ger- 
man Minister  of  Finance : 

Reparation  Commission  Paris, 

10th   October,   1924. 
Dr.  LxJTHER,  Minister  of  Finance  of  the  Ger- 
man Reich. 
Sir  :  I  am  directed  to  inform  you  that  the 
Reparation    Commission    has    taken    note   of 
the  statement   signed   by   you,    which   is   ap- 
pended to  the  prospectuses  about  to  be  issued 
in    connection    with    the    German    External 
Loan,   1924,   and   that   they   have  taken   the 
necessary    action    to    enable    the    service    of 
the    loan    to    be    fully    secured    under    the 
charges  referred  to  in  that  statement. 
I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
(Signed)     S.  A.  Armitage-Smith, 

Secretary    General. 

Decision  No.  4 

The  Commission  approved  the  prospectus 
for  the  English  and  for  the  American  issues 
of  the  loan. 

The  Commission  then  proceeded  to  make 
the  second  announcement  contemplated  in 
Articles  1  and  3  of  Annex  III  to  the  Final 
Protocol  of  the  London  Conference. 

The   Commission   took  note — 

1.  That  Germany  has  taken  the  following 
measures : 

(a)  The  voting  by  the  Reichstag,  in  the 
form  approved  by  the  Reparation  Commis- 
sion, of  the  laws  necessary  to  the  working 
of  the  plan,  and  their  promulgation. 

(5)  The  installation,  with  a  view  to  their 
normal  working,  of  all  the  executive  and  con- 
trolling bodies  provided  for  in  the  plan. 


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(c)  The  definitive  constitution,  in  con- 
formity with  the  provisions  of  the  respective 
laws,  of  the  bank  and  tlie  German  Railway 
Company. 

(d)  The  deposit  with  the  trustees  of  cer- 
tificates representing  the  railway  bonds  and 
such  similar  certificates  for  the  industrial 
debentures  as  may  result  from  the  report  of 
the  Organization  Committee. 

2.  That  contracts  have  been  concluded  as- 
suring the  subscription  of  the  loan  of  800 
million  gold  marks  as  soon  as  the  plan  has 
been  brought  into  operation  and  all  the 
conditions  contained  in  the  Experts'  Report 
have  been  fulfilled. 

II.  STATEMENT    OF    THE    GERMAN 
MINISTER  OF  FINANCE 

Arrangements  have  been  made  for  portions 
of  the  loan  to  be  issued  in  Great  Britain, 
the  United  States  of  America,  Belgium, 
France,  Holland,  Italy,  Sweden,  Switzerland, 
and  Germany.  The  loan  will  be  issued  in  the 
form  of  bonds  to  bearer,  carrying  interest  at 
7  per  cent  per  annum  and  repayable  within 
25  years  by  means  of  a  sinking  fund  to  be 
applied  to  the  purchase  and/or  drawing  of 
bonds  of  the  issue  in  the  manner  set  forth  in 
the  prospectuses  relating  to  the  several  issues. 

Bonds  issued  in  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  interest  thereon  will  be  ex- 
pressed and  be  payable  in  United  States  dol- 
lars ;  bonds  issued  elsewhere  and  the  interest 
thereon  will  be  expressed  and  be  payable 
in  sterling  or  in  the  currency  of  the  coun- 
try of  issue,  as  may  be  provided  in  the  rela- 
tive prospectuses. 

The  loan  is  issued  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  plan  proposed  to  the 
Reparation  Commission  by  the  First  Commit- 
tee of  Experts  (the  "Dawes  Committee")  for 
the  discharge  of  the  reparation  obligations 
and  other  pecuniary  liabilities  of  Germany 
under  the  Treaty  of  Versailles,  which  plan 
was  confirmed  by  the  various  governments 
concerned  and  by  the  Reparation  Commis- 
sion at  the  London  Conference  of  August, 
1924.  The  German  Government  has  under- 
taken to  adopt  all  appropriate  measures  for 
carrying  into  effect  the  said  plan  and  for 
insuring  its  permanent  operation. 

The  loan  is  intended  to  serve  the  double 
purpose  of  insuring  currency  stability  in 
Germany  and  financing,  especially,  deliveries 
in  kind  during  the  preliminary  period  of 
economic  rehabilitation. 


The  service  of  interest  and  amortization 
of  the  loan  is: 

(1)  A  direct  and  unconditional  obligation 
of  the  German  Government  chargeable  on 
all  the  assets  and  revenues  of  that  govern- 
ment. 

(2)  A  specific  first  charge  on  all  payments 
provided  for  under  the  plan  of  the  Dawes 
Committee  to  or  for  the  account  of  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments, 
such  charge  being  prior  to  reparation  and 
other  treaty  payments,  which,  in  turn,  have 
a  specific  precedence  over  the  existing  Ger- 
man debt. 

(3)  A  first  charge,  by  way  of  collateral 
security,  on  the  "controlled  revenues" — i.  e., 
the  gross  revenues  of  the  German  Govern- 
ment derived  from  the  customs  and  from  the 
taxes  on  tobacco,  beer,  and  sugar,  the  net 
revenue  of  the  German  Government  from  the 
spirits  monopoly,  and  such  tax  (if  any)  as 
may  hereafter  be  similarly  assigned  by  the 
German  Government  in  accordance  with  the 
terms  of  the  final  protocol  of  the  London 
Conference. 

The  Reparation  Commission  have  post- 
poned, in  favor  of  the  charges  created  in 
respect  of  the  loan,  all  reparation  and  other 
charges  upon  the  payments  to  the  Agent  Gen- 
eral for  Reparation  Payments,  including 
charges  in  respect  of  deliveries  in  kind  or 
payments  therefor,  whether  direct  or  through 
the  operation  of  any  reparation  recovery  act 
or  decree. 

The  annual  sum  required  for  the  service 
of  interest  and  amortization  of  the  loan  on 
the  basis  of  present  exchange  rates  will  not 
exceed  about  91  ^^  million  gold  marks.  The 
payments  to  the  Agent  General  for  Repara- 
tion Payments  have  been  fixed  at  1,000  mil- 
lion gold  marks  for  the  first  year  and  are 
expected  to  increase  thereafter  until  they 
reach  2,500  million  gold  marks  for  the  fifth 
and  subsequent  years.  The  annual  gross 
receipts  of  the  controlled  revenues  are  esti- 
mated at  not  less  than  1,000  million  gold 
marks. 

The  German  Government  may  not  create 
any  further  charge  upon  the  controlled  reve- 
nues ranking  in  priority  to  or  pari  passu 
with  the  charge  created  in  favor  of  the 
bondholders  of  this  issue. 

The  German  Government  has  executed  a 
general  bond,  whereby  S.  Parker  Gilbert  (the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments),  N. 
D.  Jay,  and  C.  E.  ter  Meulen  have  been  ap- 


694 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


pointed  trustees  for  the  bondholders  of  the 
loan.  In  the  event  of  the  termination  of  the 
appointment  of  a  trustee  other  than  the 
Agent  General  for  Reparation  Payments,  the 
power  of  appointing  a  new  trustee  is  vested 
in  the  remaining  trustees. 

The  German  Government  have  agreed  that 
fifteen  days  prior  to  the  due  date  of  any  in- 
stallment of  interest  and  fifteen  days  prior 
to  the  due  date  of  any  redemption  moneys 
there  shall  be  paid  to  the  trustees  the  whole 
of  the  funds  required  to  meet  the  service  of 
such  interest  and  redemption.  With  a  view 
to  carrying  into  effect  this  provision,  ar- 
rangement is  made  for  the  payment  to  the 
trustees  by  the  Agent  General  for  Reparation 
Payments  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  each 
calendar  month  of  a  sum  equivalent  to  at 
least  one-twelfth  of  the  amount  necessary 
to  meet  the  service  of  the  loan  for  one 
year. 

The  Reparation  Commission  considers  it 
desirable  that  the  Agent  General  for  Repara- 
tion Payments  should,  ex  officio,  be  one  of 
the  trustees  for  the  bondholders.  In  order 
to  insure,  if  possible,  the  continuation  of  this 
arrangement,  the  Reparation  Commission 
will,  in  the  event  of  the  post  of  Agent  Gen- 
eral becoming  vacant,  consult  with  the  re- 
maining trustees  with  a  view  to  appointing 
to  the  vacant  post  a  person  satisfactory  to 
them  as  representing  the  bondholders. 

For  the  purpose  of  providing  the  necessary 
foreign  currencies  for  the  service  of  the 
loan,  the  German  Government,  the  Repara- 
tion Commission,  the  Transfer  Committee, 
and  the  Agent  General  for  Reparation  Pay- 
ments have  agreed  that  funds  required  to  be 
sent  abroad  for  that  purpose  shall  have  an 
absolute  right  of  remittance,  which  right 
shall  have  priority  over  the  remittance  of 
funds  required  to  be  remitted  in  discharge 
of  reparation  payments  or  other  liabilities. 

Article  3  of  Annex  IV  of  the  Final  Protocol 

of    the    London    Conference,    Dated 

16th  August,  1924. 

In  order  to  secure  the  service  of  the  loan 
of  800  million  gold  marks  contemplated  by 
the  Experts'  Plan,  and  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  issue  of  that  loan  to  the  public,  the 
signatory  governments  hereby  declare  that, 
in  case  sanctions  have  to  be  imposed  in  con- 
sequence of  a  default  by  Germany,  they  will 
safeguard  any  specific  securities  which  may 
be  pledged  to  the  service  of  the  loan. 

The  signatory  governments  further  de- 
clare that  they  consider  the  service  of  the 
loan  as  entitled  to  absolute  priority  as  re- 


gards any  resources  of  Germany,  so  far  as 
such  resources  may  have  been  subjected  to 
a  general  charge  in  favor  of  the  said  loan 
and  also  as  regards  any  resources  that  may 
arise  as  a  result  of  the  imposition  of  sanc- 
tions. 

Dr.     LtJTHEB, 

Minister  of  Finance 
of  the  Oerman  Reich. 
10th  October,  1924. 


FRENCH  RECOGNITION  OF  THE 
SOVIET  GOVERNMENT 

(Note. — Following  Is  the  text  (I)  of  the 
communication  dispatched  on  October  28  by 
the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  to  the 
Soviet  Commissar  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and 
(II)  the  Soviet  reply  to  the  French  com- 
munication.) 

I.  The  French  Communication 

Pursuant  to  the  ministerial  declaration  of 
June  17,  1924,  and  to  your  communication  of 
July  17  last,  the  Government  of  the  Republic, 
true  to  the  friendship  which  binds  the  Rus- 
sian people  to  the  French  people,  recognizes 
de  jure  as  from  today,  the  Government  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  as  the 
Government  of  the  territories  of  the  old  Rus- 
sian Empire,  where  its  authority  is  accepted 
by  the  inhabitants  and  in  those  territories  as 
the  successor  of  the  former  Russian  govern- 
ment. 

It  is,  therefore,  ready  to  open  at  once  regu- 
lar diplomatic  relations  with  the  Government 
of  the  Union  by  the  reciprocal  appointment 
of  ambassadors. 

In  informing  you  of  this  recognition,  which 
will  in  nowise  infringe  any  undertaking 
entered  into  by  France  or  treaty  signed  by 
her,  the  Government  of  the  Republic  desires 
to  express  its  belief  in  the  possibility  of  a 
general  agreement  between  the  two  countries, 
of  which  the  resumption  of  diplomatic  rela- 
tions is  but  the  preface. 

In  this  respect  it  intends  expressly  to  re- 
serve the  rights  which  French  citizens  hold 
in  respect  of  obligations  entered  into  by  Rus- 
sia or  her  nationals  under  the  former  regimes, 
obligations  respect  for  which  is  guaranteed 
by  the  general  principles  of  law  which  remain 
for  us  the  rule  in  international  life. 

The  same  reservations  apply  to  the  respon- 
sibilities assumed  since  1914  by  Russia 
towards  the  French  State  and  its  nationals. 

In  this  spirit  the  Government  of  the 
Republic,  in  order  to  serve  once  again  the 


19U 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


695 


interests  of  peace  and  the  future  of  Europe, 
has  for  its  aim  to  seek  with  the  Union  a 
settlement  equitable  and  practical,  which  will 
permit  of  the  re-establishment  between  the 
two  nations  of  useful  relations  and  normal 
exchanges  when  confidence  will  have  been 
justified. 

As  soon  as  you  have  made  known  your 
assent  to  the  opening  of  negotiations  of  a 
general  character,  and  more  particularly  of 
an  economic  character,  we  shall  welcome  to 
Paris  your  delegates,  furnished  with  full 
powers  to  meet  our  negotiators.  Until  the 
happy  issue  of  these  negotiations,  the 
treaties,  conventions,  and  arrangements  exist- 
ing between  France  or  French  citizens  and 
Russia  shall  have  no  effect  on  the  rights  of 
individuals,  existing  before  the  establishment 
of  the  Soviet  Power ;  as  between  French  sub- 
jects and  Russians,  such  rights  shall  remain 
governed  as  hitherto. 

Finally,  it  must  be  understood  from  the  out- 
set that  non-interference  in  internal  affairs 
will  be  the  rule  of  the  relations  between  our 
two  countries. 

( Signed )  Hebriot. 

II.  The  Soviet  Reply 

Moscow,  29,  10,  24. 
M.  Hebriot,  President  of  the  Council,  Paris. 

The  Central  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  welcomes 
with  the  greatest  satisfaction  the  proposal  of 
the  French  Government  to  restore  fully  and 
entirely  regular  diplomatic  relations  between 
the  Union  of  the  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  and 
France  by  the  reciprocal  appointment  of  am- 
bassadors, and  to  open  immediate  negotia- 
tions with  a  view  to  establishing  friendly 
relations  between  the  peoples  of  the  Union  of 
Soviet  Socialist  Republics  and  France.  It 
expresses  the  hope  that  all  the  questions  men- 
tioned in  the  telegram  of  the  President  of  the 
Council  of  the  French  Republic  under  today's 
date  will  be  settled  by  a  full  accord  between 
the  two  governments  for  the  greatest  advan- 
tage of  the  Union  of  the  Soviet  Socialist  Re- 
publics and  France. 

Good  will  being  present  on  both  sides,  as 
well  as  absolute  respect  for  mutual  Interests, 
the  Central  Committee  of  the  Union  of  Soviet 
Socialist  Republics  regards  it  as  most  impor- 
portant  that  all  misunderstandings  between 
the  Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  and 
France  be  dissipated,  and  that  a  general 
agreement  be  concluded  which  might  serve  as 
a  firm  basis  for  their  friendly  relations. 


The  Central  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Union  of  Soviet  Socialist  Republics  empha- 
sizes the  immense  advantages  accruing  to 
both  countries  from  the  inauguration  between 
them  of  close  and  lasting  economic  relations 
favoring  the  development  of  their  productive 
powers  and  of  their  mutual  commerce. 

The  Central  Executive  Committee,  like  the 
French  Government,  considers  that  non-inter- 
ference in  internal  affairs  is  an  essential  con- 
dition of  the  relations  with  all  States  in  gen- 
eral and  with  France  in  particular,  and  it 
greets  with  satisfaction  the  declaration  of  the 
French  Government  in  this  respect.  It  ac- 
cepts Paris  as  the  venue  for  the  negotiations 
between  the  Union  of  the  Soviet  Socialist  Re- 
publics and  France. 

It  brings  to  the  notice  of  the  French  Gov- 
ernment that  it  has  charged  the  Council  of 
the  Commissars  of  the  people  and  the  Com- 
missar of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Union  to 
take  all  measures  necessary  to  open  these 
negotiations  without  delay,  and  to  bring 
about  a  friendly  solution  of  the  problems 
affecting  both  countries.  It  expresses  the 
hope  that  these  questions  will  be  entirely 
liquidated  in  the  Interest  of  both  countries 
and  of  peace  in  general. 

( Signed )  Kalinin, 

Rykoff, 
Chichebin. 


THE  ZINOVIEV  LETTER 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  (I)  the 
letter  from  G.  Zinoviev,  President  of  the 
Third  International  to  the  British  Communist 
Party,  and  (II)  of  the  British  protest 
against  this  letter,  handed  to  the  Soviet 
charg6  d'affaires  in  London.) 

I.  Moscow's    Instructions   to   the 
British  Communists 

Very  Secret 

Executive    Committee,    Third    (Communist) 
International     Presidium,     September    15, 
1924,   Moscow,   to   the  Central   Committee, 
British  Communist  Party. 
Dear  Comrades  :  The  time  is  approaching 
for  the  Parliament  of  England  to  consider  the 
treaty  concluded  between  the  Governments  of 
Great  Britain  and  the  S.  S.  S.  R.  for  the  pur- 
pose   of    ratification.      The    fierce    campaign 
raised  by  the  British  bourgeoisie  around  the 
question  shows  that  the  majority  of  the  same, 
together  with  reactionary  circles,  are  against 
the  treaty  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  off  an 


696 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


agreement  consolidating  the  ties  between  the 
proletariats  of  the  two  countries  leading  to 
the  restoration  of  normal  relations  between 
England  and  the  S.  S.  S.  R. 

The  proletariat  of  Great  Britain,  which 
pronounced  its  weighty  word  when  danger 
threatened  a  breaking  off  of  the  past  negotia- 
tions and  compelled  the  Government  of  Mac- 
Donald  to  conclude  the  treaty,  must  show  the 
greatest  possible  energy  in  the  further  strug- 
gle for  ratification  and  against  the  endeavors 
of  British  capitalists  to  compel  Parliament 
to  annul  it. 

It  is  indispensable  to  stir  up  the  masses 
of  the  British  proletariat  to  bring  into  move- 
ment the  army  of  unemployed  proletarians, 
whose  position  can  be  improved  only  after 
a  loan  has  been  granted  to  the  S.  S.  S.  R.  for 
the  restoration  of  her  economics  and  when 
business  collaboration  between  the  British 
and  Russian  proletariats  has  been  put  in 
order. 

It  is  imperative  that  the  group  in  the  Labor 
Party  sympathizing  with  the  treaty  should 
bring  increased  pressure  to  bear  upon  the 
Government  and  Parliamentary  circles  in 
favor  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  Keep 
close  observation  over  the  leaders  of  the 
Labor  Party,  because  these  may  easily  be 
found  in  the  leading-strings  of  the  bourgeoisie. 

The  foreign  policy  of  the  Labor  Party,  as 
it  is  already,  represents  an  inferior  copy  of 
the  policy  of  the  Curzon  Government ;  organ- 
ize a  campaign  of  disclosure  of  the  foreign 
policy  of  MacDonald.  The  Ikki  [Executive 
Committee,  Third  (Communist)  Interna- 
tional] will  willingly  place  at  your  disposal 
the  wide  material  in  its  possession  regarding 
the  activities  of  British  Imperialism  in  the 
Middle  and  Far  East. 

In  the  meanwhile,  however,  strain  every 
nerve  in  the  struggle  for  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  in  favor  of  a  continuation  of 
negotiations  regarding  the  regulation  of  rela- 
tions between  the  S.  S.  S.  R.  and  England. 
A  settlement  of  relations  between  the  two 
countries  will  assist  in  the  revolutionizing  of 
the  International  and  British  proletariat,  not 
less  than  a  successful  rising  in  any  of  the 
working  districts  of  England,  as  the  estab- 
lishment of  close  contact  between  the  British 
and  Russian  proletariat,  the  exchange  of 
delegations  and  workers,  &c.,  will  make  it 
possible  for  us  to  extend  and  develop  the 
propaganda  of  ideas  of  Leninism  in  England 
and  the  colonies. 


Armed  warfare  must  be  preceded  by  a 
struggle  against  the  inclinations  to  compro- 
mise which  are  embedded  among  the  majority 
of  British  workmen,  against  the  ideas  of 
evolution  and  peaceful  extermination  of 
capitalism.  Only  then  will  it  be  possible  to 
count  upon  complete  success  of  an  armed 
insurrection. 

In  Ireland  and  the  colonies  the  case  is 
different.  There  there  is  a  national  question, 
and  this  represents  too  great  a  factor  for 
success  for  us  to  waste  time  on  a  prolonged 
preparation  of  the  working  classes.  But 
even  in  England,  as  in  other  countries  where 
the  workers  are  politically  developed,  events 
themselves  move  more  rapidly  to  revolutionize 
the  working  masses  than  propaganda.  For  in- 
stance, a  strike  movement,  repressions  by  the 
government,  &c. 

From  your  last  report  it  is  evident  that 
agitation  propaganda  work  in  the  army  is 
weak ;  in  the  navy  a  very  little  better.  Your 
explanation  that  the  quality  of  the  members 
attracted  justifies  the  quantity  is  right  in 
principle;  nevertheless,  it  would  be  desirable 
to  have  "cells"  in  all  the  units  of  the  troops, 
particularly  among  those  quartered  in  the 
large  centers  of  the  country,  and  also  among 
factories  working  on  munitions  and  at  mili- 
tary stores  depots. 

We  request  that  the  most  particular  atten- 
tion be  paid  to  these  latter.  In  the  event  of 
danger  of  war,  with  the  aid  of  the  latter  and 
in  contact  with  the  transport  workers,  it  is 
possible  to  paralyze  all  the  military  prepara- 
tions of  the  bourgeoisie  and  make  a  start  in 
turning  an  imperialist  war  into  a  class  war. 

More  than  ever,  we  should  be  on  our  guard. 
Attempts  at  intervention  in  China  show  that 
world  imperialism  is  still  full  of  vigor,  and 
is  once  more  making  endeavors  to  restore  its 
shaken  position  and  cause  a  new  war,  which 
as  its  final  objective  is  to  bring  about  the 
break-up  of  the  Russian  proletariat  and  the 
suppression  of  the  budding  world  revolution, 
and  further  would  lead  to  the  enslavement  of 
the  colonial  peoples. 

"Danger  of  War,"  "The  Bourgeoisie  Seeks 
War  and  Capital  Fresh  Markets" — these  are 
the  slogans  which  you  must  familiarize  the 
masses  with,  with  which  you  must  go  to  work 
into  the  mass  of  the  proletariat.  These 
slogans  will  open  to  you  the  doors  of  com- 
prehension of  the  masses,  will  help  you  to 
capture  them  and  march  under  the  banner 
of  Communism. 


192Jk 


INTERNATIONAL  DOCUMENTS 


697 


The  military  section  of  the  British  Com- 
munist Party,  so  far  as  we  are  aware,  further 
suffers  from  a  lack  of  specialists,  the  future 
directors  of  the  British  Red  army.  It  is  time 
you  thought  of  forming  such  a  group,  which, 
together  with  the  leaders,  might  be,  in  the 
event  of  an  outbreak  of  active  strife,  the 
brain  of  the  military  organization  of  the 
party.  Go  attentively  through  the  lists  of  the 
military  "cells,"  detailing  from  them  the 
more  energetic  and  capable  men.  Turn  atten- 
tion to  the  more  talented  military  specialists 
who  have  for  one  reason  or  another  left  the 
service  and  hold  Socialist  views.  Attract 
them  into  the  ranks  of  the  Communist  Party 
if  they  desire  honestly  to  serve  the  proletariat 
and  desire  in  the  future  to  direct  not  the 
blind  mechanical  forces  in  the  service  of  the 
bourgeoisie  but  a  national  army.  Form  a 
directing  operative  head  of  the  military  sec- 
tion. Do  not  put  this  off  to  a  future  moment 
which  may  be  pregnant  with  events  and  catch 
you  unprepared. 

Desiring  you  all  success  both  in  organiza- 
tion and  in  your  struggle,  with  Communist 
greetings, 

ZiNOVIEV, 

President  of  the  Presidium  of  the  Ikki. 

McManus, 
Member  of  the  Presidium. 

KUUSINEN, 

Secretary. 

II.  The  British  Protest 

Foreign  Office,  October  24,  1024. 
Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  invite  your  atten- 
tion to  the  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  which 
has  been  received  by  the  Central  Committee 
of  the  British  Communist  Party  from  the 
Presidium  of  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Communist  International,  over  the  signa- 
ture of  M.  Zinoviev,  its  president,  dated 
September  15. 

1.  The  letter  contains  instructions  to 
British  subjects  to  work  for  the  violent  over- 
throw of  existing  institutions  in  this  coun- 
try and  for  the  subversion  of  His  Majesty's 
armed  forces  as  a  means  to  that  end. 

2.  It  is  my  duty  to  inform  you  that  His 
Majesty's  Government  cannot  allow  this 
propaganda  and  must  regard  it  as  a  direct 
interference  from  outside  in  British  domestic 
affairs. 

3.  No  one  who  understands  the  constitu- 
tion and  the  relationships  of  the  Communist 
International  will  doubt  its  intimate  connec- 


tion and  contact  with  the  Soviet  Government. 
No  government  will  ever  tolerate  an  arrange- 
ment with  a  foreign  government  by  which 
the  latter  is  in  formal  diplomatic  relations 
of  a  correct  kind  with  it,  whilst  at  the  same 
time  a  propagandist  body  organically  con- 
nected with  that  foreign  government  encour- 
ages and  even  orders  subjects  of  the  former 
to  plot  and  plan  revolution  for  its  overthrow. 
Such  conduct  is  not  only  a  grave  departure 
from  the  rules  of  international  comity,  but  a 
violation  of  specific  and  solemn  undertakings 
repeatedly  given  to  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment. 

4.  So  recently  as  June  4  of  last  year  the 
Soviet  Government  made  the  following 
solemn  agreement  with  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment : 

"The  Soviet  Government  undertakes  not  to 
support,  with  funds  or  in  any  other  form, 
persons  or  bodies  or  agencies  or  institutions 
whose  aim  is  to  spread  discontent  or  to 
foment  rebellion  in  any  part  of  the  British 
Empire  .  .  .  and  to  impress  upon  its 
officers  and  officials  the  full  and  continuous 
observance  of  these  conditions." 

5.  Moreover,  in  the  treaty  which  His 
Majesty's  Government  recently  concluded 
with  your  government,  still  further  provision 
was  made  for  the  faithful  execution  of  an 
analogous  undertaking  which  is  essential  to 
the  existence  of  good  and  friendly  relations 
between   the   two   countries. 

His  Majesty's  Government  means  that  these 
undertakings  shall  be  carried  out,  both  in  the 
letter  and  in  the  spirit,  and  it  cannot  accept 
the  contention  that  whilst  the  Soviet  Govern- 
ment undertakes  obligations  a  political  body, 
as  powerful  as  itself,  is  to  be  allowed  to  con- 
duct a  propaganda,  and  support  it  with 
money,  which  is  in  direct  violation  of  the 
official  agreement. 

The  Soviet  Government  either  has  or  has 
not  the  power  to  make  such  agreements.  If 
it  has  the  power,  it  is  its  duty  to  carry  them 
out  and  see  that  the  other  parties  are  not 
deceived.  If  it  has  not  this  power,  and  if 
responsibilities  which  belong  to  the  State  in 
other  countries  are  in  Russia  in  the  keeping 
of  private  and  irresponsible  bodies,  the  Soviet 
Government  ought  not  to  make  agreements 
which  it  knows  it  cannot  carry  out. 

6.  I  should  be  obliged  If  you  would  be  good 
enough  to  let  me  have  the  observations  of 
your  government  on  this  subject  without 
delay. 


698 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  high  consid- 
erations, sir,  your  obedient  servant 

(In  the  absence  of  the  Secretary  of  State), 
(Signed)  J.  D.  Geegoey. 


U.  S.  NOTE  TO  PERSIA 

(Note. — Following  is  the  text  of  a  note 
which  the  American  Charg6  d'Affaires  at 
Teheran,  Mr.  Wallace  S.  Murray,  delivered, 
under  instructions  from  the  United  States 
Government,  on  the  morning  of  November  9, 
to  the  Persian  Government.) 

I  am  instructed  by  my  government  to  in- 
form you  of  its  gratification  at  the  reports 
which  have  been  received  as  to  the  action 
which  has  been  and  is  being  taken  by  the 
Persian  Government  to  carry  out  the  sen- 
tences passed  by  the  military  tribunal  in  the 
cases  of  those  found  guilty  of  participating 
in  the  attack  on  Vice-Consul  Imbrie.  My 
government  has  also  instructed  me  to  make 
aclaiowledgment  of  the  action  of  your  govern- 
ment in  paying  the  indemnity  of  $60,000  for 
the  widow  of  Vice-Consul  Imbrie  and  in  ren- 
dering appropriate  honors  in  connection  with 
the  return  of  the  remains  of  Mr.  Imbrie. 

One  question  which  is  now  outstanding  be- 
tween the  two  governments  with  respect  to 
the  late  incident  is  that  of  reimbursement  for 
the  expenses  incurred  in  dispatching  an 
American  man-of-war  to  Persia  for  the  return 
of  the  Vice-Consul's  remains,  expenses  which 
the  Persian  Government  in  its  note  of  July 
29  has  already  expressed  its  willingness  to 
meet.  It  is  anticipated  that  this  sum  will 
approximate  $110,000. 

My  government  desires  to  effect  a  settle- 
ment of  this  question  in  a  manner  that  will 
tend  to  promote  the  friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  two  countries.  It  has  therefore 
authorized  me  to  propose  that  the  Persian 
Government's  undertakings  in  this  matter  be 
carried  out  by  the  establishment  of  a  trust 
fund,  to  be  utilized  for  the  education  of  Per- 
sian students  at  institutions  of  higher  learn- 
ing in  the  United  States. 

Upon  receipt  of  information  that  the  Per- 
sian Government  is  prepared  to  carry  out  this 
suggestion,  the  precise  arrangements  which 
could  best  be  made  to  give  effect  thereto  can 
be  easily  determined.  My  government  believes 
that  the  Persian  Government  will  be  in  full 
agreement  with  its  view  that  the  plan  sug- 
gested will  result  in  promoting  a  closer  rela- 
tionship and  a  better  understanding  between 
the  peoples  of  the  two  countries. 


News  in  Brief 


The  ninth  Pbague  Samples  Fair,  which 
closed  September  28,  had  during  the  eight 
days  more  than  400,000  visitors,  among  whom 
were  numerous  foreigners.  The  majority  of 
these  came  from  Austria,  Poland,  Bulgaria, 
Jugoslavia,  Rumania,  Germany,  Denmark, 
France,  and  Russia,  etc. — i.  e.,  from  places 
which,  owing  to  their  nearness  to  Czecho- 
slovakia, will  play  the  most  important  part 
as  markets  for  Czechoslovak  goods.  Thus 
Prague  is  gradually  becoming  the  center  for 
commerce  of  the  Succession  States  and  the 
Slavonic  countries. 

The  Royal  National  Institute  of  Voca- 
tional Education  of  Rome  has  drawn  up  a 
provisional  plan  of  organization  for  an  inter- 
national office  of  vocational  education.  A 
draft  plan  of  action  has  been  established,  in- 
cluding the  following  questions: 

(1)  Vocational  education  in  relation  to 
social  questions  and  the  general  organization 
of  vocational  schools. 

(2)  A  preparatory  school  of  instruction 
preliminary  to  apprenticeship. 

(3)  Vocational  guidance  and  the  skilled 
trades. 

(4)  Schools  of  apprenticeship  or  probation 
for  skilled  workers. 

(5)  Supervision  of  the  work  of  minors  and 
corresponding  questions. 

(6)  Schools  for  chief  technicians  and  fore- 
men. 

(7)  Higher  institutions  and  courses  of 
technical  specialization. 

(8)  Courses  for  teachers,  etc. 

Technical  education  in  Bulgaria  Is  pro- 
gressing as  a  result  of  the  coming  into  force 
of  the  new  law,  which  amends  that  of  1921 
on  public  education.  At  the  present  time 
there  are  in  Bulgaria  one  high  school  of  com- 
merce, 21  intermediate  schools  of  commerce, 
and  73  technical  schools.  The  new  law  pro- 
vides for  two  kinds  of  schools — practical 
schools  and  intermediate  special  schools. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  an  agreement  was 
concluded  between  the  Russian  Soviet  Gov- 


192J^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


699 


ernment  and  certain  steamship  companies  in 
1923  concerning  the  establishment  of  emigra- 
tion offices  in  Russia.  In  view  of  the  small 
number  of  Russian  emigrants  (2,248)  who 
will  be  allowed  to  enter  the  United  States  in 
the  future  as  a  result  of  the  new  immigra- 
tion act,  these  shipping  companies  have  de- 
cided to  close  their  branch  offices  in  Russia, 
only  the  main  office  in  Moscow  remaining 
open. 

The  Budget  of  the  International  Labor 
Office,  Geneva,  for  the  financial  year  1925 
has  just  been  approved.  The  total  amount  of 
this  budget  is  7,087,595  gold  francs,  a  little 
more  than  one  and  one-third  millions  of  dol- 
lars. This  amount  is  contributed  in  varying 
proportions  by  the  various  fifty-seven  mem- 
ber governments,  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica, the  United  States  of  Mexico,  and  Soviet 
Russia  being  the  only  large  countries  not  rep- 
rrsented.  This  sum  provides  for  all  of  the 
expenses  of  the  annual  International  Labor 
Conference  and  the  maintenance  of  the  office, 
with  its  350  employees  and  its  branches  in 
London,  Paris,  Washington,  Rome,  Berlin, 
and  Tokyo.  While  in  general  make-up  and 
the  manner  in  which  its  duties  are  performed 
it  resembles  very  closely  the  Department  of 
Labor  of  the  United  States,  its  budget  for 
carrying  on  this  work  throughout  the  entire 
world  is  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  budget 
of  the  American  Department  of  Labor. 

According  to  the  monthly  statistics  of 
unemployment  throughout  the  world,  pub- 
lished by  the  International  Labor  Office  in 
its  monthly  International  Labor  Review,  the 
summer  months  have  seen  a  decided  change 
in  the  employment  situation  in  some  coun- 
tries. In  Germany  unemployment  increased 
after  a  steady  decline  during  the  previous 
six  months.  The  greatest  increase  was 
among  workers  on  part  time.  The  percent- 
age of  workers  partially  employed  increased 
from  8.2  in  May  to  28.2  at  the  end  of  July. 
All  industries  seem  to  have  shared  in  this 
increase  with  the  exception  of  agriculture 
and  certain  sections  of  the  building  industry. 
In  Austria  and  Great  Britain  a  slight  in- 
crease in  unemployment  is  shown  for  the 
summer  months.  In  Czechoslovakia,  Esth- 
onia,  Finland,  Italy,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Sweden  the  situation  continued  to  improve. 
In  Belgium,  Denmark,  and  France  there  was 
practically  no  change  in  the  situation. 


Cost  of  living  has  remained  much  the 
SAME  in  most  countries  during  the  past 
few  months.  In  a  few  cases  there  was  a 
slight  upward  trend,  which  was  most  marked 
in  the  Irish  Free  State,  Hungary,  and  Ger- 
many. Italy  and  the  Netherlands  are  the 
only  countries  where  there  has  been  a  per- 
ceptible fall  in  the  cost  of  living,  due  mainly 
to  a  fall  in  food  prices. 

A  correspondent  offers  the  following  brow- 
lifting  suggestion  as  a  panacea  for  war:  To 
satisfy  man's  propensity  to  fight  (which  is  in- 
born and  which  he  will  gratify  until  the  end  of 
time;  "it's  in  'em")  and  to  do  away  with  the 
awfulness  of  war,  let  the  nations  that  cannot 
settle  their  differences  without  fighting  ap- 
point a  dozen  or  more  men  from  each  nation, 
put  them  in  a  ring,  and  let  them  fight  by 
turns — the  winners  making  the  terms.  These 
terms,  backed  by  the  World  Court,  would 
have  to  be  accepted  by  the  defeated  parties. 
If  men  knew  that  national  disputes  were  to 
be  settled  in  this  way,  they  would  go  any 
distance  and  pay  any  price  to  see  the  game. 
Thus  we  could  turn  the  horrors  of  war  into 
a  pleasure,  and  enough  money  would  be  real- 
ized to  pacify  all  the  countries." — Q.   E.  D. 

A  collection  of  50  books  dealing  with  the 
first  accounts  of  the  discovery  of  America 
were  brought  to  New  York  recently  by  Dr. 
Otto  Vollbehr,  of  Germany,  who  will  submit 
them  as  possible  additions  to  the  New  York 
Public  Library  or  the  Congressional  Library 
in  Washington.  In  the  collection  is  a  two- 
leaf  brochure,  printed  in  Rome  in  1493,  being 
a  printed  reproduction  of  the  first  report  of 
Columbus  on  his  discovery  of  the  New  World. 
The  rarest  object  in  the  collection  of  Dr. 
Vollbehr,  he  said,  is  a  manuscript  report  to 
King  Ferdinand  of  Spain  by  the  lawyer  of 
Columbus,  setting  forth  his  discoveries  in  the 
New  World.  Annotations  and  amendments 
are  made  upon  the  vellum  border  in  Colum- 
bus's own  handwriting.  This  manuscript, 
Dr.  Vollbehr  said,  will  be  sent  to  the  United 
States  shortly. 

During  the  first  four  months  of  this 
year  the  Russian  State  Department  of  Agri- 
culture has  sold  200,000  agricultural  ma- 
chines in  Russia  from  its  warehouses.  The 
number  of  orders  for  agricultural  machinery 
has  increased  since  the  prices  fell  and  the 
price  of  grain  went  up.  Thus,  twice  as  many 
plows,  11  times  as  many  tractors,  and  three 


(00 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


times  as  many  automobiles  as  last  year  have 
been  ordered  this  year.  The  largest  orders 
have  come  mainly  from  the  Ukraine  and 
South  Russia. 

It  is  announced  that  the  first  Franco- 
German  commercial  accord  has  been  con- 
cluded. It  concerns  the  potash  industry, 
which  is  held  as  a  practical  monopoly  by 
Germany  in  Alsace.  Before  the  war  Ger- 
many, holding  Alsace,  could  make  the  whole 
world  depend  upon  it.  Now,  if  it  is  to  avoid 
competition,  it  is  inevitable  that  it  should 
come  to  an  arrangement  with  the  Alsace 
potash  mine  holders,  for  Alsace  is  attached 
to  France.  The  1923  deliveries  of  potash  in 
America  reached  200,000  tons,  representing  a 
sum  of  $15,500,000.  The  United  States  was 
too  good  a  market  either  for  the  French  or 
German  potash  kings  to  lose  by  rivalry. 
Therefore  representatives  of  the  industry  on 
both  sides  have  signed  an  accord  by  which 
France  takes  37%  per  cent  of  the  trade  and 
Germany  62 1^.  The  accord  is  for  three 
years.  There  now  remain  the  problems  of 
coal,  coke,  iron,  and  textiles. 

Former  Emperor  William  has  been  enjoy- 
ing a  monthly  drawing  account  of  50,000 
gold  marks  since  January  1,  1924,  with  which 
he  was  expected  to  support  himself,  his  wife, 
and  his  five  sons  and  their  families,  and  also 
his  brother,  Prince  Henry,  and  his  cousin. 
Prince  Friedrick  Leopold.  As  now  consti- 
tuted, the  Hohenzollern  family  comprises 
about  40  heads,  all  of  whom  will  share  in 
the  final  settlement  to  be  effected  between 
the  former  ruling  house  and  Prussia.  Up  to 
May,  1920,  Prussia  had  turned  over  to  the 
former  Emperor,  out  of  the  proceeds  of  his 
private  exchequer,  the  sum  of  32,000,000 
marks.  To  enable  him  to  set  up  his  domicile 
in  Holland,  Prussia  purchased  from  him  a 
valuable  plot  of  realty  in  the  heart  of  Berlin, 
on  which  the  present  "White  House"  is  situ- 
ated. During  1923  the  one-time  Emperor 
was  given  a  further  instalment  of  about 
$10,000  from  the  proceeds  of  the  royal  ex- 
chequer, out  of  which  all  moneys  thus  far 
paid  to  the  former  Kaiser  have  been  drawn. 
Most  of  the  famous  royal  palaces  in  Berlin 
and  Potsdam,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Koenlgs- 
berg,  Marienburg,  Coblenz,  Hamburg,  Han- 
over, and  Wilhelmshoehe,  and  the  numerous 
hunting  lodges  will  remain  the  permanent 
property  of  Prussia,  which  has  agreed  to 
permit  the  former   Emperor  to   retain   only 


a  few  of  the  minor  castles  and  palaces  in 
Potsdam  and  its  vicinity. 

A  SUM  OF  $30,000,000  is  to  be  loaned  to 
Belgium,  according  to  a  convention  signed  by 
George  Theunis  with  American  bankers.  The 
interest  is  6i^  per  cent  for  a  term  of  25  years 
and  the  loan  is  destined  to  absorb  the  old 
loan  made  in  America  in  1920  and  falling 
due  on  January  1,  1925. 

Fifty-six  thousand  men,  including  "^iSjOOO 
traitors  from  the  army,  took  part  in  the  re- 
cent revolt  in  Mexico  under  Adodo  de  la 
Huerto.  The  cost  to  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment of  suppressing  the  movement  was  ap- 
proximately 60,000,000  pesos. 

Last  winter  was  the  most  successful 
that  Egypt's  tourist  industry  has  ever  known. 
Ten  thousand  visitors  came  from  America 
alone  and  between  3,000  and  4,000  from  other 
parts  of  the  world.  The  coming  season  prom- 
ises to  be  even  more  prosperous.  It  is  esti- 
mated that  during  the  coming  winter  between 
15,000  and  18,000  turists  from  the  United 
States  will  visit  Egypt.  The  great  increase 
in  Egypt's  popularity  as  a  winter  resort  is 
largely  traceable  to  the  publicity  afforded 
during  the  last  two  years  by  the  discovery 
of  Tut-ankh-Amen's  tomb.  But  this  is  a 
temporary  attraction.  Hitherto  Egypt  has 
neglected  the  fetes,  carnivals,  and  battles 
of  flowers  which  are  so  conspicuous  a  fea- 
ture of  the  Riviera  season.  But  this  winter 
a  strong  effort  is  to  be  made  to  outshine  the 
carnivals  of  Nice  and  Cannes.  The  Nile  is 
to  be  utilized  for  a  series  of  river  fetes  by 
night,  in  which  an  attempt  will  be  made  to 
reproduce  the  craft  and  the  costumes  de- 
picted in  the  tombs  and  temples  of  ancient 
Egypt.  Of  greater  artistic  interest  will  be 
the  production  of  two  operas,  Massenet's 
"Thais"  and  Verdi's  "Aida,"  which  are  to  be 
presented  on  a  moonlight  night  in  March 
alongside  the  Sphinx  and  practically  under 
the  Great  Pyramid  at  Giza.  "Aida"  was 
given  in  similar  circumstances  18  years  ago 
and  proved  a  great  success. 

One  of  the  first  concrete  results  of 
difficulties  encountered  by  American  fliers  in 
Greenland  is  announcement  by  the  Danish 
Government  of  proposed  erection  of  four 
radio  stations  on  the  island.  The  plan  had 
been  devised  before  the  war,  but  recent  de- 
velopments have  emphasized  its  importance. 
Permission     for     their     erection     has     been 


192J^ 


NEWS  IN  BRIEF 


701 


granted  by  the  Danish  Rigsdag,  and  are  to 
be  constructed  immediately  at  Julianehaab, 
60  degrees  latitude;  Godthaab,  65  degrees, 
and  Godhaven,  70  degrees,  on  the  west  coast, 
and  at  Angmagsalik,  65  degrees,  on  the  east 
coast.  The  contract  for  the  erection  of  the 
stations  has  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Danish  Radio  Company,  Ltd.,  who  have  al- 
ready begun  to  send  the  necessary  equip- 
ment and  workers.  It  is  anticipated  the  sta- 
tiona^^ll  be  in  operation  before  the  end  of 
the  year. 

Details  of  the  uncovering  on  the  site  of 
Antioch  of  Pisidia,  Asia  Minor,  of  the  foun- 
dations of  a  large  Christian  church,  which, 
it  is  said,  may  represent  a  successor  of  the 
church  founded  there  by  Paul,  have  been  dis- 
closed by  Prof.  Francis  W.  Kelsey,  of  the 
University  of  Michigan  Expedition,  excavat- 
ing under  the  direction  of  Prof.  David  M. 
Roberts.  The  existence  of  such  an  edifice 
had  been  known,  but  its  date  and  character 
could  be  determined  only  by  excavation. 
The  church  was  of  the  basilica  type  and  was 
more  than  200  feet  long.  The  nave  was  160 
feet  long,  measured  from  the  middle  of  the 
apse  to  the  doors,  and  about  35  feet  wide. 
The  aisles  on  either  side  of  the  nave  were 
150  feet  wide,  and  were  separated  from  the 
nave  by  columns.  Eighteen  inches  below  the 
floor  level  of  the  nave  was  found  a  mosaic 
floor,  which  clearly  belonged  to  a  much 
earlier  church.  The  floor  contained  several 
mosaic  inscriptions  in  Greek,  two  of  them 
referring  to  the  Bishop  Optimus,  who  lived 
about  375  A.  D.  The  floor  was  carefully  laid 
in  small  cubes  of  stone  about  half  an  inch 
square,  arranged  in  geometrical  pattern  in 
five  colors — red,  yellow,  blue,  rose,  and  white. 
The  significance  of  the  discovery  may  be  far- 
reaching,  in  the  opinion  of  the  excavators. 

Stanford  University  (California)  could 
within  the  next  century  accommodate  60,000 
students  and  house  them  on  its  own  grounds, 
according  to  a  recent  statement  of  its  presi- 
dent. Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur.  "This  is  also 
probably  the  one  institution  with  1,500  acres 
of  campus  and  property  amounting  to  8,000 
acres,  enough  room  for  any  resident  univer- 
sity," he  added,  "and  our  greatest  asset  is 
the  fact  that  we  have  practically  all  the  stu- 
dents and  a  majority  of  the  faculty  actually 
living  on  the  campus.  We  are  at  present 
desirous  of  quality  in  our  accommodations, 
not  quantity.     That  is  why  we  have  devel- 


oped the  housing  system  as  we  have,  to  fol- 
low the  wish  of  the  founders.  The  fact  that 
the  university  is  privately  endowed  makes 
it  possible  for  the  board  of  trustees  to  try 
experiments  and  move  faster  than  State  in- 
stitutions." 

The  Armenian  proposal  to  make  Mount 
Ararat  an  international  reservation  was  ex- 
plained by  Dr.  Russell  T.  Uhls,  health  di- 
rector of  the  Near  East  Relief  in  Russian 
Armenia,  who  arrived  recently  in  New  York, 
as  a  proposal  in  the  interests  of  international 
peace  of  very  great  importance  in  the  Near 
East.  "Both  Russia  and  Turkey  claim  Mount 
Ararat,"  said  Dr.  Uhls,  "which  is,  incident- 
ally, the  sacred  mountain  of  the  Armenian 
people.  It  is  now  in  Turkish  territory,  hav- 
ing been  taken  in  the  Bolshevist  aftermath 
of  the  war ;  but  since  a  resumption  of  the 
struggle  over  Mount  Ararat  is  deemed  inev- 
itable in  the  Caucasus,  Leon  Pashalian,  sec- 
retary of  the  Armenian  National  Committee 
at  Geneva,  has  suggested  as  a  measure  of 
arbitration  that  it  be  made  a  small  interna- 
tional buffer  State  by  itself,  with  a  local 
police  force  to  protect  its  accessibility  as  a 
place  of  visit  for  Christian  travelers  from  all 
over  the  world."  The  control  of  the  moun- 
tain, said  Dr.  Uhls,  would  be  best  put  in  the 
hands  of  a  nation  with  no  immediate  respon- 
sibilities in  the  region,  preferably  the  United 
States. 

The  ruins  of  the  temple  of  Echmoun, 
to  the  north  of  Sidon,  and  the  temple  of 
Byblos,  are  said  to  be  the  only  authentic 
Phoenician  buildings  which  have  as  yet  been 
recovered.  The  former  was  discovered  25 
years  ago  and  partially  explored.  Researches 
have  been  begun  anew  on  this  important  site 
by  Maurice  Dunand  and  the  Archeological 
Commission  of  Syria,  assisted  by  L^on  Alba- 
nese.  The  commission  are  at  present  en- 
gaged in  disencumbering  the  northwest  angle 
of  the  temple,  which  hitherto  has  not  been 
explored.  Even  should  these  investigations 
bring  to  light  no  movable  objects  or  inscrip- 
tions, they  will  expose  to  view  a  specimen  of 
Phoenician  architecture  which  will  furnish 
useful  elements  for  comparison  between  that 
of  the  ancient  Phoenicians  and  the  Romans. 
The  commission  has  already  uncovered  the 
remains  of  three  adjoining  halls  paved  with 
mosaic. 

An  unprecedented  number  of  persons, 
200,690,  passed  from  Canada  and  Newfound- 


702 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


land  into  the  United  States  during  the  year 
ending  June,  1924.  In  the  same  period  Can- 
ada received  160,773  immigrants  from  all 
sources;  the  natural  increase  of  Canada's 
population  for  the  year  was  under  120,000. 
Canada's  net  increase  in  population  during 
the  past  year  was,  therefore,  less  than  80,- 
000 — a  very  unsatisfactory  showing. 

That  food  and  clothing  will  be  provided 
for  the  world  through  the  science  of  chem- 
istry was  the  belief  expressed  by  Sir  Max 
Muspratt,  of  the  United  Alkali  Company, 
Liverpool,  speaking  at  the  opening  session  of 
the  Sixty-eighth  Convention  of  the  American 
Chemical  Society,  September  9,  at  Ithaca, 
New  York.  Sir  Max  especially  decried  the 
materialism  of  today.  He  declared  that  "the 
greatest  danger  that  is  threatening  civiliza- 
tion today  is  materialism.  The  growth  of 
materialism  has  far  outdistanced  the  mental 
and  spiritual  development  of  man.  The 
human  factor  must  not  be  swallowed  by  the 
machine  or  civilization  is  doomed.  Man  is 
more  important  than  industry.  It  is  for  the 
chemist  to  teach  this  doctrine  more  than 
anyone  else — to  add  humanitarianism  to  his 
specialization  and  save  the  world  from  ma- 
terialism." 

X  coLLKCTiON  OF  SAMPLES  of  every  known 
variety  of  wheat  grown  on  the  American 
continent  has  recently  been  completed  by 
William  E.  Schultz,  of  Moscow,  Idaho.  Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Schultz,  there  are  246  ac- 
cepted varieties  of  wheat  raised  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  The  display  consists  of 
the  characteristic  head  of  wheat  and  a  small 
quantity  of  the  threshed  kernels,  each  sepa- 
rated and  under  glass  cover.  Mr.  Schultz 
has  made  a  close  study  of  each  variety  and 
is  in  touch  with  the  good  and  the  bad  char- 
acteristics of  each,  as  well  as  the  climatic 
and  soil  conditions  necessary  to  the  success- 
ful propagation  of  each  variety. 

TosHiKAZU  Kakinoki,  foremost  efficiency 
expert  of  Japan,  is  now  in  America  studying 
modern  industrial  methods.  He  will  spend 
five  months  in  America  and  in  Europe,  and 
then  report  to  the  Japanese  Government  on 
plans  for  improving  the  commerce  of  his 
country.  According  to  Mr.  Kakinoki,  "Japan 
has  just  awakened  to  the  value  of  efficiency 
in  all  branches  of  national  life."  Mr.  Kaki- 
noki is  a  director  of  the  newly  organized 
Efficiency  League  of  Japan — an  organization 


created   to   introduce   greater  efficiency   into 
Japanese  trade  and  commerce. 

A  BILL  imposing  SUNDAY  CLOSING  ou  Jew- 
ish shops  in  Salonika  was  passed  by  the  As- 
sembly at  Athens  July  12.  The  Jews  of 
Saloniki,  numbering  about  80,000,  had  hith- 
erto enjoyed  the  privilege  of  keeping  their 
offices  and  shops  open  on  Sundays,  whereas 
those  of  the  Christians  remained  5i<^sed.  As 
a  result  of  repeated  petitions  by  '^'i^-^^rreek 
trade  unions  and  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
of  Salonika  against  this  privilege,  the  ques- 
tion was  brought  before  the  Assembly.  M. 
Papanastasiou,  the  Prime  Minister,  replying 
to  the  deputies  who  were  opposing  bill,  said 
that  by  permitting  Jewish  offices  and  shops 
to  open  on  Sunday  they  would  place  Greek 
business  firms  and  shopkeepers  at  a  disad- 
vantage, the  more  so  as  Greek  offices,  in  ad- 
dition to  Sunday,  also  closed  for  Saturday 
afternoon. 

The  deposed  Moslem  Caliph,  Abdul  Me- 
jid,  has  accepted  a  recent  offer  of  a  pension 
of  £300  per  month.  The  indigence  of  the  de- 
posed Caliph  Abdul  Mejid  has  been  a  matter 
of  serious  conceini  to  many  Indian  Moslems, 
and  recently  steps  were  taken  by  distin- 
guished members  of  the  community  to  issue 
a  general  appeal  for  subscriptions  to  a  fund 
to  provide  His  Majesty  with  a  fixed  income. 
This  appeal  was  rendered  unnecessary  by  the 
action  of  the  Nizam  of  Hyderabad  in  offer- 
ing the  deposed  Caliph  a  life  pension  of 
£3,600  per  annum,  with  effect  from  July  1. 
When  the  Caliph  Abdul  Mejid  was  deposed 
by  the  Turkish  Grand  National  Assembly  in 
March,  he  was  hurriedly  expelled  from  the 
country  and  arrived  in  Switzerland  with  in- 
adequate means.  His  action  in  issuing  a 
proclamation  from  his  place  of  exile  to  all 
Moslems  was  made  the  excuse  by  the  Turk- 
ish Government  for  refusing  to  pay  any  al- 
lowance. The  Caliph's  property  in  Turkey 
was  also  sequestered,  but  there  is  now  a  pos- 
sibility that  His  Majesty  will  be  allowed  to 
dispose  of  this. 

The  Persian  Government  has  paid 
$00,000  to  the  widow  of  Robert  W.  Imbrie. 
This  is  the  sum  fixed  by  the  United  States 
Government  for  payment  to  Mrs.  Imbrie  as 
reparation  for  the  death  of  the  American 
vice-consul  at  Teheran,  which  followed  an 
attack  in  the  streets  of  the  Persian  capital 
during     a     religious     demonstration.       The 


192  J^ 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


703 


check  complied  with  the  last  of  several  de- 
mands made  by  the  United  States. 

The  Czechoslovak  military  air  squadron 
has  completed  a  journey  round  the  countries 
forming  the  Little  Entente.  This  circular 
tour  lasted  from  August  26  to  September 
18,  and  the  distance  covered  was  3,500  kilo- 
meters. On  its  journey  the  air  squadron 
stopped  at  the  following  places:  Prague, 
BratiJ|^,  Zagreb,  Novi  Bad,  Turn  Severin, 
Buca-resfT  Teckot,  Jassy,  Kluz  Kosice,  Nitra, 
Prague.  The  flight  was  carried  out  without 
a  single  hitch,  to  the  general  admiration  of 
the  Jugoslav  and  Rumanian  airmen. 

The  third  congress  of  Russian  savants 
was  opened  in  Prague  on  September  25, 
under  the  chairmanship  of  Professor  Lom- 
shakov.  Important  speeches  were  delivered 
by  M.  Pastrnek,  the  rector  of  the  Caroline 
University  of  Prague,  who  pointed  out  the 
significance  of  Prague  as  a  center  for 
Slavonic  studies,  and  M.  Lomshakov.  A 
greatly  attended  address  was  that  by  Profes- 
sor A.  V.  Florovsky  on  the  dawn  of  Russian 
and  Czech  history.  Professor  N.  Vergun 
spoke  on  the  need  for  a  revision  of  the  school 
textbooks  dealing  with  Russian  history  and 
the  relations  of  the  other  Slavonic  peoples 
to  Russia. 

An  epoch-marking  event  is  the  First  Pan- 
American  Standardization  Conference,  to  be 
held  at  Lima,  Peru,  in  December,  1924.  This 
conference,  called  with  the  co-operation  of  all 
the  American  republics,  will  determine  upon 
uniform  specifications  and  quantity  nomen- 
clature for  raw  materials,  merchandise,  and 
commercial  equipment.  The  sessions  also 
will  take  up  the  general  subject  of  standard- 
ization, its  principles,  and  its  importance  in 
the  economic  development  of  the  world,  with 
particular  reference  to  inter-American  trade. 
Accomplishments  of  European  countries  in 
establishing  uniform  standards  will  be  re- 
viewed. 

The  total  number  of  immigrants  to 
Palestine  was  7,991  in  1923,  as  compared  with 
8,128  in  1922.  About  two-thirds  of  the  im- 
migrants come  from  Poland,  the  Ukraine, 
and  Russia.  A  considerable  number  also 
come  from  Asia  and  Africa,  amounting  to 
about  2,000  persons  for  the  period  September, 
1922,  to  September,  1923.  The  majority  of  all 
the  immigrants  consists  of  handicraftsmen 
and  skilled  workers,  and  most  of  them  have 
found  employment  at  their  own  trades. 


An  official  station  for  the  testing  and 
analysing  of  goods  connected  with  the  tex- 
tile, leather,  and  soap  industries  exists  at  St. 
Gall,  Switzerland.  It  is  under  government 
supervision  and  is  at  the  disposal  of  the 
public  at  low  charges.  Certificates  are  given 
showing  the  result  of  the  tests. 


BOOK  REVIEWS 


Poems  of  Child  Labor.  National  Child 
Labor  Committee,  New  York.  Pp.  53. 
Price,  35  cents. 

This  brochure  Is  an  admirable  little  an- 
thology on  the  subject  of  child  labor.  The 
editor  has  successfully  avoided  Including 
poems  which  are  over-serious  at  the  expense 
of  art.  Yet  the  note  of  protest  is  strong, 
the  background  of  tragedy  inescapable. 

Mr.  Lovejoy,  in  the  introduction,  makes 
this  wise  admission:  "We  have  never  joined 
in  with  the  tendency  to  blame  the  employer 
as  the  sole  offender  in  the  iniquity  of  child 
labor.  Society  is  the  offender,  but  obviously 
poetry,  like  drama,  often  produces  its  con- 
crete picture  by  the  art  of  personification." 

He  ranks  child  labor  with  slavery,  and  war 
in  its  power  to  arouse  in  creative  writers  the 
emotional  response  of  the  poem  of  protest. 

Among  the  authors  grouped  here  we  find 
the  names  of  Mrs.  Browning,  Arthur  Guiter- 
man,  Robert  Frost,  Theodosia  Garrison,  Bur- 
ton, Untermeyer,  Van  Dyke,  and  others  well 
known  in  current  magazine  verse. 

One  of  the  most  suggestive  of  the  shorter 
poems  is  "The  Immigrant  Madonna,"  by 
Helen  Dwight  Fisher.  It  contains  the  fol- 
lowing lines  addressed  appealingly  to  all 
of  us: 

"This  Christmastide,  America,  I  bring  to  you, 

my  son. 
My  baby  son. 

He  comes  with  little  heritage, 
But  his  eyes  are  clear,  his  body  strong. 
He  is  ready  for  you  to  do  with  him  what 

you  will. 
What  will  you? 

"Will  you  use  him  hurriedly  for  your  quick 

ends? 
And  will  you  then  discard  him  because  he 
is  worn  out — and  still  a  foreigner? 


704 


ADVOCATE  OF  PEACE 


December 


Or  will  you  teach  him,  watch  him  grow,  and 

help  him  to  be  ojie  of  you, 
To  work  for  those  great  things  you  seek? 

"He  is  my  son,  America, 
And  all  my  treasure. 
I  bring  him  here  to  you — 
And  you,  what  will  you  do  with  him?" 

The  History  of  Ireland.     By  Stephen  Owynn. 

Macmillan  Co.,  New  York,  1923.     Pp.  549. 

Price,  $5.00. 

Mr.  Gwynn  was  an  Irish  member  of  the 
British  parliament  from  1906  to  1918.  He 
has  written  numerous  novels,  plays,  and 
criticisms.  Now  he  turns  his  attention  to  the 
monumental  task  of  producing  a  complete 
political  history  of  Ireland. 

Since,  through  tradition,  this  history  can 
be  traced  further  back  than  that  of  any 
other  European  people,  except  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  the  story  is  necessarily  long.  The 
book  is  a  voluminous  one,  therefore,  549 
pages  in  length. 

Let  no  one  interested  in  Irish  history, 
however,  be  deterred  from  dipping  into  the 
book,  because  of  its  forbidding  bulk.  Mr. 
Gwynn  has  a  charmingly  simple  style.  He 
finds  intuitively  the  salient  point.s  in  each 
matter  under  discussion.  His  sentences 
come  with  much  the  same  impact  and  magne- 
tism as  those  of  a  good  public  speaker. 

Moreover,  whatever  the  political  or  re- 
ligious sympathy  of  the  reader,  it  is  most 
important  to  get  the  story  of  Ireland  from 
one  who  is  in  sympathy  with  her,  as  well  as 
with  Irish  Catholicism.  On  the  whole,  this 
story  seems  to  be  presented  justly,  as  well 
as  interestingly. 

With  great  strides  we  progress  from  the 
days  when  Ireland  was  still  under  ice, 
through  the  later  stone  age,  to  the  earliest 
myths,  the  romances,  and  to  the  dawn  of 
the  historical  period,  in  the  fourth  and  fifth 
centuries.  Thence  by  easier  steps,  through 
all  the  important  stages,  when  Ireland's  life 
impinged  upon  that  of  Denmark,  Iceland, 
Britain,  and  West  Europe,  down  to  the  birth 
of  the  Irish  Free  State,  in  1922. 

"But  whether  Ireland,  after  a  period  of 
unrest,  accepts  willingly  her  place  among  the 
British  Dominions  or  no,"  says  this  loyal 
son  of  Erin,  "her  position  can  never  be  the 
same  as  theirs.  They  are  offshoots;  she  is  a 
parent  state,  one  of  the  mother  nations. 
Ireland  is  the  only  Catholic  nation  in  the 
English-speaking  world,  and  this  in  itself 
gives  her  a   special  importance," 


From  any  point  of  view,  there  was  never 
an  event  of  more  importance  to  any  nation 
than  the  withdrawing  of  the  British  army 
from  Ireland,  after  an  occupancy  of  750 
years. 

The  Soul  of  Samuel  Pepys.  By  Oamaliel 
Bradford.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston, 
1924.     Pp.  261.     Price,  $3.50. 

Mr.  Bradford's  method  of  bi';^"«phy  has 
become,  in  its  way,  classic,  li  v'?/'^  found 
imitators.  It  is  not  so  much  a  connected 
narrative  of  events  in  a  life  as  the  grouping 
of  events,  so  they  illuminate  some  phases  of 
the  personality.  Then  a  summary  at  the 
close  gives  the  final  touches  to  a  portrait 
more  living  than  any  likeness  done  with 
brush  or  crayon.  He  calls  his  method  psy- 
chographic.  He  has  pursued  it  successfully 
before  in  several  collections  of  short  studies. 

Samuel  Pepys,  whose  voluminous  diary, 
written  in  the  seventeenth  century,  has  re- 
cently been  reissued,  has  been  one  of  the 
chief  sources  of  the  historic  social  gossip  of 
his  day.  The  diary,  originally  written  in 
cipher,  is  so  very  bulky  that  for  the  ordinary 
reader  the  chance  of  approaching  the  whole 
personality  of  its  author  is  very  slight.  Here 
and  there  a  bit  will  stand  out  as  tragic  or 
comic  or  scandalous,  or,  perchance,  all  three, 
but  the  whole  value  of  the  diary  as  a  human 
document,  it  is  difficult  to  get  because  of  its 
very  abundance. 

Mr.  Bradford,  therefore,  has  done  his  gen- 
eration a  real  service  in  whittl'ng  away  the 
irrelevant  and  giving  us  a  well-rounded  por- 
trait of  a  man  strangely  like  the  ordinary 
well-meaning  man  of  today.  The  "compli- 
cated, ardent,  and,  in  many  respects  cor- 
rupting world  in  which  he  lived,"  is  shown 
by  the  biographer  as  the  moulding  environ- 
ment of  a  very  human,  but  essentially  up- 
right, soul. 

In  summarizing  the  books  Mr.  Bradford 
cannot  refrain  from  a  comparison  of  the 
diary  of  Pepys,  full  of  busy,  active,  external, 
material  life,  with  that  of  Amiel  and  its 
longing  consciousness  of  God.  He  gives  us 
this  picture  of  Samuel  Pepys  and  this  com- 
parison with  Amiel  "because  the  vast  brood- 
ing consciousness  of  God  alone  gives  such  a 
life  all  its  significance  and  all  its  emptiness, 
and  because,"  he  says,  "I  believe  the  busy, 
active,  external,  material  life  of  America  to- 
day, so  much  the  life  personified  by  the  great 
Diarist,  needs  God  more  than  anything  else 
to  save  it." 


The  WiU  to  End  War 

By  Arthur  Deerin  Call 


This  pamphlet  of  39  pages  tells  of  the  cost  of  war — reasons 
for  the  will  to  end  war — beginnings  of  the  modem  peace 
movement — the  organizations  of  peace  societies,  periodicals, 
congresses — international  plans  and  organizations — the  two 
Hague  conferences — the  League  of  Nations  and  World 
Court. 

The  original  statute  of  the  International  Court  and  the 
statute  as  finally  adopted  are  both  included. 


PRICE,  FIFTEEN  CENTS 
Order  from 

The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  G. 


Any  Book  on 
International  Peace 


FOR  SALE  AT  OFFICE  OF 

The  American  PEACE  Society 

612-614  Colorado  Building 
WashiDgton,  D.  C. 


The  Federal  Convention  of  1787 

AN  INTERNATIONAL  CONFERENCE 
ADEQUATE  TO  ITS  PURPOSE 


This  is  the  title  of  our  little  book  setting  forth  the  history,  significance, 
documents  relating  to  one  international  conference  which  has  stood  the 
test  of  time. 

This  eighty-page  work — 25c.  each,  22>^c.  each  for  twelve  or  more,  20c. 
each  for  twenty-five  or  more — should  be  ordered  from 


The  American  Peace  Society 

Colorado  Building  Washington,  D.  C. 

Application  for  Membership 

IN 

The  American  Peace  Society 

The  Membership  Includes  Subscription 
TO  THE   ADVOCATE    OF    PEACE 

TYPES  OF  MEMBERSHIP: 

Life $100.00  Institutional _ $25.00 

Contributing... 25.00  Sustaining _ 5.00 

Annual $2.00 


For  the  enclosed  $ please  enroll  me  as  a- 

Mbmber  of  the  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY. 


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