An appeal to the loyal citizens of Dublin

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APPEAL

TO THB

LOYAL CITIZENS

Of

DUBLIN,

Xi

BY A FRMMMAJ^

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PE^KTED BY^ JOHN MILLIKSN, VO* 3S9 OtikftQTS^

STREET.

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TO THS

iiOYAlr INHABITANTS

Of

Dz/JBZJrk

frknJtf and FcBow CUtxinSt

jL F there be any thing that can conciiiate attention^
or create confidence in the a|>pelbtions with which
I accoft youy by that I adjure you, to give this addrefi
a patient hearing, I have the fame intereft with you
in the Tubjed of which it treats. !Do not conclude
that, 1>ecaufe I niay fee it in a ^iiPerent light from
that in which the .'generality of you feexn to have
coniidered it, I mud be your enemy. If I am.
your enemy, I mii(l be my own enemy, the enemy
of all that oiHght to be dear to me. I may, perhaps,
1^ wiong in my opinions ; but I can do you no injury,
Vy defiling you to hear what I have to urge in theiir

favour.

favour* If I caanot induce you to think with mtf
you will oidy be where you are.

I own I cannot fee the wifdom or the prudence in
liftening only to one fide of the queftion. In what
tranfadion of trade, or bufiilefs, would any of you
think himfelf juftifiable, if he refufed to liften to a
matter propofedto him for his advantage, with an atr
tention equal to its importance, and to weigh well what
might be urged for it as well as againft it ? Would it
be right in him to confider it through no other me-
dium than that of prejudice and violence, and pallion ?
Or to run the riik of facrificing his own beft in-
terefts to the partial and felfiib view& of men having
a different intere(l from his in the event ?

On the advantages, or difadvantages, of an Union
with England, the gfeat bulk of you muft take the
opinions of- others. The complicated interefis that
are involved in all fuch great political quedions, re«
quire a very different line of application to that
which you purfue. The wifdom of our conftitution
.has provided^ that all fuch quedions (hould be dif-
cuffed and fettled by your two Houfes of Parliament,
advifihg the king's government. One of thefe
Houfes, is the creature and fbe organ of that de«
fcription of the community, in which you are
claffed ; it is peculiarly employed in watching over
yourintSerefts, and providing for what will beft promote
and fecure them, fiut, in the prefent queftion of aii
Uiiipn, the perfons who, in the fuccefs of the mea-
fure, forefaw the deftru£fcion of a fyftcm which, for
centuries, has facrificed the peace and profperity of
the great body of the people of Ireland, to the pow«
er and aggrandizement of individuals, would not truft

their

caufe to the great deliberative cotlnfel, that thus
reprefents yoo» when called u|>on by the father of his
people, to remove this inveterate abufe, and to pro-
vide for the gencfral happinefs, without any regard to
the vfurpations of any peculiar defcription or clafs of
men. They knew they could have no chance, if th£
matter was left to reafon and argument, and plain
fenfe : And, at it happened, unfortunately, that, from
local circumftances, there was more room for mifre*
prefestation in the ^t€i% which a Union might have
on your dty, than on any other part of the kingdom*
they dire£ted all their arts and intrigues iigainft you.
They laboured to feparate yaufrom your Parliament ;
they drove you to take this great queftion into your
own hands, and to decide on it from the impulfe of
paffions, which they had tb^felves excited.

To a'ccompliih the triumph of paffion over reafon,
and of rafhnefs and precipitancy over caution and
deliberation, a few factious words thrown in, as oil
to a flame, are fufBcient to prod ace an eflfeft which
it requires a long train of fads, and a lengthened
chain of reafon, to counteraA and do away. Hence,
That Dublin muft be ruined by the Union ; its
manufaflurers deprived of bread, and its /hop-
keepers beggared" — Hence, *' that grafs fiiould
grow in Sackville-ftreet ; and chat we (hould (hoot
fnipes in College-green," has excited an univcrfal
frenzy from Kilmainbam to the Pigeon-houft ; and
every oyiler- woman in the ftreet cries out, that
her trade will be ruined, and that Dublin is to be a
defart.

TWs dreadful calamity is to be the unavoidable ef-
fefi of the removal of our Parliament — fo it is boldly

aiTcrted ;

4(

aflcrtedL; but, to give this affertioti' any weight, font
agitators ought to pcove to yoKLf that the prefent fttte
of your capital in buildings, in population, and in
wealth, has been entirely owing to its bfciflfg tlie feat
of Parliament. If they caii prove this, the qiief-
lion, no doubt, would be loon decided in Aeir f!i^
vour. But, if no propofition can be more Ailfe, or
contrary to fad, then all the clamour they have raif-
ed on that pretext, has been the cffeA of grbis inif*
reprefentation, and an unpardonaMe ubufe of the
confidence you hare placed in them.

I will now lay a ground for yon to judge of -tfaiiB
matter. From a furvey made by order of Oovenr-
ment ia 1753, ^^^ increafe of inhabitants in your ci^'
ty fmce 171 1, wasftated at 5^,000. It was immedi^
ately after the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, that
iht great increafe began. No lefs thon 1200 honfes
were that year on the Stocks at once. Aft^r the
Peace of Paris in 1763, the encreafe was (Kll greater.
All this IS within Hving memory. Duriirg the whole
of thefe periods, and until 1782, the Parliament
aflemUed only once in two years. They ailbitiblfed
even then only for a very /hort feffion. Every fecond
winter the Members of either Houfe were under no
neceffity of reforting to the capital in their charafter
of Legillators. They nerer did refort to it in that
chara&er. Dublin, therefore, did not owe its flou-
rifhing'ftare to the mere circumdance of having the
feat of Parliament within its walls, and to account for
it, you muft look to fome other caufesf.

ft

Now, I take it, that what thefe caufes are, it re-
quires no great depth of obfervation to trace. I ihaU

clafs

dafs them as they appear to met under four principal
beadt.

ift. Ttll within a period of afaout fifty yeart, our
cbtcsf NobleiMn, afidoiftr virry wealchieft Gommonersi
refided chiefly at their Ooiixtfry fejits* exercifing hof^^
pi|aUty«;3(n4j9^4Pt^f<i(lg a cofiftant imefcoorfe with
%ir frieods.andneighliowrsr Very few. tmoag them
b^ a ifttled.hoaf^. ia .EfnbUfiH Cvea the nAembers
c£ Pjkrli^meoty dufkig the (hort period c^ their al«.
tstm^t^ fefioAf conq^iM^d themfelvet v^ith todgijag$«
or took up thf ir te^ippfgry reii4cnc^ kk thofe houfesi
which, fince your modern improvements in building,
l^Y^ bpeft xQa£igpe4. to. the b<^er fort of tradefmen
a)|4 A)4f hapics« Tha mi4dli%.g^ntry fc^rcely ever
?liitftd,.tbi^ capMi^l^ ^ e3^pt ^ben diragg^dto it by a
hwi«i^,Qr> fome bufiiiejb odioayQidable e:(ige9<^y t
apd^it wj|a- then confi.dered as a gireat diftin^ion
f(^.a.,£a9iilyitqta]i;4 lodgings ia tow a f^r a Pafli«T
n)aat,wi«t^» :

».

J|ut, within th^-pjemodl have , mentioned,, all thif

hftt>pe|itg^tt^ly^c^ngMV* Tfet? cp^ntry isdefert-
e^ isvery. wintfcr, not f only by our nobiUty and chief
g^BfUy, bu( by evcfry^faniily: in -wh^t arc called the
g^eeler ra^A of Ijfip ^ ^ ^e9^ aniong: |be wealthy
of .thecOtb^ ov4erf y there is an^muUtionof fhe maa-
Bf ^ apd cudofns^ pf ; tliA^r b^ttersi that a(f.(a£ls ^hem
a94 tb^H^ ^s^nnlies ifito^thf faBne- vortex of p)eafur#
a«4^iAB^49Rf^'

2d. The commerce of the country* and its confer
quent wealth, have increafed within the fame period
toa.degfi^e foUomi ei|u^edJn the aM^^lof any pfeo-
pk.: Dublin. Km iie<;e0GM3ily had a^iPoaiMiiding.prO'-
portion

8

portion of their increafe. Befides the demands of her
own inhabitants, whether fettled or occafionaU fhehad
the wealthieft counties of the kingdom to fupplj
with many of the articles of the moft neceflary con-
famption, and MritK all the articles of luxury and re-
finement) whether of domeftic or foreign produce.
From her vicinity to the EngliftiCoaft, and other lo-
cal circumftances, fhe almoft entirely engrofled all
the obje£ts of fupply from Great Britain ; and {he
had, befides, a monopoly of the many • lucrative
manufaAures, either eftablilhed of old within her
precinftst or recently fet up in her Vicinity*

• Tn proportion as^ her merchants, and others, ifn-
proved their fortunes, they left the inconvenient
Houfes, built in other days. for the mere purpofe of
bufinefs, to their clerks, or their fubordinate part*
oers^ and they either built, or' purcbafed, others
more futted to their encreafed fortunes. They crowtl*
edinto the ftreets and fquares inhabited by perfonsof
the higheft rank ; and they vied with them in (hew,
equipage, and all the luxury of entertainment. The
relaxation of the Popery laws, and the liberty allow-
ed to Roinan Catholics to take leafes for ever^ and to
purchafe fee fimple eftates, greatly contributed* to
this emigration from the old \o the new city ; ahd^
although it was apprehended that the quays, and
other quarters, where perfons of this defcription
formerly refided, might fufFer by the change, the
fa£k proved that the houfes in thofe quarters had even
encreafcd in value^ and were^inftantly r^-occupi*^

The wealthieft^ and the more enterprifmg {hop-
keepers, were equally anxiousi though from othec

views.

Ticws, to pnrfuethe (;ourfe oC fa{hion» as itihifted its
abodes. The Liberty, and the old city, vr^re left to
new occupiers ; and the builders could fcarccly rua
up faoofes with fufficient celerityi to anfwer the im-
patience of tradefmen, contending for iituations i^
the new ftreets.

3d. The increafe of wealth caufing an fncreafe in
the transfer, aod ihifting of property of every kind»
neceflarily mukiplied the members of the fiar, and
all that defcripttoo of peifons who live by the Law.
Thefe men, with th^ir familiies, dre, by their pro*
feffioo, obliged to refide where the Courts of Law
are permanent. They too; as they rife, quit tho
quarters of the city inhabited. of old by the profef*
fion. They move from the old ftreets to the new,
in a gradual progtefs with their bufinefs, and the fuc-
ceffion, daiiyencreaiiog in its numbers, is never known
to fail. In theirarain appear their clients, coUe&ed
from every part of the kingdom, leading after them
all who are neceflary to their rcfpedlivccaufes ; and this
great influx rolls inceflantly into your capital at ftated
periods throughout the year.'

4th. You have a Vice-Royal Coiu't eftabliilied in
the centre of your city, of very great ftate and fplen-
dour* fuch as becomes the dignity of the nation.-^
This Court is at (Mice the feat of fafhion, and the
feat of the government — In all that is connected with
the refinements of pleafure — in all that is conneAed
with the (late — in all eflabliHiments, whether civil or
military— in the different public offices : the exche*
qaer» the treafury, the cuftoms, the poft-pffice, in
the great dire£ling departments of the aiihy ; in the
various boards, as well for general purpofes as for the

^ B ' ' internal

lO

V

internal regulation of th^ citT» in whatevei- Is coit-
ne^ifed' wfth the government* the revientiey the police
of the country,— —^— all have contributed to the
prefent extent, beauty, population, and wealth of the
^capital. . * ^

Thefe I take to be among the principal caufes of
your prefent flouri(hing ftate^ They are obvious to
yourfelves* . Ndw, the qucftion is, to fee how they
are to be affe£led.by removingtbe feat of Parliament.
•How Will diat circuniflanoe (end either to rob you of
theftf fources of ydurpt-olpcrityjor to interrupt their
operation ? If it tvfi be pr6ved« not merqly by any
fpeculations, but by evidence hot to be reiifted, that
they are totally unconiie£led with ther^fid^nce of ydur
Parliament, and that in no poflible way thc;y ca^ be
affeAed by its removal to any-ocher p^rl of the em-
pire, you will judge of the alarm into which you
bave been thrown,, and yoii NKiUfbeeaal>fed fairly to
eftilnate the motives of thofo. who* have raifed it.

■ « •

In carrying on this inquiry, I will reyerfe the or-
der in which I cUfie^. the different heads.

4

The Union is to make no change in the eftabiiAi-
ment ^pf j^our Vice-Royal Court ; it is ftilI*to difiin-
guifh and adorn your city, and to remain among you
in all its fplendour, and with ail its (late. It will
£tiU contmue to draw within' its circle, from every
part of the kingdom, the rank and the fa(hion, the

r J f .

gaiety and the amufement» that contribute their.part
in giving employment to your tradefmen and manu-
fa£turers, and^hat require yourprefeiit fupply, as well
of the luxuHes as of the neceflaries of life. You
are to have your Lord Lieutenant at the head of his
piefent extcnf^ve and. fplendid eftahhihment. 'You
• are

Ire to*hzve yeur exchequet». ^pur^trcaViiryv yauf civil
zai war offices,, your- poft*office« yqvtrkoAti .of caA»
tons, in all its-higbed-^s well as loweft offices, iqaU
the jiomerous ratnific^iuamr into wliicli i< brain^ef
ont.-^ThevarioiM'departmciits opfliietSled wiih the
vegotation ^ the amsy, with us clothing and vi&uaU
ling, and the ie^ral boards they include, will ft ill be
fermanent amongft you , aivd it would be an idle
abofe of your time to detail lo. you the advantages
JOQ are-to continue to derive from the nqmbers,. as
well of commiffioners of the firft rank and conie*
qoence, as of other officers of a more fubordinate
dofcription, attached to fcrdi^eriified an eftafalifHouB.nr,
or the confumptton thcy^reate.

Your courts of- law are ftill to be ftationary in your
cagiiaL . Its great officers, with all their trati^ its
judges, its members of every name and defcrrpnony
moft neceflarily reiide among you, and with them
their crouds of clients and litigants/ increafing'with
the iocreafed wealth of the nation, will continue to
pour regularly into your ftreets.

With refpe<% to your commerce, your trade, and
your manufadures, I have heacd ntucb declamation,
bat not one word of rational inyeftigatioa or inquiry*
lathe very Qutiet of tfaisbniiners, and before the terms
of the Union could be fubmitted to ParUameot, your
ta^tchants and your bankers were .amongft' the firft to
aflemUe, and- declare their opinions againft the mea«
fure. They gave to the public, with all due folem-»
nity, the irefoludpiis, o(i which they agreed... You
would, naturally^ hanre expe£lf[d that they ftiould have
entered into ibme inveftigatipi^ of the trade, of the
country, as it was likely tp be aiFe^ed by the ITnion :
Th^t they would have told you bow the mercantile,

B 2 and

tud TtiWiufadariDg inteFcftt were to be . injur-,
ed by it. Not a word of the kind appej^rcd upon the
isLCt of their proceediags. They gave you a firing
of p6lTtical maxims, and prefcribed the form of all
thofe violent and inflammatory refolutions^ which».
withoatthe interference of cooler heads andwifer iQen»
^bpldhave lohg ere this deluged your A^oets in blood.

* ■ . , . . . -. . •

* i^n interval of inveftigatioa and refie<^ioQ produced

that fortunate ehangeof opinion on. the fubje£i in other
|>arts of th^ kingdom, that obtained a majority ia fa-
Vout of the tneafure in* Parliaments in January laft,
andtfat terms were detailed and propofed for difcuflion.
What was the condudl of your agitating Merchants
and Bankers in confe^uence ? Did they calmly and
difpaflionately weigh thefe terms ? Did they give
theoffelvestimeor leifure to enquire how they were td
affe<£t the mercantile interefts of the kingdom atlarge,
and particularly of this great commercial City ?
Kothing of the kind appeared in their new refolu<<
tions. The t^rmswereno more mentioned by them, or
alluded to, than if tfaey wer6 ftill to be conjedured
and guefied at fdrcondamnationand abufe by the com-
mittee of fcribbiing lawyers, who excited your paf-
£ons to frenzy. They continued to addrcfs you in
the fame ftile of declamation without reafoning, qf af-
fertion without proof, and of menace and violenpo
without ptudence or difcretion, which difgraced their
ineetings in the beginning of the lad Seflion of Par-
liament,

' They tell you, indeed, what it r64|uired none of thefe
ghofts to tell you,* that -** the commerce -of Ireland
*^ and her manufa£{ures have improved beyond exn
** ample iince the year 178a ;*' and hence theyarr

guc.

\

^3

maty that an Union wUl be their ruin. But how d^
they prove thiy ? *^ Becaufe it was the virtue of the
*^ Iridk Parliament that eftablifbed the Conftitution
''0/2782. It is to that Conftitution we owe all 01^
*^ ^omn^ercial advantages and improvements : and ix
'* the Irifh Parliament be ii'cmovedy we muft lofe
** that Conftitution and all its advantages together.*'

* I will not here enter into a political inveftigatioti
of the do^ine that Aflerts, 'that the Union is to an-
nihilate the Conftitution as fettled in 178a. I con*
fiiie myfelf in thisAddreft to the confideration of the
interefts of your City, in the -event of the meafure.
On this ground I aflerty that it is not to the fettlement
of lyfa, that Ireland owes her unexampled increafe
in her commerce and manufadlure. The monopoly .
which England granted to our linens in her T>wn mar-
ket, and the bounties (he gave on their re-exportation
into; th^ very fpring and fountain of our national
wealth and profperity, were granted long iiforc that
period. The grant of a participation in the com-
merce of the Englifti colonies, the next great fource
«f our profperity, xvzspreviotfs to that period ; how then
can the Conftitution, fettled *♦ by the virtue of the
Irifli Parliament*' at that period^ have been in any way
irfflirumcntal in thofe fignal inftances of Britifli libc-
raKtyT- or if you choofe, of Britiih Wifdom*
that have laid the foundations of your prefent
profperity ? The colonies were the purchafe of the
folood of England-— they were the acquifition of her
own treafures, the work of her own induftry*— tlLcy
were her offspring, nurtured and matured by her into
?L ftate of manhood. She had entered into fuch a
compadi: with them, as that relation authorifed. She
lengaged herfelf to purchafe their commodicies, to the
^xcluiiop ^f all ilmilar -produftioi^ in every other

' country j

f '

u

' <R)Qlitiy ; -and the^r pledged themrelves in rettrrn* to

^rry' their eom modi ties to no tiiarket but befV

' A trade with thejn of any kindi or to any ekteat, was

' tketefore a favor granted to Ireland by theSriti/h le-

I giilatnre. If is, thei^fore, to that favor, and not

fo the^irtue of <hc Irifli Parliament, that your mer-

. chants ought to have attributed the advantages which

they fo highly extol, and in which ypvi capital has

ibared beyond any other part of the Kingdom*

. There. are» it is true,, foo^e other advantagest aii4
thofe v^ry conCiderable, btj which the trade and com**
nerce of Ireland hay e bee;n benefited fince the peri-»
odof J78a^ but,"^ 9S they .depended oi^£<)gland, it is
fo her. Parliament, and not your's, tjhat you arp to
attrib(ite them. They were owing t<xthe ii>terfe-
vcnc^ of the Englifli miaiften acnoxigft you. Tbejr
were ,f ^tort^d by no compulJ(ioD« no menaces from
yoiu: JParlianpicn^ no alarming ftate of the public mind.
They were f^ooceflions^ wbi^h £ng)Uod ^w- were due
Ja^yatL in juftice and found polifey. Hence the tri-

. .vrnph^of the .anxiety of that country for the weUEare

.of Ireland over her. mod ancient prejudices, when
hy an 0ft of her FmHamau fhe relaxed the fyftem
pf her navigation laws in our favor \ when by^^
uS af hir Parliament .flie permitted the prgduAjons
of her colonies to be imported through Ireland into
her hom^ market ;— -hence the concfcffions (he made
by an an of her Parliament xelative to the mannfac*

. 'lure of fail cloth,, froni which this country had rea«

. {on to expeA fuch exteniive benefits.

>

, All thefe conceflions, producing all the advantages^

.to which you arc in fo great a degree to afcribe the
prefent flourifhing ftate of your capital, your politi-
cal

cal meeting of merchant agitators, would make yoa
Icippofe were not conceffions^ut extortions £rom:£agr
land. They would reprefentthenv*a8:coQi)ue(lsg0inr
cd oVcr her by* the exertions of your i TirtupaaiJjepr.e^
feiitatnresy when they affcrted the ^ndeprnidenp^ cff
your leglllature. I haVe laid undeni»hk. iiiE^s ;b^fore
you, 'by i^h^ yodinay yourfelves4udg«of>th^triK|i
or jf^lfehood'Of theferaffumptiOBs. i.wiU aplyt>bfer'yp
tb youy tbatt if you'had no fsparate kgUfotviri^r y«a
wo6ld^ have been niany . yeats . previoustt^ .178^ . ift
pofkffiOn of thefirand of cheery otherfopiire #fi wl^^lcJk
conneltttii with the commerce x>f Englaftd, Therp
wOiM'ha^^tfettao room- for deoMiids oa the lOne
hand, or for coneeffionk o» the otiber. . The wi(e po-
licy of CromwettliJHl defig^ed thefe blefiasgs for you i;
and hsid not the' Uiiion he formed; between the three
kingdoms, as the moft effe£tual meaasihisvgToai and
comprehenfive mind could devife to fecure their fo«
lid and pemaaeht ^nterefts, been^ unfoctcuiftidy, in*
dudakait^otigitfaeregisUtioiis of thisstbe mdl^lfag*-
<Sibifs.of mil politMiaos, which were. fet*afide.i at the
Keftonatiofif w^ iboald nothflncexpcsieoeediai^jof
the mtferies tkathavd {o- loog retardeditlM advAncf^
ment of ovr'xomkry* *\ t v. . _» , .

But, funppfia|{,tb.efe infiniiation§.to Up foundetj —
.fuppoqng that all thele great advantages had been ex.-
torted from. Englandr— wha.t (Ken ? Hpw would this
affe^ the prcfeniK qi^eftioji ? ^ Hoyi^.?kre. you to be; dc,-.
prived of th«n by ^thc, projc^ed Union ? They were
ejLtorted from Enrland-rGrantcd.. But England now
comes forward with a voluntary oirer to ratify ;indcbn-
lirmthem to youfor,cver. Tbcy have all bfeen granted
il^der certain regul^fjons and conditions ; they are rc-
To^bte by the ftitpc power that granted theiri, and no
#9e.will be hardy enough to maintain, that pur two

Houfes

i€

Houfes could compel England to contina« thitttk t^
vs. She now comes forward to relinquifb all power
of revoking tlicm— fli^ comes forward with a propo*
fal to mix and blend all odir {Political and commercial
Interefts together, fo as never hereafter to leave any
room for thofe jealouflesandmifunderftandings, which
have fo often fubiifted, and in the cou«cils> and pro-
ceedings of your agitators, at this moment fubfift
between the two countries, to change or abrogate.
She offers to make them as much our own, 2t& they
are her own ; tainveft us with' as unalie^iiUe^ ^^jsf^f
in them, as fbe herfelf pofleOes, , and touxlpftrt to
tis a full and independent pofleffion,. not 6nly of tbofe,
but all the other benefits of that commerce that has
raifed her to her prefent pre-eminence -amoiig (he na-
tions of Europe, and^as made hef the wonder- and
the envy of the world* . • ^

When the famous Iriih Propofitions wefe frsUDked
in this country, one of the principal- foufces of
wealth they propofed to open to you» was> what
was called the Channel Tirade. By the arrange-
ments the* in contempUtton foraccompliihing this
objed, Qot only the Englifli market would be open
to. us for thofe produAiofis.and ipanufadtures of our
own, on the importatiop of which into England^
there are duties amounting to a prohibition, but alio
feveral articles wanting in our markets, aiidefleotial
to our manufa^ures, qn the exportation of' which
from England to (his country, high duties are taid>
or with duties confiderably lowered.

It cannot, as yet, be forgotten in what founding
terjns certain perfons amongft us extolled the advan-
tages which Ireland was to derive from the regula*

tioa&

17

lions thus propofcd in 1785. I will not enter into
details. Their * fpccchcs ^re printed, and to them
I refer you for wliat thole gentlemen thought of the
Propolttions, as they were to afTeft the manufafilurc
of your cottons, your worded and mixed ftuffs, your
low woollens^ as they were to fecure you againft all fu-
ture prohibitions on coals, rock-falt, bark, tin, hopSj
anc! other articles, mod of which could be got only from
England.

It noy^ fuits the views and interefts of tliofc very men
to depreciate what they lb highly extolled. They rc-
prefent the boon now ofiered to us by England, although
heightened by many additional advantages of the grcateft
magnitude beyond what were prepofed in that day, as of
no value. They are men of great verfatility of parts>
of gi^at ingentiity, plauHble, infinuating; they will ne-
ver be at a loft to repreXent what they with you to
believe in the mod impofing colours^ But your plain
fenfe would tell you, if you-' would but give it fair play,
that what it was madneis to reje6l in 1785, as they then
afTerted it was, it cannot be wifdom to xeje6^, when in
i8oo itisagainoOFeicd, higWy enhanced in ifs value, and
with many additional advantages ; thaft what was to procure
you only conditional benefits, granted by a Power that
wasindependentof you,on aTrcatyof Commerce, which
although calling itfelf final, depended ^n tlie will and
caprice of the refpeftive Legittatprs, and which waft
formed on terms that'might not be obferved on either fid©,
cannot be of equal value, as when thefe advantages ^rt
made your own in full, and, I may fay, natural en-

* 3tt the Speech of ths Right Honoarablt Jokn^FoiTtcx, ootbejri/h Pr8.
pofitions, in the printed Debates, taken down by Wood jr all, and r<vktd
^y the diifercDt Speakers, ai Mr. Woodfall aSeits.

C joyment

/

I8

«

]oyment and fruition, depending on no conditions ; fe«
cured to you exadlly in the fame manner as they are fe-
cured to the country that grants them to you ; and that
if there is any change> it znuft be in the interefls and
views of thefc men, and not in the thing itfelf.

But leaving thefe Hon. Gentlemen to reconcile their
own inconfiftencies, and to anfwer for them to their
country, whofe confidence in them they abufe to deceive
and miflead, I fliall content myfelf with laying before
you what I conceive to be the ibongeft proofs, that in
many of the manufafiures, in which Dublin is moA in-
terefted, the*opening of the Englifh market, under the
propofed terms of the Union, will become to you a
fource of encreafing wealth and profperity. I will fub-
mit to you the opinions of the beft judges on the quei^
tion ; the depofitions given at the bar of the Houfe of
Commons of England, by the moft wealthy Engliih
manufaAurei's, in their interefted and felfifh alarm at the
propofal of throwing open the Englifli market to the
manufaflurers of Ireland.

Mr. Robert Peele, a Calico manufaSurer and printer,
dcpofed, that he then paid, in excife duties, twenty
thoufand pounds per annum. From this circumftance
you will form fome judgment of the extent to which he
cacried on this manufadlure, and his opinions will have
a proportionate weight with you. This gentleman being
.liked what he conceived would be the effeA of permit-
ting the articles in which he dealt to be imported from
Ireland into the Britifti market, anfwcrcd, '* If the
*' Irifli are allowed to fend their goods to the Englifh
^* market, they will not only injure us in our home trade,
^* but we have great reafon to fear, that they will draw

19

fo much ready money from this country, a» to enable
them to give credit to foreign countries, and very ma-
terially injure that trade.**— —Being aiked if Eng-
land had not a fuperiority in the cotton manufaAures f
he anfwered, " The fuperiority, if we have it, is of
that nature, that it can be eafily removed into a neigh-
bouring kingdom ; and fo much am I fatisfied of it,
*' that fince the Irilh refolutions came before the Houfe,
^^ I have wrote to a principal houfe in Ireland, to have a
" connexion with it, for the purpofe of Supplying the can-
^^fumption of England." He was aiked, if England
could lofc her cotton manufafturc in any way but by
the lofs of herinduftry? he anfwered, "That he thought
'^ England might lofe her manufactory, by the Englifli
** manufacturer of property employing his capital in
** Ireland! That he would certainly employ it there himfelf,
*' if tie Britipi market Piouid be opened to Ireland. That
he had heard many perfons in the manufa6iwre declare ike
fame inXtntions ; and hi$ ovm determination was to remove
" part of his manu figure, and employ part of his capital
** there immediately.^^

This gentleman^ from having been a witnefs at the
bar of the Houfe of Commons, is now a member of its
having by his induilry, and his fpirit of commercial en-
terprife, raifed himfelf to that honourable diftinc-
tion. In his fpeech on the Union, which he has printed,
he maintained the fame opinions which he delivered in
1785. — He acknowledged that the principal manufac-
turing towns in England would be injured by the mea*
fare ; but with all the enlarged views of a Britifh mer.
chant and legiflator, he preferred the general interefts to
all local confiderations.

Mr.

€€

.20

Mr. Jofcph Smith, a gentleman in the fame budnefs^
and who alfo paid upwards of twenty thoufand pounds
ihexcife, madefimilardepofitions; and ex pre (Ted fimi-
lar intentions of employing bis capital in Ireland ; and
he, as ^cil as Mr. Peele, fupported their opinions on
this fubje6l by reafons, which it would fwell this Addrcfs
to too great a length to tranfcribe from the printed evi-
dence,

. Mr. Thomas Walker, one of the wcalthieft men in
the fuftian trade, and who was delegated by the town of
Manchefter to look to the inteiefts of that trade, being
aiked, if he did not think that on the cotton manufac-
turers of Ireland having the Engliili market open to
them, they would underfcll the manufaflurers at Man-
cheftcr He anfwered : *« In the fuftian trade, in which
** lam oonccrned, I have no doubt that they could at
*^ this time do it; and I have every reafon to b.clieve that
*Mn a fhort time they would underfcll. us i|i other
*^ articles.'* The fame he faid of the cheque trade', and
of the fmall ware trade, that is, tapes, garters, bind-
ings, &c. &c» — and he added, that he had been told by
the firft roanufaflurcr in Manchefter in the filk way,
** that if the Irifh refolutions, as they alfefled the home
" market, were to pafs into a law, he could not cany or\
* * his trade in England."

Mr. Walker further read a letter he had received from

Mr. Thomas Smith, of Manchefter, in which was this

paffage : — " The number of hands employed in the fmall

** ware manufa^ure may be three thoufand, who will be

** foon compelled i% emigrate, if the Englifh market be

** opened lo Ireland. For my own fatty I cannot hejitaie

<* a moment to dcciaie my firm intention of going to Ire-

*« landr

Dcpofitions

Depofitions and declarations of a fimllar nature were
made before the Englifh Houfe of Commons on this oc»-
calion by the filk-weavers, and the workers in mixed
iilks; by the ftationers and paper manufaflurers; by
perfons engaged in the export of flioes ; by tanners ;
by fadlers; by the manufaflurers of cut glafs and
caithen-ware ; by the iron-mongers ; by the foap-boilers
and tallow-chandlers ; but I pafs thefe to come to the
evidence laid before the Houfe in fupport of a petition
from the low woollen and the worfted fluff manufac-
turers. This petition flated it as the unanimous opinion
of thefe manufadlurerSj th^ the opening of the Englifli
market to fimilar articles of manufacture in Ireland,
would be highly injurious to that trade ; that they cm-
ployed in tlieir manufafture large quantities of Irifh yarn,
as Irifh wool was particularly well adapted for making
fuch goods> and as they could nqt procure fuHicient
Engliih yarn for the extent to which they then carried
on the manufactory; that, therefore, if the Englifh
market, in which there was the gieatefl demand for fuch
goods, as they formed the chief drefs of the manufac-
turing and labouring orders, fhould be opened to Ire-
land, the Irifh manufafturers would, of courfe, work
upon their own materials ; and having them at a rate fo
dilproportionably cheaper, they could not fail to under-
fell the Englifh manufacturer in his own market, even
if there was nothing elfe in their favour. The purport
of this petition was fupported by the evidence of Mr.
Richard Sharp, a confiderable woollen and woifled ma-
nufacturer; and he concluded bis depofition by ob-
fcrving, *' that he had it from the befl poffihle infor-
•* mation, that fhalloons wrought in Ireland were better
" than any that were ever manufaCluicd at Rumfey,

** which

22

t ,

** which IS the beft manufaSory in England, and that it

** was brought conQderably lower."

But It was not only the manufaflurers of low wool-
lens and woifted (luffs that were thus alarmed : the ma-
nufadurers of the finer cloths came alfo forward to ex-
pieis their fears. It was not, they faid, that they were
under any apprehcnfion that this branch of the manu-
faAure would be immediately affefled by the new fyftem,
as tlie Irifh manufaflurer was not as expert as the £ng*
liflu But thefc refleSing men did not fuflfer themfelves
tobeimpofed upon by that fj^ecious argument, which
yoo all admit implicitly, and by which you are chiefly
mifled, that under onr pre/ent circumftances, and in the
prtfcnt date of our manufaQures, we, cannot pretend to
meet the Englifh manufa6lurer in his market, or fuSTer
him to come into our own. To enable us to do fo, h
the great objeft of the propofed Union, as it was then
of the original Irifli Propofitions ; and it was under this
imprcflion that the woollen manufaSurers Rated, that
from the vicinity of the two countries, the facility with
which fkilful Englifh weavers might pals into Ireland,
and the great encouragement that •would not fail to. be
given to them, this advantage, from the inferiority in
the Irifh fiber cloths, would not long fubfift. As to the
raw ipatcrial, England would polTeis no advantage over
Ireland iii that eflential particular. Ireland makes cloths
of her own wool, as high as twelve fhillings a yard. —
This wool IS fit to mix with the Spanifh wool, in the
fame way as the finer and coarfer Englifh wools are
mixed with it to make the fccond cloths. The fine
clotlis of the Devizes, and the country about it, arc
entirely made of the SpanillT wool. This the Irifh ma-
nufacturer can purchafc in the fame way as the Engliih ;

he

t 23

be pays only the fame original price for it, but ht pro-
cures it at a Icfs ex pence of freight. From all thefe
circumftances, the woollen manufaclurers concluded)
that if the IriHi manufadurers had not yet turned their
attention to any plan of improving their manufadure
of fine woollen cloths, to ah extent to alarm England,
it was chiefly becaufe the exclufion from the Britlfh mar-
ke^ave them no encouragement to divert any part of
their capital that way ; but they contended, that when the
Britifli market fhould be opened to them, with all the
encouragement .of (horter conveyance, quicker fale, and
f|)eedier returns than the other markets could afibrd them,
they would fpeedily have their proportion with the Bri-
tlfh manufadturcT in this, the great obje£l of their
wilhes.

m

If fuch were the apprehenfions of thcfe manufac*
turers from the propofed treaty of fj^^y under which
the exports of Britifh wool were to remain prohibited,
what would they have felt, if, as is to be the confequence
of the Union^ the fiaple commodity of EngliQi wool,
that laf^ing objed of Englifh jealoufy, had been con-
ceded to Ireland, and fecured to the Irifli inanuf^^lurer
for ever ? and. the Britifli market opened to Irifh wool-
lens of all kinds at low duties.

The laft manufa£lurers whom I fhall mention as hay-
ing come forward on this alarm, are the manufafilurers
from Norwich. From their evidence it appeared that
they could buy in Norwich fuch Irifh worded yarn
as is eflential to that manufa£lure, cheaper than the
Engllfh, although it was fubjed to four or five duties
before it retched them, and was alfo fubjcdt to the ex-
pence of the voyage, .and of the carriage, in addition

to

24 •

to the Internal duties in Ireland. From thefe circum-
ftances, one of their manufaflurers depofed, that upon
a fair and juft calculation, Ireland could manufailure her
vvorfted yarn, in fimilar articles, 45 per cent, cheaper than
England. Was it not, therefore, he faid, obvious to con-
clude, that Ireland would turn her attention immediately
to this manufaiture, and that either the Irifh or the
Englifh capitalifts would be able to underfell England
even in her own market ?

If I were to write volumes in anfwer to the men
whofe views it now fuits to depreciate the opening of the
Englifh market to our manufaftures, and to whom,
through all their felf-contradiftions, you arc infatuated
enough to give implicit unenquiring credit, I could not do
it fo effc6lually as by fubmitting to you the opinions ind
declarations of perfons fo deeply ii\tercfted in the quef-
tion, and fo competent to decide upon it. They did not
require to be told, that if the Englifh market was to be
thrown open to Ireland, the Irifh market would be
equally thrown open to England ; they knew it, but
they alfo'knew, that in many eflcntial branches of manu-
fafture they poffeifcd no fuperiority over us ; and that
in thofe in which they excelled, it was the very objeft
of the fyftem to raife us to a level with them, and that
this would be its neceffary operation.

The event is too recent that you (hould be reminded of
it The jealoufy of the Englifh manufaflurers, and
the clamours of the oppolition in this country, prevailed
with the Englifli parliament. It refufed to confirm the
fettlement to which the parliament of Ireland bad car-
ried it ; and Ireland rejefted it, as it was fent back al-
tered and amended by the Minifter.

But

45

But the fyftem of the propofed Union> as it is to af-
fcGt jrour trade and your manufaftures ftands upon very
different ground, and holds out piuch higher ad-
vantagesi I will proceed to ftate this to you, and to
apply all I have advanced on that fubjed to the particu-'*
lar ifitereft of your cky.

Belides the jealoufies of the Ei^glifh manufafturcrs,'
alarmed at the intfoduftion of the manufaflures of Ire-
laid into their ovi^n market, there were many other ob«
jefiions oathe part of England to the ratification of the
propofitlons in 178$, in the original form in which they
had paffed both odr Houfes of Parliament. Thefe ob-
]e£tioas principally arofe from the nature of the con*
nexion between the two countries; A mbft formidably
rival was to be admitted into the markets of England^
without any fecurity thatthis rival ITiould contribute an/
adequate part to the expences, by which that market was
to be fuftained and protcfted. Ireland, under the ope-
ration of the original proportions, could not make a fin-
gle acquifition without a proportionate lofs to England.
She would injure her revenues in proportion as (he eithct
encroached upon, or brought over to herfelf the princi-
pal objeds of cuftoms and excife ; and England would
in her turn, become the complaining fi/ler. England^
therefore, rejcftcd the fyftem, unlefs unJer fome con-
trottl from her own Parliament confulting her particular
tntecefis. This, in the pride of her new fcttlement, her
new conftitution, at it is called of 1782, Ireland rcfttfcdt
as encroaching upon her independence, add for this your
Parliament was branded with every imputation of ridi-
cule and folly, and befottedncfs, by the principal ffltmef

D ^ of

a6

of thofe propofitionsf who^ in a late fpeccbj has dlC*
claimed and vilified them.

But I have already faid that I {ball leave this gentle-
man to reconcile his inconliilencies to himfdf and to his
country, in the beft way he can. However highly
advantageous the fyftem heathen framed and upheld
would have been to tins nation, the propofed fyflem of
the Union (lands upon very different grounds. In youif
trade and commerce, as in your religious diflenfions, it
is calculated to confer every benefit, and procure every
indulgence, without the dangers by which every fucb
conceflion might be attended under the prefent ftate of
things. England now comes forward with a voluntary
offer to aboliOi all diffenfions, all clafhing of interefts*
She comes forward with a propofal to cut off all the
fouices of jealoufy and rivaUhip at once and for ever ^ to
leave no further room for confiderations of the more or
the lels, which either naiion may gain on the other* She
wifhes to have but one market with you ; and if there are
any anicles, in which, at prefent, her manufaftuies
night poffefs an advantage over your*s, (he gives you the
boon on fuch terms as may make it moft beneficial to
you; and agrees, that thofe manufactures fhould be pro*
te6led by countervailing duties.

It is no longer a bargain that ftie propofes to make with
you, as with a feparate diftinft ftate; as with a people
whom Ihe wifhes to fee enriched, though not at her own
cxpcnce : She propofet that you (hould make her trade
your own, and confents that all the fources of wealth fbe
(;piQxnand8 may be common to both.

In

27

in retom for afU this fhe does not require of you» as
has been falfely infinuated, that you fhould be bur*
dened with a iingle fhilUng oi her debt ; and for the fu«
ture expences of the empire^ (he confents to the ratifica^'
tion of a folemn unalterable agreement, by which you
{hall only pay fuch a proportion* as your own refources,
compared with h^r's, by. unalterable criterions> can
bear.

In ^d of thofe reiburces, fiie propofes to grant you out
of the revenues paid by the Eafl India Company, from
tenitories fubdued by BritiAi arms, and which never
coil you a farthing, 58«oooL a year. She propofes that
the lubjefis, and the produce of either country, (hould
be put upon an equal footing for ever, as to all privi-
leges, encouragements, and bounties* This gives us the
continuapce for tvcrof xh^ Brilifh and It'itti bounties on
^he expoit of Irifh linens, and affords a full participation
in the great article of failrcloth. — It is at prefent pro-
^irided, that the fail-cloth ufed in the Bridfli navy, and
^e firil fet of f^iils ufed in Britifh merchant- fliips, fhould
be of Britifh ]!hanufa3ure ; by jthe tprms of the Union,
no diftln<5)ion will be made between Irifh fail- cloth and
Britifh iail-cloth, and tb,uSi in addition to the other great
branches of our lipen trade, we fliall have the immenfe
market arifing from the Britifh navy, and the fupply of
Britifh fhippingy open to a manufa6lory, the fuperiority
in which, I need not obfcrve to you, we are fare to com- .
mand, both from the nature of our foi} and the ikill of
our woikmen*

From the regulations which England propofes, refpe£l-
, log the ex fort from either country, Ireland mufl further

reap

28

^

« reap intaleulable adKiiit^es. . All articles are^ for ever,

, to be exported duty-free. This provifion fecures to Ire-

land/cr ever the raw materiab^ ^btcb flie receives from
Great Britain^ ^nd which (he can procure no where ellc.
It fecures to her far rcirr coab^ tiny bark, alluih, hops,
and fait. Under it (he will not only enjoy fir ever the
Eritifli markets for her linen trade, but (he will receive
the raw material of England for the improvement and

^ cxtenlion of her woollen trade^ at the fame time that, by

other regulations, (he will have Briti(h bounties to (avour
- the re-exports of the former, and low Britifh duties to
tencourage the import of the latter*

With refped to future taxes, provifion is to be made,
that in no cafe the Imperial Parliament (hall be enabled
*to impofe higher taxes after the Union, upon any article
in' Ireland, tha*i the fame article fhall be liable to in
Great Britain ; and with refped to debts, Ireland, fo far
from being charged a farthing of the exifting debts of
England, will have towards the payment of her own debt
a faving of 1,000,000 a year in time of war, and of
500,0001. in time of peace.

Such, in part, is the Union which England oflTcrs
y*tt > yet the very men, (I cannot too often repeat it)
who reproached Ireland with folly and infatuation for
tejefiing the fyftem of 178,5, on what they called the
fanciful ground of entrenching on her independence, and '
from li(tening to a popular, clamour, artfully raifed for
party views, are now the mo(l vi6lent in fpiritihg up Ire-
land to reject the Union, on grounds ftill more fanciful
pf encroaching on our independence, and by a popular

clamopr

cbmottT raifisd by interefted and defigniag men to ferre
their own partial ends.

Is it polfible that jpou qan always fubmit to be impofed
<tt by thcfc men i That you -can continue to give iip-
plicit credit to their afiertions, itiihout proof or argument^
inftead of examining and judgiag for yourfelves, at leaft
in inch points as youare^ yovrfeWes, particularly compe*
ta^ ta decide upon ?

Asenotmoft of the manufaAures, on which J fub-
i&itted to you the depofitions and declarations of the
Englifli manuia£turcrss tbofe in which your city is prin-
cipally intercfted ? Is it not within your city, or its vici-
nity, that they have been eilablifhed of old ? And is it
not in.yoixr city and its vicinity, that they are Aill likely
to be eftabliihcd, and carried on in their greateft est-
tent?

Do you not fom the point of immediate contaft with
England? Are you not then certain to^ become the em-
porium between the two kingdoms ? — the repofitory
where the manufaflures and the produce of both coun-
tries ihall be depofited for the tegular fupply of both ?
Look lo the canals, that are already branching to every
part of' the kingdom from your city, as from a central
point ; t^irough thefe you will have a fpeedy and cheap
communication with the inland parts of the kingdom ;
through thefe you will convey every article of Iriflx
manufa£lure, or Irifli growth, into your warehoufes,
to be fliipped to the Englifh ports^ and by the fame
(lanals you vni\ float i^to the country the commodities

you

f ou {hall bring in return froin England^ as well as tbe
produce of the colonial and foreign markets. Thefc
returns will be quick — Englifh capital will flow in with
diem. It will difTufe itfelf through every defcription
of your manufa6lurers^your principal merchants and
traders^ enriched by their proportion in the general
cncrcafc of commerce> as well as by th^ir local advan-
tages> will continue to extend and to embellifh your
city> and by the extenfive increafe of population which
trade and manufafture can alone produce, and the in-
creafcd confuoiption this population will require, they
will neceflarily raife the valine pf lands within your ci»-
cuit and in your vicinity*

Your poorftarving manufacturers in the Liberty wiU
fee their trad^e not onjy revived, but carried on to an
extent hitherto unknown. They will be no longer left
as wretched mendicants on the luxury and diffipation of
your contraSed circles of faftiion, to folicit temporary
<>mployment from balls and aifemblies, and cafile galas>
the miferablc expedients to which you now look with
exclofivc confidence, and which you tremble to loljc.
They will feel the influence of that regular and unin-
terrupted demand, which feeds the thoufands that arc
employed in the Britilh manufactories ; and, as occafi-
onal diftrefs, and occaQonal want of employment fo
often drive them into diforder and riot, if not rebellion,
the fettled and increaflng comforts of fuccefsful induftry,
fed by the fame uninterrupted flream that feeds Britiflb.
induftry, will reftore them to quiet and peace.

But how can you be fure that Britifli capital will
flow in upon us in confequence of an Union ? I have
already laid before you the pofitivc declarations to that

cfFea

' .

\

31

tScSt of the greateft Englifli capitalifts, looking forward
to a fettlement^ inBnitely lefs advantageous to them and
yotty than that now propofed. But there are other
grounds on which you can yourfclves form a judgment
as to that point.

It b notorious that all the commerce of the world
centers at this moment in England. It is notorious,
that almoft all the money in Europe has found M
way there.

This enormous conlmfrce now requires to be as
cnormoufly fed> and together with the unexampled
annual demands of the government, for carrying on the
public fcrvice on its prefent fcale, enables the money-
holder to employ his capital to the full gratification of
his avarice. But when^ on the condufion of a peace,
commerce will return in a great degree to its old chan-
nels ; when the minifter will no longer require an an-
nual loan of from eighteen to twenty millions, and the
money-holder can no longer look to the prefent wants
of the government, and the prefent profits or govern-
ment fecurities to employ his money, where can thh
redundancy of capital difcharge itfclf ? Trade in Eng-
land has been long gorged ; manufa£lure is full in all its
branches ; land is at its higheft price.— AVill an Englifli-
man ever look to France, or Germany, or Spain, or
Italy, or any part of the Continent, for his eftablifli-
ment ? Will he expofe himfelf and his family, and his
property, on an adventure to America, in preference
to a nearer fettlement ? No ; this immenfe accumula-
tion mud overflow upon us; it muft throw itfclf on our
commerce, our manufadlures, our lands.

But

32

&ut it will be aflced^ might it not do fo equally under
oar prefcnt eftabiifihrnent^as under the fy ftcm of an Union ?
Certainly not. The idea of fecority will be wanting. At
prefent no Engliihman will advance a lingle giunea for
your loansy unlefs the payment of the intereft be gua-
ranteed to him by his own Parliament. The idea of
peace» and tranquillity, and good order* will be. want-
ing. At prefent there is not an Epgliflinian w^o docs
not conlider Ireland as in a ftate of a6laal rebellion*
and who is not imprelTed with a convidion^ thaU^long
as we have a legiflature feparate and di(lin6t from the
legiflature of Cngland* -we mud ever be expofed to
thofe internal diflenfions and divifions that have fo long
convulfed our wretched country* and retarded her ad-*
rancement. But give them a Union— let them fee that
the country is one 9 the ftate onf^ the legiflature oniy and
you will give the Englifh capitalifts the fame trud and
confidence* and fecurlty* with a convi£lion of which
they arc impreffed under their own Parliament: There
will be then nothing left to check their fpeculauon. —
They will have here no Income Tax, no Horfc Tax^
ng Dog Tax, no Powder Tax, no Armorial Bearing
Tax, no Poor Rates, no Land Tax— they will have
labour at a cheaper price* provifiona at a cheaper price*
land at a cheaper rate of purckafe. On thefe advaa*
tages they will fpcculate, and the enterpriGng fpirit of
Britifli induftry will* by degrees, diiFufe its blefling^
through every clafs of our people.

And yet* you are to be deceived* and talked out of
thefe profpe£ls^ You are to be impofed on by faife
flatements* and amufed by fanciful calculations* from
the delks of political barrifters> on many of whom you

would

N.

33

Would Ihlok a guinea thrown away in conducing a
limple fuit for a book-debt. In oppofltion to all the
advantages I have detailed to you, thefe men afTcd to
calculate to a fra(^ion what money is to be fpent out of
the kingdom at large, and out of your city in particulars
by a given number of noblemen and gentlemen refiding
for a part of the year in England. As if a far greater
number than your propofed reprefentathqn did not> un-
der the prefcnt fyftem, refide there every year for a
longer period than their attendance on their parliamen-
tary duty can require, as if the troubles, which have
lately agitated^ and threaten again to agitate this ill-fated
country, did not drive, and muft not condnue to drive
more families out of the kingdom, and out of your capi«
tal, than if both your Houfes of Parliament were to
emigrate in a body.

Wbat.miferable ftuffhavel feen thruft upon you in
thefe crude calculations ? So ignorant is one of the
Barrifters,. who took the lead in this mode of deception,
of eycry thing conneAed with thefubjeft, that he fup-
pofes, that infinitely more md'ney will be tranfmitted
out of this kingdom, for the fupport of his emigrants
•each yearj than our whole circulating fpecie amounts
to.

But thefe dafhingcalculaters. boggle at no abfurdity.
They at once aiTutneit as an indifputable fact, that all
the propofed reprefentatives of your nobility are for
ever to defert their family feats, and all the fplendor,
all the coinforts, by which they are there furrpunded,
that they are to abandon all care and attention to that
property, by which alone they can be enabled to fupport
their ftate, and to give up all attentions to thofe interefts

£ which

34

which haveraifed them to the pre-eminence they enjoy
among their fcUow-fubjefts.

They affiime it a$ an indifputable faft, that yoar re*
prefentative commoners, the great, proportion of whom
are, comparatiTcly with thofe of England^ men of mo-
derate fortunes, will fix themfelves and their families
for their winter eftablifhment in the Britifli metropolis,
and for the fummer in fome xjf the country parts of
England, cither to ruin their fortunes by an emulation
in expencc with the* great EnglilK commoners, or to
link into a place below their natural level, and mix
with ' a, fociety for which they and their wives, and
their children, are unfitted by their education and their
habits.

They afiume it as an indifputable fad: that, like the
rcprefentative nobles, they will abandon their property
and their family eftates to the management of others ;
that they will negled all regard to their conftituents,
all the attentions they owe them, all means of conciliat-
ing a continuance of their favour, or of recommending
themfelves to their future fupport^ by reiiding amongll
them, by living with them in the interchange of the
ufual civilj^ies of fociety and good neighbourhood, that
produce afTeiSlion, and fecure edeem and confidence.
They affume it as an indifputable fa£^« that thev are to
be followed by all our principal gentry leaving the capi-
tal, leaving their own eftates to bankrupt merchants,
ftarving ftiop-keepers, tillers of the ground, without a
market for their produce, mechanics without work, and
labourers without employment.

Is

85

Is it in fimplicity itfclf to be amufed by fuch fup-
poiitions ? It was by fimilar deceptions that the people
of Edinburgh fuflered themfelves to be milled and in-
flamed at the time of the Union with Scotland ^' againft
*' all manner of reaibning,*' fays an eye-witnefs in his
biftory q{ that tranfadion, /^ againft nature, againd
" intereft, fighting againft their approaching freedom,
** iofuUiDg the promoters of their happinefe, and with
** inexpreflibkfUneafinefs receiving the bleffings of uni-
•* verfal peace."— Yet what has been the event ? The
city of Edinbui^h is tripled in point of extent fince the
Union. It is computed that within thefe laft thirty years
the new buildings, public and private, the new ftrects
and fquares, have coft above two millions fterling.-^
The public offices, the courts of juftice, the reglfter-
boufe, the offices of excife and cuftoms, the new uni-
veriity, the theatres, alTembly rooms, bridges, &c. do
not yield in magnificence to thofe of any capital in Eu*
lope* Can what has enriched Edinburgh impoverifh
you ? Edinburgh was proud and poor, diflblute and
idle, while fhe continued to be the feat of her parliament.
From the day that by her Union with England, her par-
liament removed to the Britifh capital, and became part
of the Imperial legiflature of Great Britain, her peace
was fecured, her trade and her commerce increafed, her
incitements to her nobility and principal gentry, to
make her the refidence of their families, were mul-
plied from day to day ; and thus uniting the wealth of
landed income, with the wealth of Commerce, and
the expenditure of fuccefsful induftry, with the. expen-
diture of rank andftate, fhe raifes her head among the
moft beautiful and fiourifhing capitals of Europe.

Wlicr^

36

Where the clrcumftanccs arc the fame, the fame con-
fcquences will follow ; and the removal of her parlia-
xnent will no more operate againft Dublin, than it has
operated againft Edinburgh. You, with your Union,
ilart from a more advanced poft; you are already, as far
as the fplendor and the appearante of your capital go,
what the Union has made Edinburgh, and in point of
commerce you are gready beyond what (he was at that
period ; ^our progrefs, therefore, will be the more ra-
pid and brilliant, in proportion to the greater advantages
you enjoy. You Will have an atiraflive for your no-
bility and gentry to refort to you, ^yhich Edinbui*gh had
not, the court of your Lord Lieutenant ; your courts of law
will be more crowded in proportion to the more exten-
five popiihtion of your . country, ^nd its greater mafs of

. fluftuating property ; all the rank, and all the fafhion of
the kingdom will find in you from the outfet thofe incite-
ments to relide within your capital, which it took a num«
ber of years to procure to Edinburgh. They will con-

' tjnue to crcfwd to you in the winter, with their families^
to enjoy that fociety, partake in thofe amufcmcnts, and
procure thofe advantages for their children, as well with
refpefl to their education, as to their eftablifiiment in
life, which no otlier place can hold out to them* Your
countiy towns are not like the' great provincial towns in
France, where thefe advantages colle£t the neighbouring
gentry, inftead of relbrting to the capttal; and be af-
fured that vour nobles, and wealthy commoners, will not
revert to the manners of the laft'century, when they con-
tented themfelves with the hofpitality of their rcfpeflive
country feats. They will ftill inhabit your ftrects ^nd
your fquares, while, at the fame time, your wealthy
merchants, increafing daily in number, will exhibit to

you

37

you the ftate and fplendor of that clafs in England^ to
which you have been hitherto ftrangers, and will ibon
indemnify you for the abfence of a few titled men, who
nay chufe a fixed refidence in England, and whofe
names, tbofe of you who are fiiopkeeperd, are now fo
wonderfully proud to fee figuring on your books.

A FREEMAN OF DUBLIN.

POSTSCRIPT.

SINCE this Appeal went to the Prefs, the oppofers
of the Union have poured in upon the bar of the Houfe
of Commons a number of manufacturers, to (hew how
ruinous the meafure muft prove to their refpedive
branches of trade. Having exhauded all their ammu*
nition of bar eloquence^ all their (lores of threats, and
invedlive, and abufe, they bring forward %this new en-
gine of oppofition, as their laftdefperate attempt to drive
the people, and particularly the Inhabitants of your city,
into afiive TcRfiznct to the meafure. The evidence of
thefc men, as it was to be expefted, is equally prophe-
tic of ruin and beggary to the countiy, as tlie petitions
which preceded them, and you have had it retailed in all
their inflammatory publications, and ttuougii all their
agitating cb-cles.

For

38

For my own . part, I fee, nothing in the dcpo-
fitions of thefe men, to make me change opinions
I have delivered ; I fee nothing in their evidence^
buttlie fame mifreprefentations with which the pro-
pofed Union has been exhibited to your view, (ince
the fird dtfculfion of the queftion; I fee nothing in it,
but a fympathy of alarm, for a monopoly of the fcveral
manufa6lures on which thefe men are engaged, with thofe
who tremble for the danger, tliat hangs over another fpe-
cies of manufacture, in which a monopoly has long
been enjoyed to the detriment of rhe country at
large— T mean the manufaAure of political power>
and politicaKconfequence; a moft lucrative branch
of trade, by which fo many of the great leading Ami- ,
Unionifts have enriched tliemfelves, and their con-
nexions; and in which the red, encouraged by their exam-
ple, have greedily embarked, and which they tremble
to lofe«

In proof of what I aSert, let us take the cotton ma-
nufafturcrs. What is the purport of their evidence ? —
'^ That they muft be proteded by duties, to the amount
^* of 50 per cent, againft the Britifh manufaSurer, or
•• that the trade muft be ruined.'* That their trade, that
is their monopoly, muft be ruined, I readily grant, but
that the manufadure of cotton in this country muft gain
by it, I cannot entertain a doubt. This lucrative branch
of bufineis, which has been the fource of fo much
wealth to Great Britain, will be no longer confined to
the few individuals who have ha^i capital fufficient to un-
dertake it in this country, and who have been the little
tyrants, inftead of the protedors of it. It will be open
to Englifh capital, and Englifh fkillj from, the moment

that

39

thtt the Englifh manufaflurer can fee fecurity For the
property he fliall embark in it^ and a fufficicnt market
for the fale of hi* wrought goods. The men who have
made the moft fplendid fortunes in the feveral branches
of this manufadture^ and who carry it on to its greateft
extent, have already declared their opinions to this
cffecl ; you have read their depofitions and their de-
terminationS) faithfully fele6led from the evidence before
the bar of .the Englilh Houfe of Commons, as printed
by authority. It is by thcfc depoiitions^ and thefe de-
clarations, that this alarm has been raifed ; your politi-
cal and manufa£luring monopolifis have equally caught
it, and both, as you fee, play with great dexterity into
eath others hands^

But, for God's fake, do you altend only to your
own interefts, and let me aflc you, what is the mighty
evil, either to the kingdom at large, or to your capiul
in particular, if thefe manufacturers fhould ceafe to
have their goods protc6led againft (imilar articles from
England by a tax of fifty per cent, upon the confump-
tion ? That is, if they fhould ceafe to put fifty per
cent, into their pockets, which they are to raife upon
every one of you that buys and wears their goods ?
What general evil will accrue, if from encouraging
competition, and introducing ikilful workmen, which
the Englilh manufadurers, the perfons immediately
concerned, tell you muft be the confequcncc of fucli
regulations as the Union purpofe, the public will be no
longer obliged, and particularly the lower orders, to
take whatever fluff thefe monopolifls chufe to manu-
fadure, and fell to the people, and when they ceafe to
have fo largea premium for precluding the public from

a larger

■ 40

a larger and better market ? Will your city lofc in
wealth or popu]ation> if, inftead of two or three cot-
ton nutnufaSories, bringing in enormous profits to
their conduAorS) at the expence of every pcrfon con-
fined to the wear of their goods, by the exclufion of
fimilar articles from England, you (hould have en-
couragement given to numbers to embark in the fame
bulincfs, either within your city or in its neighbour-
hood ? Numbers, who by introducing capital and ikill,
would in a (hort time do away the difadvantages under
which this ricketty manufadure has, from its firft birth
laboured in this country ? Will your city lofe in peace
and good order, if the workmen engaged in the different
branches of this bufinefs, inftead of being in the abfo-
lute power of two or three companies, who can play
into each other's hand, and reduce their wages, or dif-
charge them altogether from employment, as it fuits
their temporary views, (hall have always a choice of
employers, and a certainty of work ?

There b not one of thefe obfervations that does not
equally apply to the oth^r manufafturers, who have
appeared at the bar of the Houfe of Common^. They
apply to all your dealers -in commifiion ; all your mo«
ney jobbers, all who get rich by their enormous pro-
fits on the lower (hopi-keepers and tradefmcn. How
long then will you fuffer yourfelves to be deluded by
interefted men working upon your credulity, and tak-
ing advantage of the facility with which you liften to
every deceiver that wiflies to miflcad you to his ow n
purpofes ? How long will you lend your aiUftance to
every monopolift,. whether in trade or politics, whofe
ohjtSt it is to facrifice the public good to perfonal in-

terefts ?

41

terells ? Is it not notorious that die fugtr refiners im-
pofe>on every one of you the enormous charge of fix-
pence or feven-pence^ fometimes eight-pence, for every
pound of fugar you confume, beyond what thatj now
neccffary of life is fold for by the Engliih refiners i yet
they alfo have had the effrontery to appear among the
Teft before Parliament, to claim a perpetuity in this rob-
bery on the public; yet their claims have been backed
by the whole gang of Anti-Unionifts, who make you a
party in this grols impofition on yourfelves, and fpirit
you againft ameafure that puts an end' to this fcanda-
lous monopoly— a monopoly that raifes a greater tax
-upon the public than your Parliament would dare to
impofe on it. And what are the grounds ? Blufh to
hear them. Becaufc in this manufacture there are to
proprietors, and about 220 workmen. In what con«
tempt muft the great mover of thefe puppets, the great
Anti-Union fhcwman 9 hold your underftandings, when
he attempts f uch things !

A FR££MAN OF DUBLIN^

fi/n--%

r> .^

SOME

STRICT U"R E S

ON THX

C O N D U C T

dp

ADMINISTRATION

*
DURIMO THS

SESSION OP PARLIAMENT,

THAT OPEMKD UNDER

CHARLES, MARQUIS CORNWALLIS,

ON THS 22d OF January and closed on thx

ift OP Junk, 1799.

■I

"•mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm^wmmm^mmmtm

^orum pars -Jui.*

Dublin :

PRINTED BY J MILLIKEN 32, GRAFTON-STREET.

1 800.

II ■! '

STRICTURES,

Sec. &c»

A GREAT variety of circumftanccs has
combined, to render the condud of Par-
liament, during the feffion, which opened
on the 2 2d. January, and was clofed by
prorogation, on the i ft of June 1799; a
fubjed well deferving the attention and
confideration of every man in this country-
The melancholy events of the former year

1 were

were fuch, as muft neceffarily have dic-
tated to the Government and the Lc-
giflature, meafures, differing in their ri-r
gor or in their novelty, from thofe ordi-
narily pnrfued :- — Whether thefe meafures
in their fource and in their progrefs, juf-
tify the wjfdom and fuperintending policy
of the men, from whom they originated j
is a^ fair fubjed of enquiry to the can-
did and attentive obfervers of both Eng-
la\id and Ireland.

The feffion had been ufhcred in by cir-
cumftances of high import, which, of nc-
ceffity, gave rife to the exercife of the
'ftrong opinions and paflions, that will
for ever operate in conjundures, where
matters of the very firft national and im-
perial concern, come under the difcuflion
of the great deliberative aflenably. In,
addition to the ufual incitements to warm
difquifition and high expedation j the pub-
lic mind had been alr^.ady charged with

a tumult

a tnmult, almoft unexampled, and yet but
little abated from its moft violent agita-
tion ; when this remarkable feffion opened.
Party fpirit, which had opierated to as fa-
tal fuids andto as deadly dilTenfion, as poetic
fidion has ever defcribed, ftill exifted in
almoU undiminiflied vigor. To recur fo far
as to trace the relations of the two bo-
dies, Lpyalifls and Rebels, who engaged
each other, in the courfc of the fummer
of 1798, with a fury fo exterminating,
would occupy too much time for .a pam-
phlet, that profeffes to be merely obfer-
vatcry cff the condud of the laft fcflion
of Parliament- It will be fufficicnt ta
ftate, that a religious sfcal of the moft
deadly intolerance, -which had firft difco-
vered itfelf fome years back in a particular
northern county, continued to lurk in, and
fprcad through and inflame the minds of
men. A Catholic prelate of the fouth, pof-

B % , defied

fefcd of a mind and talents, that would
qualify him for a miniftcr of the famed
Catherine dc Medici 5 exhibited a degree
of acrimony againft the eftablifhed Church,
and of feparative and exterminating bigotry,
unknown to the fevereft and moft pow-
erful age of the Roman Pontiffs. There
is no perfecutor recorded by hiftory, moft
noted for perverting the mild, benevolent,
and beneficent precepts of Chrift Jefus,
whofe dodrines went to fuch ruinous
lengths : — -Bonner would have rejeded
them. This prelate exerted himfelf to fill
the hearts of the people under his care,
with every fentiment that was fell and
deadly to their Proteftant brethren. He
was too fatally fucccfsful ! Some abettors
of French principles and French pradicet,
who had long meditated to deftroy the
connexion of thefe Iflands, took advan-
tage of this difpofition to difTenfion and

conteft.

5

contcfi. Parliamentary difcuffion of Catho-
lic claiilis, which from time to time, took
place, aided their defigns. The moment
that the Legiflaturc refifted the final dc-
xnands of the Catholic Body, thcfe agents
of mifchief applied thcmfelves topreparc the
mafs of the people, as the wretched inftru-
ments of their purpofe. The tenets of the
Church of Rome being the profeffion of a
large proportion of the people, the phyfical
forccof the country was, with fmallexcepti-
on, favourable to them. There are few na-
tions in the world whofe inhabitants are,
generally fpeaking, funk in a more befotted
or brutal ignorance, than thofe of Ireland.
The Legiflature had confined to officers,
both civil and military, of the Proteftant
Church, certain fundions, the cxercife of
which, in the hands of CathoHcs, it wa^
imagined, would endanger the ecclefiaftical
cftablifliment of the country. This re-

ftraint

ftfairit on Catholic demands was re-
prefcnted to the people as a grofs oppref-
fion, to which human nature ought not
to fubmit, or they were taught to think
that the executive government of the
country began to fear their numbers, their
force, and their virtues, and were ptepar-
ing to rcfume the privileges, which in the
few laft Seflions had been extended to
them, and were likely to prove formidable
to the vices and corruptions of thofe, from
whofe weaknefs and timidity they had been

«

extorted. The bafe profeffion of the Creed
of the Church of Rome,, they were affured,
was a fufficient crime to draw on them the
perfecution of government, and of men^

m

who gave, perhaps, too much reafon for be-'
ing confidered as minifters of vengeance.

Thus every mptive that operates moft

powerfully on the human heart, was put

into

into adivity, by the unccafing machinations
of the wicked men, who, by fuch means,
fought to make themfelvcs the rulers of
Ireland. Religious aniraofity working to
the moft deadly effedJ, and that principle
which reafonably and well direded prompts
to, perhaps, one of our moft virtuous pur-
fuits, and of our bell and moft important
duties to Heaven, the defire of political
Freedom^ produced fuch miferablc cala-
mity, as faturated our foil with much* of
the bcft blood of its inhabitants, and muft
for ever llain this^ page of the Hiftory of
Ireland.

The country had hardly refpircd from this
fccne of calamitous contention, when the
SciEon of 1799 commenced. Means had
been devifed for removing much of what
might give rife to future civil conteft or
religious diffenfion. Thefe means had occa-
fionedhafty, warm, and intemperate dif-
cuflion,particularly in the Capital, for fomc

months

months previous to the opening of the
Seflion. It had been confidered that the
force of Government in Parliament was fo
commanding, as that any meafure, propofed
by them, would have an eafy paflagc
through the Houfe of Commons ; and, on
the ground of grofs and degrading fubfer-»
viency in this body, fome gentlemen of
high patriotic feeling, and fcrupulous pu-
rity of mind. Members of the Houfe,
would no longer fuffer the pollution of
fuch Society, and . liad adually feceded
. from attendance on parliamentary duty*

The Speech from the Throne recom-
mended to the confider^tion of Parliament
** fome permanent adjuftment which might
extend the advantages enjoyed by our Sifter
Kingdom to every part of this Ifland, and
to provide the moft effedual means of
maintaining and improving a connexion, ]
cffe^tial to their common fecurity, and of

confolidating

<onfondatihg, as far as Doffihl. • .

Tyron. ,'^'^' "'" »»*«! by Lord
^°»e. and fcconded by Mr. Fitzg„aU

J^'».c.„ of f„b^,,„^ .„ ^^

*^ '■> tie Britfft Minifer a .ieafore
eovcrtiy intended to produce e*e:y injury'
»«"! degradation to Iretod, and moved .1
amendment to the Addrtfs, that after the
I»%e whieh declared .l,e willingnefs of
1>e Honfe to enter on a confideradon of
what meaTures might beft tfend to confirm
tie common flrength of the Empire, ftould

be

V

10

I

/ J>c infer ted, *' maintaining, however, th«

iuidoi^bted birthright of the people of Irer
land, to have a refidcnt and independent

♦ ^ •

Parliaqient, fuch as it .wa$ recognized by
the Britifh Legiflature jn 1.782, 9nd was
finally fettled at the adjuftment of all dif--
ferences between the two countries."

A debate arofe on this agjendment, whicl^
wascarried on withgreatheat,andfometixne^
with very unbecoming fcurrility, through
the whole pight. If an examination werp
fiddly made into the nature of the argu-
ments ufed on behalf of the amendment,
which were, in fad, all applied to the
^Qjieftion of IJnion, it would be found tha|:
J^ational Pride ha^ a very confiderable in-

fluence on them all. In fome pp. other

» •

Theme was urged but the annihilation of
^he Legijlation of Ireland. The remyoal of.
the rejtdfnce of parliament was confidered,

and

aiic! cofttcnded for, to be equivalent to the an^
nihilation of its Icgiflatufc. In fucH an evenf
no veftige of it wai to remain. Others
argued on the difaid vantages that muft fol-
low to Ireland, in the detail, aiid in the
completion of an united Parliament for the
Empire. It was faid that an incorporating
connexion, in which diftindions, of any nai-
ture whatfoever, wefe inadmifllble, with a
nation, that excelled every other oii thtf
^ohc in wealth, in fcience, in commerce,
both internal and external, in agriculture,
in arms, and in all the arts that dignify
and adorn human life, muft be the bane of
Ireland,aHd that England fought it, that, by
means of the wealth of Ireland, fhef might
recruit her own ruined finances. This was
urged and fwallowed,at the moment that Ire*
land coul d not fupply onehalf of the fum that

was required for her annual eftablifliments,
and was obliged to borrow the fum in which

C z (he

-It

■

fhe was deficient^— Where i From her ini!-
]^Overifhed fifter. The deflru£lion which
muft follow to the commerce of Ireland,
fron? fuch an arrangement, was much dwelt
on, and men, whofe talent^ or acquirements
hardly fitted them for a calculation in the
firft rules of arithmetic, undertook to decide
on the vaft and momentous ^Irudure and
numerous complications of a commerce,
the moft afionifhing that the world has
ever witneflcd. The Science of Politics,
the moft diiHciilt to which the powers and
attainments of the human mind can be ap-
plied, on account of the great importance
as well as the infinite and ever changing va-
riety of fubjeSs that come within its range,
was at once profeffed by men, who pof-
feffed no one requifite, to give a colour to
the rank they ufurped. Were then many
to be found in hoftility to the difcuffion of

tjic meafure of Union, who poffeffed the

indefatigably

^3

iaddFadgably patient and laborious mmd^
the enlightened and the cultivated under-
ftanding, but, above all, the benevolent
and expanded, the virtuous and uncor-
rupted heart, which arp neceiTary qualiE-
cations to le^ to the chair of this fcience i
The debate was hot and intemperate to the
laft degree, but b;^ po means argumen-
tative-, a real or affeif^ed warmth, gene-
rally didating much of perfonal and coarfe
inve^ve, prevailed throughput. At a late
hour in the morning the Quefiion was
caUed.fbr, aud, on ^ diviiion, 105 told bj
Sir Laurence Parfons and Mr. G. Pon-
{onhy^ votc^ for the amendment, and 1 06,
told by Lord Tyrone and Colonel Uniacke,
voted agaiail it. On the next night the j

debatie y^as refumed, and carried on m
the fame ftile as on the preceding. The I

fpirit which prompted to ftrong perfonal ob-
loquy, it cannot be fuppofed was abated I

by f

i

M-

»

by tht recent triumph — accordingly it was
tiberalfy dealt out, principally againft the
noble Secretary. Frantic gefticulation*
foaming paffion, were fubftituted for
argumentative difcuffion. The moft power-
ful Orators of the Oppofition difclaimed,
what had been recommended to them, cool
and calm difquifition. One great abfurdity
prevailed throughout the majs of clamour^
as the noble Secretary, very aptly, defcribcd
the fpeeches from the Oppofitioriifts. It
was held forth that the projedcd Union
was a mere financial fcheme of Mr. Pitt,
that by the management of the prefent
and the future wealth of Ireland, he might
affift the waning refources of Great Britain^ *
yet it was, almoft in the fame breath, af-
fcrted that, if an incorporation of the legif-
latures of the two countries fhould take
place, under a ftipulation of certain com-
mercial advantages to be extended to Ircr

land

'5

land ; yet, it was almoft morally certain,
that fuch ftipulatioa would be violated, for
the very purpofe of cpuntera^ing our comr
merci^ advantages,

Very bold aflertions were made againft
the competence of Parliame&t to entertain
the- Qiicftion of Union. Thefe were ufed,
chiefly, by the very men, who haid been the
authors of much mifchief, by their in-
flated and clamorous fpeeches for parlia-
mcntary Reform. In the one inftancc, they ,
upheld the Power of Parliament to alter,
and, partiallj^ to annihilate, the reprefcn-
tative ftate of Ircjand, whether in boroughs
or in counties, whilft in the other, they,
with great confidence, denied its compe-
tence to do precifely the fame thing, to
Icffen the number of Reprefentatives, and
to change the places for wjiich they Ihould
be conftitutcd.

On

.*^

>

-«

t

4

%

1i

*4

i6

On the a4th, after fome mere routine
fcufincfs wis gone through, Ldrd Tyrone
reported the Addrefs, the laft paragraph of
which flood, " The unremitting adivity
viith which our enemies porfevere in their
avowed deiign of endeavouring to cfieft a
reparation of this kingdom from Great
Britain, muft conftantly engage our moft

I.

earneft attention, dnd as yoxir Majefty has
condefeendcd to exprefs an anxious hope
that this circumftance, joined to the fenti-
ment of mutual aflbdion and common in-
tereft, may difpofe the Parliament in both
kingdoms to provide the mbfk cfiedual
means of maintaining and improving a
connexion cflential to their common fe-
curity, and of confolidating as far as pof-
fible into one firm and lafting fabric the
ftrcngth, the power, and the refources of
the Britifli Empire, we Ihall not fail to give
the fulleft conlideration to a communication

of

of fuch momentous impoftinCe/' Thii
paragraph cotild not^ of courfe, be al^
lowed, by the gentlemen in oppofition, to
Hand as paErt of the Addrefs. A motion
was made to expungo it, which renewed the
Debate on Union with even- greater viru-
lence than had been before exliibrted. This*
fortunately gave all opporttinity to a gentle-
liian who fupported the Paragraph, with
the moft Jucid precifion^ to' maintain the
competence of Parliament to entertain the
QjiefUon; and if upon deliberation it
Should appear falutary, to effeduate the
meafure. He has fince, much to the fatis-
f'adion of the public mind, given in print
the opinions on this fubjefl, moderately^
but firmly, afferted that night- They are
fuch as have not hitherto been refuted,
nor has an attempt been made for this pur-
pofe, by all the zeal and powers of the con-^
fiitutional Lawyers in oppofition. The

D event

if

event wa$ a mpft iplendid tanrnph jsgaiivft
tho ggyeciupkecit) ^9: voting againft the
Pan^ra^b^ sp4 a 1^04 in ifovour of. it.
Some (hinges having talcen place by
new appoiatmeots ta oSSlcqb undier
the crown, the noble Secret]^ on the
2:8th moved; that the Houfe ihoold adjourn
until the 7th of F^bruaty^ in order to give
tho public offijcen ^fi opportunity to bring
fonyard the public accounts. This motiob
VAs pppofed a^d debated a conliderabl#
iirn^i IjlHcat lepgth q^iriQd.

LORD

^

UMD CARRY'S MOTION.

NOTICE had been given of an intended
Motion fraught wilh the ntiboft mifcf^
to the Govemiiaent ; a tni&hief vcty libely
to extend itfeif to the country at latjge. A
young and noble Lord was its );mtaliVe
father. Nothing could b* Iniagined more
cdculated to throw the Adminifira€dB in-
to irretrievable embarraffindit. Th* hopes
xif the Separatifis were again ralfed high
indeed, on the night of the t8th*f Fb-
bniary, when the Motion, ** for the
Houfe to refolve itfeif into a Committee
of the whole Houfe, to take into Confide-
lation the iState of the Nation," was fubmit-
tcd to the Houfe by the noble Lord.
The Party, which had voted againft Go-
vernment, at the beginning of the Sefficm,

D a remained

«p

remained ftill unbroken. The men, who

3w^er-e their Leaders, were flufhed with all

the ardor of recent fuccefs, and the im-

mediate expedatioh of further triumph.

The Qjieftion of Union again formed the

.fiibjeiS qf 4el)at^, It tijiderwcnt all the

jterms of fporn, indignatioiji and reproach,

that coijld, fijggeft themfelves to a Party

v^lated with vidpry, apd flill confident qf

. ftirtfcer caufe .to exult-. In vain did the

Jaobjc Lordi who reprefentcd the executive

cgoyemment, in the Houfe of Commons,

depreca-te the re-a^itation of this Qjieftioa.

Jn^^vain fji4 he give aii affurance that it

^W for the.prefent at reft. " For the pre-

ient," was an indefinite pjhrafe, unfatis-

fadofy . tp the anxious accuracy qf thejr

-ttinds. It might mean a. week, a month, a

feffion.— rln vain, then, did th? npbleLord

explain' hjs meaning, and (declare, that as

an Iriih gentleman, or as a ftatefman, he

muft

mull conceive hhnfelf highly culpable if
he ihould ever bring the.Qjicftiori forward
again, unlefa the affedions of the people
and of parliament were attached to it.
This was not enough — ^their cxpeSations
were high indeed — they were defeated.
Some little interval had taken place lincc
the firft vaunted triumph over government.
This gave to a few of the gentlemen, who
had engaged themfelves againft Admini-
flration, at the outfet of the Seffion, time
to refled. on what they were d©ing, and
to condder iji what career they had engaged
themftlves. . They faw clearly the injuri-
ous, tendency of the meafure before them,
and. gave their fupport to government,
much to the difcomfiture of the Separatifls.
The way to this decifion, highly prefer-
vativc of the.fafety of the country, was
led by a gentleman, who had facrificed
much to a confcientious difcharge of, what

he

9

«?

^e caaceived to bc^ his public dutjr^ All
the praife, that belonged to the genuine and
difintcrcflcd worth, that formerly diftinr
guifhed a Saviile in Englan4> and a Brown-r
low in this connjtry, belonged to him.
Non divitiis cum divite^ m faSHoffe cum
fa&iofo^ fed cumjirtnuo virtute^ cum mdefio
fudorcy cum inmctnte abjiincntia cert4k^ty
tjfe^ quam videru bonus maleh^U He fpoke
early in the night, and pointe4 out with
great judgment and precifion, the diftinc-
tions that fliould be obferved between the

ft

objedls involved in the noble Lord*s motion
and the Qjieftion of Union. The part
taken by this gentleman had, certainly,
much to the credit of many who followed
him, very confidcrablc effcd, in creating
the majority of twenty for Adminiftration,

* * _

which appeared on a divifion of the Houfe,
at fix o'clock in the morning. This was
by far the moft eflential fcrvicc rendered

to

«3

to Govetnzitent, by any individual, during

this important Seffion. It was di£lated by

aa underfiandmg of the cleared nature,

and by a mind admirable for it$ invari--

aMe adherence to jufticc and to truth-,

Some gentlemen, who aifume to be the

Leaders of the Oppofition, had, incon*

fiderately, let fall in the courfe of the

debate, that if they fueceeded in the

IS/Lotion before the Honfe, the Committee

fhonld be kept open from day to day, until

Adminiftration &oald be driven into the

meafures which they would prefcribe. From

this mght tl|e embarrai&nent of the Execu-

tive Government, within the walls of the

Houfe of Commons, fubiided very much.

The King's ibrvants undertook, with fome

d^ree of confidence, thofe fteps of high

confideration, which followed in the courfe

of the Scffion, and which led towards the

trsnquillity of the country^ and the ad-
vancement

a4-

vancement (Jf its internal commercial Crc^
dit. They were not deceived — ^Affairs re-
turned to their old channels, and though
their courfe was not, altogether, fo fteady
and uninterrupted, as it probably was in
days of lefs turbulence and difonler, yet
many falutary meafures followed, which
could never have been brought forward

but for the fuccefs of Government on this ^

« -

cardinal night*

iHM

■ .rtiii

COURT-MARTIAL BILL.

% ■ * '

A^TER the defeat of the great Rebel
Forces, feveral bodies of them, regularly
armed, remained in different parts of the
country, particularly in the ftrong Holds
of. the County of Wicklow. Thofe Par-
ties continued to be fo numerous; as fre-

quently

*5

qiifently to attack Pdfts garrifoticd by tfc*
King's troops. Tlie vi(%ial amd bJAablifhed

«

cotnmuni(^lion between the gteat trading;
towAs of tbs kiffgdom, the Msil-caaobBa,
WCTe repeatedly captured by large ^iftimt
m military array, within eight miles tsf tfcp
Capital ; and min was brought 06 maiiy
families fey the depircdatiofas committed.
The interaal Commerce of the cbuntry
was by f hcfe means ceifnpletely 4it6Rxoyti:.
In addition to this, the inoil atroeiovis pp4
-cowatdly bftrfaaritiei vrete praftifed ia ihp
ytovihct o£ Xki&oa.\i%ht. They bef«ii in
the Cotitfty of GaMay, and fpffead mtp
Mayo, CidStti and Litoaerick. Thift Was a
•war of the Hnrtan Race on tht hta^ of
the field. Many thoufatids of hlack«*ttl»
wclre deftrdyied by tiight, and crodlics exer-'
dftd, that ftaroped with peculiar and ag-
gravated fcaturts of barbariftn thfc charac-
ter of the Irifti p<iafanti Tbss the cbm-

£ mofl

\

jnon AippHy of provifion, for the countfy,
was likely to fail, and it was not ilraining
cohjcdure too far, to fuppofe that the
mifchief was defigned to extend to the
mofl deadly confequences, to the defence oX.
the country, from foreign invaiion, by cut-
ting oflf the fupply for the Britiih navy.
This neceffarily involved the ruin of indi-
viduals, obnoxious to the French party.
The noble chief Governor, who had fct
out dn a plan, that muft have conciliated

the nunds of all the good, that of afford-

«

ing to the repentant guilty, an oppor-
tunity of returning to induftry and peace,
found himfelf mifiaken in the nature of
the men, with whom he wa^ to deal. The
forbearaiiceand lenity of the Government
met an iH return in the ftubborn and malign
Bant audacity of the Rebel. Lord Corn-
wallis felt and knew that " Earthly power
doth then ihew likeft God's, when mercy

feafons

27

ftafons JuiUce.'' He invited, he received
them, he fpared the lives of thofe who
onlf aflVuned ' repentance. From ai(
iU-foundcd confidence in the promifes
made by l&e principal LeadetB of the Re«
bela, they ^were indulged in every enjoy-
ment confiftent with confinement. They
experienced no reftraint, but on their de*„
fign of plunging their fwords into the bo*
fom of their native land. The great, the
ftubborn and incorrigible Leader of theib
men, never for an inftant, foregoing hit
defperate and his treacherous purpofes, en*
tered into an hollow coihpofition with the
Government. UndevitamfurneretinfciuT^pacem
duello mifcutt. He duped the Humanity of
the noble Macquis. The machinationSf
the malignant perfeverance of this man, ta
dcftroy the connexion between the two

»

countries, were in a ftate of conftant ac-
tivity.

B % Hence

|t^ijie4' to exhibit » $ceit« of jBLion and De^i

ip. oil %V^r^. ^a. mm CQll9<i liMOnfdf iji
a ftfi.^'pf fqpjwky % hU perfon, kU fo"
giily, <?t bv^ pfopgrty* Vfhikfc be wS? Yftfi-
4qi»| in. ^.^(fljDtjry f4(?*»fe. Eye^y ji»»'f
hojjfi? xjf^ . ^s c^ftj^i. l>^t ©fit ^ i^ ^^8.

fwi»wiv..w?fi?ifi0g4, when, tii? lawly fti^^
wngu^5de4 cottage. )?ajt0)?»4 alj thf fe^^^yt
that arifea la^idar a iyfljPOR of l^ws Qp$a;at
|;jye t9^ j^ i^ty, ^^ n^eiypd iu hui^ble
{oail^ ■ tfi!,. |l;j;a9quilljity- ^4 i^pofe. ^v^rj.
n^'f fa/9i\fe w?j^ thi^n hk moated, his eni-n
^ttl^d C9^ i agajnft wljich the yell 6^
fa^v-^ge vf m vf as pightly apd daily feared,
Thei^/unfpxtunate circumftances rendered
tbc.cl^jcnpw|uniyerfa]i for meafuresof ftron^
ppcrcion^ in order to reftqre forne degree
of fecurity to the country. The ordinary
tribunal of criminal jurifdidion jiroduced

but

.■?9

but Uttk <ftk& towards tranquilliMtioH,
l^ilitary Couxts had taken cognizance of
Climes, ncucflkrily, during the utmoll heat
of the Rebellfepn* Some oji^cer^ who fat
in thofe Courts, upon the gradual dimi-*
nation of extreme violence, were threaten-
ed ^itH fbits at law for damages ailedged
to be fuffered by parties bronght before
theip, and befides, a perfon in their cuf-r
tody might by application for the writ of
Habeas Corpus, either remove himfelf al-
together from their jurifdidtion, or fo em-
barrafs their proceedings, as that the good
efib^^ arifingfrom prompt trial and prompt
execution, might be utterly defeated. Un-
der thefe difadvantages. Military Courts
became inoperative. It was a reafonable
fuppofition,from the difperfiqn of the array
through the country, which would enable
tfaeqi to form tribunals, at but fmall dif-
tai^ces from each other, arid from the cha-

' radcrs

>

3«

ra«acts of the gentlemen who generaity
fat in them, that the criminal jufiice of
the country would, under the exifting cir-
ftances, be moft effe6lually adminiftered by
them*

Accordingly, on the 20th of Fc^tuaiy^
a Bill was prefented to the. Houfe by his
M^jeily's Attorney General, for the pur-
pofe, according to its Title, amended in
the Lords, " of the Suppreffion of the Re-
bellion, which fiill unhappily exiAs in this
Kingdom, and for the protedion of the
perfons and properties of his Majefty's
faithful fubjeds within the fame/' Many
objcdXions were made to it, in its progrefs
through the Houfe, and fome gentlemen
affcrtcd that they would no longer refide
in the country, if it fhould pafs into a
law. A neceffity, to be deplored by dl^
caufed it to be loudly called for, and took

away from the fubjcds of the country, th*

protection

31

prote^on and fecurity derived from that
writ, which all had been trained to admire
and revere. At a moment, when foreign
war was hanging over our heads, by a
ilight and brittle thread, while the fatal
malady of domeftic treafon was confum-
ing the vitals of the country, it was the
duty of every bonefl and lOyal man within
it, to give his utmoft afliftance to infufc
an additional portion of vigour into the
energies of Government. Under the cxift-
ing Adminifiration, no man could fay that
he feared the exercife of unmerited feve-
rity. If the exiflence of the country yrv$
to be * prefcrved, it was neceffary to ptt
down the moft atrpcious guilt which ftalked^
ahnofl uncontroulcd, through the land, It
was necei&ry, that JuAice, fiammary aad
efficient, Ihould prevail. The incorrigible
ofiender (hould feel that, though her fec|t
were lead, her hands were adamant The
bugbear of Union was again conjui^cd up
and arrayed in its mofl terrific form, and

it

\

32

it was aflcrtcd, with great confidence, that
it would receive its principal fupport from
the operation of this Bill, Some, whofe
vifual force was greater than. that of others,
perceived that every man, who ventured
even to think in * manner hoftile to Union,
would be inftantly fdlzcd, tried by Law
martial, and probably executed. The Bill
received the royal affent on the 25 th of
March. Its operation is now before the
judgment of every man. That judgment
.will decide from comparing the ftate of the
country, at this day, with that in which it
Aood in the month of Fchtuary laft.

*

REGENCY

33

REGENCY BILL.

AN ARGUMENT had be&n ufed, in
the coarCc of the debate* on the QjieAion
of Union, favourable to it, , from what had
taken pliace on a melancholy occafion, that
had occurred in the year 1789; At that
time the whole tendency of what went
forward, in the Irifh Parliament, wa»
ifarangly towards a feparatioh c^ Ireland
from Great Britain, at leaft, in a fimilar
cafe, the fpeculative event was not only
poflible, but probable. A high-minded Na-
tion, proud of its legiflative Independence,
would probably aiTert an uncontrouled and
imqueflionable right of appointing its own
Governor, and defining the powers with
which he fhould be invcfted, in the aeci-
dent of a fufpenfion of the ufual execu-
tive functionary, by incapacity or a mi-

*

F nority.

34

nority. Many fittiatiofls might occur, id
which thefc great and energetic principles,
that, unceafingiy, influence the mind of
fociety, as well as of individuals, pride, am-
bftioii, avarice, jealoufy, would probdbly
threaten the exiftence of the prefent con-
ncxioft between Great Britain and Ireland.
AH foreign relations, comprehending trea-
ties, which in their outline or in their de-
tail, might carry with them matter, in-
vincibly oflfenfive to the pride, or greatly
injurious to the interefts of the one, or the
Ofhef, of theic countries, are exclufively
in the management of the minifter of Eng-'
land. Ireland has, hitherto, with Angular
prudence, for eighteen years, abftained
from takihg any part whatever m foreign
treaties, and has tacitly ^eded- to Great
Britain, the right of management of all
external relations. A period might arife,
when the hot and ebullient difpofition to

popularity

35

popularity, fo frequently found among the
Irifti peojde, if united with commanding
talents, as we have known it to be, might
urge the Nation to an interference in thofe
points of the proudeft, and moft eminent
imperial concern. They are the points prc-
cifely, on which the pride of a powerful and
inflammable people might be moftfenfibiy
touched. The Miniller of England, is not,
by any means yet dcvifed, accountableto Irel-
and, for the manner, in whichhefliallconfult
her dignity or her interefts, in any treaties
he may form with other nations. Her in-^
tercfi may be counteraded, het dignity,
if any foreign dignity flie 'has, may be
debafed, without the poffibility of her ob-
taining any redrefs for the wounds in Aided
on her intcreilorherpride. Butforeign dignity
fhe has none. She is a blank among the
nations of Europe, in every thing tbat can
foothe the vanity, or gratify the ajnbition,

«

Fa of

36 *

of a country. In order to obviate the ill
confequences, that might arife from a
recurrence of that calamity, which for-r
jmcriy caufed Iharp and hoftile difcuffion in
the Hoyfe of Commons, or from the death
of the King prcyioug to the majority of his
iucoeffor, a Bill was prefented tO' the Houfe
on the 22d of Febr^^ry by the bt^ Primct
Serjeajnt, Mr. Fitzgcmld, Which; was read
a fecond time, and went icito Committee.
The Tide of the Bill was anaended in the
Committee^ and iload f* A Bill to provide
for the Exercife and AdminiflradoQ of the
Powers of the Imperial Crowa of Ireland,
whcnfoever, and as often as^ the regal
• Powers of the Imperial Crown of Great
Britain;, . fhail, by yirtne of the Laws and
Conftitution, beexcrcifcdand adminiftercd
by a Regent or Regency, ot by any perfon
or perfons, by any other Title, • Name, or
Dcfcription/' The Confiderati'on 'of this

Bill

37

Bill Was, by confent, pofiponed until the
Houfe fbould be again full after the Lent
Aflizes. On the 1 8th of April, a Motion
was made to defer the Con^deration.of the
Report of the Committee until the ift of
Auguft, and) on a diviflon, carried by a
large majority. A debate took place on
ihk Motion, in which, the inadeqiiacy of
the meafore, to the purpofe it was in-
folded to effc&y was much relied on. It
was argued from hiftorical fads, as well
as by well-founded dedudions, from obfer-
vation on the moral qualities of mankind,
that the prefent conflitutional organized
frame of connex ion of Ir-eland with Eng^
land, was vital in every fibre. An acci-
dental guft of the various paffions, that fo
continually agitate the human mind, might
ihock it fo, as to reduce it to annihilation.
Man (hould be new made, fociety Ihould
exhibit What had never yet been exhibited

by

3«

by fociety^ before this difcprdant frame of
connexion, could ever be brought to harmo-
Bize. The propofed raeafure, even if it
could be looked upon as Gompletety ade-
quate to it( purpofe, was but pne Aep to^
wards a diftance almofl incalculable. In
this very bill, the fuperiprity, or at leaft,
the fecondary Confideration, in which Ire*
land fiood in the fcale of connexion, was
eminently ponfpicuous. It contained* on

her part an admiflion, incontrovertible, of
the difficulties, which were not 'unlikely to
occur, from the Nature of the fubfifting
connexion, and a faithful and honourable
facrifice of pride to afiedioa*

COLONEL

3$

COLONEL COLE-

IN the latter part of the Scflion, the at-*
tention of the Houfe of ComiQons was in-
tereited by the circumflance of an honour-
able Colonel, who was preparing, with
great gallantry, to engage in the military
fervicc of his country, on the confines of.
Europe, having applied to Government
for the office of Efcheator, in order to va-
cate his feat for the Borough of Enpiikillen,
and having found his application unfuccef^-
fill. It was faid to have been the in-
tention of the honourable Coloners fa-
mily, in whom an uncontrouled dominion
over this Bordugh rcfidcs, in cafe of va-
cancy, to return for it, a gentleman clofely

allied to tJiem, whofefcntiments were known

to

40

to be inflexibly hoftile to tlic Queftion of
Union. This refufal of an office, the
granting of which was generally confidered
as a matter of courfe, on the application
of any member, who wifhed to vacate hi5
feat, was canvafled in the Hpufe with
great warmth. An attack of the moft vio-
lent kind was made upon Adminiftration.

V

It was attributed to them, that, by a ma-
nagement, which would degrade* the moft
callow Politician, they fought to weaken
their adverfaries, and ftrengthen themfelve^
for the purpofe of effeduating their great
\ and favourite meafure. It was boldly af-

fcrted that the defign of Government, in

I * •

refufing to grant this office to the honour-
able Colonel, was to pack the Parliament
for their own purpofes. The Orators of
Oppofition never adverted to the numbers

• • ' ■

of placcjs, fome of them Counties, that
were either wholly or partially unreprc-'

fcnted

1

\

41

iented on the Qpeftion of Union, in the
beginning of the Seffion. The whole po-
pular Rcprefentation of Ireland compre-
hends three hundred. Of this number 215
only voted — ^Eighty-five members, of whom
twenty were Reprefcntatives of Counties,
and (ixty-fivc of Boroughs, were abfcnt
from parliamentary duty, cither from atten-
dance on the King's fervice, or on account
of health, or from other caufes. No com-
plaint had been made, by thofe Counties
or Boroughs, of their in-efficiency, in de-
ciding on thofe important nights, from the
non-attendance of their Reprefcntatives.
In the courfe of this Seilion, unexampled
for the number of changes that had taken
place in parliamentary Rcprefentation, this
place had been granted to feveral, whofc
fucceiTors, it was well known, would be
inimical to Government. But the occafion
of " mauling the Minifter" could not be

G paft

4a

paft by, particularly as the Seffioa was now
drawing towards a clofc, A gentleman,
one of thofe, who had, fome time before,
looked upon a feat in the Houfe, as pol-
lution to ia man poffefled of the common
feelings of honour or of honefty, took a
very prominent part in the bufinefs of this
evening. He cautioned the noble Secro«^
tary on ^the heavy Refponfibility, that
lay upon him, and the dangerous tendency
of wrapping hjmfelf in filence, on the fub-
Jed then before the Houfe, a condud which
had becin recommended to him by one of
the L^ officers of the Crown. The dif-
rcfpe£t fhewn to the Houfe, and to the
People, in not difclofing what were the
Motives that influenced Lord Cornwallis
to refufe, to the Application of the honour-
able Colonel, this office, was blazoned
forth, with all the force and talent, with
which that learned gentleman is gifted. —

He

43

He exprefsly aflrrted that the deiigns and
condudl of the noble Marquis were in di^
red hoftility to the Profpcrity, Liberty, and '
Peace of the country. He faid that he was
fent here, and put at the head of an army of
60)000 men, for the purpofe of fubjugatihg
the country, by Military Force, to the Will
of the Britifh Minifler. The ^wifdom and
the lenity, that had refcued frphi the gripo
of fevere^ and, in many infiances, merited
chaftifement, men, of whofe principles
and of whofe pradices, this learned gentle^
man, had oftenbeen the public and the pri-
vate advocate, were in a moment, for^
gotten. This able parliamentary cheiroft, in
aninftant, changed the qualities, that ha4 fo
lately called forth the praifes and blcffings
of the Nation, into their deadly oppofites. "^
At the moment when he threatened the
Minifter, the Houfe and the country, with
a repetition of the horrors of the former

G a year,

44

year, he forgot, or he was rcgardlcfs of
the world of Refponiibility, tinder which
he himfelf flood, to the fupport of which
his gigantic virtue and atlantean patriotifm
were hardly cqnal. He forgot, or he was
iilfenfible to, the miferies caufed by the
fall of fo many thoufands in the recent
conflid. As foon as. the cloud, which had

daily and hourly^ increafed in magnitude

>

and gloom, until at length it burft into
fuch\a tempeft, as wrapt and defolated
the whole land, was vifible above the
horizon, that gentleman a£ted with very
becoming caution. The incantations were
ufed, the hellifh influence prevailed^ the
ftorm grew, the gentlemag^ folded himfelf
in the cloak of his own virtue, and retired
to be a fecure and calm Spedator of the
•* Ruin he had made." It would not be
cafy to determine that he poileffed fuch
angelic virtues as to *' ride in the whii-
wind,; and diredl the.ftorm." The Coun-
try

+5

try "was kid waftc — " unfading funfhino
fettled on his head-'* If he enjoyed the
fuoihine of the heart, if, when he looked
around him, and witneffed what was go-
ing forward, if, when he communed with
that heart in his chamber, and made his
own appeal to Heaven for mercy^ his mind
could rcpofc on down, no good man will
envy him. Upon this refufal of Cpvern-
ment to accede to the demands of Oppoli-
tion, a difiinguifhed gentleman, Memher
for the Capital, moved the Houfe, (hat an
Addrefs fhould be prefented to the Chief
Governor, praying him to beftow on the
honourable Colonel, a place of the yearly
value of ^lo. During a converfation,
which was warmly carried on, on this fub-
jcd, a motion was made that the Houfe
(hould adjourn. Such a motion, from the
very nature of the fubjcd before the Houfe,
might naturally have been expcdcd, yet

the

. *

46

the " unceremonious" treatment of it, and

the advantage, which it was artfully mif-

reprefented that Government was taking

of its own ftrength, on this diminutive

buiifaefs, was held forth by the pailion

and foam of Oppofition, as derogatory to

the deliberative dignity of the Houfe of

Commons, and likely to be fubverfivc of

all the deareft and moft conftitutional pri*-

Tileges, belonging to the fubjeds of this

country, " To be grave exceeds all pQwer

efface/' TheQueftion of Adjournment

was at once carried.

SMALL

47

SMALL NOTE BILL.

MANY complaints had arifcn of the
fmall Notes, in number almoft beyond cal-
culation, which had been iflued by private
Bankers, (ince the beginning of 1799.
When the Bank of Ireland followed the
example of that of England, and no longer
paid in fpecie, it was ncceffary that a fub-
ilitiAte (hould be found for theGold Coinage, ,
the circulation of which was reftrained.
Guinea Notes were accordingly fixed upon.
The private Bankers were under a neceflity
of paying in the fame manner. In fomc
time it was found that the fmall Notes,
from three Guineas,"" to one of private
Bankers, had entirely fuperfeded thofe of
the Bank of Ireland. This circumftance
was produdive of great injury to many,

piirticularl'"

48

particularly in the remote parts of the
country. Thefe Notes were more liable to
', forgery than national Notes, becaufe pa-
nifliment did not apply, with the fame de-
gree of feverity, to the counterfeiting
them, as td the fori^ery of thofe of the
Bank of Ireland* This bufinefs of iffuing
fmall Notes was carried on to fuch an af-
tonifliifhing extent, that all idea of real
value^ in negociations, feemed to be loft,
and it appeared a mere traffick of names,
according to their value .in credit. This
money, artificial indeed, in many inftances,
was fwelled far beyond its natural pro-
portion to labour and commodities, and
brought many, unawares, to the very
brink of a gulph, into which they were,
every inftant, ready to fall. 'To check
this flill-increafing malady, to reduce,
within the limits of moderation, the mif-
taken men, who were haftily advancing

to

49

t

to their ruin, required a maftcr's hand.
For this purpofe a Bill was introduced to
the Houfe on the 5th of March, " To re-
ilrain we uegociation of Promiffory.Notes
and Inland Bills of Exchange under a li*
mi ted fum*" This Bill underwent a long,
a calm, and a patient inveftigation, before
the Houfe, and many perfons of the beft
information on the fubjeft ' of Trade, and
the probable confequences of extending or
contrading the circulation of private paper
of fmall value, were repeatedly and judici-
oufly examined. The Bill was accordingly
framed fo as to produce the lead poilible
injury to the Bankers, as well as to the
^^public at large. A fufficient time was al-
lowed for the reflux of thofe fmall Notes
to theif refpedtive fources, after which no
new ones, of the fame value, were to be
iflued, fo that their difappearance was gra-

H dual,

' \

^t

50

dual, and unprodudivc of difficulty or
didrefs to any one.

On the 16th of April, a Bill viias pre-
fented to the Houfe of Commons, " to
indemnify all Sheriffi, Magiftrates, Gene-
rals, Officers and other perfons from all
actions brought or to be brought againft
them,, for any a<ft done in fuppreffing the
late rebellion/' A conjedure was entertained
that the objed of this bill was to compre-
hend , and proted a particular gentleman,
who had been accuf<id, by many, of execut-
ing a high annual office, held by him
In a large and i^efpedable county of the
fouth, with uncommon and unwarranted
feverity. Adions had been already brought
againft tKls gentleman, and tried in the
'^ county, of which he had juft been the

principal executive officer, in which the

paities

I

.-parties plainfifFhad been fuccefsful : it was
faid that many others were intended to be
brought, and that a fubjed, of loyal mind,
and of great official a^ivity and zeal,
whefe well-timed exertions had infurcd
the fafety of his particular diftrid, and
prevented a great acceffion of ftrength
in the rebellion ; was likely to be har-
raffed, and might fuffer confiderjbly in
his fortune, if the Legiflature (hould re-
fufe to interpofe and to fhelter him from
the malice of thofe who purfued him.
The objefl of this bill, fome thought pro •
per to affert was to protect the late high
Sheriff of the county of Tipperary. If
thofe who framed the bill were the friends
of this gentleman ; their firft efforts to do
him fervice in this way, were but ill
calculated to produce their cffeGt. It
would not be cafy to afcertain how the
underftandings of thofe, who drew up the

H a firft

5^
firft bill, which purported to be, and was^
indeed, an origindl one, were affedied, at
the time of its formation. An attempt
was made to fupport it, which foon failed,
and it was, accordingly, with leave of

the Honfe withdrawn. On the 24th aho-

<

ther bill was prefented by the King's At-^
torney General, explanatory of an a£l for
indemnifying fuch perfons as had aded
fince the 5th day of November 1797, for
the prefervation of the public peace and
fupprcffion of infurrcdlion prevailing in fomo ^
parts of this Kingdom," which received the
royal affent on the 6th of Odiober 1798.
This bill prefcribed to the jury, finding
for a plaintiff, that they Ihould find that
the ad, for which the adion was brought,
had been done malicioujly^ and not with
a?z intent of fiipprejjing rebellion^ and alfo
gave the judge, before whom fuch an
action fliould be tried, liberty to certify

againft

\

53

againfl the vcrdid; in which cafe it
ihould be fet afidc and a non-fuit en-
tered. It alfo limited the time of bring-
ing a<5lions, for caufcs that had arifcn
iincc the 5 th of November I797f and bcr
fore the pafling of the ad, to three Ca-
lender months after, paflihg the a£l. By
avoiding the manifefl and mifchievous ab-
furdities of the firft^ this bill was received/
and' accordingly pafled into a law, on the
lad day of the feflion.

Thefe were, the ads of greateft import-
ance, that were brought forward during
the feflion of 1799. The difappointment
which followed to Government, with ref-
pcd to their great and favourite meafure,
at the commencement of the feflion, caufed
not the leaft relaxation of their attention

and vigilance, as to the regulations that

"*

followed, in a feafon of uncommon dif-
ficulty

54

ficuity and embarraffment, for the refto-
tation of internal tranquillity and credit.
The beft confeqnences have followed—
quiet and fecurity have been gradually
ictnming, and that true and genuine cri-
terion of the liability of Government, and
peace of a country, public credit, has been
lefiored to a degree, which the moftfan-
goine well-wifliers for the profperity of
Ireland . hardly looked for.

,/^o

/>:)

PROCEEDINGS

OF A

GENERAL COURT MAR:TIAL,

HELD IN THE

BARRACKS OF DUBLIN,
~ On FRIDAY the i2th of JULY, 1799,

AMD CONTINUED BY ADJOURKMENT UNTIL THE idth OF THE

SAME MONTH,

UrON CHAROKS BROUGHT AOAINST

Capt. JOHN GIFFARD,

09 THE CITY OP DUBLIN REGIMENT OP MIUTIA,

By Major SANKEY, "

OF THE SAME REGIMENT*

TRINTED BY JOHN REA, 57, EXCHEQPER*«TRF.ET,
FOR J. MILLIKEN, 3*1 GRAPTON^TREkT.

I %00.

( «« f

INTRODUCTION,

1 HE Ediror of the following trial finds it necef-
fary to prefix a few h&s to the official tranfcript
of the ininutes ; for thefe faAs he alone is refponfi*

blc.

Under the authority of his Excellency the Lord
LieQteoanfs warranty a Court Martial-was fum-
moned to aflemble at Dublin Barracks on the 26th
of April, to try the charges againft Captain Gif-
&rd.

It was found fo difficult to coUeft a fufficienc
number to conftitute a Courts that nothing was
done until the 3d day of May foUowmg.

' A2 On

.( W )

On that day the following officers were fworn
a Court Martial :

t. Col. Jackfon, N. Mayo.
2. CoL.E- of Ormond, J&7-
kenny*

3..C0I. Earl of EnnifldUcn,

Fermanagh.
4. Col. Kiog, Sligo.

$. Col. Earl Tyrone, JTater^
ford,

6. Hon. Col. Howard, JFici^

7. Col. Ld. Clements, iri/riiw

B. Col. Leftrange, Xing'*! Co*

9. Lt« Col. Longfield, C^r^^

City.

10. Lt. Col. Bagwell, 27^/^-

rary*

11. Lt CoL Cope, Armagh*

1 2. Lt. Col. Pratt, Cavan.

13. Major Fitzgerald, Kerry.

14. Hon. Major St. Leger^

S. Cork.

I

This Court had fat two days, in which time that
part of the evidence of Major Sankey, Lieutc-
nant Noble., *wd, Captain King, (Dublin City Mi-,
litia) which occupies the firft eleven pages of the
cnfuing fliects, was delivered.

On the third day {May 6, 1 799) his Excellency
theLord Lieutenant, in confequence of the Brcft
fleet being at fea, and an attempt at invafion be-
ing expcftcd, was pleafed to direA that all officers
Jhould inftantly repair to their quarters, fo that the
Court Martial was adjourned ^m^ - ^;>* Captain
Giffard immediately prefented a memorial to his
Excellency ih'e Lord Lieuttnant^ praying that he
might be allowed to join his regiment in that mo^
ment of public emergency •, and propofmg to re*

fer

( ▼ )

Ter the charges' and proofs brought agamft him by
Major Sankey> ta a Court of- Enquiry in the
neighbourhood of the regimental quarters ; and
pledging biiftCclf, if the CcJujtiwfrc not <;ompo.fed
of officers of the Dublin regiment, (o abide by its
report.

To Ais, the following anfwer waa received
from bis Exqcllcncy V military fecrettry :

DuUin^Cqfile, May 'jth, 1799.
SIR,

IN reply to your letter of the 6th of May, I
am to fignify to you, that you have the Lord
Lieutenant's leave to wear your fword during the
adjournment of the Court Martial for your triaU
but t^ie rules of the fervice will not admit of
your joining your regiment, till his Excellency's
confirmation of the Court Martial ihall be known,

I have the honor to be,
SIR,
Your moll obedient, humble feryant,
^ ' E. B. LITTLEHALES.

^ C^i. Sifardt Dublin City Militia^

^ In the beginning of July, it being known that
the French fleet had cfcapcd into the Mediterra-
nain,ttfid ^U apprehenfions of invafion being con^*
feqiftsntly at an end, Captain GifFard prcfented a
inemorial to his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant,

praying.

_i

( vi >

praying, that the Court Martial itiig^ be re^
eflembled, in order to decide upon the charges
preferred againft him ; he was accordingly inform-
fd, that on the 4di of July lua trial would be
refumed.

On that day, eleven officers attended in the
Court Martial-room at the Barracks of Dublin, who
not being fufficient to form a court, and being
doubtful whether they could regularly proceed^ all
the members of the Court not b^ing fummoned, and
feTeral who appeared being now fummoned for
the firft time, they adjourned to the 8th of July.
£Dllowing.

• 1

On the 5th, Captain Giffard prefented another
memorial, praying that as many members of the
original Court as could be procured, might be fum<*
moned, they having had an opportunity of feeing*

the manner in which the profecutor had delivered
his teftimony.

Several attempts were made in confequence to
affemble the former court, which proving ineffec-;
tual, the Court, whofe minutes are to be found in
the following pages, was fworn on the lath day
of July,

It will be feen on a comparifon of the two lifti;

that but five members of the firft court iat upoa

the fecohd.

By

< vii )

* By this Court it Was agreed, that the evidence
received by the former Court Ihould be read and
placed upon their minutes.

It was alfo agreed, as had been done at the firft
Court, that Mr. H. Giffard (hould be permitted to
aft as counfel for his fietther, and afterwards be
received as a witnefs, he having, on the meeting
of the former court, delivered in his teftimony^
written and fealed up, and which dill remained ia
the poCeifion of the Judge Advocate.

It is neceflary to obferve, that a part of the
evidence of Major Sankey, upon his firft examin-
ation, was, by order of the Court, firuck out
of the minutes as irrevelant. Of this^ Captain
GiiFard was not awarei (p that in order to under^
fland ihe crofs-examin^tion and the prifoner's de-
fence, it is found neceflary to fupply that part of
the Major's evidence from authentic notes* Vide
Appendix.

Nor may it be improper to obfefve, that Major
Crampton, one of the witnefles called by the pri*
foner, is a gentleman, who ferved for many
years with honour in his Majefty's regular army,
and for five years as Major in the Dublin regiment,
commanded by Colonel Sankey ; a fituatlon which
he felt himfclf obliged to renounce, in. confc*

quence

C viii )

quencc of Cfol«nel Sankey having thought ]>roper
to paffi him over, by advancing to the vacant
LicutenantColonclcy of the regiment, the Colonel^i.
own fon, a youth, who was not born at the period
Major Crampton was fcrving his King and Country.

Captain 0!Mcara ftill continues in the Dublin
City militia, of which he is Adjutant^ and is an
officer highly honoured and regarded by the beft
and braveft men in the fervice, who have knowa
his conduft, and admired his charader as a gen*»
tieman and a veteran foldier.

«

Immediately after the publication of fentence
of the Court MartiaJ, Capt. Giffard received a
Letter, of which the following is a copy, with
inftruftions to prefent it to Lieut. General Craig ;

SIR, Dublin Cqftlii 20ti Augufl^ ^^gg•

I have it in command from my Lord Lieute-
nant, to defire that you will be pleafed to repri?
mand Captain John GifFard, of the Dublin City
Militia, in a flight manner, inftead of the mode
exprefled in his Excellency's Warrant to you of
the 13th inftant.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your moft obedient humble fervant,

E. B. LITTLEHALES.

Liiut* Sen, Crjigf Duhlitt Barrachsm

PROCEEDINGS

ssssx

— p— ^

PR 0CEEDING5

OF A

GENERAL COURT MARTIAL,

Held in the Barracks of Dublin on Friday i^xhjulj
1799^ and continued by adjournment until the
^6th of the fame month, in purfuance of a war-
cant from Lieutenant General Craio, dated loth
July 1799, by virtue of a warrant from his Ex-
cellency the Lord Lieutenant General and General
.Oovcmor of /rr/a;»i/.

G>loneI Jackson^ North M(^o^ Prefident.

CoULoidCkiittiits, Dcn^g^U.
lAajot Alcocky JCilktnny. .
Major Pitzgeraldj Kerry,
Opt. hofiun, KMenny,
Cape. Buckr, Kilkenny.

Lieiic. TaUoo, H^attrfnd.

Hoa« Col. Irlowird^ WuMew
Hon« Mi^j. Sc Lcger^ <^. Cork
Capt. Sterling, L, Derry.
Capt. Snow, M C§rk.
Capt. Inob, L. Derry.
Lietit« Langiejy Waterferi*

Joseph AtmitsoK) Efq. D. J. Advocate •General^

and Judge MartiaL

1 HE G)urt being tnt r and duly fworti^ and the
Judge Advocate being alfo fworn, proceedod to the
trial of Captain John Giffard^ of the Royal Dublia
City Regiment of Mititia^ brought prifoner before
the Court on the following charges :

I. For difrefpedful conduct to his commanding
officer particularly^ on parade on Sunday the 14th
of April.

B Fox

( 4 )

'%. For neglc6l of duty, and inattention to his cdm-
pany» to the gtcat injury of that company andl of
the fervicc.

3. For drfobedience of orders

4. For fcandalous and infamous conduft, unbccom*
ing the charafter of an officer and a gentleman, in
having made a falfc return of the ncccffaries want-
ing to complete his company, and in having dired*
cd a ferjeant of fafd regiment to make a falfc refurh
of the. neceflarie- wanting to complete his faid com-
pany, particularly under the head of flioe?, by re^
^urnin^ a fmaller deficiency than there aftually ex-
ited ; m Order thereby to impofe on his commanding
officer, ^nd prevent him from knowing that the
King's (landing ordefs, or his owji, had not in that

inflance been complied with.

• • I ■

The prifoner. Captain Giffard, being duly arraigned,
pleaded NOT GUILTY.

Major John Sankey, of the Royal Dublin Regf*
tnent of Militia, being duly fworn, depofethy ^

That Captain Giffard, the prifoner, had aparf^
ments in the barracks of Niw Abbey^ near KilfiiJ/e»^
which he ceafed to occupy, and deponent kn<>v;d of
no liberty the prifoner had not to refidc in the
barracks till the 27th February faft ; (as near m
deponent recolledls)— That the prifoner had alfo
frequently abfentcd himfelf frotti parades,, whidi
induced deponent to write h\trt a letter, faying, that
he could not, confidently with the good of the fes*
vice, fufFer fuch negledt* And deponent fayellj[ that
on the third of /Ipnl laft, he dire£\ed Enfigh M^Ma-
hon, his orderly officer!, to write td the prif()ner $ the
'copy of which is as follows : . ^

> ••

Sir^

,/v-

( 3 )
Sir, New Abbiy^ April 3<1, 1 799. •

IT is Major Sankey's orders that, you
account for your abfeoce Uom parade fince. report- "
ed convalefcent by the Surgeon, and particularly
fiace the mufter. >

I have the honor to bc^
Sir,
Your moft obedient, &c.
Adam M'Mubon^^n^Vgn^
Wednefday evening. R. D. M. Orderly Officer.

To which deponent received no anfwen . That at-
the expiration of two or three days deponent fent.
Enfign O'Hara to the.prifoner, to mention, that he,-
deponent, bad received no anfwer; and alfo, that,
there was an order or two in the book, which he, the
priioner^ had not attended to : That be^ Enfign
O^Hara, brought deponent for aqfwer, that the pri*
foner had anfwered the letter to CqftU Martin \ that
as to orders, deponent prevented him from- feeing
theorderSf or words to that* efTeft*

That on the parade, at New Abhey^ on the T4th
Aprii iaft, the men having paraded with fide arms:
for church (before the officers had fallen in) depoi- •
nent went up to the prifoner, who was then writing.
(as deponent believes) his morning ftate, and faid,
^ Captain GifTard, you fent me a meifage by Enfign
O'Hara, that I prevented you from feeing or fending
the orders to you.— If you had looked at your or-
derly book you would have feen I had given very
particular orders with refpe£l to (hewing the officers
the orders.*'-<i-That the prifoner replied, " Sir, that
was after ;'^ and added, thai deponent had prevented ^
the orders being (ent him (or words to that ei(¥e£t).-^ *
That deponent anfwered, *^ Sir, if I did, it was when
you had apartmeiits. in the barracks, and if you
were out of thepii irwa* npt with leave*'*— That die

prifoner

( 4 )

prifoner replied, (as nearly as deponent recollcAs)
** Sir, I fay it is not fo ; I have the Colonel's leave, for
\rhich I am obliged to him and to nobody elfe.**
Deponent was furprized at the prifoner's manner,
and wiflied to have the bufinefa explained to him—
deponent faid, •* I believe, Captain GifTard, that Co-
lonel Sankey did give you the alternative of giving
up your apartments or refiding in them, but you had
not done cither ;" which affertion the prifoner again
contradided nearly in the fame words as before re*
lated, (as deponent recolledls). That the prifoner'
then ordered a non-commiffioned officer to take care
to fend him the orders to Giltown every day by an
orderly man, at an hourmoft convenient to himfelf ;
although neither the cuftom of the regiment or
deponent's orders permitted fuch.— That deponent
then faid, ** Captain GiflEard, you are now at quarters,
you ftiould inform yourfelf of the orders/' The

Jmfoner replied warmly, "I fliall read them at my
eifurc/* Deponent begs leave to obferve, that at the
time he fpoke to the prifoner of the mefTage brought*
him by Enfign O'Hara, the prifoner faid, " Sir, the
parade is no place to talk to me about fuch bufinefs y
upon which the prifoner mounted his horfe and rode
oflP^that is to fay, after mentioning that he would
read the orders at his leifure.
. Deponent fayeth, that it is the cuflom of the
regiment on Sundays, to form the parade after Di-
vine Service, and march off the guards, and that the
prifoner did not attend on Sunday the 14th of Jpril
laft for that purpofe. Deponent fayeth, that as to
neglcdl of duty, and inattention of the prifoner tot
hit company, that feveral men of the company had
been prevented from parading, mounting guards^^
or going on commands, for want of neceflaries.
That his, the pri(bner*s company, was n6t fubfifted
in due time ; and, as to the prifoner's difobedience
of Orders, be, the prifoner, did not provide his Com-
pany

is)

pasy with neceffitrtet, agreeabfe^ tc^ fits KfajeftyV
I Kguiations^ particularly of the 4lft September, i^t)S^'

and sd .7««^,i797; and that the prifoncr did nor
provide his company with amnnunition^ when otdcTcd
by Colonel Sankey fo to do.

Crofs-examined by the Prifoner,
Prifoner to Major Sankey.

Q;^ Was I commanding officer at New Abbey ^ be-
fore yoa came to the regiment ?
I A. You commanded when I came there.

Q^ Did I not referve the two heft rooms in (he
barrack for you ?
i A. Not to my knowledge*

I Q;^Kd General JDundas order me to do duty

as Major ?

A. He didAjo do FieId-officer*s duty till Major
Crtmpton joined.

Q^ Was I t\ot ordered on command as a t:ap*
fsb, during f he (ime I a£ted as Field-officer, by
orders of C^eral Dundas ?

A. The captain next for duty was ordered, and
it happened to be you.

Q. Were not my rooms in New Abbey occupied
before my return ?

A. No ; but one ti your rooms, occupied by
Surgeon Smith.

The prifoner produced a letter from Major San-
Ifcy, which was admitted by the Major, and after
its being read in court, i^ annexed, marked No. i.

Q;^ (kve you not heard, and do you not believe,
that the ftate of Mrs. Gijffard's health was fuch, that
confinement with her family, in^ a finele room in
.the barracks, would have been fatal to her?

A. I did hear it, and do believe it. .

Qj Do you not believe, that when Colonel Sankey
pivc me the alternative which you have ftatcd in

your

( 6 )

your evidence, of giving up the room, or occapymit
it, he meant to give me a choice of one or the
other?

A. Certainly,

Q^ Gould I have refided in the barracks, when I
had given up my room ?

A. No.

Q^ Could I know what duty was to be done, if
I was not permitted to fee the orderly book?

A. Not without having then^ comi^iunicated you ;
but I never prohibited the book from being fhcwn
to you.

O. You faid, that Giltown was outfide the ports |.
were not thofe ports called Billing's, and the port
Carnolway further from New Abbey ? and did not
the patroles go by Gormanftown, two miles nearer
the mountains than Giltown ?

A. Carnolway was further than Giltown, and
Billing!s about the fanne diftance ; but. Giltown lay
cutfide the chain of ports ; as to the patroles, they
might have gone further, and thofe were but 6cc»^
fionally.

Q^ Was it not ufual for every officer to take ai^ .
cfcort in going his rounds ?

A, Ufually, but not uniformly fo,

Q. Have you not heard, and do yoa not believe,
that I was frequently vifited at Giltown by General.
Dundas ?

A. I was told by General Dundas*s Aid-de-camp^ .
that the General was there once.

O. Was it not from you that the converfation
at New Abbey, on Sunday the 14th of April, and to
which you have fworn, commenced?

A. Yes.

Q;. If I had not replied, would it not have been,
difrcfpeaful ?

Ai I fliould have thought lb.

Q^^When

( 1 )

I^^Whcn I faid, that it was no place for fuch
converfation, was it not reafonable to infer, that 1
was defirous of avoiding the appearance of alterca*
tion between officers before the men ?.

A. Not in the way you did it ; becaufe it was
after you had altercated the bufinefs, I thought ia
very difrcfpedlful language, and in a very difrcf-
pe^fal manner, in the hearing of the men^ and in
a flile of didation and admonition.

Q^ Did I not repeat a wilh to decline the conves-
fation more than once ?

A. I heard no with expreflcd by you.

Q. Was I reported fick, at the times you fay I
was abfent from parade ?

A. No.

Q. Do you not know or believe that the affiftant
furg^on had reported me fick to Colonel Satikey at
any time in the months of M/^cb or April lail?

A. I believe he might

Q^ Did you ever htSLt that the commanding offi*
cer at Caftlemartin has done ads of command at
New Abbey as commanding oiEcer^

A. Not except thro' me, I don't recoiled any
fUch thing. .

Q^ Did you ever Write to me, to fay, that the
men of my company complained pf not being fub*
lifted ill time, and what anfwer did I return i

A^ I did wtfte f6 you, and I think you anfwered
that they were fubfmed, and dafured the men might
be confined for fcandal.

Qj^ Were not the men acquitted of having charged
ine with Mot ^ubfiftiog them;?

A. They were not ; they were acquitted of the
flalkter fat wUicb they were confined and tried. '

Court to Major Sankey.

Q# Did the commanding officer at Caftleniartia
ttcetve tW prtfoner's reports from himfdf iauaie*
dUielyt or through you f ' ■ "-

A. Hia

/

A. His reports as Captain of the day only, all
others were particularly ordered' to be fent into me.

Qi, What diftance is Caftlemartin barracks frorfi
New Abbey ?

A. About a mile and a half.

Q^Did the prifoner give up the key of his apart-
ments at New Abbey on your writing to him ?
' A. No; he called on me the next day, and faid, he
did occupy thofe rooms ; and it was fome days af*
Icrwards before he finally gave them up.

KXlllTH CHARGE.

Major Sankey here delivers to the court, in fa{>-
port of the laft charge, a morning report of Cap-

ifainiGiffatx), the pdkmer's coroptoy, without airy

idate, >^hich he delivers as part of his evidence m
fupport of faid laft charge, from which and other
companies reports he, Major Sankey, form^.a gc-

-fierai fiate of the four companies quartered at New

: Abbey, ftgned by him on the 25th ^^ittf^y laft, and
which he has had in his own poffdfion fince that

period ^- both of which. are anneticedj nxarked No* z ;
and depofeth, that Captain Giftard's return now

isftunds'as It Avas origin^illy delivered to deponeat by

^tiic perfon Mrho cojleiSted liie reports.

Major Sankey called on Lieutenant Arthur Ntfe^e,

^f the Royal Dublin Regiment; who vraa idtfhr

, fworn. . '

Major Sankey -to Lieutenant Noble.

♦ * • ' • . • \. *

Ql. Wjen you on Parade At Nevtr Albbey . qq .Sud-
day morning the J4th of ^rii {aft i
A. I was.

Q. .JKd airy ithing fiattiouhur ihapfkh fKer6>be-
• iflWBn ttucflhd ibeiprifooer at Hm tiniei

C 9.: ) }

' A.. A corivcrfation paffed betw|^(^ yon*; l ho^rd
you tell the prifoncr that he had not Colonel Sar^i^
key*s- leave to fleep out of quarters. The prifpner
replied, that be had ; you repeated, that )ie had, no
Aich leave-; and the prifoner rejoined^ that, he had^
tudi leave, and that he w^s qbligpd to Cotopfsl l^n*
Ifj^yoiiiy for it ; and added, that the parade wa^ nos,
a fit place to fpeak to him on that fubie<SL. \

(^ Was his conduA on the p^i^iulc that day dif*
rcfpcdtful to me? / . ^

A. His maf^^r of contradiAing you in thf^ oon-
verfetion I have men tipned, was ppTion^tp ^ and frQm
that i conceive it difrefpedful.

Qj^ Did you at this time hear me tell the prifoncr,
*' now you are at c^uaiters, yoti {^Quld inform your-
feJf of your orders ?*^

A; 1 4id hear you fay, '^ nqwyou are at quartcirs,
read your orders/*

Q^ What was his anfwer, and w^s it delivered in a

il^fpq&fiii ifiatiner?

A. His anfwer was, ihat he ^oyld te^^ them a^
his leifure ; and I did not think it was refpeftfuK

C^ Did all you mention to the court pafs on the
parade, atad in hearing of the nien7.

A, The firft part of the converfa^ion paffed, in
the hearing of fome of the qicii^ the letter part a^
the pjirgde was marching off.

Crofs-examined by the Prifoncr.

Q:^ ©id you hear the beginning of the converfa-
tion between Major Sankey and me at the pUce and
time you ment4on ? ' ' "

A. I did not. . .

Qj^Did not the firft ciJntradiilion that you hfe^r^l
come from Major Sankey, and ^f I had fubmitted,
would not I havQ acknowledged that I bad fpoken
falfely, in faying I bad leave to fleep at Giltown ?

.' C . Q;, It

( Id )

A. It did ; and it certainly would have appeared
as you fay. .

Q^ Did I then fay thefe words : '" Surely, fir, the
front of the line, in the prefcnce of all the foidiers,'
is not a fit place for this kind of converfatibn ?"

A. To the beft of my recolleAion you faid, the
public parade was not a fit place to fpeak to you on
fuch a fubjedt.

Q;^ What was my general reputation, as an officer
and a gentleman, in the regiment?

A. I conceive you to be a brave officer.
^ Q^ Was I very conftanily with the regtnient ? .

A. You were.

Court to Lieuteiiapt Noble.

<^ Was there any danger in going Between Wew*
Abbey and. Giltown? *

A. I conceive not.

Q;^ Were you in the habit of pailfing between thofe
places without apprehenfion ?

A. Yes.

Prifoner to Lieut. Noble thro* Court. .

Q^ After the converfation of . which . you Have
ipoken, did Major Sinkey call you and confultyou
and others whether he fhould put me in arreft ?

A. He did.

Q^ What was your anfwer ?

Aw I defired him not to put you in arreft, as I
did not think he had fufficient grounds to break you
if he brought you to a cour^martial.

Caphtin Samuel Croker King, of the Royal Dublin
Regiment, was called on and duly fwojrn.

Major Sankey to Capt. King.
Qi Were you in New Abbey on Sunday the 14th

( u >

I

Jpril lad, and did any ththg particular happen be«
fween me and the prifpner on that day on parade f

A. I was. As I was dreiling in my room I heard
a noife on parade, and the words paffing between you
and the prifoher to this effect : t(?fli—- and was n$t.'^
I went on parade as foon as I poifibly could, and
heard you fay to the prifoner, *^ now you ^e.atquar*
tcrs, read your orderly book ;** he replied, that .ho
would read it at his leifure, when and whert he
pleafed.

Q;^Was the prifoner*s manner and deportment
to me» as commanding officer, refpe^ful on parade
or not?

w

A. I do not thkik it was* '

Q:^ Did, what you have fiated to have palTed bcr
tween me and the prifoner, happen on the parade,
and in hearing of the men ?

A. It did.

Crofs-exinrjined by the Prifoncr.

Q^ Was my conduft as an officer during the re*
bdlion zealous and active ? '

A. ^Vbencver the caufe of your king and country
is concerned, no qian can be more zealous and ac*
live. ^ . . '

Q;^ Was my conduct unbecoming a man who had
received a poutive contradidtion f

A I think, if you received a contradiAion on the
parade, you ftiould not have been warni" to your
commanding officer.

SECOND CHARGE.

Major Sankey to Captain King.

Q^Have you known the prifoner ncglcA to at-

C a tend

«

iepd parades' at times that he has been riding into
JCrlcuUen, Naas, olr about the country ?

A. I have'feeta him ride'by the gate of New Ab-
bey barracks before parade time, and at fome of
thofe times 'he did not attend papades.
^ <!;^ Have youfeen him at'Kilcullen on days that
behad.nof it^ended the morning pdridcs at New
Abbey ? '
- ^A. rHaVe. •

Q^ Have you known Grenadiers unable to ffl^ch
Vih their company from their quarters at New Ab-
fcdy to head quarters at Caftlemartin for want of
neceffaries ?

^. A. I have known fome of the Grenadiers unable
to do duty for want of fhoes.

0;^ -Did 'y6u riot fee them hobbling and Aiding
along without either fhoes or Hockings after the
company with which they were not able' to march?

A. I recoiled one day .that Colonel Sankey or-
dered the' company to parade at Calllemartin ci*
iher with or without (hoes, and that three ^i^ fpur
oT the rifen did riot fall into the ranks for want of

fllPCS*

J P^ Have you not known V men of the Grenadier
company repeatedly reported unable to attend for
want of (hoes i

A. f have.

Q^ Did you return, when you commatKled at
.Ne\y Abbey in my abfence, five men wanting fhoes
on the ^ift January laft, and what company did
they belong to ?

A. I did, and they belonged to the grenadier com-
pany.

CL Did you the folJQwing day return fix of the
fame company wanting '(hoes ?

A. J did, and they were of the fame co.mpanyj
. , <5L l^id you know any m^n of any company pre-
vented

^ *3 ^)

rented from duty for want of Ihdes, f<iYe tMtOvc'*

n^kr ccAppwy i . > ~

A. I did. . , . .

. Q^ Might not the prifoner ha^ . provided > Ms

company with (hoes, had he taken the tooitble of

<k>filig fo ?

A. Every other Captain in die reghnent did h^

and I fliouid fuppofe he could have done fo iiko-

wfe.

>
Crofs-examined by the Prifoner*

Q^ Who commanded the Grenadier company be-
fore I got it ? . .
'A. Captain, now Major Sankey.

Qj^ When did Captain Sankey quit it ?

A. On the i8di May 1798. .;

O. In what condition did I receive the compny ?

A. I believe you received it in a very bad condjir
tion, as all the companies of the regiment were at
that time 'after the campaign.

Q^ Was I the only captain feat away from mf
company during the winter, and when I could have
Idfurc after the campaign to attend to their wants ?

A. You were detached from your company dur-
ing the winter to Meganey-bri^^.

Q^Didr you hear, or do you believe, that I oat-
pended large fums of money in providing my com-
pany with neceffaries ?

A. I fuppofe you did advance fome money tt
every other Captain did.

QJ^Do you believe that my comipany owes me
inore than one hundred pounds I

A. I do know it ; for I faw the kft return, by
which they owed you one hundred and forfy^nine
poanda^ 4Kid ; and nay own company ^wcd'mc one

Hundred and thirty pounds*

QtWcre

( u )

Were hot the Grenadiers as ftrong as all thto
other companies, taken together, at New Abbey ?

A. I believe they were nearly fo.

Q^ Was it cuttoniary for the Captain of the day
gbing on duty, or coming off, to attend parades ?

A. It was not cuftomary for the Captain of the
day to attend at New Abbey, when he was for duty
at Caftlemartin.

Q;^ Did you ever know the Grenadier company
ordered to be kept in its full number ?

A. Yes,

Q^^^Did you know of a fhoc-maker of that com*
pany taken from his duty, and for 'What purpofe,
and by whofe orders ?

A. I do : his wife was cook for the mefs, and he
was ordered to aflift her by the Lieutehiant-Colohcl,
flt the defire of the officers compofing the mefs.
' Q^ Did no'tLieutenantCoionel Sankey then com-
. snand at Caftlemartin ?

A. He did.

Q. Was I not then afting as Major ? and did I not
cppofe his being taken for that purpofe f

A. I belieye you did.

Court to Captain King. ,

Q^ Were the other companies of the regiment
provided with (hoes before the prifoner was de-
tached •?

A, The other companies were provided before
December ; but I don*t know the time when the
prifoner was detached.

Q;^ Were there any confplaints againft theGrena«>
dier company previous to the prifoner's being de-
tached to Megatiey- bridge.^

A. I don*t recolleft any.

Qj^ At what tim^e was^ the prifoner appointed to
the Grenadier company j^

A» I think) in the month of Auguft 1708.

r

( is )

Q^ At what time did you begin to fupply the
company with ncceffaries after the feverity of the
Campaign ?

A. The latter end of September, after we came*
to Kilculletu

it being three o*cIock, the Court adjourned tUl
to-morrow at eleven^ to meet at one of the com-
tnittee rooms in the Houfe of Commons

Saturday, 13th July,

The Court met purfuant to adjournment,

Serjeant Thomas Howard, of the Royal Dublin Re-
giment, fworn.

Major Sankey to Serjeant Howard.

Q^Did you aft as Serjeant Major at New Abbeys
from the time your company marched in ?

A. I did.

Qj^ When tfie prifoncr commanded at New Abbey,
did he caufe the companies there to be put into mefs
under the fuperintendanoe of non-commiiTioned of'-
ficers, agreeable to the (landing, orders and cuftom
of the regiment, until after the commanding officer
pf the regioicnt had announced in orders^ that he
would on a certain day infpeft the mefs at New Ab*
bey? ^

A. Not. to my knowledge.

Qj^ Was there a regular good fyftem of meffing
in the Grenadier company at any time when the pri- '
foner commanded at New Abbey ?

A. I cannot anfwer that queftion.

CJL Did the prifoner, when he cornmanded, caufe
tnfpedlions to be made of the ftate of the arras, ac-
coutrements, or ammunition of the companies under
Ills command, as is ufual in the regiment ?

A. Not to my knowledge.

Q^.When

( *« )

' Qi^ When any orders particularly rtlaling (o ihe
prifoner was given out^ was it ufual at ail times dur*
ing his refidence at Giltown for thofe orders to be,
fent to him ?

A. Always.
. Q^ When his quarters were given up to Ljeute-
nantl^oblc; did 1, on the parade, diVcft hii orders to
Be fent to him at Giltown f

A. You did:

Q^ Did you know any man of the detachment at
New Abbey prevented from doing duty for want of
Ihoes, .but foniicr of the Ctein^dier- cy^p^

^, A., Not-onjt, ' .

• O. Have you known pen of that company for'
feveral days prevented. from doing duty for want of
(hoes ?
\ AlSl have*:

Q;^ Has not! the deficioQcy <rf neceiTuries of ths(\
company continued frorn the time you xnarchfd into
Jfcw Abbey until, the prifoner> arreft f ,

: A. Tes^ in the article of ihoes. - . \

' * ^ Crofs-exatnined by Pr Jfoner*

. Q.* How long did I command at New Abbey^ and
jwhat part of tnat.time were ypu there ^ ^

A. You were there a fortnight or three wceksf *be-|
ibre t arrived, and I have remained there ever fince^

Q^ How long did I cpntinue in cornmand .^t that
Illa«c after your af rivals as you believe ?

AT I believe. frohi three to five weeks. . .

Q;^ Were there very frequent infppdtions of armf
at Caftlemartin ?
. A.. 1 dpn't know of any. ^

THIRD CHARGE.

Captain King was again called, and before £worn* v

Major Sankey to Captain Kin^. . .

-' Qt,'IXd Colonel Sankey (on the day that Jeremiah
Creary of the grenadier company was flogged) thro*

the

( t7 )

t\ic Adjutant of the regiment, order the prifomer to
flecp in Ws quarterns at New Abbey ?

A. I heard Colonel Sankcy tell the Adjutant^ either
to fpeak or write to the prifoner, that he muft either
give up his rooro^ or fleep at New Abbey.

Qj^ Did the prifoner do either ?

A. Not at that time. .

(^ Was it after Mr. M^Mahon's illncfs that be
gave up the room ? ^

A. It Was.

Here Major Sankey produced to the Court feveral
orders, cxtradlcd from the regimental orderly book,
which were admitted by theprifooer, and which ere
annexed to the proceedings, marked No. 3; and
alfo a return of the prifoner^s company, figned by
himfel^ dated 13th January, 1709, by which it ap-
pears that one corporal and eight privates wanted
ihocs on that day.

Major Sankey depofcth, that in confequence of
the order of the 20tn February laft, he and the ad-
jutant infpedted the feven companies flationed at
their feveral quarters (except his own, and the de-
tachment atMegany) and from which infpe^ion he
made out a (late of the deficiencies, which ftate h6
delivers to the Court in evidence ; and by which it
appears, that there were feveral deficiencies in the
prifoner*s company, viz.

39 (hirts, 29 pair of ftockings, 28 pair of
(hoes, and 67 pair of foles. — The laid re-
turn is annexed to the proceedings, marked
N0.4.

Major Sankey delivers to the Court an order ex-
tra^ed from the regimental orderly book, dated
28th February, which is alfo annexed. to the pro-
ceedings, marked No. 5.

Mjyor Sankey alfo produces an order of the 28<h
March Iai>, vrhich is annexed to the proceedings,
marked No. 6.

D Major

( I« )

Majoi* Sankfey tltepofeth, that in conffqueilcft of
faid order, he, db the 4th April laft, infpe£ted the
companies, and found the prifoner's company >vant-
cd 30 pair of (hoeift^ 22 (hirts, and 70 pair of foles ;
and produced an order of Col. Sankey*t, dated loth
April lad, which is jannekcd^ marked No. 7.

Major Sankey produces to the Court a return
^ned by Lieutenant Nobte of the Grenadier com-
pany, (whofe fignature is proved) dated lath April|
by which it appears there was on that day the fol*
lowing deficiencies : 70 pair of foles, and 29 pair
of (hoes ; which is antieited to the proceeditigs,
marked Mo. S.

Major Sank^ delivered to the Court an order,
dated lathOdober, 1798, for fubfifting the men at
^s. 6d. per week ; and alfo produces a return (igned
by the prifoner and Lieutenant Faulkner, dated 26th
January (which deponent fays was delivered to him
in January lafl) at New Abbey, by which it appears
that that company was fubfifted at 3s. 9^. per
week ; both or which are annexed, marked No. 9
and 10.

Major Sankey alfo produces an order, dated 27th
January, 1799, which is alfo annexed to the pro-
ceedings, marked No. 11, repeating the orders for
fubnning the men at 5s. 6d. per week ; which order
the prifoner difobeyed.

Major Sankey alfo produces an order, dated i6th
March, 1799, v\t.

•* The Mefs Returns to be fent into the Com-
^' manding Officer to-morrow morning, agreeable
*• to a former order."

Major Sankejr depofeth, that on the i8th of the
fame month he iffucd the following order, in confe-
quence of Colonel ISankey's orders, viz.

^* Captain GifTard to account for his not having
^^ fent in his Mefs Reports of his company^ agreea*
*• blc to orders/*

Crofs-

( 19 )
Cifofs-examined by the Prifoner*

Q^Did the men, in confequence of Colonel StiK
key's orders of 7th January lali, attend at Caftle^
martin, and were they provided with neceflartes 4-
greeable to the Colonel's promife ?

A. They did attend, andprefume, they were not
provided, from the deficiencies that afterwards ap*
peared ; but, I have no doubt, had the ofEcers, who
wanted them, applied to the Quarter-roaftcr, they
would have got them.

Q^ Were not the clearance accounts tranfmitted
to Colonel Sankey, every month, and did he not fee
how mv company was fubfilled ?

A. Yes.

Q^ Did you ever hear, and do you believe that I
remained in debt to any of the men on the ift day
of any month ?

A. I did hear it, and do believe it.

Court to Major Sankey.

Qg^ Were there any complaints made to the com*
manding-oflieer or to vou tnat they were not regu«
larly accounted with u>r thdr balances ?

A. There were.

Q^ What was done in confequence ?

A. I defired the men to have patience and to. ap-
ply to the Pay*ferjemt, and if they were not fettled
with to call on me again ; but I underftood they
were afterwards fettled with by the prifoner. and I
was confident at that time that the prifoner never
meant to deprive them of thdr right

Q^It having already appeared from your evi-
deflcey that Colonel Sankey re^larly received the
letuma ef thi dcbta and credits of the regiment
every months and it having alfo appeared from the
evidence of Giptain King, that the prifoner's compa*

( M )

ny was in debt above 140I. and his own company
about 130I. — knowing this, did Colonel Sankey ftill
continue the order to fubfift the men at 5s. 6d. per,
week?:
A.. Yes.

It being three o'clock, the Court adjourned till
Monday next at eleven.

Monday, July 15th.

The Court met purfuant to adjournment.

Court to Major Sankey,

QL *^o y^'ur knowledge was any other company
ef the vegiment fubfifted under 5s. 6d. per week
bcfide the prifoner's ?

A. There was, but not at fo low a rate.

Q^ Was it confined to one company ?

A. It was not ; but no company but the prifoner's
complained.

<^ Were any men of the prifoner's company
that wer« not in debt fubfifted at fo low a rate as
thofe men that were in debt P

A. I can't afcertain that.

Q;^ Did the nien of the prifoner's company, who /
were fubfifted at the low rate you mention^ com-
plain of it as a grievance to you f

A. They did-

Q;^ Did any of the men of any other company
ever complain of being fubfifted at fo low a rate i

A. Never to me, nor that I ever hcar<l of.

(^ When and where was that complaint made fb
you of the prifoner^ company ?
V A. At Kilcullen, (hortly antecedent to the colon6l*i

; fecond order of th^ 27 th January laft«
r ' q:,Did

( 21 )

Q. Did Captain GiSlird continue t« fubfift his men
tt fo low a rate ^fler the fecond order ?

A. No ; he raifcd it to four (hillings,

Q^ Did the men of the prifoner's company com-
plain after their pay was raifed to four (hillings ?

A. Not to my knowledge.

Serjeant Arthur Wife, of the Royal Dublin Regw

ment, was fworn.

Major Sankey to Serjeant Wife.

Q^ Who pays the prifoner's company ?

A. I do.

Q:^ Do you draw the monthly pay and allowances
from the regimental pay-mafter ?

A* I do.

Q^ How do you difpefe of the pay and allow*
ances P

A. After I receive the pay and allQwanoeB from
the payimafter I give them to my captain, and re«
ccivcthe pay weekly from him tor the men.

Q^ W%n there not an order that the fublUlence of
the company fhould be paid on Fridays ?

A. Yes.

Q^Hftve you not been frequently without receiv-
ing it until Saturday morning till twelve or one
o'clock, and fometimcs till Sunday ?

A. I always received it before twelve o'clock on
Saturday, except once that I received it on a Siin^
day,

Q^ Has not the company fufFered by being late
at market in cpnfequence of your not getting it, fo
as to iflue it equally early with other companies ?

A. The men have fuflered becaufe.they could not
get change of large notes, but I got the fubfiflence
in time.

CLHad

( 2a )

Q^ Had you got the fubfiftence on Fridays^ would
not tbey have fufFered lefs inconvenience ?

A. They might.

Q;^ Were not the other companies ufually fubCft*
cd on Fridays or earlier ?

A. They were fubfifted on Fridays.

Q;^ Did the providing the company with necefia*
ries depend on you ?

A. It did for fome time, from ifi Sept. 1798, to
fome time in January 1 7^9, after prifoner's return
from Meganey-brldge.

Q^On whom has the fupplying the prifoner's
company with neceflaries depended, from the time
you ceafed to fupply them until the prifoner was
put in arrefl ?

A. The Captain.

O. In what ftate was the Grenadier company as
to neceflaries* in the month of January or February^
particularly as to fhocs ?

A. They wanted a good many pair of (hoes,
which could not be got made in the town of K\U
cullen.

Q^ Was any part of your company in the courfe
of laft winter fubfifted at the rate of 38. ^d. per
man, per week?

A. There was part of the company for^ne week
fubfifted at 3s. 97d. and the reft at 5s. $d.

Crofs-examined by the Prifoner,

Q. How long have you been my Pay-ferjeant? '

A. Abour four years and five months.

Q^ What was the difpolitiorr of a former compa-
ny which I commanded towards me ? did they think
I treated them with kindnefs and attention^ or
otherwifc ?

A. They looked upon it that you treated them
with kindnefs and attention.

i 23 )

Q^ In what condition did I receive the Grenadier
company ?

A. When you received the company they wanted
a good deal of neceflaries.

Q^Did you exert yourfclf, as well as circum-
fiances would permit^ to fupply their wants by my
orders P

A. I did.

Q^ On finding fome grievances among the men^
of being irregularly paid, when 1 took the com*
mand of the Grenadier company, did I not order
the men' to parade before my tent and fee them paid
myfelf ?

A. You did.

Q;^ Did I always, to the utmoft of my power, pro-
cure the beft (hirts and the bed watch coats, and
every article fuperior to any other company ?

A. You did.

Q^ Was the Grenadier company much employed
on efcorts and commands from KilcuUen ?

A. They were.

Q;^Did this occafion the wear of neceflaries ?

A. It did,

Q:^ Were there any men that wore a pair of (hoes
out every month ?

A. There were.

O. Did I order you to get all the (hoes you could
at Ktlcullen, and did you exert yourfelf in fo dol-
ing ? •

A. But it was more difficult to get flioes fit for
: Grenadiers than for fmaller iized men.

Q^ Do you know, or do you believe, that I fent
to Dublin, and even wrote to Scotland for a large
fupply of flioes, and did they come ?

A. I know that you fent to Dublin, and believe
that you wrote to Scotland-— I reccivol (hoes from
Dublm, I think, about fix dozen pair at one time,

which

( M )

which were ordered before you were put under M
arreft.

Q^ Don*t you know that there are feveral men
who take every method to avoid duty, and even
wafte their neccflkries for that purpofe ?

A. There are.

Q^ Do you recolledt an order of the Colonels for
the men to parade at Cafilemartin, to be fupplied
with neceflartes by the Quarter-mafter, and were
they then fupplied, and all their wants provided
for?

A. There was fuch an order, and the men were
not fupplied.

Q;^ Why were they not fupplied ?

A. On rccolleAion. the Grenadier company was
pArtly fupplied wi!h Inoes and blankets, thiere were
not any fhirts or foles in ftore to be delivered then.

Q^ Do you rccolledt Major Sankey^ writing to me,
that fome men had complained o( not having re-
/ ceived their pay in time, which prevented them at-
tending evening parades ; and did you not fay, that
you were prcfent, and the men made no fuch com-
plaint, and what did I do thereupon i

A. I recolfea the circumftanccs you mention;
and in confequence of what I faid, you ordered Ac
men to be confined, which I did. They were tried
and acquitted.

Q^ Did the Grenadiers, as foon as the camp was
ftruck at New Abbey, go intomefs by the Colonel'^
order ?

A. They did not go into meffes for a fortnight
after, on eccount of the rooms not being pre-
pared.

Q^ Do you rccolIeA the Colonel vifiting the
meffes at New Abbey as foon as the rooms were pre-
pared, and my attending him through the rooms as
commanding there ?

A, I re-

( %s )

A. 1 recollcA the Lieutenant Colonel attending,
and yoar accompanying him.

Q^ Was I always very exadl with regard to the
meiiB* arras -, and nave I not oftert told ^the men, I
never would forgive any negledl in that point f

A. You did.

Q;^Upon the whole, I ailt you now, Serjeant Wife,
did you think me a man that would avoid or flur
my duty while I had health to perform it ?

A. I believe not.

Q^ 1)0 you know, or do you beKeve, that in con-
feauence of my nightly rounds, I was for fome time
ficK at Giltown, and conftantly vifited by Mr«
M^Adam, the Ailiftant Surgeon ?

A. You were.

Court to Serjeant Wife.

Qj^ Do you know the reafon why fome part o£
the company was fubfifted at js. p^, and the reft*

at s^^ 5d ?

A. Becaufe the former wias fo much in debi* \

Q- Was the Grenadier company in a worfc ftate,
when the prifoner was appointed to the command,
of it^ than the other companies ?

A. They were not.

O^You faid, you provided nfcceflaries for the
company from ift September until fome time in Ja-
nuary i when on the prifoner*s return from detach-,
ment, why were you difcontinued from that trull ? '

A. The Captain faid, that he would fupply them
himfelf, as he found the company not properly pro-
vided, and fo great a deficiency, which I was hot.
able to procure at quarters.

Q^ IMd the prifoner then get the very bcft •flilrts,
and that immediately ?

A. He did-

( *o

^ Do you recollect the time that the prifoner
told you, that he fent to Scotland for (hoes ?

A. I think about March iaft.

Q^ Did the Grenadier company want neceflfanes
is much when the prifoner got it^ as they generally
did fmce?

A. Much about the fame 3 but they were twice
nearly c6mp!eted fmce the prifoner got the com*
mand of it.

Q;^ Were any men unable to do duty for want of
neceiTaries at that time, and ,have many been fo fre-
quently fince i '

A. There were.

Q;^ You are now aflced upon your oath, to the
beft of your knowledge ana belief, if the prifoner
did every thing in his power to complete his com-
pany with neceflaries?

A. Yes, at all times.

Q^^At the time the prifoner received the com-
tnand of the company, were any men prevente<]l
from doing their duty for want of (hoes ?

A. Not immediately.

Q;^ Was not the Grenadier company, from itsfta-^
tion at New Abbey, more expofed to the deftruc-
tton of the nece(rarie{;, than any other company in
the regiment ?

A. They were j bccaufe there was no part of the
company detached, and they therefore gave more
men for efcorts and commands than any other com-
pany.

Q^ Were not the other companies, from which
there were detachments frequently on patrol du-
ties, and were the Grenadiers fent on any duty" of
patrol ?

A. I don't recolleft they ever went on patrols.

Q^ Were there other companies that received their
fubfiftence fo late as Saturday ?

/^. There were fome times.

CLWas

( i7 )

Q^ Was the Grenadier company fubfified at the
general rate of the other conajKinies, e:[ccept the men
that were heavily in debt i

A. Yes.

Q^Are any men of the Colonel^ lieutenant^
Colonelts, or the Majorca companies fubfifted at 4
lower rate than 5s. fd ?

A. I believe not.

Q^ Was it the cuftom of other companies to fuh»
fifi the men in debt at a lower rate than 5s. gd f

A. It was.

• >

Judge Advocate to Serjeant Wife.

(i^Did you frequently get the pay of the prh
foner's company on a Friday from tiim ?

A. I did.

Q^ What was the debt of the company when you
gave up the charge of providing it with neceflanes i^

A. About one hundred pounds ; in the month of
June they were in debt 149!. and in credit 33. 9^.

It being three o'clock, the Court adjourned %H
tp-morrow at eleven o'clock.

Tuefday, i6th July.

The Court met purfuant to adjournment*

FOURTH CHARGE.

Major Sankey here produces to the Court a re*»
turn figned by the prifoner, dated a4th January
Jaft, of neceflaries wanting to complete the Grena^
dter company, viz.

( 28 )

Rufurn of Neajfaries wanting to complete Grenadiere^

>» I*'

Jiofiary 24th l^99•

1" *' *'■

w

^

8P

nn

10

s

i7

CO

3

-»*■

•a

23

i-l-hoh^

I have feDt for the fiiirts, Iboci and ftockbgf.-^The
Uankecs do not depend on me.

(Signed,)

J. GIFFARD^ Capu

This return is admitted by the prifoner. *

Major Sahkey depofeth, that in fearching for re*
turns with Colonel Sankey, the one now produced
to the Court came into deponent's hands ; that en
comparing this with the return already produced to
the Court in the fjoregoing pact of his evidence,
dated ^5th of Unuary laft» depbQent found the
difTerence in. as >much as that nine meh were in the
morning llate ^f the prifoner's company as delivered
to the Court, reported abfent for want of Aoes, who
of courfe wanted eighteen pair ; whereas the return
of neceflaries, figned by the prifoner on the 24th,
Hated a deficiency of only ten pair wanting in his
whole company.

Crofs-examincd by the Prkoner.

Q^ Might not tbefe men have been employed on
commands or efcorts, and rertirned to quarters b9«
tween the 24th and 15th Of January, or fowe of
them ?

A. 'Tis poffible, but I don't think they were.

Q. Do

( «9 )

Q;^ Do you know of my ever having re(afe4 ta
make a falfe return for any perfon ?
A. I do not know.

[Here the prifoner produces a letter to the Cdort^
dated 2ith of December I79ji9 which is admitted
i^ Kfajor Sankey, and is annexed to the proceed*
ings miEirked thus *:]

Q;^ Did I comply M^ith the purport of that let«
ter?

A. As you informed me^ you were complying
with it, till you were (topped by either a letter or
meflage from Major Crampton*

Court to Major Sankey.

Q;^Do you conceive the return of the a^th of
January laft» to be a wilful and defigned falfe re-
turn, or merely accidental ?

^ A. I think it was deigned ^ from another drcura*
ftance that came to my knowledge, which wai
firom his pay-ferjeant having told me that the pri*
foner diredted him to make a return which was falfe (
and from my knowledge of the deficiencies want*
ing to complete the company at that time.

Q^ Do you believe that the prifoner could have
any benefit, or advantage, in making fuch a faHe re-
turn?

Au He could have tub advantage, fave for the
purpofe of evading the orders of Colonel Sankey.

CL. Was any charge of making falfe returns prefer*
red againft the prifoner till after he was put in arreft f

A. No.

Q^. How long before the prifoner was put in ar*
reft, to the beft of your fecolledlion, did the pay-
ferjeant tell you, that the prifoner directed hicn- ta
make a falfe return ?

A* I think it was in February laft.

QJU

( 30 )

_ Did you report, and when, the miilttemenf
you difcovered in the prifoner's return to Coloniel
San key ?

A. I did, after he was put in arreft.

Q^ Whether your not reporting it fooncr to Colof*
nel San key, arofe from any refolution to overlook
I he offence ?

A, It did.

Serjeant Wife was again called.
Major Sankey to Serjeant Wife.

Q. Did you at any time, and when, make to me,
by order of the prifoncr, a return of neceflaries
wanting to complete the Grenadier company, that
appeared to mc to be Ihort of the real deficiency,
particularly under the head of fhoes f

A. I recoiled my giving you a return of ncccf-
farie , but the time I cannot pofirively fay; you
a(kcd me, when I handed it to you, would that com-
plement of fhoes complete the company to two pair
per man ? I told you it would not You then
afked me, how many pair it would take to complete
the company to two pair per man? I told you, as
near as I recollect, that it would take about 27 or
98 pair to compiete them« You then afked me,
how I came to make fuch a return to you ? I told
you, it was Captain Giffard's orders, that the men in
debt (hould be returned with one pair only, they
being fo much in debt, he woufd give them no
more at prefent. You then defired me to make
#ut another return, whi^h I did, and got itfigned by*
Lieutenant Faulkner of the Grenadier company ; and
which icturn I gave you. On my leaving you. Cap-
tain Giffard rode up to your door, who deured me to
go in, and aik you if you had any commands for
him? You then came to the door, and, as near as I
recollect, you faid to Captain Giffard, that his cQ|h*
pany was in great vant of (hoes by the return*

CapUitt

L

( 31 )

Captain Giffard replied^ that he had wrote to Scot*
land for 200 pair, and as foon as they came he
would cdmplete the men.

Q^ Had you any converfation with the prifoner
on the fubjedt of the altered rctura?

A. No. '

Judge Advocate to Serjeant Wife.

Q^ Who figned the firft return you. brought t©
Major San key f
A. Lieutenant Faulkner.

Major Sankey to Serjeant Wife.

Q^ When you brought me the firft return, did I
aflc you, how you came to lay fuch a return before
Lieutenant Faulkner ?

A. I don't rccoUedl.

Crofs-examined by the Prifoner.
Prifoner to Serjeant Wife.

Q^^Is the return now ibewn you, dated 24th
January, 1799^ drawn by you, and Sgned by m^
a true return as to my meaning of (hewing clearly
thofe who bad two pair, and thofe who had one ?

A. It is. I told Major Sankey fo at the time, that
the debtors were to have but one pair of (hoes, and
the creditors two«

Major Sankey to Serjeant Wife.

Qi^Did not the return, in your opinion, operate
to deceive Colonel Sankey, as to the real ftkte of the
Wants of the company ?

A. I don't believe that Captain GifFard meant to '
deceive the Colonel by that return ; though it might
have deceived him, as I did not explain it to the
Colonel, but I did tayou.

Court

( i^ )

Court to Serjeant Wife.

Did the prifoncr in diredk terms give ordert
tp you, to make what you conceived a falfe return
under the head of (hoes ? ,

A. I don't think he did.

Q;^ Was not that explanation after Major Sankey
had cxpreflcd^his doubt of the corrcftncfs of the re-
turn f and, on your oath, would you have explain-
ed it at all had he not obferved upon it.

A. I would not.

Q^ Did you underftand that the prifoner intended
the nature of that return to be underRood by his
commanding officer ?

A. I did;

Q^ Have you ever known Grenadiers abfent for
want of (hoes, who were not debtors, or who owed
a vei-y trifling fum ?

A. I have at times.

The profecution being clo&d, and ihe prifoner
called to his defence, he begged the indulgence of
tfce Cbutf 16 gf^nt hirt time ; whtdH the Court com-
ptM ^Uh) M6 a^JdufVted ti^U Monday i^eit at ele>
ven <)*docfc.

ft

Motiday» 22d July^^ the Court ifiet purfuaof to. id-
jour nmeot.

Captain King was called, and before fworn.

Court to Captain King:

. Q^.When you faw the prifoner ride paft tfas bar-
rack-gate of New Abbey, and ^t thofe tknfa 3K>ii
faw htm in the town of K^ilcuUcn, as fiated ip your
evidence^ did you confiderhis abOence from fpiran^e
as a wilful. and obftinate nogledt of duty, or merely
cafual, and without intention of incurring the dif*
pleafure of his commanding officer ?

A. 1 did not think it an obftinate neglect, or with
any intention of oficnding his commanding officer ?

The

( 33 )

The prifpner. being put on his defence^ reqaefted
permifiionof the Court to deliver a written paper as
-introduf^ory to his defence, and requeftcd their in-
dulgence to read the fame, which was accordingly
granted. The faid paper is annexed to the proceed*
ings-

CAPTAIN GIFFARD's DEFENCE.

Coh Jachfin^ andGentlitnen tftbis truly honorable Courts

AFTER having remamed three months under the
imputation of charges, as infamous and degrading
as, I truft, they have been proved falfe and unfub-
ilantial, I am at laft enabled to enter into my de-
'fence«-«a defence aimofl unneceflary, as the wit«
iiefles produced by the accufer, have proved^ on
their crofs^xaminatien, a courfe of honorable con«
dutSl in me, which I am proud to acknowledge, and
at which my beft friends will rejoice.

I feive great reafon to be fatisfied with the circum-
fiance of this trial having taken place in Dublin, ^
where my charafler is known, and where Mr, San-
key 18 known alfo ; and, notwithftanding the pains
that have been taken to infmuate, that there were
. charges .of diftionefty in.this bufmefs, I do not think
that a fingle inhabitant of this great city gives cre-
dit to fuch an inlinuation.

But the malice of the charges, and of the whole
accufation, is nothing abated^ becaufe the accufer!s
own evidence have proved it falfe ; en the contrary,,
if is much enhanced by that circumftance, which de-
monftrates that the accufer was not deceived by his
witnefles into an opinion, that he had ground of ac-
tuiation. On the contrary, one of the moft r«-
fpeftable amongft them. Lieutenant Noble, told
Km that he had not ground,— that he could not ac-
complifh what he moft defired,— -<that is) break me
of my commiffion. He, therefore, at the tune he

F made

I

-fiiedit, and while he wie fMrtfaritig afyikir 'Mfblf« flb
-knew <hat lie had no 'foundfltitin for thofe tiMMiititf'
^lecbavges.

- hkither did the accnfer wa(it . d«ie -tlttte for <diin^-
ation, or advifers to confult. As to hi$ condo^ It
appears, that he viient into -(eeret CM)c4flve^^ith one
of the Colonel ^n key 8—^1 Tiippofe, "the cltleft— and
another ofiicer— perhaps, the other Colgnel 6ai>i(ey— •
^nd they agriefed, aTterrurnmaging atl the old-papera
W flfe -rtgiiiiyH^ rnd Tevfflng *1l ijiefifd'tf^ bfbiJks,
iBe^ds rc^tUitis, Hie htJc^ary Mm)ns, ao'd itfae-^-
ta«i yeWfhs, to brriaman't ;and '«friri<fh \\titt icfcuft-
"flen ifrith a Aai^e of irifatny««a cHatefe whiA, 1
-finfft, W!lVertrt.'fi]p6h'ffieltecafer,Htti'a hlsaftvifes.

It'll* 'm grabbed tHe^fttclty 6f this "CbUrt; Ai't
-flft^WHaea-brbliria 6F ftisdharkfeliad 'tfeesh'^alfef-
i»'f<Jt;hKJi(m'(olifeclditoirftj td^eF vdil it.cfcalffe
them that perforFal Uttaltce from H fiippoM 'dWaiSe
-fb-mi^vi^A%tmTfyjsm ValJhodd, ttfas ftfe true
dbtfttt'of -nK'm tttftibfe fhte'!G6urt Has fttirtd Ih Ih-
^ftigalAig WfeWifibnls 6f fiilty; istt^ Wai "Alfo tHe
<«We'dF t«fe Wtilt, Ae Injury, -a'lid ihfe edrilfefii'dh
^WDIibRThkvfeiJhdflrta. . . , '

■mfOtK "ftoto flie tibdififttaljH: ihipiifatioiis 'wti!<fKMi-

jor.Sankey, by the advice bf tfle fcblo'rtei IW^ '$!a6*

%?rbfBcir, as Hfe {\thiis,his^\iM'pfpt>€r'io ftlirow

:^i^ Aie, If 1 ibtrW nbrtia^wfe Ve^ iifeoft <hft ]bui!-

-*^ tjf rt^ 'd^f^feottour, ihd tht tfcOTtud* 6f hj^

-cohfliiQ, to dift T)3ck fhbie' 'ArtTfcroOS ctttlfifc^s to

=Wejft t??»l "i/hotti tfiey Vrtgihated I latti W^riH-

•ffirua<id, atid that V Wurtd lrfw>^ets,'ji!hat 1 mlgtit

'Bav^ dtiimlri-ed "to '|)?cad to irtie ttlbft «dioti$ tfF i^l

the charges— ** IhTarnotis tondtift, ^f^ taaking a falfe

•• return of ibotes. ^tffi ihttiit to deceive." On' rtfe

i2d article bf the feA teUUtJh, \ rited not hiVc

** '«eon{biftea ib^aTe bidh iUied, if I Wn hot defirdtis'ro

• ^.f* '■■'•. fee

( u )

i«d^!mti9ii><^ bigh*min4^dv bctoQiiriUM^Mi^
i^Mp Ifeiii* b^w^iiir tbttil own . wiIxuiAhi 0inplft9)E

I^.kiWkW n&l^ !^h.^ tmi$^« Indnd^ I. hope tb*
Court ivili (hiiik^ (btd^.tbei b»ir< ftU becR> refused ;
qv^ ;if: my vtmoA themh^^ltft^ fliad^Mf^ k tft tbt

lod^nfl^ I: falt:n^>ii^f: oUige^ .te^a^ppal tp .thh^ bon
nmfBhk Qmtt ; for .^ b«l ah alMniAtHre^ todi ofuf^

%bi^iSfai&yftlC K)| ftU iM.imlcbacgM tbtt fctiMi

been brought agaidft me.

. f f I^r fii|rftJ3oloml fiinlbgiby hia oflfccr, '< Gapiain
Qiffiriila^tilmaiK^aiibbm} dus

ibalkga M fvrth^'*^ Wa^s.Golofiel Sifiiikey riglpt ia
%|[iiig>thi«: ,^'€apteiil.6.tfi^9 you ^re cbarg^ with
being infamous, ungenllemanrlHsie^ uoDfficerrlifce, a
imgfeSM of dutiy/ a difobeycr of coaiiBand^--a
muu wkfifit' oriifiQmdlu<ft injures the fervice; but^ if
jwi.witt.a(ih;oowkdee ali this, tq be true* by iubmilr
W^tq ti^i brothdr^ y<^t acoufer^ i witl take no far^
tli^MliM<}fii;.andtt}kt which fh^old expel you £rom
hMMtt focietjr^ (bail, fecurd you a. quia cobtmuance
in my regimen t, where, as an. infanotts, ungentle*
uttoffigvrjifasi, difobpyer of coijiimiands^
if^|jiime.Qfi tbe^ i^n^s leryice^ you nmf reniaia

Fa ia

( 36 )

in the WoraUe fituation oi^fenior Captain, G(>rii»
manding that Grenadier company, which ywi ncg*
}e£t, provided you make proper fubmiffion ; (that
is) provided you confcfs yourfeff unworthy, by
nidking that fubmiffion to Major Sankey T I call
toon the hieh-minded and honorable feelings of
nAs Court, Whether (his i^ not a juft interpretation
of the propofal, which I will (hew was made by
Colonel Sank^ through his officer, Mr. M^Mahon i
And^ if fo, whether I can be blamed, for chufing
rather to give the Court the trouble of this invefti-
gatibn, than, acknowledge one jot of difhonpur,
Aiuch lefs fuch a combination of difgraceful charges i

But, from the high and honorable feelings of the
members Qf this Court, I humbly hope I (hall not
only receive acquittal, but redrefs. It is not a light
thing to yield up that fword, though tMit tor a
moment, that you have drawn with credit in fupr
port of your King and Cbuntry. It is not a light
thing to have the public, as you pafs along, point
tiie nnger,. and fay, there ^oies the officer who is un*
dcr arreft ; fee, he is deprived of his fword ! Yet,
this I have been obliged to endure^ or confefs myfelf
infamous.

In order to underftand the true nature of this
extraordinary perfecution, and to put the Court iii
full poiTeffion of the whole tenor of my defence, it
will be necefiary, in a very brief manner, to ftate my
fituation in the regiment.

When the regiment was firft formed, Colonel San-
Icey having firft provided for all his relations, even
to his child at fchool, (now Lieutenant Colonel) then
thought of bis friends-^mongft whom I had (what
I then fuppofed it) the honor to rank : — ^And the
citizens of Dublin^ who hear 4ne, know how zealous
a friend i was to him.

Mr. John Sankey, now Major, was appointed
Captsiifl 5>f the Grenadiers : he was a Wine*meichant

m

< 37 )

in Dublin, and fo very attehtite to fiis buftiefSi^tHat,
until four years after, we never (aw him at quarterly
unlefs he came to anfwer the monthly .reiurns. Iq
the mean time I was doing my duty. The con^^
pany I had the honor to command, in no one
inftance was ^ftained with' even an imputation of
difloyalty, while trtty other company in the regi*
mcnt, touring our' being quartered in Ulfter, was
found tcrbe tainted in fome iltgrit ot other, aqd
the Grenadier company deeply corrupted.

Po I fey this to impute dllloyalty to thdir Ckpr
tain ? No ! but I wifh to (hew, that by attentioQ
to the foldiers, their good conduA may be fecuredi
that an abfent, or negligent officer, will make a bad
company ; and I am the more confident in faying
this, (ince, as may appear from evidence, the
very fame Grenadier company, (ince I received
it, negligent and regardlefs as I am called-^as
literally exchanged cnaraAer with the cotnpany I -
had formerly the honor to command, and is now as
Joyal^s any in the regiment.

It lit becomes me to boaft of myfelf, or to oficr
to the Court the teftirtionies which I have received
of high and honorable approbation of my nriftitary
condudt, from almoft every officer I have ever
ferved under, from the higheft charaders vfho have
commanded in this country.

It has been proved to the Court, that I got the Gre-
nadier company at Haclfctftown, in very bpd condi*
tion ; (<)on after which* we encamped at Kilcullen,
where we remained till we were literally blown out of
our tents. The Grenadier company complained to
me, that heretofore they had not been regularJy fub-
&^kd. While we remained in camp, I drew them up
before ray tent every pay-day, and faw the money ac- ■
tually put into their hands. This you have hAdfworn*
I exerted myfelf to get them necefiaries, and, as hat

' ■ be(a.

• I

bdu. rangftdL fota^faad them djooft' Gomidtle;' - 1

of J^w. A!t>bey^ M^ *c GrjtJwdipBm ^i^ i^.
o^ fip/niyiniif^ «(i4 th(^ 9roW!B,' ^ «^ very ^^^^

%v5e,,<Wri ba4n<>r«»» <P ^rp.. ^t vww^^not til*
mm /iWR^^r 44^i9g BWwiftP <}£. \^, Qfi^ ^^
offices, that ^f^^§ej^s, a^. gjr^tg^.wflte W^o^

fo6^i»«» ^ci^ii t}»wi) n?ie(]fe^ /ypK» 'Jpy^:

fi;§[^H;>n-i th^y f^. <h|iii^, tl}« bjirra<?k-inaflee via^
<lRWghi*.l»ft,, aj?d» 09Mgfr thpy fuffpred fonw- in«
cf|RW«ieBf^ yef, fe^lipft t^je <Jjfferencc bet.wei?n dry.
C9if f ri9g Wrf A. w«i^ ten t,. ih«j{ .w«,rc (atJBJie A |^owr
CBWk w.-fo^n.;ispofliWe, ^dijl g^t tfaft^i itUp 0?el|^.
««. Jpa-bfflft prftw4 1<> y«W v *pdC;oIpRt^ \i(aaxy Qpr<^

afifl £^tl»in JlK^f4 Sf^c^^ .^1 ffiw t|i^ ^ thfj^.
dinners; and, I btX\tvt, ,id9iim^^^.^4fi^1i}R^i
StS^ry dM Pqt iA« d^cfa, m(^% tJja^-i?^ TWWj, i» H%I,
at AW»tcf .^-(Kn tj>^ Wgifiaspl* if^'tii,}^^i^i^^ %f^

Hk o$>ni()«9|y tntfs^tely qq tJi^ (PiC^lw^g ou^Pf W^
rt\MUiQR.: hr. )«#: i^f^cf wjaidft ;fr.a^(i?|n{^ *fi C?W»
taln>Lieutenant and Captain; l^t h^vh^ ^^fljr iflci
thjp-tWrtpw^njQ^infd, fijna^ fiM^tipO; 9r- <«hfr >? a
«lift»»tpflirt ipf »h«.cQuivtr5f,. we fa^v. qptlupg.^f hjij^t
ajH^fijWelmwHi m^W gfepm P^ccjji^ lift. 1^ hayu:
l^ll'Wi|li«fc*f*|?m«nt6r9i9.itfi foro)atiQ9, Cf3Bfi<P(.
IWtJ«f;:ihf'y««r ^T^rt, >vW^was High Shfjii^^..
thilL !<4(y:). '^ fflC-feft Haro»p^y and g994^njUEm}up^i
hglpii^rtblfrltw foi^^ 9iv}> af I; tHot^ghl^ by t^.

^ircftin.rpftkjag 9:^S«?P^ in que l^ageipMff. ^W^
rciguid to the foldiers, I might ihew you, that in every

^tMdtioiiV

( Id )

HntteBt ^Ml tK«tK ^^ mast^i i 1ftv« nnitt ^^ % ftt>

tMtys ragttkii^ fabflitcid tk«tt «rlV<ds 4nd ^t^dft^ tft

^y.f»y |3tifft^ v^t tA\fi^ ap^i tiutil, t^itfi<Mit k

. WAert m ftirVtei! 4(jft ^^t «WMiy '^b», 'Nfejbr

43AMipYmi ma the 'Mijbrtty ot di« yi^fiffibM b^

reifted that I ihould a£t as Majok TRift the ^cnffr
<10lin««^tidg9«ii^t:fa^^, ^hsit 1m iib^t 1ii[^ 'ili«- aft
-«>Mli)o#f«<->tkait is, iniptJofe^ that I did hotafiiifife
^' d«^Qe i9f tth%M(be ffom thi drcuWftiti^.
-OA >tlft %dm(a¥9^, Kb fay^ { #&i {b htiWU): a^ t& d§-
i«i«r4, i-\ird(>ia VAkt no bdvitWt^e bf tMs Olrddc fo
«♦«!<§ -by iduty. ?h ihy bjilriadh, Itov^^ettSf, ihd^I
HMteVii ih th6 ''6pir)ibh bf Gtn^riil t)uftdA^, ^iMlfr
4ttR¥ I-^iU lay IfefdVe fh6 GeMrY, tdid al!lii6 Nfi.
•jbri My i^Mrt^te, isIliiVfe fiiid, ^^ft)^tt\l^twM'
%^i %lWHf I iidtfiiHdha^, \iHA thcie I had pV^ircd
lf<fr^Ca^n'«itAk«y% niciptton, ^hun 6e fhdtifti
jdftl kfte )^ii«f««tt, m very beil and niioft tdmifiMi-
>>IiAu8^)MtcAenM in thetltiuO:.
< ' Aftin^ ab M^jbr, Mi(Jl ^oiftnfiahffiAg ^vVf^ Ab-
bey, h was frequently my duty to march th« trbti^g
^iia¥l8M \YitVt td €aftiemi&i>tift, Ith'e litinl^iutyter^
•*K^^'^radfe. The €<A<miA €c^t&\ Xitnis ctittL-
^^thtfred df ^he Mnm(k tf the ddthpatilfes, frMii the
^MktnMir (bf ^<iti e(nplo^«d alt'ftii<taht^ ifTttd atm^-
UHte. Thkn SffUft i;?^t offieers^ as t ttcbileA, 4t
^i^v*r'K^t and ^dt\itt fktem b^ «igh^een TfcrVanfa.
mn'-HTammSiiitum (HA the fei^ntis \h6\i\4 tipptifr
"^h'^Mraab^ d&dtf(y w¥lh flfcir Vnlt'fttTS ^ «()<:) thft,
'KHHOdhllk^Wfil^'flMSrtrtiteber Ikduld be Veatki»rii.

At

At 4h\s very tioic, the m«ft «t N^^r .AWxy rfc*
manded one of my Grenadiers, a good foldier^ and
an excellent flioe- maker, as. an afliilant to t^ecook.
.1 refufed the man. The mefs aifembled, and voted
■me an enemy t6 the mefs, and put nne. in Coventry.
The very men who had dined at my table the day
before, voted me an enemy, becaufe^I would not,
inh breach of the King's prder, give a man from the
Grenadier company to become a fcullioh, whetiD
their number of ferv^nts was already tdo great.
•The Lieutenant-colonel came over, to Ne>Y Abbey,
fwore the mefs bad a right to any: nian they Qhofc»
ordered the foldi^r to become a fcullion, and I ro-
.XDdined in ^4vemiry I * • .

An order now came for a Captain. and fifty mtsn
to march to . |Vlagf ny-bri Jg? .^ This was in op-
portunity of {Preventing, reconcilement, too. good
to.l^e negledled. I am pofitive it was not my tooT;
but I was ordered to -go. I remonftrated, ..tljat I bad
been the la (i bat one on, detachment ; th^t Capta'm
John ^ankey had ju(l then joined the regiment, af^-
ter an abfence of many. months, and that.a^ing ^
^jor, though I wasconteiit to^ do evei'y duty of
' Opiain at home» y-et I ought not to be fent abroad.
Colonel Saiiikcy heard mcj with great- patience : ;I
was ordered fir ft to obey,; and then remonflfate.
The thing was determined upon, I went, and
though xm my return I Hill compiained, I had no
fcdrefs^ - ^ / ! , /

hAy abfence was exadly the time to work a
^job.V The majority being vacant; I had men>orialed
. the Lord Lieutenant tobeappoiRted. I ftated my
.pretonfions and qualifications: L dated alfov that
^ It was impoiTible, legally impoifibje, for Captain
John Sankey, an upcertifod Bankrupt^ to hold tte
. conamiffion of Major. This i^ the true Caufe of hjs
refentment-^tbis is tho caufe of all the trouble
' given ^o the Court, This, though undeniable tru{b,

is

( 41 )

is an offence nev^r to be forgiven. I had alfo re-
quefied it of Colonef S^nfccy ; merely out of re-
fpeft^ though with no expedtation of lucccfs, while
a relation of his own, however unqualified, ftood
in want of it. Thaf^ however, there might be fome
pretext for paffing me over, it was fo managed
that, from the meft at New Abbey, which had fo
unjullly quarrelled with me, a memorial to Colonel
Sankey was procured, requefting him to appoint his
brother, and my accufer, Major, in the room of Ma-
jor Crampton. This memorial was of courfe moft
fracioufly received, and inftantly complied with.
Jpon this Captain Richard Sankey left the regiment
in difguft.

The Lord Lieutenant having been pleafed to
confirm the appointment, and Captain John Sankey
bavins been made Major, I found it my duty to
obey him as fuch. My letter produced to the Court^
and my whole condudl manifell how refpeAfuUy
I treated htm. If the Lord Lieutenant had made
the Major'sborfe my commanding officer, I woul^
have thought it my duty to refpeA the horfe ; but
I would not deem it neceffary that either the Major,
or his horfe, (hould triimple upon me.

I retiirned from Mageney on the 9th or lo'th of
January ; I found Mr. Sankey, Major, fully inftalled,
m direft violation of the A&, of Parliament; the
certificate of his qualification— the third by him
given while yet an uncertified Bankrupt ; (for in that
time he had received three commiflionsO muft be
falfe, if he has fworn truly to his creditors; and
Colonel Sankey cannot be ignorant of his circum*
fiances. I found aifo my rooms in the barrack
fdzed, and even my furniture, by the Surgeon m
my abfence. I complained to the Colonel— he
would n^)t interfere — ^I muft apply to the officer
commanding at New Abbey ; to Major SAnkcy I
did apply* He, with great pomp, and coldnefs of

G > maaner^

i 4i )

xnanner, • told mc, he did fiot chufc to inferfero
amongft officers ; and, indeed, that I was eniilled to
but one room. Mow could he, indeed, fo recently
after the memorial, offend, by any ad of juftice,
thofe who prefented it. After, a week^s importuni-
ty, li vine; at great expence with my family at an
inn, in Kalcullen, I got one room; but my flabling
and my coach-houfc had been fcized, and my fer-
vants had been threatened to be turned out of the
nicfs kitchen. I mentioned all this to Colonel San-
jcey— but without redreCs. At length, for the fake of
peace, I propofed to take the next empty houfe to
the barrack — CJiltown ; this was done both with the
confent of Colonel Sankey and of (jrcneral Dundas,
tbowgh np written order ^vas made upon it; fbme
officers at the fame time vvertf known to lodge at
Kileulknr-there was no objeAion to it.

My irKeniion was to keep the ^one room allowed
'mc at New Abbey for my. company^s ftorps, for my
.papers^ and, as it was now the depth of a bad win^
ter, that I might have a place with a fire every
jnprning *<hat Ixamcto my duty, where I might
write my jcturns ;. for there was no other fpot in the
1>afrack of New Abbey where I could fit down.

I have (htvTB you one of twepty applications
made tp me for this room — you have heard my an*
fwer; that, provided I might have the ufe of it oc*
qifionaUy, as I have mentioned,. I would give it up.
At tail I was told explicitly, that t muft give it up,
or come into barrack.. I therefore, though very
much to my inconvenience, gave it up about the
'fir ft of February,

To account for my wifh of living out of barrack,

I, who during the campaign, had lodged and lived

asjiardy as the poorefl foldicr, I rauft reprefent to

. this honorable Court, that grief and mifcry, which

• every loyal and every honeft man, will compaflio-

*. nate and rcfpcft.

The

< 43 )

The beloved and faithful partner of thirty-one
years, broken hearted, and bent into the grave, by
the murder of her darling fon. Lieutenant Giffardji
at Kitdare -, a youth that chofe to die, rather thaii
put on the femblance of infamy, by the murder
of her nephew, the gallant Captain Ryan, who fell
by the digger of the accufed traitor, Fitzgerald.
By the murder of her brother, Mr. Mdrton, at
Wexford. By the murder of half my kindred in
various places. That poor foul, I fay, was fSillea
into a cdrtfumptiori ; (he had no prop to fuftain her
but my affeAibns ; fdr her, and not for myfelf, I
wifhed for a comfortable hbufe. General Dundas
and Colonel Sankey cdnfe'nted to my lying out of
barracks. I took the next boufe to the barrack--^
Gil town ; th^ manfion of Sir Kildare Burrowes,
There L lived, but viras'even niore conftant m my
duty from this indulgence. And, if you thitik rt
neceffary, I will Ihew you that the ihdifpofition with
which I Was attacked in the latter end of March,
was occafioned by too great exertion, too much
attention to dut^, that I never neglefted my duty
day or liight, though now I am charged with negfr-
gence, #hile dther officers, who were known to lie
quietly in their beds, when- they fhoold have beea
riding their rounds, efcape the ccnfure of Major
Sahkey.

I ftiall now beg leave to cx^nmine the charges, and
the evidence upon whiah they have been attempted
to be fupported :

The firft, and the only fpecilic charge refts upon
the teftimony of Major Sankey, Captain King, and
Lieutenant Noble. The two latter have told you,
that' they could only hear the terminating part of
the converfation ; and, as far as their evidence goes,
I have no doubt- that they relate the circumftandes
ta they ftruck them at the time. Lieutenant Nobte
tells you, that the firft expreflion he h^ard was Ma-,

\

- ( 44 )

jbr Sankoy faying^ ^ That Captain Giffiurd dad not
^ Colonel Sankey's^permiflion to deep out of bar-
** barrack.'' Examine the evidence of Major San-
key, gnd you uill find no fuch ezpreflion recorded
b^ him. It appears to have been fo direA a contra-
diction to my aiTertion^ that I had leave, that it did
not fuit the purpofe of the profecutor %o retain it

* in his memory. You remember, gentlemen, the
various teftimony concerning the orderly book. You
have htttd Nfajor Sankey iwear; firft, that he di-
rected that the orderly boo^ ihould not be fent to
me at Gil town; and you heard how he laboured to
prove the danger and inconvenience of fending a
meflenger to that part of the country/ You heard
him afterwards depofe, that he never withheld the
orderly book ; and he even m^es an attempt to

V prove, that it was regularly received by me« It
"will not be ufetefs to obferve another, and -what I
conceive a material dif!erence between the teftimony
of Major Sankey and his own witnefles : he tells
you, that wh^n he began die converfation, and
ipoke of Enftgn O'Hara's report, I faid^ that was
no pla(5e for fuch converfatiom From this he would
infer, that I treated him with a kind of contempt
and difrefpeCt, which, to my commanding officer,
wWld 1)c highly improper ; but Lieutenant Noble
informs you, that this was after a feries of contra-
'di^ion on. the part of the Major to me— an aflertion
pcrfcdly confonant to truth ; for I did moft earneft-

. jy with to avoid, the altercation thus forced upon

This evidence of Ueutenant Noble, and the tefti-
mony of him and Captain i^ng, as to my general
charader, lam, perhaps, juftified in preUing upon
the Court, when it is confidered that thefe two gen-
tlemen, far from having any inclination in my fa-
vour, are two -of' the officer? v?ho. have been inouced
4o combine againft me.

• Vpon

< 45 )

Upon the evicknce of Major Saokey tk>ne» thm
docs the whole of the fiory of the parade now reft.
Upon that evidence I might almoft^ rely in my de»
fencc» were it not that the colouring given to it in
bis depofition, requires me to bring forward evi-
dence .to contradid his ftory ; and the evidence I
(hall oflfer, will, I truft, upon conftderation, be
found nrore deferving of credit than that (>f the
profecutor;

fitid here it is that t am under the painful hecef^^
fity of ftating againft any man who bears the King*a
commiflion, that he is not deferving of credit from
this Court, as I mean to prove, from the mofi pojl*
tive evidence, I will be able to (hew that Mr«
John Sanlcey holds his commiffion of Major un--
der a violation of either his honor or his oath^
, and, I truft^ that a man accufed of infamy, will he
thought juftified in clearing his reputation, even
though obliged to (hew that the crime exifi* 4n hit *
acculer.

Three times fince his reHgnation in May, 1798^
has he been promoted in the regiment, s^s Captato*
Lieutenant, as Captain, and as Major, On every pro*
motion he muft have certified under his band, that
he pc^Hefled a fufficient qualification in property to
hold the qommiffion. The copy of his certificate
to qoalify for Major, I hold in my hand ; it is dated^
and his majority adually conferred upon hiita, while
he was yet an uncertified bankrupt,«-^fter he had
fworn to furrender every (hilling of his property tQi
his creditors. If this certificate of his aflrrted the
truth, he is guilty of having concealed from bia are*
dicors the property upon which he .grounded hia
qualification, and which he had fworo to difccven
If it was unfounded, >y here is the honour pn which
. it was avowed ? where is the credit due to htm in
a court of juftice ? wit^ fu^h impre$on& of Major,

S^ey'$

( 46 )

(Banke^^s veracity, I fliall, moft certainly, not reft the
relation of the tranfadion of the 14th of April' upon
his unfupp9rtcd teftimony.

To fupport the fecond charge, ** NegleA of Duty/*
r— a mafs of very unconnefted matter has been laid
before theCourt. The orders, and counter 'orders^
of Colonel, Lieutenant- Colonel, and M^or Sankey,
have been detailed i and urged upon the Court, even
to wcarinefs. The returns of the regiment, and of
the companies, have been examined, checked, and
docketed, againft each other. Captain King has
been examined, Serjeant Howard has been examin-
ed, and Serjeant Wife has been fifted to the very
bottom t)f his thoughts; yet, what appears pofitive-
ly from the evidence of my accufer's witnefles ?

It appears that I received the Grenadier company
in a very bad ftate for want of neccflaries, about
IBeptembcr laft — that I (et about as quickly as poflK
i)Ic :to furnifli thcm---that from the ftate of the coun-
try, it was not eafy to brocurc thofe things at Kil^
/:ullcn, and from the dagger of the roads very diffi-
cult to' get them from Dublin ; however, until the
Majority became vacant m December,- 1 was fufFer-
ed to go on like other captains, endeavouring to re-
pair their loflfes. I was then detached to Mcganey,
and it wias tKere that, amongft other means of an-
noyance, the'fyftem of attacking me through the
orderly book commenced. An order for my conw
pany to parade, and be furnifhed at Caftlemartih by
the Colonel, has been read, dated the 7th of Janua-
ry ; at twelve- o'clock that night I returned from
Meganey,. the men paraded at Caftlemartin accord-
ing to ordei«,*and you have heard the profecutor^
witnefles fwAr, that even the Colonel had not pro-t
vided the necefiaries he had promifeid, I cannot
blame him ; I found it extremely difficult myfclf to
procure thofe iarticles ; — but Colbnel Sankey fhouW
fio^ have charged that difficulty to me as a crime.

( 47 )

. le appctrs that on my rctura I^vj^as fb difplcafed
at the unprovided (late of the men^ that I took:
upon myfclf the immediate trouble of procuring
neceflaries; that I procured Ihirts, (lockings, leg^
gins, and every other article, very ipeedily, except
this one upon which I was chirgcd*-*ihoeS'— for
thofe^ early in January, I wrote to Dublin^ and
diredled that they* ftiou Id te fcnt for to Scotland.
A delay took place in this part of the tranfaAionj
but that the men Ihould not be fuffererSj I ordered
a large quantity to be made m Dublin^ which, though
they did not arrive until the day of my arreft, were
befpoke from the (hoe-maker in February^

Serjeant Wife has fworn, that I made every exer-
tion to procure thofe nece(raries i and I might have
retted my defence to this charge upon his evidence^
did t not defire to elucidate the whole of my con-
dud. . '

Another branch of this ch^irgfe is, "my not having
fub(ifted the men in due time ^ and this is Supported
by evidence, that they were once unpaid until Sun-
day ; but .that at all other' times they were regu-
larly fubiifted before the hour of market ori Satur>^
day: how it (hould have happened, that they re-
mained unpaid till Sunday, I cannot guefs $ and, aa
the evidence jrfands, it is noteafy for me fb recoUeft
fuch a circum(lance. It is dep)ofed too, without the
'femotell bint at th€ date of its occurrence.

But admitting that it did once occur, is it not
poflible that fbmc accident, eafily underftood, but
utterly inevitable, the difficulty of changing «
a large bank note, the abfence of the paymafter, of
my own prolonged abfence upon duty,caufcs which^
Without fome clue to the tirfie, cannot be referred
to, (hoiild have made fuch a circumttance not only
ttcufable, but unavoidable.

I am next charged with difobedience of orders,^
of *ihc King^s orders*,-^Qf Colonel Sankey's orders^

—of

< 4« )

if the Lieutenant-Colonel Sahkeyi dtid of' Major
S«nkey*8 orders, — and thefe orders relate, if I am
mble to feleA the profecutor's meaning from hia
mafs of proof, to theneceflTarics^nd fubfiftence of
my company. His Majefty's orders have never been
underftood to command that which was impoilible.
It never could be intended that an officer was bound
to provide his men with (hoes, when (hoes could
not be procured ; but the orders of thofe two Colo*
nelSf and this Major, are conceived fully in this
fpirit Colonel Sankey'*s own witncfs fwears, that
the Colonel could not procure (hoes, which he had
promifed to deliver to the men • yet the fame CoK
Sfitrkey brings me to a Court-Martial, for not doln^
that which ht himfelf found to be impoffible. As
to the fubfiftence of the men, the evidence has been
fucb as to leave me little to obferve,— they were
heavily in my debt. The company, it appears,
owes rtiit One hundred and fifty pounds— Colonel
Sankey, from the clearance returns, knew the a*
mount of thofe debts ; he knew that the men, if
fully fetlsiied, could not pay thofe debts ; and he
knew that they were every day becoming more
deeply iff debt by the purchafe of neceliaries, - with
whieh I was obliged to provide them. Had Colonel
Cankey thought my conduA a breach of his orders,
why did he not notice it until after the importance
of his brother had received an imaginary a(Front?
Why did he overlook the crime, until it was necef-
jTary to fiM the catalogue of my mifdceds on behalf
of his injured brother ?

It has been truly obferved by one of this honora*
ble Court, that an abatement of one penny irt the
fubfiftence, was as much a breach of ColoHel San-
key's order, as if the whole were withheld ; yet^
the profecutor's witneflTes have proved, th^t the ge^
neral fubfiftence of the regiment was five (hillings
and five pence^ while Cok>nei Sankey"^ order di-

rtftcd

(49)

rbfttd it te be five ftilUn^ ftnd fix penqc \ y«, hat
not any other officer been charged with the mifcon-.
dki4l ttius^ icnputed t6 iMi, ' *
: An4ieYen here (caiinot pafs By the f^^carmg of ;
lyl«}or Stnkey« Yqu Vemember, ^entiemen^ how he*
l^Qurfid tfr iniprefs yo« with a bel'wf that the gen^ ;
ral ful^ftence ojf my company Wfa$ 5s. 9d^...P4r..
weelc,.#n<| th$t it v^i^ afterwards raji^ ^to 4s< and.
yoit rcc(Jk<% hoMf.ttuf^s prQved>y hi^ own xvitnefsi^
tiM^ tsetpH tint xvfin hfavijy ii| 4e)|t«. the. Riei» oT

my company? \ri5if^ (MWiiW M. the faixio rtje ^itb^
thertfftof 4)e rfi^aii$nt« ,: . > , r'

Q«e parts of ihe; fecond ciita»e:I.ha4>lnioftoyer'^;
Ipokedj^u it.i^ Aat^f.MB'jeit oTd^Ky, iftiw>t atttn<lrr
ing parades* 1 have overlo^ed it, becaulfe' I caniK)t:
riC9l|e^that:any<{>f^ficevic[Qiy:e has been brop^t
t0 fui^Qftjt^ tb^ugJ^t^Q chargp k^f been wnde j^
€9Mt to mgfffwte, «h^ c«tilpgu«. Indcfrf; Majftc;
Smhey: b«n told tbift C^Urt^. that be wauJ4. not pr^
ce0d juppn that charge* raa* he oonAddr^d mi officer'sr
Qoetfi^Aal^aKonciefroni parade to0 trifling, to hotioe ;»
Wtdett..b4 had uoluakily put into the , hands o^ tb^
Courfea Very civil and^riefpeftful note of mine, beg-'
giog bf9i toez^ufe me one.b^ itiprning, as I was in-'
$i|K>fed. ThiS' note, .of iffelf^ , uvould be fufBcien(
10 IliewthejCotkrt that I xyas neither in the habit ^i
abiente^ of of treeing him with difrefpe^t. '

• The laltv ^^ tnoft malignant charge of all, k%
^ DireAifig t Serjeant to make a falfe return;^ with
•/ tnlent te deceive.'* The only perfon corppetest to
gVve aa opinion thisfubjedt, is the very Serjeant iq
iqiiieftion. He hi^ been prcxluced againft nse by^ th<e
accu&r ; and be fwears pofitively, that ho believer I
never in my life made, or direded, any report, or
any Te%urn, wiith intent to deceive v nay, the restura
it) qUeSftion was tn]e» as. to the .fa£t it ftated. This
man JmoMMs mn welf ; he has beeiY niy- Pay-ferjeani
fix years *, :be . \^. np\jr nroft . worthily, promoted by
.. ^ ^ H the

( 56 )

tTie Aajutant Gcncrars Deputy, altehdifigGchcfalr
Dundas.

And here allow me to afk the Court, as I did-
Major Sankey, what temptation, what picafurc, what
gratification, what reward could I have by making'
afalfe return of old cobbled flioes ? or, why (hould '
a man, who had always maintained an honourable
Imputation, all at once volunteer in irifartiy without
ajny objcdl ? I renicmbef, Swift advifcs fervants nc-'
ver to t^lla lie that can be foutid out in four and
tAven'ty houts : now, it is certain, that twice, or, at'
Icaft, once every week, the men paraded at Colonel •
Sa'nk^^*8 quarters, ^nd he himfelf examined th^ir
necfi^flarteiB ; fo that, were I mean enough to attempt
il, 1 could ncit deceive him*

• I yefterday ftatcd to the Court, that I mifeht have^
^Rraped thi^ trial, if I could have fubmltted to the
imputation of having fpoken an untruth, and if I
would confent to be (tiled infanious. I (hall now
prbduc^ the officer who put me under ^rre(t by
Colonel Sankey *s'orders,<-*riot on the parade, whefc-
,fhe imaginary offence is (la ted to have happened^
but at my quarters at Giltown, the third day after.*
The Court did not then feem to think' fuch an evi-
dence neceflfary on my part ; if the Court- be ftill
of the fame opinion, I will not call him; but I wiU
beg of the Court to let this paper appear on their mi-
liutes. I did alfo propofe to produce proofs to invali-
date the teftimony of the accufers ; they confift of
the Gazettes relative to Major Sankey*s certificate ;
and here, permit me to fay, that if Major Sankey
vras merely a profecutor, I would not think myfelf
at liberty to impeach his veracity, or allude to his .
condu^; but having made himfelf an evidence in
his own caufe, and profecuting mariifedly not for
the good of the fervicc, but from private ill-wilt
and refentment, I am warranted by the practice of
every court to invalidate his teftimony ^ but, if it

be

( SI )

be not denied^ tfant while yet an uncertified bank^
nipt, and bavmg on oath fiurrendeved every (hilling;
to i)is creditors, he - received three ieveral . commif*^
(ions in. this regirnent^ for each of which he niu(b
have given a bertificate of pofiefiing certain ; properr
ty; to a)nfiderabl& amount ; if: this, I fay, bfr not
denied, I will nottrouble the court with wUnefles^
or.giveamomtatVdelay.' > . . : : r

i After the ch^^der you heard of nrie yefterday^
from men highly bonorabte^ and ^rfeftly ccntipc-r
tent:to judge of :«e'foidier'B merit, >I;hope; Vcwitt not
be fup^ofed that 'i ■ v^ould unneceffaiptly wouod* thft
fe^ngs:e^en of ffi^enenny.:.. 1 hbnorjthe •gefiet<>u8
^rarmth bfi a mimbor ii the Court ^ijlrcflfed: on y«f-t
<erday ; but dilh-efs docs not always: anfe itv^tm^
fortune'^ sinff-if^diftrefs: and ! nfifedy^^* arifing from-
misfortune; in cohfeqiience <)f lloyaltfy, and pi^blior
fptrit; could have shielded any man, it (houM havje
jfbielded^ rge. ' In (he courfe dF.yeflerday^ Majior ^nr
key mfmuated, that dtHring the hebt of ^ rebeHiqii
I waa afafentj there are members :bfi the Cotirt'whd
kndWttheifeit v^as ofherwife. ^ On:>^e.aad of May;
by leave of. General Duff, \ came, tq Dublin :fri)api
i^erickrtb. fee- Captain Rjinh^iittiy: nephew; .|Ie
.was mottsHy: wounded by thet dag^^ of :fhe' ad«
ixxti^ rtht\,iFkt^raU. Thejday irnmediatclylfoN
lowing, my.tifon. Lieutenant Gif]^rd,] tfommg alfo
from Limerick, was favagely murdered at Kilaare,
becaufe he fcorned life ^pmen to- be purchafed with
difgrace. Of this dreadful event I foon heard. I
Mt poor Ryart'^ylng m* tJdblin, and w«nt >tbnKifr
dare to cover-tbe mangled r^nuins of my hero. I
went fingly fihtougb;;;jlut ,w^ked, coun and was^
of courfe, fired at jrom the hedges. T arrived time
^eftough tom^iit^^Jatiiteslfeff, an* wasunder<^ini
for fome time at Kildare, at the Collieries;' at Mo^
t^fiiir^ve«j'-|t«. nTfif>*filPiy Itesfl arwrfchedi to/Bal-
^glafs on its way to the County Wexford •ifitem
•7' ^^ Baltinglafs^

* -<

BihiRgfiifti, I «19 detacbed Vritb £ab itfftiKi'x».*ttfidtf
Ay command, to.ftoai a ttvgrch ia the night through
the momitiaihs, and through the arodl^s of rebcb <hat
Meupied them. This is the proudeft <Tent of m^
}\U, ; General Pmidas and General Duff knoor^
Ihat diroOgh good < Proy ideno^, I Tiicoeeded^ threw
AyTetf inrto'Ratbdrum, ^hidx I fortiiicd in i nkahnev
inuch approved by every offidei" whofaw tt,and thn
citvarea Dabliii, afad . {Prevented the eneny^ from
torrrtng the left of bar y/ihg. Why wd^ not 6ipi^
iiifl Sanity ferit on this ^^arp^Sttion } Wda it 'from
n^ ihap^mdno command that I Mrss chofen f -t -^ '
iyl have pui into thfe hands of tht Court ^a ietfeeri
aek(i<>wledgtd:by Majdr Sankey, wherein hi'^fcei^

ikktiy yecmefisme ra'ai^i^ J /tf/A rctumrfor ;bi$} ni^
iiantag^ llow i ajfted WiU appear to therCourt^ but
mj cdndu^, being hMourablc^ does not take alrajr
froni the turpitude of die request I trdbder wheoil
wer^ aQ tfc^ fine.feelikigs of tbt*^ Major^ ^girhb' f<ft
JtAX^ Hung «ptm'>tbe regiment by fhlfe retiimk. t }

•Ifl«aHn6w/ifiihe Court think it ntcefljhry^ gd
into evidence^ tfaoiijgh, t^bmy poorjudl^eiit, thopft
is not an ioU pforcd againft ma ') . ' vd

If the Cpwt Ifaallrbc ()f ^ iatOe^imon; iftrlhcl'
think )t neoe^p^ totroublb theoxfelyte fbrdiei^.'I
fhall halt here^ Jeairuig the aCAifer to .t)^ ]fidi|n»
ihd| i tmlL.id theirchaftire^eht. * r.i vol

i ■ ' i .'L

Jdin Cr«iiipto0«£rii.|«teMiijor ija!|hisIl<74lDu|iKfi

• <L Wore-yo* iw ,^ KqiNf ^iMift .Mili|l%: <mM
A. Siilc«! tlifr«o«MBqiQfmmVtill vi^ «t)j9iK!l«i

I

( 13 )

QgjI>o yo» knpyvmc, wd. bow long?. -. . ..,^
' ST As an officer,! kno^<^ Vo\i frtitt thc'ttme -ftfe .
regiment wtb fef m^ ^ilf 1 Wrew tip ttiy icommiffion f
' :iQi;Wtet;WiiaiiQr-icba?aaer $s 'aa -offiqcrjaii^ a
gentleman during your knowledge oT me ? ' ;i .

A. I always fhovgHt you a good.offii^r« exfriqqie*
if k^llk Ma}9i|$».«[^ a^ve» aly^ys Mudy to; g0>on
any duty with the great^ft chearf uTncfs* I alwaj^
faw you obedient to you( foperior aj^tf^ kifid.^nd
g«movs tf> Jtlm fuMtfrns c^ the, (eg^nt^.andb to
any offieer^ u^er yfiMr.iK><nmaiKif 4nc). attentive: tQ
tl^e -wdfure of the. piWAtp ibWicr, Aa ^. g^tkwnt
IfKlwayteftoeoifdyQii ireqr nmib^ MlQg V6ry/n)ucb
i».yfltfrc^panjf4. •' • . •> •, ...;/: - ,v- '.

'^^ui Ntifcy Skftkey to Mf . Crmflpwrt, • ' '

Q^ Did you not often exprefs M mo your 4^tk^
llffi^tKKi 9 the piiiren^r^a ^^^ asi a -cot^ipaBy^
officer^ and his inbffiiudf: lo fill aiiqiUtary (Uo^iHoQ ?*
., 4. : 14% IM f cRoil^a that 1 di^. . :
-. .QdPiA yPH €Vier fay^ thal^ the. prisoner would
^pio^ a9y cpQtpaBy in the (l^rvicf^ or words )to ibeit

cSc£tr -,,.

A. I do not recolledl that I did ; if I did, it mull
havebeenakftfe/ i ; >

; A ^ W4» ifc«prift«tef on Ally whb you from 'the
,V?^fcW>« mt.Qi %hp lebcjlliQn, 4|d MajT* i7S*> tin-
til it had fubfidedy and the ' regiment baidi crneadipeil
«^ Kiiaullefi; - : . \

. A. ■ To tb^ bcft of my rccoUedioiK Goloftct S»n-

key detached him with a party of the regiment fl99i
Baltinglafs to RatHcknnv^aftfif.t^ rebdlKArt bfoke
out« and prior to which he was mik me. at KIIcijMc%
*^: ©oiPW-thf: J>i^Mt iJ»i!c¥ with the icgirtifenf un-
der the command of Sir James Jhxff^ firbixi X-im^
•jkkJL " * T ' -.^ ' -'•**

A. I tfink not from Limerick j but he was ynljlk
gil|i|||^onafterevan.

Captaia

< 54 )

Cq>tain O'Meara, of the Royal Dublin Milifta, fwornJ

Prifoiicr to Qiiptaifi P'Mcara,

Qj^How 'long 'have you borne a comtnifiion in the

Regiment?

A. Since the regiment was formed. ,

<^ How long te^Ve you known rac as att ofiiceriii

the^regimcnt?

A. Since the fame period. ' ' ■ >t

Q^What was my charaffer as an officer afict i

gentleman j during your knowledge of me ^ • > > • -

• A. As an ofBcerj you wdre ready to do lany ddty
you were ordered on i and* as to your d<^ng that
duty, (from whatever came within my knetv^
Jcdge,) you eawcuted it-very particufar and*well ; and
as to your condu(fk as a gentleman, I always knew
you fo* a<£l as fuch' . ' ' ! ^

Q^ Do you know any thing of my bciiig indiP^
pbfed about the middle of March laft? ' / - '

A. About three months ago, and before ydu were
put in arreft, the furgeon's mkte came to me«tX!af-
^lem^rtin, and c^cially informed me that vou w«re
indifpofcdt which I reported to Colonel Sankeyi -^

Court to Captain O'Meanj. ' f{

Had yi^u-^ orders fr<>m Colonel Sattk^y to' thp
prlfoner^ither to give up his rooms af^New Abbey,
-or.fleep in fbenv? • , » - •* • . -^ *'^

A« Colonel Sankey called me on parade, an^^ave
liic verbal orders to that cfFedt, whidH orders I del\«
♦vcred. '■ ' -'*• *• ' • ' ^; ^"

Qi^Did hexjbey^thefc orfers? '
. Av I cannot «iy, ' . * '^^ ^

• O. ' Was the -prifofler fentdutof his turn to'Ma«
> geny-bridge ^ >^ >., . - > • • i^

A. According to the toiler I kept^ he^ WiK

-non • - ;:••;:'' •"•"'-—••./.

C SB ),

Q^ Did the prifoner toitiplain that it was not his
turn for duty ? and had Captain Sankey done any
duty (ince his return to the regiment ?
- A/ 1 believe be coropi^iKed to Colonel Sankey.
Aa to the latter patt of ,the queftion, when we came
to Kildare, it was agreed upon among the . officers^,
that one rofter fhould ferve for guards, detachments^
ind ' Captain Sankey had taken guards^ but not
detachments. . >

• Q^ When yoq had been fo long at KilGulIen, why
did you not return to the regular rofter id

• A. Bocaufe the rofter before mentioned, met the
approbation of Colonel Sankey and the officers.

' Captain O'Meara being called upon to prove the
orderly books, proved the fame, and from which
the extracts alluded to in proceedings are taken.

Captain King, of the Dumfries Cavalry^ fworn.
* Prifoner to Captain King.

•

Q;^ How long have you known me ?

A. Since the regiment came to the prefent quar^
ters, which is ten months.

Q^ What do you know of my attention to my
duty, as an officer ?

A. It appeared to me you were an uncommon
attentive, good, and 2ealous officer.

Q;^Do you know any thing of my being indlfpofed
at Giltown in the month of March laft, and attended
by the Surgeon's mate i

A. I do; and frequently vlfited you with the
Surgeon's mate at that time.

Major Sankey to Captain King.

Q^ Do you know was it by a cold he was con-
lincdf

A I cannot fay what was the nature of his indif-
fiofmon.

Counfcllor

' ' Ceunfcflor diffiird wat fwflra;' ' ' • ^

J?rifooer to CouQCelloi; Ciffird*

Q^ Wa9 1 anxiom and aeakv^ to. get n6cdflarie$
9oT tB^ men of nay company, and did L employ ytA
for tbit'purpofe at any time fincel got the Grena<^

dier company ^

A. About the latKBP e«id of January 4afty I rco^imd
a letter from you, from quarters, defiling timt ^
would endea^K>ur to procure flioea for you from
Scotland, b^ufe you thought they might be hai^
^heajper and better than in Irekind. 1 had' (bmc
diSicuhy in finding a S^«h^ FaiStor. At length, o|»
cateulation gf the. delay and- »pcn«e,, | vrmt0 ,to
jou,j and you dcfirM me immediately to <^rdcr JTui;
dozen paira of fiioe^ from Dublin for your company ^
they were delayed by the flioc-rnakers a confiderable
tim^, and tbe di^culty of coniieying tbem tb. Ki!-
cutlen^ caufed. a further delay, fo that as well as I
recoiled, it y^as the 14th of April before they
reached Giltown, where I then was, and faw them?
" Qv; Were you ever with -me at Magherafelt? ind
were you prefent when, I received a letter from* M^
for Satikcy ? Relate to the Court what then ^ hap-
pened. '
' A. I was with you. at that place in the latter -end
^f 1795, and beginning of 1796 5 (hortly before tht
Return day of the ift of January, (ft letter which
deponent verifies, as before, waa produeed to tittf
Court;) when you received this letter, youetprefled
great indignation at ''the requeft contained' mefein.
You faid you would go to Coleraine and' exchange
quarters, notwitbfianding, the^ diAanceyr to oblige
Captain Sankey ; but would not make a jfalfe return
for Tiifn or ianv man.- You fet out and L accompa-
nied you.... We had got three miles of thej-roadf
when we met an orderly man from .Major Chimpton
fr9ji]( Coleraine^ with a letter from him, proKbitin^
'' the

( 57 )

the exchange of quarters, and returned Immediately
to Magherafelt.

Major Sankey to Counfellor GiflTard.

Q^Do you not believe, tlwt.wiy man fituatcd
wiibin twenty miles of Dublfti, with money, could
have got r44pair of Ihocf at ^(ny.tlnpie between the
months of September, 1798, and;^be it^tU of A^^ril
*alt. . ^ .^,, , . ., . *

; K. I believe it \vas at many times impoflible dur*-
?ng that period.. V • '^ »

(^ Had the prTfoner been at' Coleraine, agreeable
to the requeft contained in my letter, on the diay of
thereturng ifoiild bf brfv^ made H falf<j netUrA. for vcA
when commanding.at M^gh^r^felt ?

A.^ I underrtood the purport of the requeft con-
tained in the letter, was, that the prifoner (hould
carry rit9 head q^ajtcra, .at Coicrajnc^; a pa^rlwRlch
was inclo/ed in that letter Cgned by'^ou* fiiied up
by the prifoner; with: the circumftinces; of the 'de-
tachment at Magherafelt, and prefcrit it.to xhe;Ma^
{or as t return '(e&t'by 'you as commanding ofiictr at
(h^tplapfe, ik a timp yoii migh« pot bei there. : ?
Q^ In the <^fe you have ftated, would the prifoner
bavtf been more thah my mcffen^r ?

A. I think, if he had agreed la fill up the return*;
he would have been equally guilty of a fraud, .as you
jo((ended- to be. ...
, Q^ On what grounds da you ftate my intention ? :
. A. From the genera lienor of the letter, and from
g convcrfation afrerwirds held with you when you
(»me^oo late to Magherafelt to anfwer the return;
(the converfation,! as . vrril as I rccollcft. was ^encral^
as to the circumftance^of your not being able to ar-
rive in time. to anfwer the return, and the difap-
j)ointni«nt by the Majorca refufifig to allow ttie Ex-
change bf quarters, and fome exprcflfions of rcbukfe
' - * i fi;om

C 5« )

from the prifoner, for your defiring him to makt
foch a return.

The Court adjourned till to-morrow at tifrtn
o'clock.

«

Tuefd?y» 23d July,

~ The Court met purfuant to adjourntnent.

Captain Ginard begged permilTion of the Court
to read from a paper fome further obfervations on
his defence, which was granted ; and faid paper is
aoQcxed to the former one delivered to the Court by
him.

Eniign Adam M^^hon, of the Roya! Dublin City

Militia* fworn,

• ^

Frlfoner to Enfign M^Mahoo.

■»

CL ^^ 7^^ pu^ ^^ under arreft, when, and by
whofe orders?

A. I did ; (I do not recollect the day) it was by
Colonel Sanlcey's orders.

Q^ Did you then dectarei that if I would make
a fubmiflion to Major Sankey, there fhould be nm
more of it?

A, Not dircdlly thofe words ; but I faid, ** Colone!
Sankey d^fired me to fay to you, that as he difliked
Coarts Martial, that if you would make an apology
before the officers, wHo were on parade when mc
affair took place between you and Major Sankey,
that he would endeavour to have the bufinefs fet*
tied without a Court Martial :" JTou repUed,' if yoa
wAre wrong, you would make ah apology, but you
conceived you were right, and would not.

Court to Enlign M^Malioa.

Q^On what charge do you conceive you put
Captain Gifiard under an arreft i

A. I

( 55» )

• ■ ■ * •

A. I then heard oF no other charge th^n impro*
|ier condudt on parade to Nfajor Sankey.

Frifoner to Enfign Nf Nfahon.

Q;^ Did yeu ufe the word fubmifiion or apology?
A. I do not recoUedi which^ for I thmic them one*
and the £ime thing/

Captain Gif&rd produced to the Court the DuUiiv
Ga2ette» dated the 8th December, 1708'; firom which
it appears that MajorSankey, uiider tne name of John^
Sankey, of Merrion^fquare, WineHnerchant, is do-"
clared a bankrupt ; and a certificate was to be granted-
to him'on or before the 29th of Decemhier, 179^*
Captain GitTard then produced a copy of a certifi*'
cate (admitted by Major Sankey) 4>f his quaiifica'-
tion for the Majority of the Royal Dublia, Miltliay*
dated on the- 1 2th day of December, 1 798.

Cok>nel Sankey called, and fworn»

Court to Coloiiel Sankey. ^

Q;^ Was it by your orders dptain Giffard was put
under an arreft ?

A* It was.

Q^ Was it by your direAions that Major Sankey
became a proTecutor in this Court againft Captain
Gifiard ? •

A. Of courfe; but I muft obferve to the Courts
that I fent a meiTage by the officer I diredted to put.
htm under an arreft, that if he would make an apo*
k)gy, I would ufe my influence 1o make up the mat-
ter ; and it was ipy dire^Vion Major Sankey fhould
profecute, as I thought it proper to remain with the
legiment at quarters.

Q;^Were the charges againft Captain Giffard

la brought

( !^0 \

brought forward with jrojur knowledge iind, concur-*
r<?nce. = ' •

A. Certainly.

Q;^ Whether prior to thc^rreft of Captain Gif-
fard, you thought he "had been fo negligent of his
d^ty as an officer, as to deferve to be brought to a
eQUXt-rnartial ? : . . . -

A. I was very much afraid I Ihould be under tho
neceflity of taking fome fcrious tteps, on account of
his; Aot providing hisconipany with necffldries.
i' Q^vlf Captain Gif&rd had not bten put under an
aii^ft Tor difreipedlful behaviour to Major Snnkeyi
would the othsef' three charges have been preferred
4gatnft htrt-?.

. A.I^ofiibly not at that time, as 3 did not liko
court) martial.

The fourth charge having been tdad, the return
on the procdcdmgs being (hewn to Colonel Sankey^
he was then alked, if the explanation which, had
been made to Major Sankey, by Serjeant Wife, had
been con>municatcd to ybu,-*that is to fay, that
the men in debt, were only returned as having one
pair of (hoes; would he, under thefe circumftances,
have £onfidered it as afialfc return, intended to im-
pofe on the commanding officer ?

A. I never heard of this explanation till after the
CouTt-martial fat. * But if Captain Gtffard had, as
an officer, afTured me on his honor, that was his idea,
I (hould not then have confidered it as a return
meant to impofe on me.

. Q:^ Was the return which is brought in evidence,
in fupport of the fourth charge, fliewn to you by
Major San key, unaccompanied oy the explanation
of Serjeant Wife?

A. I faw this paper among others, which I gave
the Major as documents to fupport the profecution.
But; as I faid before, 1 never heard of Serjeant Wile's
explanation till after the Court fat;

( 6j )

(^ If you had heard this expknation, would yott
iiave concurred in bringing forward this charge
againfi Captain GifTard ?

A, I ihould have fcnt for Qptain Giffard, and^
had he aflured me that was his meaning, I . (hould
baveexpofiulated with him on the impropriety of
it, but not proceeded with a criminal charge againft
him on that head. .

Captain GifTard requefled to lay before the Court
a letter from Colonel Handfield, then Secretary to
the Commander in Chief; one from Lieutenant
General Dundas ; and one from Major General Sir
l^n^s Duff, as documents of the approbation of
ris conduct as an officer ; from which extracts are
taken, and annexed to the proceedings^

The Court adjourned till Thurfday the 25th, at
eleven o'clock.

«

Thurfday, 25th of July 1799,
The Court met purfuant to adjournment. *

Major Sankcy rcquefted the indulgence of the
Court, to read a reply to Captain Giffard's defence ^
whioh the Court permitted.

Major sankey's reply.

THE witneiTes which I have produced to this
Court, having, in my conception, fully proved the
charges given in againft the prifoner pn their direct
teftimony, which has, and being rather flrengthen-
ed by the crefs-exarnination and the prifoner*s de*

fence.

( «4 )

» «

ferce, "which he tc>ok fix days to bring forward af-
ter iht profecution was clofed^ being unAipported
by a (hadow of credible, or admiiTible evidence, f
feel it unneceflary long to occupy the attention of
this honorable Court.

This elaborate defence confifts chiefly of foul ca-
himnieSy vile infinuations, falfe deductions, and af-
fertions irrelevant to the point, which may, on Tome
future occafion, ferve the malice or refentment of
the prifoner in the fliape of a newfpaper publica*
tion, or paniphlet I feel too highly my own fitua-
tion, and the confequence of this Court, to defcend
from the one, or offend the other, by commenting
upon it in the fame drain of indelicate language-—
I will not give it a barfher term ; perhaps if I did
condefcend to do fo, [ might fairly retort on the
prifoner, and prove by evidence giyen at your ta-
ble; and from your bench, that the prifoner's ve-
racity was not to be depended on : that the prifoner
did, on the public parade, and in this Cojirt, ailert
what were not fadts; that the prifoner, who has
made a. paltry and impotent attempt to impeach
iTiy veracity before this Court, (as an expiring effort
vi- h5& defence) (lands convidled before this Court
1)11 the evidence of Captain King, and Captaia
O'Meara, Adjutant of the regiment, and latterly of
Colonel Sankey himfelf ; when called on by the
Court, of having affertcd on the parade on the 14th
of April, what vVas not true : The Court will recoi-
led, that he affcrted he had Colonel Sankey*s leave
to fleep at Giltown, though the time he alluded to
WAS when he had apartments in the barrack, in
which, on the evidence above dated, it has appear-
ed to the Court, he was pofitively ordered to refide.
Qn his veracity I leave the Court to comment, as
well as that of the young gentleman, his fon ; ^ho
on a ftale recolledion of above three years and ah.
half, has come forward as evidence for the prifoner^

to

( 63 )

to rddte to you a jconyerfation Jiis father had with
me in December 1795, of which I was a party,-
have fcarcely a trace on my memory to fuch tefti--
monyy I am certain this Courit would pay no atten^
tion, even 'though it had not an opportunity of dif-
coyering by the manner in which be laboured to
avoid giving a plain and dire£t anfwer to the plain-
eft queftion that ever was put to a witnefs, the in*.
iluence and prejudice under which he adled.

The impofition attempted on this Court by the
prifoner, to the prejudice of my cbaradler for loy-.
aJty and fpirit, and which muft (hew the Court to
what unwarrantable lengths he would go to gratify
his refentment ; as, it ftands detected, I Ihoiild not
glance at now, but to (hew that when he made that
attempt, he muft have known he was not relating,
a fad. The paper he prefented to you yefterday,
fiates the melancholy event which brought him to
Kiidare. Melancholy, indeed^, it was ; and forry I
am to be under the neceflity of averting to it : He
jftates, he went to perform what was indeed a fad
cflSce ; he recolle£ls that he was fired at on his paf*
fagc to Kiidare, he recollefts meeting Sir Jamea
DufF ; but he does not find it convenient to recoUeft
that he found me there, who marched to it from
Limerick with Sir James Duff, and with my regi-
ment ^ remaining there behind my regiment at the
rifque of being fired at, as he ftates he was, to
do him an a^ of friendfbip, which, I^ am* certain,
he cannot Have forgotten, and which, through de-
Ccacy, I (hall not ftate, he (hould not have forgot-
ten that I forced him out of the town, taking on
myfelf to fini(h the fad work which I had under-
taken. Was this during the rebellion ? Could he,
except for convenience, have forgot that ? If nor,
was his afTertion a knowing and wilful untruth ?
The Court can examine ftill if it (hould be thought
Beccffary by him on his defence.

The

f •

The pri(bner, in his defence. Teems to inrcr, front
Lieutenant Noble's ianfwer to me on the parade, as
ftated in his evidence, that Lieuteoant Noble did
not deetn him guilty of difrefped to m^s— Lieute-
nant Noble has fworn the reverfe. He has told the
Court, on his oath, that Captain GifFard's condudt
i^as difrefpedful, and aiTigned a very fubftantiat
feafon for faying fo, and for forming that opinion ;
an.d he. will explain to the Court, if called on, as he
lias done to me, that the idea he had of the 6fFence
^t the time >yas, that though the prifoner was guil-
ty of difrefpedV, yet he might not be broke for it;
The delicacy of hia- conduA, as an evidence, to-,
wards the prifoner, could not have cfifcapedthe fam-
city of the Court. The prifoner tells you in mi
defence, that he might have efcaped this trial, if he
had fubmittcd to the imputation, of having fpoken*
lintrutb, and if he would be 'content to be fty^ed
infamous ; hut his own evidence, Mr. M'Mahon,
and ColohelSankey's, When called on by the Court,'
ihew the reverfe ; and further (hew the diflikc he
Aewed tp a Court* martial, and his determination to
avoid .one by any means not injurious to the fer-?
vice. They further fliew (contrary to Captain Gif-
fard*s aflertlon) thit fp far from rriy -coming forward
^s the prpfecqtor of Captain Giffard wantonly, and
fhrough refentment, it was through neceftity appa-
rent to both' the Colonel and the General of the dif-
trid, in brder to fupport the difcipline of the ar-
my, wounded through me, and for the good of the
fer vice ;' for- which the Colonel has told you^ he
long feared. the neceffity of brirfging Captain Gifturd
forwa.rd on (bme of tlie charges now exhibited a-
gainft him. The prifoner has endeavoured to /hew,
that the latter charge was couched on term's unnecef-
farily fevere ; that the fadls fhould have been brought
under another charge, namely, falfe Returns, and
that, he might have demurred to being tried under

if.

it. The Conrt will on examina'tion fimJ, that thofe-
fads could not have been, tried tirider the head o'f
fa!fe Return?, as returns of neceffaries are not* men-
tioned under fhat claufe. That it could have beeii
tried under *no other proper head or charge thaii
that under which, by advice, It was placed ; the
language and terms, therefore, are thofe of the law^
and not mine; neither am I in the habit of exprefl^
ing my fentiments in harih terms. The prifone^
ftates, that he was chofcn for the command to Rath-
drum ; I fay, Colonel Saokey fcnt officers without
feledlion on tjiofe duties in their turn, agreeable to
the roller. I 'difclaim infinuating that Captain Gif-
fard was not at that time on duty ; but 1 wilhed to
fliew, that Major Cr^mpton could not have bccri
an eye^wttnefs of his cj^ploits, when he was not on
duty, with him; which* the prifoner has admitted,'
This mifconception of my meaning has, however,-
given him an opportunity of relating achievements,
which, for difficulty of execution, and brilliancy, of
fuccefs, HanabaVs march over the Alps was but
a fimple promenade. I was at that time fagging un-
der General Witford, and in the way of the only
little danger that was going on at Vinegar-hill, &c.'
though I held a Staff fituation at the time, which
might have exempted me from it.

For the prifoner's exploits at Rathdrum, I beg
leave to refer the Court to one of its members, who
was there at the time.

The prifoner alludes to fomething about making^an
Horfe Major ; if I was to attempt to be witty, and did
not think it aninfult to the folemnity of the Court, I
might obferve on the fitnefs of making a Dog Major..

Captain GifFard has afked, . if Colonel Sankey
thought his conduft a breach of orders, why did he
not fooner notice it ? 1 fancy , Colonel Sankey has
fully fatisfied his cdriofity on that head. He hafi
commented on the explanation made by Serjeant

K Wife,

( 6e )

Wife, offered tn mitigation of the charge of mak*
ing, or diredling to be made, falfe returns. The
Court will obfcrve, that Captain GifFard never made
any explanation at all, either to Colonel Sankey or to
me, that it came from Serjeant Wife alo^c, and not
even from him, as appears by his evidence, until
after I had cxpreffed my fufpicion of the falfity of
the return. It does not appear that Captain Giffard
either directed, or permitted him that explanation ;
and Serjeant Wife has fworn, that had I not obferv-»
cd on the incorre^nefs of the return, he would not
have made that explanation at all. Surely, then,
it is not to the prifoner he has been pleafed to ob-
fervc on my evidence on the fubjeft of what paffed
On the parade, with refpedt to the orderly book*
which he has been pleafed to ftate to have been con-*
tradiftory in that part of it which relates to the or*
derly book. I have fo often, and fo fully explained
my meaning on that head, that I fcarcely can think
it neceflary to fay more on the fubjedl. When I
faid, after mentioning that he had ordered a non^r
Qommiffioned officer of his company to take care to
fend him his orders every day to Giltown by an or-'
derly man, that neither the cuftom of the regiment,
pr my orders, permitted it. I pointed out to the
Court his giving that order as a great mark of difr
refpetft, as contradictory to an order which I had
previoufly given out, and (liall read, which wa$
amongft other things framed to prevent orderly nun ^
or any man but a Serjeant, from taking the orderly
book ; and it was to that order I alluded ; and the
Court will» therefore, perceive, that there is not the
flighted degree of inconfiftency on the fubjed.
The Court will fee, that when his quarters were in
^arrack, [by the Colonel's order fo] he Was not enti-^
tied to them elfewhere; that when he gave up bis
aipartmentSy I ordered them to be fent to him by his

Serjejmt

( 67 )

Serjeant to Giltown, as has been proved, and that
Bt all times they were fcnt to him^ right or wrong*
Captain GifFard has told you, for the firft time he
ever let it tranfpire, that he memorialled Lord Corn-
<iralli5 to appoint him Major. He inFoNns you, that
he ftated my difqualifications, which I do not cbn^
ceive was either very friendly^ or very candid ; the
Aibfequent approbation of his Excellency, (hews
clearly that his objefliors had no weight with his Ex-
cellency, and that he had not faith in his aflertions i
it Ihewed the little (hare of credibility he poffeffcd
with his Eiccdlency ; and to IheW how inconfiftent
Captain GifFard is, he has in his defence alTigned my
bringing him to trial to be refentnlent for that adt,
which, for the firft time, he owned having done in
the courfc of the trial.

He ftates in his ddence, that a memorial was pre*
fen ted to the Colonel, requefling he would appoint me
Major, from the mefs at New Abbey. There was cer-^
tainly a memorial to that cfFe6t prefented to the Colo-
nel ', but it was figned by every officer in the regiment
ftot being on detachment, or on leave, with the ex*^
Ception of one, who being my own relation, thro*
delicacy was not fpoken to on the fubje£t more than
fnyfelf, until it was prelented; it is dill in being,
and may be reforted to.

The prifonef has ftated, that on his taking charge
of the Grenadier company, there was a charge made
that the itien had not been fettled with. Whether
he alludes to the time that I had it, or not, I do not
know ; but if it was, the Coutt will pleafe to ob-
ierve, that my l^ay-ferjeant, who was Quartet^mafter
Serjeant in the regiment, at all time^ whilft t com-
manded it, drew from the Pay-mafter of the regi-
ftient the full pay of the company, of which I never
touched a (hilling ; he alfo provided that company
*ith nccdfifaries^ of which, even during the feverity

K a of

( 68 )

of Juty during the campaign, he never Cuffered
them to wafnt, fo as to be unable tp do <)uty ; nei-
ther >vouW they have done fo fince, had he been
continued in that fituatipn, of if the pay of the
compiafiy had been left in the hands of Serjeant
"Wife.

The prifoner attempts to fliew that the Grenadier
cotiipany was difloyal when I commanded it, and
that which 1 got in exchange the reverfc, and that,
they have exchanged charadlers fincc they exchanged
Captains, frotn which he draws an inference very
flattering to himfelf. What is the fadl? When dif-
afFedlion was firft^difcovered at Blaris, other Cap-
tains, as well as myfelf, were induftrious to difcover
if any were difaffedled in their refpeftive companies,
CaptHin Gffard excepted. I communicated with my
friends at Blaris, who frofn their intimacy with
officers of the Monaghan regiment, could find put
the difaffedled of my company from the difaffedled ^
there. I did difcover fome who were fo, fo did
other Captains, they were brought to punilhment,
and the regiment was wed, except the prifoner*s
company. He laughed at it,, when I pointed out
one m his company; he vouched him and the wholes
company to be very loyal, fine fellows ; and he
nurtured the vipers from the fpring of 1797^ until
they deferted to the numbers, as I recollect it, of
four from Kilcullen camp, with arras, ammunition.
&C/to the rebels, previous to my taking charge ot
the company, and when the prifoner was adlually
encamped with them.

The prifoner flates,. that until the majority be-
came vacant in December, he heard nothing about
deficiencies. It would be odd if he did. He com-
manded, and made the reports himfelf ; and no evi-
dence h.is appeared before the Court to induce the
belief, that he v/ould have reported his own defi-
ciencies.

( 6^ >

ciencies. The other companies appear, by the evi-
dence of Captain King, to have been complete at
that time.

The prifoner has ftated.to the Court, that Colonel
Sankey examined the raen^s neceffarics orice or twice
a weeK. I fay the faA b otherwife j the officers of
companies were ordered to infpe€t, and deliver iit
their ftates, figned to. him, until having caufe to
fufped that the prifoner*s return9 were not correct,
lie ordk^red a fiekl officer to infpe£t diem, and not
until then did he find out the real ilate. If Cap*
tain Gif&rd wanted to eflablilli diat point, he
(hould have proved it through the Colonel or.
Adjutant. To the candour of Captain GifFard wc
are not indebted for that explanation, but to the
timidity and candour of Serjeant Wife, on whofe
veracit/ alone I depend for his having made it at
all. Certain it is, that now I have heard it, it operated
more on my mind as an aggravation than a mitigatioa
of that offence, by rtiewing that the deception , was
an z€k of premeditation and not of inadvertency;
but, if taken agreeable to Captain GifFard's wiOi^
that fa<5t mufl eflabli(h wilful difobedience of the;
orders of the King and the ColoneK With refpeft
to the letter that Captain GifTard has produced o£
1795, or thofe other papers which he has been fo
anxious to put in pofleffion of the Court, the Court
are already in full poffeffio'n of my orders on the
fubje<5t ; and are, I am convinced, too honourable
and high-minded, to put on them the conilrudtion,
that the prifoner, in his revenge, has done.=— On that
lead my confcience is free of offence. His infmu*
ation, uniubflantiated, can have no weight; and
his (lander mud recoil upon himfelf. As to him, I
leave Wm tothejuftice of the Court; the afnimad-
Ver&Mt of tiie public, and t6 his own refleflions.

The

( i<y )

MM^Mtf

The Court was then cleared, and the preceedidgd
read over by the Judge Advocate.

It being three o^clock, the Court adjourned until
twelve o'clock to-morrow*

friday, 26th July,

"The Court met purfti^nt to adjournment, at twelve

o'clock^

The Court having taken into confideration the
Evidence adduced on the trial of Captain GifFard, o^
the Royal Dublin Regiment of Militia, acquit the
prifoncr of general difrcfpeft ; but find him Guilty
of difrefpedtful conduct to his commanding ofEdef
on Sunday the 14th of April laft.

And the Court finds the prifoner NOT GUILTY
of the fecond charge, and does therefore acquit him
of the fame.

And the Court finds the. prifoner NOT GUILTY
ef the third charge, and does therefore acquit him
of the fame.

And the Court finds the prifoner NOT GUILTY
of the fourth, and laft charge, and does therefore
acquit him of the fame.

And the Court having found the prifoner, Cap-
tain GifFard, GUILTY of the firft charge, in breach
of the fecond Article of the twenty-fourth Sedtion
ef the Articles of War, do therefore adjudge him
to be reprimanded for faid offence, at fuch time
and place as his Ejrcellency the Lord Lieutenant
fiiall be pleafed to order and dired^

(Signed) (Signed)

JOSEPH ATKINSON^ (3. JACKSON,

!)• Judge Advocate GcneraU Cojenel and Frefident*

' THtt

( 71 )

THE Court hopes it will not be confidered at
exceeding its duty, by obferving, that from the
evidence it appears, that the profectktion upon the
three lad charges has originated more from private
PIQUE than from zeal for his Majefty's fervice.

(Signed) (Signed)

JOSEPH ATKINSON, C. JACKSON,

D* Jodge Advocate Gcaeral» Colonel and Prefidem*

The Court then adjourned until further orders*

(Signed) (Signed)

JOSEPH ATKINSON, G. JACKSON;

D. Judge Advocate Geocral. Colooel and PrefideaCp

I APPROVB OP THB ABOVK BEXTBKCB AHO OPI-'
fnoif or THB COUBT.

(Signed)
CORNWALUS.
FRANCIS PATERSON,
Airocite GeiKnil« and Jadge MartUt.

APPENDIX.

't

( 12 )

APPENDIX.

No. I.

New ^bbiy Barrack, February zoib, 1799.

SIR,

As the prefent ill ftate of Mr. M'Mahon's health
(of my company) requires his immediate removal
into the apartment you formerly occupied^ which" is
now vactnt, and of which I underitand you retaia
the key ; I am to defire you will give it up to him
(if not very inconvenient) this evening, or at a very
early hour to-morrow morning, but certainly early
in the morning of to-morrow,

I am. Sir,

Your very humble Servant,
(Signed) J. SANKEY,

Major R. D. M.

^0 Captain Giffard^

(Copy.) I APPENDIX^

( 74 )
APPENDIX, No. 2.

Grenadier Morning

Parade.

(No date.)

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Ahfent for (hoes.

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(Signed)

(Copy.)

JOHN GIFFARp, Capt

^iifk in garters.

Serjeant Wife

Ayrecourt,

Ncary,

, Carrol, Kavanagfa^
Creary, M'Mahon*
Farnall,

Abfint for Shoes.

Corporal CoTj
Dawfon,

Mannin,

, Jackfon, Btves,
M'Connell, M'Quefte,
Murphy, Giltbarp.

J

DUFFY,

FOX,

HAVERTY,

( 75 )

APPENDIX, No. «.

I

State •/ Tf09ps quartered in New Abbey^ January

ZStb^ 1799.

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(Signed)

J. SANKEY,

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Major R. D. M.

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( 7^ )

APPENDIX, No. 3.
ORDERS.

«

Dundalkf ^d June, 1797.

OFFICERS commanding companies, to attend and
pay the ftridteft attention to the men's neceffaries;
each rtan is to have a pair of foals over and above
the two pair fhoes, and the officers commanding
Companies are to be anfwerable that the men are in
every refpeil complete as to neceffaries.

(Copy.)

R O. 29/A Decemher, 1798-

THE returns of neceffaries having not bien made
regularly on Thurfday, it is the Colonel's orders
that the officers may fend them into the Adjutant
before Tuefday next ; and he defircs that the Cap-
tains of cornpanies will complete their men agreea-
ble to his repeated orders.

^ He is convinced there are great deficiencies, efpe-*
cially in the article of (hoes and knapfacksj if the
companies are not completed in neceffaries of every
kind on Thurfday next, he will order the Quarter-
matter to write for them, and the Pay-maftcr to pay
for them on delivery-
(Copy.)

R. d. January "jtb^ i799-

COL. SANKEY informs the Captains, and officers
commanding companies, that in confequence of
iheir not completing the men of their companies,
agreeable to the ftanding orders of the regiment,
that he gave orders to his Quarter-mafter to purchafe
fhoes, &c. &c. in Dublin for that purpofe, which
are arrived at Caftlemartin ; therefore, his orders
' are, that the different companies fend in ftates of
what neceffaries are wanting to complete, and apply
to the Quarter-mafter for them; as he will have
every neceffary that fliould be wanting brought to
the parade, and the men completed there.

, APrENDlX,

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RtJeeelfaries wanting to cmpkte fevtn Companies

RIBS.

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(Signed,) .

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SANKET, M«or.

( 77 )

APPENDIX, No. 5.
R. O. Feb.iS, 1799.

IT is Colonel Sanke)^'s pofitive orders, that the
Captains of conipanics do, before Thurfday next,
complete the companies with thofe neceflaries, and
every other neceffary wanting to complete ; — if they
do not, he will be under the painful neceflity of re-
porting the Captains to Major General Wilford, for
not having their companies in a Hate to take the
fieldy in diredl difobcdience of Colonel Sankey's or-
dersy repeatedly given out on that head.

APPENDIX, No. 6.
R. O. March 28, 1 799;

AS the Commanding Officer has rcafon to believe
that the return of neceffaries is not fo correft as it
fhould be, it is his orders that the infpeftion fhould be
by the Field Officer of the week, who is to fign the re-
turn, of courfe be refponfible for its correftnefs.
It is not to be confined to neceffaries, but is to include
arms, accoutrements, and appointments, alfo the ftate
of the arms.

99

APPENDIX, No. ^.
R. O. Jpril 10, 1799.

COLONEL SANKEY is much difpleafed that,
after the repeated orders given by him, Captain Gif-
fard's company ftill continues extremely deficient in
neceffaries, particularly

go pairs of (hoes^

22 fliirts,

70 ffmts,

70 pairs of foals,
940 rounds of ammunition ;
though his orders are, that the ammunition (hould be
accounted for weekly ; and alfo Captain Hodfon*«
company, too8 rounds of ammunition, and 70 flints.
The ammunition to be applied for immediately to
the Quarter-Mafter, who has orders to deliver it on
the receipt of the captain, or officer commanding.

( 78 )

APPENDIX, No. 8. -

Rttum 0/ Neeeffarits vtanting to compltte the Crttiaditt'

Company, April 1 2, 1 799. ,

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(Signed) A. NOBLE, Lt. R. D. M

APPENDIX, No. 9,
R. O. Oilober 12, 1798.

IT is Colonel Sankey*s orders, that the regiment
(hall be fubfifted agreeable to the Commander in
Chief's orders, as follows, viz. Each foldicr at not
lefs than four fhillings for his food, and one fliilling
and fix-pence per week to be allowed each foJdicr
for black ball, pipe clay, whiting, and walhing; the
remainder of his fubfiftencc to be appropriated to
the purchafc of his neceflaries,

APPEt^^DIxTNo, 10.

Serjeant Lcndrura's Mel's Return, January 26 :

761h, of beef> at 3|rf. per, •• •

5 flone of oatmeal,

29 ftpne of potatoes, at z\d, per, *

J rtone of whiting, •

lib. pipe clay,

3^ (lone of flour, • • .

i^errings for two days, •

Butter for ditto, - • •

Milk, at zd, per quart.

Wailing, • •

Fot-herba and cabbage, • •

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I \ n?en's fubfiilencc at ^;. ^J. is 2/. 95. ^\4. ■' 1 » 1 ■

j ./GIFFARD, Cjpiain; GEO. FAULKNER, Lt. R. D. M •

.< 19 )

APPENDIX, No. I r,

R. O. Jan. 27, 1799.

IT being reported that fome of the companies
arc not fubfifled agreeable to the King's orders,—
it is his orders that the Captains, or officers com*
manding companies, fubfifl: their men weekly at a
rate of not lefs than 4s. for provifions, and is. 6d.
for other neceflaries, making in the whole 5s. 6d.
per weeky agreeable to the King's (landing orders.

R. O, January gtbj 1799*

IT being reported to Colonel Sankey, that feveral
men of the companies at 'New Abbey cannot do
their duty for want of Ihoes, it is his pofitive orders^
that every man fit to bear arms of the troops at
New Abbey, thofe on duty excepted, parade to-,
morrow morning, at 1 1 o'clock, at Cafilemartin.

It is alfo the Coloners orders, that the ncctffavf
returns of each company be given in to-morrow by
3 o'clock.

R. O. January 13M, 1799.'

IT is Colonel Sankey's orders, that the neceflary
roll of Captain GifFard*s company, that fliould be
fent in laft Thurfday, Ihall be fent in at 11 o'clock
to-morrow. .

APPENDIX,

APPENDIX, No. 12.

Profccutor's Letter, marked *.

Dublin^ December 2Ztb^ 1795.

My dear Giffard^

I^AM expedted at head quarters on^ the firft,
tvhere I cannot be, but at Magherafelt I can, and
plcafe X3od will be. I have written to, the Major
this night, to inform him that you had exchanged
duty with me, which I know you will, becaup we
underjland one another. I muft, therefore, requeft of
you to repair to head quarters in due time, and leaft
I (hall not be able to reach my poft (Magherafelt)
time enough to fign the return, I cnclofc you my fig-
nature in blank, depending on you to do, or caufe
to be done, the needful — that is, to place the return
of the party over my name, and let it go as my re-
turn in due time,

Tou know you can return the next day to your own
(quarters, leaving the reft to me*

The laft man I faw to-day coming home to din-
ner, was the gallant Roberts— not Roberts Spear, for
he had not a fword.

Yciur's faithfully ever,
(Copy.) (Signed) J. SANKEY.*

APPENDIX,

( 8 1 )
APPENDIX, No. 13:

New Abbey Barrack^ December T 2, 1 798.

I Certify that I am qualified, agreeable to aft
©f Parliament, to hold a Majority in your regiment.

To Colonel Sankey, J. SANKEY,

&c. Sec. Capt.R.D.M.

[By the Militia a<fl of the 33d Geo. III. c. 22, fee.
lOi, the qualification to hold the commiffion of Major
in the Militia of the City of Dublin, is a property of
150I. per ann. or 3000I. perfonal property.]

Extrafts from the DUBLIN GAZETTE.

December Btb, 1798.

WHEREAS the major part of the ' Commiflioners
named and authorized in and by the Commiffion of
Bankrupt awarded and iffued forth againft John
Sankcy, of Merrion-fquare in the City of Dublin,
Wine-Merchant, have certified to the Right Honour^
able John Earl of Clare, Lord High Chancellor of
Ireland, that the faid John Sankey hath in all thjngs
conformed himfelf to the diredlions of the feveral
ftatutes made in this kingdom concerning bank-
rupts: this is to give notice, that by virtue of the
Aatute made in this kingdom in the nth and tath
Years of the reign of his prefent Majefty King
George the Third, entftled, " an A61 to prevent
frauds committed by bankrupts," the certificate of
the faid John Sankcy will be allowed and confirmed as
the faid AA direfts, unlefscaufe be (hewn to the con-
trary on or before the 29th day of December inftant.

January, 26/A, l^99*

COMMISSIONS figned by the Colonel of the City
of Dublin Royal Regiment of Militia :

Captain John Sankey to be Mijor, vice Crampton,
rcfigncd. Commiffion dated December 27th, i798^

M APPENDIX,

( H )

APPENDIX, No. r4.

Letters laid before the Court by Capt. GifFard,

Extraii of a Letter from Colonel Handfield^ (then St'cre*
taty to the Commander in Chief) to Captain Giffard^
dated ^tb Apr i[y 1795.

SIR,

THE Commander in Chief diredls me to acquaint
you that, till this day, he had not an opportunity
of laying before my Lord Lieutenant your letter of
the 2ad ult. reporting the aflembly of fome defend-
ers in arms in the neighboujrhood of Portadown,
with the ft eps taken by you in confequence thereof;
and that his Excellency was pleafed very much to
approve of the meafures you had adopted on that
occafion.

(Signed) CHARLES HANDFIELD,

Extras of a Letter from Lieutenant General Dundas

to Captain Gijffardy dated z^d April, 1799.

♦

SIR, •

IN anfwer to your letter of yefterday to my Aid
de Camp, Captain Reeves, d^firing that I would
ftate to you by letter my opinion of your general
charader, as a gentleman and an officer, I hditate
not in faying, that in both capacities, fince your con-
dudt came under my obfervation, I have had reafoa
to be fatisfied therewith.

(Signed) R. DUNDAS.

APPENDIX,

( 83 )
APPENDIX. No. 14/ '

l£xtra£l of a Letter from Major General Sir 'James
Duff^ to<^aptainGfffard^ dated April 2%thyi*igg.

SIR/

I PERFECTLY recolleft the unfortunate fituation
you were in at Kildare,

I am ferry to find you have got into a difagreea-
ble fitgation with Major Sankey. While your regi*
ment was under my command, I found you a zea*
lous and attentive officer ; and I hope the Court Mar-
tial will exonerate you from any yZ«r that may beat*
tempted on your reputation.

(Signed) JAMES DUFF.

■*-»

APPENDIX, No. 15.

■

Order refFerred to in the Profecutor*s reply. '

IT is Major Sankey 's orders, that when orders ar-
rive from head (quarters, or when the commanding;
officer here Ihall iffue orders, the orderly drum (hall
beat for orders, when the orderly ferjeants of the
companies quartered here will attend at the quarters
of afting ferjeant-major. They will infert the orders
in the orderly books of their companies, and imme-"
diately attend on the officers of their rcfpeftive Com-
paBies at their quarters^ and (hew them their orders
in the orderly book. If officers are out of their
quarters, their orders are to be left for them at their
quarters in writing. All orders, general, garrifon,
or regimental, which relate to the officers, non-com-r
miffioned officers, and privates, to be read on the.
morning parade.

APPENDIX^

J

( «4 )

APPENDIX, No. 16.

Evidence of the Proiecutor ft ruck out of the mi-
nutes of the Court.

AFTER deponent was informed by Colonel San*
key, that Captain Giffard was to rcmaJQ in his quar-
ters, or give up his rooms, depoacnt perceived that
non-commiflioned officers ufcd to go to Captain Gif-
fard at night to Giltown, which was a bad place
outfide the pofts. Deponent thought he ought to be
in his barrack at the Abbey. Deponent never un-
dcrftood that Captain GifFard had leave to be out of
his quarters. Colonel Sankey told deponent that he
had got no fuch leave— it was not acquiefced in — it
was abfolutely focbidden.

Court to Major Sankey.

Q^ Was there an order that he (hould not be out
©f barrack?

A. There was not. Deponent did fay, that it
was not right to fend the orderly book to Giltown ;
a place fo dangerous, that the prifoner was accuftom-r
ed to take an efcort of cavalry with him to go hi&
rounds.

( fs y

JkimJitt^tit

It^ THfe foregoing pages have been printed from
tTie Judge Advocate's copy, with iuch Arid attend
fion to that authentic document, diat even Uterary
errors hdve not been' amende.

Under the prefllweof pcrfecutipflvandin the hurry
of defence, the accufed may reafonablv beTuppofed
to have omitted many itrone circumftaaees. in hts
favor. I He fhould not have forgotten to c»ll upon
Captain Dun^.of the 7 th Dragoons, who commanded .
a body of cavalry in the march from ^altingla£s to
Rathdrum ; or Major Hardy, of the Antrim, wHom
he found commanding there ; or Lieutenant Colonel
O'Hara, who afterwards commanded; or on Colonel
Jones, of the Lei trim, who fucceeded him. Thefe
are all excellent officers, and men of high honor;
they could fpeak of the zeal and exertion of the
accufed, but Major Sankey's own witneifes made it
unnecefiary.

As foon as the fentence of the Court Martial' had
been promulgated, but before it was executed.
Major Sankey fent to Captain GifFard, to fay, that
having, ki his defence, made ufe of fome declara-
tions feverely afFeding the Major's charafter, he
mull either apologize for them, or give him a meet-
ing. The Captain replied, that he had fpoken
nothing but plain truth m plain language, — that this
truth was neceflary to his defence, againft charges of
an infamous nature, arifing, as it appeared, from
private pique ; that if Major Sankey felt his repu-
tation injured, he had a right to call for a Court
Martial oh himfelf ; where, if Captain GifTard had
' uttered aught but truth, he might proveVthe injury,
and cover him with confufion ; that Captain Giflfard
very much doubted whether he ought to meet Major
Sankey at all» but, certainly, he had too much rcf-
pe£t for diicipline, to do fo unwarranted a thing

while

J

i i6 y

*

>vhile he was in grrefii ^n4th€ fent^ce of the Court
not executed.

The fentence being executed, Captain Gi6&rd join-
ed his regiment. Majot Sankcy again challenged him j
idrid, though flic Captain knew he was doing wrongs
and ading againft the opinibn of old officers, in meet-
ing Major Sankey before he had purged his character
Aij a Court ^fertlal, yet, left his refufal fhould
'be attributed to fome unworthy motive, he gave
iMajor Sankey a meetings and received his fire,
>?hich he refufed to return; and pofitively rejected
a propofal of accommodation, on the coadition of
' luppreffing this Court Martial.

.: I •■

r

/g/v^

UNION,

NECESSARY TO

SECURITY,

AODRESStD TO THS

LOYAL INHABITANTS OF IRELAND.

BT AK

INDEPENDENT OBSERVER.

■ BOWA^UB AC MALA HON $UA NATURA, SCO TOCIBUS

IKDITIOSOftUM XSTIMANTUR.

TACITUS*

DUBLIN:

\

s

PRINTED FOR J. ARCHER^ 80| DAME^STREET.

1800.

9

■

■^

UNION

KECtSSARY

TO SECURITY.

rt-1

X HE moft of the following pages "wett written
many months ago: but as the a^tation of the queftioa
which produced them had begun to fubfide, and had
occa£oaed a degree of offence which required time to
remove or qualify^ it was judged not prc^r then to
obtrude them upon the public* However, the Author
has for a confiderable time obferved with fome fatis-
fadion, that the profecution of the meafure of Uuioa
between tbefe Icingdoms has been on every proper oc-
cafion announced by the Executive in both Countries,
and that the Britifh legiflature has fo far ferioufly di£*
culled the fubjeA as to lay a uieful ground for future
confideradon i and he has alio obfinrved with ftill grea*
ter iktisfaAion, that there has been a gradual acoei&oa
to the number of difintereAed and fenfible perfons in

B private

private life, who difcover a difpoAtion to coafider tht
queitioa with candour^ npon the prindples of geauiac
pubiick good, free from that indifcrimiaating indig*
nation againft government which upon every occafion
feems to be foolifhly confounded with the vktue of
patriodfm, and from that prejudice againft England,
which marks the dangerous feparatift, rather than the
true friend to his country. Notwithftanding therefore
the multiplicity of productions on the fubjed, and the
neceflary fimilarity of ideas in thofe who maintain the
fame opinion, yet, as the matter is of no common
concern, and as almoft every man has fomething pe-
culiar in his views or his manner of communicating
them, calculated to imprefs particular readers, it may
be uieful, perhaps a duty, to publiih the iimple and
unbiafled refult of honeft iiiquiry.

In the confideration of the queflion of Union, as
well as of every other important moral or political
qoefttofi, CTory nan no doubt will be more or lefs in-
flueneed by the Ofiskms or prinGiples he hae happen-
ed ^!!cTk>ufiy to receive. There are many who hare
viewed the late feries of genJutaotis, or rather convul-
fitme,. snd the concdsaieant wiidnefles, in France, with
fadsfift%ofi, and have Followed the progreft df French
amn aBd French pnociples wMi deBght. . Thty thii^
inched that feme new meafinrt ought to lake phice;
yet not fnch ts fliall bfaid together all the paits of the
Bridfli Empire more do&l]^ and tb^eby cmM» ^ttem
more firmly to refift all' aAnkB from wk)\out or from
withbi vpon ovr coHunon and well tried coniUtutiofi ;'
but fbch as fliall fidxvcrt ail that haa been happily efta-
IttfiKdy. aod^ by forsiiBg m upon the new plans of

France^

I

I

France, ftiall render us fubftrvient to the views of that
dcftroying nation, which they wifli to fee univerfally
triumphant as the grand renovator of mankind. There
are others who, though difFering from the former in
thdr opinion of the nature and confeqnences of French
principles, yet fofter very invidious fentiments agalnft
Great Britain, confider a compleat Union with that
Country as, what they call, the extlnSlkn tf Ireland^
and, acknowledging the full confequence of their opi-,
nion^ would rather compleatly feparate than com-
pleatly unite. "With either of thofe defcriptions of
perfbns it is plain that any difcuftion of any Union,
under any drcumftances, or in any juncture, muA
meet with inftant and prejudging reprobation. Bat,
to the kyal inhabitants of Ireland, who feek the per-
manency of the Britifli Conftitution, the fecurity of our
religion, and the ftability of the common empire. It
may be ufefuUy propofed to coniider, whether, con-
templating the formidable change which has taken
place in the ftafe of furroundin'g nations, and the dei^
perate machinations, as new in their iyftem as wicked
in their nature, which for years have been pointed at
our exiftence, it may not be wife to adopt fome fair,
liberal and jult, plan of compleat confolation,' whkh,
more efFe£lually than hitherto, (hall, confiftently with
national profperity, fecure thele kingdoms agalnft the
foreign foe and the domeftic traitor.

Whatever difference of opinion may fubfift among
the loyal inhabitants of this country, we are all de-
cidedly agreed, that a leparation between thefe king--
doms would prove the certain deftruftion of both.
Britain is powerful; ^<1> for the lake of her own

fafety.

fafety, as well as of prefervlng that integrity of power
which has giyen (fignity, profj^rity and fecnrity to the
empire, fhe would iieceflkrily make every poiEble ef-
fort to recover Ireland, What muft be the confe*
quence ? Either Ireland is reduced^ and as a conquer-
ed country b lubjeAed to fucb fyftem of deprei&ng
dependence as to the more powerful country appears
neceflary j <Mr fhe is aided by the formidable and sua*
bitious nation which for centuries has been engaged
in hoililities with England^ an^ after a ftr^ggle in
which Britain and Ireland become exhauftedi France
ever watchful for her prey ieizes the fatal occafion,
^nd fubjug^ites to her humiliating and devouring policy
thefe noble illandsi which, dofely united, are formed
to rif^ fuperipur among the nations and to arlxtrat^
for Europe, But it is obvious that if feparation be
effeQedt it mnft be by the aflift^ce of France in the
iirft inftancet Rebellion, howjbever (ecretly and an;«
fully pr^pared^ and howlbever daringly and ferocioufly
attempted, CQuld not long fu^ceed, nnaided by a fq-
rdgn fpef againlt the fleets s^nd anniea of Britain.
I'he uniform hiftory of mankind, and our own recent
experience, inform us of the means th^t would be en^
ploy^di We have already leen what can be effeAed
by fecret machinations. W)iat mpr^ would be accom-
pliihed ^hen the wes^th, and power, and rank, and
fiumbers ihould be increafed of thole, who under the
exciting pretext of confuldng the dignity of indepen-
dent Ireland, fhould feek the rueful phantom y2;^m-
tionf the mind fhudd^rs to contemplate :-^correfpon-
dence^— emifTaries-r-concerted plans-:— powerful invafi-
ons-T-intemal and wide-fpread maflacre-r-final fuccefs
•r-iind a republick upon a French model, under French

proteftion, '

proieftioh, and fnbjeft to French dominion. Thes
foHow in doe conrfe^ the reign of the' moft Tidoitt
profligiues, the mul'der or banifhment of all the fanu-
fies of property, the degradation and deftruftion of
all rcE^on, and a legalized fyftem of atheifm and
idee. PoUutM C4trimoma ; magna aduitiPta .* plenum ext'
Im mare; infeBi c^dibus fcoptdi : atrocisa in urbe favt^
turn* NoUGtas, cpes^ twaffi gefUque boneres, fro crimne /
et ok vtrtHtes certiffimum exitium.

It is faid^ that if the intereft of Great Britain vrtn
not materially concerned in a Union, the government
of that country would not propofe the mediire : and
truly it muft be owned, that Great. Brksdn is deeply
interefted indeed, to promote any meafure that can
tend to prevent the reparation of Ireland. By fuch
a Reparation, ihe not only lofes an arm of (Irength
which powerfully aids her in common defence, but a
material part of her own power is converted againft
herfelf . France, a mighty, an ambidous, and a ma-
fignant ftate, with fuch additional power in her hands
as Ireland — ^an ifland with great natural wealth, not
without coniiderable acquired wealth, populous, of
uncommon maritime capacity, and lying under the
bofom and heart of £ngland«— -France, with fuch aid,
and with fuch a fulcrum on which to work engines
of deftru6tion, muft foon confummate her abhorred
purpole ; — and then, overpowered, defpoiled, and fub*
jugated, the naval bulwark of the world refifts and
protefts no more, s

Smt et tfffa Roma viriius rut/.

^thout orjg^g thia obvious and alarming truth far*

thCTf

ther, therefore^ it may be taken as folly adttktoly
chat the reparation of Britain and Ireland inuft be con-
fidered by every loyal iohabitant of this conntryy as
an event moft afflictive and ruinous to us and to oar
pofterity> and againft which it would be mad and
wicked not to feek for every poffible fecnrity*

But the peculiar circumftances of this country have
unfortunately foftered in the minds of the great body
of the people an hoftility to the Englifli name, and a
difpofition to feparate, of which the foreign foe on
every occafion has been ready to take advantage. In
order to illuftrate ^his pofition, it may be fatisfaAory
to take a (hort review of former events.

Above fix centuries ago^ this country, then in a ftaie
of barbarifm, was reduced to a conneuon with Eng-
land. .A ferocious hatred to the Englifli fettlers^ as well
as to their laws and cuftoms, for ages afhiated the na-
tives ; and it was not until after a long period of animo-
fity and conteft, that at length Englifli laws were adopt-
ed, and Englifli language and manners gained any place.
Ireland, it is well known, whatever might have been
its civilization in a very remote antiquity, was, at the
time of its reduAioh by Henry the iecond, and for cen-
turies after, in fb uncivilized a ftate compared with the
reft of Europe, that it was- little if at all prepared, to
take part in thofe ardent fceneS, in which the revival of
letters firft, and then the reformation, engs^d moft of
the other nations, and England among the chief.
There, intelleAual light, which had before occafional-
ly darted gleams of fplendour through the prevailing
gloom^ began to fpread a general influence; the zeal

of

of Ac reformiers met ^ith % rapidity of fuccefs) Kiid
the eccentruity of Henry the eighth, the cherlfhing care
of Edward the fixth, even the perfecution by Mary,
and ^e wifilom, firmnefs, and' perhaps good fortone,
of Elizabeth^ aU contributed to faperfede a reign of
4larkiief8 and fnperflitioni and to eftablifh in that king-
dom, almoft univerfitUy, a religion, mild, pure^ and of
happy influence. It is not meant, howerer^ to paft
luiy decided opimon on the peciiliar natqre of the rt^
foniiadon, or the means by which it was accoaiplifii-
cd. Viefent enmities, deftnx^^ive wus, and lafting
<fi¥ifiOBs, were among its attendants and conlequenoes :
and perhaps, had the milder opinions of the amiable
and learned Erafinvs prevailed, moderate and gradual
correftions would- have been adopted, more conducive
to the general improvement of men both in knowledge
and virtue. Bat the retroipeft tends to (hew, that a
material and qperadve change had univerfally taken
place ki the minds of the peo{^e of England, and had
been formed into a national eftablifliment, at a time
when Ireland^ Biovgh then connected, was excluded
from the operation of cauies which would have affiml-
lated her toEagland; and, by unlfbrmity of opinion
in ikft moft interefling concern to man, with the natu-
ffal coacomitaat uniformity of manners- and ob&rvances,
would, inflead of inflaming ammofity and preventing
istercoDrfe^ have promoted friendfliip and union be-
tween the oripnal inhabitants and the Englifh fettlers,
as well as among the Englifli fettlers themfelves. But
the aiident feud now became embittered by religious
antipathy; and by degrees, mutual offence carried en-
fliky tf> the bigheft fetch, natil at length, rebellion and

maflbcre

8

maflacre, on one tide, ci^ed forth, on the other| fi|
ieverities.

During the whole of this per^rbed period, efpedally
from the time of the reformation, England and Ire-
land can be confidered in no other light than as hoftile
nati(Mi6. The prbteftants of Ireland, unhappily in*
yolved in almoft conftant contention with the reft of
the inhabitants^ were often reduced to mifery and ex«
tremity. The Englifli nation not only confidered them
as thdr brethren, a poi\tion of tbemielTeSy to be pro-
tef^ed againft thofe among whom they were fettled,
but lopked upon their iafety as involving the fecurity of
the independence of Ireland. Laws therefore were eu-
afted in England, and through the influence of that
country, laws were adopted here, which no doubt re-
tarded the national improvement, and increafed the
pr^udice againft England, but which, apprehenfions
for the fafety of the proteftant fettlers and the iecurity
of the connexion of the two kingdoms, fisemed to make
neceflary. Theie appreheniions were and have been
ib frequently and alarmingly juftified, that, thou^ it
is impoflible to approve of oppreffive policy, yet it was
neither unnatural nor quite inexcuiable in England,
then frequently diftrafted within herfelf, anxious for
her own fafety, and eameft in the prefervation of the
eftabliftiment dvil and religious in Ireland, to adopt
the only means wluch drcumftances ieemed to permit,
to prevent foreign andintek'nal foes from acoompliflung
their purpofes.

In the dme of Elizabeth, internal rebellion confpired
with tl^e foreign enemy \o deftroy our religion and to

fubjugate

fubjugate this conntry to Spaiiu In the time of Charles
^e firft, advantage was taken of the diflraAed ftate of
England, aad every dedruAive engine was employed,
to exterminate among us the proteftant religion and
name, and to cut off for ever our conne^on with our
beft proteflon And in the time of James the fecond
a fimilar attempt was made, and by means which im-
prefied deep and lading efiefls on the minds of our an-
ceftors. France, the friend that n6w holds forth her
ble/Hngs to us and to the reft of Europe, then lent her
aid; and James himfelf was forced to concur in the
aA, which, making Ireland independent of the crown
of England, formed a grand ftep towards the accom-
pliihment of the deep rooted fchemc of feparation.
The fufFerings, the efforts and the event of that day are
imivetfally known; and the confequences were, that
the Englifh nation and government, and the proteftant
iettlers in Ireland, were cori*oborated and decided in
the impoling neceiCty, which long and recent experi-*
ehce had in their apprehenfion taught them, of ifeftrain-
ing the Roman catholicks, who compofed the great
body of the inhabitants, and of fecuring the indepen-
dence of Ireland upon that country to which the pro-
teftants owed their origin, and to which they cheriih-*
ed their attatchment. (

Now, with iiich a difpofition, of ancient origin, re-*
peatedly revived, and peculiarly aggravated, let us fup-
|)o(e theie kingdoms to be equal in wealth and power,
and, excepting the circumllance of the king of Eng-
liUid being ipib faAo king of Ireland, formally and
Virtually independent of each other. What muft be

c the

10

the coniequence ? So far back as we hare any records
of the nature and conduA of man, vre learn with cer-
tainty that individuals or nations, whenever upon an
equality of power, or approaching to that equality, have
aniformly exhibited the jealoufy of rivaUhip^ and by
(ure con{equence a contention for dominion, deftruc-
tive always of mutual happinels, and fatal often to ex-»
iftence* In nations, thefe motives of adion, which
among individuals in civilized fociety are retrained by
fear of the laws or of publick opinion, are not only un*
reftrained by any principle, but acquire accumulated
force from all the paflions both good and bad to be
found in the community. Ardent attachment to our
own nation, arifing from habitual ailbciations} the
pride of national dignity and power; party fplrit; ha-
tred of a rival ; refentment of wrongs ; heated fympa*
thy in a common cauie, inflamed by multiplied com-
munication into undifHnguifhing paiCon; the love of
violence, always operative in the unthmldng but ac-
tive and turbulent majority; all thefe conftituent ener-
gies in our nature, as they may be called, and more
that might be enumerated, concur, in the iituation fup-
pofed, with the precious long foftered defire of fepara^
don, to produce neceflarily, either that events or a con-
queft by one or the other ftate, equally deftruAive and
equally to be deprecated. Let it be added, that thefe
nations are eminentiy wealthy and powerful: conie-
quentiy their interefts muft be important^ nomerousy
and complicated ; and the adual colUllon of their re£-
peftive interefts, therefore, will frequently occur..
When the coUifion happens, what muft follow ? From
^qual power and perfeft independence, no yielding on
cither part can take placej the inveterate difpofition to
feparate afts in the contrary dircffion; dcftrufUve con-

teft

»I

teft therefore becomes inevitable, followed by coaqueft
or &paration9 with all the refpcAive fatal confequeoces.

But to enfiirethe tStSt, a powerful Aate, of deter^i
mined hoftility to one of tbeie nations, is coofiantly vi-
iplant to discover, and alert to &ize, Ciicry occafion for
deftroying the connexion. Surely no man of common
ieiiie or common information can pr^tendi that fuch a
connexion in fuch a Hate of things could permanently
fohfiil^ or that it would be leis than hopelefs folly to
labour for its preilervation.

Yet the xxmnexion has fubfifted, has been preierved
for centuries ; aad from the dme of James the fecond to
the late confpiracy aad and rebellion, this country has
remained in tolerable lecurity, notwithftanding the me-
naces of France^ and her aAual attempts, to inx^adc
and reduce Ireland in former wars with Great Britain,
and notwithfianding the factious Ipirlt, whetted by re«
lig^us acrimony, which, operating in various forms
aad under various names, has encouraged the foes of

But how has the connexion fubfiiled, and how hat
tt been preierved ? Not as a connexion of two inde*.
pendent kingdom$« in which the claims, and privile-^
ges, and free exertions of the one, were neither. inter«^
fcred with nor afFefted by the other j — not as a con-
nexion of two diftinft kingdoms, joined by the fimple
adopdon of the fame executive, yet of fo extraordinary,
or rather fo miraculous a nature, that whatever com<-
mon rqg;ulatioas, enterpriies, or confli^s, in their var
rious and moldpUed rcladons and tranfaAions, appear-

ca ed

' 12

c4 ncccflary to the one, were conftantly and fpontafie^
oufly entered into with kindred zeal by the other:
No, — the connexion has been preferved in a manner
and by means which, howfoever neceflary, and in
whatever degree neceflary, the friends of this country,
and the true friends of both countries, have long de»
plored. -The influence, or rather the commandmg
power of the fupprior country was complete; this
country exifted as a dependent province; the legal
code fubftantially originated with, or leaft was modifi-
ed by the government of Gr^at Britain; reftraining
laws, framed to preferve the civil and religious efta-
bliihment, agsdnft the great majority of the people,
who were hoftUe to both, fccured the country, but
enchained the exertions of the inhabitants : and for a
long period, the proteftants of Ireland zealoufly con-
curred in this fyftem of policy ; which they coniidered
as neceflTary to their own fafjsty, as well as to the na-
tional dependence upon England. The confequences
were, that the inhabitants in general were confined to
poverty and dependence; the ariftocracy, at an im-
menfe diftance in rank, felt nothing in conmion with
them, employed btft rarely th^ means of conciliation,
and cnfured dcprefllon father than promoted profperi-
ty ; while the middle ranks of life, in which are found
the qualities that refift oppreflion on the one fide and
promote induftry on the other, were fcarcely to be
found in the community of Ireland.

This kind of connexion no doubt, and preferved by
thefe means, might fubfift for ages without any ferious
^pprehenfion of being endangered. But a ftate of
focicty was induced, which militated againft national

happinefs

'3

happlnefsy and "whicB hardly the deareft neeeflky
coald reconcile to a liberal mind.

The linen trade, however, which had been early
encouraged, and had fpread with animating fuccefs
over a large diftrift of the North chiefly proteftant ;
the provifion trade of the futile South'; and fomc other
Icattered advantages, contributed, with the advance-
ment of furrounding nations, to carry Ireland on in
the general progrefs of the reft of Europe.' This gra-
dual improvement ; its natural confequences,— difFufed
property and independent fpirit ; the habit of living
together in the exercife of the arts of peace \ the fre-
quent interchange of good offices ; and the e^templary
conduft of many of the Roman Catholicks ; ail tended
to create in every rank and feft, the honeft wifti, that
the natural advantages gf the Country might be pro-
moted ; and that fome liberality on the fiibjeft of reli-
gion might be extended, as the forerunner of cordia-
lity and profperity. The mutual communication of
Aich fentiments begat and promoted liberality and
publick Ipirit. A comprehenfive and enlightened po-
licy in the cabinet and parliament of Great Britain
concurred with that liberality and publick fpirit. In
conformity with thefe ientiments, within the laft twenty
years, the reftraints of which the Roman Catholicks
complained have been removed ; they have now en-
joyed for a confiderable time, and with very general
concurrence, compleat toleration in religion, and every
privilege in the acquifition and employment of pro-
perty that rational men could defire ; and at length
has been added the eleftive franchife, by which not
only an operative motive is given to the landholders to

grant

,'4

^rant ufeful ledes to the RoHKin Catholiclu of the
poorer clafs^ but confiderable coniequence and iofiu-*
ence follow to the general body. In the meantime tbe
fpirk^of independence x:lai;ned, and the increafing
power of the Country demanded, other and impor-
tant privileges and benefits. The precarious ftate * of
publick affairs in the American conteft, as well as the
wifdom of Bririfh cotlncels, fuggefted the propriety of
conceflion. Accordingly, the/ parliament of Ireland
was declared and confirmed compleatly independent ;
and this Country acquired, equally with Britain, not
<^nly unreftrained commerce with the reft of the world,
but a participation in the colonial and plantation trade,
which Great Britain had gained by great induftry and
enterprii^ and at enormous expence. The Confequen-
ces were important. Confidence and liberality gained
upon the Proteftant mind. We feemed to have for^-
gotten all former animoilties and calamities^ and to
contend only for fuperiority of zeal in atoning to each
other and to our Country, for all the evils which the
demon of difcord had driven us to infliA. Induikry,
aOivity aiwl ingenuity, were called forth : the ufeful
and produdlive arts of life were more earneftly culti«-
vated { we were enabled to reap larger benefit from
the extenfion of Britiih commerce : riches, power and
independence increafed : a fcene of national profperity
oj^ned to our view : and our hearts enjoyed the hope,
that religious bigotry and hatred would never agaiA
difturb our harmony, obftrufl our purfuits, or blaft
our profpeSs.

We feemed to be liberalized^ we became indepenr
dents we acquired great advant|kges« How have the&

circumftances

I . 1

'5

ciTCtunilances operated in combinatioo with the ex-
traor(£nary opinions and extraordinary events of th^
prefeat day ?^

We are Hvmg in a period, in which e¥cry evil that
conld afRiA fbdety, has been engendered, matnredy
and poured abi oad, by a depraved nation, which,
after deftroymg within its own territory, all law, re-
li^on, fbdal order, mdral principle, and natural fcnti-
ment, has ibught, by every mean, whether of vicious
ingenuity or ferocious violence, to uproot the efta-
blifhed poHty of every furrounding ftate, Britain few
the danger advancing. . She ftood m the breach. She
rallied the nadons. They reth-ed, disunited, funk, and
exhaufted. She alone tnaiotained the conflid ; arretted
the progrefe of organized barbariiin; and {ecured>
hope to the civilized world. On former occafions flic
had been commiflioned to favc the liberties of Evrope ^
but now file feemed deftintd to fave, not merely efta*
blifhed laws and Eberdes, but every iacred principle
that makes human ibcicty dear, and without which
life would ceaie to be a blefTing. In this arduous con-
tcft, her defpcrate enemy well knew the fide on which
only ftie was weak, and where only he could hope to
defttoy her. Advantage was taken in Ireland of the
great ftruggle in which Great Britsdn was engaged.
Myriads of demagogues, the moft definitive and de-
teftable things that can infeft a nation, correfponded
with the enemy, imported the principles of France in
all their malignity, and roufed the difloyalty of the
people by every art and pretext : and an organization,
as it is called, was fccretly carried on, by which the
pHyfical force of the Country was prepared, under

fit

i6

fit leaders, to join the invading foe; in the wild hoper
that, loyalty and the eflablifhed religion being deftroy-
ed, Ireland would become feparated, and the religioa
of the multitude reign in more than fancied fplendour.
Now it is unfortunately to be remarked, that while
Ireland was avowedly and compleatly dependent upon
Great Britain, although national profperity was re-
tarded, yet this Country, notwithftanding occaflonai
idifcOntents and partial difturbances, was pfeferved in
perfeA iecurity ; and experience has ihewn, that the
removal of reftraints, the enjoyment of privileges, even
greater than had been expefled, and an independent
legiilature, have not ftrengthened either our internal
fecurity or our connexion with Great Britain.

Not long before the commencement of French re-
volutions, a demand for a change in the legiflature of
this country, which (hould make It more dependent
^pon popular pailions and popular arts, was fb fyfte-
matically and fo boldly made, that parliament feemed
to be overawed, and the friends of our eftablUhed law»
and religion trembled fof the coniequences. A con-
vention, an armed con ventbn, fimilar to the late ruling
clubs of France, in which members of the legiflature
aiEfted, framed the plan which was to be diAated to
parliament. Fortunately, the influence of the property
poflefled in this country by the EnglUh Ariftocracy^
and the difcernment and firmnefs of many members of
the legiflature, fruftrated the attempt : and indeed it
muft be owned that, many of the members of that con-
vention, and of the then minority in parliament, have
lived to witnefs fach proceedings and events, both

abroad

17

abroad and at homci as have made them regret their
opinions and condu A. G)nventiQns, however, fucceed-
ed conventions ; clubs muldplied upon dubs ; popu-
lar influence increafed and became conmianding ; and
popular meafures were repeatedly adopted by the le-
giflature, ibme of which, upon the principle of Ire-
land being a diftinA and independent ilate, were to be
approved of, but all of which tended to weaken the
controul of Great Britain, necefTary to the prefent ftate
of connexion. But all did not fadsfy. The nation
became agitated through its whole extent by feparatifts
and renovators.. Strides were making towards repara-
tion and republicanifm. The le^ature feemed to look
on with amazement. At lafl, in December 1 792, the
national guards, as they were aSeftedly called, were
actually preparing, and about to march in full difplay,
as the £rft z,& in the dreadful fcene, which it was
hoped, would, under the direAion and aid of France,
be fbon completely exhibited. A confiderable portion
of the Roman Catholicks (many, very many of them,
vdthout wicked intention, but deceived by plotting
conipirators) moved in correfpondent fyftem. Roman
Catholick parliaments met, difcuiTed and difTeminated
the principles of infubordination and refiftance, and
fTomoted the genn-al flan of fgparation, which had been
let on foot by a tribe of aftive leaders, many of them
men of fittiation and abilities, and followed by no in-
confiderable part of the wealth of the country. A
party in the ftate contending for power, an4 either not
feeing or not regarding the confequences, courted po-
pularity, in a moment mofl eventful, as the inftmment
of aggrandizement ; and then indeed, had not tlie fu-
preme executive arretted the danger^ all things tended,

D as

i8

as at the commencement of the revolution in France,
to produce the effeAs to be naturally expeAed, whea
rank and authority appear to fan Aif y popular prejudice
and enthuiiafm. The evil fwelled into enormous mag-
nitude, grew bold and terrible by impunity and. iiic-
cefs ; and but for unprecedented exertions of power,
would have perpetrated its defigns.

This appears to plain (enfe to be a train of coniequen-
cesy naturally flowing from that proud fpirit of inde-
pendence and diftinft authority, which firft grew with
gradual profperity, which flrengthened into overawing
aflertionof perfedl equality, which, fpreading through
the community, generated jealoufy and rivalry, and,
impregnating the prejudiced and violent multitude, pre-
pared Ireland for the long-defired and now deep-laid
fcheme of ieparation.

The opportunities of acquiring property havie been
multiplied, and confequently we have feen a great dtf-
fufion of wealth among the lower orders of the com-
munity : but an attachment to the laws and conilitution,
under the protedion and encouragement of which,
property has been gained, has not been the confequence
of fuccefs. On the contrary, a vulgar pride, an im-
patience of controul, a contempt of authority, have
been added to the antient hoftility ; and accordingly,
notwithftanding that conceilion has fucceeded conce&
iion, yet the chief effect on the minds of thofe to whom
they were granted, has been a loud and imperious de-
mand of new and dangerous grants, which, now that
the truth has broken forth, are confefTed to have been

intended

19

intended as the means of efTefling leparadon and a
modern republick.

Although thofe demands, as we now clearly know,
were fo intended, yet the number of men of refpeft
and influence^ who, in a period of awful anxiety, joined
in the call for emancipation and reform, was very con-
fiderable $ and had not the deftruAive meafures of the
great confpiracy been precipitated, it is not improbable
that the dangerous opinions might fo powerfully have
prevailed, as ultimately to fway the legiflature. At
all events we know, that in the very hour of dark
confpiracy, reform upon French models, calculated in
form and fpirit to give force and efTed to democracy,
with emancipatiariy which, under the pretext of religi-
ous liberality, was clearly intended to give the fpirit of
democracy extenflve prevalence, were iplendidly pro-
pofed under the fanAiofi of great names, and, as in
France, feconded by the clubs. The executive power
no doubt, and the moft leading men pf property deep*
ly mterefted in the welfare of Ireland, defcried the ten-
dency of fiich meafures, and defeated them in that
place, where indeed they would foon have proved
fatal.

But the opinions which greatly prevail in any nation^
gain by degrees upon men of condition and influence.
Fear operates upon feme ; ambition upon others ; the
love of popularity upon many ; and even the beft ch»»
raSers often throw themielves into a predommant par-
ty, in the vain hope of curing or preventing evik by
accommodation. The hiftory of mankind abounds
with inftances of this kind of progrdis : but modern

D 2 France

s 20

France faroiflies an impreiSve example^ freihin oar
obfervation^ and pregnant with inftruftion.

Admit what we hope and expeA, that Ireland coa-
tinues, and, from the nature of profperity, accelerates
her progreis in riches and power. It is by the people
at large the acquisition is^ made : great numbers there-
fore of the lower ranks are daily rifmg into wealth and
importance; confequently the tmmenfe body, which has
deeply imbibed principles inimical to our laws and reli-
gion, muft rapidly gain extenfive influence; to be emr
ployed, as defigning demagogues (hall dired; who,
flattering vulgar opulence, not confirmed in loyal prind^
pic by ages of ufeful habit, point the power of the
country to deftruftive ends. The religious antipathy
in the meantime operates; lends pretext to every
Icheme, and gives force to every effort; while the idle
and the vicious, the vain, the enthuilaitick, and the
theoreUck, of every religion, or of no reUg^on, fwcU
the overpowering multitude of thofe who demand reno^
vation;— a renovation, purlued no doubt from various
motives^ and generally plaufible in the commencement^
but approaching every hour, by haftened ftrides^ tQ
total overthrow.

MobiRtate viget^ nnrefqui acquirit eundo,
Parva nutuprimo; mox fefe.atioKt in auras*.

In fuch a ftate of things, no man can be fb nnd>lerv-
ing of human affairs as to fuppofe, that the leg^flature
could remain ultimately uninfluenced. In the degree
that general property and influence embrace particular
opinions, m^of th<; fame opinions mufl find thdr way
into the legiflature. What muft follow ? Demands in fa^

vour

21

vonr of demooraqr become fonnidable. Dem^ds grant-
ed increafe the power of democracy,- and generate new
demands. Th^ power of the democracy becomes irre-
fiftible : the antient antipathy to England gains ftrength
from that fpirit of rivalry which grows with towering
profperity; and the deftruOive wifh for reparation is
prompted by pride as well as by prejudice.

Ireland then become immenfely powerful, and aftui-
ated by diftind intereft and diftin£l patriotifm> feels her-
self equal to a conteft with Britain : or if prudence,
fuggefting fbme difparity, or apprehenfion of a party
remaining favourable to Britain, fhould look out for
aid, a powerful foreign nation, near at hand, is per-
petually ready with all its might, to co-operate in the
fubjugadon of a power, the objeft of its envy and the
determined foe to its defig^s. The ieparation of Ire*
land, the downfall of eftablifhment, and the defiruc-
tionof all now held dear by the loyal inhabitants, could
not then be far off: and the elevated profperity of Ire-
land, with her accumulated wealth and power, could
in the end ferve no other purpofe, than to promote the
ambitious defigns of a malignant enemy, and, in her
own ruin, the more certainly to tScd the ruin of Great
Britain; — ^in the downfall of which great nation, not
only the loyal prote(lants of Ireland would lofe their
grand proteAor, but the civilized world an example
and defence.

The union of theie kingdoms in the fame crown, or
the fame executive prefiding over both, conflitutes a
bond of connexion, which has hitherto been preierved.
But the le^flative power, that which creates law, is

the

22

the fupreme power in every ftate : and, in this grand
eflendal of ftate, the mbft vital and the moft powerfnl,
thefe kingdoms are diftinft and ieparate. The leg^-
tare of Ireland has emphatically ailerted its compleat
diftinAnefs, byinfifting on the initit-ution of folemnpnblic
a£tS| which accordingly have been made in the parlia-
ments of both countries, whereby the entire indepen-
dence of the legiflature of Ireland conftitates a iacred
and irrefragable mutual record.

The legiflature of Ireland, diftinA and independent,
confults by its diftind nature the interefts only of Ire-
land : while the Britifh legiflature, equally diftinft and
independent, conlidts by its diftinA nature the interefts
only of Great Britain. No doubt, fo far as a fenfe of
the neceflity of preferving the connexion between the
two kingdoms may happen to operate upon the two
legiflatures, each will confult the interefts of the other
country; but from the eflential nature of diftinA legif^
latures, fuch attention to mutual intereft muft ultimately
refer to the refpeftive interefts of the kingdoms for which
they refpeftively legiflate. In the degree therefore in
which the views of the feparate legiflatures,Tefpefting the
interefts of their refpeftive countries, happen from time
to time to be incompatible, the legiflatures, that is, the
refpeftive fupreme powers, muft aft in oppofiticm to
each other. Such interefts refpeft not merely a pro-
grefs in national wealth, but rights and privilege^ and
every goodi real or ifnaginary, which can gratify the ienti-
ments and r^fe the dignity of a nation. The more im-
portant the interefts from which arife incompatible
views, the more ftrenuous and violent muft be the con-
fequent oppoiition. The more manifold and compli-
cated

33

cated thofe intereAs become, the more freqtient and
the more incapable of accommodation the contending
opinions and claims. If increafing wealth and power»
operating as in all paft ag^, (hould quicken a jealonfy
of intereft (nnderftanding intereft in the enlarged fenfe
mentioned) and magnify the national pride and fpirit of
independence, the legiflature, intimately conneded with
and flowing from the general community, muft necefla-
rily imbibe the famevfentiments; which, co-operating
with the other caofes, cannot fail, to ripen into deftruc-
tive effeA all the feeds of difpute, dilcord, hoftility,
and feparation*

Surely no rational man will deny that hiftory, obfer-
Fation, and experience, demonftrate this to be the na-
ture of man and the necefl^ry tendency of human af-
fairs.

It would be an idle as well as tedious difplay, to
take the volume of hiftory, and extraft the innumera-
ble inftances there recorded, which prove, that in
whatever degree provinces or ftates, connected with,
or dependent upon a parent or fuperiour ftate, have ac-
quired power and independence, they have difcovered
diicontent with their connexion, and a defire to become
perfe^y diftin£t ftates; and that whenever that power
and independence have grown fo great as to enable
fuch provinces or ftates, by their own mere vigour, or
with accidental aid, to eSeA their purpofe, they have
conftandy aflerted their perfeft diftinAnefs, and formed
themfelves into feparate ftates.

The

24

The reparation of the colonies, now die united ftatcs
of North America, from Great Britain, fnmilhes an
applicable inftance. While they were weak and de-
pendent, while a (enle of their need of the care and
proteffion of the parent country preyailed, no dlfficol*
ties embarrafled the connexion; no diftin£Vnefi of inter-
eft, no provincial pride, pointed to dependence and fb-
paration : and yet, the rights aflerted and the powers
exercifed by the legiflatnre of England, and afterwards
of Great Britain, over the colonied, had long been
more anthoritadve, and more inconfiftent with the in-
dependence of their afTemblies,* than thofe which af-
terwards fupplied the occafion of the unhappy conteft
that ended in reparation. Thofe who knew the colo-
-nics intimately, were aware long before the rupture,
that the advanced ftate of proiperity at which they had
arrived, with the proud {pint of independence which
it produced, and which from time to time had ftrongly
manifefted itself, tended powerfblly to the ultimate di£-
•folution of the connexion: and feveral plans, among
others, plans of union, were fuggefted for the purpofe
of preventing it$ a modification of fome one of which
might have been adopted, had not untoward circum^
ftances hurried on the important event. It is not meant
either to contend for the right of taxation which Great
Britain afTerted, or to juftlfy the colonies in the refuial
of every fpecifick plan of contribution to the general
expence of the empire : — the caie was difficult; — claims
and fuppofed inter efts interfered ;-^and the conlequen-
ces followed which might have been apprehended. But
the inftance is adduced, if fo recent an inftance were

neceftary

* $cc PawDaU*i admituilratioii of the Calonies, cb, 5.

aeceflkry to demonftrate, that the connexion between
fbitesy not compleatly incorporated, and not identified in
interefty becomes precarious and mortaf, whenever the
inferior ftate advances fo far in profperity, as to af-
fert independence, and to rival the fnperiour ftate in
power.*

It is not eafy to imagine two conneAed ftates to
which this reafbning applies more condnfively than to
Geeat Britain and Ireland. They are great and pow-
erful'ftates; which have vaft, and many, and various
Conneidons and tranfadlions with each other and with
the reft of the woridj therefore their interefts are im-
poTtant, manifold, and complicated; and coniequent-
iiy, the probabilities of incompatible opinions in their
ieparate and independent legiflatures, reipefting dif^
tinfl national interefts, muft be npmerous and weighty;
and in the degree that thefe ftates advance in greatnefs
and poiwer, ftich probabilities become multiplied and
approach to certainty. Conceive inftances of this dan-
gerous nature to haVe frequently recurred, and that in
conJequence an invidious and hoftile difpolition has
been created Every plan of accommodation by fure

* Theicptntioo of the*Colon!es from Great Britain bas happily not
profcd fatal to either country; peihaps bas not a^ually injured either,
excepting the tcnporary evili of the lamented wilr : the diflant (itoa-
tion of the United States has preferred them from becoming the pref
of the mBibitioas power which promoted tbeir reparation, as well at
from becoming tsi th^ hands of that power an infiroment of deflro^ioft
to the parent comitry. But Ireland, lying clofe to Great Britain,
ihroogh whom Britain can be deflroycd, upon whom if abandoned
f raace ^iBCt her talims->lreland, fo fituated, (inks for ever, and Great
Britain finally^ ato3g wiib her.

E confequence

I

a6

<!OAfequence alarms iufpicton, and milamea pride ^
the facility of conftant diflenfion neceflarily follows-;
and then an unfidling ground is laid for the fucceisful
intriguing of fordgn and domeitick enemies, who ia
the meantime will not have n^leAed, as occafion fa-
voured, to promote difcord and diibrder, as the fure
means of the grand fcheme of (eparadon.*

In this ftate of the co-equal fupreme authorities of
thefe conneAed yet independent ftates,. the Bridfh le-
giflature may determine that a mighty effort is necefTary
to be made againft the alarming attempts of an ambiti-
ous foe. Admit that the views of ieparate and inde-
pendent leg^atures, now involved in diflenfions, fliould
i>e repugnant on a matter fb eflential to the exiftence of
the Empire* What mufl follow ? Bther Britain muft
fubmit to whatever terms an ambitious power fh'all im«-
pofe, or ihe muft maintain alone the caufe of the Em-
pire. In the firft cafe, obvious deftruAion quickly
fucceeds. In the latter cafe, it would be impoflible to
permit Ireland to remain neutral :-*-hcr power increaC*
ing with rapidity; her .people too generally infected
with antient hatred repeatedly revived; demagogues
through every clafs of (bdety malicioufly aftive to make
the occafion fatal; emifTaries of the enemy concerting

* In the fevcn United Provinecs, the French, efec artful and in-
ttlgtuog whatever form they aflbme, had been long bufy in promoting
dtfcord among the ftates. Thofe dates in which the burghers chiefly
prevailed, were fet in fierce oppofition to thofe in which the Stadtholdet
and the nobles chiefly had influence ; and by degrees their contefts, in*
Hamed by incendiaries, fo diilraAed the national counceU and eflibrts,
that they have at Laft hecome wretched and repentant viAims to
French aibbitWii.

deftru£tive

/

27

deftrafliTe phns with the diiaffeAed ;— ^heTe fhre at^
cmnflances moft neceflfarily, if not prevented by Great
Britain, urge the country beyond the line of neutrali-
ty, and add its power to the power of the enemy*
Gvil conteft eniiies, with certainly a train of fad cala-
mity, and if Britain ihould fail, as certainly the ruin of
bodi kingdoms.

This is a ftrong inftance ; but in the progreis in na-
tional profperity of theje kingdoms, many inftances
muft from dme to dme occur, tending as certsdnly,
though perhaps not fo immediately, to hoftility, fepa-
ration, and deftru Aion. We know that at prefent Ire-
land enjoys her commerce with the Britifh colonies,
plantations and (ettlementson the exprefs condition, that
whatever duties, fecurities, regulations, and reftrlAi-
ons, the Britifh leg^ature ihall from time to time think
proper to adopt, refpefting the commerce of Groat
Britain with the Britifli colonies, plantations and fet-
tlements, fhall be adopted alio by the legiflature of
Ireland, reipeAing the] commerce of Ireland with
the fame colonies, plantations and (etdements. * We
alfo know that on many occafions the fole and exclufive
right of the Irifh parliament to legiflate for Ireland in
all ca&s whatfoever, has been allerted in the parlia-
ment of Ireland, in the highefi tone of proud and in-
dependence ; and that the right of the Britifii legifla-
ture to interfere aftually or vivtually, in any cafe what-
soever, with the le^ature of Ireland, has been re-
probated with ind^ation. The progrefs of Ireland in
tliofe acquifitions which invigorate the fpirit of indepen-
xlence, may moft probably induce the people and par-
liainent of Ireland to confider, and confequcntly to re*

%

\

28

jeA, as inimical to thdr bterefti^ aod as inconfifteUt
with independence, the dudes, reguladons and ccftri«-
tions alluded to, which new and various circam*
ftances may lead the parliament of Great Britain
to adopt, and which the fpirit of jealoufy and rivalry
may more probably attribute to an in^dious difpofitioo
in the Britifh legiflature, direfted againft the interefl^
of Ireland, than to necei&ty and found policy. What
conieqaences enfue i Great Britain refufes the valuable
privilege of trading to and from her colonies, plantisi-
tions and iettlements ; proud independent and power-
ful IrelaQd iniifts upon the privilege as an indi^utable
right, and continues the important commerce: Gre^t
Britain, as proud independent and powerful refifts the
exercife of the alleged right: — ^a train of events ^kir
ing in deftruftion neceflarily follows.

Nay farther. Inferring from experience, k may be
pronounced, that Great Britain in her imperii courjKu
if not prevented by events to be ever deprecated, wiU
extend her Empire and acquire new fields of exdiifiv^
commerce. Thefe advantages will be attended with
terms and compaAs, refting upon the ian£tion, and ul-
timately modelled by the wiidom of parliament. In the
meantime, diflinA iaterefts, guided by le^^atwrea di£-
tinA and every d^y visually more independent, gctt^>
rate 'frequent commercial jealouiies. The terms and
compafts in thoie new cafes, agreed to and confirniBd
by the parliament of Great Britain, may, nay, muft, of-
ten militate with the news of Iqpaxate iatereft, and the *
jdifUnft national prejudices^ of the pacUament <^ Ireland.
At the fame time party leaders of every defcriptioo,
whetheraAuate4 by ambitioo> eothufiafm, or difaiie>aioii»

*

magnify

29

magnify and influBc Afagreement. Irdand muft jiM$
and thereby acknovkdge dep^dence; or the two
fiatts muft be committed. The coaiequences, it is
plain, woald either inunediatdy or by iure gradati*
ens, inYobre the Ibriea of deAm^ttoQ we are ioKcitous to
prevent.

Another point of view may be fnggefted. A ffnrit of
reform appears to have taken pofleiEon of the minds of
great numbers m tUs country, even of many who are
iincerdy attached to our conftitution civil and religious.
The meafiire of reform has been occafionally propofed
in the kgiflature of Great Britain j and there are many
refpeftable charajfters in that country who think that
fbme reform, in a left turbulent and more anfpicious
fea&n, might be ofeAilly adopted. In Great Britain^
from the union of the people, from the general attach-
ment to theeftaUiflied laws and religion, and from the
deep and fteady ineereft wMch all ranks feel in the pre*
lervadon of didr conftitution, it is morally certain, riiat
whatever reform may take place there, will be mode-
rate, caations, »id conftitutional. But in Ireland, where
the prindpies of jacotMnifm have been i<> deeply imbibed
and ib extei^vely propagated, and where the antipa-
thies of contending feAs, and the jealoufy of EnglUh
dommion, have fo hmg fermented in the community,
there ii powerful reaibn to apprehend, that, the opint-
OBS of a dtflinA nation influencing a diftin£l legiflature,
the independence of the parliament of Ireland would ex-
h£it idelf, in the adoption of a reform, (fiiierent from
that Bi Great Britain. Reform, by its own nature, has
a tendency t^ beget reform. ; but among an nnileady
people, not- ftrongly attached to eftaUilhed laws, it pro-
pagates

*\.

3<*

pagates more rafndly and more daringly. The naturd
conioqueace at fuch progrefs mnft be, that the reforms
of the two ftatesy would in due courfe fo far diverge, as
necelTarily to produce the (eparation which our enemies
purfue, but which we anKioufly iieek to avoid.

This may perhaps be anfwered by fuggefting, that
the oppdfitidn parties in the two lig^datures have very
well underftood each other on. the fubjedt of reform;
and that they not only concerted together the means of
prying their purpofe in a parliamentary way, but the
oppofition in England were employed to take up the
cauie of the Irifh confpiracy in the Bridfh parliament,
whereby, had they fucceeded in thdr profefled views,
the rebeUiqn would have gained countenance and
ftrength, refiftance on the part of the executive would
have been reurded .and weakened, Ireland might have
been loft, and Great Britain at laft have become a vic-
tim to the ichemea of jacobinifin. A proof this, as de*
monftrative as matters of a political nature admit, that
feparate and independent legiflatures in one Empire^
tend to difunion and weaknefs, muft often prove ernbar*
rafling and dangerous, and, in a period of great political
movement among furrounding nations, may occafion ac*
tual definition. Think but for a moment on the lead*
ing drcumftances of thefe two kingdoms : — ^fo peculiarly
lituated on the maps of Europe ; fo (lightly connefled,
yet {q eflentially diftinA } ib different in the prevailing
through the fame in the eftabliihed religicm ; fb expofed
to machinations at home and to hoftilities from abroad ;
but particularly, the inferior country, hitherto depen-
dent, now fo progreffive in power and independence \ — :
and then fay^ is it poffible, from all that we know of

the

die Juftdry and nature of man, to conceive tHae^
vfitbout a miracle, two kingdoms fo drcumftancedt
can continue long in any amicable or uieful connesion,
or cim aToid ultimately a hoftile feparation.

Great Britain and Ireland, all the loyal are agreed^
ought to be one in the enjoyment of the fame confHtu-
. tion, and one m a common intereft : and in truth, it has
.been the regret of the beft friends to Ireland, that
whether fri^n a lefs advanced ftate of ibdety, or from
. the unhappy difference in religion, or from whatever
cauies, the Britiih conftitution has not been ib com-
pleatly enjoyed, or to compleady operative, here as in
. Great Britain; and we all know that the interefts of tho
two coxmtries, have been. too generally confidered and
.aded upon, as diftinft and even incompatible. But
. while the kgiflatures, the fiipreme powers in the two
aatiofis, remain feparate and independent, no commoa
fyftem can poffibly operate to pre&rve a common inte-
. re(l, and to fupport and improve a common conftitution.
•Separate l^iflatures therefore, differently connefted»
and diiferently interelted, muft necefTarily, fo far as they
are independent, adopt different views and ientimenci
on thole leading p<»nts. And accordingly, within a
few years paft, while virtual dependence ftill remained,
though Qo doubt confideradi>ly weakened, we have
found this condufion palpably verified on two impor-
' taut occaiions ; and what is remarkable, thofe occafioos
occurred after, and not very long after, the repeal of
theBritifh ftatute which declared the right of the Britiih
le^flature to bind Irelaud, and the renunciation of the
ri^t itielf. The firfi of thoie differences of deciiion in
the two Iq^^aturesj was upon a fubjeA of commercial

compa£b

3^

€ompa£l and -regoUkioD, vrhich^ if it could have beea
effefted, would> in the opinion of thofe who beft nnder-
.ftand the interefts of this country, and who were moft
atuched to the connexion between the two Idngdoms,
have materially contributed to prevent the dangers of
difunion, and to promote mutual cordiality and benefit*
JBut the fubjeA being of a nature which neceflarily led
to the difcuffion of the diftinft intereft, and the conffito-
tional rights and independence of Ireland, and conie-
>quently a fubjeA into which jealoufy and pride «a(ily
Intruded, party fpirit, fupported by a zealous popula-
rity, had foU opportumty to operate, and iiicceeded in
defeating a meafure of great publick utiUty. The other
was an occafion of greater moment. But becauie5
«fflong the lefler cabals of jealpufy and rivalry, it ftands
.pre-eminent as a ihccefsful infiance of dangerous advan-
tage taken of a ftate of political weaknefs in Great Bri-
.tain, it has been treated lighdy as a fblitary example :
.yet, when ib foon after the confirmation of the compleat
independency of the IriA legiflature, we find a vaft ma-
jority prepared to c<»nmit the executive authority into
the hands of a regency, with powers materially diflinet
.from thofe then about to be limited by the Britiih leg^
lature, we rationally conchide, notwithftandidg all diat
has been faid of the operation of good ienfe and regard
to mutual good, that whenever new occafions (honld
.arife, the fame fpirit of independence, grown more
confirmed and vigorous, and actuated by the conftantly
operating motives of ambition, ielf-«itereft and party
zeal, would impel to fimilarly dangerous condu6t, but
probably with deftra6tive efieA. We fay, the fame fpi-.
rit of independence ;— becauie, although it is weU
known, that the . fubfequeiit cdndoft cf that majority,

too

33

too dearly erinced other modves of alKon, yet, had
the parliament of Ireland been fubjeft to the fame de-
pendence and controul as fbrmerly, the afb of the Bri*
dlh parliament would have bound Ireland m a matter of
fuch imperial concern, and no iuch embarrafling and
alarming event could have taken place : befides, though
an independent fpirit in the individual is always attended
with other valuable qualities, yet, in party commodon,
we often find the meaneft charaflefs rallying round the
fiandard of independence with hollow and deftruAive
views } juft as, among the jacobin preachers on political
purity and blifs, we daily fee cold4>looded theorifts,
whole individual b^iievolenceis wafted i^ their umverfikl^,
I^ulanthri^y.

Such mi unhappy caufe as then mad)s a regency no*
ceflary rn^ht eafily be of very long continuance, during
which wars and confpirades Hught eafily afflift the
country. Thefe kingdoms, in the midft of danger and
dlftrafiion, would then labour under the additional em*
barraf&iient, of bdng governed, not only by feparate le»
giflatures, but by diitinA and inconfiflent executive an-
thorides : And upon the fame principles which enabled
the l^^atnre of Ireland, t9 mveft die regency with
powers diftmft from thofe limited by the legiflature of
Great Britain, a diSereat per/on might be entrufled wiiji
thofe powers, whereby the rage of party would aggra-
vate and enforce all the diftraAioiv and mcoafiftency of
diftinA leg^fUtive aad executive aothorides^ The occa-
/ions for difleniion between the legilktures zfc as niK
merous as the fubjeft matters of legifladou which touch
both kingdoms. Such fubjeft matters multiply -^th the.
Ps of theie nations and of firroundiag ftates ; and

F tbt

•

34

the probability as vrell as danger of diflenfioo, ri& wkk
the importance of the matter, and in the degree that it
involves the interefts and fentiments of the community*
To theimmenfe horde of jacobins and ieparatift^, le£^
lative diflcntions give ^artning force ; they increafe dieir
numbers, difunite the loyal, and fumiih legalized
ground for intrigue, confpiracy, and all the political ma*
chinations that ultimately threaten the national exiflence*
|n the probable recurrence therefore, of difTerencea b^
|:ween the two Jeg^atures upon important futjeAs^ the
jAoft ftrepuous oppofers of union acknowledge mani-
feft danger to the imperial ftate ; and propoie to guard
^ainft fuch recurrence by compadts, which (hall pro-
vide, that whenever the legiflature of .Great Britain
fhall adopt certain important meafures, the le^ilature
.of Ireland fliaU be bound to concur : and as a com-
mencement and a fpecimen, an idle and inefficacious bi&
was introduced laft felTion, with the profeiTed purpofe
of fupplying fuppofed defefts in the exiiting Islws^ re£-
pefting the ms^tter of reg^cy, a^d of preventing in fi^*
ture, the poffibility of difference betipeen the two legi^
iatures, upon any queftion fimikr to that which to near*
lyconimitted thefe kingdoms in 1789. AU iuphreme*
dies, however, are as futile as they are inconiiftent
with the now loudly profeiTed principles of thofe who
propoie them, and are calculated for no other purpofe
than to roufe the fpirit of independence into dijbrder
•and violence. By the aA of anne3(ation» the kii\g of
England enjoys the title and prerogatives of king of Jjct^
land by virtue of his bdog kii\g of England, and the
crown of Ireland is expreftly united and knit to the ina*
perial crown of the reahn of England. Now, as has
been juftly and incontrovenibly obferved,'the crown,

. that

35

Aat IS, the executive anthority ruling the rcahn of Ire-
land, can be, by rirttie of this aft, no other than the ex- "
ecative authority ruling the realm of England ; and oon-
fequently, the perfon exercifing that authority in both
realms muft be the fame, and invefted with the fame
prerogatives or powers. But the perfon who (hall en-
joy the royal authority, the line of fucceflion in which
it ihall defcend, ahd the regulation and limitation of its
powers, are fuBjeft to the controul of the Britfti legifl
IflXure : and therefore, in every new cafe that can hap-
pen refpefting royalty, the parliament cf Ireland, by
the aft of annexation,' is bound to await the decifion of
the parliament of Great Britain.* The cafe of regency
was fully provided for. But if any explanation or con-
firmation was wanting, the ^ft of the Iriih legiflature in
1782, whereby it is enafted, that no bill fliall pals
into a law in Ireland unlefs it be returned under thtf
great ieal of Great Britain, was fully adequate to con**
vlnce the parliament of Ireland, that until the regent
was appointed and invefted by the Britifh legiflature,
they could not, confiftently with their own fettled prin-
ciples of connexion, proceed one Hep in the important
bufinefs, but were bound merely to rccognife the deci-
fioQS of the parliament of Great Britain on that fubjeft :
and indeed it is remarkable to recoUeft, that in the de-
bate Off the regency in the year rjB^y the force of this
aft was ftrenuouHy urged by a gentleman in office^
who on tfiat occaiion, afted fuch a manly, difinterejQted^

* See a condcnfcd demon ftrative and cloqtient fpeech, ddirercd by
WilUam Johnfoo, Efq; in the debate on the regency bill, laftfeifioa
^f jmliamcnt.

¥ 2 and

36

and loyal part, as th^ gained htm deferved refpeft, and
will ever refleft upon lum true honour.

*' His loyalty he kept^ his loTe, his zeal ;

'< Nor numbery nor example with him wrought

'^ To fwerve from tmth, or change hit conftant mind— *^

yet, in defiance of law, remoaftrance, and confiftency^
the popular paramount prindple, that independent. Ire-
land ought not to be bound formaUy or ratually in any
cafe wbatibeyer, by the Bridfh leg^flature, influenced a
full parliamentary al|^t>ly of Ireland, feconded by
whatever other motives, to commit to hazard the har-
mony and deareft intereft of both ftatea. But we are
notwitjuftanding, told moft confidently, that this aft of
the year 1782 effeAually iecures union and connexioa
on a firm and lafti^g bale, becanfe foriboth it makes the
Bridlh minifter anfwerabletathe Britiih nation^ if any
kw Aiould receive the royal aflent in Ireland, wUch
could in any way injure the empire, be incompatible
with its imperial interefts, ^r tend to ieparate Ireland.'^
The royal negative is a prerogative of a very delicate
nature, and the right has lain ib long unexercised, that
in an ordinary cafe it would have become obfolete and
extinguiflied. DifFerences may occur between the coa»
current determinations of the two houfes of parliament
and the real interefts of the nation, in which the king's
difTent may rightfully and uiefuUy intervene for the
publick good : yet even thele cafes muft be attended-
with great clearnefs ; for otherwife, parliament and the
king might be committed in a doubtful ftruggle for pre>
dominance, of the fad effefts of which, Great Britain
once had fatal experience. But delicate and dangerous

« The Speaker's Sj>cech, page 24.

as

A

7

as ffluft always be the cafes, wherein this prerog^ti^
interferes between the parliament and the nation, of infi«
nitely greater alarm would any cafe prove, in which the
prerogative (hould be called into exerdfe between the le-
f;illatures of the two kingdoms/ What would the inde->
pendent le^flature of Ireland regard the refponfitMlityof
the Britiih minifter } How eafily could they vote any
man an enemy to his country, who (hould dare tofupport
the right of th^-crown of England, or the right of the.
minifter to advife the crown, to fupprefs the concurrent
determination of both houies of the parliament of Ire-
land, as they formerly voted any man an enemy to his
country, who (hould dare to enforce the right of the
tithe of ag^ftment, whereby the burthen was thrown
upon the potatoes of the poor, in that great province
where grazing has chiefly prevailed ? The very cir-
cumilance, of the Britifli'minifter advifing hb majefty to,
refuie the royal allent to a bill pafled by the Iri(h parlia-
ment, would inevitably inflame the legiflature, and rouie
the nation of Irelaivi. Would the BritUh miniAer be
acknowledged a better or fitter- judge of the intereft of
Ireland, or even d imperial interefts, than the co-equal
and independent legiflature of Ireland? Would no5
the minifter be rather reprelented as a^ng under the
influence of the BritKh legiflature, as facriflcing the in-
terefts of Ireland to thofe of Britain, and as infulting the
dignity and independence of a diftln£t kingdom?
Would there be no pleudo-patriots, no faftious dema-
gogues in parliament, and no jacobin ieparatifts and
conlpirators out of parliament, ready to fan the flame,
and to ha():en the conflagration of two great ftates ? It
would be idle to purfue farther a matter fb palpable.
But^ the weaknefs of the confident concluilon alleded

to.

38 .

4&f aa ivell as 6f feveral otherd, of an extraordinary nal*
tnre^ delivered to parliajnent in a Ugh tone of p(q)Qlar
anthority*y has been ingenioufly expofed by an able
member of parliament, who early fupported with manly
eloquence, in the face of prejudice, the utility of legiiV
ktive union.f It is evident, however, that the com-
paAs and provifions whereby the legiflature of Ireland
ihould be bound to adopt the afts of the Britifli leg^a-
ture, muft be as wide as the whole fphere of imperial
ccKic^ms; for othermie, whatever reipained v^ould
leave the two le^flatures ib far expofed to all the con*
ieqoences of dif{erence, upon the innumerable and
weighty imperial concerns which muft ariie in the im*
penid and diftin A progrefi of two powerful, proud, and
jAdependent kingdoms. But, to adopt fnch remedies^
would be, to make Ireland virtually a dependent pro-
innce of the empire, limited to its own internal legifla-
tion ; and in truth, they would fbon eiFeA no other pur-
'poie^ than to produce new and more alarming dlfleren*
ces, and furnifh opportunities to the multitude of iepa*
ratifls, to perpetuate their defigns : for, it is inconfift*
ent with the plaineft reaibn, that as Ireland advances
in riches and power, her fentiments of dignity and in^
dependence will become leis vivid and active ; or that

• Among others— -that, hecaufe it has been found Qfeful la the
Britifl] conditution, that to the creation of law, ihc concurrence of
icferal branches of the fame legiflature or fupreme authority (honid
beneceflary^ therefore it may be nfeful» that iii the fiune empire or
Hate ihoald exift two fuprcoie and indcpeodent authorities, eqnsUf
invefled with the power of making law in all refpcAs wbatibever.
This fnrely needs only to be announced.

f See a letiew of a publication, entitled, the Speech of the Right
Hon. John Fofler, by WilliSUn Smith, Efq.

the

39

the leg^flature, >¥hich, under themflneoce ofnadonat
fendmenty formerly commanded the repeal of the fixth
of Gieorge the firft, would not contend for the honour,
and the paramount right, of deciding on all the e(Ien-
tial concerns of the Imperial ftate, equally with the ie«
filature of Great Britain.

Let it not be (aid (it is too ofienfive to the plaineft nn»
derftanding) that good fenie and mutual intereft and
afieAion have fecured and will ever iecure the con«
nexion and harmony of thefe kingdoms.* The degree
^ good len(e and benevolence floating in any commu-
nity, would operate to very little efFeft, in preferving
the harmony or even the exiftettce of an individual ftate,
if there was not a fupreme authority vefted in fome
part of it, fuffidently powerful to enforce neceflary
regulations, and to deter or redrefs the deftruftive ef»
forts of folly, paffion, and vice. Still lefs can good ienfe
and Aeeting fentiment fecure, or have they ever lecur^
ed, the harmony of dilHnft ftates, which happen to be
to litn$ited or related, that queftions of national in«
f ereft, and difHnft national claims^ make frequent fiib-
jeAs for diicuffion and adjuftment. The legiflature of
Ireland has adopted the exKVing navigation laws ea»
afted by the Britifh legiflature, and the parliament of
Great Britain has permitted the importation of colonial
produce from Ireland, therefore we are aflured that all
fubjeAs of jealoufy and contention are for ever done
away, and that every thing wMch human wifdom can
has been effcfted for the perpetual fccurity of

• See ik$ Speaker*! Speech, page su

out

40.

oar connexion. But thefe a£l$ of the refpeftive k^
latur^s have efFeAed no mor^ than daily takes place be*
tween ftates which happen to be in amity i but between,
which incompatible iaterefts and inveterate antipathy
create frequent and bitter wars. Regulations, appa-
rently for mutual intereft, are agreed upon and ratified.
They may be obferved for a long time, and produce
mutual benefit; but when new cafes arife, contending
interefts occur, or different parties rule, the fabrick of
amity dinblves, and diflenfion and hoflility rage uncon-
fined. That government muft furely be acknowledged
beft, which provides for the moft apd word contingent
ties, and which moft eSe^lually guards OQainft the
diforders prodi^c^ by human paffions. Every day, new
fubjefls of difference, and calling for adjuftmen^,. i^uft
by necedity arif^ between great and diflinft n^dons^
whofe fituadons involve them in many important rela-?
tions 9 and in every one of thefe differences muft as
neceffarily mingle all the plottings and workii^ of
ambition, party fplrit, felf interefl, and wicked cun<r
ningv Identity of intereft and identity of doounion and
controul, therefore, can alone permanently preferv^
the harmony and connexion of gi:eajt and independent
ftates. The iuflances of diffenfion and incompatible
-pretenfions, which have occurred witlun the few years
of declared independence, proclaim aloud the danger of
future difcord : the progrefs of thefe nations accumu-
lates matter for difcord : fodety is every where impreg-
nated with principles hoftile to political harmony : and
an enemy bent upon our ruin, watches, and will ev^^i^
watch the moments of our weaKnefs and difunion. It

would

4^

^tould be the madnefs of foUy not to defcry and
penrent the danger before deftrudipa becomes inevU

table.

«

In whatever contentions in parliaaient iirom daie ta
time take place, the felf intereft and the influence
of the iuperior country muft, nay a^hially do, conitif-'
tnte the fubjeAs for refiftance and popular harrangue..
Tbempre independeot and powerful the in£sriour coun-.
tsff the more uniYerfally and fatally national intereft
and national feud become aeceflarily rouied/ by tii^
perpetually, recurring caufe of difcontent and difumon ('
efpecially when inflamed by all thoie afts wMch the po«
lidcal adYeaturer and .the faftious demagogue employ»'
and which in no former days were employed with more
deftruCdYe eSe&. Have ancient Caufes, in barbarous
time, created hate ? Have mutual injuries o<tcaiionatty^
revived and aggravated aniipatby P Ail are vicioufly
displayed, painted with invidious colouring, and convert-'
ed into pretexts, for infufing and difleminadng, every
opinion and prindple, baneful to uiefid or permaaeVie
connexion.

Who can pretend to be blind to the eSe&s which *
muft follow to two diftin^ and powerful nations, whofe '
deepeft intereft requires that they (hould uniformly z(k
as one, but between whom, m former times, fo mao^'
lad cauies of ofience and rancour fubiifted, and in
whole independent claims, various purfuits, and in-'
creafing greatnefs, lurk fo many contmgencies * fruitful
of difoord? . '

The

4^

; The Uniformly operating prindples of onr nttore
aflhre as, that the jealoufy of diffinA intereft will pro»
greilively aggravate thele alarndng tendencies. Thai
jealoufy has frequently been roufed, as we have all ieeoy
and as we have been aflared by^the leading oppoler of
Union. That jealoufy muft increale (as Mfe have been
told by the fame authority) with two independent legii^
latures; it muft fiill farther increaie as the objects of
ifitereft become more numerous and important ; and^
national intereft is fo interwoven with political regula*
tion, that common feafe concurs with the lame autho-
4ty in concluding, that without a united intereft, poU«>
tical union will receive many ih<K±s, and ieparation of
intereft muft threietten feparatitcm W connexion.

«

What can prevent a progrefs of this nature irom
terminating in deftruftion, but an overbearing influence
which in ita turn, creates new diiguft, indiipolltions to
mutual amity, and prevents the two kingdoms from
g^uning the full effeft of thole advantages with wUch
nature and cultivation have fupplied them.

!If, however, compleat Union cannot be efFeAed^
the only hope then remaining f6r the permanency of our
connexion is, that the virtual dependence of the le^
lature of Ireland upon the leg^ture of Great Britain
may be inviolably iecured. The executive, as has
b^n obferved, is no doubt the immediate inftrume&t
to lecure that dependence; but the executive can aft
ofdy by the aid and under the controul of the fupreme
power, the legidature of the ftate : and it is too plain
for controverfy, that unlefs the leg^ature of Ireland
h^l^eeo ultimatdy controukd by the fupreme power

of

43

bf Great Britain, and rendered to all fubftantial eifeft
dependent, Ireland could* not have been prelerved in
that connexion which has been deemed neceflary tp
the well bring and even exiftence of both kingdoms.
Party rage, joined to popular commotion, and aided by
forrign intrigue and power, muft in Ibme of the many
periods of difficulty, have long fince produced fepara-
don, or fiich fiibjeftion as is totally inconfiftent with
any degree ofpublickprolperity.

But the growth of this country has been fuch, as at
length to refift and fpurn dependence. It has rivalledt"
the luperiour, or as it may fubftandally be called, the
Parent Country, and has claimed, almoft enforced, a
perfect equality of 'rights: and the legiflatures are
now ')>roCefledly and by iblemn declaration compleatly
independent, and, if fuch an expreffion can properly
be ded, equaHy fiipreme. There is therefore no right-
ful dependence whatibever, no avowed regular means'
by which to preferve the neceflary dependence ; anil
coniequently, the means to be ufed muft be Irregular^
onjufKfiable, and offeniive, and fiich as cannot fail to
fumiih additional cauies of diicontent and diilepfion.
The growth of <Minft Iteland in power, muft certain-
ly render tMa dependence the more precarious, and
coniequently, render means more powerful necefTary*
Ireland, advandng in power and dignity, could not but
feel and aA as all odier nations have felt and afted in
limilar fituations. Her people, through aH their ranks,
would imbibe the.fpirit of refiftance. We are well
aware how, and by whom, the occafion would be is^
proved ; and looking at die prefent transformed ftate

^G z of'

44

«

of furroiindifig nations, we canaol think- on the coafe>
quences without the deepeft anxietyT

To whatever fide we mrDy we are afliaiied by new,
difficulties and ,diftraAions» and can find no ground oa
which to build a ftable hope of lafliag and uiefoi
connexion^ while the fupreme authorides in the impe-
rial ftate remain diftinA. But by a Union of the two
ieg^flatures, liberally and wifely adjufted, in which the
eifence and. form of the Bridfli conftitudon (hould be
compleatly preferved, every ground for recurrence to
former offences and afinimofitie$> or to their unhappy*
effeftsy and all jealoufy arifing from diftiaft national,
intereft and diftinA nadonal pride, would be for ever^
done away. The only influence then to be exerdfed^
would be that of the executive, flovringfrom and main-
tained by the conftitudon^ for the purpoie of preierv-
ing the necef&ry equipoife of the leveral powers and
orders of the pne great ftate, and of carrying on with,
promptitude and effeA the neceffitry meafures of *
national concern. There could not then be diftinftv
laws for different parts of the fiune Empire; batiii.
like manner as the great fecurity of the dvil liberty of
the fubjeA, under the Britifti Conftitudon, coafifts in
,this unalterable fa^, that whatever laws the members
of the leg^ture enadl, bind themielves and aU their ,
interefts and connexions, equally with thofe for whom
they legate, fo the laws to be enacted in the commoa
le^Oature, could not bind or slSsA any diftrifi: or dt-
vifion of the united kingdoms exdufively,- but muft
equally utk& all and every part, and by uniform ope- .
radon, produce not a diftinft but a common intereft ;
and io conformity with the opinion of the late Doftor

FrankliUy

♦5

FrankKn, ref|)6diiig Great Kitaia and the oAmiesi
we might cxpeA, << that by fuch a Union the people of
« Grcut Bcitain and the people [of Ireland] would
^ lecrn to coniider themfelyes, not as belonging to dif-
^ fer "lit cooimanities 'with different interefts, but to one
<* coiBKiunity wkh one intereft; which would contribute
<< to ftrengthen the whole, and greatly lefTen the danger
« of future ieparations."*

The members to be fent by Ireland to the common
kg^flature <^ the two kingdoms, would be confiderably
\c& in number than the preient legUlature of Ireland^
the members for the commons, as we have now good
reaibn to believe, would be chiefly, if not entirely^
chofen by th^ counties and great towns; while the
lords of parBament would be chofen by the great bodj^
of the nobility : the reprefentation for Ireland there*
fbre^ would contain at once, the highefl birth the mofl
independent property, the beft education, and the firfl
abifitiea. Sudi a number of leading chara&ers, deeply
interefted in the welfare of the country, and placed oa
lb confpicuous a theatre, could not fee, with indif-
ference or without refiftance, any attempts of palpa-
ble pardality or injuflice : and trulyt any attempts of
liich a nature mufl be palpable mdeed} for, what would
they be ? They would be attempts in a c<Mnmon legil^
lature, to a A the part of a feparate, nay hoflile leg^ature ;
and certainly, great ingenuity as well as great violence
would be neceflary, to ena£t laws, calculated to deferve
onetlurd of thecommon territory, for the purpofeof ferv-
iog the remaining part. Ind^d fuch a fyflem ieems to be

•

* See hk Letter to Oorernor Shirley, dated liii3 Dec« 17^4.

impoffible

46

Impoffible IB its own nature : fori to nearly fimitar. Is
all the leading featnres and drcumilances, has nature
formed and placed theie iflaftds, that it is not in hit-
man poWer to frame a regulation, which fliould ferve
Great Britdn at large, and which would not alfo ferve
Ireland at large, or a regulation which ihould diflerve
Ireland at large, and which would not diflerve Great
Britain at large. No doubt laws could be conceived
"which might lerve fbme particular town or towns, di£-
trift on diftrifts, of either country, to the detriment of
the great remaining part of both countries. But in a
parliament compofed of the leading interefts of the
vmted kingdoms, in which (b many of the moft liberal'
and enlightened characters of the age would always aft
a commanding part, it is not in human credulily to be-
fieve, that the local intereft, the narrow po&cy, of a
particular town or diftrift, could influence the lords
and commons, in isolation of reaibn, in defiance of
opinion, in deftruftion of the common intereft, and to
diminution of national ftreugth, to confpire in facrK
fidng the great to the little, Ae whole to a part.

All realbning from what the parliament of Great
Britun has done, or would probably do, as a fepa*
rate legiflature, is totally inapplicable to the prefent
fiibjeft, even if all were founded that has been invidi-
oufly infinuated.

In all iiich cafes, a feparate legiflature guards and
promotes a feparate intereft $ and the laws deemed par-
tial, operate by way of privilege and proteAion, in ht^
TOur of the fubjefts of a diftinft kingdom, as againft a
fqreign ftate, fb far as a diftinft intereft is concerned*

Bttt.

47

But a united parliantenc can hare no feparate inteiril to
confnk. The whole united people of Great Britain
. and Ireland become the fubjeds of its legiflative care :
in its compofition would l>e found not only tlie proper
rq>relentation of Ireland, hut alio many refpeAablp
repreicntatiTes for Great Britain, as deeply interefled
in thdr own property fat the peculiar welfare of Ire-
land as for that of Great Britain : the fubjeft matters to
be diicufled would be fubje&s of common imereft^
could be preiented only in that form, and mud pre-
clude all invidious debate as between diftinft fiaces :
while the frequency of deliberation on the common ia-
tereft of the fiibjeAs of both iflaads, could not fail, ope-
rating by the fure principle of habit, to create and
fbengthcn in the kg^ature, the fentiment and princi-
ple of a common intereft, and by necellity diffule the
ientiment and prindple through the conftituent body»
the whole united community*

X

iTwo mig^ ioftances indeed have been vehemently .
urged and idly repeated, not of partial laws, but of
laws unjufUy, as it is laid, and in breach of faith, en-
aded as againft Scotland in the parliament of Great
Britain ; and theie are reBed on as proof, that the in-
terefts of Ireland as well as of Scotland, would be fa-» *
crificed after a Umon, to the iaterefts of England. .
But theie inAances have been fo clearly and repeatedly
proved to be unfounded, that it would be tedious, aa
it is unneceflary, to repeat, or to add to, the refuta-
tion. It may be proper however to remark, that from
the part taken by the Scotch members of parliament ia.
the matter of the malt tax, it cannot eafUy be fliewn, that
they were indifTerent to tbe interefts of their particular .

coU9tryi

48

tuufltry^ nor in tmth can it be (hewn, that in atty
matter in which the interefts^of Scotland have come in«
to difcuffion, the Scotch repreientadves have not ftre-
nijoufly fupported them* The proceeding on the occa^
iion of the malt tax proves to have been merely an ef-
fort of the then oppofition, to give to a quibble more
eSc& than to fubftantial and equal juftice. The a6b
which placed Scotland on the fame footing as England
in refpefi to the law of high treaibn, is acknowledged
by thofe who invidioufly adduce it, to have been for
the benefit of Scotland ; while on examination it zp^
pears to have been enaAed in exad purfuance of an
article of the Union* We may therefore, in oppofi-
tion to modem calumny, ccmtinue to give credit to the
moft refpeAable hiftorians of the dmes fub&quent to
the Union, who concur in teftimony, to the good faiA
and impartiality of the parliament of Great Britain in
obiervance of the compaA, as wellaa to the many and
kfting benefits which have refulted to Scotland from
the Union, notwithflanding the gloomy and inflamma-
tory forebodings (long fince falfified) of Locbar^
Fletcher and Lord Belhaven.

The leader of the oppofidon to Union is fb fenfible of
fhe failure of all fuch inftances in proving a breach of
compaft, that, in the whole of his long ijpeech, he pre*
tepds not to adduce or to fupport one : and even when
he attempts to ihew thefe, that by the income tax the ar*
ticles of Union are virtually broken, ye the diiavows any
infinuation that the meafure is a breach of any ardde of
the Union, or that it was intended to ^vaie it.* The

* speaker's Speech, page 96.

weakneft

49

tvttkao&a&d fodlky of hk end^^vt to fliew thit hf
tbia meafurt the anides of oniofi af e viitisally brokea,
fence to coofino rathet tlua weaken our lebsnoe on a
QO&ed le^Qatttie* He %», that by aiuiilukting the
xoeafare o£ a land tas;, another is raifed by the aane of
th^inooiae tax«. * But the land tax is «ot aooihil^ted ; it
zemaiDs fiibflaadaUy aa it was ) it It merely difpofed c>f
In order to raife a large ^udpal fiunfbr the exigeocMs
of the iUte \ and whether thd proprietor «f m. cftate
purchaiea in, or cootinoea to pay tk^ tax, is to all real
c&a the £|me* Bat if k w^fe aiuiibilated, the efibft
would be the £mo io Scotland as to, Englaad : the tax
according to the propordoos agreed ^^ H the onioa
would be doxie awayr as to both countnea : aad aU other
taxes, whatever they were or tti^t b^ wojoU remain
the iame, B«l how the anidhilaitioD of the land Has,
luppofiog it anmbilated^ prodoced th« iocone tax» h
mo& iacoacrivablrv The large fam. afifvig fron the
fihk of the land tax, we ftoidd more natiiraUy expeft,
wootd have predaded the neceffity of the income tax ;
for the aoooas ta^ has act been raifed to pay the laiet-
«fl of loanst or ki any refpefk to ftand in the fhct i)f
Ofdfauoy taxes, bat is expre&ly adopted \», place of a
loaa, aod fo far to pveclude the neceffity of loaa of of
porimabefli: ^xes. The propbfitkm therefore is as incon-
fiileot as It is unfouhded, and by the by is equally ir-
vokyant. The knds of Scatlaod, by the articles <rf ITai-
OB, were, he fays, to pay only one-fortieth of the Bri-
tiih htnd tax ; but he adds, an lacome tax has taken
plate I and income ariies out of land \ and eftbnatiag
Scotland in her hicoase at one-^ghth of England, her
laoda vrill therefore pay henceforward one-eighih tn-
fle^ of oic-foruetli of what thoft of England &o.

t
f

5»

Now, in order to ffve anyftoiblance of reafon to this
argament, it muft be previoufly (hewn that the propor-
tion of land tax for Scotlandj^ was at the Union, moft
abfurdly and nnjnftly, adopted as the radd of all other
taxes to be paid by Scotland ; for no tax was ever in*
vented, or can be concdved, which is not paid out of
income ^ and whether a man pays a certain amount, by
the name of an income tax, in the form of one-tenth of
his revennes, or in the form of taxes npon cdnfumption>
window lights, hearth money, or die like, makes not
to common fenfe the flighteft diflerence. But we know^
for we are accurately informed by the hiftorians of that
day, that the proportion of land tax was not adopted as
the rado of other contributions, but was merely a re-
guladon of that particular tax then fubflfting in England,
adopted according to drcumftancea. Many objeftions
had been made as to the different modes in the two
eountiies of Taluing the lands, of fetting them, of the
payment of rents, and of levying and paying in the
liims charged upon land ; which rendered it difficult
to adjnft this tax equitably by any rate or valuation ;
and therefore, to accommodate all difi^ences, and to
finooth the way for fo defirable a purpofe as they were
about to accomplUh, the commi^oners agreed that, as
to this particular tax, whenever it fliould be laidoB,
Scotland ihould pay a certsdn fixed fum, in the event of
England paying another certain fum, and £> in pr<^r-
tion. But this mode of regulating a particular tax was
never till now dreamt of as a flandard for regulating
any other taxes, whether called cuftoms, exdie, afltfs-
ment, or contributions of income. Be the land tax ex-
jfting or annihilated, difpofed of for a principal fum, or
remaining as a tax with gotemment, all other taxes rie-

maia

5*

rom as before, and rq;iilatod b the long u&dand ac«
kaowledged way. This infinnalioa therefore, or difa«
Towal of an infiimatioii, infiead 6f ferYing, mars (he
puipofe forirhkh it is infinoated*

There is noreafim tbea for apprehe&fion, that the le*
l^atare of a great nadoD, like united Britain and Ire«
landy vonld iacrifice the intbrefts of one great and e&.
fential part to thole of another ; nor, if the appreheo^
£oQ were rational, can it be concdved, that the execa««
tive oonld countenance fuch abfnrd ichemes^ evidently
deftmAhre of the well-bdng and fafety of the whole
over which it prefides, and tending to weaken as well
as d^rade the government : bat even if the vicioos
fdiy^ were poffible, a penetrating and adive oppofition,
jcnned to the members for the great portion of the ftate,
againfi which the weak and wicked conipiracy would
be formed, jnuft escpofe and defeat fuch wild at«
tempts.

, Iq the preient ftate of cottnexiod inde^d^ which be
comes neceJIarily more flight and precarious as Ireland
hecomed mighty, mighty to ddlroy as well as to fup-»
port Great Britaiti, it would not be furprifing if the
Britilh legMlature were to confidet the intereft of the
two coantries as incompatibk* An invidious fpirit has
been kmg carefully kept aUve ^ong its ; and, what«
ever has been ,liippofed to ierve the interefis Jof Qte^X
Britain, has been generally repf efented, for that reafon,
as baneful to the interefts of Ireland* Hence the cry
for |ioiwimpor|4^n . i^eemeiits, and the demands of
proMbit»ry duties, hoftile bounties, and the lik^ ; which,
fo Car as carHed llito praAlce, have hurt our own vaIu-»

H a able

\

5i

abk d^Mirts in t fir ^rettcc dngEoe una tbcy have dk*
miAiihed the hnports £poid Bntaiii^ and at ^ &me^
timt hftvie beea prodajkhrc of jeakNify nd hoftik n^g»*
lations on the other fidet a ipiik aod a coiMlBft oql the
part of both, no doubt, almoft, equally deftradtive.*

. Btt if we caDCder the political frindplet, pccnKif ly
inimical to Britain and the Britifli cdoftftufion, (ofefia^
lottfljr fMOpagated, which ha^e not only poffifled the
uatbioking mafi of oiur peopki bat faai« pot in ttotloa -
fo maoy of the edncaled; if we add the unfoitimately
divided ftate of this country as to felag^ $ and then
remw the deftni£Hi« progrefa of France through £»-
tope, andrecoUeft her malignity to Britam as the grand
obftack toher defigns^ can any nuaonal oftderftaadrng .
coodade, that it remahn the inaereft of Gxmt firibmi>
to regard the inteveft of Ireiand «• her own, and to vie
evmry mean for the promoiionof a diftijift pfoiperit^
which neceflarily conferring power, may ultimately ex*
alt ah implacable foe, upon the ruins of that grand fy£-
tern of -dvili^atioBy which it has coft indnftry, wifiiafei»
and patriotifm, ages to erefl ? .

On the contrary^ if the iieprefenutivea from efveiy
part of ibcfe iflands, cooflhute the legMlatnie for lAe
whole of <S€€9t Britain 4md Irehmd, ail the aAa «of
which equally afieA both miited Jdigdoma, then me
c^ inievefls of all fo bound «ptogetber, ihAdie motlvea
which have hitherto influenoed the kg^flatuiea forthe
diibnA kingdoms, toprefo'diftiDA interelte, aie^irtMUy
taken away : nay, the fub}e£t matter (no longer ^remmni i

^ See lord Sheffield's Ob&n^fioug on the Traded tccUod.

■
f

for

« 53

for &et^ t2k he tio fepimite-nafiofid imereft to any part
or mdbber <)f t iKMifotidated Aale, the national tntereft
aB4 the cotnmon intefeft being then one and the 'feme*
The laws eaaoot operate partially ; for the fane laws
are ttade for the 'whole, and there is no Separate mter-
eft to be prettoiedk Paniai regards and inTidtoiis -ccfiP'
iideratloiis afiaft the laws of neighbouring ftates ; f or
the tBterefts ef Bci^M|0«rtftg ftates have been, from the
beg^aoing of 4iAe, dmoft conftantly in oppofiti on : bat
in OBe imdinded (hte, the na^nai intereft, the granil
objdft of leg^flalm, being the (kne, paniri regards as
eppcrfcd to a coaanoA nfeereft, howfeervr they may in-
flnenoe teditMhiitn, caanot maierially alleft the general
kw. We do not find ihat partial attachments operate
m die te^fbrore of Gteat Britain, to the detriment of
WBfjaSn, or to the beiM^ of any part, in oppofttioa to
the ccnmoa ivt'ereft ^ but, whatever may be the ftrug*
glea of fmxf Cor fiiOAcai power, and whatever differ*
enoea of o^nioii oft poblidc meafiires nay take place^^
ve mtyet hear of the itrtereft of any parttcnlar diftrift
hdmg oppdod w the national proTperity. Partial at-
tarhmfiitt maft €ver be varioos in a nomerous kgifla-
tore, smd therefore oomneraft «ach other : befides, the
feu <i facce66il oppofidon to partial meafores ; ref-
peftfar opiniott^ regard for a connnon caufe, which
the Ifafcits of <odfiiMiig on ^riie grand fnbjefts of pub-
lidt poli<:y naturally 'beget ; the vrfeftil intermixture of
OfAainttB, flowing from conflant interconr<e and dxfcti&
fioA; tilde, and imnnnerable combinations of iimihr
oacaoB, eimaur to -create, union of views, and union of
wruiMip to a cbmoMii good.

la

J^

54

p

. In fuch a coafoHdadon of iocetelby the prosperity
and power of every part, form the proiperity and
power, and contribute to the ftability of the wk(^e«
Confequently, in the' United legiflaturei engaged in
advancing the wealth and greatnefs, not o£ a^feparate
ftate, but' of one undivided and infeparaUe ftate, every
encouragement that an enlightened zeal for nadonal
intereft could give, would be extended to er^ bene-
ficial exertion of every /fart of the perfeftly United
Empire. The United parliament would be compofedf
not of a narrow ariftocraqy attended by a tribe of
devoted and uninformed dependents, but of the^nume*
rous great interefts of the Umted kingdoms, aided by
the various and extenfive information of every profet
lion, art, and occupation, of a moft a£Bve^ profperous
and enlightened nation. Unembarrafled by the con«
tending claims of diftinA and rhral flates, ftich a legi-
flature, therefore, would be at once nAuatediby mo-'
tive and furniflied with ability, to call forth eviery
latent power, and to cheiiih every rifing effort, in ^e
promotion of particular, and confequently of general^
induftry and profperity. One part of a great ftate^
from produce, fituation, or habit, is often capable o£
cultivating a ^ valuable art, which is, both phyfically
and morally, beyond reach of another. This faft is
an extended territory takes place to manifold tStSt ; '
and by being (kilfully improved, tends to multiply the
riches and refources. of a country. . Such advantages
flow, in a confiderable degree, even from intercovrie
with foreign ftates; but, in far greater preportton*
and to happier effeA, in the various and multiplied re*
lations of difiertet parts of the fame country, whereby
&e peculiar induftry, and produAsi and wailtSi of vari*

\

\

i5

ODS diftriftsi contribute reciprocally to the profpcrity

of each, and, in entire efFeA, to the enlarged profpe-

rity of the whole ftate. Hence, varions and extenfive

interchange of benefits neceffarily begets correfponding

intercoTirfe 5 real intereft becomes bettier underftood ;

prejudices fubmit to experience; and amity and fiiC'

cefs^ g<Hng hand in hand, mutually promote each

other. And hence may be inferred, the futility of all

thoie invlcBous fiatements and calculations, which are

manufiaftured by party difputants, for the purpofe of

(hewing the fuperiour advantage of either kingdom in'

its intercourfe with the other. Thefe are not neceflary

to prove that the ieparatioft'of Ireland would ulti*

mately ruin Great Britson, or -that Ireland could not

exift unconnected with Great Britain. All the' garb*

fing, mifnaming, and fbphiftry, with which ibme of

them have been introduced and difplayed might eafily

have bees (pared;* Thefe Illands, it appears clearly

enough without all this machinery, are formed by

nature, by relation, by hatnt, by common hope and

fear, to coalelbe and to become perfectly one, in polid-

eal eflence, form, and energy.

But it ieems, the woollen, cotton, iron, and pottery
manufafturies, are thoie in wMch Bridfli capital is
chiefly employed, thofe for which Great Britain is pe«
cufiarly fitted, and in which her people enmiently ex-
€61 ; dierefore Ireland in all the enriching arts of in-
duftry, is to degenerate after Union, Bridih capital
will no longer contribute to fupport her trade, and

* See diamefnUy ibphUlkal (UtemeoU dete^cd in ttfirvaikm m
ihtUfartif tbg S^eokir** ffttfh tubitb rtktei UtrjuU, fiom page x6 to
pagcM

Britiib

5:6

Britifit ietders wiUbe more deterred than ev«r frcmi
makiog^ or taking part in, ^ftabliihmentf among us.
That Great Britain is unrivalled in thofe manufactures

m

is ndthdr to be denied nor regretted ^ they contribute
confiderably to her riches, and to that might which
Ihe is. now putting forth in a coiamon defence* But
even in thefe arts of induftry we have a fhare ; and fo
far as may be conMent with the application of our
capita), and with our attention, to thole obje£b for
.which we are beft fitted, and in. which we have emi^
neatly prospered, we may juftly encours^e the hope of
taJung, in progrei&oD, a largec fhare. That this
country is capable q£ (:ultivating the weollen wanxif
failure to confiderabk-^tent is undoubted, from the
.l^ery inftance, which the oppofera of Union adduce,
of the profperous ilate of that nBian^fadure in Ireland
.^ a very early period; and from the fad thaj^ for a
good while pafly and at this moment a le^seAable
trade has been and is carried Ofi m. Um coarfer bran^
^hes of woollen goods. It may V^ true thatip 1698^
Ireland exported woollens to ihe amount of above
ioo,oool. and in 1798^ to the amount only of tatoool-
and yet in the latter period more woollen goods may
jiave ,been . manufa&ured in Ireland than in the former
period ^ for, the prodigious increafe of her people, and
of their abi£ty to> purchafe claattung) within the laft
century, has been fuch as to anniUlate any iofercnco
which can be drawn from this difiereace of export.
A Similar obfervatiop is applicable n> the OaievielbC
that, about ten yeajra ago Britain exportf^l it w^Utn
manufafture to the whole world 4,368,9361. in value,
and in the laft year, 6,836^6031. and^that out dftlie
former there went to Ireland 353178 iL and out of the

latter

59

Utter 580^7 23L fo that in ten years the iocreaie of ex«
port to Ireland was more dian in an equal propor*
tion to the incr^aie of eiiport to the reft of the'
world*. It foUowg not heace^ that a lefi quantity
of woolkn goods was maonfaftttred in the year
1798 tb^M^ m the year 17881 either in Ireland or
in the reft of the world} but it may follow, as
the fa& is^ that in the progrefs of nations, Irelandi
as well as the reft of the world, but in (^eater propor*
don than in many parts of it, has, within theiaft ten
years, increaied in riches, and particularly in the num*-
bers of thofe defcriptions of people, who have acquir-
ed the means of purchafing the finer woollens which
Britain fnppli^. In the coarfer woolkns mtnufac-
mred at home, we fee the great body of our nufiiefotts
population doathed y and tliis is abundant proof, that
whenever drcumftances ftiall make it oiu* inter^, to
extend or vary this branch of induftry, we have it fttlty
in our power. But it is acknowledged Chat Ireland
works up all the wool it has, smd it is added that tbtt't
is little reaibn to expeA that the quantity wiU be en**
larged, as the increa^ of the linen manufafture and
of agriculture gives a greater profit in land than fheep
affordf. Is it not obvious therefore 'that Ireland b
now in poiTeffion of other means of proQ)erity, which
it would be folly to facrifice to the premature and
forced cultivation of certain branches of manufafture,
which other parts of the fame empire, (an empire
every loyal man wilhes to be one in intereft) happen
to cultivate with peculiar (kill and to profperous
effect?

* speaker's Speech, 72.
'I* $peaker*s Speech, 7;^.

In

6o

' tn the dottoa manufaAnre diSo, pardeularly id the
coarfer branches of it, which do not require fuperiour
fkiil, and which are beft fitted for commoif confomp-
tion, cbnfiderstble advances have been made. The
cotton manufaftnre eftabMied and conducted with
great fpirit and on great capital by Meifrs. Orr» (na-
tives of Great Britain) affords a moft rerpeftsA)le in-
ftance indeed of what may be done in this country^
when the advanced ftate of Ireland ihall give an equally
cheap raw material as Britain procures, and fhall af-
ford from more eflential occupations a fuperfluity of
capital.

In the manufadure of Iron for the more general
and uleful purpofes of life, fbme fpirited efforts have
been crowned with fuccefs. Not to mention others*
Mr. Blair's extenfivf works on the River Liffey near
Dublin, furnifli a ftriking example of what may be
effeAed. Even in what is called the pottery manu-
fi^ure, this country has proved idelf not incapaUe i
and that it pofleffes all the requifite natural advan-
tages in a fuperiour degree, has • been fully fhewn*^.
And till now it has not been denied, that cajntal, en-
terpriie, and fldll, are only wanting to raiie Ireland by
degrees, to the higheft ftate of profperity in which
cultivated arts can place a nation. No doubt, until
long eftabli(hment has given capital and fkill, it may
be neceffary to encourage thofe who have engaged in
manufactures in which Great Briuun has long excelled,

• See Obrenrations on that part of the Speaker*s Speech,, whick
relates to Trade.— See alfo Mr. Wedgwood's Evidence before tbe
Houfc of Commons in Engbnd, in May, 1985.

by

S9

hy fixing upon fach articles^ duties ^which may pre*
lenne to our own rifing fabricks the home confumptioo,
which home coniumptioii in a populous country is al^
-ways fuffident, in a reaibnable length of time, to efta-
blUh whatever employment the drcumftances of a peo-
ple fit then to purine* Such encouragement makes
part of the plan of Union laid before his Majefty.
Whatever capital has been embarked, therefore, and
whatever induftry exerted, under exiting laws, in any
infant undertakings, have compleat elFeft (ecured, fo
far as may be confiftent with the coHeAive good of the
country. Under fuch encouragement for a confiderable
time, (and in jufHce and good policy, ought to be for a
for a confiderable time) the capabilities of fucceTs in va-
rious purfuits will have taken root^ while thole in whick ^
we could but ftruggle by the aid of a tax upon the con^
. fiunption of our. people, will gradually yield to others
in which capital may be more beneficially employed.

In one branch of manufafture we are confefledly
unrivalled; and the increafing demand from other coun-
tries, particularly from the great continent of America
multifdying with people, opens to induftry and capital
a field for enterprife of indefinite extent. In agricul-
ture, notwithftanding the increafed produce of corn,
at the expence and under the operation of bounties^
this country is in an incalculable proportion inferiour to
Great Britain*; and yet, its very fuperiour foil, and

12' numerous

. * The oototnry i« bdced motl ftrangelf infifluated in the Speaker's
Speech, page io6, where it is faid, that Irciand (iipplies hiigely that
luDgdom whoie profperity we are defired to imitate, and who cannot
BiaiiitaiD itiklk It is furely an extraordinary inference that, becaufe

a country

6e

nomerouf people, reader it peculiarly capable of faf*
pailiiig almoft' every other countryy in the bleffiogs to
be derived ftom this prime ibarce of aatioQal wealth
and happinefs. Look to Great Britain, and obierve the
quantity of capital ebployed in agriculture, the know*
ledge and fpirit with which it is carried on, and the
fcene of induftry^ plenty^^ and comfort which it exhibits ;
whQe in Ireland, ftarved for want of capital, and chief-
ly conduced by an ignorant and torpid dais of vacn^
this fine country has hitherto but con]e£tured Vhat it
is capable of, and inAead of prefenting a race of flou-
riihing occupiers of the land, the happieft and moft
uleful members of the community, has too generally
cxpofed a wretched afpeft of poverty and failure. Ta
put this country in the fame ftate of agriculture as that
at which Great Britain has arrived, would coft, accords
iugtp'Mr. Arthur Young's calccdation, little lefs thai\
one hundred millions fterling^

0

No^, whence can ve exped aa acceffion of capt^^
Xnowledge^ induftry, and enterprUe, but from that fu*
pereminently flourifliing kingdom, with which we are
partially ponnedled^ and with which a perfeA Unioa

a coaotry occafionally imports com, therefore it ^cannot maintain it«
feif; for, if the fame country happens to export in a greater propor-
tion than it imports corn, it follows that it can more than maintain it-
felf. Now, in the iaft edition of Adam Smith's fTealtb o/Natitnr, the
enlightened and accurate author dates, that Great Britain impofts
only a qnantity of gtain equal to about the five hundred and feTentieth
part of its homt confumption, while it export^ a quantity equal to ahouC
the thirtieth part of what it confumes ; that is, it exports more thaa
eighteen times as much as it imports. And yet it feems Great Bri-
tain cannot maintain itfelf ! A conclufion^ if it were true^ unhappy for
Ireland as well as for Great Britain.

muft

I

6i

mxA g^ve to all ranks of its people, confidence, and*
bf progreiEve confequences, j^l the cordiality of co^
patriotiiin?

Already coniider^ble Turns hare from time to time
been km totlus country by Great Britain upon landed
iecurity; and it is notorious that a very confiderable
part of the trade of Ireland is carried on by aid of Bri-
tish capital Whatever we can produce which, in any
part of the immeniely extended correfpondence of Great
Britain, can fnpply demand, is taken with avidity from
Ireland, paid for in advance, and tranfported to the ul-
timate ports of deftination, to be widely diSufed under
encouragement of the indulgent credit given by Briti(h
wealth. Of the prodigious quantity of our ftaple ma*
nufa£hire, the linen, fent yearly to Great Britain, above
two thirds of the value are paid in advance by the mer-
chants to whom it is configned -, and Ibme Britifh capU
\ tal has even been vefted in eftablilhments of that manu*

fadhire in Ireland. In faA, {o connefled and interwo*
ven is the profpcrity of this country with the profpcrity
of Great Britain, that almoft exaAly in the prppordon
^ that BritUh commerce has extended, the demands for

I ' what Ireland can fupply have increafed, and the affift-

i ance of Bridih capital to call forth that iiipply has beeii

extended. So feniible of thefe truths are many of the
northern linen manufaflurers, and many leading com**
merdal men in Cork and other convenient fea ports,
that no efforts of party violence or affe Aed patriotifin,
have been able to prevent them from feeing and ac^
knowledging, the acceflion of benefit to be derived, from'
more intimate connexion with Great Britain^

In

62 ♦

In that highly improved country, every aftive pmw
fuit has been carried to fuch extent, that enormous ca«
pital and animated enterprize feek new fields of action.
Before the political convulfion of France, eftabli{hment»
in that country were meditated, and (bme aAually com-
menced by enterprifing Englifhmen. Even in this tre-
mcndous war, fo , has the conrfe of events concurred
with the ability and fpirit of Britain, that her wealth
and her enriching fources have increaied beyond all
former experience or hope. Confider then the circum-
fiances of Ireland* Our climate as good and our (oil
faperiour ; the means of fubfiftence more eafily raifed
than in almoft any other country \ a hardy and nu«
merous people capable of furnifhing, at moderate rate^
a prodigious quantity of ufeful labour, to all the arts of
life \ and a coaft fuperabundantly fupplied with commo-
dious havens for all the purpofes of ready export and
import. Think alfo of the iituadon of Great Britain.
The nadonal principal flock fwelled to enormous
amount, by the acceffion of emigrated property, and by
the profits of enlarged commerce ; the fum of wealth
employed in war returning, on the eftablifhment of
peace, into the bofbm of an already ii^calculahle capi^
tal 'f and her people aAive and experienced in every in-
dufirious and enriching occupation, acute . to difcern
where and how advantages are to be purfued, and bent
upon enterprife beyond all other nations. Thus dr-
cumftanced thefe kingdoms become perfeftly united^
whereby all feparate intereft is annihilated, diftinQ na^
tionabllity is loft in the entirenefs of the one confoli*
dated ftate, the fame fupreme authority flowing from the
whole prefides over and regulates the whole of both
countries, and the fame laws equally controul, encourage,

and

tiA fecure, all the inhabitants of the tttJitei kingdom*
What muft nattrr ally follow ? No longer confidered a^
a diftin^t or hoftile conntry, but as a dlftriA of their
own country, and blefled with fuperiour advantages^
e&terptifing Englifhmeri, not yet fixed in permanent e&
tabllthments, with a fuperilitity of capital open to their
jofe^ muft occafionaUy gratify the fpirit of adventure iit
'JL comparatively new and unoccupied field. Frequent
fiiccefs cannot but operate to encourage new und^rtak^
ings ; and otfr various advantages, whatever they are,
muft coniequently become better underftood and more
fuccefsfully purfiied, whether in agriculture, ki long
fftablifhcd manufadure, or in rifmg or in new under-
takings. It is ftrange to fay, that all this muft fail be-
cattfe* we have not the cheap fuel with which Great Bri-
tain, raifing it within herfelf, is furnifhed *, and at the
iame moment to inform usf, that if urged to it we caa
raiie abundance in our own country. No doubt we can^
and it will aaturally make a ufeful part of our progrefs^
to raife that valuable article in abundance, and to fupply
it at cheap price to all the arts in which it is employed.
In the meantime, the difference of the price of fuel makes
fo fmaU a part of the coft of moft manufaAures, com-
pared with that of many other materials employed, but
particularly with the coft of labour, and is fo fullyxx>m-
penlated by the prefent duties, which are to remain for
a confiderable though limited time, and afterwards to
be condnued or gradually dimlnifhed as publick good
may require, that no real difcouragement takes place or
can rationally operate.* The circuitous means by which

fo:

* It is mateiial to obfeire, that the flourifhing date of manufacp
UittSp depends not Co «nuch opoa the rate of pioiit as upon the tx^

tecCoii

_*

& many of the raw materials are obtained by thi^conit^
try^ enhanced in price by additional profit, freight, in^
furance, and other expences, contributes more perhaps^
than any o|her drcumftaiice, to retard tho/e manufac-
tures in which we have not eminently excelled ; and tho
low ftate of induftry among our people, which prevents
the extenfion of home confumption adds to the dit'
cotiragement. The (mallnefs of capital employed in fcv
reign trade and in agriculture is the caufe of both thefe
of deficiencies. Let men poflefled of property. Or capable
obtaining the enlarged ufe of it, in the fifler kingdom, and
ardent for aftive employment, fee this happily drcum-
fianced country, no longer governed through the medk»
um of an interefled and doubtful oligarchy, 4io longer
liable to be regulated by laws diflinft from thdr own,
no longer influenced by feparate or incompatible iiiter-
efts, and no longer, by the very nature of a diftinA
fiate, and in the daily proceedings of its feparate leg^
lature, cheriihing and bringing intoa £tion invicKousr and
alienating principles, but in every particular of intered
govemment\and regulation the fame ; then, apprehenfi-
on and difcouragement removed, all our natural advaU'-

tenfioD of ikle, which exteofton of (ale is beft promoted bjr (kill and
capital. A maniifa£hire making only ten per cent, on the capital em-
ployed may be far more flouri(hing than one making fifteen per cenL
on account of the far greater quantity of bu(ine(i done by the former
than the latter. In (everal manufaAures in Ireland, at thi»moroent»thfe
rate of profit is greater than in thofe of the fame kind in Great Bi itain ;
but the greater capital employed, and the greater extent of (ale, make
thofc in Great Britain geneially mote flouii(hing and prodtidiTe. Un*
der the encouragement of duties, fixed for a limited but confiderable
time, and afterwards to be gradually dimioinied, Ireland will hafC
full opportunity, to improve her (kill, inoreafe her capital, and ex*
tend her fale, fo as with a Icfs rate of profit, to Pourifli more eminently ^
m all the arts, for the enlarged cultivation of which nature may have
codowci her.

tages

>

t

6^

tmeft ate left at Eberty to operate, with (v31 force of
iDOdve, opoD cTer; ajflrve'eoergy to be found , in any
^on of the nmied whole. We may therefore confidently
se (kill in evny branch 6f agricniture, noit
a. beif^t jn Great Britain, and ftilt ciilti«
framed witb a degree of atdour pregnant with futtire blef«>
ihgs,' will, with, die xiQffatace of ovisllSowing cajnta),
teach the tifii and extenfi ve tracks in Irdand, which ma^y
he. oMamftd upon terms far inferlonr to thofe 0n which
the natnrally inferipitr lands of Britad^ are farmed ; and
that the oamtttodioud ports of oiir finely indented coafl:, .
wiU from time to time invite many to dialed dftabliih^
meats or take patt in eftabliihrnents, for the pnrpofe of
fnpplymg -foreign 4iations with our prodndions^ land, of
impovdng the varioua artides^ ufeful ^t home or fit to be

cafilyd^ibated to other countries. ' -

• • •

' Should ii|ch inftances be at firft but few, fhould they
■nltifLy but by flow degn^ea, yet Ml th^ eiFeft^ would
be hs^ppy. Men of condition iind property in this coun*
try would occafionally imitate the es;ample, and in thelt
own exertions, or in directing the attention of thdr fons
tD irfeful employment, would promote individual and *
coOefti^e intefeft. Hence, motives to induftry would
he mnltiplied; faence, fldU and enterprife would follow ;
hence, our people would be more generally employed
asd coniequently ameliorated ; and hence, in the enjoy-
a^ibat of the fruits of bdnftry, a tafie for the comforts o^
civilizied life would be cheated, and every active pui^
fuit invigorated.

To a foreign fiate the fuperfinx of capital is nofeafily
tmfted ; in a fori^gn ftate th^ apprdicDiive ftrasger is

X flO(

66 N •

not cotifident of protedioo : therefore the advaimiges
ic^ a fordga ftifte are neither fought nor cultivatedL
3«K in the iame ftate^ where fecurity oi property and
proteAion of the individual are maintained and guarded
by the fame un^verfally pervading authority, the fubjeft
jU confident m eve^ y part of the commooi territory, and
coofequentiy ^ numbers are greatly incrcafed of thofe
nrho, ftimulated by the defiro of acqiniition, iearch foe
the ttieaas of improving thdr fortunes, and in the fearcfa,
Xnultiply the probabilities of diicovering the natural, and
impromg the cultivated Iburces, of individual gain and
Aational prolperity. Ireland has been in material, re&
peQs as a foreign fUte. The fupreme, authority which
rq;ulates all its important concerns is different ; the de*
bates in the kpflature are conftantly grounded on an
oppofition of inter efU i and jeabufy and riyalry niain«»
tain and extend an unfortunate religious and natbnal
andpftthy« But the two kingdoms, oh th^ plan of Uni-
on, are no longer to be foreign in any refpeft ; d^ op-
pofidon dF interefts can only be that of the ubimI ftate
and of foreign or hoftile nations ^ jealoufy and rivalry
being removed, and the one fuj^riour Icg^flature dired*
ing its attention to the healing of differences. Union o£
fentiment and affeAbn will confequently by degrees fol*
low Union of politia) conftitudon. Henc^ with . confi-
dence we infer, that eafy and free communicadon among
all the fubjefts of the common ftate, and more en-
larged and various interchange of benefits, will greatly
increafe the proiperity^ and happinefs of the whole.

The plan of the oeconomifts of France for eftablifli-
ing a free, unburthened and uncontrouled intercourie of
oadons in the iotierchange of their peculiar benefits^

and

6/

and mntnal (iipply of their peculiar wants, wiU then (fo
br as regards thefe iflands) be no longer vifionary*

The very drcumftance of being divided by a narrow

lea, inftead of furnifhing a reafon for fbppofin^ that

i Providence intended they ftiould eter remain fcp^rate

i ftates, points out the fbperiour ntility of their political

Union. It enlarges the extent of common coaifb ; it

tends to increaie their common commerce, and to atig*

I ment thdr common wealth ; it contri|)utes to multiply

that bold and hardy race of men, upon whofe (kill, ac*

tivtty, and gallantry, depend the iafety^ dignity, and

protperity-, of this maritime empire, formed to be ^le

great defence of human rights ; it affifts to i^read

-wider our (hipping through the world, iEO'«SBlend our

influence, and to add to our refources ; and, in varying

r

At peculhrities of human chara£ler, which various (1-
tuation occafioas, brings more varied occupation and
purTuit to operate, to the great conmon and valuable
purpofeb tbfi puWck good.

Nddier need Great Brltaih be at all apprchenfive of

[ finylofs to her by the jgain of uirited Ireland. The

f^ -;Workt is fuffidently wide for both. Befides, it has long

' been: diicovered, that mdbftrious nations thrive not by

the poverty and lb(s. of thdr neighbours, but by their

wealth uid pro(perity'; forfo has nature diverfified tlus

earth and its inhabitam^, that the po(Ie(&ons as well as

wants of <Bfierettt countries contribute to commoi^ be^

ttcfifc. Were Great Britain and Ireland, aftihg upon the

prindpk» of diftinft and therefore frequency inconiift-

cut intereft, to counteraft each other by hoftik coon

^aaerdal laws^ they. might ea(ily drive ta foreign coun-

K a tries

6a

tries, tHe advantages which each ,is peculiarly fitted- to
purfu^ 'y whereas, by compleat coofoUdation, by aduig
under ^le fame regulations, more various arts may be
preierved and cultivated m the common territory, more
various claiT^ of ufeful fubjefis may be employed, and
the more efFedbually aad happily may the purfuits and
productions of each country, ^dof every diftriA of
each country^ be extended to their full oapability^

In fuch a fcene of thii^s, it is not improbable indeed,
ihat the comparadt^ confequence and power of the 9fU^
tocracy of Ireland. mi^ht becqme ibmewhat abalsed*
They would no longer rule this country in theforn^ of
a fmall faftion, commanding ,the gieat^r and diftntui^
tng the lef&r favours of the ftate ; but, mingle4:witb
the other great interefts of th^, empire,, vould leai^ to
underfland ai)fl to refpedthe natofe of a uicfulgfaflf^
tion of Tanks : and; inflead of fbrminfi an anrwawlfW
and .()i|b:a6Ui)g iiaperium inJpiperiot/wqi4d^^ th«^
proper 'and important place, in the i9a)e<)fcgov€nu&ra
Hitherto a deftru6tive chafm in fociety has long fubfift*
cd between the higher and-lover ordfr^ qf ,the commu^
tuity -, ill con&quence of whvcb, fynq>atl^ . and i^tep*
co^rfe having been exdodpd,! the prejudices ^d hf^
ientiments, which the naturifd fituatk>n'pf each* foftei*
in minds not corrected by seceffity or 'difqplin^ -ha^v e
had'fuU fcope to operate, and have* not only-pjeveaied
mutual cordiality and uiefidn^y but have promoted
Jraifd and lawleisnefs on the one £d% and ni^v^c^, and
oppreflion on the other. Bu^ in a ftateqf iopiQty grow-
ing daily more fimiiar tQ that of Gre^Britajin^ia^Jl^di
every order takes it&jufl fkuation iat^egrefttfyftem^
rubor dination, and in which raok jtpf ro^ch^and faleods

into

^9

'^utoniik, flititoa&y ftppoirtiiig and fnpported, lelf inter-

rdly'iieceffiqry opioioD, every powerfiul prfndpl^ bind

together tHe comipanity, form a chain of good officesy

and at once fecure the tranquillity and improve the cha-

TiAer of i3xc nation. We ihould then hear not long of

(«ii 'overbearing ariftocracy or gentry » too many of whom

'r^Gertainly not aU^ fior we have happy exceptions) have

xtakea Isttte inbereft in the condition'or fate of their infe-

-fiours and dependents s bat, in the progreffive improve-

:mesrof ibdety,*"we (honld iecan ariftocracy, the chief

.in exflmpie oa the chief in rank^ as eminemlythe ftew-

::ttrdB as the favonritea of Providence, who, conitdering

':idi£r own interefts as interwoven ivith the interefts of

:|he loweft in the cxinununlty, would regard with fern-

fpfoloas obfisrviiace the fair claims between man and man»

' vonid fiibdne inveterate prejudice by manly intercourfe,

: nnd, iiL a career of enlightened beneficence, enlairge the

'general baffpsadk )-^<<bara£le(8y allied to thofe whom

after ages venerate,

X

^tpquefiii memorex afusfecere mtnnio^

The- complete coniblidadon of thefe kingdoms,

however, chiefly imprefles themind of every friend to

Great Britain and Ireland, in its powerful tendency to

r^ye to the BritLth "Empire ftrength and ftabllity; in

which is Aeceflarily-3a\^tved the iecurity of onr liber-

tiesj our laws, ^sA our. Jre^i^n;

1 - » ■

. T ^ ,* ' /

In aof' other cafe than the prefent, ia which, prejn-

dicer rpndei and party fpirit take inch a lead, one

Ihoold fiippefe, that ^he mere ftatement of the fituati-

. on of ibde kingdoms, «^ould fatisfy every man who

^ has

A

7©

has at all ccmiidered human affairs, that the natare of
our connexion tends to diibnion and weakneis, and due
in compleat Union onLy, can rational hope be found of
permanent fiability.

It is not pretended that the belt concerted Urnon^
though it might immediately, add force to the exertions
of the Empire, and impreis eneoue^ and traitors with
awe, would operate' as by magical power> and iaAant-
ly compofe the violence, eradicate the fecretly working
mifchief, and change the charafter of tULs country*
No— We arc well aware that we .muft now brave the
fury of the ftorm : and, under the auQucious lead of
Great Britain, we hope and look for, a favourable iifiie
. to the conteft, m which we are engaged with jacoitm
France and the jacobins of Ireland. But. the fiery trial
through which we are pafling, may well n^e us
4read, and prepare againil, the confe<^ences of fiiefi
a future day.

The return of peace vnll remove the imminent dan-^
ger which unites the loyal and makes them vigilant..
It will alfo remove the extraordinary reftraints which
necdfity b^s impofed, but which, hc^ever neceflary hi
the prefcnt confliA for ekiftence, make part of the evils of
a war impofed upon us, and would be incompadUe with
eftablifiied peace, from which We hope for the advance-
ment of national pro^rity smd power,, in all the free-
' dom of exertion congenial to our happy conftitution.
But we cannot expeft that, notwithftanding peace,
r^lefs and 4imbitious l^raace would ceaie to forward
her fchemes againft the BHtifli power ^ neither are we
to expeft that, in a period of peace,, the difiiffeAed at

home

7' . ' '

home ^onld not titfily employ themielveS) ill prepaf^
ing, TOiX^det {ptdons pretexts, thofe various political'
meafiires, which operate by fiire though -perhaps mo^
derate gradations^ to the fubverfion of eftablilhed go-
▼emment.

' In the ffieaQtbAe, the prejudices and jealonfies thac
fiibiift between thefe kingdoms, the prodigious fpread
of democratick principles in this.country, the diftinft-^
aels of the two fupreme authicMrities, the growth of the
na^nal fpirit of independence, and the increafe of po^
pnlar influence, prefent to the intriguing fpirit of ^
France, moft prolifick fources of diforder : and, ihould
new coQfli£b with the fame depraved and deftroying
power hereafter become neceflary, it appears morally
certain that,'ia (bme of them, diftraftion of tounfel
and diiumon <tf operation, would fupply what might
be wanting to realize thfc fchemes of the enemy*

' NoiRT, on reviewing the evils produced by the na-
ture of our connexion, which in former times diftraA-
•ed and afflifted this country, and on coniidering the
dangers which, under all the drcumftances of our'
fituation, are connefted with and muft necefTarily flow
from (eparate and independent leg^flatures, what pro&
peA of permanent ftability remains but in a legiflative
Union, which fliall' (foniblicfate our interefts, authori-
ties and powers ? If the wealth, power, and loyalty of
the Empre be divided, a facility is presented of being
wrought upon by vicious influence, or awed by the
'menaces of fo^ ce : but a united legiflature would g^ve
to the incorporated kingdoms a grand and refiftlefa
jpdalaiQ^^of the rank> property,- aWlities; and fidelity

of

M

7«

of both- (xnimrie^ ; no part of which could any brngdc
be empioj^ed ia fetdag in oppofidoa the mteiteib ^nA
profudke^ of dxeir refpoftivc: diftmft Xhlt69 ;. buti udfr-
vi4ed id natioaAl ftntiflmtt aod natioijal ot^odsi nmfl^
in its eflential nature, fupply powerful refiJDta&Cil. to
whatever dangerous influence might prevail in any part
of either country. In the preient coavyUed ftatt of the
political wprkU diftra&ion of vkivt or ^f a^S&ift :nuift
pMve morer fatal to a fkate ift which they take |dace^>
thao in any foisner time : but,, in a unkod k^flamrc^
we Aboukl derive fecurity» from Uaioo of mitidMidi
|7nion of operatioD, in. the purjG& of every Mttiooal
objeA^who^ercfpeaceor ofwar, IH p€sb:e» the dan*
geroua movemrats of ihrtouadiiig natiPiM wooidbui
attended to with .^e united vi^laKe nf aB the -ffi^i
2sdA loyal intercfts of d^e Empire afid com^n&fdp
in px]fimp6tndie of preparatipQ^ by the ooe direftiAg:
fpirit and antbonty.of the whoiie 6t»Ux ^d if aAnali
war become necellary, we fhould dread no difunion of

dadfton in the two di^^> fkiweirfid^ m4.in4^K}^
dent authoridf s, but, ¥X the ujuifedi^tie ^lEfircife o£ aW:
leg^atiye W|Ur regnhidog the refbur^^s, «ad Bl(iMit<M
ly direding the power gf the Empire^ ve Ihould fiodi
the fureft ooofidence of defeatji^ the dsfigna of our.
enemiea. * . •

V

The United Statea of America. weA^ (b feofit^le o£
the danger lifcely to Sow from diftraftipe ^ counftl-ia;
diftin^ and co-equal le^Qator^, in mattera of national ;
conceri^, thati whan in the year l^^^% thej; changed.^
their confedefadon iaCo more intimate Unions pow^ra:
were g^ven to the Congrefsj that i6> to an imp«ia) wA:

common legiflature^ . to tbe^ foUowiig. .flff«d>rr^ Ta*.

«* lay '

73

/

- • \

w hj and colkft taxes, dudes, impofts, and exd-
<*&$, to pay the debts and provide for the com*
<<moii defence and general welfare of the United
« States-— to borrow money on t^e cf edit of the Unit-
w cd States — ^to raife and f^j)port arxpies — ^to provide
<* and maintain a navy — ^to d^ake ^nles for the govern-
<< tnent and regulation of the land and naval forces —
« to provide for calling forth the miHtia, to execute
^ die laws of the Umon, fupprds infurreAions, and re-
<< pel invafions — ^tp provide for organizing, arming and^
^ difdplining the nulitta — ^to make all laws which (hall
<< be neoefTary and proper for carrying into execution
^ the foregoing powers/' Here arc the moft impor-
tant of ie^tladye powers, Nyhich the United States have
judged it neceflary to commit to a common legiflature^
bur\(4uch are rtfpedivdy and diftinCUy vefted in, and
rcijjcJftivcly and diftinftly exerafed by, the feparate
l^iflattres of Great Britain and Ireland : and yet, the
United States are divided by an ocean of three thou-
fand miles extent, from all the ftates that can materi-
aUy affeft ihem;. atid, the number, complication, and
importance, of thdr political relations, as well as the
magnitude of thdr exertions, are of no conMeration,
com|>ared with thofe of the iBridlh Empirie. Froih fo
early an opinion of the heceflity of doier Union, ^nd
from the inftances we lately witneiTedTof particular
ftates, in a d^ie of danger, entering into refolu^ons
repugnant to the determinations of Ccmgrefs, the ftrong
probabi^ty follows that, )yhen the United States 1^
come mor^ powerful^ yhen the tSe&B of nadpnal con-
duft bacome more numerops and important, and when,
in the progjefs of fodety among tbepf, pien of leifure
and affive fplrlt, fbrm parties^ and create poBdcal dif-
cord, the good kok of that people will lead them to

!• incorporate

74

Incorporate in ftiH doTer Unioii> in order, the more tSr
feftually to fecore the conunonwealth, againft the d^
ftra£tive conlequences^ of internal convnlfion and fo*
reign violence. But» in our greater and more impoc-
tant fituadon, all the confiderations that have induc-
ed or can induce the United States^ to cooiblidate
thdr powers, wdgh with ten-fold force, and feem to
point to Union, as the great fortrefs, which nature and
reafon.have provided, for the permanent fecurity of
Iheieiflands*

In a unitedL le^flature alio, where Ipcal. prejudices
or influence co^d not prevail, whatever grievances
might occaiicnally daim coniideration, would meet
with mofi equitable diicuflion and moft fecure redre&i
while complaints or claims, generated by party fpirit
or party deligns, whether political or reli^ons, would
meet with that determined refiftan^ which . muft na-
turally inffMre the colleAive reprefentation of nearly-
all the loyalty to the Conffitutibn, and all theattafh^^
ment to the Proteftant caufe, to be foundin the united
kingdom of Great Britain and Irelaiid.

i

In this point of view^ the fituation and claims of the
Roman cathoUcks are neceflarily prelented to the
0und. ...

7he whole train of events in ^e hiftory of Irelandf
joined to our own i^perience, perfectly aflure us, that
the great body of that fe6): cannot be entrufted. with
political power, in our prelent dilHnd ftate, confiftently
with the fecurity of our relijpon, and by coniequence,
>iK^ our qvil ^Uiflunent. . Moi^ of the relaxations, and

conceffion»

75

£<mceffions that have been made te their favour, leem
<o have been diftated by a benign fpirit and an en^
lightened policy ; biit the eleflive franchiie, whicn ne-«
<eflarily confers ,ib large a portion of polidcal power,
cannot but be confldered as a moft dangerous grant,
to ^an inunenfe body, the greater part of which, un-<
hapjnly, are inimical to our religion and our connexi*
im with Great Britain. Their growing importance^
their'adive zeal| and their ffnrit of combination, clireA-
ed in ^ fteady and iyftematick courfe of a6tioB, to the
et)je£ls ^they hare conftandy held in view, muft, by
the aid of this polidcal eng^, unl^fs fruftrated by an
acceiSon of reMance»' procure to them, in procefs of
&ne, fuch pervading influence through the nation, a»
neceiSmly to eniiir'e powerful uxfluence, in the legiflaA
ture, and the final accompliftmeh^ of their pUrpoies^
But whether, under all drcumftaojces, the ftep at the
time It' was made|^ was juftifiable 6r not, yet^ in hav-
ing m^iic it, we may be faid to hi^e pailed the RuU^
conv and we cannot recede,' without ezpoflng the
country to fuch critical dapger, and devoting it to fudi
aftual calamity, as revolt every libera} niiad^.

In whatever light therefore, this huportant body of
people are confidered, the govemmei^t of the country
muA be embarafled, and the piiblick fifety endanger*
ed. But in a united le^flature, all embarraffinent and
danger are doiie away, in a matter of fuch eilential in-^
. fluence on our peace and fafety* ' We flu>uld then be-,
come incorporated with a* people mdi^e powerful and
numerous than ourielves, dmoft entirely proteflant^
attached to their religion, and anxious for its preferva-
^ i the Iqg^ature. enymating from that country muft

: 7^

al^vvf & remain proteftant^ and fqbjeft to protelhat lom
flueace ^ no confequ^cos therefore could foUow dan-
geroBs to the eflablifhed reGg^n of Ireland^ whether
the comparative influence of Roman catholicks in this
country remains as it is» or fbo^ in progreTs of

time extend its power^

I

. It is equally abfurd as dasgeicns to aft upon tfiip in-«
coniiftent prihciplct of maintaininig o«r conftitntioni^
^xclufiv^ly of the fecurity of our eftabliflied religion.
What do we me^ by our conftttutioa i We mean that
fyftem of regulations, . rights, and privilegest whick^
weak and imperfed at infancy, has grown with the
growth, ftrengthened with the ftrength, and become
grand and compleat wiUithe improvement,, rf Great
Britain. With the reformation, the human mind in
Britain greatly advanced; and the beauty, order>
vxd fixed principles, of avil lodety^ became daily
more intimately blended with the pioteftant fyftem of
religion* The genius, the manners^ thexuAoms, and
the laws of this proteftant Empire, have flowed, afid
ftill flow, from this mingled iburce; a^d to fqparate or
weaken the aufpxcious Union of reli^on and law,
would be to fubvert wr coniBtuuon, /hake our Aabi-*
lity, and endanger our exiilence. But, whatever hope
we may have entertained, whatever efforts of libera^
lity we may have made, it is now out of contrpveriy^
that the ultinvat^ deiign of the great majority of Romaa
catholicks in this country, inftigated by too many ol
their inferipur clergy, has been, by the. ^d of dvil
privSege, and under fordgp au%iceS|^ to overturn our
feli^us eftablifhment,'and to acquire, at the expence
of whate^r convulAon, th^ triumphant afeendent to

th€dr

71

tbcir crvn. At die fatoK dme^ vk, are full7'conTiaGed9
Ihat (be cxtcnfioii of civil prhrUqpe tends to eobrge the
ftibick BUQcU-ukd CD ^e motives to all thoie nfefiU eoer*
^ea^ wUck amke the pover and profperky of a natioii.

The BQHan pahoHck accordmgly, enjoys aU the
rdigpmia tolcradoa that^onder a proteftant coaAkutioQ
-caa be conceived $ he is funuihed^ his perfectly equal
doniinioD over his .property^ with every aaotive Co uibful
exerdon that can infpire the proteftant. And nothing
^oBoamA withheld but die capacity of gratifying 'an am<^
Ixdon^ perhaps not a wife one, of poAefing place, and
-nde, and authority in the ft^te*

in order therefore) to piefeive toleration of reKgloii
.wkh iBftaUUhmeiit of reUgioo, civil privilege with civU
Acurityi ^*e feek to ftrengthen and to render inviola^
4>le, the coaparatively weak ftate of the proteftant canfe
In iUb cotmiry, by an incorporadon of proteftant power
•aoA aiodiorky, with that great coamry, the nature and
«liarafter of whofe people ihfongh all then; ranks is
•)|>rdtieft^it,{ffldwhoielaw8 and liberties are fo cemented
-widi their t^li^cMi, that they ntnft ceafe to be anadon,
'^itfoil^ their f^eligioiis 'elftaUilhfikent be overthrown.

Theb woidd aU hDpe be cot up by the rootSj of fap-
fifegthe foilndadona^of our religious eftablifiiment, and
ibf {)efvcMii% our coofflitution, in order to give to thi^
lecraAtry a Roman catholick cAabSftiment ; and in the
-defttudibn off *diat hope, the Roman catholidc wonid
^Mend to, cherifli, 'and improve, die fubftantial ble&
Hlngs he aftualiy poflefles \ in cohfequence of which,
Hk^ pttbtidt niMl priyace enemies of onr conftitudonal

bappinei^

7«

(

liapplhds muft lofe motive and encouragement; and
we ihould prefeat to the world, a powerfnl, free, and
happy, proteftant kingdom and empire, in whkh^
aboat one fixth of the people t>f a different and evooi
repugnant religon, would be leen to enjoy inch ble&
£ng8 under a mild and benignant (way, that abfurdity
and bigotry would moft probably, from day to dayt
yield to the %ht of reaibn, and take part with efta^
hlifhment, conftitqtioi^ and loyalty* <

And in ^th, even at the prelent moment, we re*-
j<^e in knowing that ibdety is qualified and blelled
vnth many, very ^u^ly liberal, enlightened, and be*
nigna&t Romte catholicks : and we eameftly hope that
jKhieir numbers may increale, as well, as thdr influencq
over a muUitude, whofe excefles they lament^ and
whom they pity as the infatuated iaftruments of vidous
conipirau>r8. Of fuch Roman catholicks we entertain
iu> dread; ye cpnfider them not only as our fellow
iubjedts, but as our friends and fellow cbriftians.
We are aware that they regard the Britifh confBtutioa
as ^ fyftem which has grown out of experience, which
has jbeen improved by wifdom derating upon experi-
ence, and which has proved iti practice, at leaft ajmoog
the people who have fully enjoyed it, the beft calculat-
ed to preferve to the eccentrick nature of man, ibcial
order, liberty, and happinefs. We know that fisllow
chriftians of this defcripdon, recogniiing reli^^on as si
Pivine g^t to man, lo make him good aid happy,
could be very little mclined indeed, to aid the ovei;*
throw of a reli^ous eftablifliment, which, though no^
exafUy agreeable to thdr opinions, yet obvioufly con*
tribiitcs, iQ a cQuAderable degree^ to prdierve among

aU

79

idl rsuJCf the ficred olifigfatio^s of morality; andtht
deftrnftion of which would be tildmately followed^
(if we can judge from what has anally taken place in
odier countries) by the moft dreadful monfter that ever
devoured a pec^le^ ble£ng8»-— coldj unfeeling^ malig*
nant irreUgbon.

If then^ in the event of a Union, it fliould be deem*
«d expedient (a» feems now probable, indeed almcrfl
morally certain) to lake into confideration,. at a fit fea*
ion, in the united l^gpflature^ the utility of doing away
all that remdns of invidious diflinAion, between the
Proteflant and the Roman Catholick of Ireland, wb
may expeA the moft ,benign effeAs. The privilege of
fitting In the leg^ture of thefe realms, would, by the
very nature of num, cnfure to us, in the leading faott«
]ies of the Rooim Catholick body, new and invigorated
motives, to.tli^q^vadon'of every v^u^bk quality, that
makes the loyal and vfisful fubjeA ; the conAant inteii^
jcourfe of refpefiabk Roman Catholkks with tbdr co»
repreTentadves fr^ip Ireland, and . whh the members at
large of the firft alEbmbly that ever graced the worldy
muft gradually deftrdy every uiy^of thy prejudice \ and
confequently, thegr ; tvould return to thdr conftituenta
with liich .(!Kfpofi|t)ons and views, af - conld not fail to
diffufe through the whole body, the happieft iilHuenc^
All iubjeft and all occafioa for jealoufy and ofience be-
ing for ever removed', we might confidendy hope, that
under the impartial conduA of the common legiflature,
jthe infaabitaa0 p( this country would, ere long, ce^ie to
cmbarrafi and wqd&pn, by difcord and difunios^ the. ex*
ertions of tbeempirej but that, in a courfe of cordiafity
and proipciity, ^ey would grow ia attachment to the

' common

8p

ebftHDoa cauie, mi pom€t(nlif cinttitbtt to Urn tote^
moft iecwrity.

In l^fladve Uoioa alfo, it is mateml to add, die
a)>ouiidil>g demagogues of thi* co«n^, lole €}ftry hope
of creating an influence which (hould ov^ove the leg^
latnre. Their invidious pretexts refpe£ting a deprefled
religibn of the great majority of the ftate, a feparate in-
terefty and national independence, could no longer £nd
dUHnft fubjoA for operadon : they would not then em-
ploy the parties in a difiind palpUaniflbt as engines to pro-
mote dieir covered fchemes ( tnit If they Aionld continbe
their malignant efforts to diftraA (odety^ they muft ftand
fordi in their proper charafter> a^din their native A^
' fenttHy, in defiance of the united legiilature, and of the
- united and prompt foree of the ^hole and every papt>
b£ cdafolidated Britain and Ireland. P<iliticai adtvn-
tnre, 'at one time aAing fmder the foita ^ a bravoe for
the ruling powers, ^and at anotiier nndei? thito e( the hlg^
minded patriots, j>ut, in every fiiape, the bane of tran-
quiUicy aad ufefofarefs, dien depiiV^ of motive, mpft
relinquish its unprincipled and faAld^ puffitit ; and we
fiiould fee b the paths of bufm^ftv'^^i^^tiu^ ^^ ^
c&ce, hi the purfnit of objeAs fsSkftti to chdr CDuntry
and to themfdvd!/ thofe Vain, riM^i or atdent eht-
rafters, who, without orig^allyVidoUsitefigtus, have
been too long carrying into <flS»3:, ^ views of a jaco-
twi cooi^racy. t

s

t£ improvements in our conftitution, or regulations
in rdief or encouragement of tfie'fubjeS, ihould be
foond neceflary, the united fe^flature, compofed of the
kyysdty, zeal, wtfdtai, atad &rmne% of 4»oth couAtries,

unaffefted

I

8i

nsASe&tA by any dangerous influence, wonld natural-
ly, and in the courfe of occurring drcumftaaces and
events, as the Bridih lejpflature has long done, aidopt
inch wholefome meafnres, ay might beft ferve the well
weighed intereft and happineis of the united kingdoms.

« •

And in fine, in the one lefpflatuie of the undivided

and iniepara|>le ftate, every motive of patriotifin and ho^

nourable pride, would have fiil^ fafe, and uleful fcopc

of aftion ; and, m all tiiofe enlghtened easertions, of

which the admired example pf Britiiin gms a fure pro*

mife, to multiply and expand the- refoorpcs^ and to en-

lai^ the profperity and poirer>bf the empire, the hearty

of the loyal in both countxteb, would be aaimiited and

luppbrtedj under every effovt forptivateor publick bc^

nefiftj bytheccHifidenthopeof pdndancnt.fecurity. .

The dicumftances which led to the Union of Scot*
knd> and the efiefts which have flowed from it, fully
corroborate every reafbn' offered for a Umon of Ireland.
Scotland had.ftibiiAed long as a ieparate and independo

*

eat Aate, engaged in all the rivalry and oonfli£b ^irith
: ^ England incident to their contiguous fituation; The

' two radons had haitafTed and diftrafted eaith. other for

ages, to the detriment of both, but particularly, of Scot-
landj which) except in the gaU^try of her turbulent
nobility, and the bravery of her poor and £:attered peo-
ple, exhibited no marks of national proiperity. The ca^*
^amities refalttng from th^r iHtuaQon, had been oftes
lamented by the wifer men of rank and authority in
both kingdoms, and pUns^ had been fre<}uently concert-
ed by which they might become united. Thefe all fail*
cd) but.at Ic^ngth, thiQ accidental Union of the two

M crowns

9z

dtcmm in die faine ffH&x^ §am^ tx> ftomika JJ^bm

lOlJferVOT anHMfitJ* anlcflafatOidlctMiqvill^
dMieflick k^yfrntefs of the whok ifland for efiet* lu9
dfoA &eOQceUeot a. pmrprf^ ai iacofpacated Uain
was earneftly fought, and in the parliament of England.
iMft propofiid, kithc tdgH of Jaaies the, fiift; baina^
ttodal poqucBoet f t oftsated tht eoodHaring and uAuoh^
fanepian^ The tvolingdofltt therefor^ until dmn
pcrfeftlj fepanfte aiol kd^Madcat, were tQ tnvel oo
tog^thcfff tonncAed finply bj the identity of pcflfbn ki
whofli die p*own9 were fecAed* That oom^eat inde*
pcodcnce ihoaUrbe ptefenvd in a oomcxkn of tfair ijiai*
twcy wasimpoChle} andaconriii^Mr. Hnnit;fity%
k might eafiiy have beeafoBcfieoi that die adqpendkmcc
of Scotland woold be lo^t^ and tbat^ if both ft^iKSv ppr^
fevered in maintdning feparate laws and parliaments^
the weaker muft finfiblijr fdEsF &bya^tioir. The conie-
qaeacdi weie eaaAIy fcch aaadght have been ferafifM.
The inQerefta of the two ccuDtrias being di^ft, andaa-
dent prejudice cxmtinaing to operate, the' kidatace of
the fupenoor coontry was employed in depr^ng a dan*
gefou^ tiral rather thanjn ekvadng an hifepmaiMa
friend ; and except on occaficms when £cigland Was m^
volred in difRculttei and difafiers, we find that the te^
Utience of the fnpeiioBr coontiy previdkd. fa a Ante
of political Uyo^fo flight and defe^ve, England was
naturally led to watch with a jealoas eye^ and to guard
againft an increaie of power in Sc^and^ whkh n^hl be
employed in ichemes^ dangerous to the conftitution of
the more prosperous kingdom* The part which the
Scotch had aAed daring the dvil war in England, far*-
aUKed an iiiAruAive proofs of tbe.eftdt to be dreaded

from

83

firan Ae Socerference of Scotland in ^sies of publidc
cooMDodon; and acodxliii^y^ k is to be- remarkedf
iksA after the reftoradon* fliea&a werevfed to reftrain
the trader to prereiu the refirarces, and to dejprels the
power of Seodand. Thb fyfkm amriaiied during the
reigq of Charles the fecond and of James the iecosuL
In the rdgn of - WHliaai^ however, advances imere made
in the Scotch parliunentt by political leaders ikpported
bj powerful parties^ which not onlj aimed at and ajQeft-
ed the compkat tadq)endenceQf Scotbiu^ but tended
to endao^p and evdi totally defiroy the dAneadon with
EngbukL For, when the convendon of eftates in Scot*
land conferred the crown of that kingdem uponWiUias^
he recetved it attended ^i^h conditionaj wiiich ten*
ded to fireagthen, thdr authority, and to weaken cofi*
£derably that, of die crown. Thefe were taken full ad-
vantage of, as weU as the peculiar dil^fidon uadikuftA
don of the king^ who, having accompfifhed a revoludM
hi the caufe of liberty, and bong fiuriowdcd wW& daa*
ger from the parti&ns of die abdicattd monarch, waa
not prepared to refill the plaufible but dangerous claims
of nadonkl eithufiafin and party ifHrk. Someof theft
demands were at firft fo palpably dangerous (amoog
others, that of the right in •parliament ao appomt the
judg^) diat they were evaded for a dmel But new
difficnldes aroie, dangers accumulated, and it was
fonnd that a coniiderable degree of concelEon was no*
ceffiiry to enfure die peace and ftability cS government
in Scotland. Among other concelfons, the king's fo-
premacy in matters of reli^on was furrendered^ where*
by the Prdbyterians became eftaUifiiedin the fidlncft
of their claims ; and theinltitudon of the lords ofartidet
was oompietdy a^liflied. Thefe conceffions competed

M 2 thu

^4

the nation for a fliort time, butlbon opened new faarcsss
of difordcr. The Prelbyterians inflamed by Ac recollect
tion of their fufFerings and by the furious zeal of their
intolerant teachers, now became in their turn perfecn-
tors of all who adhered to Epifcopacy. Thefe latter,
though by no means (b humerous, yet being compofed
of confiderably more of the noHlity and higher gentry,
and of the whole of the old tory party, were nearly as
powerful ; but the former having accompliflied the re-
trolution in Scotland and conferred the crown on Wil-
Jiam, gained an afcendency which they were little fitted
to ufe with moderation -, and confequendy the nation be- ' .
came torn by all the violence of party. The prepara-
tions of France in favour of James, and the machiiiati-
ons of his numerous partifans, Vendered the authority
of Williain precarious ; and £ndlng it impoffible to gain
both parties, he was forced to yidd too far to the preju-
dices t)f the ruling party, who, peevifh, headftrong,
felf-fuffident, and always ready to take advantage of
the king's iituation, urged him occafionally to fan£tion
meafures' which inflamed the publick difbrders^ Mean-
time, the abolition of the lords of articles had g^ven full
fcopt to the influence and zeal of adivie leaders in the
parliament, who, ftep by ftep, fo far inflamed the nati-
on, and exdted the parliament in purfuit of popular
jneafures favourable to diftinAnefs and independence,
that the power of the crown became weakened to ineffi-
dency, and a fpirit wa^ created and foftered, which has-
tened to diflblve the connexion between the two Idng-
doms. The inftitution of the lords of articles^ as it was
modified in the reign of James the firft of England, as '
it was revived after the reftoration (having been abolifli-
edin the trotiblefome rdgn of Charles the firft) and as It

/ continued

L.I

amtiiined dD the reign of WilBam, confiftedi of eight
hifliops chofen by the temporal lords, dgbt temporal
lords chofeii by the bifhops, fixteen knights and bur-
geiles chofen by the elefted bifiiops and temporal lordsj^
and dght officers of ftate appcHnted by the crown.
Withont the previous conient of this body, the forma-
tion of vrhich refted ultimately in the power of the
crown, no modon could be made in parliament. It w
evident therefore, that (o l6ng as this inftitution remained
in force, the dependence of the leg^flature was perfeAly
fecured ; and Scodand could be confidered as only a de-
pendent province, with a fubordinate legiflature VL&mg
under the ccmtroul of the cabinet of England ; in lilce
planner as Ireland and the parliament of Ireland were
to be confidered, while the law of Poynings continued
to operate^ But the fame fpirit which feized the oppor-
tunity of abolilhing the hrds of articles^ foon abufed the
liberty' that had been acquired ; and the kinff was'aAu-
ally forced to concur in a£ls of the Scotch parliament^
which alarmed the parliament of England, and which
brought on bquiries and cOntefts nearly fatal to both
kingdoms. The repugnant interefls and mutually mvl-
dious ientiments of the two nations and parliaments^
continued to embarrafs and endanger the reign of Wtl-.
Bam during his whole life ; and that fagacious prince,
fbreieeing the deftruAion which in time muft have ne-
ceflarily followed from the unnatural and precariqus fitu-
adon of the two kingdoms, earneftly recommende,d, in**
<ine of the laft aAs of his life, an incorporating Union,
as eflential to the fafety and happinefs of both«

In the fiicceeding reign, the viblence of parliamenta-
ry leaders, the contentions of difcordant parties in the -

nation.

86

fkatkm, aftd the endiufialhi ia favMr cfMinSt iwdo*
ml authority and iadepeadeBce» feoD predpkated the
diii^recm^nts between the two ki|igdoBia toacompkat
criCs. Any concurrence in, or (luiAion (rf*, the regnla*
tjon of the fucceffion to the crown, which had been
cAaUiftied by the parliament of England, was obfti*
nately refufed, until fuch meafures ihould be earned^
as tended not only to the feparation of the kiBgdoms».
but to the fubverfion of all regular or ftable govern*
ment. It was-] demanded that aa a& or a^ts. fliould be
pa0ed to the following effed; — that it ihould be high
treafon to adminifter the coronation oath> but by the
appointment of the eftates, or to own any perfoa4»
king or queen until they (hoold accept fuch (ems ae
lioold be fettled in parliament : that eleOioas (hould be
made everv Michaelmas for a new parliament every
year, to fit the firft of November next following, aad
adjoum themfelves from time to time undl nexi: Aficha*
elmas : that the king (hould give the ro]^al a£eat to all
kws offered by the eftates : that a c<»imittee chofea'
by parliame&t out of thar own members, ftiould vader
the king have the adminillratioQ of the gorernment^ be
his council, itnd accountable to the parliament^ with,
power on eauraordmary occafions to call the parfis^.
ment together ; that the king without conleat of par*
liament fliould not have the power of making peace
and war, or that of concluding any treaty with any.
other ftate or poientate^ that all places and offices both
dvil and military formerly conferred by the cvowBf,
ihould ever after be given by parliament : that no r^*
ment or company of horfe, foot, or dragoons ihould
be kept on foot in peace or war, but by cpaient of
parliament : that no pardon fot any tranigreifian fhonk}-

be

lleirafid tiMhottt <3Qa&ttt of jpariiaifteitt: mi that if atq^
luog flioiiU bmk itt upon thefe cooditioas of gmem*
W»t» hA flipiaUi by thcefbles be dockred to have for*
felted the ccomfh*. b ttaa iftldft of tkui polidcal fcv*
inettk ia Scodaad, EogLaad was o^ged i& war wkh
Sraacor the yicoSite fiarty conoertcd with the for^pi
enemy ths iimil» ^ ovtrihrov/vag the garernment^
aod tbafe ^ho^. wwler the oaoM of patriots, orgei
poptdaF me^^es ip the vetge of anarchy, exerciied
udmioded fw^j. The- royal anthotity was coerced
hf dtfficiihies ^nd dangers ; and tiie £uii0Qs aft of &»
eiirity, was aAoally paflbd^ by which the crowns be^-
came legally disojmcd i and tiaUfi a renewal of Udoa
coidd be efle^ed tipoa laiisfaAory tetna, both naaU
ona Mmtt inevitably bare beea pfaxnged into all the har«^
rora of a civil war^ Upoti the eve» as then appeared^
'pf that awfiil criits> both of thdoi begaa to make bo&
tile pveparatioos^ without tteferre, and under the fancr
isoa of Ixw^. By Tirtue of a cbnife in the aft dF &cu*
liky, fendbk a^a were raiibd in the fereral oannnea
of Scotland, fbmifted vnik arms, and trained towac.
Wvatsk a ipirit of retaliation as well as £xam neceflary
policyt the parliament of En^nd addreiled the qneea
to pn^ orders for the fortifying the towns bordering
OR Scotknd, for arming the miOda^ and angmenting
the pegnlar troops ftationed in the frontier counties (
afts were pafled tending to deftroy the commerce cf
Scodand ; and the commiffioners of the admiralty were
mAmftjad to iflhe orders to the navy^ for making prizes
of all Scotch flidps trading to France or to any of die
ports of his majefty's enemies \ and an additional nuoik-
ber of cmizers wer^ put int^ commiffion for the more
effeftual execution of thefe orders. Thos, the two

kingdoms,

z'

88

idngdoms, inflamed by prejudice and refentmeilt, botfl
antient and recent^ ftood awaiting a moft awfnl iffiie ;
doubtful, whether they wefre to become eternal and
mutually ruinous foes, or friends united for ever id
common intereft, profperity, and patnotifm^ and in all
jdie eventful energies, which hiftory now reoords to
their united honoun The degree of wifdom and vir^
tue which, fpite of violence, operated in both nadons^
cffeAed not long after the only meafore that could
heal all ills. What the coniequences have been, admit
of no controverfy. Notwithftanding two attempts on
the part of France, aiding the abdicated family, in the
years 17 15 and i745> to overturn our conlBtution a8
dtablifhed at the revoludon, all that could be effefted
on either occafion was, to raife a few ttulniands Into
rebellion, while the immenie majority of Scotland re*
inained loyal and firm. The attempts proved futile^
and ferved only to confirm the attachment of Scotland«.
A country naturally poor and comparatively incapable^
has grown progreffivdy rich, and in ail the arts that
adorn and cheriih human life, advances ftep by ilep
with England* Agriculture has been cultivated with
fuch fpirit and ability, that the natbe barrennefs of the
land yields dadly to the introdudion of plenty i manu-
faAures of every ibrt have fpread from the Leven
to the Tweed ; and' all Scotland, in the face of the
country, and in the exertions of' the inhabitants, as
well as in the tefHmony of her hiftorians, owns the
bleffings of a Union, which relcued her from leparar
:tion, internal war, and lading rnifery^ and joined her
•in a participation of all that had made England, and
has fmce made Great Bnt^, powerful* free» and
happy.

Nov, here we have iosji a kingdom* conneAed ^th
l^ngland by the famei flender link which connecb ire*
land -with Great Britain. We ha'^e feen that connexi'*
on fecure and unafled^ed^ while Scotland remained de«
pendent npoq Engfau^d : and we .have ieen that when
that dependence wa3 done away, every di^culty, fiig-
gefted to parties and their leaders, a fit occafion to al^
iert new claims, more congenial^ in their apprehenfion»
to the nature of a diftind and independent kingdoms
until finally, a train of events, perplexing to the go«
yernment, and dangerous to pi^blick ieciirity, urged
both kingdoms to the verge of mutual deftruAion*
Can fafts and events be imag^ed, fubftantially more
applicable to the fituation of Ireland and Great Bri*
tain ? We have not arrived indeed at that fiate, in
which hoftility, feparation, and connexion with other
powers, are announced or fanAioned by refpeAive
laws; but thefe deftrnAive purpoies have been long
purfued by a confiderable party m the nation, natural*
ly grow out of diilinflnefs and independence, and for
full accompU/hment await only new difficuldes and
new trains of untoward . events, which may fcrve as
occafions, to give to the diflin A and independent (late,
the defigns hitherto foftered by a confiderable portion
of its people.

Are we then to reft fecure, after all the fymptoms
and warnings we have obferved, not only in the com-
munity at large, but in the legiflature, undl the evif
grown too great and ^ approached too near, becomes,
inevitable? No — we dare not reft fecure. AU that
happened, far worfe than happened in a kingdom Qmt*
larly fituated, may, muft take place in Ireland, wher^

N every

go

» - - ^

evety Internal tendency is more maSgnant, and at a
periocl^ when externally, we are threatened with eYcry
danger that portends ruin to all regulated Ibciety.

A great deal has been faid, and very unfoundedly^
refpefting the fiiperiour profperity of Ireland to that
of Scotland, notwlthftanding tKe fuppoied advantages
of the Union ; as if» in truthj^ fnch fuperiority, taking
it as faAj could materially afFefl the^queftion.

That Ireland is of greater extent 4a territory, that
it pofTefles niore than double the quantity of produc-
tive foil, that the natural fertility of its land is in gene^
ral incomparably fuperiour, that its climate is^ more
mild and genial, that its fituation for commerce with
the reft of t)ie world is far more commodious, that all
its capabilities are incalculably greater, cannot be deni*
ed by any man acquainted with both countries ; and
indeed, is univerfally acknowledged by all who pre«
tend to.fpeak or write upon the fubjeft : but whether^
in proportion to their refpeAive natural advantages,
Ireland be fuperiour in proiperity to Scotland, makes
a very different queftion* .

Ireland, from the circumftances mentioned, is cap'a-^
ble pf n^dntainlng at leaft three times the numbei; of
inhabitants ; of carrying on every profitable art and oc- *
cupation in a manifoldly more enriching degree ; and of
affording to the common fiipport and proteAion of the

En^pire, a very fuperiour acceffion of reiburce and

•J

t>ower* Yet, in thefc great criterions of profperity,
(olledlively confidered, Scotland^ relatively to its na-
tural

91

uml caj^atttSty^ k confLderably inperiour. * Her inha«
hkuits,- almbft to a man loyal^ indtiftrioiiay and etko^
live, amount, according to aAual ennmeradon of
|w6 thirds of the pariihea, publiihed in the ftadfiicai
farycjf to nea.rly two nnllions ; while in this country^
by every fober and rational calculation*, taken fron^
^ch documents as were founded on apy .{Ung like acp , ^ .
fual enumeration, the number of inhabitants, include ^ \ \
jog not only the merely idle and profligate, but tbfi
iQUnen£s muldtude of traitors or internal ^oes, caimot
at preient amount to more than ;three millions. With
tefpeft to the linen manufacture, in which Ireland|haa
all along been fofterjcd by Great Britain, and for w;hiclx
ilhe is by nature, happily^ more peculiarly fitted thait
any other country in the world, Scotland, in her .in«
feriour fituation, produces annually at leaft half tho
quantity produced annually by Ireland*

^ In fordgn trade, that is, in the trade carried oa
with nations properly fordgn and diftinft from £ng«
Vuod, Scotland is gready fuperioun In the years 1 764
and* 1765, thefordgn exports of Scotland amounted,
to 1,200,000/. per annum. Afterwards, in the war
with the Colonies, the exports were indeed materially
deprefled, becaufe a'confi^derable part of the exports
of Scotland was to the Colonii^s, and that commerce
was then, for a* time, turned into other channels.
But, )b the years 1783, 1784, and 1785, Ae exports
of Scodand again revived ; a confidcrabk portion of
Scotdi cajfHtal-havbg been, in the meantime, employe
ed in ^e improvements of agriculture. In the latter
year^ they amous^ffid to above a milhon fterUng ; an4

* See Do^r Price paitkuUiiT,

Na a

...» . ~ J . ^

If Scotland had, fiftcc that thne, contiiHicd to keep the
fame' proportion of pace with England, wMcb it had
done, for a long feries of years before, the exports of
Scotland mnft at this time amount to at leaft two linil*
lions annually : whereas, the average annual foreign
export of Ireland, for the laft feven years, ending
y y/ y Lady-day ^ytfy, amount only to one million fterUng.
^ ' But there remain yet more dedfive proofs of the (hpert-
bur induftry and enterprile, and of the relatively fupe*
tiour ftate of profperity in Scotland. The greater ex*
tent and muldpHcity of commerdal correfpondence
evince the former; and Ae greater quantity of fhip-'
ping, and greater produce of revenue (hew the latter.
In the year 1797, the receipts of the poftofBce in
Scotland amounted to 109,793/.; whereas, m the
jame year, the reciepts of the poll office in Ireland
amoi^ted only to 68,256/.* In the year 1793, the'
reg^er tonnage of (hipping belonging to Scotland
amounted to 159,175, in 1795 to i45939i> and in
1797 to 136,5325 whereas, in the year 1793, there-*
^er tonnirge of> (hipping belonging to Ireland amount**
ed only to 67,790, In 1795 only to 58,765, and in
1797 only to 53,181. In the year 1797, the nee
produce of Scotch revenue amounted to 1,487,000/;;
whereas, in the (ainci year, the net produce of Irifh
|eVenue amounted only to 1,43 7*5 16/.

^ • ■ T . . . *

N0W9 taking together aU diefe faAs, refpefH^g that
aountry to which nature has been (9 iinpropltipuay ^nd.

0& the poverty and wretchedne(a of wbiichs at ai\d bc-i

>

'* There may probtbly be more franking here than in Scouand^
flic it euasfA, amount for the diArence berweeo 6^,ocq/: friO^ and
169/300/. Britiib ; for, it h^a been calcuUted, and is generally bellered,
that two-thiids of the cDrrefpoadence carried 00 by means o( fraoking,
wMud ceafe to esift| if fraiiks ^vdd be nd longer obtained.

fore

$>3

fare the TJnioii, the enemies of fuch a meafare for Ir^
hnd) ieem to deicant M^th fatisfa£tion ; and adding the
nniYerfallyadmitted fad, that Scotland, dnring the great*
er part of the eighteenth century, has advanced in £ar
greater proportion than England itielf; it appears, that
the Union of Scotland with Ebgland has greatly pro-
inoteditsprofperity,as well as its tranquillity andfecurity.
We have no reafon therefore, from the experience of
the meaibre in Scotland, to dread a Union of this
country with Great Britain as ,the blight of our blet
fings, but rather to hail it as an event, aufpidous to
our proiperity, as well as taour fecurity ; if, in trnth»
any ftate of things can with propriety be called proC*
^perous, in which there is no intrinfick fecurity.

Bu|, be the great national benefits refulting to Ireland
from a Union what they may, It feems, that the drcum*
fiance, of one hundred commoners, and thirty lords^
attending thdr parliamentary duty in, England dnring
half the yeatj will ruin the city of Dublin \ and there-
fore, die meafuro b to be indignantly reje^d, without
farther coniideratioo. •

Now, what vnll be in faft the difFerent ftate of dN*
cumftances as to the city of Dublin ? fimply, that one
hundred and thirty peribns of coofiderable property;
will fpend one half of the year in London inftead of
Dublin. Thefe very perfons- would, in the preient
ftate of the two Idngdoms, Ipend a confiderable por<»
tion of their time and property in England, in the
long intervals of parliamentary duty. It is natural*
and perhaps proper, in men of thdr rank and fortune,
to improve thdr minds, and by cop&queoce, improve

theiv

\

94

their cooatry, ia frequent perfbnal intercoiirfi:
the Tank and property of the great fifter Juqgdoiii#
Snch Intercovrfe is necelTary alfo^ to preierve and pro-
mote cordiality of ientiment, uniformity of habits, and
correfpondence of opinions and principles, on the gr^at
fiibje^ts of confiitution and policy. It is the men of
rank) property, and education, who ultimately lead
the opinions, and form the habits, pf the moil impor«
tant part of fodety y and therefore, ' the^ more iimllar
fuch leading charaAers fefpeftively become in both
countries, the more fimilar by degrees, will fefpe6tiv6«
Ly become all the orders below them ^ and the more
elpedally, and the more effectually, when the cfaaiixi
between .the ranks in this couptry, fliall, in the progrefa
of induftry and enterprife, and thei^ fure conlequence
dilFuiion of property, have been filled by thofe ufefiil
orders of men, who bind together the (ligher and
lower ranks, and who give to ^ch, virtues, whichj^
without thcif intervention, would for ever romain un-
known, Tbeie one hundred and thirty perfons, hairing
performed xhdi duty fin parliament, wilTthen moft na*
turtlly," and it may be faid, neceflarily, 'm order ta
vary the fcene, to preferve and improve their local in-
terefts, and to regulate their property, retire to their
country, and there, among their c<m/tituents, «mpk>j^
their time, thdjr property, and improved underftaad'*
xngs, in ufeful intercourle, and valuable improvements*
The probability follows, that more of their propeity
vill then be fpent in their own peculiar country, :an4
particularly more amoi^ that ufeful race of meji, tba
peafantry, than in the preieat {Ute of thii^« And»
if the country at large improves and Aouriihes, it i9
weak indeed to fuppofe, that ^e capital will not be

abundantly

9^ •

ctbnndantly Applied wkh thoie, who having acquired
afflaence, will feek^ in the gradikadon of all the de-
fires generated by wealth, the fuperiour conveniencies
of a large and commodious city. It is not merely by
the nobility and higher gentry, that luxuries and eic-
|>enfive conveniencies arc affcfte:^. They who artf
dally gaining riches and confequence, by means of
thdr own induftry, or theinduftry of thdr fathers,
(and didr number mnft conftantly increale,) are gene-
rally the moft proftife in their expences : they aim to^
Ihrpafe in coftly appearance, thole who are their fiip^-
riours in rank ; and though their conduQ may b^
individually unwife, yet the aflive induftry of fo«
dety is promoted. Befides, in the court 6f the chief
governor ; in the general refort to the courts of law ;
in the feat of the univerfity ; and in the centre of ag«
gregadon, whi<^h the habits of ages have made un«»
changeable, there is more than fuffident iecurity, that
an abundant proportion of the rank and optilenee oF
the aadoii,'will conftantly contribute to tlie full iup*
port of the dty of Dublin.

«

Surely, every county and town in Great Britain, ex^
cept Mkldkiex iand* London, has equal reafon to com-
plain of the periodical refidence of its nobility and re-
prefentadves at the feat of government, as any of the
counties or towns in Ireland. The counties and towns
in Great Britain, are in general as diftant from the
leat of government, as thofe of Irdand, and as tena-
dous of thdr particular interefts : but, experience and'
common lenie have long taught them, that the recipro-
cal benefits, derived to and from the different parts of
Ac iame ftate^ are fo multi|^d and fo mutually en-
riching

96

ficfabg» as to annihilate all confideration o^ tl^ oca^
iional or periodical change of refidence of ^ any of its
fobjeds.

. But, if the city of Dnblin particalarly, needs an
example to calm its apprehenlions, it has but to look
to Edinburgh; which, in common wkh the reft of
Scotland, has gradnally flonriihed iince the Unions
has, not only, iacreafed in inhabitants, in wealth, and
in extent, but rivals in beauty and magnificence, and^
in a numerous nobility and geptry^ the greater part of
the capitals of Europe.

' To rtprcient the benefits of Union, however^ or to
anfwer objeAions to it, we are told, can nothing avail \
fot that, if it could be demonftrated, that the meafiire
is fraught with the pureft bkfiings, or even neceflary
to our esdftence, yet the parliaments of the two king-
doms are incompetent to the accomplifliment- of it*
But, if parliament be incompetent to accompliih a mea^
fure of extraordinary benefit to the community, there
muft be (bme other power yrhich is competent, and
which muft be relbrted to fior the purpofe: for, it
cannot be admitted, that lb melancholy an abfurdity
can exlft in our confHtution, or in any wife or radonai
conftitution, as an utter incompetence to adopt, any
new regulation of ftate, or any change in the fyf-
tem of fupreme authority, which may be found
neceflary to fecurity, or, in any other way, produftive
of great publick udlity. Tet, our conftitudon, from
its earlieft hiftory, to its laft improvement, has recog-
nised no other power, by which fuch great purpofes
cazi be efFefted, than the cpncurrent.will of the three
eftates of parliament. This concurrent power^ has

not

t

97

ftot be^n con^neci to the enadioo of laws^ of autho*
ritadve deciilons, biadiog on the whole community,
merely far the direction or controul of the aftions of
the fnbjeft \ but extends to the enlargement or diminu-
tioB of the domimons of the ftate \ and to fucb changes
;uid improvements in the conftitution itielf, as may beft
ferve the happinefs of the great cenununity, according
to the exiiliag fituation of the country^ internal and ex-
ternal, and according to the varying circumftances of
human affairs. It adopts and confirms compass with
other ftates, which compacts often make material chan*
ges in the property, and even in the territory of our own
ftate \ it admits foreigners to all the privileges of citi-
zenfliip ; it confers and takes away franchife, according
as publick good ipay require ; it regulates, limits, and
alters, the fuccelGon to the crown ; \\. varies and limit*
the regal prerogatives ; it alters, the duration of par-
liaments \ and no loyal fubjeA has yet denied that it is
competeiit, (though he may ftrenuoufly deny the com*
petence of any modern popular convention) to adopt
any, the moft eflential, reforms, in its own fon^ation*
and consequently in the conilitution, which the fecu-<
rity and bappinefs of the community, may point out as
neceifary, or materially ufeful. Precedents, which
prove the repeated exerdfe of theie inherent powers^
have been fo copioufly adduced by othefs, that to do
more than allude to them, would be idle and tedious.
The principle, which founds them, as it is extradled
from the hiAory of human nature, is fo juftly unfolded,
and io elegantly exprelTed, in a publiihed ipeech of *a
member of parliament*, that no words could more

4^ %^<^be .fithfitnct ^ Mr.H^illhm Smith's Sf^k, page 45.

o aptly

^

98

apdy iBoftrate the doftrinc of piMaaaeotsaj comp^
tence. «< Onr conftitudofi'' fadd he « b not oae of
^ liiak obftmate and incDrrig^ble fyftems, -which mnft
<^ hobble on tbrongh ages^ accnmnlating abates, or
*< only getting rid of them by periodical revohidon :
** onr conflitntion admits die principle of lelf-conrec-
<< tion : fteady to its objeAs^ - wliich are freedom and
^< good order, it pnrfnes the path which ihe period
^ fnpplies, for their attainiAent ; and poflefles, in Ae
"" bonndleis competence of its le^flatnre, tiie means,
«« as it rolls its bleilings through ages to pofterity, of
"^ peaceably and imperci^ptibly adapdng itielf to dr-
P cnmftances as they arife, of attending^ with fnitable
«< provifions, the fnccefliTe changes of powers and in-
^ tereftsy toanners and ^opinions, and of keeping pace
^< withthne, by lafe and gradual inogvadon.^

But the gr^t precedent of the Union of Eng^d
and Scotland, prominent in the records of the En^lifli
conftitution, f^o/. conffiration which was* early adopted,
and has long taken *TOOt, In this country, tp folly ap-
plies to the prefent queflion, and has fb long been
fanflioned by the approbation, and jufllfied by the ex-
perience, of the great and united people from whom
we are chiefly derived, that k inay be CdFely Inferred,
that no other power than the concurrent authority of
the feveral eftates of pariiament, could" confiftentfy be
called upon, in the pre&nt analogous cafe, to inake
the deciiion whic|i (hall prove oMgatory and 'OHicla-
five- ,

In an appeal to the loyai inhabitants of Irdandi it is
almoft unneceflary to (hew, that, to call together con-

vendOns

99

•

viDtkif|$ of the people, or toreibrt to any of the popa-.
lai aad newly i^veoted loodeg of deckUo^ upon matters
of iutio&>4 coBcmx^t would he to diflolve the baads of
fiacie^y md to malkboe the ftcuritiess by whichj^ the
pofieiBmi of the irmts of kiduilry, and the good order
of hmMn Hfe> aie prcferveds-'-^ji. isi this day of mad
vanity^ vM djficubf pf efoved^

Ja all lAfiairiei ioto Ae nature and ends of govern*
OKst^ totbiag can be laore idle and futile, than at«
tsaptt, fti decompofe hmi^a ^pwty iota ita origuvd
eienentty aad ta iaiveftig^te that ftate of thiag9« whkh
iafivpofed 10 ha:?etakeft places b^ore fodety oir govenw
Bifint afliwed any foraii or adopted any lavs for th^
ngeiaAoti and coatrovl of huinaa coadud. Hiftory
aiacords no fmch ftate of thioga ; M m^ haa ever yet
lecB Suk a Aate ; and hitherto, k haa exifted, only ia
the imaynati<Mi oi tboft tngeaiovs or idle theonft$» whQ
eompctre romances upon the nature and right of man^
According to the natural Situations and accidenxal rela«
tiona, in ivhich tribes or nations of o^n have been ori^
l^naUy placed, they palpably appear to have adoptedt
as circuftances required, the ruks or laws of coaduft,
with lefyeft to 'themfelves wi to their neighboars^
wUdi experieace pointed out to them as necellary^
Hitfe ruks or laws could not operate without effeAu4
6n£Hoos ; and therelbre, fome fupreme power, ifk every
ftage of fodety, has been found to exift, for the purpofe
of maldng law powerful and refpeOed. Under the pro-^
le^on of thde laws, in every progreffive ftep of dvilk
xadon, the various individuals in a ftatf, make the in-^
numerable exertions, ^Uch gin wh^yer of richest
power, and general improvement, it happens tp ac«

o z ' <iuire.

r I
I

ICO

quipc. In the progrefs of ages, we clearly obftrre, t.
fyftem is formed^ conftantly recogniied, and fully efta^
bliihed. This fyftem is conftituted of conftantly recog-*
nifed, and long eftabliftied authorities ; and of the va^*
rious rank, exclufive property, civil fecurky, and ufe-*
fill privilege, which have gradually grown out of the
peculiar nature, circumftances, and experience, of the
people or nation, under- the proteAion and energy of
thofe authorities. Now, it is evident, thai, to refer
the decifion on any great national meafures, to the gen&i
ral mafs of the people, in any form whatever^ would
fink the dignity, and fhake the fixed nature, of thofe
eftablifhed authorities ) would withdraw all proteAion
from the rank, property, and privilege, which the ac^
cumulated exertions of ages had created '^ would betray
all the principles, on which thofe exertioas had been
made ; would eradicate from fociety all ufeful motives ;
would defh-oy the whole fyftem of dvUization 9 and
confign, naked and defencelefs, to a ftate of deiert na-i
lure, all thoie characters, which illuftpate and exalt the
nature of man. The hiftory of the world, thefimpleft
common obiervation, and, if it wer^ neceiTapy, ttie ex*.
ample of France, make the conclufion too plam for di£n
cuffion. If, however, any great queftion of ftate be re-
ferred to the decifion of any other than the eftabMied
authorities, it muft necefTaiily be to the great body of
i;he\people. There is no third, (no middle^ party, to.
which the power can be committed i fpr, to any fiich
party, or body of men, are oppofed in fuU forxre, all
the dbjedions, as to waqt of univerfal confent, which
Iran pofBbly be urged againft parliament, add^d tQ
thofe of a more irrefiftablq oatur^ which arife f^m the

102

tenlHtntion undet wliich the people of England live, as
already has been hinted, that which we enjoy was de-
rived. At firft, the Englifh fettlement here was unfit
to make nfe of the perfeft form of the Englifh conftitn-
tion : inch part as was necelTary, and could be render-
ed operative, took place under Englifh authority ; and',
from time to tune, as the Englifh fettlers increafed, and
the reft of the country became incorporated with them,
the Englifh conflitution was more perfeftly adopted and
eftablifhed. At lafl, the whole of the country became
com]^leatly fubjeft to Englifh laws ; and accordingly,
the principles and form of the Englifh conflitution, have
been, by degrees, lb perfeftly adopted in Ireland, that,
confidering the executive of England is the executive of
Ireland, and conftitutes one branch of her legiflature,
we may with truth and propriety be faid, as we gene-
rally are faid, to live under the Englifh conflitution.
The people of both kingdoms fpeak the fame language ;
the fame religion has been long eflablifhed an)ong them \
they are regulated in almofl all refpeAs by exadbly fimi*
lar laws'; and their whole fum of interefts is bound up
In one fate. They inhabit two maritime iflands, placed
near each other in a corner of Europe ; their chief pow-
er and defence are maritime ; they are particularly fitted
for mutual afliflance \ they arie feared and envied, and
almofl furrounded, by many of the mofl powerful ftates
in the world. Could any aggregate of circumflances,
more fbrdbly point out the propriety of Union, or
tend to make the'tranfition more eafy and efFeAual ? and
liwely, no violence can be offered either to principle or
' precedent, if the conflitutional power, which originally
^iqanated from the Englifh conftitutioQ> which took

root

lOI

abfence of eftabliflied authority, and of that prdcrip-
tive ofage, under which the ftat^^ from infancy to ma^
parity, has been formed.

The example of diftinft ftates^ incorporatmg \vith
each other, for the purpofe of mutual fecurity, or of
promoting the profperity of both, is not unfrequent ia
in thp hiftory of civilization : and we find iuch Unions
conftantly efTeAed through the known and eftabltflied
authorities, which had refpedively goTerned filch ftates.
In England^ in France, in Germany, in Batavia, in
Switzerland, there have been abundant inftances. Ia
every inAance indeed that can be adduced, it muft be
sdnutted, that, ndar^efs and convenience of fituation^
iimilar difpofition, language, and ufages, and ccHnmoB
fecurity, have, in whole or in part, induced the mea^
fure : and ft muA alfo be admitted, that the fuppofed
caies, which, in controverting the general prindf le of
Union, have: been objected, pf the poffible incorpora**
ticn of ftates totally diiCmilar and unfit to coalefce,
would probably prove equally deflruftive as unnatural^
Such obje^ions, and every extravagant fuppofition that
has been made for the fame purpofe, prove no more
than, that particular meafures, in their tendency^ woul4
be bad and ruinous, and that, probably, they would
meet with a correfponding fate ; but they prove nothing
agamfl the comp;etency of the eflablifhed autl^ities of
one ftate, to concur with thofe of another, in a mutuat
incorporation, calculated to produce laiting bleffings to
both.

But, widely different is the cafe of Great Britain and
irciand from all thofe wild ima^ations. From the

conlUtutiOQ

103

*

tt)Ot*and grew iq> under Engliih authority and prote^
on, and which) has attained the nature, and ufages of
the Englllh conftitution, flionrd, in conjunftion with the
conftitutional power of its parent, adopt a Union of
conititntLon, in fptrk and in form, the iame as the cooh
{)onent parts.

But, apprehenfion is entertained^ that the junAion, of
a proportionate number of lords and commoners for
f relandy \nth the lords and commoners for Great Bri-'
tain, moft impair the conftitution ; becaufe, as it if m-
linuated, it would increafe the proportion of the intfla-
tence of the crown. Iliis apprehenfion, -whether real
tst affefted) ftrengtfaens the neceiEty of confolidatidg
the legillatures of the two kingdoms : for, it amounts to
this \ that the motives to unprincipled adventure in,
what has been called, the trade of parliament, will be
confiderably dimini(hed, if not eradicated ; and that,
confeqnently, the Important concerns of the ftate, wiii
not be fo often impeded and- injured, by tho(e inflamma-
tory harangues, and that mifchievous fpirit of intrigue,
through which, the faAious puipoies of party, and die .
felfith views ot individuals, are too often promoted*
But tjhe apprehenfion has, in truth, very little founda«
tion : for, the patronage of tbe crown ci\nnot then have
ib extenfive an influence in parliament as at preient ; be-
caufe, many of the members now enjoy profitable places;
lere^ which require an attendance on the duty attached
to them, and which, confequently, they could not en-
joy, if attending parliament in England : befides,- the
refidence of a parBament and a correfponding admintC-
tration her^^ requires many offices, 'which then would
* not

I04

not be neceflar-y ; and, the members to be returned for
Ireland^ upon the liberal plan in contemplation, would
all be men of that fuperiour rank and fortune, which at
leaft give conAd^able probability, that they would iu
.general be a^uated, by higher and more generous fen-
timents, than interefted wilhes for a few paltry places ;
and if, as we hope, the talents of many of them, ihould
frequently point them out, as fit perfons to take a lead'
ing part in the conduct of the empire, Ireland will reap
her (hare of honour and importance, in the digmfied
. prdgrefs of the imperial ftate.

At all events, whatever maybe the calculations on
the eventual propofldon of the influence of the crown,
Jt is certain, that the Union of Scotland, has not pro-
duced fuch increafe of regal influence, as has, in any
degree, dlminiflied the force or etfe^ of conflitudonal
oppofidon; and, it is as certain, that, within the lad
twenty or thirty years, fbme of the mod popular mea-
. iiires, have been carried in the Britifli parliament, that
are to be found in the tiiftory of the Englifh confHtud-
on. It has been determined, that commifiioners of
cuftoms or exdle (hall not fit in the Bridfli parliament ;
— revenue oflicers have been deprived of the eleftivc
franchife; — ^the general iflue, in informadons and in-
diAments for libels, has been completely committed to
the jury. Theie and many other a£ts of fimilar ten-^
dency, have fully demonftrated the power and indepen-
. dence of the people, and the full propordon of influ*
ence iu the democradck piart of the conftitudon. And,
with regard to the effeft of the meafure now in difcul^
fion, let it be impreflcd, that the lords and commoners,

who

105

."ttfhovt^OQld ftppetr forlrelmul, ki the face of cUerv^
Jag Europe, would be of a delcriptioii, not likely in*
deed to engage ut proffigaie or intercAed oppo(ki<^
but moft likely to j^» with refpeftable and iajdepea-
dent members like themfelves, in efTeftual oppofitioa
to every encroachment, that might be attempted, upon
cftablifhed rights i becau(e, in eftablifhed rights, are
at once involved, the interefts of every rank in the
commanity, aod the exteaded wdl being of the
whole*

In the coniideration of the relative ftate, and the pro*
poied Union, of two kingdoms, lb conneAed and (b
confUtuted as Great Britain and Ireland, xht fentiment^
refpefting the difUnft name, dignity, and indepen-
dence, of a diftinft and independent kingdom, which
leems to have roufed many to a kind of rage, is of ib
vague and elufive a nature, that the underftanding
finds in it nothing fubftantial, on which to found any
rational inference or opinion. But, if national iecurity,
proiperity, virtue, and happinefs, be extended, ;uid
rendered, mutually more efiefhial bleflings % if both
kingdoms, in the aA of conferring benefits, receive
reciprocally greater ; if prejudice and jealoufy yield to
cordiality and amity % if the power and dignity of each,
contribute to the greater power and dignity of both
incorporated ; and, if all the valuable and honourable
qualities in either people, coofpire to elevate the cha-
rafter of the united people ; then (hall national inde«
pendence, national dignity, and national charafter, mag«
nified, refined, and exalted, give nobler fentiments to
every fubjeft of the United Eangdoms and incite him to

p ' greater

io6

greater efforts of patriotifiti^ in the comoioii and HBnT^
trions caule. Under impreffionSy thus liberal and cn^
larged, may this be the motto^ engraven for ever on
die heart, <^ every inhabitant, of Great Briuun saiiS
Ireland,

Troi Tyriufpii mU uuIIq i/mmbii aptwr.

FINIS.

n .

i^iSri INDEPENDENCEi

^MmM

OR THE

POLICY

OF

UNION.

* '^"

i

htunf ua fve goiie to ndooti and it never, was^ nor never can be the
iomcft QffhMJmalltr nniibar to iaBtt fnm die Urgtr, or the wtsigr to difiv

IDuUin t

rUNm) BY J. MUXIKEN jt, ORArrOM*STllttT.

1800.

\

• • *

■ I
J

INTRODUCTION.

I SHALL preface the following obfcr-
*atiojis on Irijh Independency and the B>li'
ey of Union, with the fentiments of two
great and leading characters refpeding what
is called the v)orkir2g of the conftitution of

1782. -In Mr. Grattan we have the

founder of the fyftem, and it is to be pre-
iiimed he underftands the principle of his
own creation, and what ought to be the
pcadice — : — In Mr. Foster we have the
defender of that fyftenj and its operation.
The reader will find that the Founder and
the Defender entertain very oppofite fenti-
ments on the effeSl -, and when^ fuch men
difagree in opinion, he will, if he is not
morofe, pardon the effort and errors of an

individual,

IV

the evi! (for evil there unqucftionably is)
and with a boldnefs not meaning tp offend,
but pQrhapp in^Hred by the energy of th^
fubjedl, imprefk the i:cji>edy*'--'The qvief-
tion of a Legiflatjve Union is of ib impor*
tant a nature^ as to awaken the feding of
every thienkio^ man in the cOfliqBfcytiity :-*^
The hun^an mind, like th^ b^ipan body^ i«
various— -we are not all blefled with genius
or with beauty— a pcrfeifi freedom of dif-
cuflioa is neceflary^to call forth what we
have of the one, as a becoming eafe and
liberty are neceflary to {hew the graces of
the other.

Let us now, by way of introdndion, to
the fucceeding pages, produce Mr. Grat-

TAN and Mr. Foste!^ on the fubjeft of

• ' » • .J

Conftitutfon, Parliament, and Indepen-
dence.

MR.

\

MR. GRATTAN.

MR- FOSTER.

The biitli of the borough
uiiuidattoa was the deftxuc-
i4mi o£ liberty— ^it is a court
iofirumeat that murd€rs fra-

The price of boroughs is
from 14 to i6^ool.; this
14 or 1 6.oQoLi&uft ultimate-
ly be paid by you— thus
things go on ■ it is impof-
fible they can IzR-^tie irad^
^f Parliampti tains every
thing.

It is this incrcafe of the price
of boroughs which has in*
creafed the expence of your
cfiablilhmentSy and this in*
creafe of your eftablifh-
xnents which has increafed
the price of your boroughs ;
they operate alternately like
caufe and tScSt^ and have
within themfelves the dou-
ble principle of raft d ruin.

The recognition of our
Parliamenuryrights hasj>een
rendered abortive by unex-
amf led exertions of bribery and
corruptim.

I ftate its perfeSioOj talk.
ing of the conftitution, to
•urge its value and its efficacy
for every end of haffinefs.

—-That country, whofe
fafety at this inftant is endan-
gered by a theoretic propo-
fal to reform the^yftcm— — ^
at the time thlat^it b working
with eafe and increafiig hem"

\

——No — no — chcrifU the
Parliament — all natives of
one country— their (lake is
in It — their hearts as well as
their interefis are engaged in
its frejervaxiorf^iu profperity
— its glory.

It is not your Conftltution

he (Mr. Pitt) wants to take

away foi any fuppofed im-

perfeftion, but becaufe it

keeps the purfe of the nation

in the hanefi hands of an Iriflh

Parliament.

MR.

▼i

MR. GRATTAN.

. • *

The government agreed
to the ellabliniment of the
independency of the Irift
Parliament> and then created
a multitude of offices to make
ikMt tndtfeTidtincy a fiame.

The famous half mtiRon^
or the experiment of the
caftle to ficure the iependenct
of the parliament.

The frefent Parliament
nrhofc narrow and contraft-
cd reprefentation excludes
iiberty, and whote/atal com-
fliances have caufed for a
courfe of years a fucceffion
of meafures which have col-
icfled upon us fuch an ac-
cumulation of caUm^y!

MR. FOSTER, '

Preferre that Conftitutioi|
which was confirmed to you
in 17^2; and which has
given you wealthy trade»
profperity> freedom, and 111-
4ependency.

Adhere to the conftltutioA
of 1782; the immenfe vaiua
of which every enquiry into
the Jlate of things fmce, points
out to you in every circum-
fiance.

The Conftitutionof 178Z
has not only worked well to
promote the ftrength and
energy of the empire, but to
raife this kingdom into fr(^er
rityy and keep it in a fteady
and rapid advance even he^-
yond the utnu^ hopes of ii$
warmejl advocates *

IRISH

•

I

IRISH INDEPENDENCE,

&c. &c.

In taking a view of the queftion of Union the
writer of the following pages may, by fome pet-
fons, be thought to lean more to the Roman Ca^
iholic than is cither juft or politick ; he can only
fay, that in looking into the ftate of this country'
he found the Catholic fo prominent a feature that
his attention was compelled, and for the rcafons
which he fliall advance, he is penetrated with the
juftnefs of their claims, and, fpeaking as a mem-
ber of the empire, with the faving policy of their
/^///emancipation.

The writer is neither a bigot in religion or in
politics ; he hopes he looks with a clear and libe-
ralcyeon man ; it is for him that religions are
formed and polity eftabliflied ; it is for the good
of man that his mind Ihould be impreffed with
certain tenets leading to and compelling the moral
duties ; and that the licence of natural liberty be

reftrained

y

ireflraiDed within the honourable bounds of focial
order. Sparta was ifree, but Ihe had her helots ;
RjQme was free, but Ihe had her flares ; Britain
is free, but Ihe has her negroes.— Can we fay kc-
land is free wheii fhe has her Catholics ? The
ilave has the fame right to liberty as his mailer ;
his nadtions may be dire£led by a fuperior force,
but whenever he can he will rife, and affert the
great charter of his nature ; and who fhall pre-
fume to cenfure his efibrt ? It proceeds from a
feeling marked upon his heart by the indelible
finger of God ! and therefore he is the bed friend
pf Ireland, and th^s true friend of Britain, whofc;
counlels and exertions go to the deftrudlion of that
partial policy which feeds the fire that may con-
Ihme the ftate.

The firft fafe ftep to that deftrudipn is a legifla-

tive Uniou with Great Britain ; without Unioa

you cannot eipancipate, aufd without emancipation

there can be po real, efficient, operative, and in*

diffoluble Union, If the Britifh connexion is aq

advantage (apd who but a fool or an incendiary

would deny that it b?) union will fccure it;

if ft is neceffary to the exiftence of the Proteft-

ant eftablifhment in Ireland, union will con-

vert that neceflity into a duty on the part of

Great Britain ; at prefent her aid is precarious,

it lies at her own will — union would leave her

no choice — ihe mull defend herjelf. \yc arc

now diftindl governments, under the fame King !

independent States, mutually dependcpt ! Britain

depends

depends iq a great degree for her political fafe-
ty on our connexion, and we depend upon her
for our commercial exiftcnce — nay, and we owe ,
the land on which we live to the protefling
power of her fleets and arn^ies— and yet we
are told we are independent !— union indeed will
make us truly independent; — it will Ihake off the
neceffity of our aftual dependence on Great Bri«

• *

tain, and raife us to the proud eminence of be-*

ing equally fr^e.

• • • • • ■

That there are many errors in this irregular
cffay is not to be doubted ; the writer, however,
hopes there will be found in it ibme ufeful
truths : — he has thought it for the general good
to fpealc thofe truths in iimple plainnefs-— it is a
fore mind that ihrinks from an honed flatement
of fa6ls, and it is a rotten political eftabliifa-
ment that cannot bear the touch-done of free
inquiiy.

Union is a great quedion, its efie6l embraces
every man on the land, and every man has a
right, within the law, to give his opinion on
the fubjcft. Oppofition fays. Parliament is in-
competent to enad the mcafure, but the very rc-
verfe is edablilhed by (hewing where the En-
glifh parliament did enaA Union with Scotland,
vjhich formed the Britifti parliament, which re-
pealed the laws redraining Ireland, which made
her theoretically free : now if parliament (I
fpeak of the Englidi, and ours is foi^nded on
the fame principles) is incompetent to ena£l

B 2 Ufiion.

union, and has enadcd union, every law flovr-
ing from that union is ccnflitutionally null,
and even the theoretical independence of Ire-
laud is illegal. But Ireland triumphantly acced-
ed to the Briiifli afls of repeal, and dates her
freedom from them^-parliament muft therefore
p<)ffefs complete competency — Our prefent con-
ilitution draws its being from that very prin-f
ciple.

The writer will be fparing of quotation —
had he merely wiQied to make a book he might
have fwelled the page by applicable paffages
from Tacitus down to Hume; he might have
fcribbled French from Montefquieu, and been
very profufc of law from Coke and from Black-
ftoue ; from the parterre of Burke, abundant
in flowers ! it were eafy to have culled fame
rofe with its recompanying thorn; and from
his flaihing adyerfary Thomas Paine* a thorn
without its rofe ! — Quotation ibmetimcs illuf-
trates happily enough— but it is a heavy auxil-
iary, and feems fitter for the main body than for
the light detachments of an army — the page has
therefore been incumbered aslittle aspoffible with
this fort of affiftance.

• Thomas may be left to his own confciencc; and it is to be
hoped he will endeavour to difpcl fom* of its murky gloom
by comforting, if he can, his former friend the unfortunate
De la Fayette, that great and firtuous fuffcrer for hii^KiKC and
for hii CouMTHY I

The

The writer has mentioned Sparta, and Rome,
and Britain, and Ireland ; he cannot avoid obfer v-
ing that the two firft did not poflefs true liberty —
for where a great portion of the people are kept iii
aftual fei-vitude, as was the cafe of the Spartan
Helots and the Roman Sla\ies, there is no real and
uncorrupted freedom ; there may be a hard, a par-
tial, and a ftate liberty, fupported by the profan-
ation of individual right, but irtte liberty, where
every man is equal in the law, was not in Sparta or
in Rome. Britain is at this moment in poffeffion
of as pure political liberty as a community can
know ;* the defers of her fyftem may be pointed
DUt on papit^ but inpraSice (he has all the pollibic
perfeftion of a human inftitution, and by confe-
quence (he is individually more happy and collec-
tively more powerful than any ftate in the world ;
it will be here underftood that the waiter has a re-
ference to her extent and population.

What a contraft when we turn our eyes to Ire-
land! her people divided — difcontented — now
turbulent to phrenfy — ^now funk in the very floth
of apathy and indolence! — partial rights-— par-
tial feelings! — a country — no country! — theore-
tically free — in reality dependent! — the pomp ( f
ftate — the beggary of the land ! — fociety un-
hinged, and man regarding with doubt and ap-
prehenfion the motions of his neighbour : — the

* This if ftridllj applicable to the pcctb of i> ./:;/;— the
"writer laments the flaverj of the negroes under her ^ove/u-
ment.

lower

lower orders detefting the rich, and. the rich
breathing in fearful fufpicion of the low^r orders!
Religious bigotry unwifely roofed from its whole-
fome lethargy, and burfting into fanaticifm?— Po-
litical bigotry nurQng the folly and widening the
breach ; — difcord — infecurity — plunder— mufder !
*' Try conciliation'!" — agreed — but how? — ^not a
partial, and therefore an unavailing conciliation-
Palliatives may mitigate, bdt they never radically
cure— no— ftrike at the root of the difcafe— the
reftoring conciliation muft be " broad and gene-
ral as the cafing air,"— it muft embrace the whole,
and be lafting as the land; uniting man with
Inan, and fhtc with ftate; and Securing by the
enlightened policy of that glorious Union the po-
litical and civil liberty, the fafety, the tranquilli-
ty, and the happinefs of Ireland.

Popular clamour can neither eftablifli or refute
the political virtues of any meditated meafure ; if
it could, the Union with Scotland would never
have taken place, and the projedled Union of
Great Britain and Ireland would now have been
in the " family vault of all the Capulcts*'— and
if it had, both Britifli connexion and legal liberty
would foon have followed to the fame tomb !

Our unhappy fafiions have diftraded this land ;
our religious diftindions of Proieftant and Catho-
lic have led -to perfecution on the one part and to
fanaticifm on the other .-^Merciful God! that
Chriftians, at the clofe of the eighteenth cen-
tury, fhould forget the benignant fpirit of their

Founder,

Founder, and deftroy the root becaufe the branchcf
are different ! — Wc have heard much of the ior
fidelity of Voltaire and of Hume, but fuch civil
horrors, between fcSs of the fame religion, give
deeper wounds to Chriftianity than all the farr
donic fneeri of the one, or the paradojcical rea*
foning of the other.

The gentlemen who ftiled themfelves Patriots
bad for fome years rung fuch a peal in the public
ear of corruption, reform, emancipation, &c. &c.
that a portion of the people were brought to believe
themfelvcs very flaves, and to think that nothing
would go well till his Majefty's minifters were
turned out and the patriots turned in — How weak
lighted is man ! While this h6kion was labourr
ing and abufing, not to deftroy the ' government
bnt to remove the minifters, it gave birth to ano-
ther faflion of a much more dangerous nature-—
the Catholic fadion — this faflion combined for
emancipation, one of the cant words of the pa-
t riots, and for a while each countenanced the
other, and went on, iq their way, well enough :
but the patriots, though full of fire, and eager to
take the Treafury Bench by ftorm, were yet true
to the Britifh connexion, for under it they ex-
peded to flouriih, and would at any time loudly
join in the refolution to ft and or fall with that
country. The Catholics did not entirely relifli
this lort of condu£l— they grew impatient, and,
aided by a few hot-headed perfons of no relir
giou at all, they treated with the French Repub-
lic, in ho DCS, with the affiftance of that unde-

figning

8

figning and innocent government utterly to root
from the land the Britifli Oak, and fix in its place
that democratic plant of Gallic growth, " whofe
talle is death, and whofe fruit is not the .fruit of
knowledge.^

What fallowed this leading ftep to French frater*
nity ? an organized treafon ; then, but of numbers
too weak to fccure the ftate, a noble loyalty; then,
open rebellion ; then, Britifti proteflion, — tho
fabjugation of the French, and the crufti of fa6iion.

How did the patriots a6l during this awful pe-
riod ? did they with virtuous indignation throw
afide their petit querre of political oppofition,
and aflift the government to maintain the peace
of the country ? did they ftart forward with the
energy of true patriotifni, and enrol thcmfclves
in the yeomanry corps to repel the invafion of a
foreign enemy ? — no— fomc kept aloof from . the
affembled fenate, and by a fulky filence abettcfi
the views of faction — others faid — '* may the
kingly power live for ever ;'* — " may the parlia-
mentary conftitution profper,'^ ■ ** may the con-
nexion with Great Bjitain continue" — and " may
the liberties ef the people be immortal." They
/poke {q this purpofc, and — withdrew — they aban-
doned the vefle! of the ftate at the moment of
her danger, and at leaft eficouraged the fiorm by
not lending a heart and hand to counteraft its cf-
fef^:? :— r.iey became obnoxious to Solon's celc-
bir/cc' Vivi, for their 7ieutrality was criminal.

^s there in the circle of the land a man who

•

\\\u\ an uubludiing front can ctnitradid this ftatc-

ment ^

I

ftieni ? not one — or if there is, his mind muft be
hlind to a6lion, and his heart calloulg to truth. :

Here let lis j!)aufc-^United in blood, united
in langaage, ufnited in conftitution, the Anglo-
Irifh, while their gbvefnnient rs diftinft, can have
no rational fecurity againft the workings of fac-
tion, becaufe thVt very diftinftncfe is. the cradle
in which democracy may roclc the.ricketty 6ff-
fpring of her hopes a^d of her jdevotion : that
very diftindlflefe Will impel thte Proteflant traitor
to niifgSde th^ Ca:tho)ic peWfant, and to \itrbeedle
over to, at'leaft, a. culpable inadipiL, the wary
PrefcytirialD : thstt diftinaiicfs, while.it Ms, vfiA
be an inviting principle to the French Republic,'
for to fiftiy p6wer at enmity with Britain) and
ihe will feisBc h, if it .docs laft; to the utter ruid
of Angfo-Irith, Pi'orcftant and Gatholic., .

ImpFreflcd with thi^ great truths I feel myfejf
juftifi6d in obtruding my opinions . upon ,thc pul>
li'c ; if my reaioiiiiig ^all appear generally feeble^
I contid^r it may iii Ibme' parts be found flrong
iAd cleat-^as a: riU is ccfngratcd by .certain impe-
dimcfnts, and then flovrs on witfi force. If it in
any part is^ found ftrong it may convince, and niy
labour will have ample reward, if it convinces
biit oneenfrty to the meafure, that a full, free
and uneqtiirocal Union with Great Briton is the
only filial fettleihent that, can fecure to Ireland
thekin^y pioWer, the parliiamtntaty guardianlhip,
Jlnd the liberties of the people.'

The Proteftant will find me his friend-, becaufe
I w^ifti to lead him to Jbe fecurity of his poffcffions,

Q and

and to the contioued enjoyment of his politicaf
ifcendancy ; the Catholic will find me his firiend,
becaufe I wifh to condu£i him through the portal
of peace into the temple of liberty ; and the
country will find me her firiend, becaufe I wifh to
do away every baneful diftin£lion, fo difgraceful
•to the period in which we live, and fo difhououra-
ble to the pure fpirit of that conftitution whofe
bafe is freedom, and whofe arms ihould embrace
every foil: — where there is fafcty there will be
Ho exclufioo, there willbe general content ; and
where there is general content there will be no
rebellion.

Somethirig niuft be done ;— in a flate of civil
bondageyou cannot build upon the Githolic mind.
— Throw France for a moment out of confidera^
tion, flili our befl policy is Unibn with Britain^
and why ^-^becaufe it is the only meafure that
can fecure the connexion; without union' you
muttf in ybur own defence, keep the Catholic at
the door of the temple; he cannot remain there
fatisfied, becaufe he has been taught this^ truth-—
that man is bom with the fame rights ; without
union, therefore, the Proteflant iptereft rauft be
in danger from the difcontent and phyfical force
jof the Catholic: union. with Britain would put
.the Proteflant interefl out of danger, becaufe it
would afiimilateits flrength with the flrength of
that mighty nation,*^hus union would indubita*
. bly eflabliih the political fafety and afcendancy of
the proteflant--* it would do more — it would open

the

II

Ae door of conftitational participation to the ca-
tholic : — thus fecurity would be bound ia the li-
beral chains of Freedom, and the united kingdoms
would indeed ftand and fall together.

When this great queftion was firft promulgated,
clamour, in the effervefcence of its folly defeated
the operations of reafon ; but clamour can never
alter the nature of truth — party has had its day —
the public mind has cooled, and is now open to"
the calrainvefligation of the fubje£^.

Our conftitution is the Britifh conftitution, 'with

this main difference — we have no diJlinS King —

the Kiog of Great Britain being neceffarily'^ King

of Ireland : — She is bound by no laws but what

are pafled by her own three branches, and thus

ihe is conftitutionally a diftind): and independent

Aate; it mull however be confefled, that her

King^ing always an abfentety beio^ alfo the King

of^ it may l)e faid, adjoining country, greater in

every point of confideration, and that Ireland muft

therefore be governed in reference to Great JBri-

tain, her independence is more theoretical than

real. Her King is dire6led by Britifh minifters ;

all the great a£ls of ftate fpr Ireland originate in

the Britifti cabinet — it is therefore, the Britifti

cabinet that governs the kingdom of Ireland;

and the Britifti minifter always has a rcprefenta-

tive in the Irifti Houfe of Commons to matuige the

affairs of the Irifh nation !

Had

.• ** Bj tMsjundionof the Crowns (ftys Mr, Fofter, talking
of Scotland) iht became fubjed to foicigQ inflacoce in all het
aatioi^l coAceuM."

12

•

Had Iceland been placed oq the (f.entral fur-
fece of the' Atlantic ocean, file migtt have beei)
a perfeflly indepebdciit ftate ; but nature having
fiied her among the more potjent powers of Eu-
rope, arid the occurrences of time havipg blende^
vrith her original inhabitants, and rooted on her
foil a hrge portion of the people of a neighbour-
ipg country, forming at lead one-fourth of her
prefent population, anfil Naturally leaning to the
parent power, t^e eye of reajfon cannot fee a pof-
jQbility of her maintaining a perfe^ political inde-
pendente. France on one fid?, Great Britain on
tjie Qth^r, it is the nature of power to become
more powerful — it is the policy, and tbe jbeft po-
licy of Great Britain, td ppffefs Jreland }n amity ;
llie does pof)ref3 her, but it js a poffeflipn from
diftinft government eminently open to interrup-
tioHj^ and affailable by party. Mourning for his
credulity — bleeding for his rebellion, his eyes be-
ginning to open to the fatal folly of French fra-
ternity, the Iriih peafant fits a fad and melan-
choly example of the effcfts of fa6iion ! It was
the intereft of France to (encourage the fpirit of
difcord, and invited by the diftindlnefe of her
government, it will be her eternal aim to wound
Great Britain by the ruin of Ireland — the leading
feature of French policy is to foment a conteft of
blood, that fhe may weaken' and devour.

It muft alfo he confeffed, that in Ireland the
religion of the:ftate being proteftant, apd the reli-
gion of the people being Roman catholic, po-
tenily contributed to ndurifti the hopes of France

againft the Briiifti eilablifhment. There ar^e i\\(^
leading religious and political parties (for alas!
religion and politics are here unhappily blended)
in this little ifland; the proteftant poffeffing all
the power of the ftate, and the Roman catholic,
Ihorn of political power, but p^offefling three-
fourths of the population of the land. The pref-
byterian is a collateral branch from the proteftant,
poffefling neither political nor phyfical force com-
parable with the other two, but moft refpeftablc
for its number3, its induftry, and its general con-
tency of conduft.

Now, in a couqtry taftjng, though partially, the
fruits of commerce ; in a country enlightened by
the luminous events of the American and French
revolutions, is it aftonifliing that three-fourths
of the people Ihould feel difgraced by political
exclufion, and diflionoured by non-teprefentation ?
I put the queftion to unprejudiced man, and I
think no man of mild and liberal principle but
muft reply — the cffe6l is the legitimate offspring
of the caufe.

I know the. body of the people, like the majo-
rity of all communities, is ignorant as to political
arrangements, and thoughtlefs of confequences —
and, it is a hard fentiment, but I fear it may truly
be faid, that man would be happy vere he fuf.
fered to continue in ignorance — but bodies can be
worked upon till they move, and the mafs may
move till it deftroys. I would remove the caufe
that we might not bear the effeft. The black

blood.

14

blood of rebellion is ftill warm, and circulates in
^the hearts of the people. I would purify the
fluid without wounding the body. I would in-
deed make them proud of being called the brcr
thren of Britons, by pouring into their political
exiftence the reftorative energies of the Britifti
conftitution. But can we fafely admit the catho*
lies into the legiflative body ? — As a diJlinS ftate
we cannot — if we keep them without the pale
they are ftill an inferior caft, and their degradation
^x)ntinues — continue their degradation and you
continue the danger of the ftate — what then is the
wife and fafe means of doing away this dangerous
degration? what will fecure the protcftant and
make the catholic free? Union— r — By uniting
the legiflatures of Great Britain and Ireland you
fecure the proteftant afcendancy, bccaufc the
united kingdoms will beaggregately proteftant. and
you fafely open the door to catholic emancipation,
becaufe where there is np danger there will be no
exclufton.

That the terms of Union would be liberal on
the part of Great Britain there can be no rational
doubt, becaufe it is her interejl to render Ire-
land content with the change and politically
produ6iive ; now Ihe can be rendered produc-
tive only by promoting her commercial ability,
the promotion of her commercial ability would
therefore, and by neceflity become the peculiar
care of the United Parliament.

But it may be afked, ^how can the Union
of the Parliaments fatisfy the Catholic, when

even

*5

even in tfaat union his political incapacitiei
would continue ? I anfwer, union would bring
him nearer to the objeft of his wilhes by lef-
fening the danger of the colKfion ; nay, it would
by one happy ftroke deflroy the danger, and
render him hafmlefs, for what danger could
there b^ in identifying all the people with the
parliament, when the . parliament by the very
adt of union would identify the proteftant fu-
periority ? .

Again ; by uniting the parliaments the vifible
eflFeils of fuperiority being removed would be
foftened ; the irritation of the Catholic mind
would havjfi room for repofc ; repofe would lead
to retrofpedt ; retrofpeft would* ftiew the ruin
confequent to French connexion ; a more appa-
rent equality of condition would prove a fpur
to induftry — and thus by the filent but certain
working of time, the Catholic would be admif-
fible to the conftitution of his country, not only
by his weight in the body politic but by his*
civil merits. This, it may.tc faid, is mere
fpcculation ; granted — but recoUeft it is fpecu-
Jation founded ^ upon a diftrai^ed and fatally
divided country; aiui iurely, it is reafonable to
conclude that her conciition muff Tdc meliorated
and improved by tiaoquilizing her ftate, and
by blending .her with the civil manners and
eommercial habits of the moft truly free and
powerful nation in the world 1

But how is this union to l)c acconipliflied?

How

k

4 '

How wa3 the Scotch union accomplifiied ? By
the folemn afient of the parliaments of England'
and Scotland — And why cannot an Union 6f
Great Brirain and Ireland be accOmj^lifhed by
the folema affent of the King, Lords and Com-
mons of thefe coantnes ? — Is there any other
legitimate power in the land to ^naft a law
for the diredion of the community ? The con-
Ititution knows no' legiflative power but rhcitof
the parliament. ' '

The Britifti minifter ha3 placed thib meafuri
of uniting the K^ingdoms of Great Britain and
Ireland before the parliament of his ^country
-ivith clearnefs, candour, and precilion-^On hi^
general arguments I need not defcan't, but it is
plain that he cltablifiied, againft the oppt^fitioii
of Mr. S*hcridan (who at fifft denied the po we ^
6f parliament and then fcemed willing to forget
his denial) the full and perfeft competence' of
the parliaments to enadl the mea!fure of union';
and this doSrine has received the deliberate
ind coUeftive' fenfe of the Lords and Com-
mons of Great JBritain.

Here, then, we have, after unit given for
deliberation, and*aftfef elaborate difcumoii, thi
folemn and recorded opinioii of the tw6 houfes
of the Britifti Parliamenf, that the l<?eifiative
body is, ancf is alone^ capable and cdmperent t6
decide upon this great imperial mieafurc.

The qiieftion has not yet been bfoughtl d?-
feflly before the Irifh parliament ; but my Lord
Cornwallis, his' JMfajefty's repYefefltatrvc in this

Kingdoip,

*7

Kio^diii', Tiavidg, in Kis fpeech delivered to
totii Houfes on the lid of January 1799, ex-
preflfed " His Majefty's anxious* hope that ^ the
ffarliaments of both kingdoms would be difpof-
M to' prd'vide the mofteHfedlual means o^niain-
taining and improving a connexion' cffential to
their common fecurity, and of confotidatiug^ as far
ars poflibfe, into' on'e firm and lofting fabric^ the
ftrength, thd power, and the refources of thQ
Etitifh Empire/' — and His Excellency's feTretary,'"
Lord Calllereagh, having avowed that ** altHotfgh
there wis* in the ^drefs** (which enibraced as
ofoal all ihfe points of the fpecch) no fp6cific'
pledge to a meafure of union,* yet he did in-
tend at an early day to fubmit to the Houfe
a fpecilic nioiida on that? fubJ€fH,'*—^this avowal'
of iht ft/tu re intention: on the "pkh: fif govern-"
mcnti dfti in a matincr brin^the aWftra£l qutffti-
oti befote the Houfei and Mn George Ponfon-
by propofed* an amefadmcnt to the addrefe de-
IteiftiVe of the miniffer^ 'intended fjJeclifit^nlo- '

' In the Lords,* ^bb, the iddrefs wan combated
o& the fame' grounds, tut the opjioffrion* was
feTKhJe,- and the addrefe 'wias carried without a
divifion.

• The debslte in the Commons was .warm : the
general good policy of the meafure was" not only
doubted, but many members of weight did riot
hefiiate td proclaim their abfolute bcKef that
the parliament had no right to enaft union,
btcanfe (they faid) the cnaflion of union would

D invade

i8

invade the Ictoaftitution by altenog, or cbingmf

the eftabliihcd government of the land ; tbej

timted iLx. jfirA principles, and deprecated the

danger whidi Would, theyfaid, inevitably flow

from a pcrfev^^ance in the meafurei^ Oil a divi-

fion there appeared, but a majority of ont a-

gainft the aibeddment ; and thus the Commons —

for gbyemment could not proceed on f6 great

^ queftion withdtit a decided majprity of the

^oufe— thus the Commons precluded its recpp-^'

^ on«— created an alarm — and the meaAire is now*

fftiipendfed between the approbation of the Lords^

'and thedifapprobatian of, apparently, one half

'di th<e Commons.

Of the conilittttional power of parliament ta'
Vna£l the meafure the oppofers of the Scotch
union ieem not to have entertained a (hadoni^
of doubt J they— a«Kl they were men of high
name, high chara£ier, and high ability— *they
oppofed it OQ the ground of general impolicy^
and their indignation was roufed by the belief
that an union would entomb the ancient and
proud independence of* their country. The
union, Jiowevcr, was ^ enafted— the ' aS may
be truly fatd for ever to have deftroyed the
feeds of diflenfion between the two Kingdoms; .
and Scotland, from being ttirbulent, fadlious,
2xA poor, is now calm, loyal, aud rich— "this^
is a great authority for th^ competence of par^
liament, becaufe it is the authority of a whoU
nation^ and that too an integral part of the king^

donfc'

15

m

idom of Great Britain, conceding to the det^er-
mination of her confiiiutional governors.

In treating of the Scotch union, Blackfione,
^ found- and conftitutional lawyer, does pp]t
entertain an idea of the incapacity of parliament
t^ make the alteration — he ftates the power of
parliament to be unlimited — that it can change
and create afrefli even the conftitution of the
Kingdom and of parliaments themfelves— '' it
can alter the fucceffion to the Crown''— it threw
afide the real heir and willed a Pjrotjcftapt branch
to inherit — ^if the fettlement at the revolution
of 1688, is not conflitutional, the prefect King
is ao ufurper^ becaufe he derives under that
fettlement ; but even the violent republicans al-
low him to be almoft ^' the only hmful Kiiiig
in Europe*** becaufe of that very f^^tlcment,
and, therefore, upon their own principles, the
power and competence of parliament to alter
the conftitution is foil and incontrovertible.

In truth, of the power of parliament to bind
the people I believe no man who loves the confti-
tution will ferioully deny ; the denial may ferve
for a feafon the purpofes of party, but prailjce
and precedent eftablilh the point : were jfry? prin^
ciples to have been reverted to upon every necejfary
and unavoidable alteration which has taken place
n the Britifh conftitution, that conftitution would

not now be the wonder of the world ! " abfolute

• - . » •

* Vide Dr. Price's famous fcrmon delivered od the
at the okl Jewry.

and

20,

and defpotic power inuft in all govc^nmente refidie
foroe where; and in thefe kingdoms it is eutruft-
cd by the conftuunpn to the parliament ;" glorious
conftitution t that entrufls ttjedefoptic power of
the ftate only in the reprejeniatives of the p^ofU of
the land!

If a democrat ftarts up and tells me that parlia-
ment has only the right to enaft laws for the good
of the ftate, I agree, and anfwer that union is
effeniial to the health, may to the very exiftencc
of the ftatie ; if, as is proba|)Ie, he denie^ my af-
fertion, I bid him recal to his recolleftion thp
danger we have been in during thefe laft two
years of a total feparation from Great Britain, by
fadion, treafon, and rebellion, aided by^ French
army even on the foil : I tell him that the mere
enading of a law does not make that law good-— jt
is the working of that law on the body politic t^at
ilamps its value. Ezpeiience has fhewu that;,
what is called the fnaJ fcitlement of 1382, has not
worked well either £br the peace and fecurity of
the proteftant, or for the pplii^cal liberty of the
catholic ; for there is neither peace nor fecurity
where there is an enemy at your threfholdi
and there is no liberty where tb^re is any ex-
cliiiion y imperious necejjiiy^ therefore, calls,
and calls loudly, for a great frial fettlcment
indeed, which can fecure the proteftant,
make the catholic free, ^nd bring peace to the
land if — your diftinft government has failed in

* And this final fettlemcnt would ellablifli the pofuion of
Sir Hercule$ Langriflie— the Catholics would tx^oj every thmg
uaut^ the &ae» but the/ would aot iethjlaie.

thefe

Y.

fhcfe gr^at and prijiiary objc6ls-rnay, your fettle-
. inent of 1782, was at belt butapartul arrange-
ment ; it' was ^ monopoly of rights On the one
part, and a continuation of v/rongs on the other—
you acquired a conftitution, and you excluded
the people— you have felt the confequences, and
if the monopoly is to be eternal, eternal will be
the danger of the proteftant eftablifhment ; but a
wifer policy prevails ; Great Britain oS'ers for our
acceptance " a complete and entire union founded
on equal atid liberal principles/' tJnion with
Britain will alTiBiilate our ftrcngth with the
ilrength of that mighty nation ; that union of
ilrcngth can alone fecurc ):he proteftant govern-
ment in church and Hate, and that fecurity of
church and ftate will infallibly accelerate and efta-
Biifh.the entire emancipation of the Roman Ca-
tholics—Without a legiflative union with Great
Britain the proteftant of Ireland can have no fecii-
rity,* nor can the catholic of Ireland have a hope

• " The exchatigc," fcys tHe very fenfible Mr. Wm. Smith,
'^ which bj communicating to Ireland a full pairtlclpacion in
t|ie benefiis of the Britifh cooi^itutioD, muA, (fuch 19 the.
ipi](I.t of that conflicution) at the fame time produce happioefi
and freedom to her people." Mr. Smith I prefume means M
the people of Ireland ; here I am with him — but I do not
think that the moment of Union would be the moment of
emancipation Co the Catholics. — My ideas on this point are
mare pnoucraif , and perhaps more fwer-I think would infalli-
bly l:ud io emancipation -, but that fome time mufl elapfe, a
confcqueace of recent events, bcfors the arrivd oftlxat ux:avoi-
dftbl^ aft of \vifdam and judice. .

of

22

^of obtaining political lil?erty. The proteftaot and
catholic are two corrofive poifons^ in the body
politic, both afliug againft that' body by c^ch
cxhaufting the other; union will render ihofe
poifons not only harmlefs, but by a complete ad-

. mixture cprreft the humours, purify the blood,
and renovate and reftore the health of the whole.

Still my opponent may exclaim, what ! can the
parliament at its will alter the conftitution > I an-
fwer, yes, it has the conftitutional power, and
the exercife of that powei^ is left to its wifdom-—
where the (late is in danger the conftitution has
been altered, and may be altered again — " For-
jnerly,*' faysBlackftone^ " the defcent was abfolute,
and the crown muft goto the next heir, without any
reftriftion ; but now qpon the new fettlement the
inheritance is conditionaK'^—rWho made, this al-
teration ? was it the people ? no — ^it was the
parliament, apd it is tv\itxpurd t^onftitution, or
every adl fucceeding is corrupt and illegaL

The power of parliament, ' fays Sir Edward
doke (that oracle of the Englifh law)-p-5* is abfolute^
it cannot be confined within any bounds," — and

• why ? becaufe it is the only legal lawgiver :— -^f it
has,'' fays Blackftone — " unconirou table 2caxhoniy ;*•
a lid why ? — for the /m//5'«/7///y of the community.
'I he acquiefccnce o£ the people has ftampe/l the
omnipotence of Parliament; have they ever
warred againft the exercife of that power? Hiftory
gives a melancholy inftance where aking, indeed,
warred againft the authority of parliament — but

the

as

Ae people fupportcd that authopity, and the tttat
trophe need not here be related.

Let us now look towards tfic policy of the mca-
fare.

Great feritain, the firft commercial country m
the world, double our population, and the force
of that population dfoubledi by' her induftry, offers
to unite her political eziftence with Ireland, a
country of fmall commerce, tittle capital,' and lefs
induftry. I fpeak generally; and when I fay
imall commerce, 1 do not forget the linen trade
of the North ; and I recollcft with efteem the per-
ievering.fpirit and great talents pf its parent and[
promoter John Fofter : — Yet when it is confider-
cd that were Gttit Britain td withdraw her pre-
ference of that manufadure, which in faa ^Sts as
a bounty of thirty per cent, in its favour, exclu-
five of its free admiffibn to the Britifh market,
afid the {>ounties granted by Britain on its re-ex-
piort ; I fay, when it is confidered that wire Great
Britain, froni whatever motive, to withdraw thefe
d^ded advantages, the linen trade of this king-
dom w6uld linger, and might be brought to pe-
rMh by the legiflature of that country pplitically
encouraging the import of foreign linens, and
ndrfing ih her own bofom a fimilaf rnailufac-
tiire.

'^ The poverty of ani capital fpriiigs from the
fefeble ftate of our comqierce ; for w ith regard to
trade, really as fucb, except in the article of linen,
and that coD^ned to a fourth portion of the king-
dom.

24

doih, we hive Ilttl* of none— \ve are, in truth)
a nation of coafumers, and by confequence th^
tapnal Which might be employed in comoierce.
and which would ia that cafe increafe yi^ith xht in-
crcafing induilry of the people, is una,voidably
devoted to the luxuries of the rich, and to the ne-
ceffiVics of the pdor. — ^Thofe .who know Ireland
know this, to be a melancholy truth, /that her
people ai^e not generally employed, in tra.de.
or manufaffures, and the confequence* is con-
fbicuous in their nakednefs, in their indo-
lence, arid in their habits of inebiiatfoti : — ,
iiow the propofed. riieafure of Union . would at'
once, and effeflually, ftrike at the very root of
thefe evils ; it would for the particular benefit of
Ireland, and for the • general benefit of the em-
pire,, feciire every political preference (that pre-
feYerice is now precarious) to the linen trade of the .
North ; by eftabllfliing Harmoriy it would awaken [
the dormant faculties of the people ; the natural
advantages of the land foT* tillage, manufadlore/^
and commerce, would be fcafchedf, difcovered,
and improved; the fruits' of incfuftry are fweet, .
and once tailed do not diminifli, biit increafe the
appetite for full pofleffion ; and equal ri^kfs, that
ftrong national ligament that ties a community to-
getber ? zxidfelf-interefty that particular and gene-
ral principle of all human bodies, would be, and
would be without impediment, the grand pro-
mbtcrs of univerfal exertion-

the

«5

The tneafure tKus feems to prcymife Ufting ad-
vantage to Ireland ; and it may be afked, what is
thecaufeof this liberality on the part of Great
Britain? Affuredly flie can have no commercial
ad yantafges in view, for fhe may bb truly faid at
this moment to poiTefs the commerce of the world ;
no, — her leading wiftx is to fecure the phyji'cal j^ower
of- ike Irijb people \ to attain this great, and, for
her fafety, this neceffary end, ftie ppens .to Ire-
land all the incalculable benefits of her eilabliih-
mcnt: Irrevocably united in intereft (he fees, and
ihe fees with pain, that feparate independence
endangers the connexion ; Ihe beholds France,
that modem monfter of civil government, invited
by fadion and encouraged by rebellion, not only
-willing to' ferze, but a£lually difpatching fleets
and armies to fubdue the country ; fhe finds that
portion of its inhabitants who are well afie6led
to the Britifh government, a proportion mott
refpedable ia number and* decided in property,
is yet too feeble to withfland the torrent of a fo-
reign force, fwelled with the more deadly waters
ofdomeftictreafon; to defend that portion from
the baneful fang of French fraternity, to fecure
the country from a perpetuity of warfare, politi-
cal and religious, fhe opens to it the door
that leads diredlly to peace, fafety, induftry, and
profperity ; Ihe offers entirely to blend her being
with the being of the Irifti nation, and by Union
to become one and indivijibte in all political and
phyfical capacities.

« Here

16

Here I may be defired to paufe, and call to my
recolledtion rhe religion of the people ; I may be
told the Catholks in Great Britain are excluded
by law from all political power; that their admiC-
lion could not endanger the ftate, becaufeM^*? their
!^dy is proportionally fmall ; and I may be afked,
why then does not Great Britain (hew the libe-
rality of her fpirrr, and allow her Catholic chil-
dren the foil rights of tlie conftitution ? if flie re-
fufes it to them, upon what grounds can the Irijb
Catholic expeft a benefit which to the Bnglijb
Catholic is denied? to this queftion I anfwer
(and in anfwering I do not juftify the condudl, I
only ftate the policy) that the Englifti Catholics
mzyfafely be refufed the privilege, becaufe the body
15 fmally but the Irijh Catholics, being the great
body of the people, may reafonably expeft to obtain
by Union every political right, becaufe k would
be dangerous to withhold thofe rights from the pre*
ponderatiog power of the nation.

Mr. Pitt, in his admirable fpeech on this medi-»
tated meafure, uttered the following remarkable
words— talking of Proteftant Afcendancy and Ca-
tholic Grievances : — " Between the two," faid
he — '* it becomes a matter of diflBculty in the
minds of fome perfons, whether it would be bet-
ter to liften only to the fears of the former, or
grant the claims of the latter ;'*— " but/' fays he,
a little afterwards, " no man can fay that while
Ireland remains zfeparate kingdom foil conceflions
could be made to the Catholics without endan-
gering

47

jgcring the flale."' — It is. clear his argumeot goes
to remove the.danger, aad that therefore it is in
the mind of the Britilh government, if the niea-
fure of Union flhould be adopted, by one great
/aft of juftice and found policy, not only to unit^
the kingdoms, but to unite the people^

Without this. Union would be but a half mea-
fure, keepiiig up the ball of grievances, rancour,
and animofity^ — Would you have the people con-
tent— and without a contented people, can you
baitd upon their obedience to the Laws, or their
loyalty to the Sovereign ? What ! can they be
content under laws which keep them in efclavage ?
The King perfonally they may love for his private
virtues, but being the head of a crufhing fyftem,
their allegiance is air. Would you have the peo-
ple content? give them equal rights — proffription is
the fermenting hot-bed of civil diftraftion — it is a
hag more difgufting and deteftable than Milton's
Sin — the Genius of Britain would weep over a

*

nation of flaves — and while the Catholic of Ire-
land is marked by any political exclufion, that ex-
clufion will in his mind conftitute his flavery.

Goddefs of rational liberty! benignant, placid,
fteady; not the mountain nymph that fweeps
^long like a torrent, and tears with licentious vio-
lence even nature up by the roots no— God-

dels of civilized fociety ! defender of rights!
promoter of concord ! calmly thou moveft along,
and in thy train is found peace, induftry, property,

fecurhy :

28

fecurity : O touch with thy omnipoteot wand

the leaders of this nation! bpen their eyes to the
horrible progeny of profcription, and pour upon
their mWds the fulnefs of thy wifdom ! place be-
fore their political vifion the bleffings of political
Union-reciprocal rights, reciprocal bene^fi's-
one people-one ftrength-fuppbrted by, and fu^
porting; that conftitition whofe yirtues cou d
hand them down to an almott immortality of du-

ration !

There can be no " complete and entire Union •.
Jjetween Great Britain and Ireland unlcfs they
poffefs equal and' reciprocal "^^t^? ^*^ *^ "°
be no reciprocal rights where the great body o
the IriQi people are denied their foU partici-
pation-..If you exclude the majority of the people,
your union will be byt an ad of more ^ctermin^
oppreffion; and furely fuch an aft could neither
confirm nor continue the fecurity of the Proteftant
or the fafety of. the fta^-no-this cannot be the
policy of Great Britain-ftie may be liberal where
Ihe has nothing to fear, and where her liberality
muft infure her domeftic peace, and nourifh her

I ■ ... . . •

political being, . ,

Union would deftroy domeftic faaion ;-wouia
be a death-blow \o the hopes, and the machi-
nations of a foreign enemy ; would rapidly lead
to the overthrow of that baneful and dangerous
preference which the policy of the ftate is. m the
the prefent order of things, compelled to fliew
*^ the

29

Xhc Protie.ftapt ; it would ultimately opea the rights
of the conftitution to every man of the country ;
it would a6l as a cauftic againft the proud flefti of
religion, and reduce it from being a fore to be a
fmooth and a healthy part of the body politic; it
would prove jthe nurfe of a generous loyalty, and
the parent of a general induftry ; in fecuring public
peace it would be the firmeft fecurity for piivate
property ; and }{ }t is true that Britilh exertion
has overgrown its foil, it is furely but reafonable
to cxpe6i that upon the eftablifhment of tranquil-
lity it will /hoot acrofs the channel, and take root
in Irelangl, fpr the fafety of private property would
encourage tlie migration of fpeculative men, whofe
talents for trade or manufafture, in finding fo,
noble a field for exertion, could not fail of a rich
reward while they enriched the country. Thefe
are the bleffings which would inevitably flow
from a liberal union, and which without a liberal
Union this fertil/e, populous, and loyal land can
never hope to experience.

The queftion is not Union or immediate fepa-
ration, but Uijion or political uncertainty. The
Proteftant power in Ireland, and the aflifiing
ftrength of Great Britain, are fully adequate to
keep oflf feparation— but they muft fight it on the
threihold ; civil difcontent will feed the fire of
fadtion, encourage foreign invafioix, and the only
tiling certain in the land will be a ruinous conti-
nuance of its domeilic horrors.

In

In the prefent order of things the cKances of fe-
paration are many ; it is evident that Union would
reduce thofe chances, and by confequence the dan-
ger of feparntion would be lefs.

Allowing the general good policy of the mea-
fure, let us now look a little at particulars ; with,
however, this obfervation, that where a meafure
affeding a whole community is found in all the
probabilities of human reafon, to be generally
good, the intepcfts of fome diftinft branches of
that community are not to be held up as a flop or
impediment to the accomplifhment of that mea-
fure. If a man has a mortification in his limb,
he calls in the opinion of the faculty, and wiU
fingly and wifely facrifices jhe limb for the fair
vation of the body.

By a Legiflative Union it is faid Dublin would
be ruined ; and why ? from the removal of Par-
liament, and the extinftion of the Court. That
the Parliament would be removed is certain, and
that the removal would in a degree affeft the
fplendor of the city is allowed. With refped to
the Court, or what is coftimonly called the Caftle,
its fplendor we have not for fome latter year©
been much accuftomed to ; — the lowering dark-
nefs of the times threw it into Ihade, and if the
ciiizeos are to feel a lofs in this inflance, at leaft
it will come recommended by cuftona. The ex-
tinftion of the Court, however, is by no means
to be expelled, fuppofing the Union to obtain;*
the prefence of the Viceroy will, from our geo*

graphical

31

graphical fituattion, be found effentially iiccef-
iary by the Imperial Government ; the fplendor
of his eftablilhment muft equal the dignity of his
ftation ; and^ prefiding over an united people, he
will furely enjoy the happy and peaceful oppor*
tunity of refiedJing upon the capital, the uninter-
rupted and undimmiflied rays of royal magnifi-
<rcnce.

The removal of the Parliament^ alone, is then
to ruin Dublin : — has the ifemoval of the Scotch
Parliament been the ruin of Edinburgh ? She can
point to her new city and fmile at our apprehea-
£oQ. Dublin muft continue the feat of judicial
proceeding; ihe will ftill enjoy her advantages
as the center of internal commerce; her Uni-
verfity will ftill poffefs its Charter and literate fu-
periority — fhe muft continue the head quarters of
the army — will thefe certain and perpetual ad-
vantages contribute to the ruin of Dublin? Or
will the inhabitants on the accomplifliment of
Union fly their city in the wild hope of finding
a belter in the defart ? The little external com-
merce ihe has (he will affuredly be able to main-
tain, and the imports fhe ezhaufts ihe will con-^
tinue to exhauft ftill, bccaufc where the^e are
numbers there muft be confumption, and where
there is confumption there muft, according to the
prefent ftate of focial luxury, be importation.
And is it too much to exped that the benefits of
reciprocity, and the example of Britiih induftry,
will ia a very few years indeed make ample re-
turns

32

turns into the public ftock for, any partial dit
ference that Dublin may experience by the oc-
cafional abfence of one hundred Commoners and
fifty Peers of the realm ? — You may double the
number, and the cffed would not be fd dreadful
as clamour ife willing to infinuate; apprehenfion
itts the thing it fears through a fog, and it is not
difficult to imprefs the ignorant mind with the
phantoms of imaginatipn. Would the peers and
commoners pafs all their time in Great Britain ?
Would they abandon their beft intereft, the inter-
eft of their property j and of their pofterity, for
the mighty pleafure of breathing in Britain? furely
thefe queftions need no reply, they bear oa their
front their own refutation.

I infift not upon the conditional benefits which
Dublin may reap from the collateral branches of
the union ; -but this is indubitable, if Dublin fliall
be particularly confidered it will be to her advan-
tage: it is probable the removal of parliament
will give a check to her architeftural improvement,
but that check will not leffen her dignity as the
capital of the kingdom — the head of the commu-
nity-^the heart which circulates all the vivifying
acts of the ftate to the extremities of the com-
monwealth.

Wiiat, then, has Dublin to apprehend ? (lie
feems frightened by her own fear ; or is ihe adlua-
ted by a felfifh policy, and would willingly con-
tinue the degradation of her fellow fubjcfts, and
the danger .of the realm^ fo Ihe might enjoy ia

corporate

33

coi-pokte ciciufidn her own petty advantages and
psihiy pomp ?

When the queftion of union was firft promul-
gatedj it certainly did create a fort of general
alarm ; the populace declaimed againft it without
knowing why, and the littk orators of the day
thundered their philippics withbut knowing where-
fore 5 the bar, and every man muft defer much to
that reputable body ; the bar was eager to meet
and enlighten the people with its opinion on the
cafe, and it was a liberal opinion in one fenfe, for
it was given without the influence of the accufto-
nfary fee ; but difputation is I'efprit du corps, and,
notwithftandiog tl^ had fo good a caufe to be
unanimous^ there was oppofition, debate, and
proteft againft the vote of the day-— nay, it was
remarked that fome of the moft brilliant orna-
tnents of the bar for legal knowledge and for
commandiDg eloquence, kept aloof from the fcene»
and that many of that defcription, who were pre-
fent, kept a profound and fagacious filenee on the
fubje£^. The mountain laboured^ and a moufe was
born ! Behold the opinion of the meeting on the
cafe of a legiflative union between Great Britiain
and Ireland. n

" Refolved, that the meafure of a legiflative
nnion of this kingdom and Great Britain is an tn^
novation, which it would be highly dangerous and
-improper to propofc, at the prefent junSure, to
this country,*' ' *

F

This

3+

This refolution cloe3 not fay that the meafdr6
would be ruinous to the commerce and indepea^
dence of the country — no — it really fays, this is a
dangerous period to agitate the queftios^ but in fu<-
ture it might prove a beneficial innovation. The
gentlemen of the law do not oppofe the conftitu^^
tional legality of the meafure, they only hefitate
as to ike time of promulgation — it is very poflible
for a man to be a good lawyer and a very bad po-*
litician ; fomething like this appears in the refolu^
tion under coniideration, for te common fenfe it
would appear, that when our irrevocable comiex*
ion with Great Britain is openly and powerfully
attacked by foreign force and domeilic treafon>
that is the point of time, becaufe it imperioufly
proclaims the necefiity, by union, to defeat the
one and to crufh for ev^r the hopes of the other*

I had almoil forgot the attorneys, thofe never
failing friends to the good of the community ! they
too met, and for the public benefit, as ufual, took
an adive part in the general confuiion.

But the high-flyers of afcendancy» the corpora-
tions, and other corporations, taking their toae
from the metropolis, have with peculiar pertinaci-
ty fet their faces ^ainft any future concefiion to
their catholic brethreor— brethren ? — they will not
admit of any relaiionftxip, and affeft to look with
horror on a meafure which has in its foundation
the neceffary means of ultimately reftoriug to that
preponderat^ag body, the rights of their country-
What! no pity? no, once and forever! This

condu£l

35

condufi of the corporations recals to memory a
pifftare very finely touched by the pencil of Shaken
fpear, of a herd of deer^ full of thepajlurey difdain-
ing to commiferate the fufferings of an unfortunate
and languilhing brother, who from the hunter^ s aim
had td^enahurt. " Sweep on, yt fat and greafy
citizens y you will not ftay to greet that poor and
broken bankrupt there."

What can be feund in the oppofition of the
corporations but an intolerant and unenlightened
fpirit? intolerant, becaufe it proceeds direftly
from an apprehenfion of catholic freedom ; and
unenlightened, becaufe it is wrapt up in felf, and
blind to the general intereft not only of the em-
pire but of their country*.

Perhaps they think their own immediate intereft
will be affedied ; it is time it Ihould, the monor
poly is difgraceful to the fpirit of the Britifh con-
llitution. There is one refle£lion, however, that
m^y yield them much cohfolation: Years mufl
roll away before the eflfeils of corporat<5 partici-
pation can be felt : for them the tables will long
groan under the bounty of Providence, and the
good things of this life ! When the flomach is
iuU^ and wine has had its effe£^, the honefl citizen
is no martyr to politics or religion ! But the lucid

* It is melancholy to refiedl that this ezclviding policy, dange-
rous as unjuft, did, .at one time, work itfelf into the minds
even of the grand juries of the kingdom; witnefs their rcfolu-
tions ntver to admit the catholic to a participation of the elec-
tive franchife in any time to comr— monftrous and abfurd !— *
did thefc gentlemen believe they were to live for ever?

moment

36

moment will arrive, when evpn the coi-porations
ihall acknowledge the neceflity of imioo, and folif
cit the boon which they now idly rejeft ! They
know the benefits of fecurity, and they cannot
long remain blind to the neceflity of trt&mg the
fortrefs of Proteftant Afcendancy on a firm, broad,
and imperial foundaticxi. " Our conftitutkm,^
fays Mr. Burke, '' is not made for great, general,
and profcriptive exclufions ; fooner or Uter it will
deftroy them, or they will deftroy the ccwaftitution/'
Should union be ena£led, the coronation oath
may continue without the alteratioQ of a iingle
letter ; for the king msiy fa&ly and folemnly en-
gage to maintain the laws of God, the true pro-
feflion of the gofpel, and the proteftant reformed
religion ^s by law eftablifhed ; as the religion of
the empire will be protpft;»nt not qnly in the letter
of the la^y, but in the pra^f^ice of the people :
and thu$ the eftabliftied church wiU be " funda-
mental and eiienti^l for ever in the united king-

doms."

But it has been faid, " Don't unite, for what

fecurity have you that the terms of union will be
kept inviolate? the iame power that makes can
deftroy ;" granted ; but v,e have the fecurity of
intereft ; intereft, that great and univerfal cement,
national as well as individual, muft from the very
nature and end of civil fociety be the direiling
power, and conferving principle pf this confum-
mation fo devoutly to be wiftied. Can the land
be annihilated? no; can the people be extermi-
nated ?

:

37

«

nated? nbj docs Great Britain expeft to draw any
benefits from this country? certainly; will ftie,
then, to obt2^i|i tbofe benefits, and to increafe her
own ftrength by fecuring their continuance, adopt
9 ruinous policy, leave the land a wafte, and cruin
the fpirit of induftry and commerce among iis in*
habitants ? abfurd fuppofiiion ; it is hioraily cer*
tain, that, union rivetting the connexion, it muft
be the intereft and felfiih duty of Great Britain to
nurfc the population and riches of Ireland, in
order that ftie may participate in the phyfical pow-
er of that population, and in the political energy
of thofe riches—^ — What ! would the wifdom of
Britain leave the land a lump of morbid matter,
pregnant with difeafe, and haftening to dfffolution ?
If that were her policy, why propofe union ? why
wifti to unite diftemper, that might infeft herfelf ?
no, feparatioD, our cxifting reparation, theoreti-
cally independent, but undermining the conilitu-
tion to fupport the government, would more ra-
pidly accomplifti the deftruftion of our poliiical
fabric. As far as any human foundation can be
fafely built upon, this is an immoveable bafis;
her profperous exifteuce is allied to the profperou^
exiftence of this country ; Britain is powerful, and
could ftand, but not firmly, without Ireland, but
Ireland muft fall without the fupport of Great
Britain.

This great truth has been long fccn and felt by
the wifeft heads and pureft hearts in both king-
doms, and therefore it has become a ftate axiom,

that

38

that Great Britain and Ireland muft ftand and fall
together — for fall they uilU* every thing in na-
ture perifhcs, and every human cx)ntrivance muft
have an end ! the liberties of Greece are extinft,
and Rome is no more ! the firft fell from an ex-
cefs of freedom, and the Utter from an excefs of
conqueft ; the land is there, but the fpirit has
• fled. She refted in Britain, and fpreads her fofter-
ing \yings over that mighty and commercial em-
pire ; blend with her ftrength, reciprocate in her
benefits; by union you pour new life into her
body, and infure your own exiftence ; the branch
will die if feparated from the trunk.

It were here unpardonable pot to pay fome at-?
tention to Mr. Fofter ; he is a gentleman of great
talents, and it muft be fuppofdd he means well to
his country ; he has been an indefatigable friend
to her ftaple commodity, and his ftatement of its
progreffional increafed confumption muft con?

• Montefquieu fa^s, that the liberties of Britain will periiK
when the legiilative becomes as corrupt as the executive poweiv
— There feems, however, in the conftitution of Britain a pre-
serving principle beyond the legiilative power — the people. —
If the people are virtuous the corruption of the legiilative body
cannot deftroj their liberty— it would certainly forge the chains,
but they mull themfelves be mean enough to rivet them on :
the conflitutional period arrives for new delegation, and the
a rrival of that f^eriod puts the full power of purifying the Le-
giflative body in the hands of the people — if they wifely exer-
t'lfe that power their liberties will Hand ; if they negled that
duty, thtir liberties will perirti ; it is the people, therefore, and
not ihe legiflalure, that muft deftroy the temple and the God.

vince

39

TiDce the moft fceptical of our ability to icnprovd
where we have opportunity, and alfo of the effen-
tiality of Great Britain to invigorate that ability
and preferve that improvement.

To Mr. Fofter's commercial detail I fhall,
therefore, allow its fall weight 5 but 1 fliall take

^ leave to look at it from a new point of view ; and
I aik, fuppofing v^e had been really an indepen-
dent nation, unconneded with Great Britain, but
poflcffing her political conftitution fince 1782,

^ whether it is in the nature of things, with her for
a rival, we ihould now have had any commercial
benefits to calculate ?— let good fenfe refleft, and
candour reply.

I fliall, with very high refpcft towards Mr.
\ Poller, put it in another way. We are a diftinft
and independent nation ; you. Sir, calculate the
"benefits which have grown under the nurfing
wing of Britifli connexion fince 1782. Now,
Sir, I beg to be informed, whether with the con-
ftitution of Britain, but without the encourage-
ment of her laws or the protection of her power,
vre could have eilabliihed our commerce or maiu^
tained our independence ?
Again ; fuppofe, and it is a fair cafe, for phyfical
power is neceflary to produce, improve, and fup-
port commercial exiftence — ^fuppofe we had efta*
bliflied ourpolitical independency in 1782, againft
the will of Great Britain, and, abandoning our
connexion with that kingdom, had effayed to be-
come her rival in commerce ; could we from that

period

4^

period to the prefcnt tiqfie fo. have oppofcd her
power, cot only in war (for war fhe niuft have
poured upon us but in trade, as to have enabled us
lo maintain our independency, and to compete
with her io the markets of the world?.

For my part, Sir, I think the true anfwer to
thefe queftions makes the force of your argument
very feeble indeed ; for We ha\^ no independence
if we cannot maintain our independency ; and
the commerce v»e call ours is in reality not ours,
if its courfe can be flopped by the precarious will
of any human external power* I think that with
Great Britain for an enemy wt could have neither
liberty nor commerce, and that the connexion
maintains and fupports all we have of the one and
of the other. I, therefore. Sir, fee nothing in
your calculations but proofs of the advantages we
have reaped from that connexion; and I conclude
that rivetting the connexion by indiffoluble union
will infure to us a continuation of thofe advantages
by enlarging our power of a£lion^ atd by giving
us our true and natural importancein the empire^^

Little weakneffes in wife men are recorded, bc^
caufe wifdom is the oppofitc of folly. Newton
would fometimes forget the magnitude of his
mind, and (hew in triumph the finewy ftrength of
his arm I—Mr. Fofter, in the greatnefs of his ftb-
jedl forgets his political fagacity, and by the fol-
lowing extraordinary apoftrophe roufes the Catho-
lic from lethargy and flupor.— " Your country is
in danger. A defperate attempt is on foot to fe-

duce

41

duce jou to furrender the independence of your
parliament. ^^oii are natives of the ifland, inter-
efted in its trade, its profperity, its freedom ; and
in all the bleflings of a glorious and happy conjli--
tution—^fbigtt all family differences— ratj local or
|)artial jeajioalieis, and fa ve your country." He
here calls upon the catholic as if he were really a
free man— he is not free — what has he been ftrug*
^ling for ? conftitutidaal liberty ; has he got it ?-^
No. — Why then ftiould he be told that his coun-
try is in danger ? the flave has no country ? that
a defperate attempt is on foot to feduce him to
furrendet the independence of his parliament ? —
Has he a fingle rtiprefentative there ? No, not
bne ! Is he interefted by exclujton in all the blef-
fings of our ha'ppy Conftitution ? — Can he forget
all differences, all local or partial jealoufies?
alas 1 it is not to' be fexpeded ! — ^It is is^ indeed,
ii t^net of the fchriftian code to do good for evil,
and the inftruftion breathes the divine fpirit of its
author ; but being men we muft aft according to
the duft.bf our nafture ! Mr. Fofter defires two-
thirds of the people of this land, the.catholics, to
defend the independence of that parliament from
which they are, and muft continue to be, politi-
cally expelled! — You keep the catholic from a
full participation of the conftitution ; and you call
upon him to perpetuate that conftitution of which
he is never to participate ! If this is not grofsly
inconfiftent, there is no meaning in words* **Tell
the bold minifter," fays Mr. Fofter, " who wants

6 • X to

42

to take away ymr conjliiution^ that yoii will not
be his duj>cs.^^'-^^ Ahs" I may not the catholic retort?
— " ala3 ! Mr. Fofter, you know w€ have na
conftitut^n, and we will qot be your dupes'*

The truth is this — the catholic body, fore with
difappolntment, and difappointnient, too^ un«
wifely, becaufe unfteadily held out to them by
the government of the country, finding themfelvea
threatened with an eternity of excluiion, would
fee with indifference the annihilation of the con*
ilitution: with this dangerous indifference per-
vading the body of your people, union muft prove
political falvation ; you cannot be fecure while
the catholic ii disfranchifed, and he cannot be
franchifed with lafcty to the ftate, while the go-
vernment is diftin£l. Great Britain fees the ma-
lady, and the now knows there is only one way
to ac€6mplifh *a cure. Under her binding a£ls
the proteftants were uneafy, becaufe Ihe was the
inftrument; under the proteftant dire£lion the
catholics revolt, becaufe there is an expelling
principle. Among the multitude erf* its other ad-
vantages, unicm would give the catholic a country
to enrich with his labour or defend with his
ftrength : if the political fan does not Ihine up-
on him, he cares not how barren the produce ;
if he is denied the firft of civil rights,
his foul, the faculties of his mind, will not in-
fpire and energize his phyfical powers ixi the
defence of the foil. Great Britab will not
fpcculatc in theory, when flie can realize in prac-
tice—

43

X.

lice— to conciliate is to fecure.— Union is the
great general adl of conciliation— it will place the
proteftant beyond the fear of the catholic; and it
will reftore the catholic to his civil rights, with-
out endangering the proteftant power.

What is union ? to make two or more diftindl
bodies one. — If Great Britain unites only with
^roieflant Ireland, that; will be no union — it is
idle to talk of uniting governments, without unit-
ing the people of thofe governments ; Cfre^t Bri-
tain is an unit, — we are a nation confifting of two
diftindl bodies — before you can feel the real bene-
fits of imperial union, thofe two diftin^l domeftic
bodies muft be harmonized, muft be made one.—-
This is a great political truth, and Mr. Pitt is fo
irapreffed by its potency, that he has not fcruplcd
to hefitate a doUbt, in his general reafoning^ as
to the fyftem of church eftablifhraent which, in
Ireland, "would be moft free from difficulty and
inconvenience, and thus he impliedly confeffes,
that the proteftant eftabliftiment in Ireland forms
difficulty and inconvenience to imperial policy :
but union, pure, broad, and general union, re-
Bioves from this important part of the fubjed the
ncceffity of any ftate quackery, and prefents with a
liberal hand and fmiling face the panacea of our
political exiftence. — This is the cup of renova-
tion, and if the want of it has made ^^ all men
fick and'fohie men mad," its poffeffion will make
all men well and fome men wife. — Will party, in
the frantic fpirit of difappointment, effay to dafh

the

44-

the healing draught from the parched lip of the
people? Patriotifm is not a compound of fire and
foj.ly, it is a pure fubfl^nce, and cool, and moves
fteadily to its objeft, the g&nsral weal^ with
right on one fide and reafon on the other — Ye de-
magogues of the day ! prove the political inde-
pendence you calj upon us fo loudly to defend ;
fliew us your ftream of commerce unmixed with
the fwelling waters of a wider fource ; fhew up
your power to maintain the one and to increafe
the other : ' and when you have done this, and this
you cannot do, the harraffed people of the land
mayliften.and believe that party is virtue, and
declamation wifdom !

There feeras one grand prror to run through the
whole of Mr. Foftcr's argument ; he contends for
the protcftant part of the ftate only, without tak-
ing into confiijeration the catholics of the country,

except in the inftance of his curious apoftrophe ;
now the meafurc of union would not be fo necef.
iary, did the protcftants alone conftitute the. peo-
ple, but the great point to accomplifti by union>
is the harmony of the general community, with-
out which there can J)e no ftate fafcty. A people
may be whipped into fijence, but they cannot be
whipped into content. Coercion is a bad fyftem
©f government ; it inay debafe, but it can never
exalt a people ; nor is it a fyftem that can laft ;
virhile it is in force it is execrable, and when its
fury has wrafted its ftrength, an ipcvitable confe-
quence, it is deftroyed, and the community is

thrown

J

4S

thrown by the vice of its governors into the hor-
rors of anarchy. And here I cannot help remark-
ing that the people of Ireland have felt the whip^
and that Mr. Fofter is injudicious to his caufej
and unfriendly to his country, in lamenting, as he
jdocs*, the difcontinuauce of that difgraceful and
horrid fyftem of military coercion, a fyftem totally
repugnant to the laws of the land, and confe-
cjuentlyfubverfive of all civil liberty— ^The Britifti
Government faw this, and found it neceffary to
ftep forward and fave the people, not by ** fol-
Jowing up the vigour'' of whipping, and burning,
and picketing, but by the mild and perfuafive en-
ergy of conftitutional law tempered with cbnftitu-
jional mercy !

And here it may be allowed a man who
M^rites for neither party, but whofe little exertion
is the rcfult of a perfedl conviftion of the general
virtue of the great meafure propofed — it may, I
hope, be allowed fuch a man to hail Lord Corn-
wallis as the inftrument of human falvation and
human happinefs. There is a fort of fatality (I
do not mean to chain the idea to the letter) runs
through the exiftence of every individual ; in do-
meftic concerns we fee it often attach — in the
more confpicuous walks of public life it imme-
diately and ftrongly impreffes the mind of the ob-
ferver. Ancient hiftory could furnifh a volume
pf examples, but I fhall content myfelf with giv-

* Vide Mr. Fofler'i Speech, page 113.

ing

46

ing two inftances from modern record which go
to cftablifh a fort of leading fatality of confc-
qucnces, particularly obfervable in the charadler
of every public man.

Admiral Byron had great talents, profeffional
knowledge, opportunity, and Angular pcrfever-
ance ; yet, it may be faid, from the firft hour of
his public life to the laft, he wa$ umformly unfor-

tunate.

Admiral Rodney, than whom a better fcaman,
or more perfc6l gentleman, never commanded a
Britifti fleet, was greatly fuccefsful in almoft all
his ^«Mc undertakings : as a private man he was
as remarkably unfortunate I and his country<I al-
moft weep in recording the fa£l!) left him to die
^ literally of a broken heart ! I am well aware h%
had .a penfion and a ribband, but he (hoald not
have been left to the deftruflive fangs of the law.
• His capture of St. Euftatius was accomplilhed
' under the exprefs order of government, and go-
vernment, in common juftice and in public gra*
. titude, Ihould have defended that afik as their own,
againft a combination of Britifti fubjefis become
Dutch traders, and who, undpr the veil of that
charafler, fupplied the enemies of England with
naval ftores, proviiions, and almoft every article
neceflary to carry on and protrad the war : he
found them in the ifland Dutch burghers, and as
Dutch burghers he confifcated their property. He
was left to their vengeance, and he periftied in
the conteft— Yes, and his body, his lifelefs body,

which

.47 .. ".

which fhould have been confecrated by his coun-^
try, was feized in the ftreets of the capital by the
cmiflkries of the law, and for fome time the rites
of fepulture were favagely denied to the vindica-
tor of his country's naval fuperiority — to the con-
queror of Langara and de Graffe I

The deftiny of Lord Comwallis is not fulfilled,
but thus far it has been pregnant with good to his
fellow creatures. His convention at York town
w*s an ad of wifdom and reflexive humanity }
he might have opp>fed Wafhjpgton and Rocham-
teau with flaughterous eflFea, but with no reafona-
ble hope of viSory or retreat ; his furrender was
an aft of more determined bravery— he rifked
bis fame, and faved the lives of aj leaft 200a
men ! He next appears in India, driving the reftlefe
Tippoo before him even to the gates of Seringapa-
tam— he could have maftered the capital, but his
happier deftiny prevailed, and the horrid prac-
tice of mail murdering maQ was fufpended; he
made an advantageous peace, leavidg Tippoo his
capital and a kingdom, and converting him, as it
were, into a political check over the intrigues of
the neighbouring princes. After having humanely,
and to the utmoft point of patriotic good, fulfilled
his miffion, he returned from India as from a
place of baniihment ; he refigned all the power
and all the riches of the Eaft, for enjoyments more
congenial to his natijre-^fbr the calm of honoura-
ble repofc, and for the namelefs bleflings of do-
meftic privacy ! but his deftiny again interpofed,

and

ana he was chofen by his foverefgn to be the in-
Jiniment of Peace to the People! Itis appearance
in Ireland was the harbinger of returning reafon—
the pike dropped from the hand of thd deluded
pcafant, and loyalty became the order of the day!
t"he whip Was banifhed, humanity prevailed, the
ntrocioufly guilty wfere puniftied, and titled iui-
<^uity did hbt efcajie the incurable Wound of pub-
lie cenfure; the Orange and th6 Green, equally
faflious, arid equally obnoxious to the good of the
land, were difcountdnancfed, and aded no longer
as colours of difaffe£lion to the peace of the com-
munity— An honeft (bldier, an honeft man, in-
truded with the anxious wifti of the king— he
ti^ill honourably endeavour to fulfil it ; and if he
does accomplifh Uilion, his deftiny will arrive
at the climax of its beneficence ; he will extend
the bleflings of Conftitutional Liberty td a whole
People, aiid fecure the integrity of the Britiih Em-
pi re. .

The body politic is fubjcd to difeafes ; its con-
fl^ution being the creature of man is therefore
blended with the infirmities of his nature ; when
thofe difeafes apjjear it bccoines the duty of the
governing power to fearch the caufe and apply
the remedy. The governing power of a commu-
nity, may be aptly tfermed the mindy and the mem-
bers of a community may be properly called M^
body. If the mind is corrupted, it negledls the
conftitutioti, and the body falls into cureleis ruinj
but^ if the mind is found and the conftitutioo is

attacked

49 .

attacked by boaily fwellings, inflammations, and
other tokens of difeafe, the mind muft then, hav-
ing the power, adminifter the power, adminifter
the remedy, and in the progrefs of the cure, the
conftitmion, in order to fave the. whole, maybe
neceffarily altered : the immediate effcft of this
alteraiioa is the reftoration of bodily health — the
conflitution itfelf may be ftrengtheued by the un-
avoidable thange, but this muft be left to time to
difcover ; at all events it has more than an equal
chance of improvement, and it is better, even
fuppofing the conftitutibn to fufier, to fave the life^
than by negleft to deftroy the body.

Now this apparent theory has been pra£lically
piroved, fot it contains in its priociple, though not
in its parts, the cafe and confequence of the glo-
rious revolution of 1688 ; and will any man, with
this great precedent flaring him in the face, have
the folly to deny the competency of Parliament to
alter the conflitution ? Is it not recorded in the
temple of immortal fame, that the alteration of the
conftitutidn in 1688 purified its being, gave con-
tinuation to its exiftencc, and eftaWilhed a perfec-
tion of legal liberty for which there is no parallel
in the pages of acfcicnt or' of modern hiftery ?

It is curious, and conveys no bad leiTon, to re-
gard the contradiftory declamations of party \ the
following inftance will, perhaps, leiyc its proper'
impreflion upon the public mind.
Our ci-divant patriots exerted all their eloquence'
to prove the ncceffity of a reform in parliament.

H To

50

To reform the parliament, no thai Will dcny^
is to aWer the parliament, and it is an incontro-'
'vertible truth, that to alter the parliament would
be to alter the conftitution ; now, thefe very men,
who fo (lurdily urged parliament to alter the con-
iiitutioa by lopping, trimmings and reforming one
of its eflential branches, have the modeily to tell
parliament, with very edifying coniiftency ! that
it has no power whatever, to make any alteration
in the conftitution i — Really thofe gentlemen muft
conclude the people have neither ears or memory.
It is alfo to be obferved, that the alteration they
meditated would have been pregnant with dan-
ger to the ftate, becaufe, and it was a progreffion
they avowed, the reform of parliament would
i^eceflarily have accomplifhed catholic emancipa-
tion—would that have been no alteration of
the prefent conftitution ! — it would have been an
alteration big with mifchief, for, as a diftin& go-
vernment, catholic emancipation and ppoteflant
controul are incompatible, the power of the firft
fully admitted to the rights of the conftitution,
could not reft under the JlatCf nor be content ar
pflft of thejiaie — it would be the ftate-^xhtn fare-
well to Britifh connexion and proteftant afcen-
dcncy !

Union — a real, eflfedivc, complete, and liberal
union, is the only political alteration that can
harmonize the jarring and difcordant parts of this
kingdom, and bring every good fubje^l and honeft

man.

St

man, let his Religion be what it may, to the
rightful enjoymeDt of the Gonftitution of • ihi»
Country.

Is religion a politic law ? Or is it an emanation
from the univerfal Creator ? if it is~a • politic
law, let it work for the good of the whole —
if it is an infpiration from that benignant Being
ivhofe attribute is mercy; obtrude not your petty,
policy upon the eternal will, nor rebel againfi his
Juftice by debafing his creature ! * ,

The Legiilature of Great Britain has recorded
its folemn opinion that Union would promote
peace; would deftroy faflion; would annihilate
the defiru&ive iufluence of party ; would for ever
defeat the hopes of France to feparate and fub-
due; would give and fecure one pow^r, one
ftrength, ooie energy to the empire, free from jea-
loufy, and ading without reftraint ; that it would
identify to each country the commercial bepefitsof
both, blending England in Ireland, and Ireland in
England ; that it would eventually do away the im-r
perious neceffity of political diftinftion, and open
the door of the temple to the people of the land ;
on this broad, deep and firm foundation has the
legiflature of Britain ereded a noble and eternal
monument of its liberal and enlightened policy ;
and the common Sovereign of both countries will
recommend the meafure to the deliberate wifdom
of his Irifh Parliament.

The

52 ^

The.alarrq has been rung, and national" preju^
dice has been roufed by ftentorian lungs» and not
with the moft winning urbanity of mM^ners, to
oppofe any union as futile in principle, and as a
nullity in adl, founded on the watch- word incom-
petence : but the little cabals of party for power
muft vanifti before the magnitude of national good
and Imperial fecurity.

Parliament has been, by an Irifh Senator, clo^
quently, but not accurately termed the " immor-
tal foul of the conftitution ; its immortality, we
all know, experiences periodical diffolution, if
not brought to an untimely death by the will of
the King : and this foul has been fadly abufed as a
vicious and moft corrupt body! The Orator pro-
ceeds, and tells us that the parliament has na
power to lay its hand on the conftitution, but he
has difcovered that Parliament and People, by
mutual confeniy may change the form of the Con-
ftitution." The Conftitution itfelf is againft the
ndmiflion of this new doftrine. The power of
change muft either be either in the Parliament or
in the People, for it cannot at one and the fame
time be m both; jf Parliament exifts it is
conftitutionally the direfling power of the com-
munity, and the people having delegated to it
their whole authority, are bound to obey its will ;
during the exiftence of parliament the people do
not, nor can they, conftitutionally fpeaking, com-

pofe another legiflative bodyj and duiing diffo-
lution

/

13

»

luiion the parliament is politically annihilated— «
it is, therefore, clear that as they cannot, in a le-
giflative capacity, conftiiutionally exift together,
they cannot co-operate, confliiutiouallv, in any
a& of legiflation.

A Member of Parliament not only reprcfcnts
his pariicpjar conflitucnts, but virtually the gene-
ral community : he is to watch over, defend, and
promote the advantage and happinefs of the
whole — it is, therefore, poflible, if his confti-
tuents think proper to inftruft him Aow to vote
for their particular intereft, that inftruflion may
upon deliberation be found inimical to the general
goody and the reprefentative, in that cafe, ho-
neftly and faithfully difcharges his duly by difoley^ .
ing his cotijiituents . If, indeed, the whole con-
ftituent body, or a decilive majority of them,
fend to their reprefentatives iimilar inftruflions,
the decifion on the queftion will then wifely cor-
refpond with the general wifti : — but the praflice
of inftruding reprefentatives is of very late date,
and innovates on the principle of the Confti-
tution ; for conftitutionally there is but one deli-»
berative body for the Commons, and if they, the
Commons, delegate that body, and, during the
exiftence of that delegation, deliberate and de-
cide, they in effeft take the duty of their repre^
femativcs into their own hands, and nullify- an
^flcniial branch of the Conftiiution.

If

5?"

If Parliament can alter itfelf it can alter the
Conftitution, for the alteration of Parliament is
the alteration of the Conftitution — now, Parlia-
ment can alter iifelf becaufe it has altered itfelf,
and therefore it can alter the Conftitution.

But the moft plauftble argument againft the
competency of the IriOi Parliament to enaft an
Union might be drawn from its not being, in fad,
the reprefentatives of the people which that Union
is to bind— it reprefcnts the Prot^ftant body of
the community, but the Catholic body it does not
rcprefent, and therefore it has no conftitutional
power to difpofe of that body by Union — if we
admit this reafoning, it makes againft the right of
parliament, in totb, to enadi for the Catholic
body — we eafily perceive to what civil deftrudioQ
^ this do6lrine would lead, and we alfo perceive the
political neceffity .of Union to render that civil
deftru6lion impoffible.

It is a queflion of mighty moment to both
' countries — ftiall we for the neceffary end of ren-
dering the connexion indiflbluble, by Union,
which makes one being of two ftates, blend our
political exiftence with the political exiftcncc of
Great Britain; or continue our diftinft principle
of government, leading incontrovcrtibly to repa-
ration of connexion ?

" Salus popuUJuprema kx^'*

Let the queftion be weighed by that even beam
of juftice and true policy — put in one fcale the

good

55

^cod of the community J in the other corporation pre-
judice^ 2^d party paffiony and fee ^hich will prepon-
derate. But we mufl have a fleady and impartial
hand to hold the balance.

Is it for the benefit ©f the people of Ireland to
be fecured in their property, and in all the blef-
fings of the Britifti Conftitution ? The Anglo-
Irifti will not hefitate to aqfwer in the affirmative ;
and as for the Catholic, the native of the foil,
his eager and rational expeftations have been

long pointed to that effential confiimmation.

Where then is the impediment ? Independency. —
What! is independency an impediment to po-
litical right, civil fecurity , and nationalhappinefs ?
So it would feem — but let us difpaffionately look
at this independency, perhaps it is only a name^
and, if fo, it cannot, among a reafonable people,
prevent the eftabliihment of national good.

It has already been ftiewn that political inde-
pendence is not pofleffed by this country, and
that, in the prefent ftate of Europe, and in her
devoted connexion with Great Britain, a perfcft
independency cannot be a poffeffion of Ireland.
The united Direftory of Ireland did indeed think
other wife, and treated with the French to aflift them
in their patriotic endeavour to deftroy their coun-
try, in order to eftablifti her independency!—
they were Ihallow politicians— and, bit by the
Mania of Revolution they overlooked the deadly
confequences of its accomplilhracnt— the horrors

attendant

5<5

attendant on civil war, never came within the
compafs of their calculation— they confidered not
the deftrudive ftruggle which this country muft
have experienced from the power of Britain, and
the ferocity of France — they were willing after
murdering peace to "jump the life lo come" — •.
they admitted not in their mind, the utter impot
fibility of England, in the zeiiith of her naval\
glory, remaining criminally negligent of her own
fafety, by allowing Ireland to become an uncon-
ne6led ftate, or if connefted, conneded with her
mod deadly foe — it might have been Rome, but
i\ could not have been Carthage ; Ireland was too
weak, too divided, and too totally without re-
fourccs to have made even a decent ftand in
fo dreadful a contention — ftie muft have fallen un-
conditionally to Britain, or been devoured by
France — they were fhallow politicians, they feized
in imagination the ultigiatum of their proje^i^,
but forgot in their zeal the fteps which were to
lead them along — and fo deftrudion muft have
proved the conteft that It may be fairly doubted,
if, in the almoft impoffible event of their fuccefs,
even one political Quixottc could have been found
on the land mad enough to legiflate for her mi-
feries,

f

But we arc independent, and P-lr. Fofter tells
us fo— he tells the proteftant that he ia. indepen-
dent of Englifti influence, and he tells the Ca-
tholic that he is independent of proteftant poy^er!

Mr.'

^7

Mr. Fofttr tells you you are iodepcJhdedt, and id
the fame breath he tells you whpever (in the cafe of^
\ Regency) is Regent of Great Britain muft be
Regent of Ireland, without her eleAion, or her
accedence in any manner whatfoever.* ** Whoever ^^
fays Mr. Fofter, " is Regent of Britain has the
Great Seal, and therefore thd Regent of Britain
alone can reprefent the third eftate of Irilh legif'
lature."

In 1789 the Commons of Ireladd thought the
country not quite fo dependent] and they voted
her a Regent without confulting either the Miniftet
or the Great Seal of Great Britain ; biit in 1799
Mr. Fofter tells you, you are independent, and
prores this independency by a notable argument
of yoi»r dependency on Great Britain !

But the word Independence is to aA like a talif^
man againft all evils ; to lull the moft feeptical in-
to belief, and the moft fearful into confidence—*
the wretch who gioans under what* is called legal
profcription, is to read and feel himfelf freeh-
and thofe who are not profcribed, are, on the
iimple prcHiunciatidn of the w6rd, t6 fall down
and adore, without daring to look up to its for-
mation, or to examine its accurate applica-

bility^ ,

* It may be here urged, that thU prmcipie was enaded hy
the iodependtnt Iriih Parliament — ^but it it Dot plain that this
y^Tj adt partiallj conftitoted and fiekaowlcdged her depen«
4cnce ?

f Good

5*

>

Good Gdd ! are we ifidependeot ? we, v^hdf
have not a iidgle ihip of war ia the world, nor
coQtribate one fluUing towards the expence of
the Britifli Navy, which protects our commerce,
and defends our coafts ! Are we indepeodent —
we who are ijot poffcffcd of that neceffaty, tho"^
dangeroQSy eogioe of fiate faiety, a military efta-
bliihrnent ? Are we iadepcadent, we whofc Mi-
nifter is never fecn in the Corps Diplomatique,
and whofe country, if it has a name among the
nations, is known only as an appendage to the
power that prot^£}s it f are we independent, we
whofe very ad-s of parliament arc not legal nntil
they are banifhed the land, and return pregnant
vtrith conftkutbnal aathorky, rendered legitimate
by the impneis of the Gi>eat Seal of Great Brr"
tain ?

And is our parliameQt independent ? Tell lae
tvhat portion of the Houfe of GomraoiB, thae
main pillar of the GonftitutioOk movw under
the direSing influence of places andpcnfions—
the words are fo hacknied, that, one is almoft
aftiamed to ufe them— but they are words of
mighty power, and they are here j>ropePfy applied.
Mr. Conolly h a plain man, and an honourable
man, and an honeft man, and he roundly tells you
that in fuch a cbnilituted parliament you can ne-
ver hope for independence of aaion— but even

allow

59

idiow it to be, what afibredly it is not,^ an indc-*
patideDt body, one moment's reflexion will con-
viQceany unbiafled mind, thatitSjf>^2r/za///yof Con-
fiitutioQ carries poiibn to its root ; it is, in tmth^
the fmalleft portion of the people, fupported by
an external power, legiflating for and directing
the great body of the community — without the
ibpportof that external power it could not main-
iaio its political pofition — this is an acknowledged
truth, then where is its independence ? Afk the
gentlemen who have places and penfions — and
where is its proud, dignified, and virtuous gene-
rality? Apply to the Aft of Profcription.-

Jrelaqd independent ! ■ . no— ftie is a province
with another name^ihe has all the expeuce of a
diftinft Icgiflature, without poffeffing the dignity
and benefit of legiflative diftindiion and national
fSc&, ; and if flie is not merged by Union into

* The prefcnt Sari of Clare, when Attorney General, d^e-
<clarcd in the Houfe of Commont, thj^t a Ute Oppofition had
€oft the Countrj half a million ; and that if the then Op-
poGiion was continued, it would coft the Country half a
ixillioB more. What was this but plainly faying, we have
taxed the people, to bribe the Reprefentatives, in order to carry
on the public bufmefs— and if you oppofe the Government
we muft tax the people again for the fame purpofe. My Lord
Clare was candid— he abhorred the pradice—there is not an
honefler man in the ftate-.-he faw its ncceffity—and he is now a
^illinguiftied Advocate for the Union— becaufe he fees that ihe
working of, what is called the Indemndencx of Ireland,.
wi]\ bo the Rttin of the country.

Britifix

6o

Britiih kdepeDdence, (he muft cpatSnue a pro*
vince.r— Do not ft;irt at the word, but look at tho
accuracy of it$ application — the plan of her go*
yemment originates with an external power, and
this is from the nature of the connexion unaveid-
able— the Irifh privy qouncil may advife, but it is
the Britiih privy cduncil that direfts.*

Mr. Gj^attan, a great ipan, and a man for
whom the writer of thefe. pages entertains a fincere
efteem, founded on a conyi&ion of the purity of
his motives, Mr, Grattan, I fay, was hurried
forward }h hi? public carepr by the fever of pa-
triotifm ading op a warm, glowing, nay burning
imagination*-rto a man of his tranfcendent talents
npthiiig feems impoffible*— he has been much vi-
Ijfied^ ai).d much illiberal and grola abufe * has
been heaped upon him, but when he pleafes he
can rife and 'f fliake the dew drops from the

Lion's mane." His eflForts have done much

they hav^ enabled his country to treat on equal
terms with Britain for an Union, which has for its
objedi equality of rights, equality of fecurity, and
equality of exiftence. Jlis fubfequent exertions
have pot been fo happy— but fhall we forget the
greatnefs of his former siSts becaufe his latter move-
ments have been tinftured with the errors of hu-
manity? No! the mob of the people, ever giddy

^/^f Under the controul of the Iriih Parl^psent, under the
(ontfoul of the miBiAerial Reprefeatatives— under the cod*
troul of Brltifh influeace.

and

6i

and iQconftaDt, may be prompted to any folly, and
the mob of the corporations may join the vulgar
cry, and drive the kingly creature from his lair,
but his fervices are cnftirined in the hearts of the
refleding, the liberal and the enlightened part of
the commuoity, and the nobility of his nature
will be recorded on that eternal page where virtue
never dies !* He was the leader of that firm pha-
lanx that gave to Anglo-Ireland the Britifli confti-
tution, but he foon difcovered that the influence
of Great Britain left his theoretical independence
in practice a fhadow, he combated this cScGt^
the influence, the neceflary influence, defeated his
exertions : after his eftablifliment of independence
in theory he laboured to accomplifh a radical re-
form in the lower houfe-*-he found the Conftitution
aicquired in 1782, was nugatory without a radical
reform of that parliament which acquired that

* Notwithftandiiig this tribute to the talents and fervjce of
Mr. Grattan, the Author could never be fatisfied in hit mind,
as to the evidence of Hughes before the Secret Committee
of the Houfe of Lords; it was there cflablifhed both bj
Hi7Ga£s and Nilson that Mr. Grattan received them at
Tenehinch, and communicated in fecret with Kclfon, and
it would feem that he knew of the Confpiracy againft the

■

State, becaufe he had a Copy of the Conftitution of the

United Iriihmen lyin^ upon hit table. Good God I

what a debafement I — Mr. Grattan to communicate with fuch
men as Nelfon and Hughes ! — but what criminalitj if he was
privj to the Confpiracy !— -I am willing to think he was ig-
oorant of the latter, and I weep over the ceitaintj thai he de-
fcended'to fuch aflbciates !

Conftitution,

6a

Conftitution — he was defeated by influencje :-*-ia
order to weaken that influence, for he found it
co\ild not be deftroyed, it was conftitutional, he
laboured to get the Catholic admitted into the fane-
luary of tbe law ; he few the political equity and
the national neceffity for this great meafure, bat
there was a ftate neceflity for defeating that projed,
which feemed to cfcape his ohkrv^xion—Protefiant
Jfcevdar/cy.

Mr. Grattan, like a warm patriot, wiflicd to fee
his country completjely independent of Great
Britain, and yet he found himfdf conftitutionally
compellejd to keep up the hocus pocus o{ t\xt tSeu^
tialityof Britifti connexion ! thi$ was playing off
political legerdemain with a witnefs, and Mr.
Grattan would have been a wonjierful conjurer, in-
deed, had he fhewn the world a ftate independent
in all its relations under a conftitutiopal neceffity
of connexion, to maintain that independency! —
but prefto — begone ! influence, that protcfting
principle (I fpeak here in ftri£l reference to the
Proteftant Eftablifhment in Ireland) deftroyed.
the embryo of a political monflcr, which bad itfcen
the light muft have wallowed in the blood of the
community. Had his plan of government fuc-
cecded, the connexion between the two countries,
fo neceflary to the falvation of both, could have
had no lengthened duration of exiftence, becaufe
with two diftina and ruling principles in twodif^
tir.a but conftitutionally connc6led nations, you

cannot

^3

eiimot 10 politics combine and prelervc ttie reality
of an undivided intereft. Without meaning it,
and certainly without wifhing it, Mr» G rattan's
latter exertions went direAly to reparation* I will
not fay that " pity fliall find and weep over him *^
but I will fay that Patriotifm has mourned the de-
ception of her votary ! and that the " hardy, bold,
brave, brave, laborious, warm-hearted, and na-
turally faithful Irifhman,^ has been plunged by
party, and by the working of monopoly, into
the horrors of a Rebellion, the blood of which
is ilill reeking on the land! nor is the fpirit
fled — it Ikulks in filent hope of French affiftance,
and union, and union alone, can either render its
ic-appearance unavailing, or banifli it for ever the
foil. Party—party, working on the exclufive
Charter of Proteftant Supremacy, is the caufc
that ha^s made ^^ fome men mad, and all men
fick'' — and the Irifh Parliament are able confti-
tutionally to . reflore> reafon to the lunatic, an4
loyalty to the Republican. They can " reftore
health to the fick, and confidence to air — not by
adding the French poifon to reform the corrofivc
fablimate of party, but by blending in one full^
free^ and entire UNION, the phyjical Jirength and
confiiiutional Liberty of Great Britain and iRSf*
I.AND. This is the Dove which has not been fent
to the King, but he, in his parental care, has fent
to us — it will take back the Olive ! and our labour-
ing bark may then reft in fafcty fiom the turbu-
lence

I

6+

lence oi Fa£lion, and the wild waves of demcM
Gtatic fury.

But it is urged, why unite ! wc have a trade as
free as Great Britain to every part of the world —
will Union enable us tq do what we cannot do at
prefent? '* What part (fays Mr. Fofter) can a
BritiQi fhip go to from Britain, which an Irifti fliip
cannot go to with the fame cargo froin Ireland ?"
the could— //* Jbe had the cargo. " What article
great or fmall can a BritiQi fhip import into Bri-
tain or Ireland that an Irilh (hip cannot import
equallyinto Ireland of Britain?*' but he immediately
jccollefls himfelf and adds — I fpeak not of the
Eaft India Settlements, though Ireland is as free
to them as Britain is.'**— Is fhe indeed? 1 thought
there cxifted an eiclufive Charter, granted by
the Britifh CJovemment to their Eaft Indist Com-
pany, withholding from Irehnd any coftimerce in
the Eaft ; certainly not precifely in iermSy but
clearly and completely in effeS. The Britifh char-
tered Company have the fole right to trade in the
Eaft India Settlements, and exercife that fole right
to their raoft particular advantage, and to the in-
finite benefit of the Britifh Government. You
bartered your right to thslt trade for a barren pro-
mifeini785 — and every ounce of Tea f that a f-
tonifhingly ptodudive, becaufe perpetually con-
fuming article!) that isufedin Ireland, muft firft-
come through the Cuftom Houfe of London.

Your

55

ItaavFree Trade was obtained in 17*78, and it
baa worked fo badly for the Country, that in i8qo
jl^ou fipd yourllblf a Nation without a Capital !
and what is the caufe of" this ? The power of the
State drawing againft the power of the people,
and the power of the people cO\intera6ling tl^e
power of . the State--*i;irith the proteAing,care and
tocouragement of Britain, you have been able to
eftablifh a partial commerce in your only ftaple,*
but bf general cbmnierce the land has none. She
has a rich foil, inviting harbours, great popu-
latioii — but little induftry, becaufe a divided peo-
ple ! and will tJnion accompliih what our prefent
political fyftem has not been able to acquire ?
It is rationally to beexpe^ed, for a complete
Uniouj by doing away every impolitic jealoufy,
wili give fafety to the State, fecurity to property,
and induftry to the people. Induftry is the only
road fi>r a Nation to arrive at capital, and capital
fo accompliihed cannot fail to encreafe — thus
Union, not a partial, but a complete Union, by
fecuring the State, would fecure the property of
the individual ; would give induftry to our people,
capital to our commerce, and enable Us to im-
prove all the advantages of our natural fi-
tiiation. While there is a theoretical diftindioii
of government, there may be a practical diftinc-
tion of interefts^ and where there may be a dif-
tin^ioo of interefts, there can be no ilable unity
of iaterefts«--a political mifunderftandbg may

K arife.

66

arife, knd, like the whirl iVind of thetorrid zone>
in a hiometit cleftroy die rich fnitt of expeftaece.-
tTeliave already hid in the Regency bafincft an
example, very l^lpabl^ to thofe who are willing.
tdfee^ that diftinanefs ofprindplcj; leads to^ or
or atleaft nourilhec the feed of, feparation. We
faV we ate *^ one in uni^ ofCbiiftitutioo, and unity
' brtritereft;''^ and \ve perfift in a principle which

• ^ keeps alive the poKibility of deftruftion to both I
^Why "not dcftroy the principle that inherits the
power to dcftroy the Conftitutiori and the latereft, ,
"^and "by that means inVnlnerate the Conftitution,
and perpetuate the Intereft?Toii acknowledge you
can have no exiftcnce m Tepraration from Btltain,
^hy then venerate a princij>le that has the
'pdWer to ftpafrate ? tl'ather annihilate the prin-
ciple» and render political tc))ardtion impraai-
eable. Vbu fay ybu aire retarded by your 'high
feeling of hidepeniency. Will younot dlowyour
fellow creatures' to have their feelings aWb? If
you are retarded frond Union, by the fpirit Und
lebling'Bf independency, may not the C>ath6lic,
your neighbour, eatch one fpaf k from youmoble
fire, aiid naturally be impelled with a hope and
ardent longiisg to experience in his turn, the
bleflings of that feeling you fo warmly extol ?
and can you without blufhing, proclaim to Eu-
rope, that as a Proteftant State you are abfolutely
independent of Great Britain ? The , Powers of
Europe might hear, bat they could never believe
fo mouftrous an aflertion — their knowledge is

againft

V •

«7

Agaioftit^ Sopppfing ihe were your foe, ^ould
you politically exift ? You cannot truly fay that
Ireland is free, even according to your efti mate
of freedom, when two thirds of her people are
excluded from thp rights of the Ckxiftkution ;
^nd you cannot fay th^t the Prbteftant EftaBlifli-
ment in Ireland is independent^ where her little
commerce and her political being fonotorioufly
move under the prote£lipg arm of Great Britain.
^ .But the patriot cries — ** perifh Cdromerce, live
the Conftitution !"*• it founds weH, but there id
more found than fenle in the exclamation— perifh
commerce — what^ perpetuate our poverty?—
Live the Conftituiiop. — How! by debafing the
people ? — No-r-no-f-May Commerce fiouriih, and
the Conftitution profper, the rightful Gonflitu-
tioo which gives equal liberty to ali !«-^and it
will prolper when it is fupported confiituttonaily hf
Great Britain ; both independent, becaufe both
blended into one — Ireland, not a limb which
might be lopped off, but eilential in the mafs, and
formbg an indiviGble portion of that vital blood,
which circulates to the heart, and without which
the Conftitution iickens, and the body dies !

Of the Settlement of 1782, much has been
faid, antl much has been written. Mr. Pitt denies
it to have been final, and Mr. Fofter afferts in de-
tail, that it was then confidered as a final meafure*.
I ani inclined to clofe in with the latter opinion ;

^ It it to be renaemberad that this was iaid of the Confll.
tution of lySa— ^^^;c4 ^jccluin th$ ptofh.

It

68

it was t^n confi4ered fiqal ; bujt did it in its vir-
tue exclude, thp ppflible neceffity of alteratioD )
What opinion CQuId b^ entertained of the phyfi-'
cian i^hio after f eiloripg a patient to health* would
fay, "Sir, y ware now perfe£lly well — yourCon-
fiitution is thoroughly eftablifhed, and it i? im-
poffiUe ths^t any thing can in future happen to
make you fick— if, however, againil thia pre-
4iAion, any fymptoms of mortal difeafe flioul^
hereafter appear, dje. Sir, dip, rather than call
in a phyfician/' — Our opinion muft be that the
DoSor was a littlf deranged in his intelle6ls.--
'J'he Settlement of JjSjt, was at that time final,
and it gave Ireland an independency of Cpnfti-
tution which before fhe did not poffefs ; that inde-
pendency of G^nftitq^ ion gave her power, or rather
the right,to a A for herfelf, and her ena&iog a Legify
lative Union will be an exercife of that right.

Had Union bpen enabled by the Britifti parliay
nient anterior to the Settlement of 1782--.it would
have been as legally binding on this nation, as any
preceding legiflative act of Britain binding this na-
tion; but it would have borne on its front foimperious
a tyranny, that Britain could never have relied
upon it as a fecure and founded meafure ; Protef-
tant Ireland would at all times have had a right
to dcftroy that Union, becaufe it proceeded from
the will of another power, and bound her peopl^
" without their confent. Lord Yelverton's argu-
ment in favour of the prefent meafure is therefore
ftri^ly accurate ^nd patriotic ; he woul4 have op-

pofed

•5^-

«9

poled it M^/f^becanfe of that exterior compuIfioQ
taking from him the motion of a free man, bat
n(y(v having the power ,to receive or reje£^» he
exercifes his freedom in embracing the meafure,
becaufe he is convinced' by his reafon it is pre-^
dominantly good, ^

Did the Settlement of 1782 raife an eternal bar
to future alteration and improvement ? Might not
alteration be neceflary for the falvation of the
State ? And is it pof&ble to improve without fome
degree of change ? Was not the Conftitution fun-
daaientally altered at the Revolution? Did
not Mr* .Grattan — and I never mention his mxnt
without wifhing to attach to it all the weight and
refped his talents and his fervices fo eminently
deferve— did "not Mr. Grattan with all the fer-
vour of his genius (hew the neceflity of altering
the Settlement of 1782, by reforming the repre-
fentation of the people, and by a complete admif-
fioQ of the Catholic Body to the Rights of the
Conftitution? And did not Mr. Fofter labour
the alteration of what he. now terms the final
Settlement cf 1782, in fupporting with his ta-
lents, and with his vote the famous Propofitions
of 1785, one article of which went to bind Ire-
land by the Icgiflative afts of Great Britain?—
I am cpnfident both thefe gentlemen feic a con-
viSion they were adling for the improvement of
the Conftitution, and for the good of the people—
the true end • of all legitimate government — but
furely Mr. Fofter, when he fupported the Pro-
pofitions

1^

jKjfitionsof 1785, forgot the firft principle of the
Conftitution of 1782, which fays, that no power
on earth can legiflate for Ireland, fave only the
Parliament of Ireland — Ijt may be urged that the
]^riti(h aiSs which were ' to regulate for Ireland^^
were to be conraiercial only — idle talk ! they would
have been the a(Ss of another Legiflature binding
this country, and therefore, not oijy an. alteration,
but an imxovatjion dcflrudive of the fpirit and pu?
rity of the Conftitution,

The Ad of Union, whenever it fhall pafs, will
be an zd of the diftinfi Legifl^^tures for perpetuat-
ing the Britifh Conftitution to both— it will be an
ad of political neeefiity, confolidatixig the
ftrength and refoQrces of the Empire, and by
that confolidation fecuring, ^& far as human fa-
gacity can fecure, the good of thej^eople.

Britain cannot give you up ■ you arenecef-
fary to her fafety-— — ind flie is neceffary ye
proteftants of Ireland ! to your exiftence, yt&
— even to your natural exiftence :^— if you are
neceffary, (and (he confeflfes it) to her fafety, is it "
her intereft to deftrqy your power ? and if (he is
neceffary to your exiftence, (and who that reflefis
on the late tremendous combination againll^ at
leaft, your political life, can deny that ncccflity ?)
is fecuring that exiftence an aft of wifdom, or
is it not ? Union is an ad of prefervation to both.

If you deny the neceflity, I proceed to prove
it by fads which are in the memory of all men,
and which no man can d^ny.

After an experience of feventeen years of your
theoretical dijitndion of govenmient, or rather of
confthution, you find that pariy^ fed by the dif
imS principle, and grown a moofter of politicai
power, has made fuch gigantic ilridea as to di-
vide the land ; you find your diftin^Uon of govern-
ment has led, with the cfvcnt of the French revo-
lution, to democratic principles; you find that, it
has difgraced the nation by perfecuiion on the one
piart, atnd fanaticifrm on the other ; you find that it
lias led to fyftematic trealbn aod to open rebellion ;
you find that it has^encoutagedtbe invafion and
aflifled the arms of the moft formidable, ferocious^
and &itfalefs power in Europe ; you find that it ha$
fhaken your government almoft to falling, and that
to give It a momentary prop you have been driven
to the dangerous expedilsnt of ruling without law,
and refting for your fii^fety , not on the afie£tions
of the people, but on the bayonet of the foldicr !
-"— and in thcfe melttcholy fa6b you have found
your independence utterly unable to protect your
property of to maintain your government ! ~Thefe
are the fmits of that treewhofe fap is cmpoifoncd
by its political reparation, and under whofe Ihade
the ambitious, the turbulent, the fadlrous, the
domeftic traitor, and the foreign foe, will find a
perpetually inviting Ihelter— remove the caufe and
the efieS will ceafe— blend the root and branches
«)f your conftitutional tree with that of Great Bri-
tain ; let them grow up into one body, confoli-

dated

11

4

"dated in all its parts. Peace may then repofe iH
induftrious fccurity under i(8 foliage, or war, if
war will intrude, will find vi&ory from its ftrength.
This will he the facred Tree of Liberty for the world
to wonder at ! Union cementing every fibre and
penetrating every pore^^not like the wretched
plant of Gallic growth, \«ratcrcd tyith human
bloodi and fpringing but to paralizc the motions
of genuine freedom ; but like the Britifh oak,
nouriftied by g generous foil^ and rewarding it^
. cultivation by its pit>te£ling power to the remoteft
period of its political exiftcnce;

Of the terms of union nothing cftn. be faid bok^
caufe nothing is yet certainly known : — the uniting
parties will form the copditions^ and they muft
be liberal to Ireland, becaufe for the attainment
of fecurity fhe hefigns the right of managing her-
felf : they muft be liberal, becaufe in the confti-
tuiional ear Ibe refigns the name of independence ;
they muft be Kberal^ becaufe liberality and libera-
lity alone will nurfc her prefent feeblenefe into
force, and give her real abifities their natural
power ; they muft be liberal, from reciprocal in-
tereft-^Britain cannot firmly fiand without Ireland^
nor can Ireland fburilh without Great Britain.

The adjuftment of the terms will not defeat the
accompliihment of the meafure ; there is one part,
however, which will require the moft maiuied
tonfideration of t^ie Irifti Parliament before theit^
determination becomes final — I mean the number

of

^3

fit tepre&ntzdvcs, in the Imperial Farliamezity
far the Gomtnoas of this kin^bcn.

Here we muft throw all retrofpeft of the imm-*
btrt reprefenting Scotlabd out 6f the (Jtieftioii ; h
inufl not be argtied, that beciufe the Scotch At6
rcprefentcd by fortyrfiv^ mfcmbeH» tht Iriih ottght
to be cohtcHted with dnehufldr^d;-^!^ aaiiii)]^rUt
meafure ^tfais magnitU^fe ^cioAal jttiiite mioft af^
icertain and eftablilh obtiottal ibtM'eft— <iay, it is
jbr the iiitfereft of the'fempir^ that the {^eo^Ie of
thk lixld diouIdlDe fati^fied not obly i» thfi gendt^l
good pblicj^ of the meafure, but in the Uberalky of
il! its pirticUlar bridches.

The numbed of Britidx repnfefcntatiycs fs fivm
hundred and fiity-eight ; the humbct of Irfih re-
prefcnt^tives we fiiall for a moment fet down at one
hundred. I can fibd neither liberality nor equity
m that arr^i^gement, becaufe it is evident the
Weight of one hundred bears no fair proportion to
five hundted and fixty-eight ; and by cobfequeuce
their influence in the Imperial * Parliament could
not ered form a check to any pieafbre that might
be thou^t to militate agaipft^he intereft of this
country. If you fatisfy the people in the point df
rtprcrentation, St point abfolutely neccflary for the
prefervation of their legitimate rights, even party
inuft abandon its clamour and oppofition, . becauie
the people will then feel their intereft is fecured.~*
Now, one^hundred members could make no ftand
in favour of this country againft five hundred and
fixty-eight, even fuppofing— (what never cati bap-»

L pen)

.74 . . .

pen) evcfry Iriih member to be direAed ^a hb pu]t^
Ik coodtidl by a confcient^ous difcharge of Im (lC:v
legated dut^ — how tb^n, is tbe pfoportion to b^
ilruck?— be cautious — ^thjs isjthc politic^ wbee)
on which tfap imperial machpe mi^ mpvc fprward
)^ith eafe, .or be retarded in its prpgrefs I Is Grea(
Britain fuperior in population and fuper^or in riches,
to admjit an equal iiunjiber of Iriih reprefentative^
with th^ nuqiber flie fends tp Parl^iment ? — ^No —
but property in this queftion ipight fairly, be 1^.
Qji^t of confideration:-it is a fogitivf^ goojd^ and
Ireland unqueftionably would at this day have been
pofiefled of n)bre ^reajth |ia(l l^e fid^ually poifefed
thatBritiih.uilion of interefts wh^cb her flatterers
lay ihe enjo^^s — it will be more liberal and blotter
policy in Great Britain not to prels the point of
prpperty. J^et the proportion be drawn from the
IK>pulation of Ireland p reference to the popula-
tion of Qreat Britaio, taking the numjxr of the
!Priti(b representatives as t|ie juft ratio for the Bri-
tiih peopl^. Every man in the land has an interefl
in the legiilative body, becaufe every man in the
land is under the dire^iion of the law,— he fubmits
l^imfelf freely, for his own good, to its will — it is
therefore that he contributes to the fupport of the
eonflituted authorities, and makes a part of the
mafs that forms the power of the country : — If you
cftrange, by whatever means, the majority of that
mafs, you divide the. power and endanger the
community. Satisfy the people, and your unioEf
will be as immortal as tlie land on which they live.

' - By

75

. By ftnkiog the proportion from the population yon
wiU alfo fecnre the repreftntation of the property
6f Ireland, withbnt invidioufl^' fetting the pro-
j)crty of GrCat Britain agiinft the wealth of Ire-
land as a reafon fpr leflening her repreftntation in^
the united Parliament.' This will alfo miet the
great meafbre of final emancipation to* the Catho-'
lie; and render nnnAc«flary any future augmento-
t?on of thd del^ated body. The population of
Ireland is 6i^nal to half the popi^laddn of Great
Britain, the reprefentatfon of Ireland fhould tliere-
fore be ^vttH to half the reprefentatton of that
^oaaacty : {hiM would b^ a feprefentatioh of equity,
bfdignity, andofciffea; Irdand Would then from
her equality of reprefentation appear with her na-
tural confluence in the imperial feiiat^*, arid Great
Britain would pofliefs and feef the political and
proper weight of her double number of members;
^quiubly flotdc^ from her double population.

This h the point, is to t^i'ms, the mod im^
pbrtanft ; the dihir branches of local regulation may
have z furtive e£Fe£t, bilit this wfU have an eternity
6f confequence Upon the fatisfadion or difcontent,
the pieface or War, the good or evil of the commif-
nity. Rely upon it that reafon will ultimately
prevail ; — the true queftion is, perfed union, general
fecurtty, and Itbefal policy; or no union, infecu-
*ity, and political toonopbly ? there may be pany
6ppofition, ther^ may be corporation clamour,
hat the queftion thoroughly underftood, and the

reprefentatioii

<fc -•

>]6 -'

i^fN^ienutiQ^ 0,( thU taod d*^ificd and fecureil
hy'^q^i(fbl^ prpportioQ, will fpeak coDviacixigiy
to dh6 Upiseft h^art of evex}^ hpueft and iaduftriauf
mfil^ ia the u^tipi^-

; .Such if ibc mifiet^blq wQfkiog qf jour diftia^l

fy(^ fti]^ jc9 ^;^ed mdependeo^, that the ma&

of ithc p£pF4^ f^^c^ A^eogth x)f the land, the true

f^v^er^f 4ie fUMi^ ftaod neqieron the meafore;

{heir /ilepce is a proclamatioa pf their feelings^

You i)^te fke c^tholic% and the proteftant iadi^

Yi^fd{ lie i$ jdivit^e4i and irby? not ;^at xmc^

'twill dcftroy the ^riKlh cqofijtuuop in. Itel^Ddt

^fpr Ireland has i]|Ot the £^it|ih qouilitutioa! t|)e

&a i$ ^e vivifyia^ ,priaciple of tl^e vorld: ifip

light> his. warmth^ aad h\$ heiiigpaat eficilt arf

ifQcoi)^4f ^hey. 2ire upivedlal; the fentiment of

1789 va3 partial* it didwt make Ireland fiec,

it made the fet(Iei^ th? proteihmts of Irelaxni thep^

reticall)^ independent qf Qreat Briuin, and it made

^he catholics pf Ireland* the bplk of the people,

praflically dependent on the protcftant govern*

ment ; it was not to Ireland the JBritiflx Confti^

lution i bpt it was a cpnfiituted monopoly of po*

* Since xVtt w» written the Cathslicf of Dublin (or ti-
ther ihe tail of the Dublin Catholic paxt/,) bare come forward^
«n<i entered into refolutioni againft the ineafuTt of Union ;
.the ciceiing was not attended hj 300 Catholics; 300 i$M
paltry pxoportion of the Catholic inhabitants of Dublin, and
uhcn oppofed to the thoufanJs of Cacholics who have ^«//-
liciy tifpreffti thir approhaihn of the meafure, their appofitiott
and its efPea tnuft be feeble indeed!

litical

litical pbWe^ to the ezclufioa of" tde^people^ ini
it is the ftniggte to ftidt)tam and perpetuate that
poHdcal power wbfch pow divides the protef-
taot ipto two cUfles^ the liberal aad the bigot,'
the exilif htened flatefman and the fombre exclu-
fioaiil! Are we never to have the reign of peacd
mnd generous principle between man and mao^
^ the aniyal of the millenninm? or is man prefump^
tuouflyto aflume the ftatioQ of omnipotence, and
mark with ^n eternal line the abafement of his
brother f What ! and ihall the proteflant, whofc
trerj^name eoqveys his love of general freedom^
ihall be labqtir to reign parainount in the land
ftt the expence of Irilh liberty? No — reafon will
ultimately prevail, And the millennium of th^ Ian d
will be iht union iff the ^et^le^ as the millennium
of the pmpire will be the union of its parts \

Te Xegiflators I you are the pilota that mud
navigate our veflel at this momentous period of
ber voyage ; you have fcen the horrors refuhing
from the mutinous fpirit on board; although
qucjled, it is notfubdued; you have the bodies
in your power, but extermination appals huma-
nity, and even policy forbids it, for they are the
ftrengih of the crew, there might be danger in
the attempt, and without them you could not
navigate the veflel — The Britilh man of war heaves
in fight — flie infures your fafety — your veflel was
originally formed of planks from her prow— ftie
is herfclf at this moment fomethiog in want of
repair— (he reminds you of the ancient connexion,

and

iind of your re{Seated declarations to' fwim at tcl
fiok iQ bcr company-^ihc reminds you of the
miferable diftradions 6f your crew, encoura^edt
by the ignorance of politicai bigotry, stnd fanned'
by the phrenfy of religious fan^ticifm ; fiie calls up-.
Oil you loudly not to riik a total feparatiob which
4 diftind navigation would indubitably produce :
ftie wiflies to. fave you from the French free-
booters who fwarm upon the mam ; mi p^rs to
take you on board as brothers, and fo completely to
blend her hull with yours, tliat tW niceft eyo
fhould not be able to discover a difference ; by
mixing your crew with hers you iftrengthen both^
and certainly fecure your own falvation, for if
you put to fea in your prelent ftate, wit!i a mutiny
on board, irons may do moth, but ij^here num-
bers prevail, punifhment gives a compuliive ardour^
and the fpirit cannot be fubdued: blend, there-
fore, blend with Britain, or your fate is inevita-
ble; you will either be cut off, or perifhonthe
fatal rocks of French fraternity*

Be wife, aid feize the rope that your compa*
Qion has thrown out to fave you from finkine ; feize
it, and pull together till you board the Britannia
and piartake in the fafe and undifturbed pofleflion
of her well . conftituted frame ; that mighty vef-
ki, trimmed by the confotidated w6ight of Ire-
land, would move forward in her courfe unim-
peded by the ftorms of party, and impervious
to the rafli waves of republican experiment!
" Th^ow, ftysMr. Gkatta-n, your (i/'w/Jrj over-
board^

V

79

• *

^oard^ aod ballad with your people.^ And fo muft
fivery maa fay who wiflics well to his couistry :
ix>w^ you canoot ballaft with your people tUl
y6Q have deftroyed the abufes, till you have det
ilroyed the monopoly, that forward and frightful
abufe which bears on its front the flaming caufeof
all our civil diftraftions ! yet deftroy it and the
danger fcems to increafe. What! ballaft -with
the people? give them the power of the ftate?
and let the dcftruAion of the domineering prin-
ciple lead to proteftant annihilation ^

Behold the horrid dilemma, the legitimate off-
ering of a crooked policy! — theoretical diftinc*
tion ; partial afcendancy ; general fubjugation ;
external influence ; mfecurity ; rebellion ! away
with the horrors of a prbfcriptive eflabliflunent!
as the laws are equal to all, fo fhould the right
to make thofe laws be equal to the whole* ; — ^To
give the people their natural and rightful weight,
yet flill to maintain the proteftant fuperiority, you
muft embrace a wide and liberal policy — you
^uft Ikcriiice your phantom of independence on ,
the altar of reafon, and fecure in return (for it is
now virithin your grafp) the body of fubftantial
freedom. You muft look at the queftion of union
in all its bearings, and open your mind to the con-
yi£tion of your true iituation— high founding
phrafes and magnificent epithets may flatter a

' ** The Author does not here inculcate the wild doArlne of i
unirerfal fuffrage, but that the right of reprefentation fhould
yje open to all fed^t.

portion

8o

ipc^tion of the people, but they do not conftitut^
}iber,ty; the partial rights of that portion prove
the dependence of the peoj^le^ and the peceflarjf
influence of Britain proves the dependbnte of that
portion. The country th^t depends upon another
at one time for money to fupport her government^
at another time fqr fleets and ^rmie^ to protefl her
Hate, and at all times for the effimtial inflbence
of commercial regulation, is not 1 free countiy ;
but if we add to thisi, that the cpuhtty lb de-
fcribed is divided in it&lf— that thie government
is diftinA from the people, and the people fit>m
the government: — that therie is no binding princi*
ple between the governors and goveiiied^ iMt dn
the contrary, that the principle of the jj^ovim-
ment is, and muft be, to tahoo the peoiile-^iil^he0
thefe fa£ls are notorious, and felt by the land^
who but muft exclaim, what a horrible fyftem of
policy, and what a (hocking pii^e of cottftlttt^
tional freedom ! Your ft ate abfolbtely n^ftihg an4
depending for its exiftence on a foreign |)otv'er^
and your people bound by laws ffo $rhicfa tftey'dcr
not confent, and therefore abfolutely in th^ powejr
of your ftate !

" Things cannot remain as tbtfy are**— theni \n
a weight in the land which opprefles the people,
and which they will« from the feelings of natme,
perpetually endeavour to throw off: With this
con vul five principle in your body p6litic, how
can that body, or its members, ho|M for tranqui-
lity or fecurity ? — It is an eternal bar to l^tb, and
can you reft upon force ?— No— force mayj>pevail

for

fc» a fea^j W wliefo th# tenure is held by com**
{nilfitin, the bga) rigks k abaodooed, and poflef-
lioD will be regained by fuperior power.

*' Things cannot remain as they arc"*— You
mull give ''a-conftitution to the people^ and a
people to the conftitution^' — ^The hard and forbid-
dmg front of an excluding policy is the frightful
parent of difcontent, fadion, rebellion ; and its
perpetuity is the perpetuity of thofe horrors which
have (as Mr^ Fofter fays) given Ireland a name
amcxig the! nations ! — >^Embrace a wide and li^
beral policy — ^we have furvivedthe deluge; wc
have refted upon the Ararat of hope ; we have
wandered in the wildemefs ;-^the political Pifgah
is before us, and we have only to afcend and gain
the promifed land ! But if we are a perverfe and
crooked generation, we Ihall be fcattered into
comers^ and our folly fhall become a jeft among

the nations of the earth !— '^ Embrace a wide

and liberal policy — ^Tou have a conftitution with-
out power, and a people without liberty ; facrifice
the ihadow fer the pofleffion of the fubftance ; •
Incotp<H'ate with Britain, and let Union be the
bond of National Good and Imperial Integrity*

F I N I S^

\

•7

AM

ANSWER,

TO A

PAMPHLET

ENTITLED, THE

Speech of the Earl of Clare,

ON tHB 8UBJICT 09

A LEGISLATIVE UNION,

BITWIBV

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

tt HENRY GRATTAN.

I m iiiiiMii nfci^—— ^p<Aw^— «w*«

DUBLIN:

MINTED FOR J. IfOORB, KO. 45, COLLBGB-CRSSM.

. 1 8oo.

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t^ TKC

PRINTMR^

I BaVs feen a pamphlet^ purporting to be writ-
ten oti the Unlon^ and jf^ublifhed in the name of
the Earl of Clare. The fpeech of the. Noble
Earl, deUTcrai la the . Houie ^ Lords, lhvf€
nothing to fa^ to, but a publication is not a
fpeech, and though it be the work of a member of
Parliament, has no privilege* Whether his Lord*
fhip be the author, I have no authority, fave
the afiumption of the publicatbn, to affirm ;
but the pamphlet cont^ns againft feveral, with
whom I havi a^lad, charges, the moil diredl,
and 2^ainft myfelf, for the laft 20 years, charges
Uie leaft qualified and infinuations, the moft
deep. What is ^et worie it tgids t<» lower

the

u

the charader of the Country^ aad to tamiih die
brighteft paflages of her hiftory , as well as the me--
mories of the perfons concerned in ' thofe tran-
fadiions. Matter fo ¥aiioii$ and comprehenfive,
could not be regularly difqiifled in any debate that
has come or is likely to. come before the Houfe

• mw mm * m •

of Conunon»: in ibe interval of bufmefe, I th^e-
fore refort to the only method of defence, the
Prefs.

H. GRATTAN.

1

Mr." Grattan will fake no notice of any Anfwer^ ex-
^eft i'ote .cMiing 1f^6i tbe Author of life Pamphlet.

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Of tbd wofJc whipb it is.|}Y(^p(^ to anfiref. iwaylyr^c^
tbiird it d^ W»TOP»«'af» Pf *lCh Hftftfiry • Hmch of cihtidig-
meat, na/^ of miA'^r^ffintaitipi^y n9MWdifcoyer)[,.Qfltq«W'
renurk ; the* termini or kpdipwks of biftoric knowle^g^, aa^
main precif^ly as they were^in theis dd iobor ftadioiw What
was long known before by oany mea, by many wpmbi^ and
by many chjildrenj , the compendium of j^e ftudie;s of your
childhood, thispampj^^ rej^rtato you, for the amufiBmeivt
of your ^§6, vi^^%9Ut^gi)y.9tl>er noyelty,.,fave that of mif-
reprefentatioQ. .^be ideai^ ,tQJ3>ake! jropr hiftory^jUlumny'
againftjour anceftora in Qf c^ to 4if ff anchife your ppftprity:
the execution is without the temper of a commentator or the
Itiiowledge of an hiftorian.

< s w*

*•. . •:. f .0 '•-* * "I' i«

' Vtt\nt. begin withlMVrfAm^rtifci] i\ the Iritffplirfiij.
sncnt of James ift. The author is now within 187 years of

his

1)1$ fubjeA. Irelandy fiifs he^ had no potrliamentary conftitn-
tion 'till chat time. Here bis pages odlj defenpc attentiaii«
in order to vindicate the lineage of o«r iibertiei ^gainft
flander. This ftatement it a tradli£lioa of the tnheritiince of
the realm, a ealumny againft her antiquities and a falfifica-
tion of her title. Lord Coke, the- judges of England, ^
records of Ireland, the ni$dks tenenji farGamentum, tht
ftatute*book, the extent ^. a^ls of Parliament before the
reign of James throughout the realmi and the a£l of annex-
ation among others, anfwer him : £nom all thoie you find that
Ireland had a Parliament from the beginning, and that thp
legiflature was not pf ih^ jPalf | but of the nation. *

The boldnefs of this aflertion b r^dered the more
remarkable by the diftinguiflied feeblenefii of its reafoning*
The pamphlet attempts to pVdte th^t to be true in argu-
ment which is falfe in fad, and its argument is> that
James ift generalized IriOi reprefentation, by forty pri-
vate boroughs, that is, that he rendered reprefentatioa
gtmM^ by making it ^letito* ' Ili^teatfaes t«tf ttt tfaiftfc^
thait ift was James inftead df lli^. w)k> ^Milted thid^y GottA*
ties^ and iiot the 40 boirotiglis^ by him^iKted Yo cMntcMft
thttt (e<iunt)r teprefentattott, in ^rdet t» ^adt a l^ottaiMMtt
a traffic which this Work feeiiis di^JKd to «djht)re. It t&iU
eeiv^flf Aiit (he kgiflati^e wHs tM g^i^aH bif^ttfo'tfie lrt«
fefvrefentaMon vnts notioi itfiiotAA baVeAfd» thit tiible-
^fltflure bcifig general, the Tejprefentatidh ought tobeib.
It dtrcoters two ideas of a new infl'^xtnitfMBfaa^ teltive on
^is fut^eQ that ParK&meht^s toiifined^by thfe Ifioundb oC
reptdeiflStioh, and that national itfirefelatatiOft h etteMM

* See the fpeedi of the kte tctntuf o£ Sute, Mr. Hotchhiroo, oo tlie
TabjeAof parliaaieot^iyref^m^ in the, pTlianisntury debate^'of 93. It if a
complete aatwer to the pamphlet 9n this pwt ol tb| bi^c€L See extia^

from hntiie end. ' ' ' '

J

dytbe creation of printelxnrottghi: tiul for diis paiadoxiciii
idea of Parliament, and this paradoxical idea of reprciObnta*
tion, it offers you notjliing like e;iEreiit of ^ruditioni or
force. of ifnaginatioff : the an of paod^n w^r (fj$ tbr
pamphlet, is to traduce th^ hpufe of Stipwart( the art of mo-
dern court loyalty, it might Inve ad<ied, is to praife thf
principle of ^hfi Stewan-«nd tO plant i| in th^ Hoy^tqf tjg*
Dover* .

The pamphlet now cbmtB t& Its own time^, and it is to
l)e remarkedi ^at as it dwelt on the paft with all the ftiry
and prejudices of the prefetit ttme, fo it expatisites on the
prefent, with as much error and mistake, s^s if it were treat<r
log of the remoteft antiquity. It ftates the adjp(|:ment df 82,
to be defcrB>ed hy its author ^ follows f *^ that it emanated
^ from the armed conrcntion aflembled a^ Dungannon, was
f< appnoved at cotfnty mieeti|ig9 pf ^he people, armed an4
f* unarmed, and was fanffioned and rdgiftered by the Irifh
¥ Parliamtnt :" H6 fjsch thing, n<)r~any thing like it, did
ftB author fay, nor fuggeft, nor hint $ and this ftatement of
the pamphlet b not mifreprefentation, nor n^iflnterpretationi
Imt pa^i^le iuTention,. di4 not the pamphlet ^ifiunie
Ae name of a judicial phatader, I would fay, down^
i^t fiibriqition; I tctjfcCk wA admire the meeting
^t Dunganpon, but tKe fubjeAs of 8a did i^ot emanate
from thence ) two years before Wjtre they ^{axtkd in Par-
psment, they were ^ifcu^edon the tjyth of April, ]f 780, on
s n^don made by myfe)f, 9nd iii the conrfeof that feffion
«nd of the next feffion, ^repeatedly and fully $ they were
adppted by different counjties, and variop^ difcriptions of
JBCD,. and they finally Rifled the Parliamei^. Such is th^
Ittft^; the pamphlet falfifie#the luftory, tp UcmiOi a great
ftanJaJftton, and attributes that falfification to me in onjer
p^ Ufiipifli an, iadividual.

4 '

We follow the work where it vifl be |)erhaps more fortu-
nate. It obje£l:s on the queftibn of the claim of right to the
cfeclarations of the Voliinteerss their chara£l^r now* it feems,
it profcfles to' admire; th^ir conduct however (this was

• • • • •

the mofl: leading part of tKe conda£b, of the old Volunteers,)
/ it Condemns; the inconGftency of fettihg up acharad^er, and
putting down a condufl, is glaring, but in a work pregnant
with every thing which is exceptionable, hardly deferves
notice* But will any ipan - fcriouily fay, that thofe bodies
fiiould not have come forwajrd at tfaa( time with refolutions
in favour of a claim of rigl^t ? df^ any man mean to affirm
that we could have eftabli(hed that claim without them i
If fo, he is a miftater of the truth. Poes any man mean to layi
, that the claim did not deferve to be eftabHihed ? if ft, he is a
flave; and in neither cafe do^s . he deferve an anfwer. To
have countenanced refolutions ^iTential to the eftablifliment
of your conftitution, and to have oppofed a^y further inter-
ference, when that conftitution was eftablifhed, was the
duty and the pride of them by whom the bufinefs of 82 was
€ondu£led. By the firft ftep they procured the conftitu|don$
by thefecond, they faved tbegovernipent^ and in both they
deferved well of th^ir country, aud are placed far above the
reach of the author of this HttJe performance, its little cen-
fare or its little praife. We thought that at that jbime^ as in
the period of magna cbarta, arn^d men might make decla-
rations to recover liberty, and having recovered it, we
thought they fecurcd thqir glory as well as their frpedoiPf
by retiring to cujtivatp the bleilii^gs of peacct

The pamphlet has further obje^ions ; It condemns die
expedition with which the claim of right was eftaUi&ed, it
calls for difcuffion, and delay— -to do what i to debate wh^
I ther the Engliih Parliament had a right to make laws for *

Ireland

i

■ i

Ireland ; whether ih6 privy councils in both countries (hould
alter your bills, or whether the mutiny bill Ihould be perpe-
tusl ? why, for the two preceding years, thefe fubjcAs had
htctSf and Kttfe other than thefe fubje&s had been, debated.
The pamphlet has proved to you, however, the neceflity of
ctpeditien, by it9 srrgtiment for delay ; for it explains to
^oa, that we were to delay the queftipn, in order to fell it,
that is, in order to diminifh, clog, and condition your claim
ef right : you were to ddlay, the pamphlet explains, in order
lx> preferve to the Parliament of England, over this country,
a fliare of legtflacive power, and the pamphlet adminiftcrs
additional argumefit^againft its proje£l of delay, by (hewing
f otr, tlrn the viceroy of that tiint was* intriguing againff
your favourite mdiafares, and it gives you (till further argu-
ittents againflf dehy, by fuggefting thaf there were certain
gentlemen at that time', who would not with their lives
^ave fisppoytedi their liberties ; it might have added, nor with
dieir votes i perfefi^iy well do we underftand the author \ and
il6& pamphlet might have added, with peculiar authority,
Aestt there Were ceftain young gehtlemen at that time, ready
fo bart'^ honpur f6r office, and liberty for chains. It was
Aerefore, we did not liften to the idea of delay ; we did not
cbufe to fet u^ the inheritance of the people of Ireland to
au£Konr; we were applied to kt delay, and we refufed it;
We thought th)e' r6th of April was the day of the Iri(h Nation,
atxd we were determined not tofleep, until laying our heads
on At pillow, we could fay, this day Ireland has obtainedf
avidory*

Seeing then, that the conftitution was eftablifbed without
delaiy, of ^litei*, or atifiion, the patttphlet does not defpair,
k Bas a cttre^ viz. corruption ; it dots not indeed fet forth
^bn^pfioi^ita words, but it does amply and broadly in idea.

B The

V

The cxpreffione afc thcfe : ** the only fccurity for national
<< concurrence is a permanent and commanding influence o£
^* Ihe Englifh executive, or rather Engliib cabinet in the
^^ councils of Ireland/' By councils of Ireland it means>
and profeifes to mean, nothing lefs than the Farliamem» fee
page 45. Here is the neceflary fubditute, it feems, for the
Britifli Pariiament— here is the half million— here is the de-
pendency of the Irilh Parliament avowed as a principle •, here
breaks out of the taint and fore of that unfortunate fyftem,
whoferanknefsthe pamphlet feems to have deeply inhaled, and
with whofe political ipcenfeit now deigns to regale our nof*
trils and its own ; here is acknowledged the truth of the
complaint of the oppoiition, namely^. that the Britifli minif*
ter fome years after the fettlement of 1782, wiflied, thfough
his agents here, to filch back our Conftitution of l^^^f ta
honourably and nobly obtained, and to refume by fraud
what Jiad been obtained by treaty. In vain fliall a minifter
come forth in founding words, fuch as national concarrence
or national connexion, and wrap himfelf up in the thread- '
bare coat of zeal for empire, to (lab his country to the heart i
fuch arguments are not to be anfweredbut puniflied, and
when any man (hall avow that he hs^s no idea of goyeming
in this country without rendering her F^irliament by the.
means of influence, perfeflly dependent on Great Bridkin,
he ;ivows not his profligacy only, but his incapacity alfo*
Such a minifter could not govern without corruption ; he
could not govern with it ; he might indeed begin by attempts
to pack a Parliament, but he will conclude by an attempt
to abolifli the legiflature.

To return td the pamphlet On the fubjca of the claim of
right, the author feems to have three parental ideas -, Firft^
That the Volunteers (hould have made no declaration on
the fubjeft : Secondly, That the qucftion Ihould have been

left

7

left open to Jelay : and Thirdly, That the Britifli cabinet
fl)oUld fuccecd to the power of the Britifli Parliament- By
the firft plan the conftitution had been loft, by the fecond
fold^ and by the third corrupted. Wt follow the pamphlet ;
It dates, diat the adjuftment of 1789 was defcribed by the
author of it aslTollows; then he introduces a defcription
vhich certain!]^ was given by its author, but which was not
a defcription of the adjuftment of the parliament of 1782,
1>ttt of a parliament that fat 187 years ago, and which was
aflembled b^r James I. in the year of our Lord 161 2»
Here again is that of which we have fo often reafon
to complain in this work invention ; true it is, that
the boroughs created by James I. have had their effe£t
on pofterity, and true it is, that thofe boroughs continue to
fend members to parliament ; fo far the parliament of 1782
and of 161 3 had a fimilitude ; but it is not true that the
parliament of 1 782 was a packed parliament li)ce that oil 6 13 ;
it is not true that the reprefentativcs of the boroughs were
either attornies clerks or the fervants of the Caftle as in 1 6 1 3;
nor bitt^ethat the boroughs of 1782 refi^mbled thofe
created by James in 1613 ; and fo far the two parliaments
have oio fimilitude. Mr. Burke, fpeaking to me qf ipme
-Umnttj that &id profpered under a conftitution confifting
of 'three eftates, but eftatcfs defe^ively formed, obfenred,
^^ that it was of the nature of a conftitution fo formed 'as
oon,. however ehimfy the conftituent parts, when fet together
in.ai£bfon, ultimately to a£i well,'^ fo of that in queftion. The
boroughs, in a couHe of time, ceafed to be under the in-
fluence of the king, and the conftitution took root 'in the
pec^le 'f the crown becaiiie dependant for fupply on the
parliament, and the parliament by the of^ennial bill, be-
cane more intimately conneded with the country ; but
however altered, depurated, and naturalized, this borough

fyftem

8

fydem was an evil ftill; in 1613 it was corr}ipti.on — ^ifi
1800 it niay be Union. The author of tl>c pa^tjiipfil^ ^s
not thought much on thefe fubj.e£l9 \ 'tis aftonifliing bow
iballow is that little performance i it cl^arges niydefpriptioo
of the parliament of 1613, ^s my defcriprifVi of the parlia-
ment of 1782' — that is, it makes a falfe 4n{erea6e> 00 its
falfe inference, it makes a falfe comparifoni and the foU^
of its own inference and the fallacipfifnefe eji its oym coo^-
parifon, it attributes to another peripi^. Wc follow thf
work. It afiBrms that the rivals of Mr. Flood had' Zff^cA in
1782 to fupport a draft pf a clandeftine bill o|r treaty for im-
perial legiflation >yhich the pamphlet defcribes, ai^d ad<}s tl^at
they facrificed to flimfy and corrupt popularity the pe;ice of
a^es, &c. &c. Here are two ailertion^ which I $lp s^ffirna
publicly,and in the mpft unqualifie4 manner pontain iiot one

fyliabljB, or tittle, or ibadow of fa^ ; the twQ jiffiertioQS 9rc

•••, * J. ' ' ' ' *■" '*

wholely and ntoft ablolutely deftitute qf foundatioB. The
author of the pamphlet is called upon tp Aipport (h^qi-rr
tie has accefs to the Duke of Bprtiandj, tQ m^nj of th^
cabinet of 82, in both' countries, ^ad to Ac oS^i^l and
the un-official agents of that ti|i^e#

We h|^v^ feep ytx^ what liberality t&epf mp&Iet aflbrts,
will now fee iji^ith what (^economy itieafon^^ and certainly its
;falter in (a^: muQ preju4iee its authority in logic. It denies
.the fettjenient pf 82 tp havie been final ( the words of the Cstdc-
ment are as fQUo.wjS.: *' Hi^ Majdfty recommends it to take
Jinto (^Tifidergtipn^the^ifcpt^tents and jealoufies frevailiiig
in Irel^ndj \x{ oj^tx to come to fuch a ^nui adjuftment as
j^yj give ipjLitiijJ fatxsfa£Hon ta 1x>th ktogdoms^»*^ef
Jiis M^ff^g^ to the refpe£live Pariiamerits.— ^ParitaMcnt
•deplaref^ ^< that 90. body of men.w^tever hat any right

.to m^kc iaw Ipar If^V^fi i&vi&. Q»Jjr tl)^ King, h^di^ W
Commops th«r«^, tj^^t ^ i$ tb? Wrtlnrighi ©f iiht
people Ui wbU^^ ^ ^oce of 4Uir liberty exift$, and
which w? paaaot tuxf^^f biit H^iib pur M?eft"^8c^ A4^9^
Jdf the Irilh C^vnwoBf i<Jth of April-r-^* HiR M«jcfty M^
.Kconui^e^jled tb^ fuhj^ to his P^rliam^t^ of both ^tngi-
ioms, tj^Oimg tl^at tbfsir wlfdom >viU ife^p^jnf^Qd moafi»rc9
aainayteriiwn^Wifip>?«/adjttft?»^f'-^8cc bis M»j«fty'«
unfwcr.-r-^* the 94tifli legiflaturj I^6,CQ{ici)]Te4 te a r^folu*
tion to remove thecaufesof your difdontents and jealouficis
— the intention of the king, and wiilingnefs of the BritiQi
ParU^fi^ent com^ unaccompanied with ^tny^i^lathn or (on-^
i«b/^ tf/Aj^^v^.^-rr-Sep the Duke of Portland's fpeech^ 2 7(h
JMay-r-':* ,We ^Qt^^ttf,^ the refolution fpr an unqvalifiedy
;|M)conflltionaI repeal ^ the 6th of Qto^ L to be a meafure
^ JHftice ?pd wifdom, WQrtjiy of th^ ]Sriti(h Farttament^
api4 f W»iflHflg * . p^rpf tual pledge of mutual amity—
j(piti£ed; judL the^t particular^ no, cofiflitufmal quefiim
w^l ix(ft W tf^^en tb^ rwp countries to tDterropt their haiv
4fHWj*'— ^qe Irifli Coippioiis Anfwer 27th May.-**^ We te^
joicp that f^c, 1^9^^ of. Port Und . wiil foe banded down as
bjeodjed ^ith ^fuU apd perfofi eftahHfliment of the conftitu-
{iqn of Ireland^rrSee CommoBQ Addrefs to his Excellency
(ame day.-rr*^ His M^j^fty aflbres his Commons of his affiu>
tipqate 3^:ceptance of ibeir acknovledgmentg of his Ma*-
jefty's ^nd the Britiih ParKament'a atttntioa to their repre-
(ipnts^tion, and which they iQ jttftly conGder as furiiiifaing a
perpiUiql pledge of mutua) amity.-^The declaratbn that
Iff cmfiihitional fiifj/f/oyf between the two nations will any
longer exifl thfit ' can interrupt their hariAony, are very
mlfif^ag to him'* — 3ee the King's Adfwer tq Irifli Addrefs of
va7th May.-r-^' We have feen this great national arrangement
jlQ^i£b^ m abafis which fecurey the tranquility of Ireland,

and

10

•and unites the afieftions as well as the interefts of bdth '
4 kingdoms"— See Commons Addrefs at the clofe of thefeffion
of 1 782, '' Convince the people of your feveral ^odnties that
the two kingdoms axe now infeparaUy one, indiffidably con-
nected in unity of conftitution and unity of intereft— that
every juft caufe of jealoufy is removed — that the two nations
have pledged their faith, and theif beft fecurity will be an
adherence to that compaA.*' See thefecond fpeech of the
Lord Lieutenant at the ek>fe* of the feffian and the ad«
juftment.

Here is the record' ; the pamphlet propofes to do away
the force pf record by the force of intrigue, and to fet
up a private cotrefpondence of the then Lord Lieutr-
nant againft a public a£l. It produces an intrigue carried
<}n with- a view to clog the fettlement, as fufficient not
to condition or interpret, but to over-hawl and overfet'it-^
-«^it does not make the covenant conclufive on the infin-
cerity of the Viceroy, but the infihcerity of the Viceroy
conclufive againft the covenant^--as if it were poffib'fe
to conftrue away the obligation of a deed of truft by a
private proteft of the truftee, or as if treaties between
two nations were to ^be fet afide by the private letter of the
£nvoy. It goes further, itgives the private intrigue an ex-
tent whidi the intrigue itfelf never afFe£ted — ^it makes the
cotrefpondence, containing a wifli pending the adjuftment
and before its conclufion, to condition the Irifh claim of
right, tantamountto a public proteft purporting to render
it final in nothing. — The pamphlet ftates, << That all the
' ^^ parties looked on * the adjuftment of 1782 as leading
*< to a future political treaty.**— Would any one believe»
would any one conceive that the allcdged author kA that
pamphlet &ould be ignorant of the parties, to that *treatf,
that he fhould not know they were the King and the re-

fpe&ive

II •

t

^pedive Parliaments of the two countries; and that they
vere not| as he imagiaes^. the indiyiduals concerned in
bringing that treaty to a conclufion?

But. the author is ignorant of xhe fentiments of thofe in*
dividuals, as well as of the nature of the treaty. Thus
Mr. Fox's fentiments the pamphlet has mifreprefei^ted \ be
has declared that he wiihed to make the beft teems he
could for Great Britain \ but as Ireland would not coiidi-
tion her independence, he gave, up the fecond propoCtion*
It has iplftated the fentiment^ of General Fiezpatrick ; he
dedaxes that he was totally ignorant of the difpatch of the-
Duke of Portland, and tba^. he had at the very time aflured
the Irilh' Parliament, in the name of the Government which
be ^n reprefented, that no farther meafure was intended.
He 'has.miftated Mr. Grattan's fentiments, who publickly
declares that every part of the aflertion, as far as relates to
him, is totally unfounded, without a fliadow of colour or
pretence ; and calls on the s^uthor to fupport his aflertions*
But I think I could quote another, authority againft this
pamphlet ; it is another pamphlet in the name of the^famc
author pubUJhed in 1 798 ; which charges the people of
Ireland and the oppofition with a breach of faith in agitating
certain political and commercial . queftions, after the king-
dom had 'come to a final fettlement with England, << A
^* fettlement fo complete and fatisfaflory as to render a
*^ xsevival of political or conftitutional controverfies utterly
« impoflible."

That pamphlet accordingly quotes the addrefs of 1782 \
declaring that all conftitutional Queftions between the two
countries {hould ceafe, and it extends the word confiituti^
«M0/ to mean all commercial queftions ; and it extends the
'words between the, two nations to mean queftions between
the admimfiation and the country. This interpretation by

the

J^

i2

«

t%t f2tmph\tt of 1799^, iHra^a^ ekhar^gant it Ae opppcfiH
ihtcrpt^fttiort by Ae pamfpSIct of rlk>6, iir Aenantc of tfhtf
fame author. The authof n /£ffY made to AiStt foohi
Mr. Pitt^ and to fay that the adjuftment went to every
thing % the aMhor is^ here made ^ diBer fi^nfir htmfelf^» \i^ich
is mmch J^ f«r{rttliiift, ' ind l^ofay dial tUe idjtrftinfehi' tit^-
redded to* nofkhifg. Birt here I i>ir»uft 6bfeni*e', th^ it \9 xbt
aor^ultftfM only tbttt ish lAeontift^nty the fentrmertt isperfeft^
\f uitilotm^( it ^kdtaficedrCdv«(nMrt i^hift niiitti^n^r tedfrtfs;
and k il^^w licf^liiee^ IM IHII of tli6 lAiMifter againfl cove-*
i«»nfi. Tkutf ha« thi^f t$MipMei on tfee Ailjei^of a tiitiotial
t»<llty^ Cdtfpttliafed ^itH attraotdiilafry veKetfienco and ctofi*
dmw^ widteiviC lAd^itij^ iit^ i^Viki^ti #Mii»tiMno^lrig Wto
iR»«t^ fb« ptfttfe^) ivitlic^ kito>#9nj^ irito' fll6Me! k t!^ ^ar-
tiidllf Wtdfottf kno^tffg vrhtt wet<e^ thef fentimttM!^ of thte* pa^•
«te^ I in difed contirstdtOto^ to (ht fentimeMi6^ thfifjjrih^
d{>tf flfgefti^, And t6 tile fpokeilf} >;i^tetf aMtf ^fifYt^dO]^fnii^
m cjf the aBtdjged atitftor 6f tBfe pubUcattdt^. /

We fcttow tlkc trot* ; RatJng dettted * eovfertirtt whidi dStf
Aift, i« fabticMes at cmrenattt which neirex^had al^ eiSfE*^
eMce whatfoever ; it allem^ page 47*^ thaf shtaffi^mce bfl^n^-
five^ and defenfivC) Ik^s fotmdd 6^ certain* pdrtiea* in both
couiitrtes^ to pfey the independence of Ireland agaitffk theit
attitlgomft9^ 2d}y, it affirms the prittcipafobjeAo^ that al-
liance tO' be, to guard againft any fettleisiieiit ^id mi|^£
cut off the feurces of jealoufy AHid difcont^t bet^reen the
two nations. I do aver in the moft folemd, pubift and on-
qualified manner, that there' is not theleaft foundation^ co-
Ibuf or [5retence for either of thofe afiertions ; and it is with
gretft pain T feel mydilf foS'ced to declare, that they are aS-
folufely and wholly deftitute of any found^ation, in fa£l or
vtk truth 5 r refer to thcfe fa£fe —

Irhme*

'3

Immediately after the fettlement of ^1782, the Engllih
part of this pretended alliance wefft into oppofition; the
Irifli part of dkis pretended alliance, till 178^5, fupported
the goveminenti and fome of them, for years after > the
Englifli part of this pretended alliance oppofed the French
treaty ; the IriCb part fupported it ; ktnt of. the Englifli part
of this pretended alliance oppofed the Tear, the Iriih part
fupported it. Here then is a pCblick proof of the falfehood
of the firft pofition* We are furni(hed>with further means
of falfifying the fecond.

TH^ original propoi^tions that pafled the Iri&Parlianwnt in
1 785, were that>ery feitlement^whicfa the pamphlet defcribes^
tl^ is, a fettlement purporting to cut off the fources of any
remaining difcontenta and jealoufies between the two nati«
OQs, and they had our warmeft fupport. So that the pam-
phlet has been to indifcreet and ill advifed as to advance

and affirm two criminal charges pofitively and publickly^

»

hawing, within the reach of its author's knowledge, certain
fads, proving the falfehood of thofe very charges, at the
very time they were fo injudtcioiifly advanced.

The author is called upon to fupport them ; he muft have
accefs to the Duke of Portland, to Mr. Pelham, and to many
of thoie who muft have been parties in this pretended alii-;
ance. They are not our friends, they are his*

The work proceeds to ftate, but not to ftate fairly or
fully, the propofitions ; arid I caunot but again obferve,
that thefe friequent miftakes in fa£t muft create a preju-
dice againft its logic. The beft way of anfwering mifre-
prefentation is by reciting the fa£l. The original ten
propofitions were formed with the confent ,of the Britifh
cabinet; diey were the wcrk (at leaft the firft nine) as I

C underftand

14

unde|ftand of a gentfeman of this country, 'and thcV ibewcd
in tfieir ability and their compafs; the hand of a maf(er»
A tenth was added, which (lipulated for revenue to be given
by this. country to Great ]3ritain; that loth was altered in
the cabinet in Ireland and divided into two refoluxions, the
I (I declaring that no Irifli revenue ihould be given to Eng-
land until all Iri(h charges were previoufly fatisfied ; the ad^
tha( the Irifli revenue Ihould be raifed to the Irifli expences.
The Irifli miniftry took the new revenue and the Englifli
Parliament altered the original propofition. Pending thefe
alterations. Tome members of our houfe fpoke on the fub-
je A, and pledged themfelves that they fliould on the return
of the propoHtions give them oppoHtion in eafe they ihould
be altered even in an iota. I recollect Mr. Fofter fpeaking
to that point, he did not fo pledge himfelf, but I perfectly
recolle£t that the then attorney general did; the pamphlet has
given reafons for the inconftancy of his fentiments, give me
leave to juftify the uniformity of minew The bill founded
on the altered propofitions departed from th^ original ones
in the following particulars : it (lipulated for a perpetual re*
venue bill it (lipulated in certain leading and eiTential mat-
ters for a covenant of refercntUil legiflation, it included in
thsft covenant four articles of American commerce, it (lipn*
lated for the redu£lion of our duties of proteAion oli cotton
among others, and it gave us nothing i^n fubflance but the
re-export trade wlwh we have gotten without it. To the
public it is fufFicient to fay fo much, to the pamphlet it is nn-
ne<:e(rary to fay any thing » but when that pamphlet calls op-
pofltion to thofe altered prQpofitions a breach with England
and a facrifice of the common intered on the altar of fadion,
the author fl>ould be reminded, that the perfon whofe name
it aiTumes had pledged himCdf to oppofe thofe altered pro-
po(itions; that is, according to the pamphlet, to caufe that
breach with England and to make that facrifice on the altar

of

15

of fadion ; and alfo that a great part of the prefent cabi-
net of England did a£tually execute what the pamphlet calls
« breach with England, and facrificed the common intereO:
on the altar of fa£Hon— Lord Auckland, the Duke of Port-
land and moft of his connexions* iBut we ftand lYi need of ^
n0 authorities ; did we, lOiould quote Mr« Denis Daly, the
then mufter nxafter, who declared he could not fupport the
altered propofitions. The truth is, the oppofition to the bill
which comprehended them, was no breach with England,
however there might indeed mix in the debate an offcnfivc
difpofition.to contraft the two nations i but we muft always
diftinguifh between the nature of the queftion itfelf and the
craft of the expedant flattering the court of England by re-
siling his own country for his private advantage*

We foHow the pamphlet to the regency, and here its
charge againft the country is not her condud but her power.
The pamphlet reprobates the right of Ireland to choofe a
regent ; now, ihe is not refponfible for the right but the exer-
cife of it, and we have (hewn that (he exercifed that right for
the prefervation of the monarchy, and the connedlion. The
pamphlet ftatiss the power of choice to be tantamount to a
power of reparation ; but' who gave that power i it was the
law ; and who difplayed that power ? the miniller ; it was
he who dated that the two houfes of I^arliament in cafe of
regal incapacity Could fupply the deficiency cxkftly as they
thought proper, when a fervant of Government here main-
tained that the houfes of the firitifh Parliament could do
. more, and could provide for the deficiency in Ireland as well
as in England, that is to fay, could republicanize both
countries. He did not make our fitnation better, nor give
any great fccurity to the monarchy or the conftiftxtion.

N

i

The

^^

I-

'1

The pamphlet aiierts, that if the proceedings of cmr Ihir*

, fltament could have any effeflj we were feparated for fome

weeks from England. Now if we were Separated for au»

»^ hour, it was not by the proceedhi|;s of Parliament, that' is

'.^ fayi by the addrefs ^o the Prince, which npver had effe&,

. but by the indifppfition of his Majefty, w^hichhad efie£l| and

which alone had effed to fufpend thcToyal fua£tioo and of

courfe the only cbnnicding power of the two countries.

i

The pamphlet having confounded the proceedings of Par-
liament with caufes which Parliament fo^nd but did not
^ produce, proceeds to a grofs rnxfr^pr^fentation of concomi^
tant circumdances. It charges on the Paxliament the crime
of expedition* but it does not (late the caufe of it ; one cauTe
wa& the fedition of the trifli minifter ; — that miniftry appre*
faendq^ difmifTal and were forming an oppofition. The then
reprefentative of Majefty in Ireland was fuppofed to be en^-
plqyed at that time in canvafiing for 2i party againfl; the fu-
ture jGbvernment with the king'« commifllon in his pocke(.
Thus his Royal Highnefs would have been a regent in chains
with a court in mutiny.

The* pamphlet charges the commons at that time with

difrcfpefi to the king, marked by the limitation of the fupply.

The fa^ is true, but it is not true as the pamphlet ftates

it — the commons ai)ridged the grant Qf the fupply becaufe

the Kins's minifter in Ireland could not be trufted»

and he could not be trufted for the following reafons :—

becaufe he had declared he would make certain members of

Parliament vi^inis of ^heir vQtes^ becaufe he had eehfured^

the Parliament and the Parliament had cenfured him, and

becaufe one of his fervants had pronounced in Parliament

the neceffity of reforting to th^ rankeft corruption. It was

^0f thefe reafons that Parliament did not think proper to

jtrnft either with the revenues of the country.

The

••I - .

Tb&pon^hkt aflccUy that the Iri(h Parlianrentproctcdfld
wltboiu a iktk of evidence \ i% is not thp fad. The pamph-
1^ indeed^ aclaowiedge^ that m own chs^rge is qot truei by
maldpg another^ namely, that the IJoufe of Commons did
siotatten4to tbf evidence. Here it (S as deficielit in candour
as beftse in fa^ \ the cafe was, that the report of the phi-
fifian reg^diag th^ (late of. his Majeft/s health, had ap-
' jieared befoie in every paper \ it was a fubje£t too interefttn^
mad too melancholy not to be perfe£tly knowni^d was read
in the Hofife, pro forma* On this part of the fubje£l» the
pamphlet is^ in an eminent degreej indecorous and licenci-
011^ when it ifcain^ of the' Ho^fe of Commons \ nor is it
Jefe (q when itipe^k^ of the perfpns concerned in the pro-
ceedings of that time; 93 pf a k% of men whp had ^ccom-
plifhed % breach lict^een Great Britain and Ireland, and had
committed (I ,think the words of the charge are), enormities,
.The peribns gyiUy of thofe enormities were fome of the pre-
lent ferVaniB of the crown, a majority of two Houfes of
Parliament, feyeral biihopi, a great part of the prefent: ca-
hiaet of England, the Duke of Fartland and hi^party^ Lord
Spencer, who ws^s to have been Lord Lieutenant, and ^u
Pelham, who wa5 to have been his Secretary— -were it qot
prefumptious^ I p j^ht afcend n^uch higher.

An. alliance to play afgainft England the independency of
{reland, ^hofe bafis wa^ to prevent i^eafure^ of concord —
a bre^eh made between the two countries in 85-, and now
^ir enormitt<!s in the addrefs on the regency, are charges
- agtittft the Duke of Portland's party very unfounded and
very puerile, but maije with grtst boldnefs by ^e author,
who feems to enjoy a genius for crimination, which- in itB
extent and extravaganee, becomes barmlefs. The phamplet
diarges on that period much indecorum. I do lament it

« You

I

i8 ,

** You have fct up a little king of your own, faid a princi-
pal fervant of the crown, fpeaking to the Houfe of Com-
mons, and talking of his Prince with the vulgar familiarity
with which one flave would falutc his fellow.'' ^* Half ^
*• million or more was expended fome years ago, to break
" an oppofition, the fame or a gireater fum may be necefiary
** now" ; fo faid the principal fervant af the crown. The
Houfe heard him, I heard him, he faid it (landing on hiskgs
to an aftoniihed Houfe, and an indignant nation, and he
faid fo in the moft cxtenfivc fenfe of bribery and corrup-
tion. The threat was proceeded on, the peerage was fold, the
caitiffs of corruption were every where, in the lobby, in the
ftrcet, on the fteps, and at the door of every parliamentary
leader whofe threftiolds were worn by the members of the
jthen adminiftration, offering titles to fome, amnefty to others,
sind corruption to all. Hence arofe the difcontents of whieh.
the pamphlet complains-^againft fuch proceedings, and the
profligate avowal of fuch proceedings, againft the confe-
quences that followed — they were many and bloody, we did
then, and we beg now to enter 6nce more our folemn pro-
teft. «

Could that nation, who had refufed to obey the legjila-
tive power of the Britilh Parliament, who had armed for
her defence andhet freedom, who had recovered her trade,
reinftated her conftitu^ion, and acquired a great, and it (hall
not be my fault', if it be not an immortal name — could they
who had taken a part for that nation, in all lier glorious ac-
qiiifitions — could the nation or fuch men, could both for-
get themfelves, and fupport a rank inflrument of power, and
become its little comrade, and its copander in its dirty doings,
in the fale of the peerage,^ confpirajcies againft Parliament,
and its vile and vulgar abufe of the people*

A pamphlet

^9

A pamphlet of 98^ publifhed in the name of the fame
author, is pleafed to mention, that the experiment of con-
ciliation bad been fully and abundantly tried, and it parti-
cularly inftances, the acknowledgement of our Parliamentary
conftitution-*— it was an experiment, magnanimous on the
part of Great Britain, and her then minifter, and we btight
to take this public opportunity, of makings acknowledge-
ments to both, but we muft lament, that their noble pur-
pofes were counterafled, and their wife experiment be-
1^ traycd by a calamitous afcendency in the Iriih Cabinet,
from 89 of the above councils, at once fervile and infolent
who had oppofed the eftablifliment of the Irifh Conftitu-
tion, an^^ftarce were they placed in power, when they
planned itt overthrow, fet up a counter ei^periment, or
confptracy, to undo what England thought ihe had recog-
nized, and Ireland thought fhe had fecured, that very parli-
^ amentary conftitution, our bond of connexion, and pledge
of peace, and took two methods to accomplifh their crime,
both of which, they proclaimed with much public immo-
defty, but without danger ; a projed to pack a Parfiament
and a proje£^ to abolifh it.

We follow the work, it complains of the Whig Club, the
minifter was the author of it — his do£lrine, and his half
million were the authors of it, but Clubs of this kind
are only preferved by violence, that violence did happen
— ^an attack was made on the rights of the city, a doc-
trine was promulgated, that the common council had
no right to put a negative on the Lord Mayor, chofen
by the board of Aldermen, except the board itfelf (hould
afient to the negative put on its own choice, this doc-
trine was advanced by the court, to fecure the ele£lion
of the mayor to itfelf; in the courfe of the conteft,
a^minifter involved bimfelf in a perfonal altercation with

the

- 20

At citizens— n^tth Mr. Taadf » he had carried on a Iqpg
war, and with various fucccfii-^he wasjiow involved n
an akercatioa more general, in. the cocnpars of hSm^yknA —
he paid his coraptimeBts to the Whig Ciab^ and that cMb
ftdtanced the ihield cf a f^ee people over the ri^ts of Ac
city, and hiimhled.a minifter in the prefcace of (hofe citi*
zens whofe privileges he had invaded, and whofe perfens
be had calumniated. The pamphlet charges, the chib with.
» etime on account of a puUkatioa on the fvbjcsSk of the*
poor, pending a probaUe. iovafion — idts charge. At dus
time of a probable inv^^ion, is a bt^dj focned . (ok the
very porpofe of invcftigadng their condition with
fonie of' the officers, of ftate, and fever^ ckrgy at its
head^.*-^t fttch a time did fom6 of the 1^1^ ^^i^^
pnblifli hreatifes proving, thai: the peadntrjr covld ndt
live bf. their labour— did the author scad a very leam^^
ed pamphlet in favor of the Umon, pubiHbed by Mr»
Oougbfe, at a time of apprehended iiivaCaii» reconMnend-
ing Union as the belt means of relieviag the lower oider
from the oppreffion of the rich, and then he quoted Adana
£mith— ^id the author read Mr. Pitt^ pamphlet^ paUiihcd
pending an apprehended invaCon and condoling "with the
peafantry of Ireli^nd, on the great praBiad grievance of
tythes ? But to have done with fuch trifling, we foHow the
work to its charge againft the propounders of the reform
plan of 97 — the work fcts forth two plans, that of thofe
gentlemen, and that of the United Iriflimen— they difier in
the following eflfcntials — ^the plan of the former, left the
counties as they are, the former did not propofe to antmalize
Parliament — the former rejcftcd the idea of perfonal rq)re-
fcntation, theformcrdidnot^pTopofe'toaboHfli the oath takes
by the eleQor. What then did the former do—it deftroyed
boroughs, and it propofcd to fupply their phce by the prefent
freemen and freeholders, that is, by thofe whom the kw

calls

21

jcalls the Commons^k created no new conftituency^ but it
did what every plan of reform proCefles to emulate— it gave
reprefentation to the conftituency, that i$y to the Com«> ^
monsin the place of the monopQlift— when 1 fay it made
po new conllituc^ncy*-^! beg to make an exception^ it intro*
duced in the place of the pot walloper as he is termed , fub«
ftantial leafeholder» and fabftantiai houfeholdere, that xs^
It gave property more weigh^i and population di(lin£l: from
property lefs weight-*-on the whole it took away the ^ mo^
nopoilift and the potwalloping rabble, and^ communicated
the reprefentatation of the kingdom to the proptietors
therepfi as conftitu^ed^ its electors by law, or as entitled to
become. fuch by a property greater ^han the law had required*

The effeft of this plan had been to prevent an Union %
. if we are to advert to the evidence of the prifoner examined
by the Hottfes of Parliament, it had l;>een to prevent ^
rebellion, atid to break off* a French connexion. When
the pamphlet fets forth that Mr. O'Connor, &c.* approved
of this . plan it (hould have dated the whole truth, or have
ftated jiothtng i it has done neither- Tt has fjupprefTed
their declaration ^which was, that had that plan taken place,
they woul4 have broken off their conacdion with France*

Neither the hiftory of that reform, nor the hiftory of any
public mcafure, does the writer fet forth. A plan of reform

D hftd

* TIm axtthot is pl<af«d tP term Mr. 0*Cooaor our «iwv/«y««i/ friend^— Ui
' hb ixiiuiifcfio, ibeweilto tbe Irifli govern ment for pecmiflioD to pabPifh, Mr^
CX^oDpor iets forth that Czyt oQly on the queftion of rsfotni» he had 00
coouniliiication with us of any kind whatever— that manifefto mvft bare
bees feed by the author of the pamphlet, whothui makes anpther charge he
Jhovid have knomi to be groundlefs, and which he is now called on to
maiotau]* We 4o a^itcail for legal evidcpce, but if the aochor has any ev'i«
dence at all, fuch as would cooTiocc an hooeft man of the truth of any ^
thole charges, or jnftify an honefi man in making them, he is call^ upon
and leqaefted to produce that evidence.

22

had been propofcd in 93, and debajtcd in 94. It was objcfk-
ed firft, that the plan did not give fatisfadion ; in that the
moftvehcmcntpartizans ofparliamentaryrcform hadfignified
, their difapprobation — fccondly, that the plan, opened the
way to another plan or to the projetl of perfonal rcprefen-
tation. It became highly expedient before any other plan
was fubmitted to the confideration of Parliament, to be able
. to aiTure that auguft bodyi that fuch plan would give ge-
neral fatisfadiiony and put an end to the proje£i of perfonal
reprefentation. The pcrfons concerned in the forming that
plan) did accordingly obtain from the north of Ireland, and
moreover from the advocates of perfonal reprefentation^
authority to declare in ^Parliament, ^hat if the plan of 97
fhould pafs, they would reft fatisfied. If a further anfwer
to the auf hor be neceffary, it is liis own avowal of his own
principle, viz. that no Irifh reprefentation at all is necefia-
ry, an4 that hefliould be fatisfied to be governed by the
Engiifh Parliament, without a fingle reprefentative- * With
fuch a perfon, I (hall^ ho further difcufs the fubje^ of repre-
fentation.

We follow the work to the Catholic queftion : It is
pleafed to quote me as follows, " Let me advife you by
*^ no means to poftpone the confideration of your fortunes
' ** till after the war, your phyfical copfequence exifts in a
** ftatc of feperation from England^ &c.** I am extremely
forry to be obliged to declare again what I have been com-
pelled to do fo often ; that this paragraph publifhed as mine
by the author of the pamphlet, is not mifinterpretationy
not mifreprefentation, but palpable fabrication. I never
faid nor publiihed, that the phyfical confequence of any
part of his Majefty*s fubjedks exifted in a ftate^ of feperation
from England, ^or any thing that would warrant that in-
terpretation ; but I did fay the reverfe — ^that as our do-
meftic fecurity confifted in concord with another, fo our

fccurity

.^3

fecurity agairift an inyader from abroad, depended on our
connexion with Great Britain. On this e^preiTion then
boldly attributed to me, but which I never delivered, the
aothor founds twaicharges 2t deftitute of truth and unreal

36 the foundation' on which thejr reft-^a rhargp. nf yf^ynhitmn

and jacobinifin. The author in a produflior ^

his name, in one of the public papers, is ma ^aJ that a

certain party had reforted to the Catholic fiili as a nevr fub*
jtSt of difcontent, after the Place and Penfion Bill had '
been conceded : here again I am forced to lament the ne^- '
ceffity of declaring that this afiertioh alfo is totally and
a)>folutcly d^ftitute of foundation — and X will prove its
departure from the f^£l, by the proceedings of Parlia**
iDpnt. The firft Catholic Bill. after that of 1782, pafied'
in 92— rthe fecond, early in the feffion «f 93—- pand the
place and peniion bill did not pafa till' the clofe of it, fo
that the refutation of. the charge, appears on the ralk of.
Parliament. .Asto|hela(l Catholic Bi]!, they to whom*
fap ^Uudes, did not refort to it as anew fubje^i of difcon-
tent to annoy the governnient, being at that time them<«
felves the adminiftration — it follows, there is an arith«>
inetic and moral impoilibility of tl^e truth of this charge of
the author; . I beg indulgence in addition, to ftate a few
fa£ts — the Cs^tholics were not excited to come forward, by
an opppfition, they were induced to come forward by
Mr. Mitford's Bill in 91 — they came at the latter end of the
felEon of that y^ar to fomjp of our party, myfelf among
others, to know whether we (hould not advife them to
petition Parliament for further indplgences^^-my anfwer
was, I am youi: friend, but jgo to the Secretary and conful^ .
him ; don't narrow your caufe to the fate of an oppo-
fition and a minority. I give this advice as a friend to
your body — in the winter of 91, I was applied to Mr.
R. Burke with a requeft to know my fentiments on the'
Catholic fubje£t, which I did not difcfoie to him, declaring
at the fame time^ my good wilhes to the Catholic body, and

D 2 on

24

on the opening of '4lie fe<&on, in January 92,' I gave the
Catholic a decided fupport. Forgetting this, the pamphlet .
quotes a declaration^ ** that the Catholics could not induce
any one memberof Parliament to patronize tKeir petitioa..
This declaration was publiflied, Dccembor, 92^ and the;
author charges from thence, that until the petition wa^
recommended bj minifters, we had been catholic perfe-*
cutors* That charge alfo is a^departure from hOt^ I teotem*
ber giving in (upportof the catholic petitioni and claims «'
^decided voice and vote in 1792*

In January, 93, their elaims came recommended from
the throne, and in fupporting their bill fo fecommended ;
I obferved, that however, I might think it wer^ judicious
to go farther, I did think the bill communicated, moft im-
poitant rights. In the fdfion of 94, the catholic Tubjed was-
not mentioned, but in fummer, on a change beidg made in
' the BritiOi Cabinet, being informed by fome- of' the lead-
ing petfons therein, that the adminiftration ofthelrifli de-
partment was tobebng to them, and that thej had {ent for
us to adopt our meafures, I ftftted the cathoKc emanctpation,
as one of them. Thus the charge that we were originally per- '
fecutors of the catholics appears to be a departure from the
'fa£l. Thus the charge that we took up the catholics after
the pafling of the place and penlion hill, as Iiiih matter of
oppofition, appears, likewife to be a departure from fad.
The proofs are. in. the proceedings of Parliament

The pamphlet of 98, in he authors name, has {M(, that
the experiment of conciliation was abundantly tried. Here

I IS the fecond experiment, and here it is but juft, to acknow-

ledge the wifdom of his Majefty, ai\d the benignity of his

I Imentions^

\

intentioitSy when pc wai gvacioufly plcafe4 to recommend the
CatlK>lics in 1 793, in his fpeech from the Thronc» To that
this body thus royally patronized, might be attache^ not
only to the conftitution, yrhok privileges they were to par-
ticipate, but to the gfeat perfona^e, alfoi at whpfe fpecta)
interpofition, they were thus- parentally, and majeftically
recommended. But as in thp fifft experimtent, the people of
England, fo in the fecond, was his Majefty betrayed, by
thofc infatuated, weak, and pernicious pounfels, which ha4
been in 89, the inftruments of political coi^uptiop^ an4
i|ow became the horn of ^religious difoord,

I will gire the learned author every advantage, and fup-
pofe ^soDtrary to my fixed and unakemUe opinion, the po«
licy of exdiiding tbe C9tfaolic»'(TQia the Conftitution ; yet
ihottld I nereHheleis condemn die hoftUe, and outrageous
.manner ^n which that exclufion, was defended, ** |f, fays
he, tb^ Catholic? dp* not fubrert the proteftflknt govern-^
inent, they muft refift the ruling pafions, and propenfities
qf the iuunan lakKl .; they can never be cordially zffe&td
to his M9jefty*s Government* I am oon'fident, the old
ronoaa foperft.ition, is as rank in Ireland now, as ia4i— ?
the pcpfodnd igoorfince of the lowerorder^ the general abhor-"
rence of the proteftant religion, by the people, qualify them tp
receive aipy impreffion their priefts can make, and if their
minds be divefted of veneration fdr the prieft, fuch is the
ignoranqe, and barbarity of the people, that they would fall
into a fta|e of rude nature«-the popiih fuperftitition is not
coqfioed tp the tower order, it flourifhes in full vigour^
amoogft ,the higher order/' /

This was the language, improper becaufc not founded
IB fad J and impolitic and indecent in a. minifterj though

the

a6

* * « -

. the fiafts could fiipport it. The bcft way to diftinguifli the
indecoTuin of fuch fpcech, is to advert to a fpeech made
on the fame fide of the queftion by a gentleman who
faid every thing that could be urged againft their pretenfions,
without uttering a fingle fyllable which could give ofience
to their perfons, fo that the Catholics might much more
eafiiy forgive the latter his vote, than the former his fpeech^
and on a comparifon of the two produflioh^, you will fee
the eminent fuperiority of fenfe with temper over talents
without it. There are two fides in this qiicftion which men
of pri.'iciple might take, for the meafure or againft it, but
the miniftry that took both parts could be juftified by neither;
the fa£k was, that the miniftry encouraged the Pfoteftants,
and forfook them afterwaixi; they brought forward the
grand juries, and left them alfo^then to the Cathi^ics — then
to the Froteilants— then back again to the CathoKc, and then
to the Proteftants once more. This was a great miftake,but
there was a greater^ and that was to be found in thofe
fpeeches and publications from a- quarter in high confidence^
which vilified the a£ts of concef&on iii the mom^t of con-
ferring them, and ajSe£ting.to fupport the King's Govern-
ment, called t|ie bill he had recommended an oBof ififamty ;
the incoherent plan was erroneous, but this was infatuation^
it was the petulance of power, it was the infolence of
ivealth, it was the intoxication of fuddqn and giddy eleva-
tion, breathing out on a great and ancient defcription of his
Majefty's fubjc£ls, the phrenzy of his politics and the fiiry
of his faith, with all the^ impoveriihed anger of a feverifli
and diftempered intelle£t. It went to deprive the Protcftant
afcendancy of the advantage of temper, and of the^raciouf-
nefs of good manners which ihould always belong to the
powerful feci ; it went to deprive the ftate of a certj^in
eomelinefs of deportment and mild dignity which ihould
always belong to Government ; it fought in the king*s co-
lours

ay

lours agalnft the king's benevolence^ k went t» deprive his
Majefty of the bleiTings of gi;atitude and his people of the
blff&ngs of concord •> it y exit to corrode where the crown
had intended to heali- and it curdled with the temper of the
mimfter^ the manna that was defcending from th^ throne.

The argument that accompanied this inve£live was of
little moment ; a man in ^ fiiry can't argue ; the weaknefs of
his reafoning will be exa£tly in proportion to the ftrength
of his paffionf

Behold a melancholy example of the vi£tory of human
paiBon over the human underftanding. The prefent dan-
ger of the papal power after the depofition of the Pope^ the
incompatibility of the real prefence, and the worihip of the
Virgin Mary, with the intereft of the Houfe of Hanover
and the incompetency of Parliament to alter the oaths of
its own members, fuch are the author's arguments. How- ,
ever) if the pamphlet of 98 denies the competence of
Parliament^ here comes the pamphlet of 1800 to confole
yoU) and as the otie fets the.law above the law-maker, fo the
other fets the law-maker above the Conftitution, and both
together would pjove that the legiilature is incompetent to
admit a Cfttholi^, but is perfe£lly competent to deftroy a
Parliament.

We leave thefe arguments and the vehement fpirit with
which they are poured forth, and come to the clofe of the
pamphlet and the beginning of the fubje£l, theUnion. Of loi
pages, 26 only are devoted to the queftion, the reft contain
feelings, battles, and fores from a perpetual encounter with
all defcriptitfns of men and with patriotifm in all ages. As
the author fcarcely argues the queftion of Union or indeed
aflk£ls it, here I (hall fay but little -, howcvertwo great points

.r

V ^

28

he woaki eftablifli I beg to advert to. They contain po&tU
ons which are not only glaringly unfounded but exceedingly
dangerotis : the ift» that this coutftry is unable to pay her
eflabKfhivientSy 2d, that her Conftitutlon is incompetent to
provide for her fecurity. He attempts to warrant his firft
by a ftatement affe£ling to prove that in three years if flie
was to continue Without sin Union , we (hall owe 50|Ooo,oooL
He ftatcs that we borrow annually S,Qbo,obo, he fliould have
ftatcd that we borrow but 4,000,000 ; whatever capital we
nray create on each loan, he (hould have ftated how much
)ef$ we fhould borrow on the adoption of an Union. He
(hould have ftated that the projc£lor8 of the Union onlf
proffered the payment of i lOoe^ooo of our war eftabHfluBent,
that the prefent year was provided for, that ^ (aving in
the two following years of war will be, accoiding to this
proffer, but 2,ooo,qoo, and the purchafe of borou^s will be
1,500,000. He (hould have ftated further that our war
contribution was rated at 4,400,000^ and tiut our prefect
war expence was only 4,652,000, fo that the proficr
appears fallacious, and if we be unable to fupport our p0e»
fent war expence, we will be unable to fupport our war
contribution, and the reader will obierve the prefent war e&«
pence is an occafional war eftabliihment, grincipally caufeil'
by infurredion, whereas the war contribution will in all
probability be a permanent war contribution, except as far
as it may be augmented *. But there is an anfwer to his
argument which is more decifive, it is his own argument
in i7pS which is as follows : ** Firft, as to the adequacy of
the Con(Ktution for the parpo(k of (bcurity and connexion,
then for that of wealth and profperity.

' A Parliament

« See Lord Faraham's moft excellent pamphlet, and likewUc hit moft /»•
dicious ipcech oa the fubjeA of Union*

" A Parliament, perfeQJy diftinfi from; and independent
of the other Parliament^ forms a fyftem the moft criti«
cai and complicated ; to aoommoa obferver, utterly im«-
pradicabie ; but experience has proved, that in the midft
of popular turbulence, and in the convulfion of ranco->
tousand Violent party contefts^ thelrifli Parliament, as it
is now conftitated, is fully competent to all political and
beneficial purpofes of Government ; that it is fuHy com-
petent to prdteS this, which is the weakerCountry, againft
encroachment, and to fave the Empire from drfiblution^
by maintaining the Conftiiutional connexion of Ireland
with the Brttifh Grown.**-^Here is the refutation of his fe-
cond great argument publiibed by himPelf. Hear him con*
quer himf^lfinhis pamphlet of 98— here (page 5) he writes
as follows ^* there 16 not a Nation in the habitable globe,
*' which -has advanced in cultivation and commerce, in
** agriculture and manufactures, with the fame rapidky in
** the fame period,"— fpeaking of Ireland fince the Gopfli-
tution of 82 yil, for the lafl 20 years.

Here we add nothing, but that the author has been, by
his own account, recommending an Union for tb^fe eight
years J he has been, according to hi) own accoqnt, betray-
ing the Conftitution in the very moments pf his panegyric.

On this important difcovery let others expatiate ; to ua
it is more nriaterial to obferve on his work, where it fets
up our Hiftory againft our Conflitution, and the annals of
the Parliament againdits legiflative capacity^ To eftablifh
this, he has thought It prudent to advert, to four periods, in
which the greateft legiflative quedions were fuccefsfully
diicufled, and the greateft legiflative abilities were tri*
umpfiantly difplayed.

^

This pamphlet quotes the period' of 1753, *"^ relates,
that a queflion regarding a furplus in the treafury wa»

£ then

then Afrted, to try the ftrength of f wo faftions ; which,'
in its confequence, tranfmttted a fpirit, that afterwards de^
graded the Parliament ; what, when, or where, this Pariia-^
mentary degradation appeared, we are at a lofs to difoover;
this is- not hiAory, nor comment, nor fa£k, but it is a
garbling of hiilory to eftablifli a conclufion the oppoiite of
that which the hiftory itfelf would adminifter y the principle
then determined, the importance of that principle, the
abilities difplayed on the difcuiBon of it, the real efFed of
both on the public mind, have efcaped the pen of the
hiftorian; from that pen ^you woold collefk, that Mr.
Malone and Mr. Pery were nothing more than two prize-
fighters, embattled in the caufe of fadion, under two
great ftate criminals, the Primate and Lord Shannon ; that
they agitated a matter of no moment, but that they pro<^
pagated fedition of great moment^ aod fatal confequenoes
to the next generation^ '

fiaving thus difpofed of the Parliament, and the ch^-
ra6kers of 53, without the . vexation of any ftudy, or
iordtd obligation to fa£t, the pamphlet proceeds to difpofe
of the charafiber of the Houfe of Commons and the
principal Gentlemen of the country for i $ years' longer.
ft had 6bfore reprefented them as incendiaries, it het^
reprefents them as plunderers ; it fets forth, that under the
pretext of public improvement, the Commons plundered
the country ; and that their Parliament, to pay their Par-
liamentary following, plundered the treafury, until they
impofed on the crown, the neceflity of rcforting for fup-
ply to Parliament ; which the author mod pathetically
bemoans, and which he feems to think the only great grie*'
Mnceof the country.

Hiving given thisHifipryof Parliament, from (53) to
(68) it advances to the admuiiftration of Lord Town-

(hend j

3«

Aend, in which it feem$ to recoiled nothing but the noift
fa( oppofiUon.

The pamphlet pf 98, in the nan^e of the author, had ob-
ferved, that from the revolution of 82, the fyftem adopted by
thofe in whom the powef refided (they were thofe, amonj^
others^ whoni he had juft been pleafed torepfobate, as incen-
diaries and plunderers) was to c(;ment the connexion whicl>
had fo long fubfifted betweep Great Pritain and Ireland, tQ
their mutual advantage ^ the pamphlet pf 1800 is pleafed to
);>bferve, that the precedent of their goyernment| was fatal f
and that a fyfteip was formed on jt, that would beat down
any nation on earth; aocorditigly^ it fiates, that the Eng-
li(h Gpyernrpent opened their ey.es, (book indeed th^
ariftocracy^ but generated a race of political adventurers^
full of noife and indecorum. I think I have heard fpruce
authority as petulant and indecorous as young, ambi-
tion. The attempts of the court to pack a Parliament at
that peripd, the encreafe of the eftablifhment, for that
purpofe, the gre^t, abilities difplayed, the altered mo*
ney-rbill^ prote(k| prorogation^ in fliort, the hiftory of the
period, once more efcapes this hiftoriati.The learned author
now approaches the year 79-^the expedition of hi9
march is very great, and very liberally does he leave un*
touched every thing behind him ; he is arrived ; and here
he fcarcely is ftricken with apy thing worthy his hiftory^
tsive only the weaknefs of Lord Buckinghamfhife, in ar-
raying the Volunteers, and the ilKberality of the nation^
in demanding a free trade; the pamphlet conimends the
Volunteers of that period ; and yet I think I remember a
young fiarrifter going forth in his cock-boat, and fcolding
the waves of that ocean, and the waves regarded him n6t.
Certainly the Volunteers did take a moft decifive part ill the
political and commercial queftion of that day. Well, he has
flpne with the year 79 ; whatever he had to fay on

E 2 . the

.3*

the great queftions then difcufled, and en that mQft preg-
nant period, in a few lines he has faid it ; hiAory is nothing
in his hands ; in his account of the Pariianient of Ireland
for 30 years, the learned author has fjve ideas, and thpfe
are afl ; ladion in 53 ; plunder till 68 ; then the noife of
oppofition ; then the ureaknefs of government ; then thd
ungenerous pfooeedings of Parliament ; and as he before
condemned your efforts to regover your trade, with
oblique cenfu re, fo now he condemns your efforts to reco-
ver your conftiiution, with dire£l animadverdon ; he calls
the fettlement of S2, the Operation of a colony from
Oreat Britain ; bold adulation of England, this ; the aU
ledged author of the pamphlet, was in Parliament the
1 6th of April, $z ; heihadeno obje6tion to this fepara«
tion^ he was in Parliament, the 27th of M^y, 82 ; he
stiade no objeSion to the feparatipn } he i^rote me a fet-
ter ef congratulation at that tiine, on the fucce(« of that
fettlement t he did not there mention this feparation.
Reading this publication now, and in the fociety of the
two other pamphlets of the fame name, every (riQiman
feels hitnfelf lefs a gentleman, and n^ore a flave. The
pamphlet in its eblique cenfure, and id its dire£l ani*
madveriion, difparages every great slQ, and every dif-
tinguilhed charaSer in;his Country, for the taft 50 years^

Mr. Malooe, Lord Pery, l^te Lor^ ShiinnoD, Diik<^
of Leinlder, the K(r. Ponfonbys, Mr. Brownlow, Sir WiU
• liam Oft>orac, Mr. Burgh, Mr. Dajy, . Mr. Yelverton,
Mr. Ogle, Mr. Flood, Mf. Forbes, Lord Charlemont^
ud myfelf; I fallow the author through the graves 06
theft honourable d^«d men, for moft of them are fo ; and.
I beg to raife up their tombftones/ as ^ he throws thenf^
down; Ifirel it more inilrudivc to converfa with their
aflies, than with bis cocnpofitions.

/

' Mr* Malonei

3*

Mr. Malooe, one of the characters of 53, was a tni|i|
of the fined intellect that any cquntry ever producec^,-^
f* The three ableft men I have evjcr heard, were Mr. Pitt,
(the Father) Mr.Murray and Mr. M^lcne; for # popular
aflenibly I virould chufe Mr. Pitt; for a Privy Council,
^* Murray; for twelve wife men, Malone,'* This was
,the opinion )^hich Lord Sackville, the fccrptary pf S5> gave^
of Mr. Malone to a Gentleman from whom I heard it.
f* He 18 a great fea in a palm'^ fj^ii) Mr* perrard Hamil-
ton, another great judge of men and talent$j ** aye,*^
h was replied, 5* but had ypu (een him when he wa^
young, you would have faid he was a great fea in a florm ;*'
&nd like the fea whether in oalm or ftorip, hp was a great
produQion of Nature,

Lord Pery, he is not yet canonized by (ieath ^ bat he^
like the reft, has been panonixed by flander. He was
more or lefs a party in all thofe meafures, H^hich the pam^
phlet condemns ^ and indeed in every great ftatute and
meafure that took place in Ireland the laft 50 years ; a maa
of the mod legiflatjvp capacity I ever knew, and the moft
Comprehenf^ve reach of under0anding I everfaw; with
a deep engraven impreffion of piiblic care, acconipanied
by a tennper which was tranquillity itfelf, and a perfonal
firmnefs that was adamant ; in his train, is every private
virtue ihat can adorn human Nature,

Mr. Brownlow, Sir Wm. Oiborne, | wi(h we had
inore of thefe criminals ;*— the former feconded the.addreff
of 82'— and in the latter and in both, there was a ftatioa

*

of mind, that would have become ih^ proudeil fenate in
^urope. ^

Mr. Flood, my rival, a$ the pamphlet calls him^-and
I (hould be un^yo/thj the chara£ter of his rival, if in hi|

jrave

34

grave I did not do him jiiftice— 4e had his faults^ bat
he had great powers; great public efFed; he perfuaded
the old, he tnfpired the young ; the jCaftle vaniflied before
l)im; on a fmall fubje£k he was miferable; put into
kis handy a diftaff, and, iike Hercules, he made fad work of
it ; but give him the thunder-bolt, and he had the- arm of
a Jupiter; he misjudged when he transferred himfelf to the
£ng)i(h P^rh'ame^nt ; he forgot that he was a tree of the
fbreft/ too old, and too great to be tranfpianted at 50 ;
and his feat in the Britifli Parliament, is a caution to the
friends of Union to (lay at home, and make the country of
their birth the feat of their adion.

Mr. Burgh, another great perfon in thofe fcenes, which
it is not in the little quill pf this author to depreciate.— ^He
was a man finguhrly giftcd-*-with great talent; great vari-
tj ; wit, oratory, and logic ; he too had his weaknefs ;— *
but he had the pride of genius alfo ; and drove to raife his
country along with himfelf; and never fought to build bis
ctevation on thedegradatioaof Ireland.

» r

I moved an amendment for a free export ; tie moved
a better amendment, and he loft his place ; I moved 3
.declaration of riglit ; ** with my laft breath will I fup-
•* port the right of the Irifli Parliament,'* was his note to
me, when I applied to him for his ilipport ; he loft
theclianceof recovering his place, and his way tothefeals^
ibrwhioh he might have bartered. The gates of promo-
tion were (hut on him, as thofe of glory opened*

Mr. Daly, my beloved friend-^he, in a great mear
fure, drew the addrefs of 79, in fav0ur of our tr^de;
that ** ungracious meafure ;** and he faw, read, and ap-
proved of the addrefs of Sa, in favour of Conftitution;
tliat s^ddrefs of "reparation j" be visited me in iny jllnefs, at

that

35

that ititment, and I had commiihication on thofe fubjed&t
with that man, whofe powers of oratory were next to
perfedion ; and whofe powers of underftanding, I might
fay, from what has lately happened, bordered on the fpi*
rit of prophecy^

Mr. Forbes, a name 1 (hall ever regard, and a deatd
I Ihalleverdepldre-^cnHghtened, fenfible, lafiorious and
ufeful— proud in poverty, and patriotic,- he preferred ex^
ile to apoftacy, and met his death. I fpeak of the dead,
I (ay nothing of the livirrg, bat that I attribute to this con^
ftcllation of men, in a great meafure, the privileges of ^
your country; and I attribute fueh a generation of men,
CO the refidence of your Parliament.

The MinHlers of the Crown, who, in the times rela-
ted by the psmplilet, did the King's bufinefs, were refpeQ-
able and able men j they fupported fohietimes aSs of pow-
er, but they never, by any (hocking declaration, outraged,
the Conftitutioa; they adjufted themfe Ives to the idea of
fiberty, even when they might have offended againft the
principle^ and always kept on ternfs of decency with th&
People and their privileges; lea(t of all, did they indulge
in a termagant vulgarity, debafing, to a plebeian level, -
courts and fenates, and mortgaging Irifli infamy on a fpe-
culation of Britifli promotion.

*

In the Vid of injured charaQers I beg leave to fay a few-
words for the good and gracious Earl of Charlemont; an
attack not only on his meafures, but on his reprcfentative,
makes his vindication feafonable ; formed to unite ariftocra-
cy and the People, with the manners of a court and the
principles of a patriot,with the flame of liberty, and the love
of order, unaflailable to the approaches of power^ of profit,
or of titles, he annexed to the love of freedom, a vene-

r

ratioa

36

ritton for ordef; and cad on the crowd that fotlowed l)im^
;^he gracious fhade of his own accomplrfhments ; fo that the
very rabble grew civilized^ as it sipproached his perfori ;
for years' did he pre(idc'6ver a great army, without pay or
Reward; and he helped to accomplifh a great revolution'^
without a drop of blood.

Let flaves utter their {lander, and bark at glory whicti
J8 conferred by. the People ; his name will (tand;— and
xvhen thefr clay fliall be gathered to the dirt to iirhich they
belong, his monument, whether in marble, or in the
hearts of his Countrymen, fhall be conftilted as a fubje£t
of forrow| and a fouree of virtue.

Should the author of the pamphlet pray^ he could not

aik for his Ton, a greater blefling, than tt refemble the

good Carl of Charlemont ; n6r Qould that fon repay that

' Dlefling by any a6t of gratitude more filial^ than by conw

mining to the flames his Father's publications.

I have attettipted to vindicate the dead^ let us now viodi-^
cate the Parliament. Th^ queftion of ^3, was the
beginning, in this country, of that Conftitutional fpirit
which aflcrted a^erwards the privilege of the Common^
and guarded and husbanded the efTential right of a free Gon«^
ftitution ; the qucftion was of its very eflence; but the '
effed fp'read beyond the queAion^ and the ability of the
debate^ inftruSed the Nation, and made her not only tena-
cious of her rights, but proud of her underftanding. There
might have betfn party-5*^there might have been faftion,
mixing with a great public principle; fo it was in the time
of Ship Money ;— ^fo it was iri the revolution ;— in ihefe
inftances the private motive mixed with the public caufe;
hut ftill it wa^ the caufe of the public and the caufe of li-
berty ; in gtirat moral operations as well as in the great
operaiions of Nature, there is always a ' degree of wafte

and

•5 / \

and overflow j fo it is with the fea ; (hill we therefore pro*
pounce ,the oeean a nuifances?' 'thus, afterward, in the tim^
jvhich the pamphlet dpfcrifees as the period ot plundjer, there
was a fpirit^f private jobbing, mixing with the fpirit of
public improyement; but that fprrit of public improve-
inent and the comniencement ^nd birth of public eafe, wa^
fhere alfo, and fo continued, from the time of the pro*
foundiy fagacious Lord Pery, to The timeofMr. Foflicr
^nd his wif^ regulations^

In the hiftory of Parliament, I obferve the learned hifto?-

vian omits her laws— the corn law— the oQennial bill— the

tenantry bill*^he has not only forgotten our hiftory but Aif

fwn^ and moft impartially cpntracfiSls what is written by

himfeifas well as others. ^- No Nation in the habitable

^f globe, jn cultivation^ in commerce, in agriculture, in

^' manufadure, has advanced in the fame rapidity within

<^ the fame period,'^ fays the pamphlet of 98, in the name

of our author^ (p^g^ 5) ; '^ & fettlement fo complotat and

*^ fatlsfadory, as to render the revival of political or Coh^

^' ftitutional queftions utterly impo(nbIe,"T-rfo faid the (ame.

pamphlet, (page 9), fpeaking of the fettlement of 8^ ;

" a Parliament, (fpeaking of the Irifli Parhament) fully

^' competent to all pra£tical and beneficial purpofes of Go<*

*' vernment, fully competent to prefei*ve this Country,

^^ which is the weaker, againft ehcroachnient, and to fave

♦* the Empire from diffolution, by maintaining the Con-»

•* ftitutional connexion with Great Britain,"— fo faid the

fame pamphlet*, fpeaking of the Conftitution of 82; thu^

have thefe different works fiirniflied their own anfwers, and

like Dppofite poifon admlnidered their cure~and their contra-*

<Ii£tion :— In preparing that Conftituionj, and that trade, the

Irilh Parliament had great merit, and the fervants of tho

Crown had great merit j-r-as the author hf^s cenfured the '

proceedings of both, let me be their vindicator;

thoft fervants of the Crown proved th^mfelves to be Irifli-?

38

men* and fcorned to barter their honour for their otRcc ;
that Parliament, whofe condu6^ the pamphlet reprobatc^^
had fccn the Country, by reftriftions on commerce, and
by an illegal embargo on her proviHon trade, brought iti
79, to a ftate of bankruptcy; that Parliament had repofed
ih the liberality of the Britifh Parliament an inexorable
confidence ; that Parliament waited and waited, till (he
found, after the Englifli Seflion of 78, nothing could be
expeSed ; and then, that Parliament (and here behold the
recuperative principles of our Conftitution, and contem-
plate Parliament, as the true fourpe of legitimate hope, tho^
ibmetimes the juft objefi: of public dirapprobation), that
Parliament at length preferred a demand ; I fay a demand ;
for a iree trade, exprefled in a (entence, the grievances of a
Country ; they (horten the Money Bill, aflert the fpirit of the
Country, and fupported a9 they were by the whole Nation,
break in one hour, that chain, which had blocked up your
liarbour9 for ages ; they follow this by a fupport of Governr
ment atxdof Empire, as ample as was their fupport of their
Country and her commerce, bold and irrefiftible, and do
more to deter and intimidate the common enemy, than all
your prefent loans, and all your efiablifhments.

I come to thefecond period ; and here they fall back j
here they z6t relu£lantly ; but here you fee again the ral-
lying principle of our Conftitution } that veryParlia?
- inent, whom the pamphlet villifies, whom the Miniflep
thought he had at his feet, thofe very Gentlemen, whon^
the pamphlet difparages, whom the then Secretary relied
on, as a rank majority^ made a pommon paufe with the
People ; made a common caufe with their liberties ^ and
afliiled and backed by the voice of that people, preferved^
carried, and e{labli(hed, the claim, inheritance, and Hr
berjties of the realm, and fent the S,ecrctary poft to
England, to recant his political errors in bis own
country, and to regifter that recantation in the rolls of hi$

39

own Partiament. Thefe atchievements we are to
edimate, not by the difEcuIties of the day^ but by the
difficulties refuhing from the depreffion and degradation
of ages. If we confider that the People sind Parliament,
who. had thus affoclated for the defence of the realm,
and had added to the obj^ds of their aflTociafion, the
caufe of trade^nd liberty, without which that realm did
not deferve to be defended ; had been in a great meafure
excluded from all the reft of the world, had been deprefs-
edfor loo years, by commercial and political oppreflion,
and torn by religious diviiions ; that their Minifters had not
feldom applied themfelves to taint the integrity of the
higher order, and very feldom (except as far as they con*
curred in the bounties of the legiflaturc) applied themfelves
to relieve the condition of the lower order; that fuch a people
andfuch a parliament fhouldi fpontaneoufly aflbciate, unite,
arm, array, defend, illuftrate, and free their country ; over-
awe bigotry, fupprefs riot, prevent invafion, and produce,
at the offspring of their own head armed cap-a-pee,
' like the Goddefs of Wifdom iffuing from the Thunder-
er, Commerce and Conjlitutiou \ what (hall we fay of
fuch a People, and fuch a Parliament ? let the author of
the pamphlet retire to his cfofet, and afk pa/don of hia
God, for what he has written againft his country I

I ftate thefe things, becaufe thefe things have been call-
ed clamour ; I ftate thefe fa£b, in oppofition to flander, as
the defeoce of my country ; to reftore from calumny, the
chara£ter of her Conftitution; and to refcue from obli-
vion, the decaying evidences of her glory.

/

I think I know my country— I think I have a right to
know her ; ftie has her weaUneffes ; were flie perfeft one
would admire her more, but love her lefs. The Gentle-
men of Ireland a£k on fudden impulfe j but that impulfe

is

0
I

18 (he refult o^ 1 warm hearl, a ftr«ng head^ and great
/ |)erfonal deterrhination ; the errors^ incidental to fuch a
|>rinciple of a^ion, mult he their errors^ but then, the
virtues belonging to that principle, muft be their virtues
alfo ; fuch errors may give a pretence to their enemies,
but fuch virtues afford (alvation^toth'ir country ; the Mi-^
fiifter fliould therefore fay, what I fay to my countrv— I,
who am no better than one-of yourfelves, butfarfupe-
riorto your tyrant, who probably partake of your defeats,
and (hall be fatisfiedi^I have any portion either ofyourfpi*
tir, or of your , fire— ** Come— *come to this heart, with
** all your infirmities, and all your religioo.**

We return to the publication ; we look for fomething to
hvtid Or plant in the immenfe wafte, the huge moral devaf*
tation this writing has left, of the talents^ ability, and credit
of the country. Three pamphlets of this author, lie open
before me, a publication of 93, another of 98, and the
prefent of 1 80O9 all in the fame name. Here we are to look,
1 fuppcfe, for whatever is by him fuffered to remain unle^
veiled, of profoand wifdom, liberal policy, comprehen*
five fyftem ; /he true principle of Government and of »
free Conftitution ; leaf after leaf, and period after period,
have 1 turned, them over; the author will ihew in what
part thefi^ great maxims are to be difcovered ; to mere
mortal eyes, thefe publications leem.to be a fyilem of pqli-
tical, moral arid inte(le£tual levelling ; they feem to run a
crazy face through all ages, with a native, genuine horrof
of any thing like genius, liberty, or the people ; great ge- ,
nerofity of afTertion', great thrift of argument, a turn td
be offenfive, without a power to be fevere, fury ill the
temper, and famine in the phrafe.

I find, and lament to find, in thofe levelling pubfica-^
tiods, the following fentiments : That Ireland is a Britifli

Colony,

.41

Cotony^ divl that to Jemand a free Gonfl?tiition, was tti
fcparate from Britain ; that Ireland may prudently fubmk
to legUlarioh- without reprefcntation ; that Ireland had
no Parliamentary Conftitution till the time of Jarhes J. ;
that thecreatjohof f he dependency of the crown for fup-
'ply on the Comrrions,. was a pernicious precedent ; that
the remedy for oiir preferit free Conftitution, and the on-
ly fecurity for the connexion, was lo put in the placf of*
the Briiifli Parliamerit the cJomfnandihg influence of the
Britiih Cabinet over the Irifti Legiflature. Oouple this
with a declaration, that half a million had beenfcforted (d
fome years back, to buy the Commons of Ireland : couple
that with the declarations continued hi this pamphlet, that
for the lad feven years, anobleMinifter of the Crown had
perfeveringty recommended the abolition of the Iri(h Par-
liament, and an Union in its place \ couple all this -toge-
ther^ arni therefult of the pamphlet will bcthe moftconfM
plete and ample juftification and panegyric of that oppo-
fition, whoj for a oourfe of years have, with honeft ppr-
feverance, reprobated that Minifter's admioiftration ; I
will not fay it is a juftification of rebellion, but it is the
beft defence I have feen ; it amounts to a direft charge, for
thofe laft 50 years, oil (he ari(tofcracy, and on the com-
mons, of faQion, of plunder, of breaches with EogT
land, and of aQs of feparation ; and it particularly con-
demns the Parliarrjent for thofe very meafures on which
fhe muft reft her credit and authority with the people ;
and further it charges, that before any rebel was in the
country, a leading Minifter in the cabinet, was, himfclf,
4nd has been for 8 years, a fecret advifer agninft the P^ar-
liamentary Conftitution of Ireland, of courfe againft the
fundamental laws of the land; to fuch a work, contain-
ing three fabrications, four capital departures from matter
of faft, together with the difparagemtnt of his country,
and of alrrioft every honeft public charaQer for the laft 50
years, I don't thinH itjieccflriu7 to fay mure.

J conclude

I /

41

t corictude^ therefore, by repeating what I hare alrcadjr
folemnly declared— that

It is not fa£i:,~that we excited the Catholics.

It is npt fady that we perfecuted the CathoUcs.*

It is not faSy ^hat we adopted the Catholic mearurei
after the ptace-bill and penfton bill had pafTed, and in queft
of new matter of oppofition* ^

It is not fa£t, that I ever declared or wrote that the ad«
juftment of 8 a emanated from Dungannon*

It is not fad» that I ever Compared the Parliament that
accomplifhed that adjuftment^ to the Parliament of 1613.

It is not fa£l, that I ever declared that the Catholic
would be moft powerful^ if thefe Nations were feparated*

It is not fa£t, that I ever abandoned to popularity the
draft of a bill for veding in the Parliament of England^ a
power of Imperial legiflature. '

It is not fa6t» that I ever faw^ agreed to^ or heard^ of
tny fuch draft*

It is not faS, that I ever agreed to an alliance with any
Engliih party^ to oppofe any plan of National concord.

It is not faS, that I ever entered into any alliance, of*
fenfive and defenfive, with them, however I might efleem
their perfons^ and prefer their principles. ,

; Here

43

Here are ten aflertions mac^e by the a uthor-*iI# h
publicly c0lUd upon to eftablifi them.

I have faid thus much to defend my country and myfelf,
in oppofition to this publication, that takes the name of «
Minifler who has the fuppbrt of the Governments of both
countries, ar)d wjth refpe£b to whom I have no advantage,
except thecaufe, my own perfonal fuperiority, and another
advantage, which I poflfef^ in con^mon with ahnoft every ho-
nefi fubje£l in Ireland, ai^d with the Iri(h nation herfelf^ the
advantage which the calumniated has over the calumniator.
I jnightavail myfelf of many more vulnerable parts in thofe
publications, and prefs the fuppofpd author perfonally, aa
he has prefled others ; but confidering his iituation more
thap he has done htmfelf, I confign him tojudges more
fevere than I could be— and to him the mod awful, and,
on this (ide the grave, the mod tremepdous^-rHIS
COUNTRY AND HIS CONSCIENCE I

— r-*ooOO-;fV0pe«*«— —

APPENDIX.

EXTRACT FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE (MR,
HUrCHINSOlpj) SPEECH, IN 1^93-

• f f Bi

^UT what was the hiflory of the reprefentation ia
this country ? He could inform gentlemen with fome a«*
curacy, having thought it his duty, when he took a more
a£live part in public buiinefs, toextra£b fromall the bo?
rough charters at the Rolls Office their material contents*
The number of reprefentatiyes in the thirty-fourth year of
Henry VIII. was one hundred ; to this number Mary and
Elizabeth added abdutforty^eight, but of thefe there were
nineteen counties, of which Elizabeth had eftablKhed fe*
venteen, a mode of reprefentation worthy the charader
of that great princefs. In the firft Parliament of }ame$ I.
held in 161 3, the members of the Houfe of Qommons
were 232 v the laft creation of a borough was by Qiieen
Anne^ who created one only. For the difference between

\-\

44.

the number of reprefentatives at the accefllon of Jamee,
and tilt' prefent number of ' 300, the Honle of Sruart is
refponfible. One half of the' reprefentatives were m*de
Ijy them, and made by the exertion of prerogative ; of ihofe
James made 40 at one ftroke; moft of them at the eve of
a Parliament, and fome after the writs of fumnions had if-
fiied. .The Commons in that Parliament txprefled their
<k>ubts whether thofe boroughs had the power of returning
mernbers to fit in Parliament, and refefved that fubjeft for
future confidcrarion. Complaiiitswcre made to James of
ihofe grants, but what was his anfwer ? ** I have mai^e 40
boroughs; fuppofe I had made 400-^the more the merrier."
Charles LfoHowcdthe example of his faiher in exercifing
this prerp^atpve, but not to fo great an extetit : ^ Complaints
were aifo made t^.hrq, and he gaveaflbrances that the new
corporatioiis fhould be reviewed by Parliament. The
grants made by thefe tvvp monarchs appear, by the hifto
rfes and correfpondences of thofe times, to have been for
thepurpofe of giving the Proteftants a majority over the
Rqman Catholics. The grants by Charles it James 11^'
and Qnecn Anne, proceeded from motives of perfonal f^--
vour;-thus it would appear, if the faQs were invefti-
gated, that one half of the reprefcntation of Ireland had
•rifen from the exertions of prerogative, influenced by oc-
cafional motivef-, difputes among reiigioni^s, and induccT
inents of perfonal favour, but had not been derived from
any of thofe fonrces which had produced the Englifli Coii-»
llitution. Had jie the jionpur of bemg a member of the
Briiirti Houfe of Commons, he would never touch the ve-
nerable fabric of lh«ir r^prefentaiion ; but in this fcing--
dem, the part of the repreftntation univerfally complain-
ed of, had originated in party or private motives, and he
did not believe there was one prefcripiive borough in the
whole kingdom. He believed Jfome btjroiighs were called
fOf bttt he b<HevedimjuftIy ; eleven of the grains which
had been rrrentioned, did not appear at the Rolls Office, but
fnoftofihefe were mod^n in the time of the Houfe of Stuart ^

riNis^

A''

PHILOSOPHICAL ENQJOIRY

iKrrO THE

ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS

05 THE

SUBLIMEjind BEAUTIFUL'.

-0

WITH AN INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE CONCERNING

TASTE,

AND SEVERAL OTHER ADDITIONS.

%

m EDMUND BURKE,

MONTROSE :

WLBITEP Vt P. BPCHAHAM. TOK TMI BOOWltMIH

• 'I

THE

PREFACE.

I HAVE endeavoured to make this edition fome-
thing more full and fatisfadory than the firft. I
have fought with the utmoft care, and read with equal
attention, every thing which has appeared in public
againft my opinions ; I have taken advantage of the
candid liberty of my friends ; and if by thcfe means
I have been better enabled to difcover the imperfec-
tions of the work, the indulgence it has received, im-
pcrfeA as it was, furniihed me with a new motive to
fpare no reafonable pains for its improvement.
Though I have not found fufficicnt rcafon, or what
appeared to me fufficient, for making any material
change in my theory, I have found necefTary in many
places to explain, illuftrate, and enforce it. I have
prefixed an introduftory difcourfe concerning Taftc :
it is a matter curious in itfeif ; and it leads naturally
enough to the principal enquiry. This with the other
explanations has made the work confiderably larger ;
and by encreafing its bulk has, I am afraid, added
to its faults J fo that, notwithftanding all my attention,
it may ftand in need of a yet greater fharq of indul-
gence than it required at its firft appearance.

They who are accuftomed to ftudics of this natur?
will expeft, and they will allow too for many faults,
they know that many of the objefts of our enquiry
are in themfclves obfcure and intricate : and that ma-
^j others have been rendered fo by aflfefted refine-

mqms

It preface.

'liicnts or falfe learning j they knoW that there arc
many impediments in the fubjeA, in the prejudices of
others, and even in our own, that render it a mattier
of no fmall difficulty to ihew in a clear light the gen-
uine face of nature. They know that whilft the mind
is intent on the general fcheme of things, fome parti-
cular parts muft be negleAed ; that we muft oftea
fubmit the ftyle to the matter, and frequently give trp
the praife of elegance, fatisfied with being dear.

The charafters of nature are legrtile, it is tntc ;
but they are not plain enough to enable thofe who
run, to read them. We mud make ufe of a cau-
tious, I had almofl: faid, a timorous method of pro-
ceeding. We muft not attempt to fly, when wc can
icarcely pretend to creep. In confidering any com-
plex matter, we ought to examine every diftinft
ingredient in the compofition, one by one ; and
reduce every thing to the utmoft fimplicity ; fince fhc
condition of our nature binds us to a ftrid law and
very narrow limits. We ought afterwards to re-
iexamine the principles by the efFcft of the compofi*
tion, as well as the compofition liy that of the prin-
ciples. We ought to compare our fiibjefl: with things
of a fimihr nature, and even with things of a contrary
nature ; for difcoveries may be and often arc made
by the contraft, which would efcape us on the fingle
view. ITie greater number c5f the comparlfons wc
make, the more general and the inorc certain our
knowledge is like to prove, as built upon a more ex-
lenfivc and perfeft induftion.

If an enquiry thus carefully condufted, fliould foil
at laft of difcovcring the truth, it may anfwcr an end
perhaps as ufcful, in difcovcring to us the wcakncfe

of

v«.

PREFACE. V

#f our own underftaQding. If it does not make us
knowkij;, k may make us modeft. If it does not pre-
ferve us from error, it may at lead from the fpirit of
error;, and may make us cautious of pronounciog
mth pofitivenefs or with haAe, when fo much labour
inay end m fo much ueoertaiut j.

I could wiih that in cxamiuiDg this theory, the fame
^mechod were purfued whtdi I endeavoured to obfervc
-kk farming it. The objedlions, in my opinion, ought
10 be propofed, eidier to the feveral principle as
t&ey are diftinftly confidered, or to the juftnefs of
die condufion which is drawn from them. Bur k is
<:ommon to pafs over both the premifcs and condu-
^on in iilence, add to produce as |iB objeAton, Ibme
poetical parage which does not fe<^m eafly accounted
for ufpon the principles I endeavour to eftablifla. This
manner of proceeding I ihouid think very in^oper.
The talk would be infinite, if we could eftablifli &o
principle until we had prevtoufly unravelled the com-
plex nexture of every image or defcription to be found
in poets and orators. And though we ihouid never
be able to reconcile the effeA of fuch images to our
princtpifs, this can never ovenurn the theory itfdf,
whflft it is founded on certain and indifputable &As.
A theory founded on experiment, and not afiuined,
dS always good for fo much as it explains. Oar in-
abilky to pufh it indefinitely is no argument at all
againft it. This inability may be owing to our ig-
norance of fome necellary mediums ; to a want of pro-
per application ; to many other caufes befides a defe^
in the principles we employ. In reality, the fubjcA
' requires a much clofer attention, than we dare claim
Tom our manner of treating it.

If

vi PREFACE.

If it (hould not appear on the face of the work, I
mud caution the reader againft imagining that I ia«
tended a full diiTertation on the Sublime and Beau-
tiful. My enquiry went no farther than to the origin
of thefe ideas. If the qualities which I have ranged
under the head of the Sublime be all found confiftent
with each other, and all different from thofe which I
place under the head of Beauty ; and if thofe which
compofe the clafs of the Beautiful have the fame con-
fiftency with themfelves, and the fame oppofition to
thofe which are clafled under the denomination of
Sublime, I am in little pain whether any body chooics
to follow the n ame I give them or not, provided he
allows that what I difpofe under different heads are
in reality different things in nature. The ufe I make
of the words may be blamed, as too confined or too
extended ; rty meaning cannot well be mifunder-
flood*

To conclude ; whatever progrefs may be made to-^
wards the difcovery of truth in this matter, I do not
repent the pains I have taken in it. The ufe of fuch
enquiries may be very confiderable. Whatever turns
the foul inward on itfelf, rends to concenter its forces^
and to fit it for greater and ftronger flights of
fcience. By looking into phyfical caufes, our minds
are opened and enlarged ; and in this purfuit,
whether we take or whether we lofe our game,
the chace is certainly of fcrvice. Cicero, true
as he was to the Academic philofophy, and confc-
quently led to rejeft the certainty of phyfical, as of
every other kind of knowledge, yet freely confeffes
its great importance to the human underftanding :
*' E/i aniinorum iiigentorumque no/irorum naiurale

PREFACE. vi

^ quod(Ufn quaji pabulum c§nfideratio contemplatioque
•* natura" If wc can dire£k the lights wc de-
rive from fttch exalted fpeculations, upon the
humbler field of the imagination, whilil we in-
veftigate the fprings, and trace the courfes of
onr paifions, we may not only communicate to the
tafte a fort of philofophical folidity, but we msiy re-
flcft back on the feverer fciences fome of the graces
and elegancies of tafte, without which the greateft
proficiency in thofe fciences will always have the ap-
pearance of fomething illiberal.

THE

I

CONTENTS.

NTHODUCTION. On Taftc Page i

PART I.

SECT. I. Novelty «5

SECT. Q. Paia and Pleasure 26

SECT. III. The diflference between the removal

of pain and pofltive pleafure 29

SECT. IV. Of Delight and Pleafure, as oppofed to '

each other 31

SECT. V. J07 and Grief 33

SECT. VI. Of the Paf&ons which belong to Self-

•prefcrvatioh 34

SECT. VII. Of the Sublime 35

SECT. VIII. Of the pafSons which belong to So-
ciety 35
SECT. IX. The final caufe of the difference be-
tween the pailions belonging to Self-prefervation,
and thofe which regard the Society of the fexes

38
SECT. X. Of Beauty • 39

SECT. XI. Society and Soljtude 41

SECT. XII. Sympathy, Imitation and Ambition

42
SECT, XIII. Sympathy ibid.

$iect; XIV. The effcas of Sympathy in the diftrcf-
fes of others 43

SECT. XV. Of the cffcflts of Tragedy 45

SECT, XVI. Imitation 48

SECT.

CONTENTS,

SECT. XVn. .AmbippQ 49

SECT. XVni. Recapitulatioa 51

SECT. XE^. T])e Condufion ^*

PART. IL

SECT. I. Of the pafBon caufed by the Sublinu; 57
SECT. n. Terror. 58

SECT. in. Obfcurity 59

SECT. IV. Of the difference between deamefic
and Obfcurity with regard to the PafEons 6 1
SECT. [IV,] The fame fabjea continued 62
SECT. V. Power 66

SECT. VI. Privation 74

SECT. VII. Vaftncfe 76

SECT. Vm. Infinity jy

SECT. IX. SucccfBon and uniformity 79

SECT. X. Magnitude in Building 81

SECT. XI. Infinity in pleafing objeOs 82

SECT. XII. Difficulty 8^

SECT. Xni. Magni^cence ibid.

SECT. XIV. Light 86

SECT. XV. Light in bqllding 88

SECT. XVI. Colour confidcred as produ£Hve of
the Sublime 8^

SECT. XVII. Sound and Loudnefs 90

SECT. XVIII. Suddenncfs ibid.

SECT. XIX. Intermitting 91

SECT. XX. The Cries of Animals 92

SECT. XXL Smell and Tafte. Bitters and Stench^

93
SECT. XXII. Feeling. Pain 9$

PAKT

CONTENTS.

PART HI.

jSECT. I. Of Beauty gj

SECT. n. Proportion not the ca]ife of Beauty ia

Vegetables pS

SECT. m. Proponion not the caufe of Beauty ia

Animals 105

SECT. IV. Proportion not the caufe of Beauqr

in the human fpecies j 04

SECT. V. Proportion fprther cpnC^ered 1 1 1
SECT VI. Fitnefs not the cauf^ of Beauty 114
SECT. Vn. The real effcfis of Fitncfs 118

SECT. VIII. The Recapitulation isi

SECT. IX. Perfe^lion not the caufe of Beauty ibid.
SECT. X. How far the ideas of Beauty may be

applied to the qualities of t]ie mind. 122

SECT. XL How far the ideas of B^uty may

be applied to Virtue 1 24

SECT. XII. The real caufe of Beaqty 125

SECT. Xm. Beautiful objeOs fioall ibid.

SECT. XIV. Smopthnefs 127

^ECT. XV. Gradual' Variatipn 128

§ECT. XVI. Delicacy 130

SECT. XVIL Beauty in Colour 131

SECT. XVIII; Recapitulation 132

SECT. XIX. The Phyfiognqmj- ibid.

SECT. XX. The Eye 133

SECT. XXI. Uglineis 134

SECT. XXII. Grace 135

SECT* XXIII. Elegance afl^ Specioulhefs ibid.
SECT. XXIV. The Beautiful in Fqeling 136
3ECT. XXV. The Beautiful in Sounds 138

§ECT« JXYl, Taft? wd SmeU 149

SECT,

CONTENTS.

SECT. XXVn. . The Sublime and Beaadfol com«
pared 141

PART IV. . . .

StCT. I. Of the efficient caufe of fhc SubEmc
and Beautiful I42

SECT. II. Affociation 145

SECT. IIL Caufe of Pain and Fear 146

S£CT. IV. Continued 148

SECT. V. How the Sublime is produced ' 149
SECT. VI. How Pain can be a caufe of DeKght

150
SECT. VII. Exercife ncccflary far the fine*

Organs i^a;

SECT. Vin. Why things not daogefbusr fome-

times produce a paffion like Terror i r^

SECT. IX. Why vifual objefts ot great diofcnfiong

arc Sublime ibid.

SECT. X. Unity, why requifite to Vaftdefe * 155
SECT. XI. The artificial Infinite 155

SECT. XII. The vibrations muft bd fimilal- 158
SECT, XIII. The effedis of fucccffioto in vifual

objefts explained i<Q

SECT. XIV. Locke's opinion concerning Dark^

nefs confidered ' i6t

SECT. XV. Darkne& terrible in it» own nature

SECT. XVI. Why darknefe is terrible ' 164
SECT. XVn. The efFcfts of ftfeckncfs i6<J

SECT. XVIIL ttit effefls of Blackneft modera-
*^d 168

SECT. XIX. The phyfical cawf* of Idve i6g
SECT. XX. Why Smoothnefs is Beautiful 171
SECT. XXI. Sweetnefs, its nature lyz

SECT,

CONTENTS.

I

%

SECT. XXII. Swcetnefs relaxing 175

SECT. XXIII. Variation why beautiful 176

SECT. XXIV. Concerning Smallnefs 178

SECT. XXV. Of Colour i8t

PART V.

SECT. i. Of Words 185

SECT. II. The common cSc& of Poetry, not by
raiiing ideas of things i85

SECT. III. General words before ideas 188
SECT. IV. The effeft of Words ' 190

SECT. V. Examples that words may afieft with-
out railing images 191
SECT. VI. Poetry not ftriftly an imitative art 198
SECT* VII. How Words influence the PafEon

ibid.

I N T R O D U C T I O iSr.

O N

TASTE.

ON a fuperfiqial view, we may fe«m to diffcf
very widely from cath other ia our reafon«
lags, and no lefs in our pleafures : but notwithflan-
ding this difference, which I think to be rather ap-
parent, than real, it is probable that the ftandard
both of Reafon and Tafle is the fame in all human
creatures* For if there were not fome principles
of judgment as well as of fentiment common to all
mankind, no hold could poiEbly be taken either on
their reaibn or their paiQons, fufEcient to maintain
the ordinary correfpondence of life. It appears in-
deed to be generally acknowledged, that with regard
to truth and falfehood there is fomething fixed. We
find people in their difputes continually appealing to
certain tefts and ftandards, which are allowed on all
fides, and are fuppofed to be eftabliftied in our com-
mon nature. Bujt there is not the fame obvious
concurrence in any uniform or fettled principles which
relate to Taftc. It is even commonly fuppofed that
this delicate and aerial faculty, which feems too vo-
latile to endure even the chains of a definition, can-
not be properly tried by any teft, nor regulated by

A any

fl INTRODUCTION.

any ftandard. There is fo continual a call for the
exercife of the reafoniog faculty, and it is fo much
ftrcbgthencd by perpetual contention, that certain
maxims of right reafon feem to be tacitly fettled a-
mongjl the moft ignorant. The learned have im-
proved on this rude fcience, and reduced thofe max-
ims into a fyftem. If Tafte has not been fo happily
cultivated, it was not that the fub}e£t was barren,
but that the labourers were few or negligent ; for
to fay the truth, there are not the fame interefting
motives to impel us to fix the one, which urge us
to afcertain the 6ther. And after all, if men differ
!n their opinion concerning fuch matters, their diffcr-
lence is not attended with the fame important confe-
quences ; elie I make no doubt but that the logic
of Tafle, if I may be allowed the expreffi(»i, might
very poffibly be as welfdigefted, and we might come
to difcufs matters of this nature with as much cer-
tainty, as thofe which feem more immediately with-
in the province of mere reafon. And indeed, it ig
very neccflFary, at the entrance into fuch an enquiry
as our prcfent, to make this point as dear as pofli-
ble ; for if Tafte has qo fixed principles, if the ima-
gination is not affcAed accotxlin^ to fome invariable
and certain laws, our Is^our is like to be employed
to very little purpofe ; as it muft be judged an afe^
Ii^s, if not an abfurd undertaking, to lay down rules
for caprice, and to fet up for a legiflator of whims
and fancfk^.

The term Tafte, like all other figurative terms, is
not extremely accurate j the thing Which we under-
ihnd by it, is far from a fimple and determinate
iiea ift the mindi of moft men, and it is therefore

liable

O N T A S T E, 3

liable to uncertainty and confuiion. I h^ve no great
opinion of a definition, the celebrated remedy for
the cure of this diforder. For when we define, we
ieem in danger of circumfcribing nature within the
bounds of our own notions, which we often take up
by hazard, or embrace on truft, or form out of a liti
mited and partial confideration of the obje£b before
us, ioftead of extending our ideas to take in all that
nature comprehends, according to her manner of
Combining. We are limited in our enquiry by the
&nSt laws to which we have fubmitted at otir fetting
out.

•Circa 9ikm p^utumque morablnutr orbgmf

Unde fudor froferre pedem vetai aut oferu lex,

A definition may be very exad, and yet go but a
very little way towards, ioforming us of the nature
of the thing defined ; but let the virtae of a defini-
tion be what it will, in the order of things, it feems
rather to fellow than to precede* our enquiry, of
which it ought to be confidered as the seftilt. It '
muft be acknowledged tbat the methods of dif-
quifition and teaching may be fometimes different,
and on very good reafon undoubtedly ; but for my
part, I am convinced that the method of teaching
which approaches moft nearly to the method of in«
veftigation, is incomparably the bed ; fince, oot con-
tent vnth ferving up a few barren and li£clefs truths.
It leads to the ftock on which they grew ; it tends
to fet the reader himfelf in the track of invention,
and to direA him into thofe^ paths in which the au-
thor has made his own difcoveries, if he ihould be
fo happy as to have made any that are valuable.

A a 3\»

4 INTRODUCTION.

*■»

But to cut ofF all pretence for cavilling, I meaa
by the word Tafte no more than that faculty or
thofe faculties of the mind, which are affcAed with,
or which form a judgment of, the works of imagi-
nation and the elegant arts. This is, I think, the
mod general idea of that word, 2tnd what is the lead
connefted with any particular theory. And my
point in this enquiry is, lo find whether there are
any principles, on which the imagination is affeded,
fo common to all, fo grounded and certain, as to fup-
ply the means of reafoning fatisfa6lorily about them.
And fuch principles of Tafte I fancy there are ;
however paradoxical it may feem to thofe, who on
a fuperficial ' view imagine, that there is fo great a
divcrfity of Taftes, both lA kind and degree, xhat
nothing can be more indeterminate.

All the natural powers ^n .man, which I know,
that are converfant about externa) obje^ls, are the
fenfes ; the imagination j and the judgment. And
firft with regard to the Senfcs. We do and we
muft fuppofe, that as the conforoiation of jtheir or-
gans are nearly or altogether the fame in all pien, fp
the manner of perceiving external objedls is in all
men the fame, or v^ith little difference. We arc
fatisfied that what appears to be light to one eye,
appears light to another ; that what feems fweet to
one palate, is fweet to another j that what, is (dark
and bitter to this man, is likewife dark and bitter to
that ; and we conclude in the fame manner of great
and little, hard and foft, hot and cold, rough and
fmooth ; and indeed of all the natural qualities and
affc^ions of bodies. If we fuffer ourfelves to ima-
gine, that their fenfes prefent to different men,

different

ON TASTE. 5

different images of things, this fceptical pro-
ceeding will make every fort of reafoning on
every fubjeft vain and frivolous, even that fcep-
tical reafoning itfelf, which had perfuaded us to en-
tertain a doubt concerning the agreement of our
perceptions. But as there will be little doubt that
bodies prefent fimilar images to the whole fpecies, it
mud neceifarily be allowed^ that the pleafures and
the pains ,which every objeA excites in one man, it
muft raife in all mankind, whilft it operates naturally, .
fimply, and by its proper powers only ; for if wc
deny this, we mufl. imagine that the fame caufe ope«
rating in the fame manner, and on fubjefts of the
fame kind, will produce different effefts, which would
be highly abfurd. Let us firft confider this point
in the fenfe of Tafte, and the rather as the faculty
in queftion has taken its name from that fenfe. All
men are agreed to call vinegar four, honey fwect,
and aloes bitter ; and as they are all agreed in find-
ing thefe qualities in thofe objefts, they do not in
the leafl differ concerning their effcfts with regard
to pleafure and pain. They all concur in calling
fweetnefs pleafant, and fbumefs and bittemefs un-
pleafant. Here there is no diverfity in their fenti-
ments ; and that there is not, appears fully from the
corifent of all men in the metaphors which are taken
from the fenfe of Tafte. A four temper, bitter
exprefEons, bitter curfes, a bitter fate, are terms well
and ftrongly underftood by all. And we are alto-
gether as well underftood when we fay, a fwect dif-
pofition, a fweet perfon, a fweet condition, and the.
like. It is confcffed, that cuftom and fome other
caufes^ have made many deviations from the natural

plea-

6 INRODUCTION.

pleafures or pains which belong to thefe (evcral
Taftes ; but then the power of diftinguiihing be-
tween the natural and the acquired relifb remains to
the very laft. A ifaan frequently comes to prefer
the tafte of tobacco to that of fugar, and the flavour
of vinegar to that of milk ; but this makes no con*
foiioQ in Taftes, whilfl: he is fenfible that the tobac-
co and vinegar are not fweet, and whilfl he know»
that habit alone has reconciled his palate to thefe
alien pleafures. Even with fuch a perfon we mzj
fpeak^ and with fufficient precifion, concerning.
Taftes. But fiiould any man be found who declares^
that to him tobacco has a Tade like fugar, and that
he cannot diftinguiih between milk and vinegar ; or
that tobacco and vinegar are fweet, milk bitter^ and
fugar four ; we immediately conclude that the
organs of this man are out^ of order^ and
that his palate is utterly vitiated* We are as
far from conferring with fuch a perfon upon Taftes>
.as from reafoning concerning the relations of
quantity with one who fliould deny that all the parts
together were equal to the whole; We do not call
a man of this kind wrong in his notions, but abfb-
lutely mad. Exceptions of this fort, in either v^y,
do not at all impeach our general rule, nor make
us conclude that meo have various principles con-
i:cming the relations of quantity, or the.Tafleof
things. So that when it is faid, Tafte cannot be
difputcd, it can only mean, that no one can ftridlly
anfwer what pleaiiire or pain fome particular man may
find from the Tafte of fome particular thing.
This indeed cannot be difputed j but wc may dif-
putc, and with fufficient clcarncfs too," concerning

the

ONTASTE. 7

the tbings which are naturally pl^afing or diCigrcea«
ble to the fenfe. But when we talk of any peculiar
x>r acquired relifh, then we mud know the habits, the
prejudices, or the diftempers of this particular man,
and we mud draw bur conclufion from thofe» \

This agreement of mankind is not confined to the
Tafte folely. . The principle of pleafure derived from
fight is the fame in all. Light is more pleafing than
darknefs« Summer, when the earth is clad in green^
when the heavens are ferene and bright, is more a-
greeable than winter, when every thing makes a dif-
ferent appearance. I never remember that any thing
beautiful, whether a man, a beaft, a bird, or a plants
was ever ihewn, though it were to an hundred people^
^t they did not all immediatdy agree that it was
l)eautiiul, though fome might have thought that it feU
fliort of their expeftation, or that other things were
ftill finer. I believe no man thinks a goofe to be more
beautiful than a fwan, or imagines that what they call
a Friezland hen excels a peacock. It muft be ohier-
ved too, that the pleafures of the fight are not near
^ complicated, and confufed, and altered by unnatu*-
ral habits andaffociations, as the pleafures of the Tafte
are ; becaufe the pleafures of the fight more com**
monly acquiefce in themfelves ; and are not fo often
altered bf confiderations which are independent of
the fight itfelf. But things do not fpontaneouily pre*
fent themfelves to the palate as they do to the fight ;
they are generally applied to it, either as food or as
•medicine; and from the- qualities which they poiTe^
for nutritive or medicinal purpofes, they often form
the palate by degrees, and by force of thefe aiTocia-
tions. Thus opium is pleafing to Turks^ on account *

of

8 INTRODUCTION.

of the agreeable delirium it produces. Tobacco i$
the delight of Dutchmen, as it difFufes a torpor and
pleafing ftupefaftion. Fermented fpirits "pleafe our
common people, becaufc they banifli care, and all
confideration of future or prcfcnt evils. All of thefc
would lie abfolutely neglefted if their properties had
originally gone no further than the Tafte ; but all
thefe, together with tea and coffee, ■ and fome other
things, have paffed from the apothecary's (hop to our
tables, and were taken for health long before they
were thought of for pleafure. The effeft of the drug
has made us ufe it frequently ; and frequent ufe,
combined with the agreeable effeft, has made the
Tafte itfelf at laft agreeable. But this does not ia
the leaft perplex our reafoning ; becaufe we diftin-
guiih to the laft the acquired from the natural reliib.
In dcfcribing the tafte of an unknown fruit, you
would fcarccly fay, that it had a fweet and pleafanc
flavour like tobacco, opium, or garlic, although you
fpoke to thofe who were in the conftant ufe of thefc
drugs, and had great pleafure in them. There is in
all men afufEcient remembrance ofthe original natu-
ral caufes of pleafure, to enable them to bring all
things offered to their fenfes to that ftandard, and to
regulate their feelings and opinions by it. Suppofe
one who had fo vitiated his palate as to take more
pleafure in the Tafte of opium than in that of butter
or honey, to be prefented with a bolus of fqutlls ;
there is hardly any doubt but that he would prefer
the butter or honey to this naufeous morfel, or to any
other bitter drug to which he had not been accuftom-
ed ; which proves that his palate was naturally like
that of other men in all things, that it is ftill like ther

palate

O N T A S T E. $

palate of other men in many things, and only ^itiate^
in fome particular points. For in judging of aiiy neW
thing, even of a Tafte fimilar to that which he has bccil
formed by habit to like, he finds his palate afieAed id
the natural manner, and on the common principles.
Thus the picture of all the fenfes, of the fight, and
even of the Tafte, that moft ambiguous of fenfes, ig
the fame in all, high and low, learned and unlearnedi
Befides the ideas, with their annexed pains and
pleafures, which are prefented by the fenfe ; the
mind of man poiTefles a fort of creative power of its
own ; either in reprefenting at pleafure the images
of things in the order and manner in which they
w«re received by the fenfes, or in combining thofe
images in a new manner, and according to a dif*
ferent order. This power is called Imagination;
and to this belongs whatever is called wit, fancy^
invention, and the like. But it muft be obferved^
that the power of the imagination is incapable of
producing any thing abfolutely new ; it can only
vary the difpofition of thofe ideas which it has
received from the fenfes. Now the imagination i$
the moft extenfive province of pleafure and pain,-
as it is the region of our fears and our hopes, and
of all our paflions that are conneded with them i
and whatever is calculated to aflFed the imagination
with thefe commanding ideas, by force of any origi-
nal natural impreilion, muft have the fame power
pretty equally over all men. For fince the imagina^
tion is only the reprefentation of the fenfes, it can
only be pleafed or difpleafed ' with the images;
from the fame principle on which the fenfe is pleaf-
ed or difpleafed with the realities ; and confequently

B there

lo INTRODUCTION.

tkere tauft be joft as cIoTe aa agreement id the imagf«
nations as in the fenfes of men* A little attendoit
will convinte n$ that this mnft of necefllty be the
eafe»

But in the imaginatroQ, befides the pain or pica*
fure arifing hoax the pr(^)erttes of the natnral objeQ,
a pleafore is percelted fi^om the reiefidhlanite) whick
the ; imitation has to the original s the hnagmtfbon^
I cpQceiye^ can have no pleafure but what rdhlts
from ode Or other of thefe canfes* And thefe cftnfte
operates pretty anifonnly npon all men^ becanfe they^
operate by principles in nature) and which are not
derived from any particular habits or advuitages*
Mr* Locke YCTf juftly and finely obferves of wic^
that it is chiefly converfant in tracing refembhnces I
he remarks at the fame time^ tl^t the bnlinefs of
judgment is rather in finding differences. It majr
perhaps appeati €« this fuppofitiont that there is a<>
Inateiria] d^inSion between the wit and the judg*
stent, as they both feem to refuk from diSerent
operations of the fame faculty of c^park^% But
tn reaHty5 whether they are or are not depeadamt on
the feme power of the mind^ they differ (o very
materially in many relpe6ts, that a perfe& union of
wit and jodgtient is one of xJbsk rareft thmgs ill the
world. When tifo diftmA objeds are unlike to oach
other, it is oidy what we elxped \ things art in ihttr
common way i; and therefore they inak<e no im^^
preiBon on the ima^itaation : bot when two diftinf):
objefts have a refcmblance, we are ftruck, we attend
10 them, and We are pl^afedr The mind of ttea>
has naluntUy a fat greater akcrity and fati&fa£tioil
ift tracing refembkmcei diaa in i«M-(!hiftg foi* differ-

ON TASTE. u

dicei : becaufe by making refemblances we produce
nsw imagis ; we aoite, we create, we enlarge bar
ftock 2 but in making diftind:ions we offer no food
at all to the imagination ; the tzfk itfelP h more
levere and irkibme, and what pleafute we drive from
it is fomething of a negative and indireA nature. A
jHeee of news is told me in the morning ; this^ mere«-
]y as a piece of news, as a hSt added to my ftoek,
gives me fome pleafnre. In the erening I find
there was nothing in it. What do I gain by this,
but the diflatisfaAion to fiod that I had been impofed
upon ? Hence it is that men are much more naturally
inclined to belief than to incredulity. And it is upon
this principle, that the moft ignorant and barbarous
nations have frequently excelled in (imilitudes, com^
parifoQS, metaphors, and allegories, who have been
weak and backward in diftinguiihing and icM-ting thekr
ideas. And it is for a reafon of this kind, that Homar
and the oriental writers, though very fond of Cmili*
tudes, and though they often ftrike out fuch as are
truly admirable, they feldom take care to have them
cxa£b ; that is, they are taken with the general rc-
femblance, they paint it ftrongly, and they take no
notice of the diference which may be found between
the things compared.

Now, as the pleafure of refemblance is that which
I»in<ipally flatters the imaginatloa, all men are nearr
ly equal id this pointy as far as their knowledge of
the things reprefented or compared, extends. The
principle of thi€ knowledge is very much acctden*
tri, as it depends upon experience and obfervation,
and not on the ftrength or wc^knefs of any natural
faculty } »nd it is from this difference in knowledge

-P ? th«

f9 INTRODtlCTION.

|that what. we commonly, though with no great ex?
a£Viiels, call a difference in Tafte proceeds. A
man to whoo) fculptjure is n^, fees a harber^s block,
or fom^ ordiQary piece of ftatuary ; he is immediate^
ly firock and pleafed, becaufe he fees fotpething
)ike an human £gure ; a^d, entiriE^ly taken yp with
jthis likcnefs, he does not jit all attend to its defeAs.
No perfo^, t belieye, 9t the iirft time of feemg a
piece of imitatipQ, ever did. Some time after, wc
^Tuppofe thajt this noyice lights upon a more artificial
work of the fame nature } he now begins %o IqoI^
with contempt on what he admired at firft ; ppt tha(
jbe admired it even then for its unlikenefs to ^ mai),
l>\xx for that general though iQAc(:urate refemUance
w^iich it bore to the human ^gure. yrhat he admired
at di&rent times in thefe fo different figures, is ftriftly
^he fame j aqd^hough his knowledge is icpproved^^his
'Tafte is not altered. Hitherto his miftake was from
a want of knowledge in art, and this arofe from hi^
inexperience j but he may be flill deficient from 9.
want of knowledge in nature. For jt is pofilble that
the man in queftion may ftop here, ai^d that the ma£>
terpiece of a great hand may pleafe him po more than
the iniddling performance of a vulgar artift ; and
this not for want of better or higher relifh,
but becaufe all men do not obferye with fu^ctent ac-
curacy on the human figure to enable them to judge
properly of an imitation of it. And that the critical
Taile does not depend upon a fuperior principle in
men, but upon fuperior knowledge may appear from
feveral inilances. The flory of the ancient paintcx
^nd ihoemaker is very well known. The flioemakc;^

fQt

ON TASTE. 13

fet the painter right with regard to fome miftakes he
had made in the (hoe of one of his figures, and which
the painter who had not made fuch accurate obferva-
tions on fhoes, and was content with a general refem*
blance, had qever obferved. But this was no im-
peachment to the Taftc of the painter j it cvlf
fhewed fome want of knowledge in the art of mak*
ing fhoes. Let us imagine that an anatomift had
come into the painter's working room. His piece
is in general well done, the figure in quefticn in a
good attitude, and the parts well adjufted to their
various movements ; jet the anatomid, critical in
his art, may obferve the fwell of fome mufcle not
quite juft in the peculiar aftion of the figure. Here
the anatomift obferves what the painter had not ob«
ferved ; and he pafies by what the flioemaker had
remarked. But a want of the laft critical knowledge
in anatomy no more rcfleded on the natural good
Tafte of the painter, or of any common obferver of
his piece, than the want of an cxz& knowledge is
the formation of a! (hoe. A fine piece of a decollat-
ed head of St. John the Baptift was (hewn to a Turk-
jfh emperor ; he praifed many things, but he obfer-
ved one defed ; he obfcrvcd that the ikin did not
ihrink from the wounded part of the neck. The
fultan on this occafion, though his obfervatbn was
very juft, difcovered no more natural Tafte than the
painter who executed this piece, or than a thoolaad
European connoifieurs, who probably never would
have made the fame obfervadon. His Turkilh Ma-
jefty had indeed been well acquainted with that ter-
rible fpeflade, which the others could only have re-
prefented in their imagination. On the fubjeft of

*dr

14 INTRODUCTION.

their diflike there is a difference between all thoTe
people, arifing from the diflereoc kinds and degrees of
their knowledge } bnt there is fometfaing in commoii
to the painter, the ihoeraaker, the anatoraift, and
the Toricifli emperor, the pleafure arking from a na*
rural objeA, fo far as each perceives It juftly imita«
ttd ; the fatisfaAion in feeing an agreeable figure ;
the sympathy proceeding froin a-ihiking and a£^c-
ting ificident. So far as Tafte is natural^ it is nearly
eomm^n to all.

In poetry, and other pieces of imagination, tho
fame parity may be obferved. It is true, that one
man is charmed with Don Bellianis, and reads Virgil
coldly : whilft another is tranfported ^th the Eneid,
and leaves Don Bellianis to children. Thefe two
men fccra to have a Tafte very different from each
oiher ; but in fiift they differ very little. In both
thefe pieces, which infpire fuch oppofitc fentiments^
ft tale CKciting admiration is told ; both are frill of
ft^KoR, both are paffionate ; in both are voyages, bat-
tles, triumphs, and continual changes of fortune.
The admirer of Don Bellianis perhaps does not under-
fland the refined language oftheEneid, who, if it
was degraded into the ftylc of the Pilgrim's Progrefs,
might feel it in all its energy, on the fame principle
which made him an admirer of Don Bellianis.

In his favourite author he is not (hocked with the
continual breaches of probability, the confufion of
times, the offences againft manners, the trampling;
upon geography ; for he knows nothing of geogra-
phy and chronology, and he has ncter exam'med thp
grounds of probability. He perhaps reads of a (hip-
wreck on the coaft of Bohemia : wholly taken np.

Witt\

ON TASTE^ i|

with {o Intereftifig tti etent^ and only foIkitoa« for
the £aLte of his hero, he is not at the leaft troubled
Et this fcxtraVagant blunder. For why ihould he be
(hocked at a ihip\i1^k oil the coaft of Bohefnia, who
does not know bttt that Bohemia majr^be an ifland in
the Adantk ocean i aad aftet oU, what tefledion is
t)bt$ on theaatilrld good Tafteofthe perfoo htro
fuf|M)fed ?

So far cbeu aa Tafte bdongs to the itnagtostdon^ its
pf inci)>l8 is the iaifie in all men ; there is no dtfier^
edce in the manner of thieir being afief^ed, nor ia
the caufeti of the afleStou i but in the ik;gre^ there
is a difiereoie, Which arifes from tWo caufei priocipal«
\y i eitherfroQi a greater dcfree of nattiral feafibiHty ^
or from a clofer aad longer atteation to the objefti
To illuftrate this by the procedure t( the feafes, ia
which the lame differ^te is fbuiid, let us %>poft
a very fmooth marble table to be fet before two
men ; they both perceit^ it to be iinooth, aiid they
are both pleafed with it becaufe of this quality. So
far they agree. But fuppofe another, and after that
another table> the latter dill fmodther than the for*
mer^ to be fet before them. It is now very probable
that thefe men^ who are fb agreed upon What id
fmooth, and in the pleafere froin thence, wiU difagree
when they come to fettle which table has the ad van*»
tagu ih point of polifb. Here is indeed the great dif<*
fereoce between Taftes^ whcii men come to compare
the eitceis or diminution ^ things which are jadged
by degree and not by meaftire* Nor is it eafy, whea
fuch a di&rence arifes, to fettle the point, if the cxcefii
or diminution be not glarings If we di&r in opmiott
about two quantitiet, we oan have recourfe t0:a com-*

moo,

i5 INTRODUCTION.

mon meafure, which may decide the <)ueltion with
the utmoft cxaftneft j and this I take it is what gives
mathematical knowledge a greater certainty than any
other. But in things whofc excefs is not judged by
greater or fmaller, as fmoothnefs and roughnefs, hard-
nefs and foftnefs, darknefs and light, the (hades of
colours, all thefc are very cafily diftinguiihed when
the difference is any way confiderable, but not when
it is minute, for want of fome common meafuresy
Which perhaps may never come to be difcovered. In
thefc nice cafes, fuppofing the acutenefs of the
fenfe equal, the greater attention and habit in fuch
things will have the advantage. In the queftion
about the tables, the marble-poliflier will unquef-
tionably determine the mod: accurately. But not*
withftanding this want of a common meafure for
fettling many difputes relative to the fenfes and
their reprefentattve the imagination, we find that
the principles are the fame in all, and that there is
no difagreement until we come to examine into the
pre«eminence or difference of things, which brings
us within the province of the judgment«

So long as we are converfant with the fenfible qua-
lities of things, hardly any more than the imagination
feems concerned ; little more alfo than the imagina-
tion feems concerned when the paf&ons are reprefent-
ed, becaufe by the force of natural fympathy they
are fdt in all men without any recourfe to reafon*
ing, and their juftnefs recognized in every bread.
Love, grief, fear, anger, joy, all thefe palfions have
in their turn affefted every mind ; and they do no^
iffeft it in an arbitrary or cafual manner, but upon
ccrtaia* natural and uniform principles* But as

m^py

ON TASTE. 17

feany of the wprks of imaginaticfn arc i)oi confined
to the reprefentaiion of fenfible objeSs, nor to ef-
forts upon the paflions, but extend tbemfclves to the
manners^ the charafiers, the aftions, and.defigris of
tncn^ theii* relations^ their virtues and vices, they
tome withiti the province of the judgment which is
Impi'oved by attention and by the habit of rcafoning*
All thefe liiake a very confiderablc part of what are
confidered as the objects of Tafte j and liorjice
fends, us to the fchools of philofophy and the world
for our inftrUflion in theiu* Whatever certainty is
to be acc^red in morality and the fcience of life j
juft the fame degree of certainty hate we in what
relates to them in works of imitation^ Indeed it is
for the mofl part in our fkiH in manner's, and in, the
obfervances of time and place, and df decehcy in g.e-
lieralj which is only to be learned in thofe fchools
to which Horace rccontmends tis^ that what is call-
ed Tafle by way of diftinftion, confifts j and which
1^ in reality no other than a more refined judgment.
On the whole, it appears to me^ that what is called
Tafte, in its moft general acceptation, is not a Am-
ple idea^ but k partly made up of a perception
of the primary pleafures of fenfe^ of the fecondary
pleafures of the imagination, and of the conclufions
of the reafoning faculty, concerning the various rela-
tions of thefe, and concerning the human paffions^
manners, and aftions, Alt this is requifite to form
Tafte^ and the ground work of all thefc is the fame
in the human mind ; for as the fcnfes are the great
originals of all our ideaSj and confeciuently of all our
pleafures, if they are not uncertain and arbitrary,
the whole ground-work of Tafte is common to all,

C ind

18 INTRODUCtiON*

and therefore there is a fufficient foundation for z
conclufive rckfofiing on thefc matters.

Whilft we confider Taftc merely according to its
nattire and fpecies, we ihall find its principles entire-
ly uniform ; but the degree in which thefe princi-
ples prevail, in the feveral individuals of mankind^
k altogether as different as the principles thcmfdves
are fimilar. For fenfibility and judgment, which arc
the cjualities that compofe what we commonly call a
Tq/i^, Vary exceedingly in various people. From a
dcfeft in the former of thefe qualities, arifes a want
of Tafte ; a weakncfs in the latter, conftitutes a
wrong or a bad one. There are fome men formed
with feelings fq blunt, with tempers fo cold and
phlegmatic, that they can hardly be faid to be a-
wake during the whole courfe of their lives. Upon
fuch perfons, the moft ftriking objefts make but a
faint and obfcure impreflion. There arc others fo
continually in the agitation of grofs and merely fen-
fual pleafures, or fo occupied in the low drudgery of
avarice, or fo heated in the chace of honours and
diftinflion, that their minds, which had been ufed
continually tp the ftorms of thefe violent and tempef-
tuous paffions, can hardly be put in motion by the
delicate and refined play of the imagination. Thefc
men, though from a different caufe, become as ftu-
pid and infenfible as the former ; but whenever ci-
ther of thefe happen to be ftruck with any naturaF
elegance or greatnefs, or with thefc qualities iu
any work of art, they arc moved upou the fame
principle.

The caufe of a wrong Taftc is a dcfefi of Judge-
lEicut. And this may arife from a natural weakncfs

ON TASTE. 19

of anderftaoding (in whatever the ftrcngth of that
faculty may conlift) or, which is much more common-
ly the cafe, it may arife from a want of proper and
vell-dircfted cxercifc, which alone can make it ftrong
and ready. Befides that ignorance, inattention, pre-
judice, rafhnefs, levity, obftinacy, in (hort, all thofe
paflions, and all thofe vices, which pervert the judge-
ment in other matters, prejudice it no lefs in this its
jnore refined and elegant province. Thefe caufes
produce different opinions upon every thing which
is an objed of the underftanding, without inducing
us to fuppofe, that there are no fettled principles of
reafon. And indeed on the whole one may obferve,
that there Is rather lefs difference upon matters of
Tafle among mankind, than upon moft of thofe
vhich depend upon the naked reafon ; and that
men are far better agreed on the excellence of a def^
cription in Virgil, than on the truth or falfehood of
a theory of Ariftotle.

A reditude of judgment in the arts, which may
be called a good Tafte, does in a great meafare de-
pend upon fenfibility ; becaufe if the mind has no
bent to the pleafures of the imagination, it will ne#
ver apply itfelf fuflSciently to works of that fpecies
to acquire a competent knowledge in them. But
though a degree of fenfibility is requifite to form a
good judgment, yet a good judgment does not necef-
Ikrily arife from a quick fenfibility of plcafure ; it
frequently happens that a very poor judge, merely
by force of a greater complexional fenfibility, is more
;3iffeded by a very poor piece, than the bed judge
by the moft perfeft ; for as every thing new, extraii
^rdjnary^ grand, or paflionate, is well calculated to

C « affeft

ao INTRODUCTION,

afFcft fuch a. pcrfon ^ and that the faults do not affe^
him, his pleafure is more pure and unmi3(ed ; ancj
^s it is merely a pleafure of the iroagioatioo, it 13
much higher than any which is derived from a re&U
tude of the judgment ; the judgment is for the
greater part employed in throwing ftumbling-blocks
in the w^y of the imagination, in diilipating the
fcenes of its enchant ment,v and in tying us dowa
to -the difagrceable yoke of our rcafon ; for almoft
the only pleafure that men have in judging bee*
ter than others, confifts in a fort of confcious
pride and fupcriority, which arifes from think*
ing rightly ; but then, this is an indire^l plea*
fure, a pleafure which does not immediately re-
fuh ffom the objeft which is under contemplation.
In the morning of pur days, when the fenfes are
unworn and tender, when the whole mj^n is awake
in every part, and the glofs of novelty frcfli upon
all the objefls that furround us, hqw lively at that
time are our fenfations, but how falfe and inaccurate
the judgments we form of things ? I defpair of ever
receiving the fame degree of pleafure from the moft
excellent performances of genius which J felt at that
age, from pieces which n^y pfcfent judgment regard^
as trifling and contemptible. Every trivial caufe of
pleafure is apt to affedl the man of too fanguine
a complexion : his appetite is too keen to fuffer his
Tafte CO be delicate ; andlie is in all refpe^s what
-Qvid fays of himfelf in love,

MoUe meum leviha eor efi vhlaUU teliif
Et/emfer caufa ejl^ cur egofemper amem. *

ON TASTE. 31

Ooc of this charafter can never be a refined judge ;
qever what the comic poet cails elegans formarum
/pe£iator. The excellence and force of a compoil*
tion mud always be imperfe^ly eflimated from its
cffeA on the minds of any, except we know the
temper and charaAer of thofe minds* The mod:
powerful effefts of poetry and mufic have been dif-
played, and perhaps are flill difpiayed, where thefe
arts are but in a very low and impcrfeft ftate. The
rude hearer is affei^ed by the principles which
operate in thefe arts even in their rudeft condition ;
and he is not ikiiful enough to perceive the defef^s. .
But as arts advance towards their perfeflion, the
fcience of Criticifm advances with equal pace, and
the plcafure of judges is frequently interrupted by
the faults which are difcovered in the mod finifhed
compofitions.

Before I leave this fubjed, I cannot help taking
notice of an opinion which many perfons entertain,
as if the Tade were a fcparate faculty of the mind,
and didinft from the judgment and imagination ; a
fpecies of indinft, by which we are druck naturally,
and|at the fird glance, without any previous reafon«
ing, with the excellencies, or the defers of a com-
pofition. So far as the imagination and the paiHons are
concerned, I believe it true, that the reafon is little
confulted ; but where difpofitian, where decorum,,
where congruity are concerned, in fliort, wherever
the bed Tade differs from the word, I am convinced
that the underdanding operates and nothing elfe ;
and its operation is in reality far from being always
fudden, or, when it is fudden, it is often far from

being rightt Men of the bed Tade by coniidera*

tioa

«2 INTRODUCTION.

tion come frequently to change thcfc early and pre-
cipitate judgments, which the mind, from its averfion
to neutrality and doubt, loves to form on the fpot.
It IB known tha^ the Tafte (whatever it is) is im-
proved exafily as we improve our judgment, by ex-
tending our knowledge, by a fteady attention to our
objeft, and by frequent exercifc. They who have
not taken thefe methods, if their Tafte decides
quickly, it is always uncertainly ; and their qnick-
nefs is owing to their prefumption and rafhnef^^
and not to any hidden irradiation that in a moment
difpels all darknefs from their minds. But they
who have cultivated that fpecies of knowledge which
makes the objeft of Tafte, by degrees and habitually
attain not only a foundnefs, but a readinefs of judg-
ment, as men do by the fame methods on all other
cccafions. At firft they are obliged to fpell, but at
laft they read with eafe and with celerity, but this ce-
lerity of its operation is no proof, . that the Tafte is a
diftinft faculty, Nobody, I believe, has attended
the courfe of a difcuffion, which turned upon matters*
within the fphere of mere naked reafon, but muft
have obferved the extreme readinefs with which the
whole procefs of the argument is carried on, the,
grounds difcovered, the objeftions rajfcd and anfwer-
ed, and the conclufions drawn from premifes, with a
quicknefs altogether as great as the Tafte can be fup-
pofed to work with ; and yet where nothiqg but
plain reafon either is or can be fufpcfted to operate.
To multiply principles for every different appearance,
js ufelefs, and unphilofophical too in a high degree.
This matter might be purfued much farther ; but
^t h not the extent of the fubjeft which muft prefcribe

ON TASTE. 23

cur bounds, for what fubje£t does not branch out to
infinity ? It is the nature of our particular fcheme,
and the fingle point of view in which we conllder it,
which ought to put a flop to ou,r refcarches.

A Philo.

i: 25 ?

A Philofophical Enqulty

INTO THE

ORIGIN OF OUR. IDE AS

OF THE

SUBLIME AND BEAUTIFUL.

PART. I.

SECT. 1.

NOVELTY.

THE firft and the fimpleft emotion which we dif*
cover in the human mind, is Curiofity. By
curiofity I mean whatever defire wc have for, or
whatever pleafure we take in, novelty. We fee chil-
dren perpetually running from place to place to hunt
out fomething new : they catch with great eager-
nefs, and with very little choice, at whatever comest
before them ; their attention is engaged by every
thing, becaufe every thing has, in that ftage of life^
the charm of novelty to recommend it. But as thofe
things which engage us merely by their novelty,
cannot attach us for any length of time, curiofity is
the mofl fuperficial of all the aiFeAions : it changes
its objeA perpetually ; it has an appetite which is
very iharp, but very eafily fatisfied ; and it has^ al-
ways an appearance of giddinefs, reftleflhefs, and an-
xiety. Curiofity from its nature is a very afiivc
principle j it quickly runs over the greateft part of its

D objefts

iS OntheSUBLIME

objedls, and foon exhaufts the variety which is coin<*
monly tcrfoc met with in nature ; the fame things make
frequent returns, and they return with lefs and lefs
of any agreeable cffeA. In fhort, the occurrences of
life, by the time we come to know it a little, would
be incapable of afie£^ing the mind with any other
fenfations than thofe of loathing and wearinefs^ if
many things were not adapted to affeA the mind bgr
means of other powers beiides novelty in them, and
of other paiCons beSd^ ^uriofity in ourfelves. Thefc
powers and pailions (hall be confidered in their place.
But whatever thcfe powers are, or upon what prin-
ciple foever they aficA the mind, it is abfolutely necef-
fary that they fliould not be exerted in thofe things
which a daily vulgar ufe have brought into a dale
tmfaffcfting famiirarity. Some degree of novelty
ttiuft be one of the nftitcrials in every iuftrument
which works upon the mind ; and curiofity blends it*
felf more or lefs with ail our pailions.

SECT. II.

PAIN AND P L E A S U R E.

IT feems then oecefiary toiwards moving the
pailions of people advanced in life to any con-
£derab)e degree, that the ob}e£is defigaed for iliat
•purpofe, befides their being in foine meafore new,
fliould be capable of exciting pain or pteafure from
other caufes^ Pain and pleafore are fim pie ideas; in-
capable of defmition^ People are not liable to be
tniflakcn in their 'feelings, but they are very frequent-
iy WroBg m the names tkej give them, and in their

reafoniags

AMD BIAUTIFUL- 47

Teafonings. about them. Many are of opinion^ that
pain arifes ttcceflarily from the removal of fome plcaf
lore ; as they thiak pleafure does from the cea^ng
€? dimioittioQ of fome pain* For my part, I am
rather iDclioed to knagme, that paia and pieaiiure^ in
their moft fimple and natural^ maimer of aflfe^ting, are
each of a pofitive namre, and by no means necefiarily
dependent on. each other for their exigence* The
homan mind k often, and I think it is for the mofli
part, in a ftate neither of pain nor pleafure, which I
call a ftate of indifference. When I am carried from
Itbie ftate into a ftate of aAual pleafure, it does not
appear necefiary that I fliould pais through the med-
ium of any fort of pain, if in fuch a ftate of iadif«
ferencc, or eafc, or tranquillity, or call it what you
pleafe, you were to be fuddenly entertained with a
concert of muflc ; or fuppofe fome ob^ed of a £ne
Ibape, and bright lively colours, to be reprefented
before you : or imagine your fmell is gratified with
the fragrance of a rofe ; or if without any previous
ihirft you were to drink of fome pleafant kind of
wine, or to tafte of fome fweetmeat without being
hungry ; in all the feveral fenfes, of hearing, fmell*
ing, and tafting, you undoubtedly find a pleafure ;
yet if I enquire into the ftate of your mind previous
lo thefe gratifications, you will hardly tell mc that
they found you in any kmd of pain ; or, having fatis-
fied thefe feveral fenfes with their feveral pleafures,
will you fay that any pain has fucceeded, though the
pleafure is abfolutely over ? Suppofe, on the other
hand, a man in the fame ftate of indifference, to re-
ceive a violent blow, or to drink of fome bitter po-
tion, or to have his ears wounded with fome haHh and

D « grating

tS OntheSUBLIME

grating found ; here is no removal of plcafurc ; and
yet here is felt, in every fenfe which is aflfe£ied/a pain
« very diftinguifhable. It may be faid, perhaps, that
the pain in thefe cafes had its rife from the removal of
the pleafure which the man enjoyed before, though
that pleafure was of fo low a degree as to be perceiv-
ed only by the removal. But this feems to me a fub-
tilty, that is not difcoverable in nature. For if,
previous to the pain, I do not feel any adual plea-
fure I have no reafon to judge that any fuch thing
exifts ; iince pleafure is only pleafure as it is felt*
The fame may befaid of pain, and with equal reafon.
I can never perfuade myfelf that pleafure and
pain are mere relations, which can only exift
as they are contraflted ; but I think I can difcern'
clearly that there are pofitive pains and pleafures,
which do not at all depend upon each other. Noth-
ing is more certain to my own feelings than this.
^ There is nothing which I can diftinguifh in my mind
with more clearnefs than the three ftates, of indiflFer-
cnce, of pleafure, and of pain. Every one of thcfc
I can perceive without any fort of idea of its re-
lation to any thing elfe. Caius is affli£led with a fit
of the cholic ; this man is adually in pain ; ftretch
Caius upon the rack, he will feel a much greater
pain : but does this pain of the rack arife from
the removal of any pleafure, or is the fit of the cholic
a pleafure or a pain jufl as we are pleafed to con-
Cdcr it ?

SECT^

AND BEAUTIFUL. 29

^ SECT. III.

The difference between the removal of PAIN and

pofitivc PLEASURE.

m

WE fliall carry this propofition yet a ftep
farther. Wc fhall venture to propofe, that
pain and pleafure arc not only not neceffarily de-
pendent for their exiftenee on their mutual dimi-
nution or removal, but that, in reality, the diminu-
tion or ceafing of pleafure does not operate like
pofitivc pain ; and that the removal or diminution
of pain, in its cflFcft, has very little refemblancc to.
pofitivc pleafure *. The former of thefe propofi-
tions will, I believe, be much more readily allowed
than the latter ; becaufe it is very evident that
pleafure, when it has run its career, fets us down
very nearly where it found us. Pleafure of every
kind quickly fatisfies j and when it is over, wc
rclapfe into indifference, or rather we fall into a
foft tranquillity, which is tinged with the agreea-
ble colour of the former fenfation. I own it is not
at firft view fo apparent, that the removal of a
great pain does not refcmble pofitive pleafure ; but
let us recoUeft in what ftate we have found our
minds upon efcaping fome imminent danger, or on
being releafcd from the feverity of fome cruel pain.

* Mr. Locke [Efljiy on Human Undcrftanding, 1. ii. c.
30. fe6^. 1 6.] thinks that the removal or lefTening of a pain
is coniidered and operates as a pleafurei and the lofs or
^iminifhiog of pleafure as a pain. It Is this opinion which we
confider here.

3^ On THE SUBLIME

Wc have on fuch occafions found, if I am not much
miftakcn, the temper of our minds in a tenor Ycty
remote from that which attends the prefencc of pofi-
tive plcafure J We have found them in a ftate of
much' fobriety, impreffed with a fenfe of awe, in a
fort of tranquillity fhadowed with horror. The
£a{hion of the countenance and the gefture of die
body on fuch occaCons is fo correfpondent to thia
ftate of mind, that any perlbn^ a ftranger to the caufc
of the appearance, would rather judge us under
fomtf conflernation, than in the enjoyment of anj
thing like pofitive pleafure.

4>«i1« »m}m»kt»d(^ «XA«v ifi»i«v ^a^M? ,

As when a vnretch^ VfAo, confdmu of hit erimt^

Purftudfor murder from his native dims,

Jujl gains fome frontier^ breathlefs^ pakf amam^d :

All gaze f all wonder !

This ftriking appearance of the man whom Homer
fuppofes to have juft efcaped an imminent danger,
the fort of mixt paffion of terror and furprize, whh
which be affefts the fpe^tacors, paints very ftrongly
the manner in which we find ourielves affefied upon '
occafions any way fimilar. For when we have fuf-
fered from any violent emotion, the mind naturally
continues in fomething like the fame condition, after
the caufe which firft produced it has ceafed to ope-
rate. The toffing of the fea remains after the ftorm j
and when this remain of horror has entirely fub*

fided, all the paifion, which the accident raifed,

fab.

AKiB BEAUTIFUL. 31

iubfides along with it ; and the mind returns to its
'ufaal iUte of indifference. In ihort, pleafure (jl
mean any thing either in the inward fenfation, or in
the outward appearance, like pleafure from a pofi«
tive caufe) has never, I imagine, its origm from ^the
icmoval of paia or danger.

SECT. IV.

Of DEUGHT and PLEASURE, as oppofed to

each other.

BUT fliall we therefore fay, that the removal of
pain or. its diminution is always (imply painful?
or affirm that the ceffation or the leffening of plea-
fure is always attended itfelf with a pleafure ? By
no means. What I advance is no more than this.;
ir&j that there are pleafures and pains of a pofitive
and independent nature ; and fecondly, that the feel-
ing which refuhs from the ceafing or diminution of
.pain does not bear a fufficient refepiblance to poii«
tive pleafure, to have ic confidered as of the fame
nature, or to entitle it to be known by the fame
name ; and thirdly, that upon the fame principle the
removal or qualification of pleafure has no refem-
blance to pofitive pain. It is certain that the for-
mer feeling (the removal or moderation of paii^)
has fomething in it far from diitreffing or difagree-
able in its nature. This feeling, in many cafes fo
agreeable, but in all fo different from pofitive plea- .
fure, has no name which I know ; but that hinders
•not its being a very real one, and very different
from all others. It is mod certain, that every fpecies

of

32 On the sublime.

of fatisfa£^ion or plcafurc, how diflFercnt focvcr ift
its maDner of affeding, is of a poiitive nature in the
mind of him who feels it. The affection is midoubt-
cdly pofitive ; but the caufe may be, as in this cafe
it certainly is, a fort of Privation. And it is very
reafonable that we fhould diflinguiih by fome term
two things fo diftin£l in nature, as a pleafure that is
fuch limply, and without any relation, from that
pleafure which cannot exiil without a relation, and
that too a relation to pain. Very extraordinary it
would be, if thefe afFeftions, fo diftinguifhable in
their caufes, fo different in their effcfts, fhould be
confounded with each other, becaufe vulgar ufe has
ranged them under the fame general title. When-
ever I have occafion to fpeak of this fpecies of rela-
tive pleafure, I call it Delight / and I fhall take the
beft care I can, to ufe that word in no other fenfc,
I am fatisfied the word is not commonly ufed in this
appropriated fignification ; but I thought it better
to take up a word already known, and to limit its
fignification, than to introduce a new one, which
would not perhaps incorporate fo well with the lan-
guage. I fhould never have prefumed the leafl al-
teration in our words, if the nature of the language,
framed for the purpofes of bufinefs rather than thofc
of philofophy, and the nature of my fubjeft, that
leads me out of the common track of difcourfe, did
not in a manner neceffitate me to it. I fhall malce
ufe of this liberty with all poffible caution. As I
make ufe of the word Delight to exprefs the fenfa-
tion which accompanies the removal of pain or dan-
ger ; fo when I fpeak of pofitive pleafure, I fhall
for the mofl part call it fimply Fkafure.

SECT.

AND ' ri i! A U T I F U L; J j

SECT. V.
J O Y and G R I E F.

IT muft be obfervcd, that the tcffation of pfcafor •
affefts the mind three ways. If it fimply ccafcsy
after having cominued a proper time, the eflFeft is
indifference ; if it be abruptly broken off, there cn-
fues an uneafy fenfc c^led difdppoinimeiit ; if th6 ob-
jeft be fo totally lo(i tliat there is no chance Of en*i
joying it again, a paffion arifes in the mind, which
is called grief. NoW, there is none of thcfe, not e-
ven grief, which is the mofl: violent, that I think ha^
any refemblance to poiitive pain. The perfon who
grieves, fuflfers his paffion to grow upon him ; he
indulges it, he loves it : but this never happens in
the cafe of adlual pain, which bo man ^ver willing^j
endured for any coniiderable time. That grief fhould
be willingly endured} though far from a ilmply plea-
iing fenfation, is not fo difficjult to be underftoqd*
It is the nature of grief to keep its objeA perpet-
ually in its eye, to prefect it in its mod pleafurablo
views, to repeat all the circumdances that attend it,
even to the lafl minucenefs } to go back to tvcry
particular enjoyment, to dwell upon each, and to
find a thoufand new perfedions in all, that were not
fufficiently underftood before ; in grief, the pleafure
is {till uppermod ; and the' affliction we fuffef hai
no refemblance to abfolute pain, which is always
odious, and which we endeavour to (hake off as foon; '
as poffible. The Odyffey of Homer, which abounds
with fo many natural and affcAlng images, has- none

£ more

14 Oh thi sublime

more ftriking than thofc which Menelaus raifcs of
the- calamitous fate of his friends, an^ his own man-
ner of feeling it. He owns, indeed, that he often
gives hinifelf fome intermiiSon from fach melancholy
rcfledions } but he obferves too, that, melancholy"
as they are, they give him pleafure.

AXX* t^MTM «*Av it» •Ivftf^MMT »mt mxvtth
H§>Xsmtc if fUym^t utHfOiH nftilifemn

llmmutu mi^fH ^imoft nfutff ymtu

SiiH mjhori intervals rf plealing woe^'

Regardful of tbe friendly duet I owe^

I to tie gloriout dead for ever dear^

Indulge the tribute of a grateful tear.

HoM. Od. in

On the other hand, when We recover our health,
when we efcape an imminent danger, is it with joy
that we are affcAcd ? The fenfe on thefe occafions is
far from that fmooth and voluptuous fatisfa£lion which
the aflured profpcft of picafure beftows. The de-
light which arifes from the modifications of pain,
confefles the (lock from whence it fpruDg, in its fa-
lid, ilrong and fcvere nature.

SECT. VI.

Of the paffions which belong to SELF-PRESER-
VATION.

M

OST of the ideas which are capable of mak-
ing a powerful impreifion on the mind, whe-

thci^

AND BEAUTIFUL. 35

thcr fimply of Pain or Pleafure, or of the modifica-
tions of thofe, may be reduced very nearly to
tiicfe two heads, felf-prefervatim and fociety y to
the ends of one or the other of which all our
paflions are calculated to anfwer. The paffions
which concern felf-prcfervation, turn moftly on
fain or danger. The ideas oi pain^Jidknefs^ and
deaibj fill the mind with (Brong emotions of horror';
but life and heMltb^ though they put us in a ca-
pacity of being affefted with pleafure, they make
no fuch imprdlfion by the fimple enjoyment* The
paffions therefore which are converfant about the
prefenration of the individual, turn chiefly on pain
and danger^ and they are the moft powerfiil of all the
paffioos*

6 E c T. vn.

Of the S U B L I M E.

WHATEVER is fitted in any fort to excite the
ideas of pain and danger, that is to fay,
whatever is In any fort terrible, or is converfant a-
bout terrible obje£ls, or operates in a manner analo-
gous to terror, is a fource of thc/ublime ; that is, it
is - productive of the ftrongeft emotion which the
mind is capaUe of feeling. I fay the ftrongeft emo-»
tion, becaufe I am fatisfied the ideas of pain are much
more powerful than thofe which enter on the part
of plestifnre. Without all doubt, the torments which
we may be made to fuffer, are much greater in their
^BSc& on the body and mind^ than any pleafures
whUh the moft ieamed voluptuary could fugged, or

E a than

\

36 On the S U B L I M E.

than the h'velied imagination, and the rooft fouid
and exquifitely fenfible body could enjoy. Nay, I
am in great doubt whether any man could be found
who Would earn a life of the moft pcrkSt ^ihh&tMj
at the price of ending it in the torments, which juf;
ticc inflided in a few hours on the late unfortunate
regicide in France. But as pain b ftronger in its
pperation (han pleafpre, (^ death is in general a much
more affefting idea th^n pain ; bccaufe there are very
few pains, hqwever exquifite, which are not prefer-
red to death ; pay, what gene^-ally makes pain itfelf,
if I m^y fay fo, more pajoful, ]$, that it is coniider-
fd. as an emiflkry of this, king of terrors. When
danger or pain prefs ;oo nearly they are incapable of
giving any delight, and are funply terrible ; but a;
certain diftances, and with certain modifications,
they may Ijc, an4 fhey arp d/elightful, as we every
day experience. The caufe of this I fliall endeavour
to inveftigate hereafter.

SECT. VIII.

Of the paflions which belong tci
SOCIETY.

THE other head under which I clafs oyr paffions,
IS thsLt Jo( fociety^ which may be divided into
two forts. I. The fociety of ihc/^xesj which an-
fwers the putpofes of propagation ; and next,^ that
more general society^ which we have with men and
with other animals, and -which we n;iay in fome fort
be faid to have cyen with the inanimate world. Thar
. palfions

AN^ B E A U T I F U L. 37

pafEons belonging to the prcfervation of the individ-
ual, turn wholly on pain and danger ; thofe which
belong to generation^ have their origin in gratifica-
pons and pleafures ; the pleafurc mod direftly be-
longing to this purpofe is of a livqly charafter, rap-
turous ^n|d violent, and coufeffedly the highcft plea-
fure of fenfe ; yet the abfcncc of this fo great an
enjoyment, fcarce amounts to an uneafinefs ; and, ex-
cept at particular times, 1 do not thmk it affeds at
alL When men defcribe in what manner they arc
afie^Ved by pain and dange^r, they do not* dwell on
the pleafure of health and the comfort of fecurity,
and then lament the his of thefe fati^fa^lions ; the
whole turns upon the aftual pains and horrors which
Ithey epdure* But if you liften to the complaints of
a forfaken loyer, you obferve that he infifts largely
on the plcafurps whiich he enjoyed or hoped to en-
joy, and on the perfeflion of the objeft of his de-
sires y it is the lo^s which is always uppermoft in his
mind. The violent effcfts produced by love, which
has fometimes been, even wrought; up to madnefs, ig
pa objeftion to the rule which we feck to eftablifli^
When men have fuffercd their imaginations to be
long affeded with any idea, it fo wholly engrofles
them as to fhut out by degrees almoft every other,
and to break down every partition of the mind which
would confine it. Any idea is fufficient for the pur-
pofe, as is evident from the infinite variety of caufes,
which give rife to madnefs ; but this at mod can on-
ly prove that the paflion of love is capable of pro-
ducing very extraordinary effcfts, not that its extra;?
ordinary emotions have any connefiion with pofitivc

pin,

SECT,

£i On the sublime

SECT. IX.

The final caufe of the difference between the paffiont
belonging to S E LF-P RESERVATION,
and thofe which regard the S O C lET Yof the
SEXES.

THE final caufe of the difference in charafter
between the pafBons which regard felf-pre-
. fervation and thofe which are directed to the
multiplication of the fpecies, will illuftrate the fore-
going remarks yet funher; and it is, I imagine,
wonhy of obfervation even upon its own account.
As the performance of our duties of every kind
depends upon life, and the performing them with
vigour and efficacy depends upon health, wc are
very ftrongly affeded with whatever threatens the
deftrufiion of either : but as we were not made to
acquiefce in life and healtb,^ the fimple enjoyment
of them is not attended with any real pleafure, left,
fatfsfied with that, we fhould give ourfelves over to
indolence and inadion. On the other hand, the
generation of mankind is a great purpofe, and it is
requifite that men ihould be animated to the purfuit
of it by fome great incentive. It is therefore at-
tended with a very high pleafure ; but as it is by
|io means defigned to be our conftant bufinefs, it is
pot fit that the abfence of this pleafure fhould be
I attended with any confiderable pain. The differ-

cnce between men and brutes in this point, feems
. 19 be remarkable. Men arc at all times pretty

equally

AND B E A U T I F U !• 3^

equally difpofed to die pleafurcs of love, becaufe
they are to be guided by reafou iu the time and
manner of indulging them. Had any great pain
arifen from the want of this fatisfadion, reafon, I am
afraid, would find great difficulties in the perfor-
mance of its office. But brutes, who obqy laws in
the execution of which their own reafon has but
little ihare, have their dated feafons ; at fuch times
it is not improbable that the fenfation from the want
is very troublefome, becaufe the end mud be then
anfwered, or be miffed in many perhaps for ever ;
as the inclination returns only with its feafon.

S E C T. X.
Of BEAUTY.

THE paffion which belongs to generation, merely
as fuch, is luft only. This is evident in
brutes, whofe paffionf are more unmixed, and which
purfue their purpofes more dire£Uy than ours. The
only diftinftion they obferve vrith regard to their
mates, is that of fex. It is true, that they ftick
feverally to their own fpecies in preference to all
others. But this preference, I imagine, does not
arife from any fenfe of beauty which they find in
their fpecies,. as Mr. Addifon fuppofes, but from a
law of fome other kind, to which they are fubjeft ;
and this we may fairly conclude, from their apparent
want of choice amongft thofe objeds to which the
Carriers of their fpecies have confined them. But
^ man.

40 On the sublime.

man, who is a creature adapted to a greater variety
and intricacy of relation, connefts with the general
pailion, the idea of (omt /octal qualities, which dircft
and heighten the appetite which he has in common
with all other animals ; and as he is not defigned
like them to live at large, it is fit that he fhould have
fomcthing to create a preference, iand fix his choice ;
and this in general ihould be fome fenfible quality ;
as no other can fo quickly, fq^owerfiilly, or fo fure-
ly produce its effcft. The c^^ft therefore of this
kiixed pafdoD, which we call love, is the beauty of
iht/ex. Men are carried to the fex in general, as
it is the fex, and by the common law of nature ;
but they are attached to particulars by perfonal
beauty. I call beauty a focial quality ; for where
women and meo, and not pnly they, but whea
other animals give us a fenfe of joy and pleafure
in beholding them (and there are ma^y that do 'fo},
they infpire us with fentiments of tendemei^ and
affc&ion towards their perfons ; .Wfi like xo have
them near us, and we enter williogly into a kind of
relation with them, -uolefs we ihould have (Irong
reaibns to the contrary. 3ut to what en4y in maajr
cafes, this was defigned, I am unable . to difcovex ^
for I fee no greater rcafou for a connexion between
man and feveral animals who are attired in fo epgag-
ing a manner, than betweep him and forqe others
who entirely want this attraction, or poiTcfs it in ^
far weaker degree. But it is probable, that Pro-
vidence did not make even this . diftinClion, but
With a. view to fome great end, though we capoot
perceive diftinftly what it is, as his wifdom is not our

wifdom, nor our ways his ways.

SECT.

t I

AND BEAtJTIFUl. 41

SECT. XL
SOCIETY and SOLITUDE.

THE fecond branch of the focial paifioos is that
which adminifters to society in general. With
regard to this, I obferve, that fociety, merely as fo-
ciety, without any particular heightenings, gives us
no pofitive pleafure in the enjoyment ; but abfolute
and entire- solitude^ that is, the total and perpetuatl ex-
clufion from all fociety, is as great a pofitive pain as
can almoft be conceived. Therefore in the balance
between the pleafure of general society j and the pain
of abfolute folitude, pain is the predominant idea.
But the pleafure of any particular focial enjoyment
outweighs very confiderably the uneafincfs caufed by
the want of that particular enjoyment ; fo that the
flrongeft fenfations relative to the habitudes of far^
ticular society^ are fenfations of pleafure. Good com-
pany, lively convcrfations, and the endearments of
friendfhip, fill the mind with great pleafure ; a tem-
porary folitude, on the other hand, is itfclf agreeable.
This may perhaps prove that we are creatures dcfign-
ed for contemplation as well as aflion ; fmce folitude
as well as fociety has its plcafures ; as from the for-
mer obfervation we may difccrn, that an entire life of
folitude contradifts the purpofcs of our being, fince
death itfelf is fcarcely an idea of more terror.

^ SECT.

4a On the SUBLIME

SECT. XII.

SYMPATHY, IMITATION, and

AMBITION.

UNDER this deoominatioti of ibciety, the poffioas
are of a complicated kind 5 and branch ont imo
a yacriety of forms agreeable to that variety of ends
they are to ferve in the great chain of fociety^ The
three priacipal links in this chain zte/ympail^y^ imi*
ialion^ and ambition.

SECT. Xlil.

SYMPATHY.

IT is by the firft of thcfc paffions that we enter in-
to the concerns of othei's \ that we are moved
as they- are moved, and are never fufTered to be io*
different fpe£lators of almofl any thing which men
can do or fu^er. For fympathy mud be coniidered
as a fort of fabftitution, by which we are put into
the place of another man, and aflfcdted in many re*
fpe6ls as he is affe£bed : fo that this pai&on may ei-
ther partake of the nature of thofe which regard
felf-preferv^tion, and turning upon pain may be a
fource of the fublhne ; or it may turn upon ideas o^
pleafure ; aq4 then whatever has been f<^d of the
focial afFcftions, whether they regard fociety in ge-*
neral, or only fome particular modes of it, may be
applicable here. It is by this principle chiefly that
poetry, painting, and other affe£ling arts, transfufe
iheir paffions from one bread to another, and are
«ften capable of grafting a delight on wretchednefs,

miferj

AND BEAUTIFUL. 43

nxifcry, and (kath itfelf. Ic is a cohuboq obferTation,
that obje&s which in the reality wouid fhock, are in
tragical, and fucb like rcprefentatioiis^ the fource of
a very high fpecies of pleafure* This takea as a fad,
has been the caufe of much reafoning. The fatis.-
\ &£doQ has bees commonly attributed, firft, to die
comfort we receive in confideriiig that (o melancholy
a ftory k no more than a &£Hon ; and next, to the
COOtemplatioB of our own freedom from the evils
which we fee reprefented. I am afraid it is a prac-
tice aiKh too common in enquiries of this nature,
to attribute the caufe of feelings which merely arifc
from the mechanical (hruAure of our bodies, or from
the natural frame and conftitution of our minds, to
certain conclufions of the reaibning faculty oo the
i^j^^ prefented to us ; for I ihould imagine, that
the influence of reafbn in producing our pafBons is
nothing near tcj extenfive as it is comm<»iiy believed.

i

SECT. XIV.

The cffefts of S Y M P A T H Y in the diftrdfei

of others,

TO examine this point concerning the efieft of
tragedy in a proper manner, we mufl previouf-
ly confider how we are affefted by the feelings of
our fellow-creatures in circumftances of real diftrefs.
i am convinced we have a degree of delight, and
that no fmall one, in the real misfonunes and pains
of others : for let the aflfedion be what it will in
appearance, if it does not make us fhun fuch objeds.

Fa if

44 On the S U B L I M E

if on the contrary it induces us to approach them, if
it makes us dwell upon them, in this cafe I conceive
tve muft have a delight or pleafure of fome fp'ccies
or other in contemplating objef^s of this kind. Do
we not read the aiithentic hidories of fcenes of this
nature with as much pleafure as romances or poems^
where the incident? arc fi^itious ? The profpcrity of
no empire, nor the grandeur of no king, can fo a-
greeably affeA in the reading, as the ruin of the ftatc
of Macedon, and the djflrefs of its unhappy prince.
Such a cataftrophe touches us in hiftory as much as
the deftruSion of Troy does in fable. Our delight,
in cafes of this kind, is very greatly heightened, if
the fufierer be fome excellent perfon who finks un-
der an unworthy fortune. Scipio and Cato are both
virtuous charafters ; but wc are more deeply .affec-
ted by the violent death of the one, and the ruin of
the great caufe he adhered to, than with the deferv-
cd triumphs and uninterrupted profperity of the o-
ther ; for terror is a paffion which always produces
dqlight when it does not prcfs too clofe ; and pity
is a pafCon accompanied with pleafure, becaufe it
arifes from' love and focial afFcftion. Whenever wc
arc formed by nature to any aftive purpofc, the paf-
fion which animates us to it, is attended with delight,
or a pleafure of fome kind, let the fubjeS-matter be
what it will ; and as our Creator has defigned wc
fhould be united by the bond of fympathy, he has
flrengtbened that bond by a proportionable deligl^t }
and there mofl where our fympathy is moft wanted,
in the diftrcffes of others. If this pafCon w^s Am-
ply painful, we would fhun with the greatefl care all

perfoB?

» J

AND B E A U T I F U L. 45

perfons and places that could excite fuch a paffion ;
as fome, who arc fp far gone in indolence as not to
endure any ftrong impreflion, aftually do. But the
cafe is widely different with the greater part of man-
Icind ; there is no fpeftacle we fo eagerly purfue, as
that of fome uncommon and grievous calamity j fo
that whether the misfortune is before our eyes, or
•whether they are turned back to it in hiftory, it
always touches with delight. This is not an un-
mixed delight, but blended with no fmall uneaiinefs*
The delight we have in fuch things, hinders us from
fhunning fcenes of mifery j and the pain we feel,
prompts us to relieve ourfelves in relieving thofe who
fuffer ; and all this antecedent to any reafoning, by
an inftinft that works us to its own purpofes with*
€ut our concurrence.

SECT. XV,

Of the efFefts of TRAGEDY,

IT is thus in real calamities. In imitated diftrefles
the only diflference is the pleafure refulting
from the effcAs of imitation ; for it is never fo per*
fed, but we can perceive it is imitation, and on that
principle ar^'fomewhat pleafcd with it. And indeed
in fome cafes we derive as much or more pleafure
from that fource than from the thing itfelf. But
then I imagine we (hall be much miftaken if we at-
tribute any confiderable part of our fatisfaflion ia
tragedy to the confideration that tragedy is a deceit,
iind its reprefentations no realities. The nearer it

approaches

46 On THE SUBLIME

approaches the reality, and the further it rcmoTCi
U6 frpm all idea of fiftion, the more perfed is it$
power* But be its power of what kind it will, it
never approaches to what it reprdfents* Ghoofe z
day 00 which to reprefent the mod fUblime and at
fefting tragedy we have ; appoint the moft favourite
a^ors i fpare no coil upon the fcenes and decora-
tions i unite the greatefl efforts of poetry^ paintings
and muiic ; and when you have collected your au-
dience, juft at the moment when their minds arc
cred with expectation, let it be reported that a ftate
criminal of high rank is on the point of being Cjce-
cuted in the adjoining fquare ; in a moment the
emptinefs of the theatre would dcmonftrate the
comparative weakneis of the imitative arts, and pro^*
claim the triumph of the real fympatby. I brieve
that this notion of our having a fimple pain in the
reality, yet a dqlight in the reprefentation, arifes
from hence, that we do not fufEciently diftinguifh
what wc would by no* means choofe to do, from
what we Ihould be eager enough to fee jf it was
once done. We delight in feeing things, which £q
ht from doing, our heartieft wiflics would be to fee
redreflfed. This noble capital, the pride of Englaad
and of Europe, I believe no man is fo ftrangely
wicked as to defire to fee dcftroyed by a conAagra-
lion or an earthquake, though he fttould be remov-
cd himfdf to the greatcft diftance fropi the danger.
But fuppofe fuch a fatal accident to have happened,
wha^ numbers from all parts would crowd to behold
the ruins, and amongft them many who would have
been content never to have feen London in its glory !
Nor is it, either in real or fiftitious diltreffes, our

immunity

AKD BEAUTIFUL. 47

immunity from them which produces our, delight ;
in my own mind I can difcover nothing like it, I
apprehend that this miftake is owing to a fort of
fophifm, by which we are frequcotly impofcd upbn ;
it arifes from our not diftinguifliing between what is
indeed a neceflary condition to our doing or fufferin^
any thing in general, and what is the cause of fome
particular aft. If a man kills me with a fword, it \%
a neceiTary condidpn to this that we (hould have
been both of us alive before the fa£t ; and yet it
would be abfurd to fay, that our being both living
creatures was the caufc of his crime and of my death*
So it is certain, that it is abfolutely neceflary my life
ihould be out of any imminent liazard, before I caa
take a delight in the fufTerings of others, real or im«
aginary, or indeed in any thing elle from any caufe
wbatfoever. Bu]t then it is a fophifin to argue from
thence, that this immunity is the caufe of my
delight either on thefe or on any occafions. No one
can diftingoifh fuch a caufe of fatisfadion in his
own mind, I believe ; nay, when we do not fuffirr
any very acute pain, nor are expofed to any imminent
danger of our lives, we can feel for others, whilft
wc fuffcr ourfelves ; and often then mcrfl when wc
arc foftcned by affli^lion ; wc fee with pity even
diftrefies which we would accept in the place of
our own.

SEC T.

On the sublime

SECT. XVI.

IMITATION.

THE fecoDd pailion belonging to fociety is imita-*
tion^ or if you will, a defire of imitating, and
confequenily a pleafure in it. This paillon arifcs
from much the fame caufc with fympathy. For as
fympathy makes us take a concern in whatever men
feel, fo this affcftion prompts us to copy whatever
they do ; and confequently we have a pleafure in
imitating, and in whatever belongs to imitation
merely as it is fuch, without any intervention of the
reafoning faculty ; but folely from our natural con-
ftitution, which Providence has framed in fuch a
manner as to find either pleafure or delight, accord-
ing to the nature of the objeft, in whatever regards
the purpofes of our being. It is by imitation, far
more than by precept, that we learn every thing ;
and what we learn thus, we acquire not only more
cffeftually, but more pleafantly. This forms our
manners, our opinions, our lives. It is onie of the
ftrongeft links of fociety; it is a fpecies of mutual
compliance, which all men yield to each other with-
out ccnftraint to themfelves, and which is extremely-
flattering to all. Herein it is that painting and man j
other agreeable arts have laid one of the principal
foundations of their power. And fince, by its in-
fluence on our manners and our pailions, it is of
fuch great confequence, I ihall here venture to lay

down

AND BEAUTIFUL 4^

down a rule, which may inform tis with a good de-
gree of certainty when wc arc to attribute the powcir
of the arts to imitation, or to our pleafure in iht
Ikill of the imitator merely, and when to fympathy,
or fome other caufe in conjundion with it. Wheti
ihc objeft reprefented in poetry or painting is fiich
as we could have no defitc of feeing in the reality,
then I may be fure that its powet in poetry or paintJ-
ing is owing to the power of imitation, and to no
caufe operating in the thing itfclf. So it is with
mod of the pieces which the painters call (till-life.
In thefe a cottage, a dunghill, the meaneft: and moft
ordinary utenfils of the kitchen, are capable of giv-
ing us pleafure. But when the objeft of the paint- .
ing or poem is fuch as we fhould run to fee if real,
let it affeft us with what odd fort of fenfc it will,
wc may rely upon it, that the power of the poetti
or pifture is more owing to the nature of the thing
itfelf than to the mere effeA> of imitation, or to a
confideration of the ikill of the imitator, however
excellent. Ariftotle has fpoken fo much and fa
folidty upon the force of imitation in his poetics,
that jt makes any further difcourfe upon this fubje££
the Icfs neceffary.

SECT. XVII.

A

A M B I T I O N.

LTHOUGH imitation is, one of the great in-
ftruments ufcd by Providence ^ in bringing

G OTir

50 On the sublime

our nature towards its perfection, yet if men gave
thenielves up to imitation entirely, and each follow-
ed the other, and fo on in an eternal circle, it if
cafy to fee that there never could be any improve-
ment amongft them. Men muft remain as brutes da,
the fame at the end that they are at this day, and that
they were in the beginning of the world- To pre-
vent this, God has planted in man a fenfe of ambi*
tionj and a fadsfadron aridng from the contemplation
of his excelling his fellows in fbraething deemed
. valuable amongft them. It is this paifion that drives
men to all the ways we iee in ufe of iignalizing
themfelves, and that tend& to make whatever excites
in a man the idea of this diftinftion fo very pleafaat.
It has been fo ftrong as to make very miferable men
take comfort that they were fupreme in mifery ; and
certain it is, that where we cannot diftinguifli our-
ielves by ibmethiiig excellent, we begio (o take a
complacency in feme fidgular infirmities, fdllies, or
defeats of one kind or othet. It is o& this princi-
ple that flattery is fo prevalem ) for flattery is
no more than what rai&s in a man's mind an
idea of a preference which he has not* Now,
whatever, either on good or upon bad grounds,
tends to raife a man in his own opinion, pro-
duces a fort of fuelling and triumph, that is
extremely grateful to the human mind j and this
fwelling is never more perceived, nor operates with
m #*e force, than when without danger we are con-
verfant with terrible objefts, the mind always claim-
ing to itfelf feme part of the dignity and imponance
of the things which it contemplates. Hence pro-
ceeds what Longinus has obfcrved of that glory-
ing

i

AND BEAUTIFUL. 51

ing and fenfe of inward greatnefs, that always fiyils
the reader of fiiob paffages in poets and orators as
are fublime ; it is what every man mud have felt in
bimfelf upon fuch occailons.

SECT. xvnL

The RECAPITULATION.

TO draw the whole of what has been faid into
a few diflinA points ; The pafiions which
belong to felf-prefervation, turn on pain and dan-
ger J they are (imply painful when their caufes im-
mediately aflfcft us ; they are delightful when we
have an idea of pain and danger, without being
aAually in fuch circumftances ; this delight I have
Bot called pleafure, becaufe it turns on pain, and
becaufe it is different enough from any idea of pofi-
tive pleafure. Whatever excites this delight, I call
fublime. The'paffions belonging to felf-prefcrvation
are the ftrongeft of all the paifions.

The fecond head to which the paifions are refer-
red with relation to their final caufe, is fociety.
There are two forts of focieties. The firft is, the
fociety of fcx. The paflion belonging to this is
called love, and it contains a mixture of luil ; its
objeft is the beauty of women . The other is the
great fociety with man and all other animals. The
paflion fubfcrvient to this is called likewife love, but
it has no mixture of luft, and its objeft is beamy ;
which is a name I (hall apply to all (uch qualities in
things as induce in us a fenfe of affeflion and tender-

G 2 ncfS|

$2 On the S U B L I M E.

jicfe, or fomc other paf&on the moft nearly refemr
bling thcfc. The paiEon of love has its rife in pod- ,
tive pleafure ; it is, like all things which grow out
' of pleafure, capable of being mixed with a mode of
pneafinefs, that is, when an idea of its objeft is
excited in the mind with an idea at the fame time
of having irretrievably loft it. Thisr mixed fenfc of
pleafure I have not called pain^ becaufe it turns upon
a£lual pleafure, and becaufe it is, both in its caufe
and in mqft of its eifeds, of a nature altogether
different.

Next to the general paffion we have for fociety,
to a choice in which we are dircfted by the pleafure
we have in the objed, the panicular palCon under
this head called fympathy has the greateft extent.
The nature of this pailion is to put us in the place
of another in whatever circumftance he is in, an4
to aifcA us iq a like manner ; fo that this paflion
may, as the o^calion requires, turn either' on pain
pr pleafure ; but with the modifications mentioned
in fome cafes in fed. 1 1. As to imitation and pre-
ference, nothing more need be faid.

SECT. XIX.

The C O N C L U S I O N,

• • • I

I Believe that an attempt to range and methodize
fome of our moft leading paffions, would be a
good preparative to fuch an enquiry as we are going
to make in the enfuing difcourfc. The paffions I
have mentioned are almoft the only ones which it
can be necefTary to confider in our prcfent defign ;

though

AKD BE AtJTIFUL, 53

though the variety of the paflioos is great, and wpr*
thy in every branch of that variety of an attentive in-
veftigation. The more accurately we fearch into
the human mind, the (Ironger traces we every where
find of his wifdom who made it. If a difcourfe on
the ufe of the parts of the bocly may be confidered
as an hymn to the Creator ; the ufe of the paiEons,
which are the organs of the mind, cannot be bar-
ren of praife to him, nor unproductive to ourfelves
of that noble and uncommon union of fcience and
admiration, which a contemplation of the works of
infinite wifdom alone can afford to a rational mind ;
whilft, referring to him whatever we find of right or
good or fair in ourfelves, difcovering his ftrength and
wifdom even in our own weaknefs and imperfedbion,
honouring them where we difcover them clearly, and
adoring their profundity where we arc loft in our
fearch, we may be inquifitive without impertinence,
and elevated without pride ; we may be admitted, if
I may dare to fay fo, into the counfels of the AU
mighty by a confideration of his works. The eleva-
tion of the mind ought to be the principal end of all
our ftudies, which if they do not in fomc meafurc
cflFeft, they are of very little fervice to us. But, be-
fides this great purpofe, a confideration of the ra-
tionale of our paffions feems to me very neceflary for
all who would affefl them upon folid and fure prin-
ciples. It is not enough lo know them in general :
to affcft them after a delicate manner, or to judge
properly of any work defigned to aficft them, we
ihould know the exaft boundaries of their feveral
jurifdiftions ; we ftxould purfue them through all
their variety of operations, and pierce intp the in-?

mofi^

54 On the SUB LIME

moil, and what might appear inaccdfible parts of <mr
nature,

^od laUt arcand non enarrdbUe fhra*

Without all this it is poifible for a man, after a con*
fiifed manner, fometimes to fatisfy his own mind of
the truth of his work ; but he can never have a
certain determinate rule to go by, nor can he evo:
make his propofitions fufficiently clear to others,
t^oets, and orators, and painters, and thofe who
cultivate other branches of the liberal arts, have
without this critical knowledge fucceedcd well
in their feveral provinces, and will fucceed ; as a-
mong artificers there are many machines made and
even invented without any exaft knowledge of t"hc
principles they are governed by. It is, I own, not
uncommon to be wrong in theory and right in prao
^ice ; and we are happy that it is fo« Men often aft
right from their feelings, who afterwards reafon but
ill on them from principle ; but as it is impoiliblc
to avoid an attempt at fuch reafoning, and equallj
impoflible to prevent its having fome influence on
our pradice, furely it is worth taking fome pains to
have it juft, and founded on the bafis of fure expe-
rience. We might expeft that the artifts themfelvcs
would have been our furefl guides ; but the artifts
have been t6o much occupied in the praftice : the
philofophers have done little ; and what they have
done, was moftly with a view to their own fchemes
and fyftems ; and as for thofe called critics, they have
generally fought the rule of the arts in the wrong
place 5 they fought it among poems, piftures, engra*

vingsy

AKD BEAUTIFUL. 55

TiDgs, ftatues and buildings. Bm art can never give
the rules that make an art. This is, I bdicve, the
reafon why anifts in general, and poets pnodpally,
hav&4)een confined in fo narrow a circle ; they have
been rather imitators of one another than of nature ;
and this with £0 faithful an uniformity, and to fo re*
mote an antiquity) that it is bard to fay who gave
the firft model. Critics follow them, and therefore
can do little as guides. I can judge but poorly of
any thing, whilfl I meafure it by no other (landard
than itfelf. The true ftandard of the arts is in eve-
ry man*s power ; and an eafy obfervation of the raoft
common, fometimes of the roeaneft things in nature,
will give the trueft lights, where the greatcfl faga-
city and induflry that flights fuch obfervation, muft
leave us in the dark, or, what is worfe, amufe and
miflead us by falfe lights. In an enquiry it is almoft
every thing to be once in a right road. I am fatis-
fie^ I hav^ done but little by thefe obfervations con-
fidered in thcmfclves ; and I never fhould have taken
the pains to digeft them, much lefs fhould I have ever
ventured to publifh them, if I was nor convinced that
nothing tends more to the corruption of fcience than
to fufFer it to flagnate. Thefe waters muft be trou-
bled before they can exert their virtues. A man
who works beyond the furface of things, though he
may be wrong himfelf, yet he clears the way for o-
thers, and may chance to make even his errors fub»
fervient to the caufc of truth. In the following
parts I fhall enquire what things they are that caufc
in us the affeftions of the fublime and beautiful, as in
this I have confidered the affeftions themfclves, I
only defire one favour, that no part of this difcourfc

may

56

On the sublime.

may be judged of by itfelf^and independeotly of tiM
reft ; for I am feniible I have not difpofed my ma-
terials to abide the teft of a captious controverfy,
but of a fober and even forgiviqg examination ;
that they are not armed at all points for battle, but
drefled to vilit thofe who are willing to give a peace^
ful entrance to truth.

THE END OF THE FIRST PART

C 57 3

A Philofophical Enquiry

TNTO TH«

( ORIGIN o F o o R IDE AS

OF THB

SUBLIME AND BE AUTIFUk^

PART. II.

SECT. I.

Of the paffidd caiifed by the StJBLlME. i

THE pailion caufed by the great and fublime m
nature^ when thofe caufcs operate moft poweri
fully, is aftonifliment ; and aftonifliment is that ftatc
of the foul, in which all its motions are fufpfcndcd^
with fome degree of horror *. In this cafe, the
mind is fo entirely filled with its objeft, that it can-
not entertain any other, nor by confcquence reafoDt
on that objeft which employs it. Henc6 arifcs the
great power of the fublime, that, far from being pro*
duced by them, it anticipates otir feafonmgs, and
hurries us on by an irrefiftible force. AftoniiDh'menti
as I have faid, is the effcft of the fublime in its high-
eft degree ; the inferidr effefts arc admiration^ reve-
rence and refpeft.

• Part. I. Scd. 3, -f, 7-

H S E C Tw

5$ On the sublime

SECT. n.
TERROR.

NO paiCon fo efle£lually robs the mind of aQ
its powers of a6liug and reafoning as fear.
* t6T fear beiag an apprtheolion of pain or death,
it operates in a manner that refembles adlual pain.
Whatever therefore is terrible with regard to fight,
is fublime too, whether this caufc of terror, be en-
dued with greatnefs of ditfieniions or not y for it b
impoflible to look on any thing as trifling, or con-
temptible, that may be dangerous. There are ma-
ny aaimalsy who though far from being large, arc
yet capable of ralfing ideas of the fublime, becaufe
(bey are confidercd as objo^ t)f terror ; as ferpcmt
and pokfanous animals of ahnoft all kinds. And to
itbiogs of great ^imenfions, if we annex an adveati-
tioEs idea of terror, they become without compari-
£m greater. A level plain of a vail extent on land,
k certainly no mean idea i the prolpcA of fuch a plain
inay be as extcniive 6s a profped of the~^ ocean :
fynt can it ever fill the mind with any thing fo ^rear
as the ocean itfelf ? This is owing to ieveral caufes ;
fc^t it is owing to none more than this, that the
oce» is an ohjcSt of no fioall terror. Indeed ter**
xor is in all cafes whatfoever, either more openly or
latently, the raling principle of the fublime* Seve-
ral languages bear a ftrong teftimony to the affinity
of thefe ideas. Tbey frequently ufe the fame word,
to fignify indifferently the modes of afloniihment or

AND BEAUTIFUL.

59

^admiration and thofe of terror. e^c,^( is in Greeks
cither fear or wonder; htf^^ is terrible or refpeft*
able ; «f)i«, to reverence or to fear. Vereor in Latin,
is what «i^« is in Greek. The Romans ufed the
verb Jiupeoy a term which ftrongly marks the ftatc
of an aftoniihed mind, to cxprefs the effeft either of
fimple fear, or of aftonifliraent ; the word aiioniitu
(thundcr-ftruck) is equally expreflivc of the alliance
of thefe ideas ; and do not the French etonnemeni^
and the Engliih q/ionijhment and amazement^ point out
as clearly thc~ kindred emotions which attend fea?
and wonder ? They who have a more general know-
ledge of languages, could produce, I make no doubt|
many other and equally ftrikiog examples.

SECT. IIL

OBSCURITY.

TO make any thing very terrible, obfcurity • feems
in general to be ncceffary. When we know
the full extent of any danger, when we can accuftom
our eyes to it, a great deal of the apprehenfion va-
nifhcs. Every one will be fenfible of this, who con-
fiders how greatly night adds to our dread, in all
cafes of danger, and how much the notions of ghods
and goblins, of which none can form clear ideas,
affeA minds which give credit to the popular talep
concerning fuch forts of beings* Tt.ofe defpotic
governments, which are founded on the paifions of
men, and principally upon the paiEon of fear, keep

• tart. IV. fea. 14, 15, 16.

H a their

6m On THE S U B L I M E

«

their chief as much as may be from the public cjrc.
The policy has been the fame in many cafes of relU
gion. Almoft all the heathen temples were dark.
'Even in the barbarous temples of the Americans at
this day, they keep their idol in a dark part of the
hut, which is confecrated to his worfhip. For this
purpofe too the druids performed all their ceremo-
nies in the bofom of the darkeft woods, and in the
(hade of the oldeft and moft fpreading oaks. No
perfon feems better to have underftood the fecret of
iieightening, or of fetting terrible things, if I may
pfe the expreflion, in their (Irongeft light, by the
force of a judicious obfcurity, than Milton. His
flefcriptipn of death in the fecond book is admirably
iludied ; it is aftonifliing with what a gloomy pomp,
Heith what a iignificant and expreflive uncertainty of
ilrokes and colouring, he has finifhed the portrait of
the king of terrors :

Tie otter Jtape^
J^Jbapi it might he eatPd that thape bad none,
Distingutfl^able in member ^joint,^ or limb %
Orfuhstance might be calTd that shadow, seenfd^
For each seemed either ; black he stood as night ;
Fierce as ten furies ; terrible as hell ;
And shook a deadly dart. What seemed his head

The likenefs of a kingly crown had on.

* ■ . . . ' '

In this defcription all is dark, uncertain, confufed,
terrible, and fublime to the I aft degree.

S E G T.

AND BEAUTIFUL. 61

SECT. IV.

Of the difference between CLEARNESS
and OBSCURITY with regard to the
. paflions.

IT is one thing to make an idea clear, and ano-
ther to make it a£fe^ing to the imagination. If
I make a drawing of a palace, or a temple, or a land-
fcape, I prefcnt a very clear idea of, thofe objcAs j
but then (allowing for the efFcft of imitation, which
is fomething) my pi^^ure can at mofl: affed only as
the palace, temple, or landfcape, would have affec-
ted in the reality. On the other hand, the moft
lively and fpirited verbal defcription I can give, raifes
a very obfcure and iroperfeA idea of fuch objeAs ;
but then it is in my power to raife a (Ironger enui'
Hon by the defcription than I :ouId do by the bed:
painting. This experience conftantly evinces. The
proper manner of conveying the qffeSliom of the
inind from one to another, is by words ; there is a
great infufficiency in all other methods of communi-
cation ; and fo far is a clearnefs of hnagery from be-
ing abfolutcly neceflary to an influence upon the
paflions, that they may be confiderably operated up-
on, without prefenting any image at all, by certain
founds adapted to that purpofe ; of which we have
a fufficient proof in the acknowledged and powerful
effects of inftrumental mufic. In reality, a great clear-
nefs helps but little towards affeding the paflions, as
it is in fome fort an enemy to all cnthufiafms whatfo-
fver.

SECT,

6i ©N THE S U B L I M E

SECT. (IV.)
' The iame fubjeA condnued.

THERE are two vcrfes in Horace's art of poe-
try that feem to cootradidl this opinion, for
Trhich reafon I fhall take a little more pains in clear-
ing it up. The vcrfes are,

Segnitis irritant amnios iemijfa per auri$^
Quam qtutfunt octdii JubjiEla jidelihus*

On this the Abbe da Bos founds a criticifin^
wherein he gives painting the preference to poetry,
in the article of moving the pailions ; principally
on account of the greater clearnefs of the ideas it
reprefents. I believe this excellent judge was led
into this miftake (if it be a miftake) by his fyftem,
to which he found it more conformable than I im-
jigine it will be found by experience. I know feve-
ral who admire and love painting, and yet who re-
'gard the obje£i;s of their admiration in that art with
coolnefs enough in comparifon of that warmth with
which they are animated by aifeding pieces of poe-
try or rhetoric. Among the common fon of peo«
pie, I never could perceive that painting had much
influence on their paflions. It is true, that the bed
forts of painting, as well as the beft forts of poetry,
are not much underftood in that fphere* But it is
moft certain, that their pafHons are very (brongly
roufcd by a fanatic preacher, or by the ballads of

^ Chevy*

AND BEAUTIFUL. 63

Chcvy-chafe, or the children in the wood, and jsy
other litde popular poems and tales that are oirreoc
in that rank of life. I do not know of any paint-
ings, bad or good, that produce the fame effcft. So
that poetry, with all its obfcurity^ has a more gene-
ral, as well as a more powerful dominion over the
paffibns than the other art. And I think there are
reafons in aatore, why the obfciire idea, when pro*
perly conveyed, ihonld be inoie affeding than the
clean It is our ignorance of things that caufes all
our admiration, and chiefly excites our paifions*
Knowledge and acquaintance make the mofl: ftrii&.
ing caufes a&d but little, it is thus with the vul-
gar J and all men are as the vulgar in what they do
not underftand* The ideas of eternity, and infinity,
«re among the moft affc^ng we have ; and perhaps
there is nothmg of which we really underflahd fo
little, as of infinity, and eternity. We do not any
where meet a more fublime defcripdon than this
jaftly celebrated one of Milton, wherein he gives
the portrait of Satan with a dignity fo fuitable ta
the fubjoQ: :

Hi above the rejl
In Jhape and gesture -proudly eminent
Stood like a tower \ his firm had yet not hst
Jill her original brightnefs^ nor appeared
Less than archangel ruined^ and th* excess
Of ^ory vbscuf^d : as when the sun new ri^n
Jj0oks 4hrougb the horixwtaJ mhty air
Shirfi of his teams / or from behind the moon
In dim eclipse disastrous twilight sheds
On half the nations ; and with fear cf change
Perplexes monarchs.

Here

;€4 PN THE SUBLIME

Here is a very noble pi£hire ; and in what docs this
poetical piAurc confift ? In images of a tower, aa
archangely the fun rifing through mifts, or in an
^clipfe, the ruin of monarchs, and the revolutions
of kingdoms. The mind is hurried out of iifeif, by a
crowd of great and confiifed images ; which aSe&
becaufe they arc crowded and confufed. For fcpa-
rate them, and you lofe much of the greatnefs ; and
join them, and you infidlibly lofe the cleamefs.
The images raifed by poetry are always of this ob*
fcure kind ; though in general the effcAs of poetry,
are by no means to be attributed to the images k
raifes ; which point we (hall examine more at large
hereafter *• But painting, when we have allowed
for the pleafure of imitation, can only affeft fimply
by the images it prefents ; and even in painting a
judicious obfcurity in fome things contributes to the
' €Sc& of the pifture, becaufe the images in painting
are exaftly fimilar to thofe in nature ; and in nature
dark, confufed, uncertain image$ have a greater
power on the fancy to form the grander paeons,
than thofe have which are ipore clear and determin-
ate. * But where and when this obfervation may be
applied to practice, and how far it {hall be extend-
ed, will be better deduced from the nature of the
, fubjed, and from the occafion, than from any rules
that can be given.

f am fenilble that this idea has met with oppofition,
and is likely (till to be rejeded by ieveraL But let
it be confidcred, that hardly any thing can ftrike

♦Pm v.

the

C€
CC
€C

AC

AKb B E A U T 1 F U D. i$

the mind with it^ grcatnefs, which docs not; iBal?6
fome fort of approach towards infinity ; which no{h<«
ing can do whilft \irc atre able to perceive it^.bopnds ;
but to fee an objeA di(lin£II]r, and to perceive jt^
bounds, is one and the fan^e thing* A clear )dea
18 therefore another name for a: little idea. There
is a paiTlge in the book of Job amazingly fublim<:»
and this fubJimity is principally due. to. the terrible
uncertainty of the thing dcfcribed : ^^ In thoughts
** from the . vifions of . the nigh?^ when deep fleep
falleth upon men, fear came upon ine and trem^
bling, which made all my bones to (hake. Then
a fpirit pafled before my face. The hair of my
flefli flood up. It ftood (lill, but I could not difcerri
the form thereof; an image wiis before mine eyes ;
there was filcnce ; and I heard a voice, — Shall
** mortal man be more juft than God ? ** We am
firft prepared with the utmoft folemnity for the
vifion ; we are firft terrifiiCd, before we are let evca
into the obfcure caufe of our emotion : but when
this grand caufe of terror makes its appearance,
what is it? is it not wrapt up in the (hades. of its'
own incomprehenfible darkncfs, more awcful,
more ftriking, more terrible, than the livclicft dcf-
cription, than the cleareft painting, could poffibly^
reprefent it? When painters have attempted to
give us clear reprefentations of thefe very fanciful
smd terrible ideas, they have, I think, almoft always
failed ; infomuch that \ have been. at. a Ipfs, in all
the piftures I have fcen of hell, whether the pain-
ter did not intend fometliing ludicrous. Several
painters have handled a fubjcft of this kind With
a view of aflembling as many horrid phantoms as

I their

« <. )

65 Ok TH]| SUBLIME

tfadr iiftagififttioni} codd lUggeft ; btit all tte ^gM
I hat^ cfiiteced to tactit 6f the temptatbtts of St.
AmUdtiy^ #^t taiher ji ibtt of odd i«ild grotdqut^
&kA iAAf tbi^^ tapabli: <tf {M*odudtig a ferions paC
fiGita4 Ift aH th^e iflil3$ie£^s p6dtry te very iuq^«
It& kpparitioto, it^ cKiiftehts^ ltd hai|^<», m GAeg^ri-*
cill irgia^es, are gratid and aSc^mg^ and ihoQgh
Virgil's FaAi6, atid Homer^s Dilcord^ t!tt tJbfciire^
tBey aile tai^nificent figures, tllde figuitl in pahx^
{Dg wottld he dear etlbiigh, but I fear tbef might
b^coAie ^kitett!6u^«

SECT. V.
POWER.

BESIDES thofc thittgs \irhkh dinafy ftig^eft the
id'ca of daftgel-, and thbfe \*hidi prodtacfc 1
fimilar cifcft from a irfcchatitcal cade, I know of
tiothing fubtime, *hich Is trcrt fotac tnOdHkatioil
6f power. Ahd t^is bfaticll rrfes as niturally ai
the other tW6 britiches, frdtii terror, the commott
ftock 6f every thfdg that is fnbKme. The idea of
p'owdr, at firit View, fcems x>{ the elafs of thefe ift-
differefit ones, which may equdly bel6tig to p«^ 6ir
to pleaftire. Btit itt reality, the afftftioh ^ffidg
froill the idea of vitft poWcr, is extremely MAd/Ct

from that tiemral charaAer. For M-, Wfc riitfft

*einetober, * that the idea of paitt, in to h^eft
degree, is tttlch ftreiiger thaii tht highcft degree
©f pleafure ; . and that it prdferVes the feint ifapa%.

• Pirt L hA, 7.

iorit;^

ANB R E A U T I F U L. 6;

imkf through all the fubordtoatc gradatiom.
From hcac£ it is, that where the chaoccs £3r equal
d^ec6 of fu&ring or oojojraietu are in aaj fort
oqual^ the idea of the fufieriog mud always be pre*
valent. And indeed the ideas of poim and above
att of deaih, are ib very affi:£king» that whild we re*
m^in in the prefeoce of whatever is tuppoied to
have the power of infliding either, it i$ impoOht
bie to be perfedly free from terror. Again, we
know by experience, that for the ei^ymcot ol
pleafure, no great eflFort3 of power are at aU net
ccflary ; nay we know, that (iich e&rts wonU go
a gtcat way towards deftroying our fatisfa^tion ; ioK
pleajfove nuift be ftolen, and not forced upoo u$ s
pleafore fb&ows the will; and therefore we are
generally afieAed with it by many thing$ of a force
greatly inferior to our own. But paiu ia ahvSiyfi
infliAed by a power in (bme way fuperior, hocaufe
we nevcv fubmit to pain williogiy. So that iireogtb,
violence, pain, and terror, are ideas that ruib
in upon the mind together. Look at. a man, or
any other animal of prodigious ftrength, and what
is your idea before refledion ? Is it that this ftrength
will be fiibfeivienc to you, to your eafc, to your
pleasure, to your interefl: in any fenfe ? No ; tb(t
emotion you feei is, left this enormous ftrengtb
ftodd ifp employed to the purpofes ' of ^ rapino
and dc(hi!i&ion. That power derives all its fublimkjf
from the terror with which it b generally accompa^^
Died, wiU appear evidently from its cScGt in the verj
few cafes ia wliich it may be poiflible to ftrip a confid^'*

l3

* Vi4« ?vt III, Asia, %i.

rable

68 On the SUBLIME

rabic degree of ftrength of its ability to hurt. When
you do this, you fpoil it of every thing fublime, and
k immediately becomes contemptible. An ox is a
creature of vaft ftreiigth ; but be is an innocent
creature, excreniely Serviceable, and not at all dan-
gerous ; for which reaibn the idea of an ox is by no
means grand. A bull is ftrong too : but his ftrength
is of another kind ; often very deftruftivc, feldoni
(at leaft amongft us) of any ufe in our bufinefs ; the
idea of a bull is therefore grear, and it has frequent-
ly a place in fublime defcriptions, and elevating com-
parifons. Let us look at another ftrong animal io
the two diftin^l lights in which we may confider him.
The horie in the light of aq ufeful beaft, £t for the
plough, the road, the dipaft ; in every ibcial ufeful
light the horfe has nothing of the fublime : but is
it thus that we are aflfc^^e^ with him, " whofe neck
^* is cloathed with thunder, the glory of whofe nof-
** trils is' terrible, who fwallbwcth the ground with
V ficrcencfs and rage, neither bcUeveth that it is the
*' found of the trumpet i" In this defcription the ufe-
ful charaftcr of the horfe entirely diiappcars, Jtqd the
terrible and fublime blaze out together. We have
continually about us animals of a ftrength that is con-
iiderable, but riot pernicious. Amongft thefe wc
sever look for the fublime ; it conies upon us in the
gloomy foreft, anc) in the howling wildeme|^ in the
form of the Hon, the tiger, the panther, or rhino-
ceros. Whenever ftrength is only ufeful, and em-
ployed for our benefit or our pleafure, then it is nevcy
ftiblime ; for nothing can zdt agreeably to us that^4o^s
not a^^n conformity to our will, but to aft agreeably
to our will, it rauft be fubjeftto us, and therefore can
never be the caufe of a grand and commanding concep-
tion.

AND B E A U T I F U L. 69

tion. The dcfcription of the wild afs, in Job, is work^
ed up into no fmall fut>limit7, merely by infifting on
his freedom, and his fetting mankind at defiance ;
otherwife the defcription of fuch an animal could
have had nothing noble in it. " Who hath loofed*'
(fays he) " the bands of the wild afs ? whofe houfc
^' I have made the wildernefs, and the barren land
^* his dwellings. He fcorncth the multitude of the
^* city, neither regardeth he the voice of the driver.
** The range of the mountains is his pafture." The
magnificent defcription of the unicorn and of levia*
than in the fame book, is full of the fame heighten-
ing circumftances. " Will the unicorn be willing to
5' fcrve thee, ? canft thou bind the unicorn with his
f^ band in the furrow ? wilt thou truft him becaufc

" his ftrength is great ? Canft thou draw out le-

f^ viathan with an hook ? will he make a covenant
5* with thee ? wilt thou take him for a fervant for
^* ever ? (hall not one be caft down even at the
f^ fight of him ?• ' In fliort, wherefoever we find
ftrength, and in what light foever we look upon
power, we fliall all along obferve the fublime the
fconcoroitant of terror, and, contempt the attendant
on a ftrength that is fubfervient and innoxious. The
race of dogs in many of their kinds, have generally
a competent degree of ftrength and fwiftnefs ; and
they exert thcfe and other valuable qualities which
they poffefs, greatly. to our convenience and pleafure.
Dog$ are indeed the inoft focial, afFedionate, and a-
miable ^njmals of the whole brute creation ; but
love approaches much nearer to contempt than is
commbnly imagined ; and accordingly, though we
carefs dogs, Vfc borrow from them an appellation of
.' . ' thq

^o^ On the sublime

the moft defpicable kind, when we employ terms of
seproach ; and this appdlation is the commoiii mark
of the lafl vileuefs and contempt in every language*
Wolves have not more (Ireagth than feveral ipeciea
of dogs ; but, on account of their unmanageable
fiercenefs, the idea of a wolf is not despicable ; it i&
Bot excluded from grand defcriptions and fimilitudes*
Thus we are affe(fted by ftrengtb, which is natural
power. The power which arifes from iaftiti^ion in
kings and commanders, has the £ime conoedHon with
terror. Sovereigns are frequently addrefled with tim
title of dread majejiy. And it may be obierved, that
young peribns, little acquainted with the world, and
who have not been ufed to approach men in power^
arc commonly ftruckwithan awe which takes away the
free ufe of their faculties*. ** When I prepared my
*' feat in the ftreet,*' (fays Job,) ** the young men
" faw me, and hid thcmfelves.** Indeed, £b aatural
is this timidity with regard to power, and fo ftronglj
docs it inlyere in our conftitution, that very few are
able to conquer it, but by mixing much in the buo
fincfs of the great world, or by ufing no fmaft vior
lence to th^ir natural difpofitions. I know fome peO'-
pie are of ophiioa,-that no degree of terror, acconw
panics the idea of poM^r : and have hazarded to ^a£*
firm, that we can contemplate the idea of 6pd him*
fclf, without any fuch emotion. I purpofcly avoii-
^d, when \ firft confidered this fufeje^k, to itttrodocc
the idea of that great and tremendous Being, as an
example in an argument fo light as this ; though it
frequently occurred to me, not as an ob}e<£^ioa to,
bnt as a ftrong confirmation of, my notions in this
matter. I hope, in what I am going to f*y, I ihaM

ayoi4

AKb BEAUTIFUL. ^l

ivoid prdklfipttofi, whcfre it h almofl: ilbpoffibk fof
afiy moital to fpeak with Arid propriety. I fay tfatd^
that M^Uft ^e caBfidef thie Godhead merely ci( he k
ftn objeQ of the underfbEindiiig) which foxltis a eox&-
|»Iek idea aF power, wHdom, jaftic^^ goodnefs^ aS
ftt^faed-^ a degree far exceedifig the bomids of
Mr ^imtpviibe&fioti, whilft we confider the Divhiicy
ift tlito YiibitA and abftrafted light, ibe hnagiiiatiDii
a^d paffi^nd are litide or codling affe^M. But b^
esufe we aire boufid, by ttie cofidition of our dii-
ture, to afcead to thefe potre Mid imeile&aal ideas,
through ttile mediam of fenfible imagea, and to judge
of tlidfe divide qualities by their evident ads and e^-
fertiona, it b6eoi«ie» eiitremely hard to difeoltaiDgic
ottir Idea of the eaufe from tile efieft by whi<sh we
are led to knoW it^ Thud iK^en w^ eo^miplftte ^
Deity, his attributes and their operation coming
united on the mind, form a fore of feniible image,
and as fach are capable of alfef^ing the imagination.
Now, though in a juft idea of the Deity, perhaps none
of his attributes are predominant, yet to our imagi-
nation, hti po'Wcr , is by far the moft Arikitig* Some
rbfl^iod^ fome com|)ariOg, is nccefiary to feti^fy x»
of his wifdom, his juftice, and his goodnds. To
be ftruck With his power, it is oaly necefiaiy that
We ibould qpea Our eyes« But whilft we coi&tem-
plate fo vaft an objeA, under the arm as it were^ of
almighty power, and invefted upon eveiy ikle with
omniprefence, we fhrink into the minutenefs of our
own nature, and are, in a manner, annihilated before
him. And though a confideratiou of his other attri-
butes may relieve in fome mcafure our apprehen-

fions ;

7« On THE S U B L I M E

fions ; yet no convidibn of the jufticc with which it
is exercifed, nor the mercy with which it is temper-;
ed, can wholly remove the terror that naturally arife^
from a force which nothing can withftand. If we
rejoice, we rejoice with trembling ; and even wbilft
we are receiving benefits, we can&ot but flmdder
at a power which can confer benefits of fiich mighty
importance. When the prophet David cop^eniplat-
ed the wonders • of wifdom and power which are
difplayed in the ceconomy of man, he feems to be
ftruck with a fort of divine horror, and cries out,
«* Fearfully and wonderfully am I made !** An hea-
then poet has a {bntimqnt of a fimilar nature ; Ho-
race looks upon it as the laft effort of philofophical
fortitude,* to behold without terror and amazement^
this immenfe and glorious fabric of the univerfe :

ft

Hunefolmf it steHaSf et Jecedeniia certu
Tempora mommhs^fuai qukforwidme nulla.
ImhaiJpeSmi.

Lucretius is a poet not to be fufpefied of giving way to
fuperftitious terrors ; yet when he fuppofes the whole
mechanifm of nature laid open by the mafter of his
philofophy, his tranfport on this magnificent view,
which he has reprefented in the colours of fuch bold
and lively poetry, is overcaft with a ihade of fecret
dread and horror :

Hu till me rehw quddam divina voluptas
Perclfit at que horror y quodjic Natura iua vi
Tarn mamfejla patet ex omnl parte reteda^

Btit

m ■

AkD BEAUTIFUL. 7.3

But the fcriptare aldiie can fupply ideas ^fwerable
to the majcfly of thts fubjeft. In the fcripture^
where-ever God is reprefented as appearia^ oi fpeak-
ing, every thing tenribie in nattur^ris cstlled \);p to
heighten the awe and folemnity of the divine prefenctf*
The pfaltns, and the prophetical books, are cf owdi4
with inftances of this. kind. " The earth ftjook*'
fays the pfalmift^ ^^ the heaven ^ alfo droppied at the
^^ prefence of the Lord/' And what is remarkable^
the painting preferves the fame charaft^r^. not only
when he is fuppofed defcending to tajb:e veqgeance
upon the wicked, but even when he exerts the Tike
plenitude of power in a£ts of beneficcfnc6 to tnta^^
kind. '^ Tremble thou earth 1 at the prefence of
** the Lord ; at the prefence of thc*<Jod of
<^ Jacob } which turned the rock into {landing
^^ water, the flint into a fountain of waters !'' It
were endlefs to enumerate all the paflages, both in
the facred and profane writets, which eftabliih the
general fentiment of mankind, concerning the infe--
parable union of a facred and reverential awe, with
our ideas of the divinity. Hence the common max-
im, Primos in orbe deos fecit timor. This maxini
may be, as I believe it is, falfc with regard to the
origin of religion. The maker of the maxim faw
how infeparable thefe ideas were, without confider-
ing that the notion of fome great power muft be al-
ways precedent to our dread of it. But this dread
muft neceflarily follow the idea of fuch a.powery
when it is once excited in the mind. It is on this
principle that true religion has, and mud have, fa
large a mixture of falutary fear \ and that falfe reli-
gions have generally nothing elfe but fear to fup-

K port

f4 Oi^ "rkii SUBLIME

pan diism. Before tht Chriftian ttfigioo had, tu it

were, hunanktkd the idea bf the Dhrinity, afi<

brought it fomvwhai: M&ret to m^, ihefe w^ varjr

little faid of the toVe of t^od. Th« foIlo«iers of

Platte hkte femedu&g of it, ittd dttly f^itt^Ahig: ;

the mhef writers of jkig^ti atiti^ft^, Whether pdtks

6r philofeph^^ ilothiog at ^. Aod thfiy ^ho cdn-

iidef \ritfa what infidit^ ^tte^tiod, by What a <filri^[anl

of mriTjr perHhabte o\yb&j thtDtigh Irhat tong habits

tyf piety add contetnphitioil it b, any inaii h ibie t6

attain an tntiire tove abd dfcymidii to thb Deity^ inll

eaiily perceive^ that it is Mt the firft, the teofl Ua-

foral, abd the tbcrfl ftrikihg feilbft Whitfa proceeds

from tfakt idea* Thus We have ttaeed poWer throngh

hs ftTer^gtadations ti^to the highefl: 6f dl, ^hbre

our hnagifiation >» finalfy k)ft ) ^d ire find tdtof,

qbitd throughout the ptogi%f85 its infeplmble tdm-

panidQ, aad gfowiag along With it, a^ fti a$ We caA

pdflibly trace them. Now, a$ power ii uudoubtM*

{y a capital fource of the fublitnb^ this will point out

evidently from wheace m energy is derived, and t#

what daft of ideas we ought to Uttite k^

SEfct. V!.
PRIVATION.

ALL gi¥tetal pritatioiij ait great bee^tife xhtf
ire ^1 terrible j Vtteuiiy^ JDiarknfs^ S^tnde^
and Siknte. With what a ftre of inl&gibatiob, yet
with what feiretity of judgibeat^ has Virgil kmaflTed
all tbeib circumftatlces^ Whei^e he knoWs that ill iht
nages of a trttmeadous digbity ought to be ttnrtedj.

AHB R i; A U T I F U I,. 7 (f

at the mouth of hdl I where, before he unlocks the
fccrets of the great deep^ he feciis to be feized with
a religious horror, and to retire aftonifhed at the
boldnefs of his own de^ :

J^t Cbaott ttiPkUfOhfrn I tofa oo&e fikati^ hu i
9'^ miifat ^lufya hpt\ !fi fufmiu v(^o
fandert ret aba terra eicsXijpnt mtrjat !
Ihaai obfcuriy (oh/tii no6b^ per umbnuq^
Ferque ihmoi Dtu vzcuz^f a inania n^a,

X^e /ttii€€raaepuf 6^<fr / m^n Ofv/yffw^f
Tbe gii£n^ j^ho/isf aaJJlkntfladet ob^ ^
Q €haos% hear atuf PhUg^thon pTQfotlfnd I
WhpfeJoUmn emflrejtretche* wide around !
Give nUf ye greai tremendout fowert^ to teS
0/Jcenes and^fotidert fn tbe deptke of hell t
Gine mi your migbtf fecttU to iB/j^loj^
frqnt tht/e U#ck mhftt. of 4^iniifi to tj^ daj^

P«Tf

Ohfcorc tJ^ went through dreary flitdet Dial Ud
4kng the wqfii domimoae efAe dead*

piroKV'

K 9 SECT.

y6 jOn the S U B L I M E

/'

SECT. VIL
VASTNESS.

GREATNESS ^ of dimcnfion is a powerfal caufc
of the fublime. This is too evident, and the
obfervatioD too common, to need any illuftration ;
it is notfo common, to conudcr in what ways great-
nefs of dimenfion, vailnefs of extent or quantity, has
the mo{)t ftriking cfied. For certainly, there are
ways and modes, wherein the fame quantity of exten-
llon fliall produce greater effeds than it is found to do
in others. Ex^enfion is either in length, height, or
depth. Of thefe the length fp-ikes lead ; an hun-
idred yards of (ven groun4 will never wor|c fuch an
tScSt as a tow^r ap hundred yards higbv pr a rock
or mountain of thitt altitude. I am apt to imagine
likewife, that height is lefs grand than depth ; and
that we are more flruck at looking down from a pre-
cipice, than looking up at an objeA of equal height :
but of th^;;, I an iiot very ppfitive^ A perpendicular
has more force in forming the fublime, thw ^n in-
clified plain ; and the effeds of a rugged and bro-
ken furface feem ilrongcr than where it is fmooth and
poliihed. It woul4 carry us out of our way to en-
ter in this place into the caufe of thefe appearances ;
t>ut certain it is they afford a large and fruitful field
of fpeculation. However, it may. not be amifs to
idd to thefe remarks upon magnitude, diat, as the

great extreme of dimenfion is fublime, fo the lail ex-

, ••» ...... '. .. «•"

• Part IV. fcA. 9.

tremc

AND BEAUTIFUL. 77

ircmc of lictlenefs is in fome meafure fublime lil(c-
vrik ; when we attend to the infinite divifibility of
matter, when we purfue animal life into thefe excef-
fively fmall, and yet organized beings, that efcape
the niceft inquifition of the fenfe, when we pufh onr
difcoveries yet downward, and confider thofc crea-
tures fo many degrees yet fmaller, and the ftilLdimi*
nifhing fcale of exiftence, in tracing which the imagi-
nation is loft as well as the fenfe, we become amaz-
ed and confounded at the wonders of minutenefs ; nor
can we diftinguilh in its eScd this extreme of little-
cefs from the vaft itfelf. For divifion muft be infinite
as well as addition ; becaufe the idea of a perfeft
unity can no more be arrived at, than that of a com-
plete whole, to which nothing may be added^

SECT. vni.

\

I U F J N I T Y.

ANOTHER fourccfipf the fublime is Infinity ;
if it does not rather belong to the laft* In«
£nity has a tendency to fill the mind with that fort
pf delightful horror, which is the moft genuine ef-
feft, and trueft teft of the fublime. There are fcarcc
any things which can become the objeds of our fenfes,
that are really and in their own nature infinite. But
the eye not being able to perceive the bounds of ma-
ny things, they feem to be infinite, and they produce
the fame cffefts as if they were really fo. We arc
deceived in the like manner, if the parts of fome
l^ge object are fo continued to any indefinite num?

ft On THf S U B {. I ^ ^

hcTp tluit tl)c imagination meets iK>chipck which pia|f
^rn^fp^ k% ^:(teQdiog them n% p^p^are*

Wh^icvfr we repeat any ide^ ifcquaaxlj^ fhp
ipjpd^ by ^, fore of ipochaqifn^^ repeals it lofig aftor
the ^rft caufe h^s ceaiibd to operate *» After
whiWicig 2i\>ouU wheq we Gi dowo^ the objefis ^bput
m ftill feem to whirl. After a long £guccei&oii of
ne\(f^9 »s the fall of wateri, or the bp^tiog of forge^
hdmmers, the hammen beat ap4 thp water ipai^
ia the iiHagi&atk» loog after the firit ibmids havq
eeafed to ^Sk£k it; aod they die away at lalt by
l^^a^doRs which are icarcely perceptible. If yo^
)iq14 ^P ^ ^(^1^ po^> vith your ey? to one endf it
wiU fcem extended to a l^gth almofi: iucredible f ,
Place a number of uniform and equidiftaxit markf
on this pole^ they will caufe the fame deception,
and feem multiplied without end. The fenfes,
ftrongly affected in fome one manner, cannot quick*
]y change their tenor, or adapt themfelves to other'
things ; bat they continue in their old channel until
the ftrcngth of the firft mover decays. This is the
rcafon of an appearance ^y frequent io madn^en }
ffaat ihcgf remain whole days and nights, fomecimcs
whole years, in the coottant repetitiofl of fome
remark, ipme complaint, or ibog i which haying
ftruck pDWCpfuUy on their di(prdcried imagioMiQa i»
the bcgifuung of their phrenzy, every repetiiiaii
reinforces i: wkb mw ftrcngth ; and the hurry qf
their fpirics, uareftrained by the curb of r^s^OQ,
f ontin^es it to the end of their lives.

• Part IV. (pa 1%. t f*n IV. iti5L 14.

<

Alio B E A U T I F U Li 75

§E,CiT. tl.

V

SUCCESSION and UNIFORMITY.

SUCCESSION 2xid um/ormii^ of parts art what
conilitute the artificial infinite, i; Succejji(m ;
which is requifite that the parts may be continued
't^ long and in fuch a direction, as by their freque&t
impulfes on the fenfe to imprefs the imagination with
an idea o^ their progrefs beyond their a^liial liniits.
a. tlniformity ; becaiife if the figures of the parts
Ihoiltd be changed, the imagination at every thangft
finds a check ; you are ptefented at every alteration
with the .termination of one idea, and the. begin*
ning of another j by which mdans it becomes iih-
poilibie to continue that uninterrupted progreAion^
which alone can ftamp dn bounded objcAs the cha-
rafter of infinity. * It is in this kind of artificial
infinity, I believe, .we ought tb look for tKe caufe why
a rotund has fuch a noble dtfe^. I'or m a rotund,

*

whether it be a building or a pFantatibn, ' yoii can
60s where fix a boundary; turn wliich way ' you.
will, the fame obj eft (till fecms to' continue, and the
imagination has ho Ireft. But the. parts inufl be uhi- '
form, as well as circularly diFpofed, to give this
figure its full force ; becaufe any diJferencc, whether
t be in the dilpofition or in the figure, of even in
the colour of the parts, is. highly prejudicial to the

* Mf. JMi&Ai, lA the ^idSbtor ^n^mSAt ^ ^leafoiret tf^lhe iiUlgflrft-
tioi^ thinks it is'kecauflb in the rotund at one glance y^n Cm hft]f tha btiild-
i&£. T!us 1 io npt iniagine to be the real caufe.

' . idem

to On THE S U B L I M E

«

idea of infinity, which every change muft check
and interrupt, at every alteration commencing a new
feries. On the fame principles of fucceffioa and
uniformity, the grand appearance of the ancient
heathen temples, which were generally oblong
forms, with a range of uniform pillars on every fide,
will be eafily accounted for. From the fame caufe
alfo may be derived the grand effeA of our aiflcs
in many of our own old cathedrals. The form of
a crofs ufed in fome churches feems to me not fo
eligible as the parallelogram of the ancients ; at
lead, I imagine it is not fo proper for the outfide.
For fuppofing the arms of the crofs every way equal,
if you ftand in a diredion parallel to any of the fide-
walls or colonnades, inftead of a deception that
makes the building more extended than it is, you
are cut oflF from a cohfiderable part (two thirds) of
its aflual length ; and to prevent all poffibility of
progrcilion, the arms of the crofs taking a new direc-
tion, make a right angle with the beam, and there-
by wholly turn the imagination frbm the repetition
of the former idea. Or fuppofe the fpeflator placed
where he may take U direft view of fuch a building,
what will be the confcquence ? the neceffary con-
fcquence will be, that a good part of the bafis of
each angle formed by the intcrfcftion of the arms of
the crofs, muft be inevitably loft ; the whole muft
of courfe aflume a broken unconne£led figure ; the
lights muft be unequal, here ftrong and there weak^
without that noble gradation, which the perfpeAive
always effe^ls on parts difpofed uniotcrruptedly
in a right line. Some or all of thefc ob-
jections will lie againft every figure of a crofs^ in

whatever

A«D BEAUTIFUL: 8t

> ' • _

Vhatever view you take it. I eiemplified thctii itii
the Greek crofs^ ia whicb thcfe faults iippear the
xnofl; flrongly; but they appear in foiiie degree id
all forts of croffe^. Indeed there is nothing mort
prejudicial to the grandeur of buildings, than to
abound in angles ; a fault obvious in mady ; and
owing to an inordinate third for variety, Which^
whenever it prevails^ is fure to leave very little true
tafte.

SEC T. X:

Magnitude in B U I L D 1 N G.

TO the fublime in building, greatnefs of dimeii-
Hon feems requifite ; for on a few parts, and
thofe ffnall, the imagination cannot rife to any ideat
of infinity. No greatnefs in the manner can effe£l-
ually compcnfate for the want of proper dimenfions;
There is no danger of drawing men into extravagant
deiigns by this rule ; it carries its own caution along
with it. Becaufe too great a length in buildings
deftroys the purpofe of greatnefs, which it was in-
tended to promote ; the perfpe&ive will lellen it id
height as it gains in length ; and will bring it
at lad to a point; turning the whole figure in-
to a fort of triangle, the pooreft in its effe£l of almoft
any figure that can be prefented to the eye. I have
ever obferved, that colonnades and avenues of trees
of a moderate length, Were without com'parifon far
grander, than when they were fuSered to run to
immenfe diftances. A true artift fhould put a ge-
nerous deceit on the fpe£tators, and cSc& the no-

L Weft

8i Onthb sublime

bleft defignft by eafy methods. Dcfigns that are vaft
only by their dimenfions, are always thefign of a
common and low imagmation* No work of art can
be great, bnt as it decdves ; to be otherwife is the
prerogative of nature only. A good eye will fix
the medium betwixt an exceflive length or heighth
(for the fame objeAion lies againft both), and a (hort
or broken quantity ; and perhaps it might be afcer-
tained to a tolerable degree of exadncfs, if it was
my purpofe to defcend far into the particulars of
any art.

SECT. XL

INFINITY in pleafing OBJECTS.

INFINITY, though of another kind, cauffs much
of our pleafure in agreeable, as well as of our
delight in fublime images. The fpring is the plea£-
antefl of thefeafons ; and the young of mod animals,
though far from being completely iafliioned, afford
a more agreeable fenfation than the full-grown;
becaufe the imagination is entertained with the pro-
mife of fomething more, and does not acquiefce in
the prefent obje£l of the fenfe. In unfinifhed iketches
of drawing, I have often feen fomethmg which plea£>
ed me beyond the bell finiihing ; and this I believe
proceeds from the caufc I have juft now aiCgned.

SECT.

AND B E A U T I F U L. 83

SECT. XIL
DIFFICULTY.

* A N^'^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ grcatnefe is Difficulty,
XJL When any work feems to have required
immcnfe force and labour to effeA it, the idea is
grand. Stone-henge neither for difpofition nor orna-
ment, has any thing admirable ; but thofe huge rude
mafles of (tone, fet on end, and piled each on other,
turn the mind on the immenfe force neceiTary for
fuch a work. Nay, the rudenefs of the work in-
creafes this caufe of grandeur, as it excludes the
idea of art and contrivance ; for dexterity produces
another fort of effed, which is difTerent enough
from this.

SECT. xin.

MAGNIFICENCE.

MAGNIFICENCE is likewife a fource of the
fublime. A great profufion of things, which
are fplendid or valuable in themfelves, is magnificent^
The ftarry heaven, though it occurs fo very fre-
quently to our view, never fails to excite an idea
of grandeur. This cannot be owing to any thing in
the ftars themfelves, feparately confidered. The num-
ber is certainly the caufe. The apparent diforder

• Part IV. fca. 4f l> 6.

Ia % augments

«4 On THE SUBLIME

augments the grandeur, for the appearance of care is
highly contrary to our ideas of magnificence. Bc-
fides, the ftars lie in fuch apparent confufion, as make?
it impoiCble pn ordinary occafion$ to ^reckon them.
This gives them the advantage of a fort of infinity.
In works of an, this kind of grandeur, which con^
fifts in multitude, is to be very cautiouily admitted ;
becaufe a profufion of excellent things is not to be
attained, or with too much difficulty ; and becaufe
' in many cafes this fplendid confufion would dcftroy
all |ife, which Ihould be attended to in moft of the
works of an with the greateft care ; befidcs it is
to be confidered, that unlefs you can produce an ap-
pearance of infinity by your diforder, you will have
diforder only without magnificence. ' There arc,
however, a fort of fire-works, and fome other things,
that in this way fucceed well, and are truly grand.
Theie are alfo many defcriptions in the poets and
orators, which owe their fublimity to a richnefs and
prefufion of images, in which the mind is fo dazzled
as to make it impofiible to attend to that exa6t cohe-
|-ence and ^greemetit of the allufions, which we fhould
irequirc on every other occafion. I do not now re-
picmber a more flriking example of this, than the def-
cription which is given of the king's army in the play
of Henry the Founh :

4llfurmjlfd^ all in arms^

All plunid like otirtcbes that wth the ivind

Baited like eagles having lately bathed :

As full cfjp'irit as the month of May,

And gorgeo44s as the fun tn midsummer,

Wanton as youthful goats, wild as young bulls,

1 sn%u

cl

AND BEAUTIFUL. «5

Ifano young Harry wtti a heaver on
Rise from the ground /ike feathered Mercury §
And vaubed with such ease into his seat
As if an angel dropped from the cloud*
To turn and wind a fiery Pegasus.

f

■

In that excellent book, fo remarkable for the viva-
city of its defcriptions, as well as the folidity and
penetration of its fentences, the Wifdom of the fon
of Sirach, there is a noble panegyric on the high
pried Simon the fon of Onias ; and it is a very fine
example of the point before us :

^^ How was he honoured in the midft of the peo«
^< pie, in his coming out of the fanduary ! He was
f^ as the morning ftar in the midft of a cloud, and
5' as the moon at the full ; as the fun (hining upon
f* the temple of the Mod High, and as the rainbow
f^ giving light in the bright clouds : and as the
f^ flower of rofes in the fpring of the year, as lilies
^^ by the rivers of waters, and as the frankincenfe
^^ tree in fummer ; as fire and inccnfe in the cenfer,
f « and as a veflel of gold fet with precious ftones ; as
** a fair olive tree budding forth fruit, and as a cy-
^* prefe which growcth up to the clouds. When he
«< put on' the robe pf honour, and was cloathed with
** the perfeftion of glory, when he went up to the
f^ holy altar, he made the garment of hoiinefs ho-
« nourable. He himfelf ftood by the hearth of thp
f^ altar, compafied with his brethren round about,
f' as a young cedar in Libanus, and as palm trees
Vi compafied they him about. So were all the fon^

86 On THE S U B L I M E

*' of Aaron ia their glory, and the obUtioiw of the
'* Lord in their hands, &c."

SECT. XIV.

LIGHT.

HAVING confidered cxtcnfion, fo far as it 19
capable of raidng ideas of greatoefs ; colour
comes next under confideration. All colours de«
pend on light. Light therefore ought prcvioufly to
be examined ; and with it its oppofite darknefs.
With regard to light, to make it a caufe capsA>le of
producing the fublime, it mud be attended with fome
circumftances, befides its bare faculty of ihewing
other obje£h. Mere light is too common a thing to
make a ftrong impreilion on the mind, and without
a flrong impreilion nothing can be fublime. But
fuch a light as that of the fun, immediately exerted
on the eye, as it oyerpowers the fenfe, is a very
great idea. Light of an inferior ftrength to this, if
it moves with great celerity, has the fame power ;
for lightning is certainly produftivc of grandeur,
which it owes chiefly to the extreme velocity of its
motion. A quick tranfition from light to darknefe,
or from darknefs to light, has yet a greater cScSL
But darknefs is more produ£^ive of fublime ideas than
light. Our great poet was convinced of this ; and
indeed fo full was he of this idea, fo entirely poflcf*
cd with the power of a well managed darknefs, that
m dcfcribing the appearance of the Deity, amidft that

profij.

AND B E A U T I F U L. 87

profhiiOQ of magnificent images which the grandeur
of his fubjcft provokes him to pour out upon every
fide, he is far from forgetting the obfcurity which
fnrrounds the mod incomprehenfible of all beings,
but

^-^^^UTab thi mejefy 9/ darknefs rmmd
Ciriks hit tbrem*

And what is no lefs remarkable, our author had. the
fccret of preferving this idea, even when he feemed
to depart the fertheft from it, when he defcribes the
Kght and glory which flows from the divine prefence ;
a light which by its very excefs is convened into a
^cies of darknefs.

Dark mtb exceffive Kght thy jtsrU appear*

Here is an idea not only poetical in an high degree,
but ftridty and philofophically juft. Extreme light,
by overcoming the organs of fight, obliterates all
objeds, fo as in its effed exaflly to refemble dark-
nefs. After looking for fome time at the fun, two
black fpots, the imprefiion which it leaves, feem to
dance before our eyes. Thus are two ideas as op*
pofite as can be imagined reconciled in the extremes
of both ; and both in fpite of their oppofite nature
brought to concur in producing the fublime. And
this is not the only inftance wherein the oppofite ex«
trenacs operate equally in favour of the fublime,
which in all things abhors mediocrity.

SECT.

88 ' On the SUBLIME

SECT. XV.
Light in BUILDING.

AS the management of light is a matter of impor*
tance in archirefture, it is worth enquiring how
far this remark is applicable to building. I think then,
thatall edifices calculated to producean ideaof the fub-
lime, ought rather to be dark and gloomy, and this for
two reafons ; the firft is, that darknefs itfelf on other
occafions is known by experience to have a greater
eSc& on the paflions than light. The fecond is,
that to make an objeA very fhrtking, we (hould make
it as different as pofCble from the objeAs with which
we have been immediately converfant ; when there-
fore you enter a building, you cannot pafs into a
greater light than you had in the open air ; to go
into one fome few degrees lefs luminous, can make
only a trifling change ; but to make the tranfition
thoroughly ftriking, you ought to pafs from the great-
eft light, to as much darknefs as is confident with the
ufes of architefture. At i<ight the contrary rule will
hold, but for the veryJkme reafon ; and the more
highly a room is then illummated^ the grander will
the paifion be.

SECT.

ANb B £ A U T I F U l: 89

SECT, xvi;

COLOUR coaQdered ^s produ^ve of th6

SUBLi]ilE.

AMONG colours, fuch as .arc foft or cheerful
(except perhaps a ftrong red which is cheer-
ful) are unfit to produce grand images. An ipmenfe
mountain covered with a Oiining green turf, is noth-
ings in this refpeft, to one dark and gloomy ; the
cloudy iky is more grand than the blue ; and night
more fublime and folemn than day. Therefore in
hiftorical paintingj a gay or gaudy drapery can never
have a happy effect : and in buildings, v^hen the high-
eft degree of the fublime is intended, tfie material^
and ornaments ought neither be white, nor green,
nor yellow, nor blue, nor of a pale red, nor violet,
nor fpotted, but of fad and fufcous colours, as black,
or brown, or deep purple, and the like. Much of
gilding, mofaics, painting, or ftatues^ contribute but,
little to the fublime. This rule need not be put in
praftice, except where an uniform degree of the moft
ilriking fublimity is to be produced, and that in eve-
ry particular ; for it ought to be obferved, that this
melancholy kind of greatnefs, though it be certain-
ly the higheft, (ought not to be ftudied in all forts of
edifices, where yet grandeur ttiuft be ftudied j in fuch
cafes the fublimity muft be drawn from the other
fources ; with a Arid caution ho^vever ag^inft any
thing light and riant ; as nothing fo ejSeAualiy
deadens the whole tafte of the fublime;

M SECT.

)• On THft SUBLIME

SECT. xvn.

SOUND and LOUDNESS.

THE eye is not the only organ of fenfation, by
which a fublime pai&on may be produced.
Sounds have a great power in thefe as in moft other
paiHons. I do not mean words, becaufe words do
not affeA fimply by their founds, but by means aho-
gethet different. Exceifive loudnefe alone is fuiE-
cient to overpower the foul, to fufpend its adion,
and to fill it with terror. The noife of vaft caurads,
faging ftorms, thunder, or artillery, awakes a
great and awiul fenfation in the mind, though we
can obferve no nicety or artifice in thofe forts of
mufic* The fhouting of multitudes has a fimilar ef-
feft ; and by the fole ftrength of the foand, fo ama-
zes and confounds the imagination, that, in this ftag-
gering, and hurry of the mind, the beft eftabli(bed
tempers can fcarcely forbear being borne down,
and joinmg in the common cry, and common refo)ii->
tion of the crowd.

SECT. xvm.

SUDDENNESS.

A Sodden beginning, or fudden cdQation of
ibund of any confiderable force has the&me
power. The attention it roufed by diis } and the

faculties

AMD BEAUTIFUL* 91

fiicnlties drhrcn forward, as it were, on their guarcL
WhateYcr either m fi^tta or fonnds makes the tran-
ikioa from one extreme to the other eafj, caufes do
terror, aad confeqnemly can be bo eaofe of great-
nd&« In erery thing fudden and unesepefted, wc
are apt to ftart ; that is, we haro a perception of
danger^ and our nature roufes us to guard againft
iu h naj be obfervod that a fiogle found of fome
ftrength, though but of ihort duration, if repeated
after intervals, has a grand effed. Few things are
more awful than the ftriking of a great clock, when
the fUence of the night prevents the attention from
being too much diiUpated. The fame may be faid
of a fingle flroke on a drum, repeated with paufes ;
and of the fuccef&ve firing of cannon at a difhmce.
All the efFeds mentioned in this fefiion have caufes
very nearly alike.

SECT. XIX.

INTERMITTING.

ALOW, tremulous, intermitting found, though
it feems in fome refpeds oppofite to that juft
mentioned, is prododive of the fublime. It is worth
while to examine this a little. The h& itfelf muft be
determined by every man's own experience and re-
flexion. I have already obferved, that * night in«
creafes our terror, more perhaps than any thing dfe ^

♦ S*6L 3.

Hz .it

9« On tpe sublime

it is our nature, when we do not know what mdj
happen to us, to fear the word that can happen us ;
and hence it is, that uncertainty is fo terrible,' that
w« often feek to be rid of it, at the hazard of a cer-
tain mifchief. Now, (bme low, confufed, uncertain
founds leave us in the fame fearful anxiety concern-
ing their caufes, that no light, or an uncertain
light, does concerning the obje&s that furround us.

^uak par incertam hmamfub bice maligna
£fi iter injylvu. —

.' I

'jt/amtjbadqw 0/ uncertain light 9
L>ik at a hmp^ nvhofe Ufe doth fade away ;
Or eu the moon clothed with cloudy might
Dothjhew to him who walis tnfear and great affright,

A A . - '• » IO*

' 'OPEKSER.

But a light now appearing, and now leaving us, and
fo off and on, is even more terrible than total dark-
nefs : and a fort of uncertain founds* are.' when the
heceflary difpoiitions concur, more alarming than a
total iilence.

3ECT. XX.

S

The cries of ANIMALS.

■

UCH founds as imitate the natural inarticu-

• ■ • »

late voices of men, or any animals in pain or

danger,

AND beautiful: 93

danger, arc capable of conveying great ideas ; un-
lefs it be the well-known voice of fome creature, on
which we are ufed to look with contempt. The an-
gry tones of wild beafts are equally capable, of cauf«
iBg a great and awfiil fenfation.

Hinc exaudlre genutus^ in^que leonum
Vincla recufantum^ etferafub mQe nukntum ;
Setigerique Jues^ atque in fra/a^bus urfi
Sawre ; etfomut magHorum ululare Ittporum*

It might feem that thefe modulations of found carry
iotae conneftion with the nature of the things they
rcprefent, and are not merely arbitrary ; becaufc the
natural cries of all animals, even of thofe animals
with whom we have not been acquainted, never fail
to make themfelves fufficiently underflood ; this can-
not be faid of language. The modifications of
found, which may be produ£tive of the fublime,
arc almbft infinite, Thofe I have mentioned, arc
only a few inftanccs to fhew> on what principles thej
arc all built.

SECT. XXI.

SMELL and TASTE, BITTERS and

STENCHES.

SMELLS, and Tajles^ have fome Ihare too in
ideas of greamefs ; but it is a fmall one, weak
4n its nature, and confined in its operations. I ihall

9nly

$4 Ok TRjt SUBLIME

otity obferve, that no fmells or taftes can produce
a grand feDfation^ excqic exccffiTe bitters, and in^
tolerable ftencbes. It is trae^ that thefe affe^ons of
the fmell and tafte, when thej are in their full force
and lean direAly upon the fenfofy, are fimply pam-
ful, and accompanied with no fort of delight ; but
when they are moderated, as in a defcription or
narrative, they become fources of the fublime, as
genuine as any other, and upon the very fame princi-
ple of a moderated pain* *♦ A cup of bittemefs ;"
•* to drain the bitter cup of fortune ;** *^ the bitter
^< apples of ISodom ;*' thefe are all ideas fui table
to a fublime defcription. Nor is this paflage of
Virgil without fublimity, where the ftencb of the
vapour in Albunea confpires fo happily with the
iacred horror and gloominefs of that prophetic foreft ;

^ rex scliciivs t/wnstru wacula Faurti
Fatid'tci geniioris adit, lucesque iub aha
Consulit Albunea^ nemorum qu^ maxima sasro
Fonte tonat ; fxvamque exbalat opaca Mcphitim*

In the fixth book, and in a very fublime defcription
the poifonous exhalation of Acheron is not forgot,
nor does it at all difagree with the other images
amongfl which it is introduced :

Spelunca alta fuii^ va(!oque Immanis hiafu
Scrupea^ tuta lacu nrgro, nnmrumque tenebris,
^am tuper baud ulla poterant impune volantei
T^ndirt iter pennis^ talis fcfe balitas atris
Faucibua cflFiindeiis fupera ad^convcxa fer^bat*

I have added thefe examples, becaufe ibme friends,

ANDBEAUTIFUi.. 95

for whofe judgmeaK I have great deference^ were of
optmoQp that if th^ fentiment (tood nakedly by itfeli^
k would be fubjeft, at firft view, to burlefque aod
ridiciale ; but this I iiaagiQe would principally ariiib
from coafideriog the bitteruefs aad fteuch in com-
pauy with mean and caittcmptible ideas^ with which
ic muft be own^d they are often united ; fuch an
union degrades the fublime in all other inftances a^
well as in thofe. But it is one of the tefts by
which the fublimity of an image is to be tried, not
whether it becomes mean when aflbciated with
mean ideas j but whether, when united with images
of an allowed grandeur, the whole compofition is
fupported with dignity. Things which are terrible
are always great ; bitt when things poflefs difagree-
able qualities, or fuch as have indeed fome degree
of danger, but of a danger eaUly overcome, they
arc merely odious^ as toads and fpiders.

SECT. XXII.
FEELING- PAIN.

OF Feelings little more can be faid than that the
idea of bodily pain, in all the modes and de-
grees of labour, pain, anguifli, torment, is produdive
of the fublime ; and nothing elfe in this fenfe can
produce it. I need not give here any fre(h inftances,
as thofe given in the former fe£lions abundantly
illuflrate a remark, that in reality wants only an at-
teotion to nature, to be made by every body.

Having thus run through the caufes of the fub-
lime with reference to all the fenfes, my firft obfcr-

vatioa

96 On THE SUBLIME

vat ion (feft, 7,) will be found very nearly true ;
that the fublime is an idea belonging to felf-preferva-
tion ; that it is therefore one of the mod aSeding
we have ; that its ftrongeft emotion is an emotion of
diftrefs ; and that no * pleafure from a pofitive caufe
belongs to it. Numberlcfs examples, beiides thofc
mentioned, might be brought in fupport of thcfc
truths, and many perhaps ufeful confequences drawn
from them—

■

Sedfugit intereOi fugii irrevocahik tempus^
Singula dum capti circumveiiamur amore*

• Vide part I. fed. ^.

THE END OF THE SECOND PART.

C 97 1

A Philofopliical £hquiry

INTO THE

ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS

OF THE

SUBLIME and BEAUTIFUL.

PART III.
SECT L

Of B E A U T Y;

IT is my defiga to confider beauty as diftiaguiflied
from the fublime ; and, in the courfe of the
enquiry, to examine how far it is confiftent with it^
But previous to this, we muft take a ftiort review
of the opinions already entertained of this quality ;
which I think are hardly to be reduced to any fixed
principles ; becaufe men are ufed to talk of beauty
in a figurative manner, that is to fay, in a manner
extremely uncertain, and indeterminate. By beauty
I mean that quality, or thofe qualities in bodies, by
which they caufe love, or fome paffion fimilar to it.
I confine this definition to the merely fenfible qualities
of things, for the fake of preferving the utmoft
fimplicity in a fubjeA which muft always dilfa-afl us,
whenever we take in thofe various caufes of fym-
pathy which attach us to any perfons or things
from fecondary confiderations, and not from the

N dirca

98 On THE S U B L I M E

dired force which they have merely on being view-
ed. I likewife diftinguiih love, by which I mean
that fatisfafiion which arifes to the mind upon con-
templating any thitig beautiful, of whatfoever nature
it may be, from defire or luft ; which is an energy
of the mind, that hurries us on to the poiTeflion of
certain objeAs, that do not affeA us as they are
beautiful, but by means ahogether different. We
{hall have a ftrong defire for a woman of no remark-
able beauty ; whilft the greateft beauty in men, or
in other animals, though it caufes love, yet excites
nothing at all of defire. Which (hews that beauty,
and the paflion caufed by beauty, which I call love,
is different from defire though defire may fometimcs
operate along with it ; but it is to this latter that
we muft attribute thofe violent and tempefluous paf-
fions, and the confequent emotions of the body which
attend what is called love in fome of its ordinary ac-
ceptations, and not to the efie^ of beauty merely as
it is fuch.

SECT. n.

Propprtion not the eaufc of BEAUTY in
VEGETABLES.

BEAUTY hath ufually been faid to confifl ia
certain proportions of parts. On confidering
the matter, 1 have great rcafpu to doubt, whether
beauty be at all an idea belonging to proportion.
Proportion rcl?(tes almofl wholly to convenience, as
every idea of order fecms to do ; and it mufl there-
lore be confidered as a creature of the underflanding,

rathv

AND B E A U T I F U L. 99

rather than ^ a primary caufe ading on the fcnfes
and imagination. It is not by the force of long at^-
tention and enquiry that we find any objeft to be
beantiful ; beauty demands no afliftance from our
reafoning ; even the will is nnconcerned ; the ap-
pearance of beauty as effectually caufcs fbme degree
of' love in us, as the application of ice or fire pro-
duces the ideas of heat or cold. To gain fome-
thing like a fatisfadory conclufion in this point, it
were well to examine, what proportion is ; fince
feveral who make ufe of that word, do not always '
fcem to underltand very clearly the force of the
term, nor to have very diilind ideas concerning
the thing itfelf. Proportion is the meafure of re-
lative quantity. Since all quantity y|divifible, it
is evident that every diftinft part into which
any quantity is divided, muft bear fome relation
to the other parts, or to the whole. Thefe
relations give an origin to the idea of propor-
tion. They are difcovercd by menfuration, and
' they are the objeAs of mathematical enquiry. But
whether any part of any determinate quantity be a
fourth, or a fifth, or a fixth, or moiety of the whole;
or whether it be of equal length with any other part,
or double its length, or but one half, is a mat^
ter merely indifferent to the mind ; it ftands
neuter in the queftion : and it is^ from this ab-
folute indifference and tranquillity of the mind,;
that mathematical fpeculations derive fome of
their mod confiderable advantages ; becaufe therb
is nothing to intereft the imagination ; becaufe
the judgment fits free and unbiaffed to examine
^lie point. All proportions, every arrangement

N « qI

10© On the sublime

of qaantity is alike to the underftanding, becaufe the
fame truths refult to it from all ; from greater, from
leiler, from equality and inequality. But furely
beauty is no idea belonging to menfuration ; nor has
it any thing to do with calculation and geometry.
If it had, we might then point out fome certain mea-
ibres which we could dempnftrate to be beautiful,
either as fimply coniidered, or as related to others ;
and we could call in thofe natural objefis, for whofe
beauty we have no voucher but the ienfe, to this
happy ftandard, and confirm the voice of our paC-
jlons by the determination of our reafon. But iince
we have not this help, let us fee whether proportion
can in any fenfe be confidered as the taufe of beauty,
as hathbee|^ generally, and by Tome fo confidently
affirmed. If proportion be one of the conftitucnts
of beauty, it muft derive that power either from fpmc
natural properties inherent in cenain meafures,
which operate mechanically ; from the operation of
cuftom ;* or from the fitnefs which fome ineafures
have to anfwer fome particular ends of conyeniency.
Our bufincfs therefore is to enquire, whether the
parts of thofe obje&s, which are found beautiful in
the vegetable or animal kingdoms, are conflantly fo
formed according to luch certain meafiires, as may
ferve to fatisfy us that their beauty refults from thofe
meafures, on the principle of a natural mechanical
caufe ; or from cuftom ; or, in fine, from their fit-
nefs for any determinate purpofes. I intend to exa-
mine this point under each of thefe beads in their
order. But before I proceed further, I hope it will
not be thought amifs, if I lay down the rules which
governed me in this enquiry, and which have miilted

rac

AND BEAUTIFUL. loi

me in it, if I have gone aftray. i. If two bodies
produce the fame or a (imilar eSeQ on the mind, and
on examination they are found to agree in fome of
their properties,, and to differ in others ; the com-
mon effeft is to be attributed to the properties in
which they agree, and not to thofe in which they
differ, 2. Not to account for the effeft of a natural
objeft' from the effeft of an artificial objeft. 3. Not
to account for the effeft of any natural objeft from a
conchifion of our reafon concerning its ufes, if a na-
tural caufc may be affigned. Not to admit any de-
terminate quantity, or any relation of quantity, as
the caufe of a certain effeft, if the effeft is produ-
ced by different or oppofite meafurcs and relations ;
or if thefe meafures and relations may e«ifl, and yet
the effeft may not be produced. Thefe are the rules
which I have chiefly followed, whilft I examined in-
%o the power of proportion confidered as a natural
caufe ; and thefe, if he thinks them jufl:, I requeft
^he reader to carry with him throughout the follow-
ing difcuilion ; whilft we enquire in the firft place, in
what things we find this quality of beauty ; next, to
fee whether in thefe we can find any aifignable pro-
portions in fuch a manner as ought to convince us
that our idea of beauty rcfults from them. We fliall
confidcr this pleafing power, as it appears in vegeta-
bles, in the inferior animals, and in man. Turning
our eyes to the vegetable creation, we find nothing
there fo beautiful as flowers : but flowers are almoft
of every fort of fliape, and of every fort of difpofi-
tion ; they are turned and faftiioncd into an infinite
variety of forms j and from thefe forms, botanifts
kavc given them their names, which arc almoft as
• ~ ' various

102 On the sublime

various. What proportion do we difcovcr betweca
the flalks and the leaves of flowers, or between the
leaves and the piftils ? How does the (lender ftalk of
the rofe agree with the bulky head under which it
bends ? but the rofe is a beautiful flower ; and can
we undertake to fay that it does not owe a great deal
of its beauty even to that difproportion ? the rofe is
a large flower, yet it grows upoti a fmali fhrub ; the
flower of the apple is very fmall, and grows upon a
large tree ; yet the rofe and the apple bloflbm are
both beautiful, and the plants that bear them are
mofl engagingly attired, notwithftanding this difpro-
ponion. What by general confent is allowed to be a
more beautiful objeft than an orange tree, flourifliing
at once with its leaves, its bloflfoms, and its fruit ; but
it is in vain that we fearch here /or any proponion be-
tween the height, the breadth, or any thing clfc con-
cerning the dimcnfions of the whole, or concerning
the relation of the particular parts to each other. I
grant that we may obfcrve in many flowers, fomething
of a regular figure, and of a methodical difpoiitioh
of the leaves. The rofe has fuch a figure and fuch
a difpofition of its petals ; but in aa oblique view,
when this figure is in a good meafare loft, and the
order of the leaves confounded, it yet retains its
beauty ; the rofe is even more beautiful before it is^
full blown ; and the bud, before this cx2& figure is
formed ; and this is not the only inftance wherein
method and exaflriefs, the foul of proportion, are
found rather prejudicial than ferviceable to the cauie
of beauty.

§ E C T.

AND B E A tJ T I F U L, 103

SECT. in.

Proportion not the caufc of BEAUTY in

ANIMALS.

THAT proportion has but a finall (hare in the
formation of beauty, is full as evident among
animals. Here the greatcft variety of fha^es, and
difpofitions of parts, are well fitted to excite tljiis idea.
The fwan, confefledly a beautiful bird, has a neck
longer than the reft of his body, and but a very fhort
tail : is this a beautiful proportion ; we mufl: allow
that it is. But then what (hall we fay to the pea-
cock, who has comparatively but a fhort neck, with
a tail longer than the neck and the reft of the body
taken together ? How many birds are there that vary
infinitely from each of thefe ftandards, and from every
other which you can fix, with proponions different,
and often direAly oppofite to each other ! and yet
many of thefe birds are extremely beautiful ; when .
upon confidering them we find nothing in any one
part that might determine us, a prioriy to fay what
the others ought to be, nor indeed to guefs any thing
about them, but what experience might ihow . to be
full of difappointment and miftake. And with re-
gard to the colours either of birds or flowers, for
there is fomething fimilar in the colouring of both,
whether they are confidercd in their extenfion or
gradation, there is nothing of proportion to be- ob-
ferved. Some are of but one finglc colour j otheis

have

104 On the sublime

have all the colours of the rainbow ; fome arc of the
primary colours, others are of the mixt j in (hort, an
attentive obfcrvcr may foon conclude, that there is as
little of proportion in the colouring as in the fhapes
of thefe objefts. Turn next to beafls ; examine the
head of a beautiful horfe ; find what proportion that
bears to his body, and to his limbs, and what rela-
tions thefe have to each other ; and when you have
fettled thefe proportions as a ftandard of beauty,
then take a dog or cat, or any other animal, and
examine how far the fame proportions between their
heads and their neck, between thofe and the body,
and fo on, are found to hold ; I think we may fafcly
fay, that they diiFer in every fpecies, yet that there
are individuals found in a great many fpecies fo dif-
fering, that have a very ftriking beauty. Now, if
it be allowed that very diflferent, and even contrary,
forms and difpoCtions are confident with beauty, it
amounts I believe to a conceiEon, that no certain
meafures operating from a natural principle, are ne-
ceflary to produce it, at leaft fo far as the brute fpe-
cies is concerned.

♦

SECT. IV.

Proportion not the caufe of BEAUTY in the

HUMAN fpecies.

THERE are fome parts of the human body, that
are obferved to hold certain proportions to
each other ; but before it can be proved that the

efficient

AND B E A U T I F U L. lo^

efficient caufe of beauty lies in thefe, it mud be (hewn,*
that wherever thefc are found exaft, the perfon to
whom they belong is beautiful : I mean in the effeft
produced on the view, either of a6y member diftinft-
ly confidered, or of the whole body together. It
muft be likewifc fhewn, that thefe parts ftand in fucK
a relation to each other, that the comparifon between
them may be eafily made, andi that the aife^ion of
the mind may naturally rcfult from it- For my part^
I have at feveral times very carefully examined many
of thofe proportions, and found them hold very near-
ly, or altogether alike in many fubjefts, which were
not only very different from one another, but where
one has been very beautiful, and the other very re-
mote from beauty. With regard to the parts
which arc found fo proportioned, they are o^-
tcn fo remote from each other, in fituation, na-
ture, and office, that I cannot fee how they ad-
rait of any comparifon, nor confequently how
any cffeft owing to proportion can refiilt from them.
The neck, fay they, in beautiful bodies, fliiould mea-
fure with the calf of the leg ; it Ihould likewife be
twice the circumference of the wrifl. And an infi-
nity of obfervations of this kind arc to be found in
the writings and converfations of many. But what
relation has the calf of the leg to the neckj or ei-
ther of thefc parts to the wrift ? Thefe proportions,
are certainly to be found in handfome bodies. They
are as certainly in ugly ones ; as any who will take
the pains to try may find. Nay, I do not know but
they may be leaft perfeft in fome of the mpft beautiful.
You may affignaoyproponions you pleafe to every part

O of

io5 On THE S U B L I M E

of the human body ; and I undertake that a painter
ftiall rcligioufly obfervc them all, and notwithftand-
ing produce, if he pleafes, a very ugly figure. The
faime painter ftiall confiderably deviate from thefe pro-
portions, and produce a very beautiful one. And in-
deed it may be obferved in the mafter pieces of the
ancient and modem ftatuary, that fevcral of them dif-
fer very widely from the proportions of others, in
parts very confpicuous, and of great confideration ;
and that they differ no lefs from the proportions we
find in living men, of forms extremely ftriking and
agreeable. And after all, how are the partizans of
proportional beamy agreed amongft themfelvcs about
the proportions of the human body ? fonie hold it to
be fcven heads ; fome make it eight ; whilft others
extend it even to ten ; a vad difference in fuch afmall
number of divifions ! Others take other methods of
eltimating the proportions, and all with equal fuccefs.
But are thefe proportions exaftly the fame in all hand-
fome men ? or are they at all the proportions found
in beautiful women ; nobody Will fay that they are;
yet both fexes are undoubtedly capable of beauty,
and the female of the greateft ; which advantage I
believe will hafdiy be attributed to the faperior cx-
aftnefs of proponion in the fair fex. Let us reft a
moment on this point ; and condder how much dif-
ference there is between the meafures that prevail in
rtiany fimilar parts of the body, in the two fexes of
this fingle fpecies only. If you aifign any determi-
nate proportions to the limbs of a man, atid if you
limit human beauty to thefe proportions, when you
find a woman who differs in the malce and meafureft
6f- almoft every part, you muft conclude her not to

U

AND B E A U T I F U L. 107

b& beautiful, in fpite of the fuggcftions of your ima-
gination ; or, in obedience , to your imagination, you
muff renounce your rules ; you muft lay by the fcalc
and compafs, and look out for ibme other caufe of
beauty. For if beauty be attached to certain mca-
fures which operate from a principle in nature^ why
ihould iimilar parts with different meafures of propor^
don be found to have beauty, and this top in the
Yery fame ipecies ? but to open our view a little, it is
worth obferving, that almofl; all animals have parrs
of very much the fame nature, and defbned nearly
to the fame purpofes ; an head, neck, body, feet, eyes,
cars, nofe, and mouth ; yet Providence, to provide
in the beft manner for their feveral wants, and to dif-
play the riches of his wifdom and goodnefs in his crea*
tion, has worked out of thefe few and iimilar organs,
and members, a diveriity hardly fhort of infinite in
their difpofition, meafures, and relation. But, as wie
have before obfcrved, amidft this infinite diveriity,
one particular is common to many fpecies j feveral
of the individuals which compofe them are capable of
afiefling. us with a fenfe of lovelinefs ; and whiUt
they agree in producing this cffeft, they differ ex-
tremely in the relative meafures of thofe parts which
have produced it. Thefe confiderations were fuffi«
cient to induce me to rcjeft the notion of any parti-
cular proportions that operated by nature to produce
a pJeafing effeft ; but thofe who will agree with me
with regard to a particular proportion, are ftrongly
prepoffeffed in favour of one more indefinite. They
imagine, that although beauty in general is annex-
(;d to no certain meafures common to the feveral kinds

O 2 Qf

io8 On the sublime

«

of pleafing plants and animals ; yet that there is a cer-
tain proportion in each fpecies abfolutely ciTentia] to
the beauty of that particular. kind. If we confidcr
the animal world in general, we find beauty confin-
ed to no certain meafures ; but as fome peculiar mea-
fure and relation of parts is what diftinguiflies each
peculiar clafs of animals, it mud of neceiSty be, that
the beautiful in each kind will be found in the mea-
fures and proportions of that kind ; for otherwifc h
would deviate from its proper fpecies, and become in
fome fort monftrous : however, no fpecies is fo ftriftly
confined to any certain proponions, that there is not
a confiderable variation amongfl the individuals ; and
as it has been^ewn of the human, fo it may be ihewn
of the brute kinds, that beauty is found indifferently
in all the proportions which each kind can admir,
without quitting its common form ; and it is this idea
of a common form that makes the proportion of parts
at all regarded, and not the operation oJF any natural
caufe : indeed a little confideration will make it ap-
pear, that it is not meafurc but manner that creates
all the beauty which belongs to fhape. What light
do we borrow from thefe boafted proportions, when
we ftudy ornamental defign ? It feems amazing to me,
that artifts, if they were as well convinced as they
pretend to be, that proportion is a principal caufe of
beauty, have not by them at all times accurate mca-
fureraents of atll forts of beautiful animals to help
them to proper proportions, when they would con-
trive any thing elegant, efpecially as they frequently
affert, that it is from an obfervation of the beautiful
in nature they direft their praftice, I know that k
has been faid long fince, and echoed backward and

AND BEAUTIFUL. 109

forward from one writer to another a thoufand times'^
that the proportions of building have been taken from
thofe of the human body. To make this forced ana-
logy complete, they reprefent a man with his arms
raifed and extended at full length, and then dcfcribe
a fort of fquare, as it is formed by paifing lines along
the extremities of this ftrange figure. But it ap-
pears very clearly to me, that the human figure
never fupplied the architeft with any of his ideas.
For in the firft place, men are very rarely feen in
this drained pofture ; it is not natural to them ; nei-
ther is it at all becoming. Secondly, the view of the
human figure fo difpofed, does not naturally fug-
ged the idea of a fquare, but rather of a crofs ; as
that large fpace between the arms and the ground,
muft be filled with fomething before it can make any
body think of a fquare. Thirdly, fcveral buildings
are by no means of the form of that particular fquare,
which are notwithftanding planned by the heft archi-
te£ls, and produce an effeft altogether as good, and
perhaps a better. Antl certainly nothing could be
more unaccountably whimfical, than for an architeA
to model his performance by the human figure,
fince no two things can have lefs rcfemblance or
analogy, than a man, and an houfe or temple : do we
need to obferve, that their purpofes are entirely dif-
ferent ? What 1 am apt to fufpcft is this : that thefc
analogies were devifed to give a credit to the works of
art, by (hewing a conformity between them and the
nobleft works in nature ; not that the latter ferved at
all to fupply hints for the perfeftion of the former.
And I am the more fully convinced, that the patrons

no On THE SUBLIME

of proportion have transferred their artificial ideas
to nature, and not borrowed from thence the pro-
portions they ufe in works of art ; becaufe in any
difcuf&on of this fubjed they always quit as foon as
pofBble the open field of natural beauties, the ani-
mal and vegetable kingdoms, and fortify thcmfelves
within the artificial lines and angles of archiceAure«
For there is in mankind an unfortunate propenfitj
to make tbemfelves, their views, and their works^
the meafure of excellence in every thing whatfoever.

•

Therefore having obferved that their dwellings were
mod commodious and firm when they were throwQ
into regular figures, with parts anfwerablc to each
other ; they transferred thefe ideas to their gardens ;
they turned t&eir trees into pillars, pyramids, and
obeli/ks ; they formed their hedges into fo many
green walls, and faihioned walks into fquares, triang-
les, and other mathematical figures, with exa£biefsand
fymmctry ; and they though?, if they were not imitat-
ing, they were at lead improving nature, and teach-
ing her to know her bufinefs. But nature has at
lad cfcapcd from their difcipline and their fetters ;
and our gardens, if nothing elfe, declare, we begin
to feel that mathematical ideas are not the true
meafures of beauty. And [furcly they arc full as
little fo in the animal, as the vegetable world. For
is it not extraordinary, that in thefe fine defcriptive
pieces, thefe innumerable odes and elegies which are
in the mouths of all the world, and many of which
have been the' entertainment of ages, that ip thefe
pieces which defcribe love with fuch a paifionatc
energy, and rcprcfent it$ objeft in fuch an infinite va-
l-iety of lights, not one word is faid of proportion,

if

AMD BEAUTIFUL. fii

if it be, what fome infift it is, the principle com-
ponent of beauty ; whilft at the fame thne, fevcral
other qualities arc very frequently and warmly men*
tioned ? But if proportion has not this power, it
may appear odd how men came originally to be fo
prepofTefled in its flavour. It arofe, I imagine, from
the fondnefs I have juft mentioned, which men bear
fo remarkably to their own works and notions ; it
arofe from falfe reafonings on the eflFefts of the cufto*
mary figure of animals ; it arofe from the Platonic
theory of fitnefs and aptitude. For which reafon, in
the next feftion, I fhall confidet the eficfts of cnftom
in the figure of animals ; and afterwards the idea of
fitnefs : fince if proportion does not operate by a
natural power attending fome meafur^s, it mufl: be
either by cuftom, or the idea of utility ; there is no
other way.

SECT. V.
Proportion further confidered«

IF I am not miftaken, a great deal of the prejudice
in favour oJF proportion has arifcn, not fo much
from the obfcrvation of any certain meafures found
in beautiful bodies, as from a wrong idea of the rela-
tion which deformity bears to beauty, to which it
has been confidcred as the oppofite ; on this principle
it was concluded, that where the caufes of deformity
were removed, beauty muft naturally and ncceffarily
be introduced. This I believe is a miftake. For
deformity is oppofed not to beauty, but to the com-
fletCy common form. Ifoneof the legs of a man be

found

iia On the SUBLIME

found fliorter than the other, the man is deform-
ed ; becaufe there is fomething wanting to complete
the whole idea we form of a man ; and this has the
fame effe£l in natural faults, as maiming and mutila-
tion produce from accidents. So if the back be
humped, the man is deformed ; becaufe his back has
an unufual figure, and what carries with it the idea
of fome difeafe or misfortune ; fo if a man*s neck
be confiderably longer or Ihorter than ufual, we fay
he is deformed in that part, becaufe men are net com-
monly made in that manner. But furely every hour's
experience may convince us, that a man may have
his legs of an equal length, and refembling each
other in all refpeAs, and his neck of a jud fizc, and
his back quite ftrait, without having at the lame
time the Icaft perceivable beauty. Indeed beauty
Is fo far from belonging to the idea of cuflom, that
in reality what afief^s us in that manner is extremely
rare and uncommon. The beautiful ftrikes us as
much by its novelty as the deformed itfelf. It is
thus in thofe fpecies of animals with which we are
acquainted ; and if one of a new fpecies were rc-
prcfented, we fhould by no means wait until cuftom
had fettled an idea of proportion, before we decided
concerning its beauty or uglinefs : which ihews that
the general idea of beauty can be no more owing to
cuftomary than to natural proportion. Deformity
arifes from the want of the common proponions ;
but the neceflary refult of their exiftence in any ob-
ieft is not beauty. If we fuppofe proportion in na-
tural things to be relative to cuftom and ufe, the na-
ture of ufe and cuflom will fhew, that beauty, which
is ^fs/itive and powerful quality cannot refult from

it.

AND beautiful: 113

«

k. Wc arc fo wonderfully formed, that, whilft we
arc creatures vehemently defirous of novelty, wc arc
as ftrongly attached to habit ind cuftom. But it is
the nature of things which hold ns by cuftom, to
ztk& us very little whilft we are in pofieifion of themy
but ftrongly when they are abfent. I remember to
have frequented a certain place, every day for a
long time together ; and I may truly fay, that fo
far from finding pleafure in it, I was affcAed with a
fort of wcarinefs and difguft; I came, I went, I
returned, without pleafure j yet if by any means I
pafled by the ufual time of going thither, I wai
remarkably uneafy, and i^as not quiet till I had got
into my old track* They who ufc fnuff, take it
almoft without being fcnfible that they take it, and
the acute fenfe of fmell is deadened, fo as to feci
hardly any thing from fo fharp a ftimulus ; yet dcr
privc the fnufF-taker of his box, and he is the mo(t
uneafy mortal in the world. Indeed fo far are ufc
and habit from being caufes of pleafure, merely as
fuch, that the efFeft of conftant ufc is to make all
things of whatever kind entirely unafFefting. For
as ufe at laft takes oflF the painful effcft of many
things, it reduces the pleafurable effeft of others in
the fame manner, and brings both to a fort of mediocri-
ty and indifFcrence, Very juftly is ufe called a fecond
nature ; and our natural and common ilate is one of
abfolutc indifference, equally prepared for pain or
pleafure. But when we are thrown out of this ftate,
or deprived of any thing requifite to maintain us in
it : when this chance does not happen by pleafure
from fome mechanical caufc, we are always hurt. It
is fo with the fecond nature, cuftom, in all things^

P which

114 On the sublime

which relate to it. Thus the want of the ufual pro-
portions in men and other animals is fure to difgnil,
though their prefence is by no means any caufe of
real pleafure. It is true, that the proportions laid
down as caufes of beauty in the human body, are
frequently found in beautiful ones, becaufe they are
generally found in all mankind ; but if it can be
fliewn too, that they are found without beauty, and
that beauty frequently exifts without them, and that
this beauty, where it exifts, always can be ailigned
to other lefs equivocal caufes, it will naturally lead
us to conclude, that proportion and beauty are not
ideas of the fame nature. The true oppofite to beauty
js not difproportion or deformity, but ugltnefs ; and
as it proceeds from caufes oppofite to thofe of pofitivc
beauty, we cannot confider it until we come to treat
of that. Between beauty abd ugltnefs there is a
fort of mediocrity, in which the afligned propor-
tions are mod commonly found ; but this has no
dkd upon the paiHons.

SECT. VI.

FITNESS not the caufe of BEAUTY.

IT is faid that the idea of utility, or of a part's
being well adapted to anfwer its end, is the caufe
of beauty, or indeed beauty itfelf. If it were not
for this opmion, it had been impo£ible for the dod-
rine of proportion tp have held its ground very long ;
the world would be foon weary of hearing of meafures
Whkh related to nothing, either of a natural princi-
ple.

AND BEAUTIFUL; 115

pie, or of a fitncfs to anfwcr, feme end ; the idea
which mankind moft commonly conceive of propor-
tion, is the fuitablenefs of means to certain ends,
and, where this is not the queftion, very feldom
trouble themfelvcs about the eftcft of different
meafures of things. Therefore it was neceffary for
this theory to iniift, that not only artificial, but na-
tural objects took their beauty from the fitnefs of
the parts for their feveral purpofes. But in framing
this theory, I am apprehenfive that experience was
not fufficiently confulted. For, on that principle,
the wedge-like fnout of a fwine, with its tough car-
tilage at the end, the little funk eyes, and the whole
make of the head, fo well adapted to its offices of
digging and rootiug, would be extremely beautiful.
The great bag hanging to the bill of a pelican, a
thing highly ufeful to this animal, would be likewife
as beautiful in our eyes. The hedgehog, fo well
fecured againft all affaults by his prickly hide, and
the porcupine with his miffiie quills, would be then
confidered as creatures of no fmall elegance. There
are few animals whofe parts are better contrived
than thofe of a monkey ; he has the hands of a man,
joined to the fpringy limbs of a beafl } he is admira-
bly calculated for running, leaping, grappling, and
climbing ; and yet there are few animals which
feem to have lefs beauty in the eyes of all mankind.
I need fay little on the trunk of the elephant,
of fuch various ufcfalnefs, and which is fo far frona
contributing to his beauty. How well fitted is the
wolf for running and leaping ! how admirably is the

P 2 lioq

1 16 On THE S U B L I M E

lion armed for battle ! but will any one therefor^
call the elephant, the wolf, and the lion^ beautiful
animals ? I believe nobody will think the form of a
JEnan's legs fo well adapted to runnings as. thofe of aa
horfe, a dog, a deer, and feveral other creatures j»
at lead ithey have not that appearance : yet, I believe,
a well-fafhioned human leg will be allowed far to
exceed all thefe in beauty. * If the fitaels of parts
was what conftituted the lovelinefs of their form, the
adual employment of them would undoubtedly much
augment it } but this, though it is fometimes fo up-
on another principle, is far from being always the
cafe. A bird oq the wing is not fo beautiful as
when it is perched ; nay, there are feveral of the
domeftic fowls which are feldom feen to fly, and
which are nothing the Ids beautiful on that account ;
yet birds are fo extremely diifereut in their form from
the bead and human kinds, that you cannot, on the
principle of fitnefs, allow them any thing agreeable^
but in conlxderation of their parts being deiigned for
quite other purpofes. I never in my life chanced to
ice a peacock fly ; and yet before, very long before
I .confldered any aptitude in his form for the aerial
life, I was ftruck with the extreme beauty which
raifes that bird above many of the bed flying fowls
in the world j though, for any thing I faw, his way
of living was much like that of the fwine, which fed
in the farm-yard along with him. The fame may be
laid of cocks, hens, and the like ; they are of the
flying kind in figure ; in their manner of moving
not very different from men and hearts. To leave
thefe foreign examples ; if beauty in our own fpecies
was annexed to ufe, men would be much more love-

ly

AUD BEAUTIFUL. 117

ly than women ; and flrength and agility would be
confidcred as the only beauties. But to call flrength
by the name of beauty, to have but one denomina-
tion for the qualities of a Venus and Hercules, fo to-
tally different in atmoft all refpeds, is fiu'ely a ftrange
confufion of ideas, or abufe of words. The caufe of
this confufion, I imagine, proceeds from our frequent-
ly perceiving the parts of the human and other ani*
pial bodies to be at once very beautiful, and very
well adapted to their purpofes ; and we are deceiv-
ed by a fophifra, which makes us take that for a caufe
which is only a concomitant : this is the fophifm of
the fly ; who imagined he raifcd a great duft, bccaufe
he flood upon the chariot that really raffed it. The
ftomach, the lungs, the liver, as well as other parts,
are incomparably well adapted to their purpofes ;
yet they are far from having any beauty. Again,
many things are very beautiful, in which it is impof-
fible to difccrn any idea of ufe. And I appeal to
the firfl and moft natural feelings of mankind, whe-
ther, on beholding a beautiful eye, or a well-fafhion-
ed mouth, or a well-turned leg, any ideas of their
being well fitted for feeing, eating, or running, ever
prefcnt themfelves. Wl^at idea of ufe is it that
flowers excite, the mofl beautiful part of the vege-
table world ? It is true, that the infinitely wife and
good Creator has, of his bounty, frequently joined
beauty to thofe things which he has made ufcful to
U3 ; but this does noc prove that an idea of ufe and
beauty are the fame thing, or that they are any way
dependent on each otl^er,

SECT.

ii8 On the sublime

SECT. VIL

The real cflfefts of FITNESS.

WHEN I excluded proportion and fitnefi
from any fliare in beauty, I did not by any
means intend to fay tbat they were of no value, or
that they ought to be difregarded in works of art.
Works of art are the proper fpherc of their power j
and here it is that they have their full efFeft. When-
ever the wifdora of our Creator intended that wc
Ihould be aflFefted with any thing, he did not confine
the execution of his defign to the languid and preca-
rious operation of our reafon ; but he indued it with'
powers and properties that prevent the underftand-
ing, and even the will, which fcizing upon the fenfes
and imagination, captivate the foul before the under-
ftandingis ready either to join with them, or to op-
pofe them. It is by a long dedu£lion and much ftudy
that we difcovcr the adorable wifdom of God in his
works : when^we difcover it, the effcft is very dif-
ferent, not only in the manner of acquiring it, but in
itsjown nature, from that which ftrikes us without
any preparation from the fublime or the beautiful.
How different is the fatisfaftion of an anatomift, who
difcovers the ufe of the mufcles and of the flcin, the
excellent contrivance of the one for the various
movements of the body, and the wonderftil
texture of the other, at once a general cover-

Ipg, ^nd at once a general outlet as well

as

AND BE AUTIFUL. 119

as inlet ; how different is this from the affe£^ioQ
which poffeffes an ordinary man at the fight of a de-
licate fmooth fkin, and all the other parts of beauty,
which require no inveftigation to be perceived ! In
the former cafe, whilft we look up to the Maker with
admiration and praife, the objeA which caufes it may
be odious and diftaftefiil ; the latter very often fo
touches us by its power on the imagination, that we
examine but little into the artifice of its contrivance ;
and we have need of a (Irong effort of our reafon to
difentangle our minds from the allurements of the ob-
jeA, to a confideration of that wifdom which invent-
ed fo powerful a machine. The effeft of proportion
and fitnefs, at leafl fo far as they proceed from a
mere confideration of the work itfelf, produce appro-
bation, the acquiefcence of the underflanding, but not
love, nor any pafSon of that fpecies* When wc
examine the flrufturc of a watch, when we come to
know thoroughly the ufc of every part of it, fatisfied
as we are with the fitnefs of the whole, we are far
enough from perceiving any tbj ng like beauty in the
watch-work itfelf ; but lee us look on the cafe, the
labour offome curious "artifl in engraving, with little
or no idea of ufe, we fhall have a much livelier idea
of beauty than we ever could have had from the
watch itfelf, though the mafter-piecc of Graham. In
beauty, as I faid, the effeft is previous to any know-
ledge of the ufe ; but to judge of proportion, wc mufl
know the end for which any work is dcfigncd. Ac-
cording 10 the ^nd the proportion varies. Thus there
is one proportion of a tower, another of an houfe j
one proportion of a gallery, another of an hall, ano-
ther

ifto On the sublime

thcr of a chamber. To judge of the proportions of
thefe, yoa mud be firft acquaiated with the purpofes
forwhich they were defigoed. Good tcnk and ex*
perience afting together, find out what is fit to be
done in every work of art* We are rational crea-
tures, and in all our works we ought to regard their
end and pnrpofe ; the gratification of any pafiion, how
innocent foever, ought only to be of fecondary confi-
deration. Herein is placed the real power of fitneft
and proportion ; they operate on the underftanding
confidering them, which approves the work and' ac-
quiefces in it. The paiSons, and the imagination
which principally raifes them, have here very little to
do. When a room appears in its original nakednefs,
bare walls and a plain ceiling ; kt its proportion be
ever fo excellent, it pleafes very little ; a cold ap-
probation is the utmoft we can reach ; a much worfe
proportioned foom with elegant mouldings and fine
feftoons, glaffcs, and other merely ornamental furni-
ture, will make the imagination revolt againft the rea-
fon ; it will pleafe much more than the naked propor-
tion of the firft room, which the underftanding has fo
much approved, as admirably fitted for its purpofes.
What I have here faid and before concerning propor-*
tion, is by no means to perfuade people abfurdly to
negicfi the idea of ufe in the works of art. It is on-
ly to fhew, that thefe excellent things, beauty and
proportion, are not the fame ; not that they ihould
either of them be difregardcd.

SECT.

AND BEAUTIFUL. mi

s£ct. vra.

The RECAPITULATION.

1 T t

ON the whole ; if fuch parts in homan bodies as
are found propottioned, were likewife conuant-
ly found beautiful, as they certainly are not ; or if
they were fo fituated, as that a pleafure might flow
from the comparifon^ which they feldom are i or if
any afl^gnable proportions were found, either in
plants or animals, which were always attended with
beauty, which never was the cafe ; or if, where
parts were well adapted to their purpofes^ they were
conftantly beautiful, and when no ufe appeared,
there was no beauty, which is contrary to all expe-
rience ; we might conclude, that beauty confifted in
proportion or utility* But iince, in all refpe£its, the
cafe is quite otherwife; We niay be fatisned that
beauty does not depend on thefe, let it owe its ori*
gin to what elfe it will.

SECT. IX.
Perfcftion not the caufc of BE AUTY^

\

* •

THERE is another notion current, pretty clofe-
ly allied tb the former ;. that PerfeSlien is the
tonftituent caufe of beauty. This opinion has been
made to extend much ^Eitther than to fenilble ob-

(^ jcfts.

tit On TTHi 6UBHME

jeAs. But in thefe, fo far is pcrfe£Uon, confidered
as fuch, from bcip£ the (.^u^e pf beauty ; that this
quality, where it is higheft in the female fex, almoft
always carries with it an idea of weaknefs and im-
perfection. WqiQeQ dirt yjsxj &Afihk of this ; for
which' reafon, they learn to lifp, to totter in their
walk, to counterfeit weakpei^> ^nd ^v^n {ic)sm^s. In
all tj^is th^y are ^ided by pature* Beai^ty ii\ d\^
%Xek is much th^ moft affc^ng^ beauty, jpiufliingj
has little lefs pQwer ; and mode(ly in general, which
is a tacit allowjipqe of imperfeftion^ is itfelf cojofidcr-
ed as "w agiiablp quality, and certainly h^jghtens
every other that is fp. I know it is in every body's
moujth, that we ought tp love perfeftion.. This is
to me a (ufficjent proof, that it is i^ot the proper ob-
jqft of love. Who ever faid vc ough^t tp teye a
line wqman, or even any o£ thefe beautiful animak
which plcafe us ? Here to b,e affe^cd, there is no
need o| the cpncurrence of our wi,lj.

How far the idea of BEAUTY may be applied to

the qualities o£ the MIND.

NOR is tbfe remark in general Itefo applicable
to the qualities of the mind. Thofe virtues
^Mcb cattfc ad«w:^i;io% aad^a^q oJFtJt^e ijubl^pt^^r lrifl4>
p?Qd44ce terKpr rafh^r thaA IftXc. ;. f^fh a^s fojctitu^c,
JA(li«c^ VildQip^ aq4 ^e lil^^., l^oygr, was, anjr iRan

aii^ai^lc by fqrc^. ^f Ot^ffe q^Ms?^ Vi9^^. ^bich

engage

'€a^^ 6ar htiam, %ht(!h ^S^'dfk Hi With i fMTe df

^dtWh id fdcJftyv fttt« «f left ffigbity. BW it Is
ftjr t!hd(t fftllRW tteLt thty irt ft amiibfe. TfiK gW9t
iHttites tto-ii jifltrtiiJiilfy <m dStJgArs-, piiiUfliAedt^i slM
ffbtlMts, attd stfe dctJrtiftd fathd- Mi ]fi*c^4fetag ffifc
word mifchie£;, than in difpeofing favours ; s6i! Hft
therefore not lovely, though highly venerable.
The fubordinate tufn qB x&iifst gratifications, and
indulgences ; and are therefore more lovely, though
inferior in dignity. Thofe pcrfons who creep into
Ac fee'a«§ of M61^ p^opte. Who art thbtbti a§ iht
companions of theif /bftef hours, and their reliefs
from care and anxiety, are never perfons of fhining
qualities nor ftrong virtues. It is rather the fbft
ffcttn of the foul on wbith we reft our eyes, thilt
are fatigued with beboldiog more. glaring objeds*
k is woith obfefy^Dg how we feel ourfelves* affeft*
ed ia reading tbe cbaraders of Ga^ar asid Cato, ag
they anre fo &ely drawn and contrafted in Salluft#
Ift one tht ignop^endQi IdrgitOkk ; in the other, nil
Ufgimid0. Id ofte the mifistU ferfugiutn j in the
other malh pernieiem. 1& the lattef we ham much
to , adimrdy mUeli to rev^edct^ and |^hap^ fbrae-*
ibkn% to fbfr i we ref{felEb birn^ but we refped him
at a diftance* The formdr nlakes vd fattiliar witb
hifti ; we love biQ>y and he leads tii wlutber he
{rfea(bs^ Todfaw tbifigs dofer to our fir ft and ftoft
oacufal feelHig», I wiU add a teinailc nfada ufoi)
leadlt^g this ib&ibn by an ingeniiou» friehdr The
i^bority of »lathef » fo uftfful to our wtH-bciigy and

%2 fo

194 PN THE SUBLIME

fo juftly ycDcrable upon all accounts, hinders \^
from having that entire love for him tt^at we have
for our mothers, where die parental authority is
almoft melted down into the mother's fondneis and
indulgence. But Hj^e generally have a great love for
our grandfathers, in whom this authority is re-
moved a degree from us, and where the weak-
nefs of age mellows it into fomething of a feminine
partiality.

SECT. XL

How far the idea of BEAUTY may be applied to

VIRTUE.

FROM what has been faid in the foregoing fcc-
tion, we may eafily fee, how far the applica-
tion of beauty to virtue may be made with propri-
ety • The general application of this quality to vir-
tue, has a ftrong tendency to confound c^r ideas of
things ; and it has given rife to an infinite deal of
whimfical theory ; as the affixing the name of beauty
to proportion, congruity, and perfeAion, as well is
to qualities of things yet more remote from our nsl*
rural ideas of it, and from oue another has tended
to confound our ideas of beauty, and left us no
fiandard or rule to judge by, that was not even more
uncertain and fallacious than our own fancies. This
loofe and inaccurate manner of fpeaking, has there-
fore mifled us both in the theory of tafte and of mo-
rals ; and induced us to remove the fcience of our
duties from their proper bafis, (our reafon, our re*

lations,

j

AND B E A U T I F U L. 1^5

lations, and our neccflitics,) to reft it upon founda«
pons altogether vifionary and unfubftantial.

SECT. XII.:
The real caufe of BEAUTY.

HAVING endeavoured to (hew what beauty is
not, it remains that we ihould examine, at
lead with equal attention, in what it really coniids*
Beauty is a thing much too affeding not to depend
upon ibme pofitive qualities. And, iince it is no crea-
ture of our reafon, lince it ftrikes us without any
reference to ufe, and even where no ufe at all can be
difcemed, fince the order and method of nature is
generally very di£Ferent from our meafures and pro-
portions, we muft conclude that beauty is, for the
greater part, fome quality in bodies adiog mechani-
cally upon the human mind by the intervention of the
ienfes. We ought therefore to confider attentively
in what manner thofe fenfible qualities are difpofed9
in fuch things as by experience we find beautiful, or
which excite in us the pafiion of love, or fome cor«
refpondent affe^on.

SECT. XIII.

Beautiful objefls fmalL

THE moft obvious point that prefents itfelf to us
in examining any ob)e£l, is its extent or quan-
tity. And what degree of extent prevails in bodies
that are held beautiful, may be gathered from
the ufual manner of exprdfion cbnceming it.

126 Ok THk SUBllME

! am told that, m taott hngtiage*, the bbjcAs
of love are fpokcn of under dhnlntitive ephhtft^»
It is fo in all the languages of which I have any know-
ledge. In Greek the »^ and other diminutive terms
are almod ahwayt the terms of affe£Uoa and tender-
nefs. Thcfc diminutives were commonly added by
the Greeks, to (be names of perfoas with whom they
converfed oil the terms of friendOiip a&d femiliaricy.
Though the Romads were a people of Icfs ^ttiek aad
delicate fecUflgs, yet they baturaUy iUd into the
kfleniQg termniatibn upon the faoie occafbo&i An-
cicmly to the Esglifll language the dintsiOlHig ling
Was added to the names of peffons tod thiags Chat
were the obje£b of love. Some we retaiti' ftiU, te
darling (or little dear)^ afki a few others. But to
this day, in ordinary cooverfacion^ it is ufual t# add
the cndearbg name of liiile to every thmg we love :
the Frefich and Italians liiake ufe of thefe affeftiofiate
dmimttives even more than we. In the attimal c;i^^
lioti, out oi on? awn fpecks^ k is the fmalt we are
incIiiKd to be fbnd of; Iktle birdi, and fiime of the
fmaller kinds of beads. A great beaurifb} thing is
a manner of exprefGon fcarcely ever afad ; hot tfaac
of a great ugly thing, is very common. There is a
wide difference between adftliratfon and love. The
fublime, which is the caufe of the former, always
dwells on great objefts, and terrible; the latter
pn fiimlh ones^ and pleafiog ; we fubmh to ^tthax. W€
admire, but we love what iubmics to us ^ in <!ine
f:a& we arc forced ^ ia the other we arc flattered, into
<;Qi«pliaocc; In ihort^ the ideas of the ibblime and
the beautiful iland on foundations fo different, that
\i is hard, I had almofl faid impoffible, to think of

reconcilipg

AW BEAUTIFUL. 127

T^^itciU^^ thani ia tb^ fame futjefl^ without con*
{^ifif^biy lefli^iHag the eSbft of thQ one or the other
upon the pafSons. So that, attending to thcic
quantity, beautiful objects are comparatively fmalL

SECT. XIV.

SMOOTHNESS.

T^^ «ei« P^Qpcrty cQoftaptlf obfervablc io €ich
ot>)fds^ i^ *" Smootbntfs : A quiiityfo clfcnriajl to
V^^^imy^ that 1 4?^ n^, v^opn recoUe£t aoy thuig bcsuie^
M thai! is 99t ffnoQtbi iu uec^ 4ud flowers,, ixnooth
]cn^ wo b^auUfq) ^ fosuooth ilppes of earth iA gcr«
doQ^; finpoth ftfe^m^ in the landJCcape} fmooiih
cmxA ^ bipd» a¥i4 be^^ib in zmraal bcauues.^ ia fioq
iVX>ipeDfli (^QOikb ikims ;. and in feveral forts of orna-
n^^tal £wQiture, im>Qth and poUflxed. fivfaces.. A
xcff ^Qi^fiderable part of the efi[eifl of beauty is
Q?(iQg ti9. this^ qruality ;, indeed tbd mod eonixdarabb.
Few tajkc: aay beaujcifiJ obje^ an^ give ir a broken
^d rugged furfacc » and howeyer well fornoed it
zo^ Ije i^ pther refpeftSf it. pleafcs, uq Ipoger.
Whcjrcas, let k waw Qver. fq maoy of the other
^on(lii;u/fpt^, if it- wavxa oot thi^ it becojooies. more
pkait^g thaft aton^il ali the oth^ps wkhout it.. This
leen^s. to me ibi evident,, that. I am a good deaJ fur«
p];i(ed that: none wha haue. handkd the fubjoA have
qiade vx^ n^Qtion of tl^ eq^Uty of fmopthQefs,,in the
eouw9;af |p* jof thpfc tha« go to the tormipg of beauty.

• Pai;t lY. fc(ft a I.

For

iiS On THE SUBLIME

For iDdeed any ragged, any fudden, projedion,-
any (barp angle, is in the higheft degree contrary to
that idea.

SECT. XV.

I

Gradual VARIATION.

BUT as perfe£Uy beautiful bodies are not com-
pofed of angular parts, fo their parts never con-
tinue long in the fame right line. * They vary their
dire^on every moment, and they change under the
eye by a deviation continually carrying on, but for
whofe beginning or end you will find it difficult to
afcertain a point. The view of a beautiful bird will
illuftrate this obfcrvation. Here we fee the head in-
creafing infenfibly to the middle, from whence ic
leflens gradually until it mixes with the neck ; the
neck lofes itfelf in a larger fwell, which continues to'
the middle of the body, when the whole decreafes
again to the tail ; the tail takes a new diredion ;
but it foon varies its new courfe : it blends again
with the other parts; and the line is perpetually*
changing, above, below, upon every fide. In this
defcription I have before me the idea of a dove ; it
Agrees very well with mod of the conditions of beauty.
It is fmooth and downy ; its parts are (to ufe that
exprcfiion) melted into one another ; you are pre-
fented with no fudden protuberance through the
whole, and yet the whole is continually changing.

• Part V. fca. as.

Obfcrvc

And BEAUTIFUL; 129

p

Obferve that part of a beautiful woman where (he is
perhaps the moft beautiful^ about the neck and
breafts ; the fmoothnefs ; the foftuefs ; the eafy and
infenfible fwell ; the variety of the furiace, which is
never for the fmallefl Ipace the fame ; the deceit-
ful maze, through which the unfteady eye Aides
giddily, without knowing where to fix, or whither
it is carried. Is not this a demonftration of thlt
change of furiace, continual, and yet hardly percept
tible at any point, which forms one of the great
conftituents of beauty ? It gives me no fmall plcafure
to find that I can ftrengthen my theory in this pointi
by the opinion of the very ingenious Mr. Hogarth ;
whofe idea of the line of beauty I take in general
to be extremely juft. But the idea of variation;
without attending fo accurately to the mannet of the
variation, has led him to confider angtilar figures ai
beautiful ; thefe figures, it is true, vary greatly j yet
they vary in a fudden and broken mslnner ; and I
do not find any natural obje6^ which is angular, and
at the fame time beautiful. Indeed few natural ob-
jcfts are entirely angular. But I think thofc which
approach the moft nearly to it are the uglieft* I muft
add too, that, fo far as I could obferve of nature,
though the varied line is that alone in which com-
plete beauty is found, yet there is no particular line
which is always found in the moft completely beauti-
ful, and wljich is therefore beautiful in preference to
all other lines. At Icaft I never could obferve it.

R SECT.

ijo On THE SUBLIME

SECT. XVI.
DELICACY.

AN air of robuftocfs and ftrcngth is very prc«
judicial to beamy. An appearance of delkacj^
and even of fragility, is almoft d£bntial to it. Who-
ever examines the vegetable or animal creation^ will
find this obfervatioa to be founded in nature. It is
not thje oaky the afh, or the dm, or any of the robuft
trees of the forelt, which we confider as beautiful ;
they are awful and majeftic ; they in^^ire a fort of
reverence. It is the delicate myrtle, it is the orange,
k is the alsKHid, it is the jafmine, it is the vine, which
we look on as vegetable beauties. It is the flowery
fpecies, ib remarkable for its weakneis and momeo^
tary duration, that gives us the livelieft idea of beau^
ty and elegance. Among animals, the greyhound
is more beautiful than the maftiff ; and the delicacy
of a gennet, a barb, or an Arabian horfe, is much
more amiable than the ilrength and ftability of fome
korfes of war or carriage. I need here lay liule of
the fair fcx, where I believe the point will be eailiy
allowed me. The beauty of women is confiderably
owii^ to theur weaknefs or delicacy, and is eves e»«
hanced by their timidity;: a quality of mind analogoos
to it. I would not here be underftood to fay that
Weaknefs betraying very bad health has aoy fhare in
beauty \ but the ill efle6l of this is not becaufe it is
weaknefs, but becaufe the ill ftate of health which
produces fuch weakneis, altera the other conditions

AKD BEAUTIFUL. 131

of beamy ; the parts in fucli a cafe collapfc ; the bright
colour, the lumen purpureum juventa^ is gone ; and
the fine variation is loft in wrinkles, fudden breaks,
and right lines.

SECT. XVII.
Beauty in COLOUR.

AS to the colours ufually found in. beautiful
bodies it may be fomewhat difEcuIt to afcertain
them, becaufe, in the feveral parts of nature, there
is an infinite variety. However, even in this variety,
we may mark out fomething on which to fettle.
^irft, the colours of beautiful bodies mufl not be duflcy
or muddy, but clean and fain Secondly, chey muft
not be of the ftrongeft kind. Thofe which feem
moft appropriated to beauty, arc the milder of every
fort ; light greens ; foft blues ; weak whites ; pink
reds ; and violets. Thirdly, if the colours be ftrong
and vivid, they are always diverfified, and the objed:
is never of one ftrong colour ; there are almofl
always fuch a number of them (as in variegated
flowers,) that the flrength and glare of each is con«
fiderably abated. In a fine complexion, there is not
only fome variety in the colouring, but the colours :
oeiiber the red nor the white are ftrong s^nd glaring,
Befides, they are mixed in fuch a manner, and with
fuch gradations, that it is impofiible to fix thejbounds*
Oa the fame principle it. is, tha£ the dubious colour
ia the occks and tails of peacocks, and about
^e heads .of drakes, is fo very agreeable. Ia

R 3 yealityji

13* On the sublime

reality, the beamy both of flaapc and colouring; arp
as nearly related, as we can well fuppofe it pof-
Cble for things of fuch diflfcrcnt natures to be.

SECT. xvm.

*

RECAPITULATION.

ON the whole, the qualities of beaijty, as they
are merely feniible qualities, are the follow-
ing. Firft, to be comparatively fmall. Secondly, to
be fmooth. Thirdly, to have a variety in the direc-
tion of the parts ; but, fourthly, to have thofe parts
not angular, but melted as it were into each othen
Fifthly, to be of a delicate frame, without any re-
markable appearance of ftrength. ' Sixthly, to have
its colours clear and bright, but not very ftrong and
glaring. Seventhly, or if it fhould have any glaring
colour, to have it diverfified with others. Thefe arc
1 believe, the properties on which beauty depends ;
propenies that operate by nature, and are lefs liable
to be altered by caprice, or confounded by a diver-
fity of taftes, than any other.

SECT. XIX.
The P H Y S I O G N O M Y.

THE Pbyfiognomy has a confiderable {hare in
beauty, efpecially in that of our own fpccies.
The manners give a certain determination to the
countenance ; which being obfcrved to correfpbnd
jprctty^regularly with them, is capable of joining the

• - cfiWU

i

AND B E A U T I F U L. 133

*

jeffefis of certain agreeable qualities 'of the mind to
tfaofe of the body. So that to form a finiihed human
beauty, and to give it its full influence, the face
mud be expreiCve of fuch gentle and amiable quali-
ties, as correfpcnd with the foftnefs^ fmoothnels^ and
delicacy of the outward form.

SECT. XX.
The EYE.

I HAVE hitherto purpofely omitted to fpeak of
the Eye^ which has fo great a fhare in the beauty
of the animal creation, as it did not fall fo eaiily
under the foregoing headg, though in fa£t it is redu-
cible to the fame principles. I think then, that the
beauty of the eye confifts, firft, in its ckarnefsyYfhax
coloured cjt (hall pleafe mod, depends a good deal
on particular fancies ; but none are pleafed with an
eye whofe water (to ufe that term) is dull and mud-
dy *. We are pleafed with the eye in this view, on
the principle upon which we like diamonds, clear
water, glafs, and fuch like tranfparent fubftances.
Secondly, the motion of the eye contributes to its
beauty, by continually ihiftingits direAion ; but
a flow and languid motion is more beautiful than a
briik one; the latter is enlivening; the former
lovely. Thirdly, with regard to the union of the
eye with the neighbouring parts, it is to hold the
fame rule that is given of other beautiful ones ; it is

• Part rv. fctft. a;.

sot

M34 On th£ sublime

sot to make a flroDg deviation from the line of the
neighbouring parts ; nor to verge into any cxaA
geometrical figure* Befides all this, the eye afieAs,
as it is eKprcffive of fome qualities of the mind, and
ks principal power generally arifes from this ; io*
that what we have jnft £ud of the phyfiognomy is a^»
];>licable here*

SECT. XXI.

UGLINESS.

»

IT may perhaps appear like a fort of repetition of
what we have before^fatid, to infift here upon the
nature of UgUnefu As I imagine it to be in aH ro^
fpeds the q^pofitc tQ thofc qwUtie^ which wc have
laid down fqr the conftituent^ of beauty. But
though uglinefa be the oppofice to beauty, it is not
the oppofite to proportion and fituefs^ For it is po&
iible that z, thing may be very ugly with any propor*
tions, aQd witj) a perfeA fitnefs i€> any ufes* Ug}i»
tineft I imagine llkewiie to be confident enough
with an idea of the fublime« Bat I would by aa
means nifmqate thait uglinefe of itfelf is a liihlime
idea, mlefa united with fttch qualidn ^ excite a
firong terror.

SECT.

AND BEAUTIFUL* 135

SECT. XXII.
GRACE.

GRACEFULNESS is an idea not very different
from beauty ; it coniifb in much the fame
things. Gracefokefs is an idea belonging to ff/hire
and motion. In both thefe, to be graceful, it is re-
quifite that there be no appearance of difficulty ;
there is required a finall infle£tion of the body ; and
a compofure of the parts in fuch a manner, as not
, to incumber each other, not to appear divided by
(harp and fuddea angles. In this cafe, this round-
ncfs, this delicacy of attitude and motion it is that
all the magic of grace confifts, and what is called its
je nefcaii qud ; as will be obvious to any obferver,
who confiders attentively the Venus de Medicis, the
Antinous, or any ftatue generally allowed to be grace*
ful in an high degree.

SECT. xxin.

ELEGANCE and SPECIOUSNESS.

WHEN any body is compofed of parts fmootfa
and poliibed^ without prefling upon each
other, without fliewing any ruggedoefs or confuiiony
and at the fame time affe^ng fome regular Jhape^
I call it elegant. It is clofely allied to the beauti-
ful, differing from it only in this regularity ; which

howevtr

136 On the sublime

however, as it makes a very material difference in
the affeAion produced, may very well conftitute ano->
thcr fpecies. Under this head I rank thofe delicate
and regular works of art, that imitate no determinate
obje£^ in nature, as elegant buildings, and pieces of
furniture. When any objeA partakes of the above-
mentioned qualities, or of thofe of beautiful bodies,
and is withal of great dimenfions, it is full as remote
from the idea of mere beauty, I call iijine or ffe-^

SECT. , XXIV.
The beautiful in F E E L I N G-

THE foregoing defcription of beauty, fo far as
it is taken in by the eye, may be greatly illuf-
trated by defcribing the" nature of objefts, which pro-
duce a fimilar effcA through the touch. This I call
the beautiful in Feeling. It correfponds wonderfully
"teith what caufes the fame fpecies of pleafure to the
fight. There is a chain in all our fenfations ; they
are all but different forts of feelings, calculated to be
affcfted by various forts of objcfts, but all to be af-
feAed after the fame manner. All bodies that are
pleafant to the touch, arc fo by the ilightnefs of the
refiftance they make. Refinance is either to motion
along the furface, or to the prcffurc of the parts on
one another: if the former bVflight, we call the
body fmooth ; if the latter, foft. The chief plea-
fure we receive by feeling, is in the one or the other
•f thefe qualities } and if there be a combination of

both.

AND B E A U T I F U tj <37

I

I *

both^ our pleafurc is greatly iacrcafe4« . This i^fo
plain, that it is rather more fit tQ illuftrate other
things, than to be illuftrated itfelf by an example*
The next fource of pleafure in this fenfe, As ia twcrf
other, is the continually prefenting fomewhat new }
and we find that bodies which cojitinually vary, th^ir
furface, are much the mod pleafant or beautiftil to
the feeling, as any one that pleafes tnay e^i^periencej
The third property in fuch objeAs is^ that though
the furface continually varies its direction,' it nevef
varies it fuddenly. The application pf any thing
fudden, even though the impreilion itfelf have little
oc nothing of violence, is difagreeable. The quick
application of a finger a little warmer or colder than'
ufual, without notice, makes us dart ; a Sight tap
on the (houlder, not expeAed^ hai iHi! fame efFeft;
Hence it is that angular bodies, bodies that fudd«n«
ly vary the diredion of the outline, afford fo little
pleafure to the feeling. Every fuch change is a fort
of climbing or falling in miniature ; fo that fqiiares^
triangles, and other angular figures are neither beau-
tiful to the fight nor feeling. Whoever compares
his ftate of mind, on feeling foft, fmootH, variegated,'
unangular bodies, with that in which he finds him-
fclf, on the view of a beautiful objeft, will perceive
a very ftfiking analogy in the efFefts of both j and
which may go a good way towards difcoveririg their
common caufe. Feeling and fight, m this refpeft,
diflfcr in but a few points. The touch takes in the
pleafure of foftnefs, which is not primarily an objeft
of fight ; the fight, on the other hand, comprehends?
colour which can hardly be made perceptible to the
touch : the touch again has the advantage in aneW

S idea

138 Ok THB 8 U B L I M £

idea of {Jcafure refultmg from a moderate dcgiee of
Warmth ; but the eye triumphs m the infinite extent
and multiplicity of its objeds. But there is fuch a
fimiUtude in the pleafurcs of thefe fenfes, that I ara
apt to fancy 9 if it were poffible that one might difcem
c^our by feeling (as it is faid fome blind men have
done), that the fame colours, and the fame difpofition
of cdouring, which are found beautiful to the fight,
would be found Kkewife moft grateful to the touch.
But, fetting afide conjedures, let us pafs to die other
fenfe ; of hearing.

SECT- XXV.
the bcautifbl in SOUNDS.

IN this fenfe we find an equal aptitude to be affec-
ted in a foft and delicate manner ; and how far
fweet or beautiful founds agree with our dcfcriptions
of beauty in other fenfes, the experience of every
one muft decide. Milton has dcfcribed this fpecies
of mufic in one of his juvenile poems *. I need not
fay that Milton was pcrfcftly well verfed in that art ;
and that no man had a finer ear, ^ith a happier man-
ner of exprefling the affcftions of one fenfe by meta-
phors taken from another. The defcription is as
follows :

And ever agatnfi eahng caret f
Lap me in foft Ly£an airs ;

Im

AMD BEAUTIFUL. 159

r

In mta mnth many a wiBding i«ttf
(y linked fwoctntff long drawn out \
With wanton bead and giddy cunnings
The melting vokt through mazes rumdng ;
Untwifting all the chauu that tic
The hidden foul of harmony*

Let MB paralld this wkh the foftaefs^ dtc wiflding
furjacci the unbrokea continuancey the eafy gnida«»
tion of the beaBtifal hi other things ; aQdall the di**
verities of the feveral feafes, with all their fevenl
afieAioQs> will rather help to throw lights from one
another to finiih one clear, confiftent idea of the
whole, dian to qi^nxc it by their intricacy and va-*
riccy. .

To the above-mentioned defcription I (hsdl add one
or two remarks. The firfl: is ; that the beautiful in
jnuiic will not bear that loudnefs and ftrength of
founds, which may be ufed to raife other pai&ons ;
nor notes, which sffe fhrill or harfh, or deep : it
agrees beft with fuch as are dear, even, fmooth, and
weak. The fecond is ; that great variety, and quick
tranfittons from one mcafure or tone to another, arc
contrary to the genius of the beautiful in mufic^
Soch * tranfittons often escite mirth, or other fuddea
and tumultuous pafiions y but not that finking, that
melting, that languor, which is the charaderiftical
eScSt of the beautiful as it regards every fenfe. The
paifion excited by beauty is in fa^ nearer to, a fpecies
€f£ mebmcboly, tban.tQ)oUity and mirth. I do not

I <

* I fie*er sun merry, when I bear fweet mufic.

SHAKiBprAA,

S a here

140 On THE S U B L I M E

here Qiean to confine mufic to any one fpecies of
potes, or tones, neither is it an art in which 1 can
fay I have any great fkill. My fole defign in this
remark is, to fettle a coniiftent idea of beauty. The
infinite yariety of the affcftions of the foul will fug-
geft to a good head, and fkilful ear, a variety of fuch
founds as are fitted to raife them. It can be no pre-
judice to this, to clear and diftinguilh fome few par«
ticulars, thatbelong to the fame dais, and are con-
fident with each other, from the imirienfe cro^d of
different, and fometimcs contradi£lory ideas, that
rank vulgarly under the ftandard of beauty. And
of thefe it is my intention to mark fuch only of the
leading points ais Ihew the conformity of the fenfe
of hearing, with all the other fenfes in the articlq
of their pleafures.

•» . . - • .

9

SECT. XXVI.
T A S T E and S M E t L.

■ » • . . . . ,

THIS general agreement of the fenfes is yet more
evident on minutely confidering thofe of tafte
and fmell. We metaphorically apply the idea of
fweetnefs to fights and fouiids ; but as the qualities
of bodies by which they arc fitted to excite either
pilcafure or pain in thefe fcufes, ' arc not (o obvious
at they are iti the others, we ihall refer an explana-
tion of their analogy, which is a very clofc one, to
that part, wherein we come to confidcr the common
efficient caufe of beauty, as it regards all the fenfes.
I do not think any thing better fitted to eftabliO- a

dear.

« 1

AND B E A U T I F U L. 141

^ear and fettled ided of vifual beauty than this waj
oi eitamining the iimilar pleafares of other fenfes ; for
one part is fometimes clear in one of thefe fenfes, that
is more obfcute. in another ; and where there is a
clear concurreD<:c of all, we may with more certain-*
ty fpeak of any pne of them. By this means, they
bear witnels to each other; nature is, as it \^ere,
fcrutini^ed ; and we report nothing of her but wh^t
3ve receive from her own information.

SECT. XXVIL

The Sublime and Beautiful compared*

ON clofing this general vjew of beauty, it natu.-
rally occurs, that we iliould compare it with
the fublime ; and in this comparifon there appears a
remarkable contraft. For fublime obje^s are vail in
their dimenfions, beautiful ones comparatively fmall :
beauty (hould be fmooth and polifhed ; the great,
rugged and negligent : beauty ihould (bun the right
line, yet deviate from it infenfibly : the great in ma-
Tfj cafes loves the right line; and when it deviates,
it often makes a ftrong deviation : beauty ihould not
be obfcure ; the great ought to be dark and gloomy :
beauty ihould be light and delicate ; the great
ought to be folid, and even maifive. They are in-
deed ideas of a very '^'•^^rent nature, one being
founded on pain, the Oi^^ on pleafure ; and how^
ever they may vary afterwards from the direft na-
ture of their caufes, yet theie caufes keep up an eter^
(aal diitin^lion between them, a diilindion never to be

forgotten

I4t On the sublime

ibrgottcB by any whofe bafinds it is to zfk&. the pat
iions* Jn the infinite variety of natural combinations,
we muft expeft to find the qualities of things the moft
remote imaginable from each other united in the &me
oli^d* We mnft expeft aUb to find combinations of
the fame kind in the works of arc. But when we
confider the power of an obged upon our paffions,
we muft know that when any thing is intended to af«
feA the mind by the force of fome predominant pro-
perty, theaffedion produced is like to be the more uni-
form and perfedy if all the other properties or quali-
ties of the obje£l be of the fame nature, and tending
to the fame defign as the principal ;

If black and wbsU hkndf fifieih ^^d wdtif
A tboufand ways^ are there no black and white ?

If the qualities of the fublime and beautiful are fome*
times found united, does this prove that they are the
fame ; does it prove that they are any way aHied ;
does it prove even that they are not oppofite and con-
tradiftory ? Black and white may foften, may blend ;
but they arc not therefore the fame. Nor, when
they are fo foftened and blended with each other, or
with different colours, is the power of black as black,
or of white as white, fo ftrong as when each ftands
pniform and diftinguiihed.

THE END OF THE THIRD PART.

C U3 ]

A Philofophical Enquiry

INTO THB

ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS

OF THE

SUBLIMEand BEAUTIFUL-

PART IV.
S E C T I.

Of the efficient caufc of the SUBLIME
and BEAUTIFUL.

WHEN I fay, I intend to enquire into the eft
ficicnt caufe of fublimity and beauty, I would
not be underftood to fay, that I can come to the
uhimate caufe. I do not pretend that I Ihall erer be
able to explain, why certain affedions of the body
produce fuch a diftinft emotion of mind, and no
other J or why the body is at all aflFefted by the
mind, or the mind by the body. A little thought
will fhew this to be impoffible. But I conceive, if we
can difcover what afFedions of the mind produced
certain emotions of the body ; and what dtftinft feel>-
ings and qualities of body (hall produce certain de-
terminate paiSons in the mind, and no others, I fancy
a great deal will be done ; fomething not unufeful
towards a diftmft knowledge of our paflions, fo far at
lead as wc have them at prcfent under our confidera-

tioQ.

144 On the S U B L I M E

tion. This is all, I believe, we can do. If wc could
advance a ftep farther, difficulties would ftill remain,
as wc ihould be ftill equally diftant from the firft caufe.
When Newton firft difcovered the property of attrac-
tion, and fettled its laws, he found it ferved very well
to explain feveral of the moft remarkable phaenomena
in nature ; but yet with reference to the general
fyftem of things, he could coniider atcradion but as
an eficA, whofe caufe at that time he did not attempt
to trace. But when he afterwards began to account
for it by a fubtile elaftic aether, this great man (if ia
fo great a man it be ,not impious to difcover any
any thing like a blemiihj feemed to have quitted his
ufual cautious manner of philofophifing ; iince, per-
haps, allowing all that has l)een advanced on this
fubjeft to be fufficiently proved, I think it leaves us
with as maliy difficulties as it found us. That great
chain of caufes, which links one to another, even to
the throne of God himfelf, can never be unravelled
by any induftry of ours. When we go but one ftep
beyond the immediately fendble qualities of things,
we go out of our depth. All we do after is but a
faint ftruggle, that fliews we are in an element which
does not belong to us. So that when I fpeak of
caufe, and efficient caufe, I only mean certain affec-
tions of the mind, that caufe certain changes in the
body ; or certain powers and properties in bodies,
that work a change in the mind. As if I were to
explain the motion of a body falling to the ground,
I would fay it was caufcd by gravity j and I would
endeavour to fliew after what manner this power op-
crated, without attempting to flxew why it operated
in this manner : or if I were to explain the effeds of

bodies

XNfi beautiful: 145

bodies ftriking one another by the common laws
of percuffion, I ihould not endeavour to explain
how motion itfelf is communicated.

SECT. n.
ASSOCIATION.

IT is no fmall bar in the way of our enquiry into
the caufe of our paillons that the occaiion of
many of them are given, and that their governing
motions are communicated at a time when we have
not capacity to refleA on them ; at a time of which
ail fort of memory is worn out of our minds. For
befides fuch things as affed us in various manners,
according to their natural powers, there are affocia-
tioas made at that early feafon, which we find it
very hard afterwards to diftinguifh from natural ef-
fects. Not to mention the unaccountable antipathies
which we find in many perfons, we all find it impof-
fible to remember when a deep became more terrible
than a plain ; or fire or water more^ terrible than a
clod of earth ; though all thefe are very probably
either conclufions from experience, or afifing fron^
the premonitions of others ; and fome of them im-
prefled, in all likelihood, pretty late. But as it muH
be allowed that many things afie£): us after a certain
manner, not by any natural powers they have for
that purpofe, but by alfociation ; fo it would be ab-
furd, on the other hand, to fay that all things affeft '
us by aiTociation only ; fince fome things muft have
been originally and naturally agreeable or difagree*

T able, *

14^ On the sublime

ahlcy from which the others derive their affocifttoci
powers } and it would be, I fancy^ to little purpofe
to look for the cauie of oar paffioDS in aflbciation^
until we fail of it in the natural properties of things.

SECT. in.

Caufe of P A I N and FEAR.

I Have before obfcrved •, that whatever is qualified
to caufe terror, is a foundation capable of the
fqblime ;; to which I add, that not only thefe, but
Qiaqy things from which we cannot probably appre-
hend any danger, have a iimilar effeA, becaufe they
operate in a fimilar manner. I obferved too, that f
whatever produces pleafure, pofitive and original
pleafure,^ is fit to have beauty engrafted on it. There-
fore, to clear up the nature of thefe qualities, it may
be neceflary to explain the nature of pain and plea-
fure on which they depend. A man who fuffers un-
der violent bodily pain, (I fuppofe the moft violent,
becaufe the efFeft may be the more obviou$ j)
I fay a man in great pain has his teeth fet, his eye-
brows are violently contraftcd, his forehead is wrink-
kd, his eyes are dragged ii^wards, and rolled with
great vehemence, his hair ftands on ei^I, the voice
is forced out in fhort fhrieks and grpans, and the
whole febric totters. Fear or te^or, which is an
apprehenfion of pain or death^ exhibits cxz&lj the
^me ^fiefts, approaching in violence to thofe jufl

* Part I. feA. S^ t Ptit L fcA* iQ.

mentioned

AND B E A U T I F U L* 147

meDtioned^ in proportioa to the ncaraefs of the caufe^
and the weaknefs of the fabjt£t» This is oot only fo
in the human fpecies : but I have more than once
obferved in dogs, upder an appreheniion of punifli-
ment, that they have writhed their bodies, and yel-
ped, and howled, as if they had adually felt the
blows. From hence I conclude, that pain and fear
ad upon the fame pan of the body, and in the
manner, though fomewhat differing in degree;
That pain and fear conilfl: in an unnatural. tension
of the Borves } that this is fometimes accom-
l^anied with an unnatural (trength^ wtuch fome-
tiines ftiddenly changes into an extraordinary
we^knefe ; that the effe^ often come on alternately,
and are foaietimes milted with each ocher« This is
the nature of all conclufive agitsutions^ efpecially in
weaker fubje&s, which are the laoft liaUe to the fe-
vereft impreifiofid of piam and fear* The only dif-
ference between paiA add terror is« that things which
cattjfe paiti operate on the mind, by the intervention
of the body ; whereas thinjps that caufe terror, gen-
eraUy affed the bodily organs by the operation of
the mind fuggeftmg the danger ; but both agreeing,
tither primdorily, or fecondarily, in producing a
tenfion^ coatraAion, or violent emotion of the
nerves *t they agree likewife in every. thing cl£:.
For it appears very clearly to n^e, from this^ as well
as fsom many ochet examples^ that whoi the body
is difpofed, by any means whatfoever, to filch eoto^

* I do Aot here enter into the queftion debated among phyiiologiftf,
whether pain be the effe^ of a contra^ion, or a tenfidn of the lierves.
Either will ibrve my purpofe ; for by tcnflon, I mean no mbre than a
videDt pvUing of the fibresi which cotdpofe aay' mnCcki or niembrane«
|P ifrbatcTcr way this ii done.

T ? tioq^

I4S On THB S U B L I M E

tions as it would acquire by the meaQS of a certaii^
paf&on ; it will oiF itfelf excite fomething very like
hat paffion in the mind.

SECT. IV.

I . - J

Contioped.

» •

TO this purpofe Mr. Spon id his Rechcrches
d'Antiquite, gives us a curious ftory of the ce-
lebrated phyfiognomift Campanella. This man, it
feems, had not only made very accurate bbfervations
CD human faces, but was very expert in mimicking
fuch as were any way remarkable. When he had
a mind to penetrate into the inclinations of thofe he
had to deal with, he compofed his face, his gefture,
and his whole body, as nearly as he could into the
exaA iimilitude of the perfon he intended to examine ;
and then carefully obferved what turn of mind he
feemed to acquire by this change. So that, fays my
author, he was able to enter into the difpofitions and
thoughts of people as' effeAually as if he had been
changed iato the very men. I have often obferved,
that on mimicking the looks and geftures of angry^
or placid, or frighted, or daring men, I have invo-
luntarily found my mind turned to that pailion, whoic
appearance I endeavoured to imitate j nay, I am con-
vinced it is hard to avoid it, though one ilrove to fe-
parate the paflion from its correfpondent geftures.
Our minds and bodies are fo clofely and intimately
conne&ed, that one is incapable of pain or plealui:c
without the other. CampancUa, of whom we have

been

AND BEAUTIFUL. 149

bcco fpeaking, could fo abftra^l his attention from
any fufFcrings of his body, that he was able to en-
dure the rack itfelf withont much pain ; and in lef*
fcr pains, every bodymuft have obferved, that when
we can employ our attention on any thing elfe, the
pain has been for a time fufpended : on the other
hand, if by any means the body is indifpofed to perform
fuch geftures, or to be (limulated into fuch emotions
9s any paifion ufually produces in it, that pal&on it-
felf never can arife, though its caufe ihould be never
fo ftrongly in aftion ; though it (hould be merely
mental, and immediately afFe£Ung none of the lenfes.
As an opiate, or fpirituous liquors, ihall fufpend the
operation of grief, or fear, or anger, in fpite of all
our efforts to the contrary ; and this by inducing in
the body a difpofition contrary to that which it Re-
ceives from thdfe pafBons.

SECT, v.]
How the Sublime is produced.

HAVING copfidered terror as producing an
unnatural tepfipn and certain violent emotions
pf the nervqs; it eafily follows, from what wc have
juft faid, that whateiver is fitted to produce fuch a
tenfion mud be produ^iye of a paifion iimilar to ter«
ror *, and confequently muft be a fource of the fub-
. lime, though it ihould have no idqa of danger con-
ceded with it. So that little remains towards ihew-
ing the caufe of the fublime, but to ihew that the in-
(tanqes we have given of it in the fecond part re«

• Part II. 3ca. a.

lato

* « .• J .

i5e Ok the SUBLIME

lat^ to fach things, as are fitted by nature to produce
this fort of tenfioo, either by the primary operation
of the mind or the body* With regard to fiiich
things as afied by the afibciated idea of daager^ there
can be no doubt bnt that they produce terror, and
aft by fonae modification of that paffioB ; and that
terror, when fnflicientjy violent^ raifes the emotioBS
of the body juft meationcd, can as little be doobced ;
but if the fttUime is buik on terror,, ot {bme paffion
like it, wtuch has pain for its objeft, k is previoc^
ly proper to enquire how any fpecies of ddbght can be
derived from a cauic fo apparently contrary to h. I
£iy, diligbty becaufe, as I have often remorticed, k is
very evidently di&rent in its caufe, and m its owa
nature, from aftoal and pofitivc pkafure*

S E C T, VI.

How PAIN can be a caufe of DELIGHT.

PROVIDENCE has fo ordered it, that a ftate of
reft and ina£tion, however it may flatter our
indolence, fliould be prodoflive of many incou-
veniencies ; that it (honld generate fuch diforders, as
may force us to have recourfe to fome labour, as a
thing abfelutely requifite to make us pafe our Vm%
with tolerable fatisfadion ; for the nature of reft
is to fufFer all the parts of our bodies to feB- into a
relaxation, that not only difables the members frctti
performing their fundions, but takes away the vi-
gorous tone of fibre which isrequifitcfor carrying da
the natural and nccefiary fecretions. At the fame

time

AND BEAUTIFUL. 151

time, that in this languid inaftive ftatc, the nerves
arc more liable to the mod horrid convulfions, than
when they are fufficicntly braced and ftrengthened.
Melancholy, dejcftion, defpair, and often fclf-murder,
is the coofequence of the gloomy view we take of
things in this relaxed ftate of body. The bcft re-
medy for all thefe evils is exerdfe or labour ; and
labour is a funnountiQg of difficulties^ an exertion of
tbe contra&ing power of the mufcles ; and as fuch
refembles pain, which coniifls in tenfion or contrac-
tion« in every thing but degree. Labour is not only
requifite to preferve the coarfer organs in a ftate fit
for their fundion \ but it is equally neceflkry to
thefe finer and more delicate organs, on which, and
by which, the imagination and perhaps the other
mental powers aA. Since it is probable, that not
only the inferior parts of the foul, as the paifions are
called, but the underftanding itfelf makes ufeof fome
fine corporeal inftruments in its operation ; though
what they are, and where they are, may be fomewhat
hard to fettle : but that it does make ufe of fuch^ ap«
pears from hence y that a long exercife of the men-
tal powers induces a remarkable laifitude of the whole
body 3 and on the other hand, that great bodily la-
bour, or pain, weakens and fometimes adually def-^
troys the mental faculties. Now, as a due exercife #
is efTential to the jcoarfe mufcular pans of tbe
conftitution, and that without this roufing they would
become languid and difeafed, the very fame rule holds
with regard to thofe finer parts we have mentioned ;
to have them in proper order, they muft be fhaken
and worked to a proper degree.

SECT.

15a On THE SUBLIME

SECT. VII.

EXERCISE neceflary for the finer organs.

AS common labour, which is a mode of pain,
is the cxercife of the groJflTer, a mode of ter-
ror is the exercife of the finer parts of the fyftem ;
and if a certain mode of pain be of fach a nature as
to afi upon the eye or the ear, as they are the moft
delicate organs, the a£Fedion approaches more near-
ly to that which has a mental caufe. In all thefe cafes,
if the pain and terror are fo modified as not to be ac-
tually noxious ; if the pain is not carried to violence,
and the terror is not converfant about the prefent
deftru&ion of the perfon, as thefe emotions clear the
parts, whether fine or grofs, of a dangerous and trou-
blefome incumbrance, they are capable of producing
delight ; not pleafure, but a fort of delightful hor-
ror, a fort of tranquillity tinged with terror ; which,
as it belongs to felf-prefervation, is one of the ftrong-
eft of all the palfions. Its objeA is the fublime *. Its
higheft degree I call ajioni/hment ; the fubordinate
degrees arc awe, reverenct, and rcfpeft, which, by
* the very etymology of the words, (hew from what
fource they are derived, and how they ftand diflin-
' guiihed from pofitive pleafure.

*Part II. Sea. 4.

S E C T.

AKD Bl! AUTlFUt. 153

SECT. VIIL

• • ■ * ...

Why things not dangerous produce a paf&oa

like TERROR.

* A Mode of terror or pa^in is always the caufe of
Jlx. the fublime. For terror, or aflbciated dao-^
gcr, the foregoing explanation is, I believe, fuffi-
cient. It will require fomething more trouble to
Ihew, that fuch examples as I have given of the
fublime in the fecond part, are capable of producing
a mode of pain, and of being thus allied to terror^
and to be accounted for on the fame principles. And
firft of fuch objejls as are great in their dimeniions:
I fpeak of vifual objeAs,

SECT. IX.

Why vifual objedls of great dimeniions are

Sublime.

VISION is performed by having a picture for-'
med by the rays of light which are reflefted
from the objeft painted in one piece, inftantaneoufly,
on the retina, or laft nervous part of the eye. Of,
according to others, there is but one point df any
objeA painted on the eye in fuch a manner as to be
perceived at once ; but by moving the eye, we gather
ttp with great celerity, the fcveral parts of the Objeft,

• Part I feft. 7. Part H fc^ 3.

U fo

154 Oh ths SUBLIME

fo as to form one uoifbrm piece. If the former
opinion be allowed^ it will be confidered *, tbatthoiigh
all the light reflefted from a large bodj fhoold (bike
the eye in one inftant ; yet we rnuft fappofe that
the body itfelf is formed of a vaft number of difiinft
points, every one of which, or the ray from every one,
makes an imprefSon on the retina. So that, though
the image of one point flxould canie but a fmall ten*
fion of this membrane, another, and another, and
another ftroke, muft ia their pragrefs caiif^ a very
great one, until it arrives at lad to the higheft degree ;
* and the whole capacity of the eye, vibratiqg in all its

parts, muft approach near to the nature of what
caufes pain, and confequently muft produce aa idea
of the liiblime. Again, if we take it, that one point
only of an objed is diftinguifhable at once ; the mat-
ter will amount nearly to the fame thing, or rather
it will make the origin «of the fublime from greatnefr
of dimenfion yet clearer. For if but one point is ob-
ferved at once, ihe eye muft traverfe the vaft (pace
of fuch bodies, with great quicknefs, and confequent-
ly the fine nerves and mufcles deftined to the mo-
tion of that part muft be very much ftrained ; and
their great fenfibility muft make them highly affeAcd
by this ftraining. Befides, it llgnifies juft nothing to
the effeA produced, whether a body has its parts
conne^ed and makes its impreffion at once; or,
making but one impreflion of a point at a time, it
caufes a fucceflion of the iame, or others fo quick-
ly d^ to make them feem united ; as is evident from
iSie epnunon cffeA of whirling about a lighted torch

•r

AKD BEAUTIFUL.' i^^

or piece of wood ; which, if done with celerity, feemd
1 circle of fire*

SECT. X.

UNITY why reqoifite to Taftoeis^

r^ may be oljefted to this theory, that the eye
generally] receires ail equal number of rays at
all times, and that therefore a great objeft cannot
zScfk it by the number of fays, more than that varies
ty of obje^ which the eye muft att^ays difcem whilft
it remains open. But to this I anfwer, that ad«
mitting an equal number of rays, or an equal qukntfty
of luminous particles to ftrike the eye at all dme^^
yet if thefc rays frequently vary their nature, noW
to blue, now to red, and fo on, or their manner of
termination as to a number of petty fquares, trism^
gles, or the like, at every change, whether of
colour or fhape, the organ has a fort of a rclaxa«
tion or reft; but this relaxation and labour fo
often interrupted, is by no means productive of
eafe ; neither has it the efieA of vigorous and uni-
form labour. Whoever has remarked the diflferent
cfieds of fome ftrong exercife, and fome little pid-
dliitg aiftion, will qnderftaad why a tesdmg fretful
employment, which at once wearies and weakens
the body, fhould have nothing great ; thefe forts of
impulfes, ^hich are rather teafiog than painful, hf
cbntinually and fuddenly alteriqg their tenor an4
direction, prevent that full tenfion, that fpecies of
f qfom labour, which is allied to ibroiig pain, an4

U ^ «aitf(P5

156 JOn the sublime

caufes the fublimc. The fum total of things of rari^
ous kinds, though it ^ould equal the numbei: of th^
uniform parts compofing fome one entire objeft, i$
Dot equal in its effed upon the organs of our bodies.
Belides the one already affigned, there is another
very ftrong reafon for the difference. The mind in
reality hardly ever can attend diligently ■ to more
than one thing at a time ; if this thing be little, the
effed is little, and a number of other little objefb
cannot engage the attention \ the mind is bounded
by the bounds of the pbjeA j and what is not auend-
ed to. and what does not exift, are much the fame ia
the ' eflTeft j" but the eye or the mind (for in this
cafe there. is no difference) in great uniform objeds
does not readily arrive at their bounds ; it has no
reft, whilft it contemplates them ; the image is much
the fame every where. ' So that every thing great
by its quantity muft ncccffarily be, one, fimple ai^c^
fcntirc. * 1 " • ;'•'•'.'

SECT. XL
The artificiallNFlNrrE.

f

«

E have ohfcrved,. that a ipccics of greatneis
arifes .from the artificial infinite : and that
this infinite confift^ io an vKiiform fucceiEon of great
pans :.' we.ob(erved top,ithat the fame uniform fuc-
ccl5oil had a^ like power, in founds. But becaufe the
ie&As of many things are clearer in one of the fenfes
tiian' in another, aiid tha,t all the fcnfes bear an ana-
logy.to^ and illuflraKe ofie .another, I ihall b^in with
• . • - , ' • * jjjis

■ >

AND BEAUTIFUL. 157

tUis power . in founds, as the caufc of the fublimity

from Aicceflion is rather more obvious in the fenfc

of hearing. And I Ihall here once for all obfervc,

thataa invefligatron of the natural and mechanical

caufes of our paiTions, befides the curiofity of thefub*

jcdj gives, if they arc difcovered, a double ftrcngth

and luftre to any rules we deliver on fuch matters*

When the ear receives any fimple found, it is ilruck

by a iingle pulfe of the air, which makes the ear-drum

and the other membranous parts vibrate according

to the nature and fpccies of the ftroke. If the ftroke

be ftrong, the org^n of hearing fuffers a confiderablc

degree of tendon. If the ftroke be repeated pretty

foon after, the repetition caufes an expefiation of

another ftroke. And it muft be obferved, that cx-

peAation itifelf caufes a.tenfion. This is apparent in

many animals, who, when they prepare for hearing

any found, roufe themfelves, apd prick up their ears :

fo tBa]t here the effeA of the founds is confiderably

augmepted by a new auxiliary, the expe&ation. But

though after a number of ftrokes, we expefl ftill

more, not bemg able to afcertain the exad time of

their an-ival, when xhcj arrive, they produce a fort

of fiirprife, which increafes this tenfion yet further.

For I have obferved, that when at any time I have

waited very earncftly for fome found, that returned

at intervals, (as the fucceilive firing of cannon) though

I fully expefted the return of the found, when it

came, it always made me ftart a little ; the ear-drum

fufFcrcd a convulfion, and the whole body confented

with it. The tenfion of the part thus increafing at

•very blow, by the united forces of the ftroke itfelf,

the

15S On tHE sublime

the expe&ation, and the furprife, it is vrotktd ftp to
fach a pitch as to be capable of the fubiime ; it is
brought juft to the Verge of pain. Even when the
iaufe has ceafed, the organs of hearing being often
fttcceffiTelj (buck in a fimilsur manner, continue to
Tibrace in that manner for fome time longer ; this
is an additional help to the greatftefs of the cScSu

SECT. in.

The vibrations muft be fimilar.

BUT if the vibration be not fimilar at every im*
preffion, it can never be carried bejrond the
number of afiual impreflions ; for move any body as
a pendulum 9 in one way, and it will continue to
ofcillate in an arch of the fame circle, until the known
eaufes make it reft ; but if after firft putting it in mo^
tion in one diredion, you pufh it into another, it can
iiever reaflume the firft direction ; becaufc it can never
move itfelf, and confequently it can have but the e&
feSt of that laft motion ; whereas, if in the fame direc*
tion you aft upon it feveral times, it will defcribe t
greater arch, and move a longer tnn6»

4|:cT.

AND BEAUTIFUL. 159

SECT. IHL

The cffca of SUCCESSION in vifual objcai

explained.

IF wc can comprehend clearly |iow things operate
upon one of our fenfes, there can be voy little
difficulty in conceiving in what manner they affeft
the reft. To fay a great deal therefore upon the
eorrcfponding affedions of every fenfe, would tend
rather to fatigue us by an ufclefs repetition, than to
throw any new light upon the fubjeft, by that am«
pie and diffufe manner of treating it ; but as in thb
difcourfe we chiefly attach ouHcIvcs to the fiibUme,
as it zSc&s the eye, we fhall confider particularly
why a fucceflive difpofition of uniform parts in the
fame right line fhould be fublime *, and upon what
principle this difpofition is enabled to make a com*
parativcly fmall quantity of matter produce a grander
effcfi, than a much larger quantity difpofed in an-
other manner. To avoid the perplexity of general
notions ; let us fet before cmr eyes a colonnade of
uniform pillars planted in a right line } let us take
our ftand in fuch a manner, that the eye may flioot
along this colonnade, for it has its beft efieft }n diia
view; In our prefent fituation it is plain, that the
rays from the firft round pillar will caufe in the eye
a vibration of that fpecies : an image of the pillar
itfclf. The pillar immediately fiiccecding increafes

* Pm TI. foA, im.

it ;

io6 On the sublime

it ; that which follows renews and enforces the lot-
preffion ; each in its order as it fucceeds, repeats
impulfe after impulfe, and Itroke after ftroke, until
the eye, long exercifed in one particular way, cannot
lofe that objed^ immediately; and being violently
roufed by this continued agitation, it prefents the
mind with a grand or fublime conception. But in-
(lead of viewing a rank of uniform piUars } let as
fuppofe, that they fuccced each, other, a rouqd and a
fquar e one alternately. In this cajTe the vibration caufed
by thefirft round pillar perifhes as foon as it is formed;
and orieofquiteanotherfort(thcfquare)direftIy occu-
pies its place ; which however' it refigns as quickly"
to the round one ; and thus the eye proceeds, aU
ternately, taking up one image, and laying down
another, as long as the building continues* From
whence it is obvious, chat at the laft pillar, the im-
prellion is as fiar from continuing as it was at the very
£r{l; becaufe in faA, the fenfory can receive no
diftind impreiHon but from the lad ; and it can never
of itfelf refume a dif&milar impreflion : beiides, every
variation of the objed is a reft and relaxation to
the organs of fight ; and thefe reliefs prevent that
powerful emotion fo nrceflary to produce the fub-
lime. To produce therefore a perfed grandeur in
fuch things as we have been mentioning, there fhould
be a perfeA fimplicity, an abfolute uniformity in dif-
pofition, ihape, and colouring. Upon this principle
of fucceiHon and uniformity it may be aiked, why a
long bare wall fhould not be a more fublime objeft
than a colonnade ; fince the fucceffion is no way
interrupted ; fince the eye meets no cheeck ; fince
nothing more uniform can be conceived ? A long

bare

ANb BE A tj 1 1 FU Li i6t

I ;

'* • ' % * * \ ^^

bare wall is certainly not fo grand an objeft as a
colonnade of the fame length and height. It is not'
altogether difficult to account for this difference*
When we look at a naked wall, from the cvenncfs
of the objed, the eye runs along its whole fpace^
and arrives quickly at its termination ; the eye meets
nothing which may interrupt its pfogrefs ; but then
it meets nothing which may detain it a proper time?
to produce a very great and lafting effeft. The view
of a bare wall, if it be of a great height and length,'
is undoubtedly grand : but this is only one idea, and
not a repetition of Jimilar ideas ; it is therefore great,
not fo much upon the principle of infinity^ as lipod
that oivajinefs. But we are not fo powerfully af-
feAed with any one impulfe, unlefs it be 6ne of a
prodigious force indeed, as we are with a fucceffiori
of fimilar impulfes ; becaufe the nerves of the fen-
fory do not (if I may ufe the expreifion) acquire a
habit of repeating the fame feeling in fuch a manner
as to continue it longer than its caufe is in a6iion ;'
befides, all the effefts which I have attributed to ex-
peftation and furprife in fe£t. 1 1 . can have no place
in a bare wall.

SECT. XIV.

Locke's opinion concerning darknefs,

confidered^

IT is Mr. Locke's opinion, that darkoTefs is not
naturally an idea of terror ; and that though aa
excefiive light is painful to the fcnfe, that the greateft

X cxccfs

ifa Qni tbq sublime

fx^9 cf daTt;Qf& is OQ ways troublefoiBc. ^ Heob-
ftnres i|idee.d ia s^noti^er pbce, that anurfe or an old
vomao h^viiig oQ^e aflbciated the ideas of ghofts
9pd goblios wi(h that of darknefs, night ever after
l)^oi9cs paAoful axKl horrible to the imagiDatioo.
Th^ aojtbority of this great man is doi^tlels as great
a^ that of any man can be* and it {eems to ftand ia
the way of our geaeral principle *• We have coa«
iidered darkncft as a caufe of the fuhlime ; and we
have all ak>Qg coofidcred the fublime as depeadiag
on fome modification of pain or terror : fo that, if
darknefe be no way paiofiil or terrible to ajiy^ who
have not had their minds ea^ly tainted with fiiperfU*
tions, it can be no fource of the fuhlioie to them.
But, with all defcrenjQe to fuch an authority, it feems
to me, that an aflbciatioa of a more general nature,
an aflbciation whi/ch takes in all mankinds may njoke
darknefs terrible, for iq utter d^rkxi^fs; it is im-i
pollible to knpw in what de^ee of fafety we
fiand ; we are ignorant of the objeds that fur-
round us ; we may ev^ moment Arike agatnd
fome dangerous obftruf^ion ; we may fall down a
precipice the firft (tep we rake ; and if axx enemy
approach, we know not in what quarter to defend
ourfclves ; in fuch a cafe ftrcngth is no fure protec-
tion ; wifdom can only ad by guefs ; the boldeft are
flaggered, and he who would pray for nothing elfe
towards his deCence, is forced to pray for light*

Ef h fun M*t oXirrcij* ■ "■

As 10 the aflbciation of ghofls, and goblins ; furcly
k is more natqral to^ think, that dark^cfs, being

originally

AND BEAUTIFUL. 163

•rigmallj an idea of terror, was chofeo as a fit fcen^
for fach terrible rcprefentations, than that fuch te«
prefentatioas hare made darkiiefs terrible. The
mind of man very eafily Aides into an eitdr of the
former fort ; but h is very hard to imagine, that the
€&& of an idea fo univerfally terrible in all times,
and in ail countri^, as darknefs, could poffibty have
been owing to a fet of idle ftories, or to any caufe
of a nature fo trivial, and of an dpetation fo pre-
carious.

SECt. XV.

DARKNESS terrible in its own nature.

PERHAPS it may appear on enquiry, that black*
nefs and darknefs are in fome degree painful
by their natural operation, independent of any af^
ibciadons whatfoever. I muftobferve^ that the ideas
'of darknefs and blacknefs are much die &me ; and
they differ only in this, that blacknefs is a mote con-^
fined idea. Mr. Cbefelden has given us a very
curious (lory of a boy, who had been born blind, and
continued fo until he was thirteen or fourteen years old $
he was then couched for a catarad, by which opera*-
tioD he received his fight Among many remarkable
particulars that attended Us firfi; perceptions and judg-
ments on vifual objeAs, Cbefelden tdls us, that the
firft time the boy fay a bhick objeft, it gave him great
tmeafinefs; and that fome time after, upon acctdenttl)^
fi^iog a negro woman^ he was ftruck With gfreat horrdi«

X 2 a[t

i64 Dn the S U B L I M K

at the fight. .The horror, in this cafe, can fcarccly bj;
fuppofed to arifc from any affociation. The boy ap-
pears by the account to have been particularly ob«
ferving and fenfible for oae of his age ; and there-
fore it is probable, if the great uneaiinefs he felt at
the firft jGght of black had arifen from its connexion
with any other difagreeable ideas, he would have
obftrved and mentioned i%. For an idea, difagree-
able only by afTociation, has t]ie caufe of its ill ef-
fcdt on the paflions evident enough at the firft impref^
fion ; in ordinary cafes, it is indeed frequently loft ;
but this is, becaufc the original afTociation was made
very early, and the confequent impreffion repeated
often. In our inftance, there was no time for fuch
an habitV sind there is ho reafon t6 think that the
ill efiefis of black on his imagination were more ow-
ing to its connexion with any difagreeable ideas, than
that the good effeds of more cheerful colours were
derived from their connexion with pleafing ones.
,They bad both probably their effeds from their na-
tural operation.

SECT. XVI.

\trhy DARKNESS is terrible.

\'

IT may be wonh. while to examine how darknefs
can operate in fuch a manner as to caufe pain.
It is obfervab)e,:that,ftiI| as we recede from theligfat,,
nature has fo contrived it, that the pupil is enlarged
by the retiring of the iris, in proportion to our re-
cefs. Nowy inftead of declining from it but a little,

luppofe

AND BEAUTIFUL. 165

iuppofe that we withdraw entirely from the light ; it
is reafonable to thick that the contraAion of the ra-
dial fibres of the iris is proportionably greater; aod
that this part may by great darknefs come to be fo
contraded, as to ftrain the nerves that compofe it be-
yond their natural tone ; and by this means to pro-
duce a painful fenfation. Such a teniion it feems
there certainly is, whilft we are involved in darknefs ;
for in fuch a flate, whilft the eye remains open, there
is a continual nifus to receive light ; this is manifeft
from the flafhes and luminous appearances which
often (ctm in thefe circumftances to play before it ;
and which can be nothing but the eifeft of fpafms,
produced by its own eflforts in purfuit of its objeft ;
feveral other ftrong impulfcs will produce the idea
of light in the eye, befides the fubftance of light it-
fclf, as we experience on many occafions. Some
who allow darknefs to be a caufe of the fublime,
would infer, from the dilation of the pupil, that a re-
laxation may be produdive of the fublime as well as
a convuluon : but they do not I believe confider,
that although the circular ring of the iris be in fome
fenfe a fphinder, which may pofCbly be dilated by a
limple relaxation, yet in one refpeft it differs from
moft of the other fphinAers of the body, that it is
furniihcd with antagonift mufcles, which are the ra-
dial fibres of the iris : no fooner does the circular
mufcle begin to relax, than thefe fibres, wanting
their counterpoiie, are forcibly drawn back, and open
the piipil to a confiderable widenefs. But though
Vfc were not apprized of this, I believe any one will
find, if' he opens his eyes and makes an effort to fee
m a dark place, that a very perceivable pain enfues.

And

t66 On the SUBLIME

And I have heard fome ladies remade, that after fa».
Ting worked a long time upon a ground of black,
their eyes were fo pained and weakend, they cbold
hardly fee. It may perhaps be objeAed to this theory
of the mechanical cffeft of darknefe, that the ill ef-
fcAs of darknefe or blacknefs fcem rather mental than
corporeal : and I own it is true, that they do fo : and
ib do all thofe that depend on the afie&ions of the
finer parts of our fyilem. The ill cffe£b of bad wti^
thcr appear often no otherwife, than in a melancholy
and deje&ion of fpirits ; diough without doabt, in
this cafe, the bodily organs fuffier firft, and the mnd
through thefe organs.

SECT. XVII.

The e&As of BLACKNESS.

BLACKNESS is but a partial darknefs ; and
and therefore it derives fome of its powers
from being mixed and furrounded with coloured bo-
dies. In its own nature, it cannot be confidered as
a coIour« Black bodies, refleding none, or but a
few rays, with regard to fight, are but as fo many iz^
cant fpaces difperfed among the objeAs we view.
When the eye lights on one of thefe vacuities, after
having been kept in feme degree of tenfion by the
play of the adjacent colours upon it, it fuddenly falb
]nto a relaxation ; out of which it as fiaddenl j re^
fovers by a convuifive faring. To iUiiftrate this ^ let

AND B E A U T I F U L. 167

us coofider, that whea we intend to iit in a chair,
and find it much lower than we ezpefled, the ihock
is Ytty violent ; much more violent than could be
thought from fo flight a fall as the difference hetweea
one chair and another can poffibly make. If» nixas
defce^ding a i^ght of (hurs, we attempt inadvertent*
Ij to take another ftep in the manner of the forsEier
ones, the (hoc^ is extremely rude and difagrceable ;
and bj no an caa wc caufe fuch a ihock by the fame
aieans when we exped and prepare for it. When I fay
that this is owing to having the change made contrary
to ezpe&atioiB i I do not mean folely, when the mim(
cxpefls. I mean likewifc, that when any orgau of
(enfc is for fotne time affeded in fome one manner ^
if it be (uddenly affedcd otherwife, there cnfues a coq«
vulfive motion ; fuch a convulfion as is caufed when
any thing happens againft the expectance of the min<li
And though it may appear ftraoge that fuch a change
as produces arFclaxatipna ihould immediately procjucc
a fudden convuUion ^ it is yet mod certainly fo, and
fo in all the fenfes. Every one knows that fleep is a
relaxation ; and that lilence, where nothing keeps
the organs of hearing in adion, is in general fitted to
bring on this relaxation : yet when a fort of murmur-
ing founds difpofe a man to fleep, let thefe founds^
ceafe fuddenly, and theperibn immediately awakes ;
that is, the parts are braced up fudden ly, and he
awakes. Thi$ I have often experienced myfelf, d&d
I have heard the fame from obferving perfons. In
like manner, if a perfoa in broad d<iy light were fal^
ling afleep, to introduce a fu4den darknds, would
prevent his fleep for that time, though filcnce and
darknc^ in* themfelves, and not f uddenly introduced^

arc

i68 On THE SUBLIME

ate very favourable to it. This I knew only by coii-
jcfture on the analogy of the fcnfes when I firft di-
gefted thefe obfervations ; but I have fince expe-
rienced it. And t have often experienced, and (b
have a thoufand others, that on the firft inclining to-
wards ileep, we have been fuddenly awakened with
a mod violent ftart ; and that this ftart Was general-
ly preceded by a fort of dream of our falling down a
precipice : whence does- this ftrange motion arife, but
from the too fudden relaxation of the body, which
by fome mechanifm in nature reftores itfelf by as quick
and vigorous an exenion of the contrafting power of
the mufcles ? The dream itfelf is caufed by this re-
laxation : and it is of too uniform a nature to be at-
tributed to any other caufe. The parts relaxed too
fuddenly, which is in the nature of falling ; and this
accident of the body induces this image in the mind.
When we are in a confirmed ftate of health and vigour,
as all changes are then lefs fudden, and lefs on the ex-
treme, we can feldom complain of this difagreeable
fenfation.

SECT. XVIII.
The effefts of BLACKNESS moderated.

THOUGH the effefls of black be painful ori-
ginally, we muft not think they always continue
fo. Cuftom reconciles us to every thing. After
we have been ufed to the fight of black objefts, the
terror abates, and the fmoo&nefs and gloilmefs or
fome agreeable accident of bodies fo coloured^ fof-

tcns

And fiEAUTIFUL; 169

tfcns in fomc mcafurc the horror and ftcmnefs of their
original nature ; yet iht nature of the original im-
preiEon ftill continues: Black will always have fome-
thing melancholy in it, becaufe the fenfory will aU
ways find the change to it from other colours too
violent ; or if it dccfip^ the whole compafs of the
fight, it will then be darknefs ; and what was faid
of darknefs, will be applicable here. 1 do not pur-
pofc to go into all that might be faid to illaftratc
this theory of the effcfts of light and darknefs j nci^
ther will I examine all the different effefts produced
by the various modifications and mixtures of thefe
two caufes. If the foregoing obfervations haVe any
foundation id nature, I conceive them vely fufficient
to account for all the phr]enomena that Can#rife frbm
all the combinations of black with other colours;
To enter into every particular, ot to ^nfwei- every
objeftion, would be sin endlefs labour. We have
only followed the mod leading roads ; and we fhall
obferve the fame cOndudt in our enquiry into the
caufe 6( beauty.

SJECT. ilX.

The phyCcal caufe of LOVE.

WHEN we have before us fiich objefts as ex-
cite love and complacency ; the body is af-
fcSed, fo far as I could obfcrve, much in the follow-
ing manner : The bead declines fomqthing on one
fide ; the eye-lids are more clofed than ufual, and the
eyes roll gently with an inclination to the objeA -, the

Y mouth

lyo Oh trti SUBLIME

numth is a link opened, and the breath dra'cra flaw*
ly, with fiow and then a low figh ; the whole body
k coTtipofedy and the bands h\\ idly to the fides. All
this is accompanied with an inward fenfe of melting
and languor. Thdfe appeaiances are always pro«
portioned to the degree of beauty in the objeft^ and
of fenfibtlity in the obferver* i^xl this gradation
from the higheft pitch of beauty and fenfibility, even
to the loweft of mediocrity and indifference, and
their correfpo&dent tStBas^ onght to be ke^ in view»
dfe this defcri|>tion will feem exaggemted, which it
certainly is not. But from this defcription it is al<>
moft irapoffible not to conclude^ that beauty ads by
relaxing the folids of the whole fyftem. There are
all the ajipearaoces of fuch a relaxation ; and a re-
laxation fomewhat below the natural toize feems to flic
to be the caufe of aU pofiti ve pleafiire. Who is a ftran-
ger to that manMr of expreflioB fo coaimon in all
rimies and in aU countries, of being foftened, relax-
ed« enervated, diflblved^ fndiied away by pleafere i
The univerfal voice of mankind, iaichful to their
feelings, concurs in afErming this uniform and gene-
ral eStd : and although ibme odd and particular
inftance may perhaps be found, wherein there ap-
pears a confiderable degree of pofitive pleafure, with-
out all the characters of relaxation, we muft not there-
fore rcjeft the conclufion we had drawn from a con-
currenee of many experiments^ ; but we muft ftill
retain it, ftrbjoining the exceptions which may occur
according t?o the ^dicious rule laid do«0m by Sir Ifaac
Newton in the third book of his Optics* Oar po -
fitioft will, I conceive, af:tpear confirmed beyond any
realbnafole.doubt, if wae can (hcfwtharfnch things as we
have already obferved to be the genuine conllitueDts

of

AWD BEAUTIFUL- 171

of beauty^ have each of them, feparately taken, a na-
tural tendency to lelax the fibres. And if it muft be
allowed us, that the appearance of the human body,
when all thefe conftituents are united together be-
fore the fonfory, forther fkvours this opinion, we
may reiiture, I believe, to conclude, that the paifioa
called love is produced by this relaxation. By the
£ime method of reafoning which we have ufed in the
enquiry toco the caufes of the fublime, we may like-
wiie conchide, that as a beautiful objeS: prefented
to the fenfe, by caufing a relaxation in the body, pro-
duces the pai&on of love in the mind ; fo if by any
means the pallion fhould firft have its origin in the
mind, a relaxation of the outward organs will as cer-
tainly enfue in a degree proportioned to the caufe*

SECT. XX.

Why SMOOTHNESS is beantilul.

IT is to explain the true caufe of vifual beauty that
I call in the ailiftance of the other fenfes. If it
appears that /moot bne/s is a principal caufe of pleafure
to the touch, tafte, fmell, and hearing, it will be eaii-
ly admitted a conftituent of vifual beauty ; efpecial-
iy as we have before ihewn, that this quality is found
almoft without exception in all bodies that are by ge-
neral confent held beautiful. There can be no doubt
that bodies which are rough and angular, roufeand vcU
4icate the organs of feeling, caufing a fenfe of pain
Vliich confifts in the violent tcnfion or contraftion of

lyt On thb sublime

the muicular fibres. On the contrary, thcappKcation of
fmooth bodies relax ; gentle (Iroking with a fmooth
hand allays violent p^ins and cramps, and relaxes
the fnffering parts from their unnatural tenfion ; and
It has there£Dre very often no mean efie£l iq removisg
fwellings and obilruftioi)s. The fenfe of feeling i$
highly gratified with fmooth bodies. A bed fmooth-
ly laid, and foft, that is, where the refiftancc is every
way inconfidcrable, is a great luxury, diipofiog to
an univerfal relaxation, and inducing beyond an^
thing elfe, that fpecies of it called flcep.

SECT. XXL

SWEETNESS, its nature.

I

NOR is it only in the touch, that fmooth
bodies caufe pofitive pleafure by relaxation.
In the finell and tafte, we find all things agreeable to
them, and which are commonly called fweet, to be
of a fmooth nature, and that they all evidently tend
to relax thdr refpeAive fenfories. Let us firft con-
fider the tafte. Since it is mod eafy to enquire into
die property of liquids, and fince all things fcem to
want a fluid vehicle to make them tailed at all, I in-
tend rather to confidcr the liquid than the folid parts
of our food. The vehicles of all taftes are water
and oih And what determines the tafte is fome fait,
which affefls varioufly according ro its nature, or its
manner of being combined with other things. Watqr
and oil, fimply confidercd, arc capable of giving fome
pleafure to the tafte. Water, when fimple, is in-

fipid.

AND B E A U T I F U L. 173

iipid, inodorous^ colourlefs, and fmooth ; it is found

Twhcn not cold to be a great rcfolvcr of fpafms, and

lubricator of the fibres : this power it probably owes

to its fmoothnefs. For as fluidity depends^ according

to the mod general opinion, on the roundnefs, fmooth-

jiefs, and weak coheilon of the component parts of

any body ; and as water a£);$ merely as a fimple fluid ;

it follows, that the caufe of its fluidity is likewife the

caufe of its relaxing quality ; namely, the fmooth-

.nefs and flippery texture of its parts. The other

£uid vehicle of taftes is oil. This too, when fimple,

.is infipid, inodorous, colourlefs, and fmooth to the

touch and taile. It is fmoother than water, and in

many cafes yet more relaxing. Oil is in fome degree

pleafant to the eye, the touch, and the tafte, infipid

as it is. Water is not fo grateful ; which I do not

know on what principle to account for, other than

'.that water is not fo foft and fmooth. Suppofe that

to this oil or water were added a renain quantity of

a fpecific fait, which had a power of putting the

nervous papillae of the tongue into a gentle vibratory

. motion ; as fuppofe fugar diffolved in it. The

fmoothnefs of the oil, and the vibratory power

.of the fait, caufe the fenfe we call fweetne&.

■In all fwect bodies, fugar, or a fubftance very

Jictle different from fugar, is conftantly found j every

ipecies of fait, examined by the microfcope, has its

own diftinft, regular, invariable form. That of nitre

is a pointed oblong ; that of fea-falt an exafb cube ;

that of fugar a pcrfeft globe. If you have tried

how fmooth globular bodies, as the marbles with

^vhich boys amufe ihemfclves, have aflfeftcd the touch

when they are. rolled backward and forward and

over one another, you will cafily conceive how fweet-

pcfs,

174 Oh th£ S U B L I M £

nefs, which coofifts in a fait of fuch nature, a&ds die
tafte ; for a iiagie globe, (though fomewhar plcafant
to the fccrmg) yet by the regularity of its £onn, and
the (omewhat too fudden deviacioa of its parts from
ft right line, it is nothing near ib pleaiant to the touch
as federal globes, where the hand gently rifes to
one and falls to another ; and this pieafure is greatly
mcreafed if the globes are in motion, and Aiding over
one another; for this ibft variety prevents that
wearinefs, which the uniform dtfpoikion of the feveral
globes would ochcrwife produce. Thus in fweet
Kquors, the parts of the fluid vehicle, though moft
probably round, are yet fo miauce, as to conceal the
figure of their component parts from the niccft in-
quifition of the microfcope ; and confequoidy being
fo exceflively minute, they have a fort of flat iimpliciqr
to the tafte, refcmbliog the c&Ss of plain finooth
bodies to the touch ; for if a body be compofed of
round ports esccifivcly fmaii, and packed pvettjr
clofcly together, the furface will be both to the fight
and touch as if it were nearly plain and foioodi. It
is clear from their unveiling their figure to die mk-
rofcope, that the panicles of fugar arc coniidcraibly
larger than thofo of water or oil, and confequendy,
that their effedls from their roundnefs will be mor«
diftinfl and palpable to the nervous papillas of diat
nice organ the tongue ; they will induce that fenfe
called iweetneis, which in a weak manner we dif-
cover in oil, and in a yet weaker in water ; for in-
fipid as they are, water and oil are in fome degree
iweet ; and it may be obforved, that inifid things of
all kinds approach more nearly to the nature of
fveetnefs than to that of any other tafte.

SECT.

AND BEAUTIFUL. 175

SECT. XXII.
SWEETNESS rclaxing. •

IN the other fenfes wc have remarked, that fmooth
things are relaxing. Now it ought to appear that
Tweet things, which are the fmooth of tafte, are relax*
tng too. It is remarkable, that in fome languages
foft and fweet have but one name. Doux in French
fignifies foft as well as fweet. The Latin Dulcis and
the Italian Dolce have in many cafes the fame double
fignification. That fweet things are generally relax-
ing, is evident; becaufe all fucfa, efpecially thofe
which are mod oily, taken frequently or in a large
quantity, very much enfeeble the tone of the ftomach.
Sweet fmclls, which bear a great affinity to fweet
tafles, relax very remarkably. The fmell of flowers
difpofes people to drowfinefs ; and this relaxing ef-
feft is further apparent from the prejudice which
people of weak nerves receive from their ufc. It
were worth' while to examine, whether taftes of this
kind, fweet ones, taftes that are caufcd by fmooth oils
and a relaxing fait, are not the originally pleafant
taftes. For many, which ufe has rendered fuch, were
not at all agreeable at firft. The way to examine
this is, to try what nature has originally provided for
us, which flie has undoubtedly made originally plea-
fant ; and to analyfc this provifion. Milk is the firft
fupport of our childhood. The component parts of
this arc water, oil, and a fort of a very fweet fait, cal-
led the fugar of milk. All thefe when blended have

a great

^

176 On THE SUBLIME

a ^C2t fmootbnefs to the tafte, and a relaxing qualitjr
to the ikin. The next thing children covet iz fruity
and of fruits thofe principally which are fweet ; and
every one knows that the fweetnefs of fruit is caufed
by a fubtile oil, and fuch a fait as that mentioned in the
laft fedion. Afterwards, cuftom, habit, the defire of
novelty, and a thoufand other caufes, confound, adul-
terate, and change our palates, fo that we can no
longer reafon with any fatisfa£lioQ about them. Be-
fore we quit this article, we mud obferve, that as
fmooth things are, as fuch, agreeable to the talte,
and are found of a relaxing quality ; fo, on the
other hand, things which are found by^experience to
be of a ftrengthening quality, and fit to brace the
fibres, are almoft univerially rough and pungent to
the tafte, and in many cafes rough even to the touch.
We often apply the quality of fweetnefs, metaphori-
cally, to vifual objcfls. For the better carrying on
this remarkable analogy of the fcnfes, we may here
call fweetnefs the beautiful of the tafle.

SECT. XXIII. !

VARIATION, why beautiful.

ANOTHER principal property of beautiful ob-
jeds is, that the line of their parts is contin-
ually varying its dircftion j but it varies it by a very
infenfible deviation ; it never varies it fo quickly as to
furprize, or by the fharpnefs of its angle to caufe any
twitching or convulfion of the optic nerve. Nothing
long continued in the fame manner, nothing very

fuddenly

AND BEAUTIFUL. 177

»

fadd^nly varied, can be beautiful ; becaufe both arc
oppoilte to tjiat agreeable relaxation which, is the cha-
raacriftic cfFeft of beauty. It is thus in all the fenfes.
A motion in a right line, is that manner of moving
aext to a very gentle defcent, in which we meet
the leaft refinance : yet it is not that manner of mov-
ing, which, next to a defcent, wearies us the lea(t«
Reft certainly tends to relax : yet there is a fpecies of
motion which relaxes more than reft ; a gentle ofctU
latory motion, a riiing and falling. Rocking fets
children to flecp better than abfolute reft ; there is
indeed fcarce any thing at that age, which gives more
pleafure than to be gently lifted up and down ; the
manner of playing which their nurfes dfe with chil-
dren, and the weighing and fwinging ufed afterwards
by themfelves as a favourite amufement, evince this
very fufficiently. Moll people muft have obferved
the fort of fenfe they have had, on being fwiftly drawn
in an eafy coach on a fmooth turf, with gradual af-
cents and declivities. This will give a better idea of
the beautiful, and point out its probable caufe better,
than almoft any thing elfc. On the contrary, when'
one is hurried over a rough, rocky, broken road, the
pain felt by thefe fudden inequalities fliews why fimi-
lar fights, feelings, and founds, are fo contrary to
beauty : and with regard to feeling, it is exaftly the
fame in its efieft, or very nearly the fame, whether,
for inftance, I move my hand along the furface of a
body of a certain fliape, or whether fuch a body is
moved along my hand. But to bring this analogy
of the fenfes home to the eye : if a body prefented
to that fenfe has fuch a waving furface, that the rays
of light refle£led from it are in a continual infenfible

Z deviation

178 On the sublime

dcTiatioD from the ftrougcft to the weakeft (whkb
is always the cafe in a furface gradually unequal), it
mufl: be txzSly fimilar iu its effect on the eye and
touch ; upon the one of which it operate^ direJUy,
on the other indireftly. And this body Will be beau-*
tiiul if the lines which compofe its fufface are not con*
tinned, even fo varied, in a liianner that may weary
or diflipate the attention. The variation itfelf muft
be continually varied.

SECT. XXIV.

CoQcemiog SMALLNESS.

TO avoid a famenefs, which may arife from the
too frequent repetition of the fame rdafonings,
and of illuftrations of the fame nature, I will rtot enter
Very minutely into every particular that regards
beauty, as it is founded on the difpofition of its quan-
tity, or its quantity itfelf. In ipcaking of the magni-
tude of bodies there is great uncertainty, becaufethe
ideas of great and fmall are terms almoft entirely rela-
tive to the fpecies of the objefts, which are infinite. It
Is true, that having once fixed the fpecies of any objoft,
and the dimenfions common in the individuals of that
fpecies, we may obfcrve fome that exceed, and fomc
that fall fhott of, the ordinaty ftandard : thefe which
greatly exceed, are by that excefs, provided thefpecies
itfelf be not very fmall, rather great and terrible than
beautiful ; but as in the animal World, and in a good
meafure in the vegetable world likewife, the quaKtiet
that conftitute beauty may pollibly be united to things

of

AMD BE AUTIFUL. 179

of greater dimenfioas ; when they arefo united, thej
conftitute a fpecies fomethiog different both from th<:
fi^blime and beautiful, which I h^ve before caUedl
Fine ; but this kind, I imagine, has not fncb a power
on the paiEons, either as vaft bodies have, which ar^
endued with the correfpondent qualities of ibe fub^
lime ; or as the qualities of beauty have when united
in a fmall otjeA. The affedion produced by large
bodies adorned with the fpoils of beauty, is a tenfioa
continually relieved ; which approaches to the nature
of mediocrity. But if I were to fay how I find myfelf
affe£bed upon fuch occaiions, I fhould fay, that tho
fublime fuffers lefs by being united to fome of the qua^
lities of beauty, than beauty does by being joined to
greatnefs of quantity, or any other properties of the
fublime. There is fomething fo over-ruling in what-
ever infpires us with awe, in all things which belong
ever fo remotely to terror, that nothing clfc can ftand
in their prefcnce. There lie the qualities of beauty
cither dead and unoperative j or at moft excned to
mollify the rigour and fternnefs of the terror, which
is the natural concomitant of greatncfe. Befides the
extraordinary great in every fpecies, the oppofite to
this, the dwarfiih and diminutive ought to be tonfi-
dered. Littlcnefs, merely as fuch, has nothing con-
trary to the idea of beauty. The humming bird,
both in (hapc and colouring, yields to none of the
winged fpecies, of which it is the Icaft ; and perhaps
his beamy is enhanced by his fmallnefs. But there
are animals, which when they are extremely fmall are
»arely (if ever) beautiful. There is a dwarfiih fize of
fnen and women, which is almoft conftantly fo grofs

Z 2 an4

i8o On the sublime

^nd maflive in comparifoa of their height, that thej
prefent us with a very difagreeable image. But ihould
a man be found not above two or three feet high, fup-
pofmg fuch a perfon to have all the parts of his bodj
of a delicacy fuiuble to fuch a fize, and otherwife en-
dued with the common qualities of x other beautiful
bodies, I am pretty well convinced that a perfon of
fuch a ilature might be coniidered as beautiful ; might
be the object of love ; might give us very pleafing
ideas on viewing him. The only thing which could
poffibly interpofe to check our pleafure is, that fuch
creatures, however formed, are unufual, and arc often
therefore confidered as fomething monftrous. The
large and gigantic^ though very compatible with the
fublime, is contrary to the beautiful. It is impoi&blc
to fuppofe a giant the objeft of love. When we let
our imagination loofe in romance, the ideas we natu-
rally annex to that fize. arc thofc of tyranny, cruelty,
injuftice, and every thing horrid and abominable.'
We paint the giant ravaging the country, plundering
the innocent traveller, and afterwards gorged with his
half-living flcfh : fuch arc Polyphemus, Cacus, and
others, who make fo great a figure in romances and
heroic poems/ Jhc event we attend to with the
greatcft fatisfjiftion is their defeat and death. I do
not remember, in all that multitude of deaths with
which the Iliad is filled, that the fall of any man re-
markable for his great ftaturc and ftrength touches
us with pity ; nor docs it, appear that the author, fo
well read in human nature, ever intended it fhould.
It IS Simoifius, in the foft bloom of youth, torn from
his parents, who tremble for a courage fo ill fuitcd to
nis ftrengih ^ it is another hurried by war from Oic

new

AND BEAUTIFUL. i8k

f^cw embraces of his bride, young, and fair, and a no*
vice to the field, who melts us by his untimely fate*
Achilles, in fpite of the many qualities of beauty,
which Homer has beftowed on his outward form, and
the many great virtues with which he has adome4
his mind, can never make us love him. It may be
obferved, that Homer has given the Trojans, whdc
fate he has defigned to excite our compai&on, in-
finitely more of the amiable focial virtues than he has
diftributed among bis Greeks. With regard to the
Trojans, the paifion he choofes to raife is pity ; pity
is a paifion founded on love ; and thefe leffir^ and if
I may fay domeftic virtues, are certainly the moft ami-
able. But he has made the Greeks far their fuperiots
in politic and military virtues. The councils of Priam
are weak ; the arms of Heftor comparatively feeble ;
his courage far below that of Achilles. Yet we
love Priam more than Agamemnon, and Heftor more
than his conqueror Achilles. Admiration is the
paifion which Homer would excite in favour
of the Greeks, and he has done it by beftowing oa
them the virtues which have but little to do With love.
This (hort digreflion is perhaps not wholly befide our
purpofe, where our bufinefs is to fhew, that objeds of
great dimenfions are incompatible with beauty, the
more incompatible as they are greater ; whereas the
fnaall, if ever they foil of beauty, this failure is not 19
|ki attributed to their fize.

SECT-

iS» On TH£ SUBLIME

SECT. XXVI.
Of COLOUR.

WITH regard to color, the difqaifition U
almoft infinite ; but I conceive the prindpLes
laid down in the b^inning of this part are fufficien(
to account for the cScds of them all, as well a$
for the agreeable effeds of tranfparent bodies^
whether fluid or folid. Suppofe I look at a boule
€^ muddy liquor, of a blue or red colour : the bluQ
or red rays cannot pafs clearly to the eye, but arc
fuddepiy and unequally (lopped by the intervaitioo
of little opaque bodies, which without preparation
change the idea, and change it too into one difa-
greeable in its own nature, conformable to the prin*
ciples laid dowu in feA. 24. But when the ray pafGi:!
without fuch oppoiition through the glafs or liquor,
when the glafs or liquor are quite tranfparent, thf;
light is fbmething fbftened in the pailage, which make^
it more agreeable even as light ; and the liquor re«
fleding all the rays of its proper cobur evenly^ \%
bas iiich an efied on the eye, as fmooth opaque
bodies have on the eye and touch. So that the
pleafure here is compounded of the foftnefs of thff
tranfmitted, and the evennefs of the refledled lights
This pleafure may be heightened by the common
principles in other things, if the ihape of the glafs
which holds the tranfparent liquor be fo judicioufly
Taried, as to prefent the colour gradually and inter-
changeably weakened and ftrengthened with all the

variety

AKD BEAUTIFUL. . 183

variety which judgment in affairs of this nature Ihali
fuggeft. On a review of aU that has been faid of the
effeds, as well as the caufes of both ; it will appear
that the fublime and beautiful are built on principles
very different, and that their affections are as dif-
ferent : the great has terror for its balls ; which when
it is modified, caufes that emotion in the mind, which
I have called aftonifhment ; the beautiful is founded
on mere pofitive pleafure, and excites in the foul that
feeling, which is called love. Their caufes have
made the fubjcA of this fourth part.

THE END OF THE FOURTH PART

C i8S 1

, A Philofophical Enquiry

INTO THE

ORIGIN OF OUR IDEAS

OF THE

SUBLIME and BEAUTIFUL.

PART L
SECT I.

Of WORD S;

NATURAL objcrfs affcfl ui, by the laws of that
connexion, which Providence has eftabliOicd
between certain motions arid configurations of bo*
dies, and cenain confequenr feelings in our mind.
Painting affeds in the fame nlannef, butt with the
fuperadded pleafure of imitation. Architefiure sf-
fefts by the laws of nature, and the law of reafori i
from which latter rcfult the rules of proportion,
which make a work td be prdifed or cenfiired, in the
whole or in fome part^ when the end for which
it was deiigned is or is not prdperly anfwer^d. But
as to words ; they feem to mo to affeft us in a man*
ner very different from that in which We arc affeded
by natural objefts, or by painting or architecture $
yet words have as confidefable a fhare in exciting
ideas of beauty and of the fublime as any of thofe,
and fometimes a much greater than any of them ;

A a therefore

i86 On THE SUBLIME

therefore an enquiry into the manner by which they
excite fuch emotions is far from being unneceflary ia
a dijfcourfe of this kind.

SECT* U.

The common effcft of POETRY, not by raifing

ideas of things.

THE common notion of the power of poetry and
eloquence, as well as that of words in ordinary
converfation, is, that they bSc& the mind by railing
in it ideas of thofe things for which cuftom has ap-
pomted them to ftand. To examine the truth o£ this
notion, it may be requifite to obferve that words may
be divided into three (brts. The firfl are fiicb as re-
prefenc many fimple ideas unUfd by fMurt to form
fome one determinate compoGtion, as man^ hoxkj
tree, cattle, &c, Thefe I call aggregs^e werds^ The
iecond, are they that ftani -fpTfi^^ fidiple idefi of
fnch compofitions, and no more ; as fed; bbc, riimcl,
fquare, and the tike. Thefe I caWftftifte ab/lra£t
words. The third, are thofe, which are foi^med by
an union, an arbitraty union oi both the others^
and of the v^arious relations between tbem in grater
or leiler degrees of convexity \ as ^virtue, honour^
perf^afion, magiftrate, and the like. Thefe I call
eomfdund ab/ira^ words. Words, I liti fenfible^
arecapable of being clafled into more c^ious diftinc-»
tio^ j brf/^ thefe feem to be natural, and enough for
our purpofe ; . and they arc di^fcd in that oxdcr hi
which, they are coHunonly taught^ and in which Ihc

mind.

AND BEAUT IF UL. 187.

B^od gets the ideas they arc fubllitatcd for. I {hall
bcgip with the third fort qf words j compound ab-
ftrafls, iucb as virtue, honour, pcrfuafioq, docility.
Of thcfc I dm conviuccd, that whatever power they
may have ou the paffions, they do not derive it fronj
any reprefentation laif^d in the mind of. the things
for which they ftapd. As compofitions, th^y arc
not real cffeaccs, a»d h*rdly cawfc, I.think^.any
real ideas* ^obody^ I belipve^ immediately on hearr
ipg the founds, virtue, liberty, or honour, ^ conceives
any precife notions of the particular modes of adipA
and thinking, together with the mlxt and iimple ideas«
and the feveral relations of them for which thefe
words are fubftituted ; neither has he any general
idea, compounded of them ; for if he had, then
fome of thofe particular ones, though indidinfl per-
haps, and ccmfufed, imgbt come foon to be per-
ceived. But this, I take it, is hardly ever the cafe.
For put yourfelf upon analyfmg one of thefe words^
and;you mult reduce it from one fet of general words
to another, and then into the iimple abilraiSls and
aggregates, in a much longer feries than may be at
£xA imagined, before any real idea emerges to light,
before you come to difcovex any thing like the firft
jprindples of fuch compofitions ; and when you, have
made fuch a difcovery of the original idjcas, the,cScSt
of the compoiition is utterly loft. A train of thinking
of this fort, is much too long to be purfued in the or^-
dinary ways of converfation, nor h it at all neceifary
that it ihould. Such words are in reality but mere
founds } but they are founds^ which being u£ed on
particular occaiions, wherein we receive fome good,
l>r fnS^ fome evil j .or fee others ajSc£led with good

A a 2 Of

iS8 On thb sublime

or evil J or which wc hear applied to other intercfl-

.' -',..'•1. », •

iQg things or events ; and being applied in fuch a va-
riety of cafes, that we know readily by habit to
what things they belong, they produce in the mind,
whcpevcr they are afterwards mentioned, cffefts
fimilar to thofc of their dccafions. The founds be-
ing often ufed without reference to any particular
occaiion, and carrying flill their firfl impreifions,
they at laft utterly lofc their connexion with the par-
ticular occafions that gave rife to theni ; yet the
found, without any annexed notion, continues to
operate as before.

I «

SECT. in.

General words before IDEAS.

MR. LOCKE has fomewhere obferved, with
his ufual fagacity, that mod general words,
thofe belonging to virtue'ahd vicei good 'and evil,ct
jpecially, are taught before the particular modes of
adion to which they belong are prefented to the
mind ; and with theni, the love' of the one, and the
istbhorrencic of the other ; for the minds of children
are fo duAile, that a nurfe, or any perfoh about a
child, by fecming pleafcd or difplealcd with any thing,
or even any word, may give the difpofition of the child
a fimilar turn. When afterwards, the feveral occur-
rences in life come to be applied to thcfe words, and
that which is pleafarit often appears under the name
of evil ; and what is difagreeable to nature is called
good and virtuous ; a Grange confufion of ideas and

aflfeftions

A^

AND BEAUTIFUL. 189

aSedions arifes in the minds of many ; and an ap«
pcarance of no fhmli contradi£lioo between their no-
tions and their actions. There are many who lore
yirtjue and wl^o deteft vice, and this not from hypo*
crify or affeflation, who notwithftanding very fre-
quently Z& ill and wickedly in particulars withoilt
the leaft remorfe ; becaufe thefe particular occafions
never came into view, when the paifions on the fide
of virtue were fo warmly aflfefted by certiin words
heated originally by the breath of others ; and for
this reafon, it is hard to repeat certain fets of
words, though owned by thcmfclves unopcrativc,
without being in fome degree affeded, efpecially if a
warm and a£fe6Hng tone of voice accompanies them,
as fuppofe,

Wiji^ valiant 9 generous^ good and great.

Thefe wprds, by having no application, ought to be
^inoperative ; but when words commonly facred to
great occafions are ufed, we are aflfe^bed by them even
without the occafions. When words which have
been generally fo applied are put together without
9ny rational view, or in fuch a manner that they do
not rightly agree with each other, the ftylc is called
bombail.* And it requires in feveral cafes much
good fenfc ^and experience to be guarded againft the
force of fuch language ; for when propriety is neg-
leAed, a greater number of thefe affe£Hng word^
piay be taken into the fervice, and a greater variet|
pay be indulged in combining them*

SECT^

> •

igo On the sublime

SECT. IV.
The cffcft of W O R P S.

IF words have all their poffiblc cxtcat of pover^
three efie£ls arife in (he miod of the hearer*
The firft is, the found ; the fecond, the//V9f«r<, or
rq)reiefitatk>a of the thing fignified by the fouikl :
the tlurd is, the c^e&ion of the foul produced by one
or by both of the foregoing. Compounded ahfira^
words, of which we have been fpeaking, (hoooor^
juftice, liberty, and the like), produce the firfl and
the laft of thefe effects, but not the fecond. Simple
ahjlradts^ are ufed to fignify fome one fimple idea
without much adverting to others which may chance
to attend it, as blue, geeen, hot, cold, and the
like ; thefe arc capable of affcfting all three
of the purpofes of words ; as the a^egate
words, man, caftlc, horfe, &c. are in a yet higher
degree. But I am of opinion, that the moft general
cffcft even of thefe words, docs not arife from tbdr
forming pifturcs of the feveral things they would rc-
prefent in the imagination ; becaufc, on a very dili-
gent examination of my own mind, and getting others,
to confider theirs, I do riot find that once in twenty
times any fuch piAure is formed, and when it is,

*

there is moft commonly a particular' effort of the ima-
gination for that puTpofe. But the aggregate words
operate, as 1 faid of the compound abftrafts, not by
prcfcnting any image to the mind, but by having from
ufe the fame effeft on being mentioned, that their ori-

AND BEAUTIFUL. 191

gifial has when it is feeo. Suppofe we were to read
a pafiage to this effcft : " The river Danube rifcs in
t moift and mountainous foil in the heart of Oetmanyy
where Winding to and fro, it waters feveral principaK-
ties, until, turning into Auftria, and laving the wdls
df Vienna, it pafies Into Hungary ; there with a vaft
flood, augmented by the Saave and the Drave, it
quits Chriftendom, and rolling through the barbarous
countries which border on Tartary, it enters by many
mouths into the Black fee/' In this defcription ma-
tiy things are mentioned, as mountains, rivers, cities,
the fea, &c. But let any body examine himfelf, and
ftt whether he hais had impreffed on his imagina-
tion any pidures of a river, mountain, watery foil,
Germany, &c. Indeed it is impoffible, iti the rapidity
and quick fucceiQon of words in converfation, to haVe
ideas both of the found of the word, and of the thing
reprefented ; befides, fome words, expreffing real ef-
fences, are fo mixed with others of a general knd no-
minal import, that it is impra6ticable to jump from
fenfe to thought, from particulars to generals, from
^ Ahi^g4 to Words, in fuch' a manner as to anfwdr the
|)^¥p&fes of life ; nor is it neceffary that we ilhould.

; , S E C T. V.

-^Qoinplcs that WORDS may affcft without raifing
' .' '\ IMAGES.

I Find it very hard to perfuade feveral that their
jpaflions are affcflcd by words from whence they
have no ideas j and yet harder to convince them,

that

192 On THB SUBLIME

that, in the ordinary courfe of convcrfation wc arc
fufficicntly undcrftood without raifmg any images o(
the things concerning which we fpeak. It feems to
be on odd fubjcft of difpate with any man, whether
he has ideas in his mind or not. Of this, at firft
view, every man, in his own forupi, ought to judge
without appeal. But, (Irange as it may appear, we
are often at a lofs to know what ideas we have of
things, or whether we have any ideas at all upon
fome fubjeAs. It even requires a good deal of atten-
tion to be thoroughly fatisfied on this head. Since
I wrote thefe papers, I found two very ffarikbg in*
fiances of the pof&bility there is, that a man may hear
words without having any idea of the things which
they reprefent, and yet afterwards be capable of re-
turning them to others, combined in a new way, and
with great propriety, energy, and inftrudion.
The firft inftance, is that of Mr. Blacklock, a poet
blind from his birth. Few men blefled with the
xnoft perfeA fight can defcribe vifual objects with more
fpirit and juftnefs than this blind man ; which can-
not poiUbly be attributed to his having a clearer con-
ception of the things he defcribes than is common to
other perfons. Mr. Spence, in an elegant preface
which he has written to the works of this poet, rea-
fons very ingenioufly, and, I imagine, for the moft
part, very rightly, upon the caufe of this extraordi-
oary phsenomenon ; but I cannot altogether agree
with him, that fome improprieties in language and
thought, which occur in thefe poems, have arifen
from the blind poet's imperfeft conception of vifual
objefls, iince fuch improprieties, and much greater,
may be found in writers even of an higher clafs than

Mn

AND B £ A tJ T I F U L. 193

Mn Blacklock, and who notwithftanding poflefTcd
the faculty of feeing in its fiill perfeftion. Here is
i poet dodbtlefs as much atfeded by his own defcrip«
tions as any that reads them can be ; and yet he is
affeded with this flrong enthuliafm by things of
which he neithcl- has, nor can poiBbly have any idea
further than that of a bare found : and why may not
thofe who read his works be afFefied in the fame
mander that he was, with as little of any real ideas
of the things defcribed ? The fecond inftance is of
Mn Saundcrfon, profefTor of mathematics in the iini-
verfity of Cambridge. This learned man had ac«
quired great knowledge ill natural philofophy, in af-
tronomy, and whatever fciences depend upon mathe-
matical ikilL What was the mod extraordinary and
the moft to my purpofc, he gave excellent lectures
upon light and colours ; and this man taught others
the theory of thofe ideas ^hich they had, and which
he himfelf undoubtedly had not. But it is probable
that the words red, blue, green, anfwered to him a^
well as the ideas of the colour themfclves ; for the
ideas of greater or, Icflcr degrees of rcfratrgibi-
lity being implied to thefe words, and the blind man
being inftrufted in what other rcfpcft^ they Were
found to agree or to difagree, it was its cafy for hini
to reafon upon the words, as if he had been fully
mafler of the ideas. Indeed it muft be owned he
could make no new difcovcrics in the way of experi-
ment. He did nothing but what we do every day
in common difcourfe. When I wrote this laft fcn-
tence, and ufcd the words every day add common dif-
courfe^ I had no images in my mind of any fuccefBon

Bb of

ig4 Ok TBB SUBLIME

of time : nor of men to coaferace wkbcach other; oor
do I tmagine tJbac the reader wiU have any fuch ideas
08 reatKng it. Nekher when I fpoke of red) or bine
and green 9 ai wcU as rdrangibility, bad I thefic; feve-
ral colours, or the rajs of light pafliiig iaio a di&r*
ent medinm, and there diverted firom their coorfe,
painted before ine in the way of images* I know
very well that the mind pofleAb a facnky of rai&kg
&eh images at pleafnre ; bat then an aj£l of the wiU
h neceflary to this i and in ordinary converfttion or
reading* it is irery rarely that any image at all is ez«
eked in the mind. If I &y *^ I (hd]l go to Italy next
^* fummcr/' I am well underftood. Yet I beUe¥e
nobody has by thi$ paiftted in his imagioaiiott th^
exaft igvart of the fpoJcer pa0ing by land or by wa*
ter, or both ; £E>metimes on horfeback, fometimes in
a carriage ; wkh all the particnlars of the journey*
Still }d& has he any idea of Italy, the coimtry to
which I propofed to go ; or of the greeanefs of the
fields, the ripem'i^ of the frws, and the warmth of
the air, wkh the change to this from a differenf
ieafon, which are the ideas for which the word sum*
faer is fubftimted ; but leaft of aU has he any image
from the word next ; for this word ftands for the
idea of many fnmmers, with the exclnfion of all bur
one: and furely the man who fays mxi simmer,
has no nnages of fuch a fuccseffion, and fuch an ex-
dufion. In &ort, k is not oikly of thofe ideas wUch
are Commonly called abftra£^^ and of which no image
a/t all can be formed, but even of particular real bo>
ings, that we convert wkhout having any idea of
them excited in the imagination ; as will certainly
appear on a diligent examination of our own minds.

Indeed

AMD B E A U T I F U L. 195

Indeed, fo little does poetry depend for its cSc(k on
the powor of raifmg fenfible images, that I am con-
vinced it wonld lofe a very confiderable part of its
energy if this were the neccffary refnlt of all def-
criptioD. Becaufe that union of affefUng words,
which is the moft powerful of all poetical inftruments,
Wonld frequently lofe its force along with its pro-
priety and confiftency, if the fenCble images were al-
ways excited. There is not perhaps in the whole
Encid a more grand and laboured paflage than the
defcriptton of Vulcan's cavern in Etna, and the works
that are there carried on. Virgil dwells particularly
on the formation of the thunder, which he defcribes
unfiniihed under the hammers of the Cyclops. But
what are the principles of this extraordinary com^^
pofition ?

7Vy/ iairis torti raSoSf ires niAu wpuifk
Jld£derani ; ruttR ires ignis et alhii aujtn ;
Fulgores nimc terrtficos fonitumquet metmnque
Mifcihaat cferif Jlammtfque fequacHtis trot.

This fecms to me admirably fublime ; yet if we at-^
tend coolly to the kind of fenfible images which a
comhination of ideas of this fort rauft form, the da-
meras of madmen cannot appear more wild and ab-
furd xhan fuch a piflure. " Three rays of tw^ed
** ihowers, three of watery clouds, three of fire,,and
^ threcof the winged fouth wind; then mixed they
" in the work terrific Ughtnings, and found, and
** fear, and anger, with purfuing flames." This
|l|ange compofition is formed into a grofs body ; it

Bb2 i«

196 On the S U B X' I M E

is hammered by* the Cyclops, it is in part polifhed,
and partly continues rough* The truth is, if poetry
gives us a noble afliemblage of words, correfpondiog
to many noble ideas, which are conne£^ed by circum-
ftances of time or place, or related to each other as
caufe and effed, or aflbciated in any natural way,
they may be moulded together in any form, and per-
fe£Uy anfwer their end. The pi£^urefque connexion
is not demanded ; becaufe no real piAure is formed ;
nor is the cSkd of the defcription at all the leis upon
this account. What is faid of Helen by Priam and
the old men of his council, is generally thought to
give us the higheft poiEble idea of that fatal beauty.

They crj^d^ no wonder fucb celefllal charms
For nine long years have fa the world in arms ;
What tuinsang graces I what majestic mien I
She movesagoddefsf andjbe looks a queen.

Pott.

Here is not one word faid of the particulars of her
Beauty ; nothing which can in the leaft help us to
any precife idea of her pcrfon ; but yet we are much
inore touched by this manner of mentioning her than
by thofe long and laboured defcriptions of Helen^
whether handed down by tradition, or formed by-
fancy, which are to be met with in ifome authors. I
am fure it afFcAs me much more than the minute def-
cription which Spencer has given of Bclphebe j though
^ I own

AND BEAUTIFUL. 197

I own that there are parts in that defcription, as
there are in all the defcriptions of that excellent wri-
ter, extremely fine and poetical. The terrible pic-
ture which Lucretius has drawn of Religion, in or-
der to difplay the magQanimity of his philofophical
hero in oppofing her, is thought to be defigned with
great bbldneis and fpirit :

Humana anfe oeulosfeda cum viia jacertif
In teniif oppreffa grow fub reiigione^
^us caput e caR regtonihus ofiauUhat
HorrUnli defuper vsfu mortaKiui infiant ;
Primus Graim homo mortalcs tollere contra
Est Qculo* aufiu. ■

What idea do you derive from fo excellent a pi Aure ?
none at all, mod certainly ; neither has the poet^faid
a (ingle word which might in the leafl ferve to mark
a fingle limb or feature of the phantom, which he in«
tended to reprefent in all the horrors imagmation can
conceive. In reality poetry and rhetoric do not fuc«
ceed in exaft defcription fo well as painting does ;
their bufinefs is, to afifcft rather by fympathy than
jmitation ; to difplay rather the tSc& of things on
the mind of the fpeaker, or of others, than to pre«
fent a clear idea of the things themfelves. This is
iheir moft extenlive province, and that in which thcf
fuccccd the bcftt

fc . . • • . . •-'o *.

SECT.

OKTHk SUBLIME

S E C T. VI.

X

POETRT Bot ftriaif m kwksiUit an.

HENCE we may obfcire tliat poetry, taken fai
its moft geoend fenfe, cannot with ftrid pro-
priety be called an art of iaiicatioii* it h indeed an
imitation fo far as it defcribes die manners and paflions
of men which their wordscanexprds ; where ammim$nu
effert interprete Ungua. There It Is ftri&ly imitation ;
and all merely dramatic poetry is of this fort. But def^
triptive poetry operates chiefly by fubJiHtaion ; by the
means of founds, which by cufl:om have the effeft of
realties. Norhiog is an imitation further than as it
rcfembles fome other thing ; and words undoubtedly
have no fort of refemblance to the ideas for which
they Hand.

SECT. VH,

Hdw WORDS iafloBooe the pirfEoos.

NOW, as words afeft, not by any original power,
bttt l)y reprrfcntation, it might be fuppofed,
that their influence over the paiEons {hould be hut
light ; yet it is quite otherwife j for we find by ex-
perience that eloquence and poetry are as capable^
nay indeed much more capable, of making deep and
lively impreflions than any other arts, and even than
nature itfclf in very many cafes. And this arifcs

chiefly

Aiii> B E A U 1 1 F U 1- 199^

diefly from thefe three cmfc$. Firft, thai: wc take
an extraordinary part io the pa^E&cmfi of othcrs>
and 'thai we are eaiily affeded aad thought iato fyish
patby by aay tokens which aire (hewn of them ;
and there are no tokeo^ vhkh can e:spref$ all the
cif cunftaoc^ of mod pa^ooa ib fuUy h» words ; fa
that if a perioD fpeaks upon any f«^d» he can noc
only convey the fabfeft to yoa» bnt Ukewife the man«
ner in which he ia hinfelf affeded by it. Cbtuhi
it hy that the ihflnence of mod things on ow paffiont
is not fo much from the things themfelTCS^ a9 Ironot
our opinions concerning them ; and thefe again de-
pend Tery much on the opinions of other men, con-
veyable for the moft part by words only. Secondly,
there are many things of a very affefiing nature,
which can feldom occur in the reality, but the words
which reprefent them often do ; and thus they have an
opportunity of making a deep impreifion and taking
root in the mind, whilft the idea of the reality was
tranfient ; and to fome perhaps never really occurred
in any £bape, to whom it is notwithftanding very af-
feding, as war, death, famine, ice. Befides, many
ideas have never been at all prefented to the fenfes
of any men bin by words, as Ood, angels, devils, hea-
ven, and hell, all of which have however a great in-
fluence over the paflions. Thirdly, by words we
have it in our power to make fuch combinations as we
cannot poflibly do otherwife. By this power of com-
bining we are able, by the addition of well-chofen cir-
cumftances, to give a new life and force to the fimple
objed. In painting we may reprefent any fine £gure
We pleafe ; but we never can give it thofe enlivening
toucheg which it may receive from words. To re-
prefent

200 On the S U B L I ME

I

prcfent an angd in a pifturc, you can only draw sf
beautiful young man winged : but what painting catf
fnrnifli out any thing fo grand as the addition of one
word, *' the angel of the Lord?** It is true, I have
here no clear idea ; but thefe words affed the mind
more than the feniible image did ; which is all I con-
tend for. A picture of Priam dragged to the altar's
foot, and there murdered, if it were well executed,
would undoubtedly be very moving ; but there arc
very aggravating circumftanccs, which it could ne*
vcr reprefeni :

Sanguine /cedent em quos ipfe facrayerat ignes*

As a further inflance, let us con^der thofe lines of
Milton, where he dcfcribes the travels of the fallen
angels through their diimal habitation ;

(fer many a dark and dreary va/e
fieypa/s^d, and many a region dolorous ;
Oer many a frozen^ many a fiery Alp ;
Rocks f caves y lakes j fens ^ togs, dens, andjbades of deaths
A' univerfe of death*

Here is difplayed the force of union In

Ricks, eaves, lakes, dens, togs, fens, andjbades ;

which yet would lofe the greateft part of the effcft,
if they were not the ;

Racks, caves, lakes, dens, begs, fens, and Jbades

*— -'^ Death

The idea or this affe^ion caufed by a word, whick

nothing

ANA BEAUTIFUL. aoi

nbthiog but a word could annex to the others, raifes
a very great degree of the fublime ; and this fublimc
is raifed yet higher by what follows, a universe of
** Death. " Here are atgairi two ideas not prefent-
able but by language ; and an union of (hem great
and amazing beyond conception ; if they may pro-*
perly be called ideas which prefent no di(lin£^ image
to the mind : — but ilill it will be difficult to conceive
how words can move the pailions which belong to
real objcfts, without reprefcnting thcfe objcSs clcar-^
Ij. This is difficult to us, becaufe we do not fuf-
ficiently diftinguifh, in our obfervations upon, lan-^
guage, between a clear expreffion, and a (Irong ex-
preffion. Thefe are frequently confounded with each
other, though they are in reality extremely different.
The former regards the underftanding ; the latter
belongs to the paffions. The one defcribes a thing
as it is ; the other defcribes it as it is felt. Now,
as there is a moving tone pf voice, an impaffioned
countenance, an agitated gefture, which zSed in-
dependently of the things about which they are ex-
erted, fo there are words, and certain difpofitions of
words ; which being peculiarly devoted to paffionate
fubjeAs, and always ufed by thofe who are under
the influence x)f any paffion, touch and move us more
than thofe which hr more clearly and diftindly ex-
prefs the fubjeft matter. We yield to fympathy what
we refufe to defcription. The truth is, all verbal de-
fcription, merely as naked defcription, though never
fo exad, conveys fo poor and infufficient an idea of
the thing defcribed, that it would fcarcely have the
fmalleft effi:d, if thefpeaker did not call into his aid
Aofe modes of fpeech that mark a ftrong and lively

C c feeling

S02 Oii THE SUBLIME

feeling in himfelf. Then, by the contagion of oor
pafiions, we catch a fire already kindled in another,
which probably might never have been ftmck ont
by the objeft defcribed. Words, by ftfoi^y con-
veying the paffions, by thofe niean3 which we have
already mentioned, folly compcnfate for their weak-
ne(s in other refpcfis. It may be obferved, that very
poliihed languages, and fuch as are praifed for theif
fnperior cleamefs and perfpicnity, are generally de-
ficient, in ftrength. The French language has that
perfcftioh and that dcfeft. "Whereas the oriental
tongues, and in generalthe languages of nK>ft nn-
pbliflicd people, have a great force and energy of
exprefiion; and this is hut natural. Uncultivated
people are but ordinaiy obfervers of things, and not
critical in diflinguifbing them ; but, for that reafon,
they admire more, and are more affedisd with what
they fee, and therefore exprefs thethfclves in a war-
mer and more paflionatc manner. If the affe&fon
be well conveyed, it will work its effeft without any
clear idea ; often without any idea at all of the thing
which has originally given rife to it.

It might be expcfted from the fertility of the fub-
jeft, that I fliould confider poetry as it regards the
fublime and beautiful more at large ; but it muft be
obferved that in this light it has been often and well
handled already. It was not my defign to cmcr into
the criticifraof the fublime and beautiful in any art, but
to attempt to lay down fuch principles as may tenjd to
afccrtain, to diflinguifh, and to form a fort of ftandard
for them ; which purpofes I thought might be beft
eiFeftcd by an enquiry into the properties of fuch

things

AND BEAUTIFUL, 203

things in nature, as raife love and aftoniihment in
us ; and by ihewing in what manner they operated
to produce thefc paflions. Words were only fo.far
to be conlidered, as to (hew upon what principle they
were capable of being the reprefentatives of thefe
natural things, and by what powers they were arble
to affeft us often as ftrongly as the things they re*
{)refent, and fometimes much more ftrongly.

The end.

D. BUCHANAN, MONTROSE.

^

i