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Annals of Iowa 













• • •* • 
••• - • • 

• • • t • • 

• • • 

• * " 


or THE 






KtJSSEii^L Sl reeves, PRINTERS. 

(See pafe 9 of tlie foUowlng article.) 

<T0 Annals of Iowa 

Vol. XIX, No. 1 Des Moines, Iowa, July, 1933 Third Series 


By Douglas C. McMurtrie 

The honor of establishing the first press in what is now the 
state of Iowa must be awarded to John King, who was respon- 
sible for the first printing at Dubuque in 1836. King was not a 
practical printer himself. He had come to the village of Dubuque 
in 183* and decided soon thereafter that this was a fertile field 
for a newspaper. So he returned to Ohio in the fall of 1836 to 
procure equipment and enlist technical assistance. At Chillicothe 
he contracted for the services of William Gary Jones, an experi- 
enced printer, and the two proceeded to Cincinnati, where a 
Washington hand press and an assortment of types were pur- 
chased. Another printer, Andrew Keesecker, of Galena, Illinois, 
was also employed. The equipment of this pioneer office was 
shipped by boat to Dubuque, where it was set up and used to 
print the Du Buque Visitor^ the first issue of this weekly ap- 
pearing May II, 1836. 

Iowa had originally been a part of the vast Province of 
Louisiana which had been successively under French, Spanish, 
again French, and finally United States sovereignty. Missouri 
Territory was given jurisdiction over this area in 1812, but lost 
this in 1820 on its admission to statehood. From that date until 
1834 Iowa was a "no man's land" so far as the exercise of gov- 
ernmental authority was concerned, but this was of small conse- 
quence because there were few white people resident there. 

On June 28, 1834, the area was assigned to Michigan Terri- 
tory and a few months later Dubuque and Des Moines counties 
were created, both embracing a very large area. Dubuque was 
the leading community, largely because of the lead mines located 
there and its accessibility by water, and boasted a population 
of nearly a thousand souls. Wisconsin Territory was created 

iDaTid C. Mott, Annals of Iowa, Third Ser., Vol. XVI, p. 177; John C. 
parUby **Tbree Men and a Press,** The Paiimpaeat, Vol. I, pp. 50-00. 


Another version of the story is that the press was removed 
from St. Paul in 1855 to Sauk Rapids^ Minnesota^ and used in 
printing the Sauk Rapids Frontiersman. It was used by several 
other papers and in 1897 was moved to Lindstrom and used to 
print a Swedish newspaper. A press^ claimed to be the original 
press used by John King in Iowa, is today in the Minnesota His- 
torical Society, sharing honors with its sister in the South Da- 
kota Masonic Museum of Sioux Falls. The authenticity of this 
press is vouched for by Frank Moore, formerly pressroom fore- 
man of the St. Paul Pioneer Press.^ 

When the first issue of the Du Buque Visitor was published 
on Wednesday, May 11, 1836, it carried the names of J. King 
as editor, and Wm. C. Jones as printer, but did not mention 
Keesecker. The office of publication was "Corner of Main and 
Church streets." The inaugural address said: 

*'We lay the first number of the 'Du Buque Visitor' before the 
public, and ask for it a favorable reception. In all matters, our 
paper will be free and untrammelled. Whatever sentiments we 
may entertain, shall be fearlessly expressed, whenever we con- 
ceive any good end requires it. Those who differ from us in 
opinion, will not, for that reason, be considered our enemies, or 
the enemies of the public; but will be treated with respect and 

"We respectfully invite original communications from our lit- 
erary friends, at home and abroad, upon all subjects of interest 
and importance; and shall ourselves spare no pains to make the 
paper, in all its departments, acceptable and useful to its readers. 
To persons abroad, who think of emigrating to tliis finest country 
in the world, we think it cannot but be a desirable medium of 

"With these remarks, we present our paper to the public, and 
return our thanks for the liberal patronage already afforded, and 
promised, to our hazardous enterprise; and at the same time beg 
leave to state, that there is yet room and to spare, on our sub- 
scription list and in our advertising columns, which we shall be 
glad to fill." 

«Botli sides of tlie question are discussed in Dr. Parish's "Three Men and a 
Press." William Nelson in his Sotes Toityird a Ilitttonj i>f thv Awerinin yews- 
p(tper. New York, lUlH, p. in, ^ives only the .story favoring the South Dakota 
press. He credits his Information to John Springer's Metinfrtnulvui Relating to 
the Enrlu PrvxH of /omv/, pp. 12-17. Babcock gives an account favoring the cluiius 
of the Miiuiei>ota press. 


The first number also gives the terms as three dollars a year^ 
in advance^ or four dollars if paid at the end of the year^ in spite 
of "A Prospectus for our paper having been circulated in Ohio, 
sometime ago, putting the price at $2 per year, payable on the 
reception of the first number, otherwise $3." Subscriptions al- 
ready received at that rate were to be accepted, but all others 
were to be taken at the higher rate, made necessary by the heavy 
expenses of publication. 

During the year from May, 1836, to June, 1837, while John 
King published the Du Buque Visitor, he was also favored with 
a portion of the official printing for the Territory of Wisconsin. 
James Clarke and John B. Russell, publishers of the Belmont 
Gazette at Belmont within the present borders of Wisconsin, had 
been chosen as public printers by the first legislative assembly 
of Wisconsin Territory. Clarke and Russell printed the docu- 
ments of the first Wisconsin legislature at Belmont in 1836, but 
it was also decided to hire John King at Dubuque to print there 
a pamphlet edition of the journal of the legislative proceedings.^ 
No copy of this "pamphlet," however, can now be found, and it 
is not clear that it was ever actually printed. 

June 3, 1837, the Du Buque Visitor became the Iowa News, 
owned by John King, W. W. Coriell, and John B. Russell, for- 
merly of Belmont, Wisconsin. Late in 1838 John B. Russell and 
Edwin Reeves became the publishers and editors, continuing the 
paper until its suspension March 7, 1840. May 6, 1840, Reeves 
and Coriell revived the paper for a few issues. It was then sus- 
pended for a year, to reappear in May, 1841. The next year it 
was permanently suspended, and the materials were removed to 

If we consider the Visitor and News as one publication, the 
second Dubuque paper was the Miners' Express, established Au- 
gust 1, 1841, by Lewis A. Thomas. In 1842 he sold the paper to 

7The Journal of the Council of the First Legislative Assembly of Wisconsin, 
Belmont, 1880, records under October 81, 1880, the resolution: 'That John King, 
6f the Du Buque Visitor, at the to^-n of Du Buque be employed to print the 
Journal of the proceedings in pamphlet form, and that he be p:iid the same 
prices as are paid to the printers to Congress for such work." It was also, 
"Resolved, if the House of Representatives concur, that the laws which may be 
passed at the present session of the Legislative Assembly, be published in the 
Belmont Gaxette, in the Du Buque Visitor, Milwaulcee Advertiser, Wisconsin 
Democrat and the Wisconsin Republican; and that the pul)liHtiers ttiereof be 
•paid the sum of seventy live dollars each for the same." 'Die name "Wisconsin 
Republican** seems to have designated a proposed newspaper at Burlington. 
(Also fee McMurtrie, Early Priniing in Wisconsin, pp. 85-37. 



July 3, 1836, and the land which is now Iowa came within the 
boundaries of this new territory, which chose for its capital first 
Belmont (within the present limits of Wisconsin) and, second, 
Burlington (now in Iowa) — Dubuque's rival. Iowa Territory 
was created in 1838, Burlington becoming the capital of this 
new state in the making, and so continued until 1841, when Iowa 
City was chosen as the seat of government. 

To return to the infant Du Buque Visitor, its first date line 
designated the place of publication as Du Buque (Lead Mines), 
Wisconsin Territory, May 11, 1836, though at that time the town 
was a part of Michigan Territory. The act establishing Wiscon- 
sin Territory had, however, been passed, although it was not to 
become efifective until July 3, 1836. The enterprising publisher 
was thus anticipating the approaching political sovereignty of 
this frontier town. 

John King's two assistants and even his printing press had 
interesting histories. William Gary Jones was hired for the sum 
of three hundred and fifty dollars "with suitable board and lodg- 
ing during one year** to act as foreman of the printing office and 
general editorial assistant. He later edited and published a paper 
in New Orleans and practiced law in San Francisco, where he 
died about 1880. During the Civil War he served as a captain 
in the Union Army and was captured and held prisoner at Selma, 
Alabama. While in prison he printed a paper by hand on the 
walls of one of the rooms.® 

Andrew Kcesecker remained in Dubuque most of the time from 
his arrival there with King until his death in 1870 while he was 
working at the case in the print shop of the Dubuque Herald. 
Keesecker was a member of the Du Buque Visitor stafif until the 
paper changed its name in the summer of 1837. He was later 
co-publisher of the Dubuque Miner's Express most of the time 
from 1842 till 1854. In 1847 he introduced the press to Andrew, 
Iowa, when he established the Western Democrat there, continu- 
ing it until 1849. He became co-publisher of the Dubuque 
Herald in 1860 and remained with that paper until his death.^ 

8See Parish, ap. cit. Perhaps William Gary Jones was the same W. C. Jones 
who published the Lexington, Kentucky, North American Liternrt/ and Political 
Register in 1828. In I85i the Rock Bottom, printed at K:inesvillc (n€yw Council 
Bluffs), Iowa, for Florence, Nebraska, was published by W. C. Jones. 

SFor a poem In memory of Andrew Keesecker, who died while working at 
the case on the Dubuque Herald, see Fourteenth AnntuU Session of the Wiscon- 
sin Editorial Aaodatlon, 1870 (Madison, Wis., 1870), pp. 29-81. 


Keesecker had a considerable reputation as a typesetter^ being 
able to compose an editorial as he set it up in type without 
bothering to reduce it to manuscript^ and he also acted as press- 
man in printing the first issues of the Du Buque Visitor. Once 
he engaged in a typesetting contest with A. P. Wood, another 
Dubuque printer. A printer's devil acted as umpire, and the two 
men were to set up the Lord's Prayer. The winner was to an- 
nounce his success by saying "Amen." Keesecker finished first, 
but he stuttered so badly that Wood also completed his work and 
was able to announce its completion while Keesecker was still 
stammering with excitement. The umpire finally awarded the 
decision to Keesecker.* 

The first Iowa press was a Washington hand model, made in 
Cincinnati by Charles Mallet. For six years it was used in Du- 
buque, and then it was sold and removed to Lancaster, in western 
Wisconsin, where the Grant County Herald was published on it.° 
In a few years J. M. Goodhue bought the press and, after print- 
ing with it a while at Lancaster, carried it by ox team up the 
Mississippi on the ice to St. Paul. Here he used it in printing 
the first Minnesota newspaper, the Minnesota Pioneer, So far it 
had printed the first papers in two states, and the Grant County 
Herald was the first publication in the western part of Wis- 

Two stories are told concerning the history of the press after 
it reached St. Paul. One story is that it was taken westward in 
1858 by ox team across the prairies to the Sioux Falls settlement 
in South Dakota, where it printed the Dakota Democrat, the 
first newspaper in that state. In 1862 a band of Sioux Indians 
raided and burned the town, destroying the press in the fire. Its 
twisted and warped remains are still preserved in the Masonic 
Museum at Sioux Falls as a memento of the first paper in South 
Dakota, and of the first papers in Iowa and Minnesota as well. 
This story is supported by the statements of Samuel J. Albright 
of St. Paul, who operated the press there and later in Sioux 
Falls, and who insisted that the Dakota press was the same one 
which had begun its wanderings in Ohio and then came through 
Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota to Dakota. 

^Parish, op. cU. 

^Douglas C. McMurtrie, Early Printing in Wisconsin, pp. 54, 95. 


Another version of the story is that the press was removed 
from St. Paul in 1855 to Sauk Rapids^ Minnesota, and used in 
printing the Sauk Rapids Frontiersman. It was used by several 
other papers and in 1897 was moved to Lindstrom and used to 
print a Swedish newspaper. A press, claimed to be the original 
press used by John King in Iowa, is today in the Minnesota His- 
torical Society, sharing honors with its sister in the South Da- 
kota Masonic Museum of Sioux Falls. The authenticity of this 
press is vouched for by Frank Moore, formerly pressroom fore- 
man of the St. Paul Pioneer Press,^ 

When the first issue of the Du Buque Visitor was published 
on Wednesday, May 11, 1836, it carried the names of J. King 
as editor, and Wm. C. Jones as printer, but did not mention 
Keeseckcr. The office of publication was "Corner of Main and 
Church streets." The inaugural address said: 

**We lay the first number of the *I)u Buque Visitor' before the 
public, and ask for it a favorable reception. In all matters, our 
paper will be free and untrammelled. Whatever sentiments we 
may entertain, shall be fearlessly expressed, whenever we con- 
ceive any good end requires it. Those who differ from us in 
opinion, will not, for that reason, be considered our enemies, or 
the enemies of the public; but will be treated with respect and 

"We respectfully invite original communications from our lit- 
erary friends, at home and abroad, upon all subjects of interest 
and importance; and shall ourselves spare no pains to make the 
paper, in all its departments, acceptable and useful to its readers. 
To persons abroad, who think of emigrating to this finest country 
in the world, we think it cannot but be a desirable medium of 

"With these remarks, we present our paper to the public, and 
return our thanks for the liberal patronage already afforded, and 
promised, to our hazardous enterprise; and at the same time beg 
leave to state, that there is yet room and to spare, on our sub- 
scription list and in our advertising columns, which we shall be 
glad to fill." 

«Both sides of the question are dlRcussed in Dr. Parish's "Tlirec Men and a 
Press." William Nelson in his yotvs Toward a History of the Anwrinm Seirs- 
jmper, New York, 1018, p. 114, Rives only the story favoring the South Dakota 
press. He credits his information to John Springer's MeuKfraudum Relating to 
the Early Prenn of /orm, pp. 12-17. Babcock gives un account favoring tlie cluima 
of the Miunesotu press. 


The first number also gives the terms as three dollars a year^ 
in advance^ or four dollars if paid at the end of the year^ in spite 
of **A Prospectus for our paper having been circulated in Ohio, 
sometime ago, putting the price at $2 per year, payable on the 
reception of the first number, otherwise $3." Subscriptions al- 
ready received at that rate were to be accepted, but all others 
were to be taken at the higher rate, made necessary by the heavy 
expenses of publication. 

During the year from May, 1836, to June, 1837, while John 
King published the Du Buque Visitor, he was also favored with 
a portion of the official printing for the Territory of Wisconsin. 
James Clarke and John B. Russell, publishers of the Belmont 
Gazette at Belmont within the present borders of Wisconsin, had 
been chosen as public printers by the first legislative assembly 
of Wisconsin Territory. Clarke and Russell printed the docu- 
ments of the first Wisconsin legislature at Belmont in 1836, but 
it was also decided to hire John King at Dubuque to print there 
a pamphlet edition of the journal of the legislative proceedings.^ 
No copy of this "pamphlet," however, can now be found, and it 
is not clear that it was ever actually printed. 

June 3, 1837, the Du Buque Visitor became the Iowa News, 
owned by John King, W. W. Coriell, and John B. Russell, for- 
merly of Belmont, Wisconsin. Late in 1838 John B. Russell and 
Edwin Reeves became the publishers and editors, continuing the 
paper until its suspension March 7, 1840. May 5, 1840, Reeves 
and Coriell revived the paper for a few issues. It was then sus- 
pended for a year, to reappear in May, 1841. The next year it 
was permanently suspended, and the materials were removed to 

If we consider the Visitor and News as one publication, the 
second Dubuque paper was the Miners' Express, established Au- 
gust 1, 1841, by Lewis A. Thomas. In 1842 he sold the paper to 

7The Journal of the CouncU. of the First Leaislative Assembly of Wisa.nsin, 
Belmont. 1886, records under October 81, 1H86, the resolution: 'That John King, 
or the Du Buque Vifritor, at the town of Du Buque be employed to print the 
Journal of the proceedings in pamphlet form, and that lie be p:iid the same 
prices ag are piid to the printers to Congress for such work." It was also, 
"Resolved, if the House of Representatives concur, that the laws which may be 
passed at the present session of tlie Legislative Assembly, be published in the 
Belmont Gazette, in the Du Buque Visitor, Mllwaulcee Advertiser, Wisconsin 
Democrat and tlie Wisconsin Republican; and that the publishers thereof be 
"paid the sum of seventy five dollars each for the same." The name "Wisconsin 
Republican" seems to have designated a proposed newspaper at Burlington. 
-Also see McMurtrie, Early Printing m Wisconsin, pp. 85-37. 


Andrew Keesecker and D. S. Wilson. George Greene became the 
publisher in 1845, and three years later he was succeeded by 
the pioneer Andrew Keesecker in partnership with Harrison 
Holt. There were various other owners, but Keesecker remained 
associated with the Miners' Express until it was absorbed by 
the Dubuque Herald in 1854. 

The third paper was the Iowa Transcript, founded by H. H. 
Houghton in May, 1843. Before its suspension in 1845, when 
the office was moved to Rock Island, the paper was owned by 
Royal Cooper, W. W. Hamilton, Henry Wiiarton, and Orlando 
McCraney. The Dubuque Tribune was established early in 1847 
by A. P. Wood. W. A. Adams and A. W. Hackley became the 
publishers in 1854, and Hackley was sole owner and editor the 
following year. In 1857 the Tribune acquired the Dubuque Re- 
publican, begun two years earlier, and the combined papers con- 
tinued as the Tribune until about 1860. The Democratic Tele- 
graph was another early Dubuque paper, established in 1848 by 
Orlando McCraney and continued until 1852, part of the time 
with editorial assistance from W. W. Coriell. In 1852 it was 
absorbed by the Tribune, and the materials were taken to. Fair- 

Iowa, it will be remembered, was a part of Wisconsin Terri- 
tory at the time that printing began at Dubuque. The Wisconsin 
territorial legislature was in special session at Burlington in 
June, 1838, when the act which created Iowa Territory was 
passed. The first session of the territorial legislature of Iowa 
met at Burlington in November, 1838, and the earliest printed 
document of the new government which is now extant was printed 
in connection with that session. This interesting document will 
be noted below, in connection with the establishment of the press 
at Burlington. But the Dubuque firm of Russell & Reeves, al- 
ready mentioned as publishers of the Iowa News in John King's 
pioneer printing establishment, received appointment as official 
printers for the Iowa Territorial Council. Thus the Journal of 
the Council of the First Legislative Assembly of the Territory 
of Iowa, "begun and held at the city of Burlington, on the twelfth 
day of November, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight," 
appeared with the imprint "DuBuque: Russell & Reeves, Print- 
ers. 1839." It contained 226 pages. In the same year this firm 


also printed The Statute Laws of the Territory of Iowa, enacted 
at the first session of the territorial legislature — a book of 597 
pages. (See frontispiece for reproduction of its title page.) 

In 1841 part of the territorial printing was again done at 
Dubuque when the journal of the House of Representatives of 
the Third Legislative Assembly was published with the imprint: 
"Dubuque: W. W. Coriell, Printer. 1841." This was done dur- 
ing a period of suspension for Coriell's Iowa News, The journals 
of the House of Representatives for the P'ourth and Sixth legis- 
lative assemblies were also printed at Dubuque^ in 1842 and 1844 
respectively, by Wilson and Keesecker, of the Miners' Express. 
Their successor with the Miners' Express, George Greene, did 
the last of the territorial printing which was done at Dubuque 
when he issued the Council journal for the Eighth Assembly, in 
1846. It was also George Greene who "Printed at the Office of 
the Miners' Express, Dubuque, August, 1846," an interesting 
Masonic Oration, delivered by S. Hempstead, Esq,, on St. John's 
Day, June 24, 1846. 

Dubuque is on the Mississippi just opposite the dividing line 
between Wisconsin and Illinois, but the next printing point in 
Iowa was Montrose, also on the Mississippi, but in the extreme 
southeastern corner of the state. Montrose was only just laid 
out and was a town in the making rather than an established com- 
munity when Dr. Isaac Galland, later famous for his Mormon 
activities, established the Western Adventurer and Herald of the 
Upper Mississippi on June 28, 1837. The motive for its estab- 
lishment was real estate development, and as it was issued in 
answer to no real demand, its life was short. It suspended about 
a year later. 

Dr. Galland had purchased Thomas Gregg's Carthagenian and 
brought it and Mr. Gregg from Carthage, Illinois, to publish the 
new paper. The prospectus published in the first number of the 
Western Adventurer announced: "The 'Carthagenian' published 
at Carthage, Illinois, has been discontinued. In the month of 
June next will be commenced by the same Editor and publisher, 
at Montrose, (late Fort Des Moines) Wisconsin Territory, 
(Head of the Des Moines Rapids of the Mississippi) a new 
paper with the above title [Western Adventurer]. It will be 
devoted to a history and description of the Western country. 


Terms. The Western Adventurer will be published Weekly on 
a large Double Medium sheets (about the same as the Alton Ob- 
server, and the Louisville City Gazette,) printed with good type, 
and making weekly 28 columns of matter, at Three Dollars per 
annum, in advance, or Four Dollars if payment be delayed six 

The first number of the Western Adventurer also carried pro- 
posals for two other publications to be issued at Montrose by 
Gregg and Galland. These were The Western Emigrants* Maga- 
zine, and Historian of Times in the West, "A New Monthly 
Periodical about to be commenced at Montrose, (late Fort Des 
Moines) Wisconsin Territory," and Chronicles of the North 
American Savages, Gregg was to edit the Emigrants' Magazine, 
which was to be "printed on a Double Mediant Sheet, of good 
quality, in the Octavo form, making a yearly volume of about 
200 large pages of three columns [sic] each, with a title page 
and Index at the close of the year." Galland announced himself 
as editor of the Chronicles, to be "published monthly, in pamph- 
let form, containing sixteen octavo pages to each number." Both 
these publications seem to have been temporarily issued at Car- 
thage^ before Galland moved the press to Montrose, and accord- 
ing to the first number of the Western Adventurer, the Chronicles 
^*were published some time since at Cincinnati. "° 

After the Western Adventurer was suspended in 1838, no 
paper was published at Montrose until 1847, when Dr. Galland 
established the loica Advocate and Half-Breed Journal on Au- 
gust 16, continuing it as late as December of 1847. Thereafter 
no papers were issued at Montrose during the early period. 

Burlington, a few miles above Montrose on the Mississippi, 
acquired a press about the same time as Montrose. The printer 

8R. L. Rusk, The Literature of the Middle Western Frontier (New York, 
1026), V. 1, p. 202, says the Chronicles first appeared at Cartlmge in May, 1885, 
and that the Emigrants' Magnziive was begun there in May, 1887. 

9Aftcr Ids Iowa venture. Dr. Galland is known in connection with the New 
Citizen, an anti-Masonic p.iper issued at Nauvoo, Illinois, which he edited in 
1840 for Samuel Slocuin. 

Thomas (iregjc had published the Carthage nian in 1886 and 1887 before mov- 
ing to Iowa, and he afterwards returned to Illinois to publish a series of papers 
at Wars:iw: the Message, in 1848 and 1814; the Siunal, from 1817 to 1858; and 
the Temperance Crusader, in 1854. In 1845 he returned to Iowa long enough 
to publish the Iowa Morning Star at Keokuk for a few weeks. He edited the 
Plymouth, Illinois, Locomotive in 1857, and the Hamilton, Illinois, Representor 
tire from 1859 to 1862. From 1873 to 1875 he published Gregg's Dollar Monthly 
and Old Settler's Memorial from 1878 to 1875 at Hamilton and Plymouth. In 
1876 and l«77 he published the Dollar Kural Messenger at Hamilton and Plym- 
outh, Illinois, and at Keokuk, Iowa. See Franklin W. Scott, Nevxpapers mid 
Periodicals o) Illinois, 161k-1879 (Springfield, 111., 1910), pp. 45, 105, 286, 848. 


was James Clarke^ a man with antecedent experience in pioneer 
newspaper publishing. He had been the territorial printer of 
Wisconsin and had established the Belmont Gazette at Belmont 
when the capital was moved to that isolated spot for one legis- 
lative session. He was assisted in this enterprise by John B. 
Russell^ who was later to help John King found the first Iowa 
newspaper. On July 10, 1837, after it had been decided that 
the next session of the Wisconsin territorial legislature should 
be held at Burlington, Clarke began the Wisconsin Territorial 
Gazette and Burlington Advertiser, Cyrus S. Jacobs edited the 
paper until April^ 1838. On June 12, 1838, on the erection of 
Iowa Territory, Clarke changed the name of his paper to Jowa 
Territorial Gazette, and John H. McKenny became his assistant. 
They continued the paper together until 184«2, when Bernhart 
Henn and James M. Morgan became the owners. Clarke in 1845 
became the third and last territorial governor of Iowa. In 1845 
and again from 1848 until his death in July 1850, Clarke was 
associated with the Territorial Gazette, As the Burlington Ga- 
zette, this paper is still published and is the oldest in Iowa. 

Burlington's second paper was the Iowa Patriot, established 
June 6, 1839, by James G. Edwards, previously a publisher at 
Jacksonville, Illinois, and Fort Madison, Iowa. In September, 
1839, the Iowa Patriot became the Ilaxch-Eye and Iowa Patriot, 
which at the end of 1844 became the Burlington Hawk-Eye, 
Burlington's third independent paper, the Burlington Telegraph, 
established in 1850 by James M. Morgan and John H. McKenny, 
was absorbed by the Ilawk-Eye in 1855, and the combined paper 
is still being issued as the Hawk-Eye, 

As the temporary seat of the territorial governments first of 
Wisconsin and then of Iowa, Burlington was quite naturally the 
first place in Iowa at which official documents were printed. In 
fact, the first Iowa printing other than newspapers, so far as 
existing evidence shows, was done at Burlington. James Clarke, 
in his capacity as official Wisconsin printer, issued there the Acts 
Passed at the First and Second Sessions of the Legislative As- 
sembly of the Territory of JVisconsin with the imprint: "Bur- 
lington, W. T. James Clarke, Printer to the Legislative Assem- 
bly. 1838." The library of the Wisconsin State Historical So- 
ciety, at Madison^ contains one of the few surviving copies of 


this rare volume. The Wisconsin legislature, as has been indi- 
cated, met at Burlington in the winter of 1837-38, and again for 
a special session in June, 1838. The acts of these sessions were 
printed at Burlington in 1839, but by James G. Edwards, 
founder of the Iowa Patriot. The journals of later sessions of 
the Wisconsin territorial legislature disclose that Edwards had 
some difficulty in collecting payment for this work.**' 

Soon after the establishment of the territory of Iowa, printers 
at Burlington were busied with printing for the newly created 
government. The first session of the Iowa territorial legislature 
met in November, 1838. In his excellent "Bibliography of the 
Iowa Territorial Documents" Thomas J. Fitzpatrick lists the 
printing ordered by the first session of the Council. ^^ On No- 
vember 13, 1838, the Council "Resolved, That fifty copies of the 
law of Congress organizing the Territory of Iowa, be printed for 
the use of the Council." Of this document, no surviving copy 
has been found. 

On the same date the Council also "Resolved, that five hun- 
dred copies of the Governor's Message be printed for the use of 
the Council, to be paid for out of the contingent fund.'* No 
existing copy of this message was of record until early in 1933, 
when I had the good fortune to discover a copy in the Iowa Ma- 
sonic Library, at Cedar Rapids. As the earliest extant printed 
public document of Iowa, it is reproduced herewith. 

The governor's message was printed in the form of a broad- 
side about 15^/4 ^y 2014 inches, but with no imprint. However, 
we can assume that it was printed by James Clarke and John 
H. McKenny, publishers of the Territorial Gazette at Burling- 
ton, to whom the new Council seems to have entrusted its print- 
ing. For on November 15, 1838, the Council "Resolved, That 
Messrs. Clarke and M'Kinney [*?c], publishers of the Territorial 
Gazette, be employed to print on slips, daily copies of the Jour- 
nal of the proceedings of the Council for the use of the mem- 
bers." None of these ephemeral daily journal slips of this ses- 
sion seems to have survived. 

The Journal of the House of Representatives of this first ses- 

10/owrna/ of the House of Representatives, first session of tlie second legis- 
lative assembly of Wisconsin (Madison, 1888), pp. 127-128; same, second session 
of the second legrislative assembly (Mineral Point, 1839), pp. 258-259. The fault 
lay purtly with Edwards, who bad been unable to complete the work on time. 

iiFitxpatrIck, pp. 258-259. 


Bride and the Lamb's Wife, during 1842 and 1843. This became 
\ht Buffalo Ensign, discontinued in about two years/' 
- The second Davenport paper had been established before the 
suspension of the Sun, This was the Davenport Gazette, founded 
August 26^ 1841, by Alfred Sanders. He was a native of Ohio 
who had toured the upper Mississippi in 1840 and decided on 
Davenport as a fine situation for a new paper. When he re> 
turned to Iowa in 1841 he brought with him as an assistant Levi 
Davis, who had worked with him in Ohio on the Dayton Journal 
when both were boys. They brought with them a printing outfit 
worth $700. It was transported by water to Davenport, and in 
landing the press it was dropped into the river. This accident 
was afterwards referred to as a fortuitous baptism for the new 
venture.^^ Davis purchased an interest in the paper in 1854, 
which passed to Addison H. Sanders in 1857. In 1862 the new 
Sanders partner gave up his interest and entered the Union 
Army. His older brother, the founder of the paper, sold out later 
in the year and retired. The paper was continued until 1887, 
•when it was merged with the Davenport Democrat, 

Alfred Sanders shared in the widely distributed public print- 
ing favors of the territorial days. The Journal of the Council of 
the Fifth Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Iowa was 
issued with the imprint "Davenport: Alfred Sanders, Printer. 
1843." Introductory Lecture delivered in the College of Phy- 
sicians and Surgeons of the Upper Mississippi Session of 18^7- 
50, by Dr. John F. Sanford, carried the imprint: "Davenport: 
Sanders & Davis, printers. 1849." 

Davenport's third paper was the Democratic Banner, estab- 
lished in 1848 by Alexander Montgomery. Theodore Guelch 
began Der Demokrat in 1861, and the Davenport Bee was begun 
in 1854 by De Witt Carey. Nathaniel Hawthorne Parker 
founded the Davenport Commercial in 1854, and the Iowa State 
Democrat was established in 1856 by James T. Hildreth, David 
N. Richardson, and George R. West. 

Muscatine, then known as Bloomington, was the sixth town in 
Iowa to have a press. A printer by the name of James T. Camp- 
bell as early as the summer of 1838 had proposed establishing 

i80p. ett,, and Mott, p. 211. 

i^Uavenport Vemofrat, Half-Century Edition, loe. eit. 


1847, when he sold it to George H. Williams, who changed its 
name to the Iowa Statesman. This became the Plain Dealer in 
1852 and was published until 1897. The Journal of the House 
of Representatives, of the Seventh Legislative Assembly of the 
Territory of Iowa was published with the imprint "Fort Madi- 
son: Printed by R. Wilson Albright. 1845." Five years later 
Strictures on Dr, I, Galland's Pamphlet, entitled, "Villainy Ex- 
posed" by D. W. Kilbourne was issued with the imprint "Fort 
Madison: Printed at the Statesman Office, 1850." 

The fifth printing point in Iowa was Davenport. Here was 
published on August 4, 1838, the initial number of the Iowa Sun 
and Davenport and Rock Island News by Andrew Logan, a 
printer from Beaver, Pennsylvania.^^ There were eleven pro- 
jected Iowa towns clamoring for a newspaper at the time that 
Logan moved to the state, and he was somewhat put to it to de- 
cide whether Davenport or Rockingham, slightly to the south, 
was the more likely spot for a new publication. Both towns 
offered inducements, but Davenport finally won by promising 
the printer several free lots and a subscription list of 500. This 
number probably represented more than enough papers for every 
citizen of the town, and it is said that Colonel George Daven- 
port, for whom the new settlement was named, and Antoine Le 
Claire each took fifty subscriptions to help guarantee the exist- 
ence of the Iowa Sun, Andrew Logan was assisted in printing 
the paper by his sons, August, aged twelve, and Andrew, aged 
eight. "Although the new community did well by the new paper, 
the editor awoke to the attractions and independence of the 
farmer's life, took up a claim six miles from the city out Allen's 
Grove way and discontinued his paper in 1842."^* Logan sold 
his materials to the firm of Henkle and McClelland, of Buffalo, 
south of Davenport on the Mississippi. They were the first 
printers there and issued a Mormon publication known as The 

I'^Mott, op, cit., p. 210, gives August 4 as the date of establishment. Accord- 
ing to him, flies of the lotra Sun, beginning with th:it date, are in the Hlj»- 
torical, Memorial an(i Art Department of Iowa at Des Moines. The Davenport 
Democrat, Ualf-Centurff Edition, sec. 1, p. 8, col. 1, gives the date of establish- 
ment of the loirn Sun as August 15, 1H38. 

^* Davenport Deinncrat, Half-Ceiituru Edition, lor. cit. This article, the source 
of considerable information concerning Logan and the flrst Davenport paper, U 
based on a series of articles by David N. Richardson, founder and publlsner of 
the Davenport Democrat for many years, which appeared In the Democrat In 
1879. Richardson wrote this series at the request of the historical department 
of the Davenport Academy of Sciences. 


Bride and the Lamb's Wife, during 1842 find 184*3. This became 
the Buffalo Ensign, discontinued in about two years.^^ 

The second Davenport paper had been established before the 
suspension of the Sun. This was the Davenport Gazette, founded 
August 26, 1841, by Alfred Sanders. He was a native of Ohio 
who had toured the upper Mississippi in 1840 and decided on 
Davenport as a fine situation for a new paper. When he re- 
turned to Iowa in 1841 he brought with him as an assistant I^vi 
Davis, who had worked with him in Ohio on the Dayton Journal 
when both were boys. They brought with them a printing outfit 
worth $700. It was transported by water to Davenport, and in 
landing the press it was dropped into the river. This accident 
was afterwards referred to as a fortuitous baptism for the new 
venture.^** Davis purchased an interest in the paper in 1864, 
which passed to Addison H. Sanders in 1857. In 1862 the new 
Sanders partner gave up his interest and entered the Union 
Army. His older brother, the founder of the paper, sold out later 
in the year and retired. The paper was continued until 1887, 
when it was merged with the Davenport Democrat, 

Alfred Sanders shared in the widely distributed public print- 
ing favors of the territorial days. The Journal of the Council of 
the Fifth Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Iowa was 
issued with the imprint "Davenport: Alfred Sanders, Printer. 
1843." Introductory Lecture delivered in the College of Phy- 
sicians and Surgeons of the Upper Mississippi Session of 18^7- 
50, by Dr. John F. Sanford, carried the imprint: ''Davenport: 
Sanders & Davis, printers. 1849." 

Davenport's third paper was the Democratic Banner, estab- 
lished in 1848 by Alexander Montgomery. Theodore Guelch 
began Der Demokrat in 1851, and the Davenport Bee was begun 
in 1864 by De Witt Carey. Nathaniel Hawthorne Parker 
founded the Davenport Commercial in 1854, and the Iowa State 
Democrat was established in 1855 by James T. Hildreth, David 
N. Richardson, and George R. West. 

Muscatine, then known as Bloomington, was the sixth town in 
Iowa to have a press. A printer by the name of James T. Camp- 
bell as early as the summer of 1838 had proposed establishing 

550p. cit., and Mott, p. 211. 

^^Davenport Democrat, Half-Century Edition, loc. cit. 


here in October of that year a paper to be known as the Iowa 
Banner ^^ but there is no indication that he was successful in his 
venture. The next attempt was made two years later. On Octo- 
ber 23, 1840, William Crum and W. D. BaUey began at Bloom- 
ington the Joica Standard, By April, 1841, Crum became sole 
owner; the paper was then discontinued and the plant taken to 
Iowa City, where Crum began the first paper in that town. 

Four days after the Standard was begun, Thomas Hughes and 
John B. Russell founded a second Bloomington paper, the 
Herald, first issued on October 27, 18iO. Hughes left Musca- 
tine for Iowa City and the Iowa Capital Reporter in 1841. Rus- 
sell was the Wisconsin printer who had published the Iowa News 
at Dubuque from 1837 to 1840. The public printing followed 
him from Dubuque; the journals of the Third and Fourth terri- 
torial assemblies were published there, the former with the im- 
print: "Bloomington: Russell & Hughes, printers. 1841," and 
the latter: "Bloomington: Jno. B. Russell, printer. 1842." Rus- 
sell later became publisher of the Keokuk Dispatch. 

Iowa City became the seventh printing town in Iowa with the 
establishment of W^illiam Crum's Iowa City Standard on June 
10, 1841. Iowa City had been selected by the territorial legis- 
lature as the new capital, and it naturally became a mecca for 
printers because of its official position. It was also the first Iowa 
town not located on the banks of the Mississippi to have a press. 
A. P. Wood became editor of the Standard in 1842. In 1846 it 
was purchased from Crum by Silas Foster, who made Easton 

i7The louxt Territorial Gazette and Burlington Advertiser of August 25, 1888, 
carried the following notice: 

"Prospectus of the 'Iowa Banner.' 

"A weekly newspaper to be published in Bloomington. Muscatine County. 
Iowa Territory; to be devoted to General Politics, Literature, the Arts and 
Sciences. Humour, Sentiment. Poetry. &c. &c. &c. 

"The subscriber, being fully aware of the many difficulties to be overcome, 
in establishing a Press in so young a village as Bloomington, has ventured to 
submit this prospectus to the public, believing it to be the only proper method 
of ascertaining the sentiments of those from whom he expects support. 

"The 'Banner' will be conducted upon the broad and independent principles 
of free discussion, which the laws and institutions of our glorious country have 
guaranteed to every citizen. To be brief, we will only add, that it is our Inten- 
tion to publish just such a paper, as the wants and interests of the people of 
Iowa Territory require; abstaining from partisan vulgarity, and using our best 
exertions to render unto each subscriber an equivalent for that which he 
gives us. 

"The first number of the 'Banner* will be issued on the 1st Saturday In 
Octoi)er next by which time, it is hoped, all prospectuses containing signatures 
will be returned to the subscriber. 

"The Banner will be printed upon a fine Super-Royal sheet, with beautiful 
new type, at Three Dollars per year, to be paid Invariably on the receipt of the 
first number. 

*'Jame8 T. Campbell. 
"BloomlnB:ton, I. T. August 8, 1888.** 


Morris editor. It was temporarily suspended in 1848^ but was 
revived by Dr. S. M. Ballard^ who changed the name to Iowa 
City Republican. 

Two other papers were established at the new capital in 1841, 
Dr. Nathaniel Jackson began the Iowa City Argus in the latter 
part of July, and the Iowa Capital Reporter was founded De- 
cember 4, 1841, by Verplanck Van Antwerp and Thomas 
Hughes. The Reports of the Decisions of the Supreme Court of 
the Territory of Iowa, July term, 1841, were published with the 
imprint *'Iowa City: Printed by Van Antwerp & Hughes," and 
this firm also printed the territorial laws enacted at the session 
of December, 1841. Jesse Williams became Hughes's partner in 
1843, and together they printed part of the public documents in 
that year, sharing the work with William Crum. 

The editorship of the Iowa Capital Reporter seems to have 
been a fair guarantee of trouble, for its first three editors were 
all involved in quarrels ending with blows. Van Antwerp made 
various attacks in the columns of his paper on Bainbridge, a 
Democratic member of the territorial Council, denouncing him 
as a "hybrid politician." A discussion over the Miners' Bank of 
Dubuque brought forth more verbal attacks, and one morning 
in February, 1842, Bainbridge called Van Antwerp to account 
for his words. According to one story, Bainbridge struck the 
editor over the hat and head with his cane, seized a pistol which 
Van Antwerp tried to draw, and struck him in the face with such 
force as to draw blood. Van Antwerp gave another version of 
the afifair in his account, by which he did not come off so badly. 
Jesse Williams, Van Antwerp's successor, continued the attacks 
on the bank and directed his attention to George H. Walworth, 
chairman of the investigating committee. They came to blows 
in the library of the Capitol, and poor Williams was getting the 
worst of it and bleeding freely when the fight was stopped by 
Stull, secretary of the territory, who objected to blood getting 
on a carpet which he had recently purchased. In 1846 A. H. 
and G. D. Palmer became owners of the Reporter, and one of 
them ran foul of Mr. Nelson King, a member of the first state 
legislature, in an investigation directed against corruption in the 
legislature. The Reporter made considerable fun of some un- 
grammatical statements of King's, and although he was disposed 


to forget the matter, his wife urged him to action. When he 
encountered one of the Palmers in the Capitol he undertook to 
give him a thrashing and finally produced a loaded pistol. Friends 
intervened before any blood could be shed and the carpets in any 
way damaged.** 

Keosauqua, in southeastern Iowa on the Des Moines River, 
was the eighth town to have a press. Jesse M. Shepherd and 
J. L. T. Mitchell set up the Iowa Democrat and Des Moines 
River Intelligencer at Keosauqua in 1843 to serve that rapidly 
developing section of the country. The next spring James Shep- 
herd, father of Jesse, and financial backer of the new paper, 
bought out Mitchell. Mitchell then established the Keosauqua 
Border Pioneer, which lasted only a short time. The Journal of 
the House of Representatives, of the Eighth Legislative Assem- 
bly of the Territory of Iowa was published with the imprint 
"Keosauqua: Printed by J. and J. M. Shepherd. 1846." 

Keokuk, at the juncture of the Des Moines River and the 
Mississippi, in the very southeastern tip of the state, had the 
ninth press. The Iowa Morning Star and Keokuk Commercial 
Advertiser was begun in April, 1846, by Thomas Gregg, who had 
been printer of the first paper at Montrose, a short distance 
above Keokuk. The Morning Star lasted, however, for only a 
few weeks. 

In January, 1846, William Pattee's Keokuk Iowa Argus was 
started on its short life, and in 1847 the town's first paper of 
any permanence was begun when J. W. and R. B. Ogden estab- 
lished the Keokuk Register, Keokuk's fourth paper was the 
Keokuk Dispatch, established in 1848 by John B. Russell, for- 
merly of the Dubuque Iowa News and the Bloomington (Musca- 
tine) Herald, and Reuben L. Doyle. This firm published the 
Proceedings of the Grand Lodge of Iowa, at the fifth grand an- 
nual communication , . . June 6th, A. L, 6848, A, D, 1848, with 
the imprint: "Keokuk: Russell & Doyle, Printers. 1848." 

Andrew, about twenty-five miles south of Dubuque, had the 
next press, when Andrew Keesecker, pioneer printer from Du- 
buque, established the Western Democrat in 1847, with M. H. 
Clark as editor. Ansel Briggs became the owner in 1849, and 

isParlsh, ''Perils of a Pioneer Editor/* gives the details of all these difflailtie^ 
pf tb^ various Igipa Capitol Reporter editors. 


the journal of the Senate^ for the second session of the Iowa 
state assembly^ was printed at Andrew in 1849 "at the Jackson 
County Democrat Office." 

Fairfield was the next and eleventh town to have printing. 
A. R. Sparks, Ezra Brown, and R. B. Pope began the Iowa 
Sentinel there in June, 1847. Two years later there was a rival 
publication, the Fairfield Weekly Ledger, established by Orlando 
McCraney. The Sentinel expired in 1856, but the Ledger is still 
being published. 

Fairfield was followed in 1848 by Ottumwa, also in the south- 
east part of the state. The Des Moines Courier was established 
there on August 8, 1848, by J. H. D. Street and Richard H. 
Warden; it is continued today as the Ottumwa Courier, The ar- 
rival of Ottumwa 's first press caused a great furore. The entire 
male population of the town and farmers from eight and ten 
miles around came to view the new wonder. On the day of the 
Courier's first issue there was so large a crowd around the print- 
ing office that the light was shut out and it was almost impos- 
sible for Mr. Warden to work.^® 

In 1846 Iowa had become a state and there was a rapid ex- 
pansion immediately thereafter. The thirteenth printing site in 
what was now a state rather than a territory was at the extreme 
western boundary, on the banks of the Missouri where it sep- 
arated Iowa from Nebraska. Omaha in Nebraska was then a 
small settlement and Kanesville, now Council Bluffs, Iowa, was 
the metropolis of the region. It was at Kanesville on February 
7, 1849, that Orson Hyde started the Frontier Guardian, a Mor- 
mon publication.^® The paper was to have been established 
earlier, but circumstances prevented. The first issue announced: 

"The 'Guardian,* so long looked for and so long delayed, is 
now before the public. On our part, we were ready to have issued 
at the time proposed in our prospectus. But the printer, whom we 
engaged in St. Louis last fall, was detained there by ill health 
of his family until the winter sat in with all severity, and ren- 
dered a journey to this place almost impracticable. He, how- 

iKjlenn B Meagher and Harry B. Munsell, Ottumwa, Yesterday and Today, 
Ottnmwa, Iowa, 1928. 

2"Mott, op. cit., p. 208, and all the other authorities are vaffue on tlie date 
of establishment and later history of the Frontier (fuardian. A detailed study 
of this paper, based upon the original flies in the Historian's ofRcc of tlie 
Church of Latter Day Saints in Salt Lake City, is given in McMurtrie. "The 
First frlpting at Council BlulTs/' in Annals of Iowa, Vol. XVIII, pp. s-li. 


ever, has arrived, and his face was skinned by frost and cold. 
But his health is good and face getting smooth again. We trust, 
now, that we shall be able to proceed without further interrup- 
tion or delay. Send in your subscriptions, therefore, from all 
quarters, and your business shall be done with fidelity and dis- 

The equipment for the Frontier Guardian had come from Cin- 
cinnati, and the printer with the skinned face was John Gooch, 
Jr. The paper was issued fortnightly until March 4, 1852, when 
it became a weekly and passed into the hands of Jacob Dawson.^^ 
M. H. Hathaway was now printer of the Frontier Guardian, to 
whose title Dawson added "and Iowa Sentinel." In November, 
1852, A. C. Ford became the owner, with Hathaway continuing 
as printer. The paper was continued as late as May of 1853. 

Two historical documents of considerable interest were prod- 
ucts of Orson Hyde's press at Kanesville. The Constitution of 
the State of Deseret carried the imprint: "Kanesville. Published 
by Orson Hyde, 1849." Two years earlier the first Mormon 
immigrants had reached Utah, and although that territory be- 
came officially United States property six months later, no laws 
had been enacted for its government. The Mormons took mat- 
ters into their own hands, organized the State of Deseret with 
Brigham Young as governor, and printed at Kanesville their first 
constitution. The second known document was a printed broad- 
side giving the rules of order of the Beloit Company, a group 
of emigrants chiefly from the southern part of Wisconsin who 
were headed for California, issued with the date, "Kanesville, 
May 7th, 1850," and the imprint: "Frontier Guardian, Print."*^ 

The Guardian had a rival in May, 1851, when Alman W. 
Babbit established the Kanesville Bugle, which in 1852 passed 
into the hands of Joseph E. Johnson and Daniel W. Carpenter. 

2iMott, loc. cit., quotes various authorities for liis statement tiiat Hyde dis- 
continued tlie Guardian in 1852, removing most of tlie miterials to Utali. Hyde 
did not talce tlie printing outfit witli lilm to Utali, for wiien Jacob Dawmn toolc 
over the Guardian in March, 1852, he purchased tlie office from Hyde, giving a 
mortgage in which the purchase price was stated to be $1,153.92. The equip- 
ment included "one Imperial printing press (Cincinnati malce) ; two new chises; 
one long book chase, two job chases, fifteen pairs cases, two double stands for 
cases, one cast iron roller mold, one imposing sticlc and frame, five large and 
two small composing sticks, one inking apparatus, one bink and two tables, 
five brass galleys," with rules, furniture, and news and job types. The original 
mortgage is quoted by J. Sterling Morton, Illustrated History o/ Nebraska^ 
p. 849. 

ezThese two Kanesville imprints arc described in McMurtrie, "Two Eirly 
Issues of the Council Bluffs Press," Annals of Iowa, Third Ser.» Vol. XVIII, 
1981, pp. 88-80. 


The name of the town was changed in 1863 and the same year 
the paper became the Council Bluffs Bugle. 

Des Moines, future capital of the state, also acquired a press 
in 1849. Barlow Granger & Co. began the Iowa Star at what 
was then called Fort Des Moines on July 26, 1849; it continued 
for over half a century. Two short-lived papers, the Fort Des 
Moines Gazette, published by Lampson P. Sherman, and the 
Iowa State Journal, published by Peter Myers & Co., were be- 
gun in 1850 and 1851 respectively, but when Fort Des Moines 
became simply Des Moines and the capital of the state, there 
was only one paper being issued there. This was the Iowa Citi- 
zen, begun in February, 1856, by Thomas H. Sypherd. It is 
continued today as the Des Moines Register. The Iowa Star, 
then the Iowa Statesman, was being published across the river 
in East Des Moines during 1856 and 1857, but in the latter year 
it was returned to its original place of publication. 

The only other Iowa town to have a press before 1850 was 
Mount Pleasant, in the southeastern part of the state. D. M. 
Kelsey began the Iowa Freeman there in 1849. Samuel Luke 
Howe became editor in 1850, and the paper was changed to the 
Iowa True Democrat, being suspended in 1852. It was followed 
by the Mount Pleasant Observer, established by G. G. Galloway 
in 1856. 

During the first fourteen years of Iowa's printing history the 
press and all that it signified clung rather tenaciously to settle- 
ments on the Mississippi River, and particularly to the south- 
eastern part of the state, below Davenport. The removal of the 
seat of government to Iowa City and later to Des Moines com- 
pelled the press to move inland, and the Mormon migrations 
brought it to Council Bluffs. In Iowa, as elsewhere in new com- 
munities, the press, through the pioneer newspapers, contributed 
to moulding a new state. Aside from newspapers, the Iowa press 
of the early years was concerned almost exclusively with utili- 
tarian matters. Communications were so far developed that for 
the cultural products of the press the population of pioneer Iowa 
could call on the more developed publishing centers to the east 
of them for what was required. 



Aldeich, Chaei.e8. "Journalism of Northwest Iowa,'' Akkals op 
Iowa, Third Scr., Vol. XIII, 1928, pp. 509-28. 

Babcock, Wiixoughby M., Jr. **The Goodhue Press,*' Mlnnstota His- 
tory Bulletin, Vol. Ill, 1920, pp. 291-94. 

Council Bluff i Nonpareil, Oolden Annwertary, September 2, 1906, 
sec. 8, pp. 18-20. 

Davenport Democrat. Ualf-Century Edition, October 22, 1905, sec. 
1, pp. 1-8. 

FiTZPATBJCK, Thomas Jeffebson. **Bibliography of the Iowa Terri- 
torial Documents,*' Iowa Journal of Hiitory and PolUiet, Vol. V, 1907, 
pp. 234-69. 

McMuBTRiE, Douglas C. Early Printing in Wiscontin, Seattle, 1931. 


The First Printing at Council Bluffs," Annals of Iowa, Third Ser., 
Vol. XVIII, 1931, pp. 3-11. 


Two Early Issues of the Council Bluffs Press," Anxals or Iowa, 
Third Ser., Vol. XVIII, 1931, pp. 83-86. (Also reprinted, Chicago, 1932.) 

MoTT, David C. *'£arly Iowa Newspapers; a contribution toward a 
bibliography of the newspapers established in Iowa before the Civil 
War," Annals of Iowa, Third Ser., Vol. XVI, 1928, pp. 161-233. 

Ottumwa Courier, Diamond Jubilee Edition. August 4, 1923. 

Parish, John C. "Perils of a Pioneer Editor,'* The PaJimpteit 
(Journal of the State Historical Society of Iowa), Vol. II, 1921, pp. 

"Three Men and a Press," The Palimpsest (Journal of the State 

Historical Society of Iowa), Vol. I, 1920, pp. 66-60. (Reprinted in 
"Newspapers of South Dakota," South Dakota Ilistorical Collections, 
Vol. XI, 1922, pp. 412-15.) 

Scott, Frankijn William. Newspapers and Periodicals of Illinois, 
1S14-J879. Springfield, 1910. 

Springkr, John. Memorandum Relating to the Early Press of Iowa 
at Iowa City and Dubuque. Iowa City, 1880. 

Stkele, Lavinia. Check List of Public Documents of the State of 
Iowa. Des Moines, 1904. 

WiLKiE, Frank Bangs. Davenport Past and Present. Davenport, 

The most important single source on Iowa printing history is 
undoubtedly Mott's detailed study of the early newspapers. This 
is supplemented by Fitzpatrick's fine Biblography of the Iowa 
Territorial Documents, which is based in part on the work of 
Miss Steele. Mr. Parish's two articles give interesting side 
lights on the history of the press. 


The Annals during its existence has published several diaries 
of Union soldiers^ but none that dealt so nearly exclusively on 
life in Confederate prisons^ nor revealed so vividly the feeling^ 
of those who suffered at the hands of their captors^ as this one 
of Lieutenant Luther Washington Jackson here presented. This 
diary in its original form was recently sent to this department 
by the author's niece. Miss Emily Seamans of Wauwatosa, Wis- 
consin. It came to Miss Seamans from her aunt, Mrs. Margaret 
(Hitchcock) Jackson, the widow of Lieutenant Jackson. As 
Lieutenant and Mrs. Jackson had no descendants. Miss Seamans 
thought it appropriate that the original should repose with the 
Historical, Memorial and Art Department of Iowa, as further 
intimate history of one of Iowa's noted Civil War regiments. 

We have obtained but little information concerning Lieutenant 
Jackson except that his marriage with Margaret Hitchcock oc- 
curred April 2, 1846, supposedly at West Troy (now Water- 
vliet). New York, and that their home for years was at Geneva, 
New York. It is thought they removed to Dubuque not many 
years before the Civil War. Lieutenant Jackson was thirty-nine 
years old at his enlistment, and gave his residence as Dubuque, 
and nativity New York. We have not found what his vocation 
was, but his diary, written in a good legible hand, and frequent- 
ly containing literary allusions, gives evidence of a good edu- 

He was appointed second lieutenant of Company H, Twelfth 
Iowa Infantry, November 5, 1861, and was mustered the same 
day. On November 28 they left by train for Benton Barracks, 
St. Louis, Missouri, where they remained in instruction and drill 
until January 27, 1862, less than two months. They were then 
hurried to the front, and February 15 were in action at Fort 
Donelson. They remained there until March 12. They were 
conveyed by steamboat to Pittsburg Landing, which they reached 
March 21. On April 6, a little over four months after they left 
home, they were suddenly in the midst of one of the hardest 
fought battles of the war. Owing to the absence of both the 
captain and the first lieutenant, the command of the company 


devolved on Lieutenant Jackson. Now let him tell the story. 
We have followed his writing, even as to his style of capitals 
{ind punctuation. — Editor. 

Sunrfny, /IprU 6, I86S. Pittsburgh Landing Tenn (Shiloih) About 
% after 7 this morning we heard a fierce cannonading and heavy rolling 
of musketry, the enemy under Beauregard Bragg Harder & Polk had 
attacked us in force^-60,000. We marched out & fell in with the 2nd, 
7 & 14th Iowa vets & marched to a position about 2 miles out. the 
enemy had got 1 mile or IV, miles inside of our lines, we took our 
position — which we were ordered to hold — in sight of the enemy, at 
about 11 o'clock A. M. the 4th I.ousiana were discovered by myself, & 
T Clendenen & Chas Collins Co E advancing through the brush, our 
boys lay down ready for them. They were reed with a volley which 
staggered them, our boys (the left wing) charged upon them & they 
ran, we killed & wounded several, they ran so that we could not catch 
them. I commanded our company. Capt. Playter staid in camp & Lieut 
Fishel came a few rods & ret. we maintained our position until about 

5 o'clock, when the enemy was driving in our left — we were ordered to 
fall back, & as we were falling back in good order saw the enemy driv- 
ing the 23d Missouri & 14th Iowa, we halted and fired at them, & after 
a few volleys they broke & ran. as they did that, the enemy having 
flanked us on the right, came up in our rear, those in front turned & 
we were exposed to a fire on 3 sides. Col Wood was wounded In the 
calf of his leg & through the hand. Geni Prentiss held up a white flag 
as we were surrounded by a force of 20,000 & it was impossible to cut 
out way out, and we surrendered. A Lieut took my sword It, pistol but 
promised to give them to me next morning. I haven't seen him since, 
r was detailed by Dr Lyle to take Care of Col Woods 4 was on the 
way to get some help to carry the Col olT to a safe place when Col 
Brewer who commanded the escort who guarded us to Corinth forced 
me into tlie rank.s & I saw the Col no more, we marched about 2 miles 

6 halted for the night in a corn held, a terrible thunder storm arose 
in the night but I had made a raise of a pr blankets & a coverlet, so 
Lt O'Neill & myself lay under it & kept dry. 

Miynday, April 7, 1862. At sunrise this morning wc were marched off 
(or Corinth, about 20 miles over a muddy road, we were tired but were 
put through without anything to eat & arrived at Corinth about S 
o'clock P M — ^went onto the cars for Memphis, nothing to eat, and we 
were not allowed to go to a hotel to buy our supper. It began to rain, 
rained all night, we were comfortable in the cars 

Tueiday morning, April 8. started in the morning for Memphis. 
Nothing to eat yetl we arrived at Memphis about dusk & were marched 
to a large hall (exdiange) in the "Western Hotel" about 10 o'Clock 
got some mouldy crackers & a raw ham, & a pail of cofTee. we 
It with a relish as we had had nothing to eat since Sunday 
large crowd. 


Memphis, Wednetday Morny Apr 9 186^ We arose this morning & a 
few of us went to a hotel and got our breakfast, shortly after we 
marched to the cars & started for Mobile at Memphis while in the cars 
we sang Star Spangled Banner, Red white & blue, America & other 
songs. Many a one wept in the crowd, there are many union men in 
Memphis — lots of bread, cake pies & boquets were handed into the cars 
to us. large crowds at Grenada, we ran slowly all day & lay up most 
of the night, large crowds every where. 

Thursday, Apr 10 ran all day & all night & arrived at Jackson Miss 
large crowds 

Friday Morning A pi 11, 1862 arrived at Jackson Miss and left for 
Meridian on the R. R. for Mobile & arrived at Meridian, large crowds 
cavalry &c 

Saturday Morning Apl 12 1862 arrd at Meridian, due east of Jack- 
son on the R. R. for Mobile early this morning — ^lay there a few hours 
& started for Mobile arrived at Mobile at about 11 P M & went on 
board Str James Battle for Montgomery. 

Sunday April 13, 1862 slept last night on Str James Battle we left 
Mobile at 2 P. M, ran all day & all night — splendid moonlight. 

Monday Apl I4 1862 ran all day & all night large crowds 

Tuesday Morning Apl 15, 1862 Arrived at Selma where Genl Pren- 
tiss & all the Cols, Majors & Captains left for Talladega, Ala. the 
Lieuts keeping on to Montgomery, ran on all day & all night — except 
lying to fix wheel of boat 

Wednetday Morning April 16/62 Arrived at Montgomery this Morn- 
ing & marched to a Cotton shed where we have about 200 of 12th Regt 
— 28 of Co H — lay here all day. went down town this afternoon with 
a guard, went to the river to have a swim 40 of us guarded by 200 men 

Thursday April 17 1862 Lay here all day, singing and playing eucher, 
playing ball &c Strawberries 50c qt 

Montgomery Ala Friday April 18 1862 Beautiful day. kept in close 
confinement not allowed to go to town at all. long Editorials on the 
subject, not allowed to buy a paper short of 50 cts ea. got soft bread 
today, 2y2 loaves for 21 men for 1 days rations — (no potatoes) other 
things in proportion. Moon late lay awake looking at moonlight thought 
of Home, wife — wanted to fly, but couldn't 

Saturday April 19 1862 Cotton shed — Montgomery, Alabama. Fine 
day. had to remain inside all day. rec permission to write home — open 
letter. Sent a letter to my wife, hope it will reach her. She must be 
anxious abt me. 

Sunday April 20 1862 Showery all day — rained most of the time a 
cold, chilling rain, did not attend Divine worship — very cold at night — 
an awfully dull dreary day. wished I was home with my wife pouring 
out a cup of good coffee for me — but no wife & no coffee. I hope they 
will exchange us before long. Rained at night, probably will all night 
2 weeks today since I was taken. 


Monday April SI 186i very very cold — wear blanket all day, rained 
all night last night, almost frozen, got a tin plate today, we are not pro- 
vided with plate, cup knife & fork & spoon as our prisoners are. the 
boys are building coal fires on the ground. Can't get any papers. Sky 
clear this evening — beautiful rainbow 

Tuesday April ^S 1862 Sun rose clear, cold day. boys play ball, 
pitching quoits & reading won't allow ladies to come in any more, they 
send a guard with every washerwoman, & cigar pedler — what for I 
don't know, they can't tell us anything to help us. Provost Marshal 
promised us full rations, a beautiful day. had promise of Shakespeare 

or Bryant from Rev Mr hope I will get it. boys running, 

singing, jumping playing ball &c &c nothing seems to affect their 
spirits, people bring in pamphlets, Harper, Atlantic, Eclectic, Knicker- 
bocker &c for us to read, plenty of visitors — gentlemen from Mont- 
gomery, not allowed to go out yet — all right — it may be our turn 
some day. 

Wednesday April S3 1862 Beautiful day, not allowed to go out, 
had sweet potatoes for dinner, first vegetables since I entered here we 
had to buy them, people seem afraid to allow us to talk to or see any 
of the inhabitants of this town, some say we will entice the "niggers" 
to leave. Some of the messes had strawberries today, alas ! I had no 
money & could not get any. can only get out to go to the well for water 
so we go pretty often. 

Thursday April 2J!i^ 1862 Another beautiful day. Strawberries & 
onions & sweet potatoes. I had no strawberries. Uncle Sam had no pay 
day for us before we left, so we have no funds. I wish I could see a 
good Northern paper once. Got fresh beef today, wonder if my wife 
knows where I am. Saw green peas today, weather like June in Du- 
buque, trees beautiful green, but not allowed outside to roam among the 
trees — all right — some day it will be my turn, so mote it be, rumors oi 
our being sent to Norfolk or Richmond to be exchanged. No Shakes- 
peare yet!! strawberries 30c qt. 

Friday April 25 1862 Beautiful day. built table out of plank, cloudy 
toward night — dark night double guard 

Saturday April 26 1862 Rained very hard last night. Cloudy & 
looks like rain this morning Shut down on papers again, afraid to have 
us talk to any one outside, or get any news, the aspect of things gener- 
ally don't please them I guess, so they vent their ill humor on us — all 
right — every dog has his day. rumors that New Orleans is taken. I 
hope so. not allowed out yet. 

Sunday April 27 1862 Montgomery, Ala. Cotton shed Prison Dull 
& cloudy, chilly and looks like rain. Three weeks ago today I was taken 
prisoner after a hard day's fight, the time has passed swiftly away, 
but not as pleasantly as it might. I wish I could be at liome today — 
but I cannot. I hope to be before 3 weeks more roll around, how often 
I think of home and friends now a days, how much I prize them. It so 
falls out, that that which we have, we prize not to its worth whilst we 


enjoy it, but, being lacked & lost, then we rack the value, then we see 
tlie virtue that possession would not show us while twas ours" how 
true that is. I feel today as though if I were only with my wife, I 
would never leave home again, but I know I would be in haste to join 
my regiment again. I do not wish to leave the service until this war is 
closed & the rebels conquered — they have not furnished us with a plate, 
knife & fork, spoon or cup, & not a blanket or coverlet, great of the 
Southern Confederacy — Stupendous humbug, well Sunday is over and 
I must go to bed 

Monday April £8 1862 Cloudy not so cold as yesterday, no papers. 
poor souls, do they think anything we might read would help us or 
hurt them. New Orleans is ours!! Hurrah! we did get a paper tome- 
how. Mobile will be ours before long. 3 cheers for every body. I can 
live a week on half rations cheerfully now. Uncle Sam is going it strong, 
now let us whip them at Corinth & I can stay 2 months longer patiently. 

Tuetday April 29 1862 Beautiful morning. Crust coffee as usual 
and cold pork, short of bread, the commissariat of the Southn Confed 
must be poorly supplied. *it grows small by degrees & beautifully less.*' 
wonder how much they lost at New Orleans, poor fellows, they haven't 
enough to eat now, what will they do if we take their supplies, famine 
— but they all say they will die in the ditch the last man of them. 
Pshaw ! what a nation of Braggarts, not worth lighting for — blow, brag 
and swell all the time — the most ignorant, conceited set of people on 
the face of the globe, not one in five can read or write. My Ministerial 
friend who promised Shakespeare I don't suppose dare bring it to me. 
even our good Doctor who has lived here 30 years has been forced to 
resign and his life made unbearable because they thought he had too 
much Sympathy for sick Yankees — the Heathens, it will surely come 
back to them some day, God hasten the day. 

Apl 30 1862 Montgomery Ala Julius Ward of Co II Died at Hos- 
pital today of typhoid fever. Two weeks ag) we arrived here, pretty 
hard two weeks. I wish I could hear from home, Can't get a paj)er. 
hear news that we were to be exchanged. Buell & Beauregard had made 
an arrangement to exchange prisoners, hope so. heard to night that 
Bombardment of Mobile forts had commenced, hope it is so too. Heavy 
Shower, heaviest one since we came liere. our roof is tight thank Provi- 
dence, how it does pour, they make the guards stand right out in it. 
How long before we will be on our way North mush & molasses again. 
What mushll 

Thursday May Ut 1862 May Day come around ugain & here I am 
in a cotton shed, Prisoner of War. The people are terribly afraid of 
Gun Boats, recommend the sinking of log pens filled with stones in the 
river ! ! ! asking why 3 or 500 negroes ! ! are not set at work immediate- 
ly!! why don't they go to work themselves, they arc a poor poor set. 
it rained all night last night, but this is a beautifully clear day, bright 
and cool, like our May days at home, don't hear from wife yet. I hope 
she has rec my letters, boys are all making pipes and mugs our of Clay. 


rumors of exchanging us are flying about, also that Prentiss is to be 
exchanged for Buckncr, then again that it is only the wounded who 
are to be exchanged, we ought all to be exchanged soon, but New 
Orleans is ours & Mobile will be within 10 days, they will have to move 
us from here before long. I hope when we do move, it will be to ex- 
change us. I wish our (Jovernment knew how we were treated. Sad 
day. Lieut Bliss of 2nd Michigan Battery was shot by a Guard for 
getting a canteen of milk. It wont be forgotten. He was one of the 
best fellows I ever knew, from Detroit. Murder of Lieut Bliss We will 
remember May day of 1862 as the day on which Lieut Wm Strong Bliss 
of the 2nd Mich Battery was shot down by his guard. Murdered in cold 
blood, he said "you are not going to shoot me for getting my milk are 
you?'* no response, but a shot, his blood calls for Vengeance. "Re- 
member the Murder of Bliss," let that be our War Crv. 

Friday, May 2nd 1S6^ Last night they had 2 cannon planted in 
front of our shed for fear we would take vengeance on them for the 
murder of Bliss If we only had had arms we would have done it. he 
is to be buried this morning at 9 o'clock. I pity his wife & child, a day 
or two ago he was talking to me about his wife and child now in Massa- 
chusetts, his Mess are allowed to attend his funeral, our boys have 
Sworn vengeance & will have it today we bought some sweet potatoes 
for coffee, we will try it, slice them up & brown very dark they say it 
makes good coffee, the women and children are leaving Mobile & coming 
up here, the Gun Boats will soon be here too. the report is that Genl 
Prentiss & all the officers from Selma are coming here on the way to 
Atlanta or Macon Georgia, lost my Canteen today in the same well at 
which poor Bliss got shot, will try to get it tomorrow, this has been a 
beautiful day & this evening the new moon shines out clear & bright. 

Saturday May 3 1S62 A beautiful Morning, we have been favored 
with very pleasant weather since we came here, today the people of 
Montgomery hold a meeting to be addressed by Yancey, they are in 
a scare, you ought to see the spears all around us, rich looking weapons 
they arc, not very dangerous. I wonder if they will resolve at the 
meeting to keep the gunboats from Coming here, perhaps they will, 
they are all going to die in their tracks, but I find they generally make 
so many tracks that they can't find time to die. poor folks, poor people, 
this has been a beautiful day. heard that Julius Ward was dead, died 
at the Hospital, in the list of deaths published by the Montgomery 
Advertiser, the prisoners who die are mentioned as follows 21st Yankee 
Prisoner 25 Yankee Prisoner, they wont mention the name nor send 
us anv word of their death ! How cruel & mean that is, how different 
from the treatment their prisoners get from us at Chicago, they only 
give the sick in the Hospital Coarse corn bread (meal not sifted) & 
cold water, the sick boys try to get back here, as they are better 
treated here, this people are so mean in their revenges forgetful that 
we have over 20,000 of their folks in our hands & one regiment taken 
at Island No 10 was from this place or near It. 


Sundatf May 4 1862 Prisoner of War in Cotton shed Montgomery, 
Alabama 4 weeks to day since I was taken, a very short 4 weeks after 
all. I had hoped to have been exchanged by this time, we hear rumors 
of being exchanged every day, but we do not & cannot know anything 
about it. we have had no preaching since we came here, these pious 
Secesh Ministers don't preach to prisoners, our Ministers in the North 
preach to our prisoners, also give them books &c & Uncle Sam gives 
them full rations & cups, plates, knives & forks & spoons, our day 
must surely come, even my ministerial friend who promised me a Byron 
or Shakespeare has not been in since. I suppose he dare not come, 
what a reign or terror, what a Burlesque on Freedom, thank God we 
are not afraid to talk even here, they dare not hurt us, they get beaten 
in an argument & when they blow we beat them even in that, we find 
it hard work to do that; but we are used to hard work, when they talk 
about one of their men whipping 6 of ours we offer to take 4 men right 
here in the yard & whip 12 of theirs shut the gate & no one touch them, 
but the 4 we pick, they have never yet dared to accept the challenge, 
our boys back them down every time, they can't make much out of us. 
This is a beautiful day. My wife is now in church in Chicago prayii\g 
for her husband who is in the hands of the Philistines. I hope she knows 
where I am, & is not alarmed about me. **I wish I was in Dixie" the 
boys sing that now with "empressment". I guess they are there now. 
we all seem to believe so. I shall be glad when we get out of Dixie, or 
at least be in it where our troops are. I hope Stanton, Halleck or Buell 
will hasten the day of our exchange. Just heard a Sermon from Lieut 
Winslow of 111 and a powerful prayer from Lieut Stokes of 18th Wis- 
consin, both were ministers. Bro Stokes prayed to God to crush this 
wicked rebellion and cut off all traitors from the face of the earth. 
Some "Secesh'* who were stnading by did not seem pleased, sorry, but 
they must stay away from us if they don't wish to hear from us. they 
can't shut our mouths, they certainly don't fill themselves with food, 
poor devils. I wish I was at Corinth again with our regiment, to pay 
back some of the treatment to which we have been subjected. Poor 
Julius Ward. I only heard (he died Apl 30/62 at Hospital) today that 
he was dead. I never would have known any thing about it if I hadn't 
asked the Surgeon to send me a list of the death at the Hospital, he 
fought well at Pittsburgh, his brother was shot through both legs & 
was left on the field. I saw him with a guard over him. Poor W. H. 
Collins is very sick & I fear he will not live long, how sad it is to die 
& be buried here by & among these heathen. "Yankee prisoners" are 
not buried with much ceremony, this day closes pleasantly, today I 
found my canteen which I lost in the well where Bliss was shot. I am 
glad I found it as I wished to take it home as a "Memento", beautiful 
Moon balmy air. Good night wife & now to sleep 

Monday May 5 J862 Sun rises clear. Air cool. Some of the boys 
had no breakfast this morning, the rations yesterday were too small 
the rations are "growing beautifully less", the "Confeds'' say that if 


our blockade is kept up much longer we wont get much to eat for they 
haven't much. Great confederacy they really believe that they have as 
many prisoners as we have, wont we tell the North how we have been 
treated down here — I think we will, the boys have to spend all their 
money to get enough to eat as for me, I only liad 35c when I came liere 
& I haven't had one cent for two weeks, but I get along some how on 
the rations I get. I occasionally get an extra cup of sugar or rice — 
it helps out. we don't work very hard & light food is better for us 
it is probably for that reason that we get light food, of course it is, 
Great Confederacy!!! Just got news that we were exciianged & to 
leave here this week hope it is so. W Henry Collins leaves for the Hos- 
pital to day. it is rumored that we are to go to Richmond & Norfolk 
via Macon Geo — Hurrah for home if so. I will see my wife within two 
weeks, but we can put so little confidence in what they say that we 
hardly believe the news. Our rations are reduced to 12 oz bread pr day 
of 24 hours, and half of that coarse corn bread — corn and cob ground 
together & some days a kind of black bean called here pea, which they 
feed to their cattle, our beef has an "ancient and fish like smell." we 
make our corn bread into mush when we have molasses & manage to 
eat it in that way. the Month of May promises to be an eventful month, 
today there are rumors ot fight at Corinth if so I know we will drive 
them also we must conquer in Virginia. I think the Anaconda is crush- 
ing them slowly but effectively 

Tuesday May 6th 1862 Still a prisoner, the sun rose clear, the day 
cool and calm, what a beautiful morning for u ride. I wish I had Kitty 
to take my wife a ride this morning, as I went to the well this morning 
for water I saw the houses on the high ground in Montgomery em- 
bowered in trees, it was a beautiful sight — the white houses and green 
trees — then I felt what it was to have a guard following you with a 
loaded gun ready and willing to shoot if you made a mis-step. I did 
long to take a stroll among those beautiful trees, there are many 
beautiful groves around here but we can't go to them. "Every prospect 
pleases & only man is vile" rumors .that we have whipped them at 
Corinth, but I can't believe it yet. also rumors that they have evacuated 
Corinth no knowing what is true. I have my fears that we are not 
exchanged, but they are only going to move us into Georgia because it 
is a safer place to keep us. we don't believe a word they say and I 
will only believe in an exchange when I am inside of our lines, we are 
driving them at Corinth according to their own papers beautiful moon 
again — good night wife & now to my "pallet of straw" John W Ward 
went to Hospital 

Wednesday May 7 1862 3 weeks to day since we came here Sun 
rose clear again, morning cool, ever since we have been here the days 
and early evenings have been warm but the nights and mornings cool 
& sometimes cold. Can't get any thing about Corinth. I know they are 
getting beaten there, or we would hear from it. 12 Surgeons left here 
for Corinth yesterday, showing th»t it was expected tg be a bloody 



fight. I am sure we will conquer. God can^t & wont let such a people 
as this triumph, lie all lie, from highest to lowest. Another beautiful 
day. how beautiful and green every thing is outside of these 4 brick 
walls — ^the river so silvery & calm & the banks such a living green, 
groves of pine with dark foliage is in such contrast with the Cane brake 
& Cotton wood, we only have short glimpses of such scenes, but how 
much they make us think of home — ^home, when will I see it? these 
skies are clear & this grass is green but give me old Iowa thank God 
she is Free, no ones life is in danger there for opinion's sake, how 
different here, no one dare show us the least kindness, but he is sus- 
pected & put under surveillence. No news that we are to know, but 
I know we are beating them at Corinth, their very silence shows it. 
rumors of our going tomorrow, but where? Some say to Macon Georgia, 
some say to be exchanged. I feel no confidence in any of it, but resign 
myself to fate, knowing that if I am not exchanged it will be for some 
good reason. Almost Sundown, how balmy the air is, how contented 
we all seem, loaf of bread from a friend — all right — how much I wish 
I could ramble through the groves I see from here with my wife, what 
wouldn't I give to see her. Good night. 

Thursday May 8 1862 Sun again rose clear, very warm at noon, 
what beautiful weather we are having here now. this morning a large 
body of secesh troops came up from Mobile on the way to Corinth, 
that will be a most bloody battle, if it has not been decided before this. 
nothing yet from there, last night there seemed to be a great moving 
of R R trains around us. today the guards are armed with spears, 
showing that their gruns have gone to Corinth, today we lost one man 
by death John F. Koch of Co E 12th Regt. he is the first one we have 
had die inside the Cotton Shed, & the 2nd we have lost from the Regi- 
ment since we were taken prisoners, how sad it is to see him die here, 
how mv heart bled for his friends when I looked to sec him draw his 
last breath, poor fellow, he is out of prison, he died in defense of his 
country as much as though he had been killed by the bullet at Pitts- 
burgh, peace to his ashes, the moon rises beautifully, the air is balmy 
& stars bright, after taking my usual walk around the "Cotton yard" 
so as to get up an inclination to sleep & now to bed. good night wife 
good night. 

Friday May 9 1862 weather a little chilly, sky cloudy, about 11 
o'clock I went to the river to get a swim, while there a shower came 
up, but we enjoyed it. rumors of an attack on Fort Morgan near Mo- 
bile, hope it is so. our guards almost all are armed with pikes, no 
more wheat bread to day, all coarse corn bread, awful stuff. Some 
troops arrived here from Mobile to Chattanooga & they hadn't food 
enough here for them and us too. Oh what a Confederacy ! ! boys play- 
ing cricket. I am glad to see the boys so lively, no *'Secesh" can crush 
them, how they do despise these pike men & shot gun rangers, it has 
been cloudy all day & looks as though it might rain to night. How 
anxious I nm to hear from Corinth^ but it wont do any good to feel 


anxious. I must take my evening walk. I have taken my vesper walk. 
I wisli I were going home to my spouse. Good bye wife — Good night, 
now for my pine plank & blanket. 

Saturday May 10 1862 It seems strange that none of us can hear 
from home. I wrote my wife from Memphis & from Montgomery, but 
no answer, can it be possible that she has never received either of my 
letters? if so, what must she think has become of me, how great her 
anxiety must be. I pity her. When I get to any place where a dispatch 
will reach her, my first business will be to send to her. it*s a chilly, 
cloudy day, raw and looks like rain. Are they fighting at Corinth? 
how much we long for some news from there, but no papers, some- 
times we do get one some how. he soldiers from here are all going 
down the river to obstruct the navigation so that Gun boats will not 
get up here, poor fools, the Gun boats will be here if they think it 
enough worth their while to come, they fear those Gun boats, they 
think they are some terrible monster flying the air, running over land 
& rushing through the water, it is amusing to hear the "butternuts" 
talk about them, this is the most ignorant people on the earth especial- 
ly the "Conscripts'*, all who are between the age of 18 & 35 who have 
not volunteered, they make them come in now any how. they are mov- 
ing their Cotton from here over the river, some here don't want their 
cotton burned, those who are the most anxious to burn cotton haven't 
a bale or a pound, great patriots ! ! tremendous blowers ! Some there 
are though, who are willing to burn their cotton & will do so, but they 
are few. the rest who will do it, will do it because they nre compelled 
to do so by the "Confed'* Government, there is a perfect reign of terror 
here, to be suspected of having sympathy for a prisoner, or of any 
lingering longing for the "good old times" two or three years ago, had 
better get away as soon as possible & yet when our Gun Boats come 
near it is astonishing!! how many Union Men are found! always have 
been Union Men, but didn't express their opinions, oh no!, what a set 
of liars, a most despicable people, it is rumored that at noon to day 
our gun boats will have been Bombarding Fort Morgan, Mobile bay 
48 hours, by this time they must have taken it. this has been a beauti- 
ful day the moon now is 3/4 full in the South & will pour a flood of 
light this evening, dear! dear! how I wish I could be home these 
nights, does my wife know where I am? I trust she does, it can't be 
these heathen would be so cruel as not to forward our letters home, 
this is Saturday night again and yet we are prisoners, to morrow will 
be five weeks since we were taken, how short these weeks have seemed, 
yet they have been long enough, when will our Uncle Sam exchange us? 
soon I hope or must we linger out months longer in this doleful cap- 
tivity. I wish our deliverance would come as unexpectedly as our cap- 
tivity did. we give it up & now wait patiently & listlessly until they tell 
us to get ready to go home, we don't hope any more we only wait, 
we will wait & wait & sometime we will pay these rebels for all we 
have suffered here How bright the moon is, but I must go to bed. 


it is a hard bed, but it is the best I have got, so good night wife & 
pleasant dreams — good night. 

Sunday, May 11th 1862 Five weelts ago to day I was taken pris- 
oner, it don't seem five weelcs, but it is. must five weel«s more pass 
before I can see friends again? I hope not. It is very warm & very 
bright to day. this morning I went to tlie well, how fresh & green 
everything looked, then I felt what it was to be a prisoner. If I were 
home I should be getting [ready] fur church this beautiful Sabbath 
morning. My wife is getting ready even nov.', I suppose. Dear wife, I 
wish I could be with you. I shall prize such privileges more after this. 
It don't seem like Sunday here, boys don't seem to be religiously in- 
clined to day at all. our rations are growing less every day. we can 
live on what we get, but that is about all. where will we be next Sab- 
bath, on the way home, or to a new prison, or in this one still. I don't 
wish to leave here till we are exchanged, we can't get a better place, 
airy and light & roomy, but it is confinement still, in one week we 
might be in Norfolk or Memphis. No news yet from Corinth, rumors 
of success sometimes on one side & some times on the other. "Hope 
tells us a flattering tale" may it be true, what a difference between 
this Sunday and the one five weeks ago. Then I escaped a hundred 
deaths, he was so near me several times that the wind of the bullet 
touched my ears, he was nearer me than I hope to have him ever again, 
then we were killing our fellow Creatures & they were killing us. To 
day — how different all is Calm, there is no great difference in the 
days — both alike were bright, sunny & warm, then all was action to day 
all is quiet — then I was free, to day I am a prisoner how I wish this 
week would take us home, this week is big with events Corinth will be 
lost or won this week, thousands now alive & well, will sleep their last 
sleep, heard a sermon from Rev Lieut Winslow 58 Illinois just had a 
treat — Blackberries, my friend Nickerson bought a 5 cent cup of black- 
berries, ripe at that & we two ate them up. they were delicious, fruits 
ripe early here, the Moon is almost full & looks down upon me with 
a brilliancy which I only saw at Dubuque. "Roll on silver moon", be- 
fore you fill your hours again May I be with niy dear little wife. James 
Evans went to the Hospital to day, but we mustn't leave him behind. 
& now to bed. Good night wife good night. 

Monday, May 12 1862 The Sun rose clear again this morning, it is 
cool but by noon it will be verv hot, but we are in the .shade & if there 
is anv breeze we don't feel the heat much, the day has i)assed as most 

V » I 

of the other days have in reading, dozing, playing Euchr»* &c &c. this 
evening in taking my usual vesper walk, the sweet Mj)onlight inviting 
me to enjoy it. the moon is bright but the air is misty so that she don't 
seem .so bright as my old Iowa moon. I can't get to sleej) until late in 
the night it is so light & these light nights when the mooi'. is full make 
me .so homesick, when will I see my dear wife? good night, good night. 
Tuesday May IS 1862 Sun again rose clear, weather cool until about 
10 p'clock, when it gets hot. we are glad to be under our shed, our 


rations are getting less every day. we don't get any wheat bread now. 
the Confederacy must be getting low in the provision line, another 
pleasant day, a little cloudy toward evening promising a Shower, which 
promise was not fulfilled, so it is hot & sultry yet. day passed as usual 
reading, dozing, playing Euchre &c &c. how monotonous our life is. 
we hear to day that Norfolk, Pensacola & Mobile are ours. I hope it 
is so. they are getting hemmed in pretty effectually, tried to get out 
to take a walk, but couldn't, just had a good swim in the river, water 
delightful, the Alabama has a swift current & it wouldn't take long to 
run down to Mobile. I wish I had a chance, went to the well for water, 
the cold round moon shines deeply down, how bright she is. I look & 
look & long to be at home, but I can't be, so now to my plank, good 

Wednesday, May I4, Jfi62 Four weeks ago since we entered the Cot- 
ton yard, dull, dreary four weeks, will I have to stny here four weeks 
longer? Ah! Uncle Sam! you don't do right in not having prisoners 
(Txchanged sooner. Sun again rose clear this morning, we have been 
fortunate in having such pleasant weather since we came here, had it 
been Cold & stormy I don't know what some of us would have done, 
the "Secesh" won't furnish us with any blankets, quilts or anything 
else, how some of the boys would have lived if they hadn't made pipes 
out of the clay found in digging a well inside the yard, I can't imagine, 
they sold pipes to the guards & visitors I had a lovely breakfast this 
morning a crust of bread & a cup of crust coffee, rich fare, but it is 
all they. have & yet Capt Long (Capt of the Guard) was bragging of 
their resources. Pshaw ! brag all the time & lie too. Henry L. Richard- 
son went to the Hospital & Ed Richardson went as nurse to take care 
of him. this makes 4 at the Hospital now W H Collins, John W Ward, 
James Evans H L Richardson Lieut Wayne of 3rd Iowa went to Hos- 
pital to day. Our rations are reduced to half rations, & poor at that, 
we almost starve, but we don't have to work very hard & so we live 
on it John H. Byrnes went to Hospital J as Crosby went as nurse 
Nothing from Corinth yet. beautiful weather — rather warm but pleas- 
ant. Moon full & shines out with her full brilliance, good night 

Thursday, ^fay Jo 1862 Sun rose as usual, day warm, everything 
stagnant & dull, rations decreasing every day. Molasses 2.00 gal, sugar 
85c lb. we don't get much of either you may be sure. I hope we will 
get Richmond this week & Corinth too. how dull it is here. I am get- 
ting tired of it — the same monotonous unvarying round of employ- 
ments, mostly reading & wishing to get away, the same clear sky & 
bright sun day by day, only to day there was a promise of a shower, 
which we did not get. I wish we had, it would have been a change, 
the moon is not shining yet. it is not likely to rise before 9 or 10 
o'clock, so good night. 

Friday May 16 1862 Today is "Fast day" in the "Confed." it may 
do them good to pray, but I don't think God will help them much, we 
having successes every where now. I wish we could take Richmond 


& Corinth, it might end the war. I am anxious to get home. I wish I 
could know whether my wife knows I am here or not. it makes me 
anxious all the while, the Suspense she must be in is terrible. Sun 
again clear to day. I wish it would rain, our rations are growing less 
to day we only got 11 lbs of damp com bread to last 24 Hours for 21 
men, about V2 lb apiece, pretty poor fare, but we can support life on 
it, & when we get out let our Govmt & people know all about our 
treatment here, it looks like a shower coming, here it is. how grateful 
we are for this rain, the air is so much purer for it. the day has been 
dull as usual, green peas came in today, those who had a little money 
had peas. I had none, but I looked at them, the evening comes on beau- 
tifully, the air is so pure & balmy since the shower. Nothing from 
Corinth yet. I must go to my plank good night. 

Saturday May 17 18G2 Another week almost gone. I had hoped to 
have heard of the fall of Corinth & Richmond this week, but do not. 
perhaps I will next week, I hope so. this day passed as all the rest do 
without incident & I go to bed disgusted. 

Sunday May 18 1862 Six weeks ago to day I was taken prisoner, 
the weeks roll round soon. It doesn't seem six weeks, it don't seem 
more than two. I hoped to have been exchanged before this, but we 
are still here. Our Government don't do right to leave us here to linger 
out a miserable existence when they have so many prisoners to exchange 
us for. if they care so little for us they had better disband their forces, 
we fought all day & held a position we were order to hold until ordered 
to fall back which we did, but the order came too late, we were sur- 
rounded, we fought one battle as we were falling back, we did not 
]«eep on, but halted & rescued the 23rd Missouri & 18 Wisconsin from 
destruction & drove the 8th I^ouisiana & the Mississippi Tigers back 
& then as we were going forward found that we were surrounded by 
20,000 men who came up while we were fighting, we saved the whole 
army from total rout, but we are left to starve in a Southern Cotton 
shed. I am mad to-day. I want to get out. heard a sermon to day from 
Lieut Stokes of the 18th Wisconsin, these good Southern Christians can 
preach to Heathen but they haven't preached once to us yet. we don't 
care, but it shows their Christian character in such a glorious light. 
Devils, poor Devils, this is the most insignificant people I ever hoard 
of. If I ever get out I hope to be permitted to pay them hack for all 
our indignities & discomforts. God grant that the day may come soon. 
This is a pleasant day, cool & pleasant. A shower about noon which 
cooled the air. this day has passed lazily away & it U bed time. I am 
sick & so go to bed early. Good night wife. Lieut I I Marks Co I r2th 
Iowa went to Hospital to day. 

Monday May 19 1862 Bright & beautiful day. Some of the boys 
got up a petition to the "Secesh'' asking for a Parol promising not to 
take up arms against them until exchanged, I refused to sign it. I 
wont ask any such favor of them, none of Co H signed it. it will do 
no good only give them a chance to crow over us. they can't crow over 


me in that way. I just had a pood swim in the Alabama, the water was 
delightful. Nothing from Corinth yet, nor from Richmond, they "go 
slow" truly, but I hope they may **be sure". Evening comes on mildly 
& calmly, & so I go to sleep. Good night, good night. 

Tuesday May 20 1862 Again the Sun rises Clear & the air is cool, 
will it ever be cloudy? I wish I could wake up once in a cloudy morn- 
ing, yet it is fortunate that the weather has been ?is warm as it has 
been since we came here. I guess it is best as it is. warm quiet day. 
today Secesh Sergeants came in & took a description of all the boys, 
suppose for the purpose of comparison with the rolls at Washington, 
so as to facilitate an Exchange or Parol. I hope so. the poor boys 
don't get much to eat. We may have to stay here, that is, the officers, 
but they may not. we will gladly do so if the boys can get away, to-day 
Elijah Overocker of Co F I'ith Iowa died at Hospital he was a fine boy. 
rumor that 700 prisoners are down here on a boat on the way to be 
parolled. they are said to be our Tuscaloosa boys. I mean to try to 
see them, this evening has been spent in discussing the propriety of 
accepting a "Parol" in case it is offered. I would lake it, if it were 
offered to me by the Secesh, but I would be here a year before I would 
ask them for one. what balmy evenings we have twilight does not 
linger as long here as with us. it grows dark much more suddenly after 
sundown. Good night. I must go to bed. 

Wednesday, May 21 1862 Five weeks ago today we entered this 
Cotton shed as prisoners, we are here yet. how long we will have to 
stay I don't know, perhaps two months longer, well I can bear it, but 
it does seem that Uncle Sam might spare some of those Secesh prisoners 
**up North" for us. I guess he will, the sun rose clear again this morn- 
ing we have been up every morning since we have been in here before 
sunrise to roll call, so of coarse we cant help seeing the sun rise. I will 
try to get to see the boys on the Steam boat if I can. It may be a lie, 
like every thing else they tell us. Lieuts Merrell & Nickerson went to 
Hospital to day Jas Evans retd from Hospital to day. it seems that 
our boys from Tuscaloosa are here. Some are yet on the Steamer & 
others in a large foundry on the other side of the town, in the morning 
I will try to send a note to our boys who arc there. Just had a good 
bath in the Alabama, it looks like rain. I hope we will have a shower. 
Good night. 

Thursday May 22 1862 At last a Cloudy morning. Cool & comfort- 
able, it did not rain here last night, but rained around us. it looks now 
like rain, great deal of talk about sending the boys off on Parole & 
keeping the officers here. I would be willing to stay here if the boys 
could get away home, but I hope our stay will be brief, there is a good 
deal of sickness here, the Hospital is full, it didn't rain after all. the 
sun came out about 10 o'clock & shone steadily and fervidly all day. 
the boys were called out this afternoon & their descriptive roll com- 
pared, they will probably leave before long, in fact any minute, we 
are to remain, hQW long I don't know, but not long I hope. We wont 


ask for a Parole, nothing from Corinth yet. Hal leek seems to be stead- 
ily advancing and now the Evening shades appear & I must take my 
vesper walk & retire to my pine plank couch Good night. 

Friday May 2Srd 1862 Sun again rises Clear and lovely, the morn- 
ings and Evenings here are lovely, but at mid day it is very warm, 
this afternoon it looked like rain & about 6 o'clock wc had a "powerful" 
shower, it was refreshing, this afternoon the Provost Marshal told us 
that the privates were to leave to-morrow for Atlanta en route for 
Knoxville. The Commissioned & non-Commissioned officers were to go 
to Macon Georgia on Monday or Tuesday, it will be a change. I hope 
they will let us go around Macon & take more exercise, but who knows, 
we may stay here. I am incredulous when they tell me any thing, it is 
raining & cool so I must go to bed. no news, good night. Johnny 
Ludlen takes a letter to my wife, good night, good night. 

Saturday May 24 1S62 Another Cloudy Morning, about 8 o'clock 
it rained hard, with thunder & lightning, reports of heavy skirmishing 
at Corinth, cloudy & rainy all day. boys all left to day on cars for 
Atlanta to be paroled, the Lieutenants, Sergeants & Corporals left 
behind to go on Monday. Ed Richardson, H Richardson John W Ward, 
Jas S Crosby I H Byrnes came from the Hospital but too late to have 
their descriptive roll made & so have to wait to go with us. I hope the 
boys will have a pleasant time & tight cars as it rains now. Dow & 
Elwell — vs T Clendenin ha ha! all right, how lonely it seems without 
the boys, over 500 left to night, rainy & cold — good night. 

Sunday May 25 1862 Seven weeks ago since we were taken pris- 
oners, cloudy, dull chilly day, lonely too, for we miss the boys, we had 
our "descriptions" taken yesterday afternoon, perhaps they mean to 
parole us at Atlanta or Macon, perhaps Exchange us, as Senator Wil- 
son has offered a bill in our Congress to allow of Exchanges. So the 
Provost Marshal told me. we expect preaching to day from Lieut 
Winslow 58 111. Seven weeks ! ! well it don't seem so long, they have 
flown rapidly. How long Uncle Sam? how long must we stay? not an- 
other seven weeks I hope. My dear wife is in church to day probably 
praying for her captive Husband if she knows whether he is alive or 
not. when will [we] see a peaceful Sabbath that I can spend in church? 
Lieut Winslow did preach a good Sermon & after dinner we were all 
formed in 2 ranks & roll called to see if they had the descriptive list 
of all. there were about 200 Commissioned & Non-Coinmissioned officers, 
we hear that the Cols, Majors & Captains who were sent to Talladega 
& then to Selma are here on a boat, if so they will go when we do. 
about 350 Commissioned & non-Commissioned officers, with us about 550 
officers & Non-Commissioned do, they say!! that parole will be offered 
us & if we refuse we can stay in prison in Georgia, if ofered to me I 
think I will take it. this has been a dull, cloudy, chilly day, lonely be- 
cause the boys are gone, it seems as though we had met with a sad loss, 
they were so lively & gay. Miss Eliza Tooley, Mrs Tooley & Mrs 
Firden sent me peas & biscuit, dull, cloudy, chilly, gloomy day & 


evening threatening rain, they say we will leave here to-morrow even- 
ing at 6 o*clock. hope so, anything for a change. Good bye, wife, good 
night, and now to bed. 

Monday May 26th 186S cloudy & chilly, at last I am gratified by 
seeing some cloudy mornings. I am satisfied, give me clear ones while 
I remain South. I had permission to go to the Hospital this morning to 
see Lieuts Merrell, Wayne, Marks & Nickerson. I must see how they 
are. I have just been to the Hospital. Wayne & Nickerson will prob- 
ably go with us to-morrow morning. Just as I was going in to the Hos- 
pital, the Provost Marshal gave me two letters from my dear wife. 
How glad I was, what a surprise! the only letters that have come from 
the North to prisoners, it was quite an event, every body wished to 
hear from the North. I was glad to hear that my wife knew where I 
was. now I am contented, how great must have been her anxiety, the 
boys of the 12th flatter me. I was glad to hetir that my baggage had gone 
home. Capt Playter was very kind to do it, but I knew he would do so. 
I hope I will see my wife soon. The Provost Marshal says that he has 
no doubt that there will be an exchange made before long my visit to 
the Hospital has done me a heap of good. Lieut Wm Hall Montgomery 
lent mc $2.00 May 26/62 IJeut Marks is sick, very sick & will have to 
be left behind. I wrote to his wife to-day, enclosed to my wife for her 
to forward. Merrell cannot go with us either, we hear now that we 
wont go to-morrow morning so good night. I am so glad to hear from 
my wife. 

Tuetday, May !37 1862 This morning is one of che most charming 
ones I ever saw, bright & cool, how I would like to take a buggy ride 
out by Stewart's with my wife, we are here after all. we may go to- 
night & we may not. I shall wait now till we go. The privates went 
this morning, those that were left behind from the Hospital, all of Co 
H excepting the Sergeants, & Corporals are gone now. our folks will 
now hear from us soon (Tom Clendenin is here all right — Dorr) J. B. 
D. is within our lines by this time. I wish I could get another letter I 
wrote by hand of Mr Van Meter to my wife. I hope she will get it soon 
& it will relieve her. Imagine my surprise to day about noon to see 
Dick Verdenbergh & Capt Haw of "Curtis' Horse" who told me that 
he was captured May 6 at Paris Ky. he says Maj Shaffer was killed 
also Lieut Wheeler, of Dubuque, he informed me that Frank Goodrich 
& Frank Doyle were killed on the fight at Shiloh Monday, sorry to hear 
it. Dick looks natural Geo Edwards went back on account of a head 
ache & so escaped, the papers speak highly of Tith Regt several of 
Belmont prisoners came here Capt Crabb & Adjt Bowler of 7th Iowa 
are here just came from Tuscaloosa. I think they must intend to 
parol or exchange us from concentrating so many here, the Genls, 
Cols, Majors & Captains are expected up from Selma every hour, all 
to go to Macon, so they say. it seems barbarous to take civilians. Union 
men prisoners. We have about 30 just from Tuscaloosa, taken from 
East Tennessee. Soldiers expect such things, but to arrest peaceable 


union men &: condemn them to a weary confinement is wrong, our Govt 
ought to take all prominent **Secesh'* in the South & send them North. 
Just heard from Nutting, Ben Clark saw him at Tuscaloosa & another 
man Myre in the Hospital saw him in the Hospital at Tuscaloosa, he 
said that he lay all night under a log Sunday night & in the morning 
followed the Secesh, who were running away from him, because he says 
he was afraid our folks would shoot him & if they didn't shoot him 
they would run over him, so he followed the Secesh off. Ben Clark 
tried every way to hear something of him, but cannot. 1 think he is 
dead, died at Tuscaloosa, what a fool he was. Good night, now to bed. 

Wednesday May 28/6fS Six weeks to day since I arrived in this 
Cotton shed, it has passed "wondrous quick.'* we expect to leave 
here to day for Macon, they lie so that I don't much believe we will, 
now we hear that we will start Friday morning 6 o'clock how it will 
be I don't know. "What do youns come down here to fight weuns for?" 
they all talk just like niggers, this has been a beautiful day. I have 
been listening to Bob Hilton's account of his escape from Tuscaloosa 
& re-capture, it was rich. Bob & several others came here hand cuffed, 
but he had a key & unlocked them after he got in here, all right. I hope 
our boys are within our lines by this time. Good night good night, now 
to bed. 

Thursday May 29 1862 Another beautiful morning, had boiled eggs 
this morning for breakfast. Dick Vendenbcrgh, Capt Haw & Adjt 
Boler of 7th Iowa Duncan & self hot them. last night I sat up till 19 
oclock listening to Judge Meek's account of their persecutions & suffer- 
ings in East Tennessee. James Evans went to Hospital today. Judge 
Meek was a member of the Tenn Legislature from near Knoxville. 
their sufferings were terrible, our Government ought to take prominent 
Secesh in the cities they take & send them north. Judge Meek was ar- 
rested & demanded a hearing but never could find out what charges 
they tiad against him. he & some 20 more are here political prisoners, 
the Secesh burn property, take Horses, cattle &c from Union men, 
turn their women & children out of doors, shoot down the men without 
the least provocation, what a terrible retribution is due them. I hope 
it will be paid, we owe them a little ourselves for what they have made 
us suffer, our day will come some time never mind, just heard from 
the Hospital that Lieut L. H. Merrell of Co B 12th Iowa died tliis 
morning & that Lieut I. I. Marks of Co I 12th Regt died this after- 
noon, both typhoid fever. How sad it is. I am so glad I went to see 
them the other day. they say we must go to Macon to-morrow morning 

5 o'clock, we had to send Jim Evans to the Hospital to d«y, also David 
Moreland was detailed as nurse at the Hospital. I sent down his shirt 

6 Drawers by a Guard. Poor Nickerson we had to leave him, Nicker- 
son, Jim Evans & Dick Moreland left behind at the Hospital. Poor 
R F Nutting died on the boat coming roud from Tuscaloosa to Mont- 
gomery, he died about the 20th of May /62 & was buried on the river 
banl&. we f^o to-morrow morning & we are all getting ready. 


Friday May SO 1862 We are oflf for Macon, left about 7 A. M. saw 
ripe plums, blkberries & blk raspberries, also moss covering the trees 
on the road, the soil is wretched, red sand, hardly raises corn. Some 
large corn fields. How little of the land is cleared. I thought I should 
see a cultivated state but the most of it is covered with underbrush, 
the capitol & the town look beautifully in the distance, it is a charming 
day. we are put in regular "nigger Cars" all right — all right, we pass 
through forests of pine, beech, maple &c &c so green & so cool looking 
we have a long ride before us, for they don't rush cars tiirough as we 
do in our country. Reached Auburn about 60 miles from Montgomery 
at 3 o'clock. 60 miles in 8 hours ! the wheat, oat & rye crop is very 
poor so poor that in Iowa it would be ploughed under, no farmer think- 
ing it worth while to cut it, it wouldn't pay. at Auburn they have a 
fine Seminary, but on an exposed situation, without trees it looks so 
bare, but it is a fine large brick building. Auburn is a pleasant rambling 
place, every place is full of Conscripts, their families must suffer, we 
rode through some beautiful woods of noble oaks pines, maple & beech. 
The pine groves are fragrant & it is a very pleasant fragrance too, but 
the soil is very very poor, corn looks poor, not V4 of a crop as a gen- 
eral thing, all their crops seem to be a failure except Ihe crop of 
"butternuts' & Grey backs not to forget body guardtt. the Conscript 
act raises everv one in the countrv between 15 & 4'5, all have to come 
or be shot, this is a very warm day, but our cars are pretty open so 
we don't suffer much, we arrived at Columbus about ^2 P^*^* 7PM 
95 miles in 12 hours!! we changed cars, exchange very much for the 
better, we shook off the dust of Alabama from our shoes the meanest 
people in the world are Alabamians. the boys who were at Tuscaloosa 
& Cahaba all complain of their hard treatment, as soon as we got into 
Georgia we noticed the difference in the people. 

Saturday May 31 lSf)i^ we arrived at Macon about Vg past 7 in the 
morning, we stood in the hot sun a long time by orders of Capt Troy 
for whom there is a hot place below, finally we marched to the Fair 
ground a beauty place, we stood a long time in the hot sun. 1 was 
seized with a severe headache which added to my d -used me up for 
the day. What a change this is from the old Cotton shed ! beautiful 
groves for us to lie around in & wander through, the people of Macon 
are very kind & good to prisoners, preaching every Sunday, things 
sent in &c &c. how different from the people of Montgomery what a 
poor set the Alabamians are I have been sick all day & have not been 
able to enjoy the groves &c, but I can see others doing so. this after- 
noon I took some opium to check my d but took too much for it 

checked it too suddenly & I suffered a most excruHating pain in the 
bowels which lasted about an hour after which 1 felt much better, & 
went to sleep, we found Charley Sumbards & the Non Commd oflScers 
of Cos I & G which we left at Memphis they all complain of treatment 
&c in Alabama, but here they have been well cared for. the citizens 
donate pants, shoes &c to those boys who needed them & if a man dies 


4 are allowed to go to the grave with him & a funeral sermon preached. 
How different from Montgomery. There you couldn't find out who died 
& if an o£5cer died he was hurried in the ground & no one could see 
him at all. I am down on all Alabamians. 

Sunday June 1, 1862 Eight weeks to day since I was taken, what 
a beautiful day this is & what a beautiful place to spend it in, groves, 
springs and buildings, everything comfortable a very pleasant change 

from Montgomery I am still suffering from d . I lie still all the 

time, hoping to be better soon. 

(Lieut. E. F. Jackson died at Macon, Georgia, Monday, June 9, 1862, 
at 10 A. M. The longed for exchange papers jmd promotion papers ar- 
rived at the prison a day or two after his death. — Editor.) 


St. Louis, Missouri, Aug. 23, 1820. — Appeared in town on 
Saturday, 19th, Col. Morgan, Captain Kearney and Captain 
Pentland of the United States Army. These gentlemen, together 
with Captain Magee, left the Council Blutfs^ about six weeks 
ago and went to the Falls of St. Anthony. They describe the 
country between the Bluffs and the Falls as eminently beautiful, 
the prairies predominating, but covered with grass and weeds, 
indicating a rich soil, the face of the country undulating, the 
streams of water clear and rapid, and occasionally lakes of living 
water of several miles circumference, embosomed in groves of 
timber and edged with grass, and presenting the most delightful 
appearance. They saw immense herds of buffaloes and elks, some- 
times several thousand in a gang. . . . They confirm the accounts 
of the fine gardens and crops at the Council Bluffs. Mr. Calhoun 
deserved well of the country for having instituted this system of 
cropping and gardening. It adds to the health, comfort and 
cheerfulness of the men, and gives a certain sustenance to these 
remote posts. — Boston Weekly Messenger, Boston, Mass., Sep- 
tember 28, 1820. (In the Newspaper Division of the Historical, 
Memorial and Art Department of Iowa.) 

1 Later called Fort Calhoun, on the west side of the Missouri River and some 
ten miles north of the present city of Omaha. — Editor. 


By H. E. Perkins 

The first settlement in the eastern part of Ringgold County 
to reach the distinction of being called a town^ was named 
Athens^ the same as the township in which it was situated. It 
was also called Athens Center. And at some time during the 
life of the settlement it was nicknamed New Chicago. This 
name, it is said, was given to it by one of its citizens who had 
formerly lived near Chicago, Illinois. On January 13, 1873, the 
post office in the Merritt settlement which was known as Cross, 
was discontinued, and on July 16 of the same year it was re- 
established under the same name at New Chicago, with Fred A. 
Brown as postmaster. Certainly the place was well supplied 
with names, whatever else it may have lacked. In after years, 
the name by which it was most familiarly known was its nick- 
name. New Chicago. 

The buildings were on both sides of the road running east and 
west between the southeast quarter of Section 11, and the north- 
east quarter of Section 14, and just east of the road which ran 
north and south near the middle of Section 11, in Athens Town- 
ship. It was a mile and a half west of the Decatur County line. 
There were no fences on either side of the road, and in fact, it 
was only occasionally that a fence was to be found anywhere 
in that part of the country. 

The town was situated on a high, gently rolling prairie, cov- 
ered with a luxuriant growth of native prairie grass and the fa- 
mous blue grass of southern Iowa, while a beautiful and fertile 
farming region reached around it in every direction as far as the 
eye could see. It had its greatest growth in 1875, and was at 
its best from that year until 1879. During these years it was 
made up as follows: John Miller, farm home; F. A. Brown, 
post office; George I. Maxfield, farm home; C. S. Palmer, resi- 
dence; Bud Noble, general store; John Hartnagle, blacksmith 
shop; Dr. L. P. Thayer, physician; F. S. Rhodes, general store; 
Mrs. Margaret Scott, residence; Capt. T. E. Scott, shoe shop; 
Camp Brothers, physicians and drug store. The nearest railroad 


point was Leon^ twenty miles to the northeast^ and as there was 
no other town for a considerable distance in any direction. New 
Chicago became an excellent trading center for the rapidly in- 
creasing number of settlers who were coming in to occupy this 
fertile land in the eastern part of Ringgold and western part of 
Decatur counties. Most of the merchandise for the stores was 
brought overland from Leon, to which place the railroad had 
been built in 1871. Prior to that time the nearest railroad point 
was Ottumwa, and hogs and cattle were often driven to that 
place to market. 

In the immediate vicinity of New Chicago, one of the first 
settlers was John Miller, who came here from Illinois in 1865, 
and bought 120 acres of land on the east side of Section 11. 
Near the southwest corner of the place was a small plank cabin 
into which Mr. Miller and his family moved. They began at 
once to improve the place, and had been doing a general farming 
and stock raising business for several years before anything was 
done toward locating a town in that vicinity. Will Hale, who 
was born February 1, 1875, in the old Miller home, was probably 
the first child born in New Chicago. He was a son of John Hale, 
who was Mrs. Miller's son by a former marriage. 

In the fall of 1868, Mr. and Mrs. Frederick A. Brown and 
Mr. and Mrs. John M. Guild and their families came in covered 
wagons from near Atalissa, Muscatine County, Iowa. Both oxen 
and horses were used to haul the loads. Upon their arrival in 
Ringgold County they rented a place south of Lesanville where 
they made their home during the winter. The next few months 
after their arrival here were spent in looking over the land in 
this part of the county with a view to buying farms and making 
homes for themselves and their families. There were seven chil- 
dren in the family of Mr. and Mrs. F. A. Brown, as follows: 
Edward, Elizabeth (Mrs. W. M. Meroney), William K., Mary 
(Mrs. C. S. Palmer), Albert M., Robert Lewis, and Ilattie. In 
the family of Mr. and Mrs. John M. Guild there were six chil- 
dren, as follows: S. H., David L., Charles, William, Flora, and 

On November 8, 1866, David J. Jones and wife sold the north- 
east quarter of Section 14-68-28 to William II. Galloway, and 
about a year later Mr. Galloway sold 70 acres oS the west side 


of the quarter to his son, William A. Galloway. The Galloway 
family consisted of Mr. and Mrs. William H. Galloway and their 
two sons, William A. and John Tilford Galloway. They built 
two log cabins on the north end of the farm, one of them near 
the northwest corner and the other one about forty rods east 
of it. The east building was a little larger than the west one. 
It had a clapboard roof and was occupied by the Galloway 
family. It was this farm that Mr. Brown and the Guild family 
decided to buy. Mr. Brown bought sixty-nine acres off the west 
side of the quarter on February 13, 1868. On February 25, S. 
H. Guild bought forty-one acres and on August 29, of the same 
year, John M. Guild bought fifty acres off the east side of the 
quarter. After selling out, Mr. Galloway moved to what was 
later known as the W. H. Gray farm northwest of New Chicago. 
Being a shoemaker, he worked at his trade as well as farmed 
for several years, and finally moved to Oregon. John Tilford 
Galloway married Sarah Merritt, a daughter of Mr. and Mrs. 
Daniel Merritt. 

Mr. Guild and his family remained here until about 1872, and 
then returned to Muscatine County. Some time later George I. 
Maxfield bought several acres of land where the east log cabin 
stood. He was a single man when he came here, but about 1873 
he married a young lady by the name of Miss Robinson, whose 
home was in the Happy Hollow neighborhood southeast of Tus- 
keego, and they began housekeeping in the log cabin which had 
formerly been the home of the Guild family. 

In the spring of 1869, Mr. Brown and his family moved into 
their new, two-room log cabin, which was on the northwest 
corner of the farm. The unfinished attic or "loft" was used as 
a bedroom for the children, and as there was no stairway to the 
upper room as provided in the houses of the present day, access 
to it was gained by means of a ladder. The cabin had a clap- 
board roof. There was no fireplace, but stoves were used for 
heating and cooking purposes. In this building the Brown fam- 
ily spent their first years in New Chicago. Some time later a 
frame dwelling house was erected on the same site, taking the 
place of the less commodious log cabin, which had served its 
purpose so well as long as it was used. Soon after coming here, 
Mr. Brown planted a quantity of maple seed, and in a few years 


had a beautiful maple grove around his house. Shortly after 
Mr. Brown bought the farm, he took his family down to see 
their new home. Their daughter Elizabeth, who was then in her 
"teens,** was a very interested observer of everything about the 
place. However, she was not familiar with log cabins, especially 
those in an uncompleted state. So after looking around for some 
time and seeing the two log cabins which at that time had not 
been roofed, she asked her father if those buildings were corn 
cribs. She was somewhat surprised when informed that they 
were dwelling houses and that one of them would soon be her 

In 1873, when the post office was moved over from Merritt 
Station, three and one-half miles to the southwest, where it had 
been established in 1856 with William J. Merritt as postmaster, 
F. A. Brown was appointed the first postmaster of the new town 
for the reason that there was no one else in the neighborhood 
who would accept the position. He did not want the job, but 
took it simply because he felt it to be his duty. During the 
summer of 1876, a Mr. Gill, who had been carrying the mail on 
the star route through this section of the country for two years, 
decided to retire from the business, and Mr. Brown's son, Lew, 
was appointed carrier to fill the vacancy. The route was from 
Mount Avr to Decatur Citv, a distance of thirtv miles. A one- 
way trip was made each day over the route, for which the carrier 
received a salary of $1'00 per year. Going cast after reaching 
the Decatur County line, the star route over which the mail was 
carried, went in a northeasterly direction, crossing Grand River 
about three miles west of Decatur City, at Talley's Mill, where 
there was a ford. This was a good crossing during the greater 
part of the year. But often in the spring, when all the streams 
became swollen due to the heavv rains, the ford could not be 
used, and the river was crossed at the Woodmansee bridge. This 
was known as the north route. 

The next arrivals in the new town were C. S. Palmer, his 
brother Arch, and their mother. Their home originally was in 
Ohio. From that state they emigrated to Durant, Cedar County, 
Iowa, where they made their home for some time. From the 
latter place they came to Ringgold County about the year 1870, 
and decided to locate in New Chicago. A lot was secured about 


fifteen rods east of the post office, where they built a frame resi- 
dence and made their home. C. S. Palmer, familiarly known as 
Claud, soon became one of the influential men of the community. 
Being genial, industrious and well educated, his talents were 
always in demand. He farmed, clerked in the stores, and taught 
school, continuing in the latter profession most of the time until 
he was elected county recorder of Ringgold County, in 1894. A 
few years after coming here he married F. A. Brown's daughter, 
Mary. Arch Palmer, after a short stay here, returned to his old 
home in Cedar County. His mother continued to make her home 
in Ringgold County, and died about six miles south of Mount 
Ayr some years later. 

According to the most reliable information obtainable at the 
present time, it seems that the first business house to be erected 
in the new town, was a one-story frame store building about 
16x24 feet in size. It was built in the fall of 1875 by Bud Noble, 
who had just arrived with his son James. The building was lo- 
cated on the north side of the road, about two rods west of John 
Miller's farm home. As soon as it was completed, Mr. Noble put 
in a stock of goods and at once engaged in the mercantile busi- 
ness. While the stock of goods was not large, it was soon found to 
be a great convenience to the people of the neighborhood, who up 
to that time were obliged to go many miles over the hilly roads 
to do their trading. The store had a good patronage from the 
very beginning, some of the customers coming many miles to 
trade here ; and farmers coming to get their mail could exchange 
their butter, eggs, poultry, etc., for supplies at the store. Mr. 
Noble continued in business here until the fall of 1879. 

In the fall of 1875, soon after Bud Noble's building was put 
up, John Hartnagle came from Naperville, near Chicago, Illi- 
nois, and built a blacksmith shop a few rods west of the Noble 
store. Having come from near Chicago, he is credited with hav- 
ing given the town its nickname. New Chicago. Mr. Hartnagle 
boarded at the liome of John Miller while engaged in business 
here. The shop was sixteen feet wide, twenty-five feet long, and 
was equipped for doing a general blacksmith and woodworking 
business. In 1878 J. F. Scott went into the shop to learn the 
trade and continued working for the proprietor as long as he 
remained in New Chicago, and for about three years after the 



shop was moved to Kellerton. John Burgess also worked here. 
In the fall of 1879^ the shop was moved to Kellerton and placed 
on Lot 17, Block 17, just west of the alley. Some time later J. 
F. Scott became the owner of the building, which he was still 
using as a blacksmith shop in 1931. Mr. Hartnagle continued 
in the blacksmithing business in Kellerton for a number of years, 
and finally moved to Decatur County. He was married to Miss 
Lois Green, a daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Miles Green. They 
were the parents of four children: Ruth, who married L. G. 
Clum of I^moni, and had one daughter; Tena, who married Dr. 
£. Shaffer of Delta, Colorado, and had one daughter; Addie H., 
who died about the first of May, 1 905, at the age of twelve years ; 
and Chester H., who was born in Kellerton in 1893, married 
Miss Elsie Ferrand of Des Moines, and since 1919 has been 
manager of the Chamberlain Hotel in Des Moines. John Hart- 
nagle, who had been living in Decatur County for a number of 
years, died the last of April, 1905, at Leon, Iowa, and was 
buried in the Catholic Cemetery at Woodland. 

Dr. L. P. Thayer was the first physician to come to New 
Chicago, and immediately showed his faith in the new town by 
erecting a store building. It was located just east of George 
Maxfield's residence on the south side of the road, and in it the 
doctor had his office. The building was a story and a lialf high 
and had a square front similar to most of the business houses of 
that day. A window over the front door admitted light to the 
room upstairs. When F. S. Rhodes came about 1875, he rented 
the store building of the doctor and put in a stock of goods. He 
had been a captain in the Confederate Army and came from 
some place in the South, bringing with him what he called a 
bankrupt stock of goods, and began selling them at auction. 
Business proved to be good and Mr. Rhodes added more goods 
to his stock from time to time, and continued in the mercantile 
business here until the fall of 1879. His stock consisted of dry 
goods, groceries, hardware, and in fact everything usually kept 
in a general country store of that day. 

The Thayer building was moved to Kellerton in 1879 or 1880 
and placed on Lot 8, Block 14, facing Decatur Street. It was 
later sold to Joe Euritt, who used it as a residence. In 1901 it 
was moved away to make room for the Ringgold County Savings 


Bank. The Kellerton Globe of April 25, 1901, says: "The work- 
men began digging the drain and excavating for the foundation of 
the new bank building the first of the week. Joe Euritt moved 
his building into the street several days ago, and yesterday 
Shaner & Davenport hitched their engine to part of it and 
hauled it across the track, which attracted considerable atten- 
tion." Mr. Rhodes built the first store in Kellerton, in 1879. 
It was a large, two-story building twenty feet wide and one hun- 
dred feet long, at the corner of Decatur and Fifth streets, where 
he continued in business for several vears. He went from here 
to Argona, Kansas, then to Little Rock, Arkansas, and finally 
to Oklahoma City, Oklahoma. He married Capt. T. E. Scott's 
daughter, Mrs. Al Cole. While Mr. Rhodes was running the 
store at New Chicago he lost a $20 gold piece in the yard. Al- 
though a thorough search was made he was unable to find it. 
In 1920 it was plowed up by Ivan Daniels, who was farming 
the land that year. 

JVIrs. Margaret Scott, daughter of Captain and Mrs. T. E. 
Scott came here in 1876, and built a two-room dwelling 14x22 
feet in size about five rods west of John Ilartnagle's blacksmith 
shop, the lumber having been hauled from I^eon. With Mrs. Scott 
were her five children: Jack F., Andrew, Roberta (Mrs. R. L. 
Brown), Harry, and Joe, all of whom made their home with her 
until the fall of 1879, when the house was moved to Kellerton 
and placed on Lot 3, Block 16, on the west side of Ringgold 
Street. Mrs. Scott was born February 10, 1837, at Clarksville, 
Ohio, and died at her home in Kellerton, May 8, 1910. At the 
time this was written in 1931, the original building was still 
being used as the residence of her son, Joe Scott. The old 
building even at this time was in a good state of repair and 
appeared to be good for many more years of use. 

Among the early residents of Athens Township were Captain 
and Mrs. Thomas E. Scott and their four married children: 
Joseph L., John A., Margaret (Mrs. James Scott), and Ruth 
(Mrs. Al Cole, who was later married to F. S. Rhodes). James 
Scott, who married Margaret, was not related to the other Scotts. 
Captain Scott and his wife at one time lived in Ohio and Indi- 
ana, going from there to Miami County, Kansas, before locating 
in Iowa, During the Civil War he was a member of Co. A, 116th 


Indiana Volunteers. He was a member of William McDonald 
Post, No. 435, G. A. R., at Kellerton. In the spring of 1875, 
Mrs. Scott and her son John A. Scott, arrived from Kansas and 
stopped at the home of M. V. Davis, with whom they were ac- 
quainted, on the southwest quarter of Section 20, Athens Town- 
ship. In July of the same year Captain Scott arrived, accom- 
panied by the other three children and their families. Shortly 
after his arrival here, Captain Scott and his wife moved to a 
farm in Sections 21 and 28, which belonged to their daughter, 
Mrs. Al Cole. Mr. Cole was a railroad man and had been invest- 
ing his money in Ringgold County farm land. 

In 1877, Captain Scott built a shop about 12x10 feet in size 
on the north side of the road about fifteen rods east of the corner 
in New Chicago, where he worked at his trade of making and 
repairing boots and shoes, and did a flourishing business as long 
as the town remained. While Captain Scott's family continued 
to live on the farm after he built his shop in New Chicago, he 
was prepared to "keep bach" at his shop, and often did so for 
several days at a time rather than make the trip from the farm 
to the shop every day. 

In the fall of 1879, Captain Scott moved to Kellerton, where 
he built a small, two-room frame house one story Iiigh on the 
east side of Ringgold Street, Lot 16, Block 17. Here he con- 
tinued to make and repair boots and shoes as he had been doing 
in New Chicago for several years. He was the first mayor of 
Kellerton, having been appointed to that oflSce at the time the 
town was incorporated in January, 1882, and served until the 
first regular election, which was held the following March. He 
also held the office of justice of the peace for many years. Being 
a strong advocate of temperance and a man of deep religious 
convictions, he gave freely of his time and talent to these causes, 
and cheerfully responded whenever called upon to deliver a tem- 
perance lecture or preach a sermon, not only in Kellerton but in 
the country school houses for miles around. For many years he 
was a member of the Methodist church, but in later life became 
a Universalist. During the latter part of June, 1894, he became 
too feeble to live alone, and was taken to the home of his son, 
J. L. Scott, on the opposite side of the street, where his long and 
active life came to a close July 12, 1894. The building which 


had been his home, office and shop since 1879, and is well re- 
membered by many of the older citizens on account of its having 
been painted red, was entirely destroyed by fire on April 1, 
1904, as was also the livery barn just north of it. Mrs. Scott 
died May 1, 1879, while they were making their home on the 
farm south of town. Both are buried in Egly Cemetery. 

Dr. Matt (Americus) Camp came here and erected a two- 
story frame building on the south side of the road opposite John 
Miller's house, in 1875. A short time later he was joined by his 
brother. Dr. Marsh (Marshall) Camp. Their former home had 
been in Waj'-ne County, Iowa. They attended the State Univer- 
sity at Iowa City, and both graduated from the Medical De- 
partment of that institution before locating in New Chicago. A 
stock of drugs was put in and they did a thriving business, as 
there was no other drug store in this part of the country, and 
the two brothers were associated together in business for a num- 
ber of years. While in New Chicago they were joined by their 
sisters, Carrie, Laura (Mrs. R. Emerson), Delia, Ida, and Flora 
(Mrs. John Manning). Camp Brothers not only built up a good 
business in the drug line, but by their pleasant and accommodat- 
ing manner as well as skill in the practice of their profession, 
soon had a lucrative practice. They remained here until 1880, 
when the store building was removed to Kellerton and placed on 
the northeast corner of Block 17, and facing Decatur Street. 
Some vears later it was moved farther south in the same block 
to make room for another building, and was later destroyed by 
£re. Dr. Marsh Camp was born December 28, 1835, and mar- 
ried Miss Arabella Hays, May 23, 1880. They were the parents 
of two children, Cora and Carroll. Mrs. Camp died March 9, 
1897. On September 5, 1898, he married Miss Harriet A. 
Shields, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. J. S. Shields, of Decatur 
County, Iowa. He died at his home in Decatur City, Iowa, Au- 
gust 14, 1914. Dr. A. Camp was born January 4, 1850, in Pike 
County, Illinois, and came to Iowa when quite young. He was 
killed in an automobile accident three or four miles northeast of 
Kellerton, December 17, 1916. He was not married. Doctors 
Marsh and Matt Camp are both buried in Kellerton Cemetery. 

In the early days of New Chicago and for some time before 
the settlement was started, there was no schoolhouse in that 


part of the county. But that did not cause the pioneers to neg- 
lect the education of their children^ and for several years school 
was held in the home in John Scott^ one mile east of the corner, 
and later at the home of Frederick Beck, a half mile south of 
Mr. Scott's. 

In August, 1870, lumber was hauled from Leon and a small, 
one-room schoolhouse about 20x24 feet in size was built three- 
quarters of a mile east of the corner on the south side of the 
road, and was called the Scott schoolhouse. The seats were of 
the homemade variety, having been constructed by the carpenter 
who built the schoolhouse. There was a row of seats next to the 
walls, while others were arranged back of the stove, which was 
near the center of the room. There were usually about thirty 
pupils in the school. The building was about twenty rods west 
of the creek. In this building the people of the community 
gathered for preaching services, Sunday school, spelling school, 
literary society, and all kinds of public meetings. It was a busy 
place during the life of New Chicago. 

Among the teachers who presided over the school up to 1879, 
were the following: Miss Harriet Tipton, whose home was 
southwest of Tuskeego, and who taught about 1866; Mrs. Lizzie 
Faulkner, of the Wions neighborhood; Miss Lucinda Scott, a 
sister of John Scott; Miss Flora Guild, a daughter of John M. 
Guild; Albert Beard, Arthur L. Lesan» and George M. Lesan, 
of Lesanville ; Miss Tina Moffitt, who later married Rev. Charles 
Watson; Miss Estella Hatch; Miss Laura Camp, who married 
Richard Emerson; John Drake and Fid French. In 1876 the 
Scott schoolhouse was moved to the present site of the school 
known as Cornstalk College, in District No. 6. 

During the summer months, Sunday school was held in the 
schoolhouse. It was usually well attended, not only by the resi- 
dents of the community, but also by some who came from a con- 
siderable distance. John M. Guild and John Scott were the 
superintendents. The former was an exhorter and often ex- 
pounded the scripture to the people on Sundays when there was 
no other preaching service. While the preaching services were 
not regular, the Rev. Charles Watson, of Decatur City, came oc- 
casionally and preached to the people, and now and then an itin- 
erant preacher would occupy the pulpit. The services were gencr- 


ally well attended. Rev. Charles Watson married Miss Tina 
Moffitt, one of New Chicago's school teachers, and it is reported 
that he died in Missouri about 1896. Occasionally some of the 
boys failed to go into the schoolhouse when Sunday school was 
called and a special program would be given out doors, which 
was not altogether appropriate for Sunday and had no connec- 
tion with the lesson of the day. On one occasion a McDowell 
boy accused Bill Brown of having said something derogatory to 
his, McDowell's, character. Brown denied the accusation, and 
immediately an attempt was made to settle the question with 
their fists. As soon as the fight got well under way^ John Hig- 
gins jumped into the ring to help McDowell. This angered £d 
Brown, who immediately took part in the fracas by pounding 
Higgins in order to help his brother. Bill Brown. A furious fight 
ensued, and the longer they fought the farther away seemed the 
settlement. Finally, when Bill Foster, a powerful, raw-boned 
six footer, weighing about 200 pounds, thinking the fight had 
gone far enough, stepped into the ring and stopped the battle. 
The next morning the sheriff came over and arrested the boys 
and took them to Mount Ayr, where they were tried and fined 
$20 each. The strange part of it was that Bill Foster, the peace- 
maker, who risked getting beat up himself by going in and 
stopping the fight, was fined $20, the same as the boys who did 
the fighting. 

Early in the history of the settlement, a literary society was 
organized, and meetings were held at the schoolhouse every 
Thursday evening during the winter. The country being sparse- 
ly settled, and gatherings of this kind where the people could 
get together for social and intellectual improvement being few 
and far between, the meetings of the literary society drew the 
people from the surrounding country for miles around. Neither 
the raging storms which often covered the ground with snow to 
a depth of several feet, nor the icy winds which swept with 
terrific force across the bleak prairies of southern Iowa, seemed 
to be able to chill the enthusiasm of the members of the society 
or their guests, and it was very seldom that the house was not 
£lled to capacity on the nights when the meetings were held. 
The debates waxed warm at times and many questions were 
discussed and settled during the years that the settlement 


flourished. In after years^ many of those who took part in these 
discussions were called to fill positions of honor and distinction 
in business and professional life in widely separated sections of 
our country. 

While New Chicago was not large^ there were a good many 
young people of both sexes living here or within a short dis- 
tance of the settlement. The principal sport of the boys was 
playing baseball^ their diamond being located a few rods north- 
west of John Hartnagle's blacksmith shop. Naturally, a great 
deal of time was spent in playing, as there was very little else 
to do in the way of sport. The boys were husky young pioneers. 
They were full of life, and since there were few other amuse- 
ments to occupy their time they became very proficient in their 
favorite game, and during the season a great many match games 
were played on the home field as well as in the surrounding 
country. The name of the team was the Chicago White Sox. 
Among those who played in the team were the following: Bill 
Brown, Barney Stingley, Frank Higgins, Jack Scott, Andy Scott, 
Lew Brown, Lyman Stingley, Tom Higgins, Truman Green, 
Perry Davenport, and several others whose names could not be 
recalled. On one occasion the Chicago White Sox challenged 
the Rough and Readys, whose home field was about six miles 
southwest of New Chicago, and the game was played on neutral 
ground near the home of the latter nine. The weight of the 
White Sox boys ranged from 115 to 135 pounds, while that of 
the Rough and Readys was from 175 to 190 pounds. Soon after 
the game was called a drizzling rain set in and continued all 
afternoon. Needless to say, the game also continued — for three 
hours or more. At the end of the ninth inning the score stood 
42 to 41 in favor of the Rough and Readys, according to the 
report of the scorekeeper. Of course the White Sox felt some- 
what disheartened when notified of their defeat. But a little 
later when they figured up the score themselves and found that 
the scorekeeper had made a mistake and that in reality it had 
been a tie game, 42 to 42, their spirits improved and it was a 
very cheerful bunch of boys by the time they reached New Chi- 
cago that night. 

New Chicago, with its post office, stores, blacksmith shop, etc., 
was a convenient meeting place for the settlers in this part of 


the country, and judging from the amount of business done here^ 
it was thoroughly appreciated by all. For several years it was 
the center of business and social life for this locality — a place 
where the incoming settlers from various parts of the country 
could meet, become acquainted, and discuss the questions of the 
day. As there were no telegraph and telephone lines at this time 
and newspapers were not very plentiful, about the only way the 
people had of spreading the news was to meet in town and swap 
stories. The preaching services, spelling schools, husking bees, 
quilting parties, literaries, and other similar events, were wel- 
come occasions, and the bonds of friendship drew the people of 
the neighborhood closer together each year. But when the rail- 
road was extended from Leon to Mount Ayr in the fall of 1879, 
and the new town of Kellerton was laid out one mile to the north 
with the railroad running through the center of it from east to 
west, there was no further use for the post office at New Chi- 
cago, and both the Cross post office and star route were im- 
mediately discontinued. Some of the buildings were moved bod- 
ily while others were torn down and rebuilt in Kellerton. F. A. 
Brown and his family were among the first to move, and he was 
appointed the first postmaster of Kellerton on November 24, 
1879, his commission being signed by D. M. Key, Postmaster 


The Iowa Sun and Davenport and Rock Island News is the 
name of a new paper published on Iowa Territory. Boy, put the 
Iowa Sun down on our exchange list. We exchange with all the 
Suns — The New York Sun, the Baltimore Sun, the Cincinnati 
Sun, the Iowa Sun, and the London Sun; and all these Suns ex- 
change with the New Orleans Sun, which is our Sun, and which, 
like all other Suns is a good son. Success to you all, my sons. — 
[Davenport] loxva Sun, (In the Newspaper Division of the 
Historical, Memorial and Art Department of Iowa.) 



By Philip D. Jordan 

On the morning of July 24, 1846, James G. Edwards,^ editor 
of the Burlington Hawk-Eye, second oldest newspaper in Iowa, 
gave notice in his paper that James M. Broad well had purchased 
an interest in the Hawk-Eye and hereafter would be known as 
the junior editor. This new associate of Edwards' published his 
declaration of policy above the senior partner's announcement, 
and so began a financial alliance which had had its roots in Jack- 
sonville, Illinois, many years earlier. Mr. Edwards, in his notice 
of the new editorial and financial arrangement, wrote that he 
had "known him [Broadwell] from his youth up," and that he 
had "served a faithful apprentice of seven years in this office, 
and is fully competent to discharge all the duties that will de- 
volve on him as sharer in our responsibilities."^ 

Edwards had good reason to understand Broad well's capabili- 
ties thoroughly, for the two had lived together as if they were 
blood kin and had known all the tribulations of printing a Whig 
newspaper, thoroughly imbued with temperance and Congrega- 
tionalism, in a series of frontier communities possessing no ex- 
cess of polish or culture. Despite this close and apparently 
congenial relationship, Edwards had rarely spoken in print of 
Broadwell, so that little has been known of the career and an- 
cestry of this newspaper printer and editorial writer who labored 
and worked in Illinois and Iowa during the period from 1837 

iThis genealogical note has been made possible only through the cooperation 
of the Genealogical Division of the New York Public Library; Mr. Paul M. 
Angle, of the Illinois State HistoricJiI Society: my good friend, Mr. Frank J. 
Heinl, of Jacksonville, Illinois; Dr. J. O. Ames, acting-president of Illinois 
College; and members of the Broadwell family, among them. Miss Hattle 
Broadwell, of San Francisco, Mrs. William B. Shaw, of Chandlerville, Illinois, 
and Mrs. Anna B. Davidson, of Merion, Pennsylvania. Mrs. Davidson gener- 
ously placed the results of many years research at my disposal and for tins I 
am, indeed, grateful. I am also indebted to my friend and colleague. Dr. 
Charles M. Thomas, for many suggestions and for much pertinent advice. 

'•Fid. Journai of the Ulinovt State Jlistoricai Society. Vol. XXI II, No. 3, 
October 1930, for Jordan's "The Life and Work of James Gardiner Kdwards." 
Also reprinted as a separate. The pagination hereafter used will refer to the 

3/6id., pp. Sl-82. 


to 1851. Until now James Madison Broadwell has been more 
or less a shadowy figure^ appearing only now and again in news- 
paper history, and remembered by Burlington residents, in the 
main, only as an old man with a plaid shawl wrapped about his 

James Madison Broadwell possessed an interesting back- 
ground, although it seems reasonable to suppose that he knew 
less of his ancestry than is now well embalmed in a series of 
historical and genealogical studies dealing with the Morse and 
Lindsley families in America. He was born near the mouth of 
the Illinois River, in Calhoun County, on June 27, 1821, and 
was one of triplets, all boys and all named for presidents of the 
United States — James Madison, George Washington, and 
Thomas Jefferson. These were the first three children who issued 
from Baxter Broadwell and Mary Lindsley. Baxter Broadwell, 
descended from the Puritans of New England and the blue Pres- 
byterians of New Jersey, was born at Morristown, New Jersey, 
in the year 1788, served in the War of 1812, taught school in 
or near Cincinnati for some six years, and then married, at 
Mount Carmel, in 1817, Mary Lindsley, descended from the 
famous New England family of that name. She was a native 
of Morristown and preserved the legend of General Washington 
taking communion in the old Presbyterian church there, during 
the heavy winter of 1779-80, only after he had been assured by 
the pastor that the table was the "Lord's table," and not a Pres- 
byterian table.* After their marriage, Baxter and Mary Broad- 
well started westward, living among the pioneers of the Little 
Miami valley for a time, and in 1818, the year of Illinois' en- 
trance into the Union, arriving in Calhoun County. The trip 
had been made by keel boat which was then the popular mode 
of traveling. One story has it that they stopped somewhere 
along the Ohio and their three sons were born, but the evidence 
leads me to believe it more reasonable that the boys were born 
in Calhoun County sometime after the journey westward by 
water had been completed. However, the actual place of birth 

^From the obituary, February 24, 1892, appearing in the Burlinffton Hawk- 
Eye, and undoubtedly written by Dr. William Suiter. 


is a moot point, and later it may be established more precisely 
where the triplets were born. Broad well himself seemed to think 
his place of birth was Calhoun County. From this county, Bax- 
ter and Mary, with their children, moved to Morgan County 
where the father secured a large farm near Morgan City. His 
death occurred in the year 1833, and Mrs. Broadwell died in 
1837.^ Immediately upon the death of his mother, James M. 
Broadwell was bound in apprenticeship to James G. Edwards, 
then editor of the Illinois Patriot, at Jacksonville. 

Edwards, inspired by the tales of a missionary from the 
West* and wishing to become independent, had left Boston, 
where he had been engaged in the printing concern of Wells and 
Lilly, to establish this newspaper at Jacksonville. His sheet, 
devoted to the interests of the Whig party, to religion, and to 
temperance, was attractive apparently neither to the citizens nor 
to the printers who set type for him. The citizens gave the paper 
so little support that Edwards was willing to sell it, in the spring 
of 1838, to Josiah M. Lucas; the printers quit because they were 
given too many articles on temperance to put into type. Ed- 
wards writes a pathetic account of these troubles. An appren- 
tice, bound to him for seven years, must not have been unwel- 
come to this editor harassed by pecuniary difficulties and by 
labor troubles. Broadwell was about sixteen years old when he 
began work for the not altogether flourishing Edwards. Broad- 
well probably received much of his typographic knowledge at a 
case presided over by Mrs. Edwards, for we have records that 
she did much of this kind of work, being a fairly skilled type- 
setter. Broadwell, after the failure of the Illinois Patriot, moved 
with Edwards to Fort Madison and, as a seventeen-year-old boy, 
assisted in printing the Fort Madison Patriot, the first number 
of which was pulled on March 24, 1838. During this time he 
was making his home with the Edwards* and went with them to 
Burlington where, on December 13, 1838, was issued the Bur- 
lington Patriot, the immediate demise of which is only too well 
known to the genealogist of the Burlington Uawk-Eye, Then 

sMrs. Shaw, in her outline, difTers us to these dates, but I believe the ones 
here set down are correct, 
ojordan, op. cit., pp. 9-10. 


came another attempt to found a successful newspaper. The 
Iowa Patriot appeared on June 6, 1839, issued from a two-story 
frame house which stood at the corner of Washington and Water 
streets, Burlington. Here Mrs. Edwards, George Paul, George 
Edwards, a brother of James and once a property owner of 
Burlington, and Broadwell set the type.^ The press was run by 
Williamson, an Irishman. At this time Broadwell was about 
eighteen years of age and apparently had had no formal educa- 
tion whatsoever. The print shop had been his only school. Ed- 
wards' luck was changing and he was able to continue his paper, 
eventually altering its title to the Burlington Hawk-Eye. In the 
year 1844, at the expiration of his seven years of apprenticeship, 
Broadwell entered Illinois College at Jacksonville.^ He was a 
member of the same class as Dr. G. R. Henry, of whom Dr. 
Irving Cutter, dean of Northwestern University Medical School, 
has written such an interesting and informative sketch.' Return- 
ing to Burlington in 1845, Broadwell, finding Edwards in need 
of money and faced with a loss of editorial prestige, arranged for 
the business alliance indicated at the beginning of this article. 
This relationship continued until June, 1851, the year of Ed- 
wards' death. The paper then passed into other hands. On No- 
vember 16, 1853, Broadwell, then about thirty-two years of age, 
married Edwards' widow. Mrs. Broadwell lived until July 13, 
1886, and James M. Broadwell until February 23, 1892, when 
he died at St. Francis Hospital in Burlington. His funeral 
sermon was preached by Dr. William Salter, pastor of the Con- 
gregational church and a friend of Broadwell 's since 1843. 

Broadwell was descended from two interesting and well-known 
families in America, the Lindsleys^ and the Morses, as well as 
the Broadwell strain. 

Anthony Morse,*" a shoemaker, whose date of birth is un- 

Tlbid., pp. 22-28. 

SExtract from letter of Dr. Ames to Mrs. Shaw (Septeml)er IS, 1M2): 
**. . . permit me to say that our records show that Mr. James M. Broadwell 
was a student at Illinois Colleifre in the year 1844-45, and that he died sometime 
in the early 90*s." Two brothers of Broadwell, George Washington Bro.idwell 
and Norman M. Broadwell, also attended this college. 

uAIso spelled Lindley and Lindsly, but all spellings refer to the same family. 

i<'Spooner, Walter W. (ed.). Historic Families of America. New York, 1907, 
Vol. I, p. 860; and Caldwell, Lucy Morse, A Chapter in the Genealogy of the 
Morse Family, New York, 1981, p. 5. 


known^ emigrated from Marlborough, England, on the ship 
'* James/' which sailed April 5, 1635. He was made a freeman of 
the Colony of Massachusetts on May 25, 1636. His home was in 
Newbury where he died, October 12, 1686, and was buried. His 
will is on file at Salem. His son, Robert Morse,*^ "Taylour," 
probably was born in England, but his date of coming to Amer- 
ica is uncertain. It seems that he first settled in Boston (prob- 
ably before 1644, although there is a difference of opinion here), 
and then in Newbury, and finally, in 1667 moved to Elizabeth- 
town, New Jersey. He had taken the oath of allegiance on Feb- 
ruary 19, 1665. Sometime in the year 1654, he had taken Ann 
Lewis for his second wife. He, together with his brother and 
seventy -six other gentlemen, constituted the "Elizabethtown 
Associates," an organization formed under authority by Indian 
deed and a patent, granted in 1664, by Governor Richard 
Nicholls, of New York and New Jersey. This association claimed 
500 acres between the Passaic and Raritan rivers. On Septem- 
ber 26, 1681, he gave the deed for a tract of land on the Eliza- 
beth River to his son-in-law, William Broadwell,^* who had mar- 
ried his daughter, Mary Morse, born in Newbury, September 
19, 1659. 

This marriage occurred August 25, 1677. She was his second 
wife. By occupation Broadwell was a cordwainer, nn owner of 
148 acres of land near Elizabethtown, purchased October 30, 
1678, as well as other lands. His sawmill was one of the land- 
marks of the day. He died early in 1689, and his estate was 
valued at £67.9.1. From this William and Marv there issued 
William Broadwell (1682-1746), who was buried in the Presby- 
terian churchyard at Elizabethtown. This William Broadwell 

married Jane and from them issued William Broadwell 

(b. } — d. ?y^* who married Mary Hand, a probabl'j descendant 

iiMorae, Rev. Abner, Memorial of the Morses. Boston, \H5Q, p. 13.5; nlso, 
Morse. J. Howard, and Leavitt, Emily W., Morse Genealogy, p. b\ also, Lord, 
Henry Dutch, Memorial of the Family o/ Morse. Boston, 1M96. p. 42. 

i^Vid. Hatfleld, Rev. Edwin F.. history of Elizabeth, A'. J. New York, IhOM, 
pp. S5X-3S. 

i2>The dates of the birth and death of this William Broadwell are uncertain, 
but the proof of thia relatlonahip la found in the following? citations kindly com- 
piled by Edirar R. Harlan, curator of the Historical, Memorial and Art Depart- 
ment of Iowa: 

**Jo8iah Broadwell was born July 14, 1793, in Morris County, N. J. His 
father, Simeon Broadwell, was a brother to Moses Broadwell, represented in 
this book. A COUSIN to Moses and Simeon — Baxtes Broadwell — was the father 


from the Hands of Southampton, Long Island. This Broadwell 
served in the Revolution, but there does not seem to be much 
further information. From this William and Mary there issued 
Baxter Broadwell, the father of James Madison Broadwell. 

Baxter, as before indicated, had married Mary Lindsley, a 
descendant of Francis Lindsley,^' brother of John Lindsley,^* 
who came to America about 1645, and who died in Guilford, 
Connecticut, about 1689. Francis Lindsley was born in 1600, 
came to America in 1650, settled in Newark in 1666, and died 
in the year 1704. It seems incredible that he should have lived 
to the age of 104 years, but the records do indicate this longev- 
ity. His son was John Lindsley," born in Newark in the year 
1668 and died October 27, 1749. He wedded Elizabeth Freeman 
Ford sometime prior to 1742. He was a fence viewer of Morris- 
town, New Jersey, in the years 1696-97, was constable in 1700, 
and an overseer of the poor in 1716. He may have had a wife 

of Judge Norman M. Broadwell, of Springrfleld . . ." — San{famon County, III., 
by Powers, p. 142. 

"Moses Broadwell was born November 14, 1704, near Elizabethtown, N. J. 
Jane Broadwell was born February 6, 1767, in the same neighborhood, and was 
Moses* second cousin. They were married November 5, 1788 . . ." — Powers' 
Sangamon Co., III., p. 142. 

Will of Josiah Broadwell, in which he mentions sons, Simeon and Moses: 
"1774, Jan. 4. Broadwell, Josiah, at Morrlstown, Morris Co.; will of. Wife, 
Sarah, 50 pounds out of personal estate, and the use of my plantation, and the 
interest of such part of my estate as I give to my daughters, Chloe and Esther, 
till they are 18. Sons, Hezekiah, Samuel and Simeon, plantation where I live. 
Sons, Moses and Jacob, 100 pounds each, when they are 21. My forge may be 
sold. Daughter, Mary. 10 pounds. Daugliters, Chloe and Esther, 50 pounds eidi. 
Executors — friend, Capt. Samuel Mills, Timothy Mills. Jr., Ezekial Cheever. 
Proved Feb. 2, 1774. Lib. L, p. 102" — New Jersey Colonial Documents, 1st 
series, v. 84, p. 60. 

Baxter Broadwell's parents were William and Mary Hand Broadwell. And 
since Baxter was a cousin to Moses and Simeon, sons of Josiah Broadwell, 
Willinm Broadwell and Josiah Broadwell were brothers. 

Will of William Broadwell in which he mentions his sons, William and 
Josiah: "1745, May 9. Broadwell, William, of Elizabeth Town, Essex Co.; 
will of. Wife, Jane, plantation at Connecticut Farms. Sons — Josiah, Wiluam 
and Henry, all under age. Daughters — Mary Darling, Susannah Day, Jane, Ann, 
and Hester Broadwell, last three under age. Snw mill on and near Pissaick 
lliver in Essex and Morris Counties; land in Morris Co.; land in Elizabeth 
Town, Joining lands of Benjamin Trotter. Nath'll Bonnell, Peter Willcock, John 
Magee, Jonathan Allen and John Chandler. Executors — sons Josiah and Wil- 
liam. Witnesses — Jeremiah Ludlam, WMlliam Jones, John Pierson. Proved 
March 29, 1745. Lib. D, p. 372" — New Jersey Colonial Documents, 1st series, 
vol. 80. p. 62. (Note — date at beginning of will is later than date when proved.) 

iSThe best treatment of the Lindsley family Ls to be found in Lindly, John 
M., History of the Lindley Family in America. Winfleld, Iowa, 1925, Vols. I 
and IL 

^*Ibid., Vol. I is devoted to John Lindsley and bis descendants. 

16/feid., Vol. II, p. 189 et seq. 


previous to his marriage to Elizabeth Ford. However, there 
issued from this John and Elizabeth a son, Daniel Lindsley/^ 
bom in Morristown in the year 1700 and dying August 14, 1777. 
He was an elder in the Presbyterian church of Morristown as 
early as July 5, 1754. In the year 1769 it is recorded that he 
gave £3 to further the endowment of the College of New Jersey. 
In 1740 he was one of the two surveyors of the highways. In 
1733 he was married to Grace Kitchell who died September 12, 
1777, aged sixty-eight years and six months. The bill of mor- 
tality gives the cause of both deaths as dysentery. 

From this Daniel and Grace there issued Joseph Lindsley," 
born in Morristown on June 7, 1736, and dying on October 8, 
1822. Joseph was one of the leading men in Morris County, 
New Jersey, a major of the militia and a captain of engineers 
in the Revolutionary War, an elder in the First Presbyterian 
church, a head carpenter, and a powder maker. In the opinion 
of some students his eyesight was impaired in an accident oc- 
curring in Ford's powder mill, a mill erected between May 11 
and June 10, 1776, and credited with making much of the 
powder used in the Revolution. It is known that the provincial 
government loaned Colonel Ford, the owner of the mill, £2,000, 
without interest, to help defray the building expenses. Lindsley 
was wedded to Mary Gardiner, of Morristown, on November 1, 
1781. She was born in the year 1750 and died April 4, 1828. 
From this Joseph and Mary there issued Mary Lindsley, born 
February 20, 1789, the wife of Baxter Broadwell and the mother 
of James Madison Broadwell. 

It is unfortunate that the Broadwell genealogy cannot be 
worked out more completely, but the information we do possess 
gives us a fair knowledge of James Madison Broadwell's an- 
cestry; at least, this sketch may serve as an introductory note 
for a more intensive and exhaustive examination than I have 
been able to make. Of one thing we now are certain — this asso- 

J«/6td., Vol. I. pp. 71; 101-2. 
I' Ibid., Vol. I. pp. 18S-200. 



ciate of Edwards' is no longer a newspaper editor whose back- 
ground has not been worked out to some degree. 
Long Island University. 

Morse-Broadwell-Lindsley Chart 

Anthony Morse m. 

d. 1686 

Robert Morse m. (2) Ann Lewis 

m. 1654 

William Broadwell m 
d. 1689 


Mary Morse 
b. 1659 

William Broadwell m. Jane 


Samuel m. 1775 Mary Lindsley 
Simeon m. 1778 Rachel Lindsley 
Moses b. 1764 m. Jane Broadwell (2) 

Josiah w. dated 1774 m. Sarah J cousin dau. of a Wm. B. 







William m. 




John Lindsley m. Elizabeth Ford 

Daniel Lindsley m. Grace Kitchell 
1700-1777 d. 1777 



Baxter Broadwell 

1788-1833 \ 

married Mary Lindsley dau. of Joseph Lindsley m. Mary Gardiner 
1789-1837 1736-18-22 1750-1828 

James Madison Broadwell 

Chart outlined by Mrs. Bertha Baker, Librarian Historical Library. 


By Elizabeth Nennio 

Peter John Nennig is a well known pioneer and former trader. 
During the eighty-seven years of his life he has crossed the At- 
lantic Ocean five times, attended the World's Fair in Chicago, 
met Father De Smet, S. J., apostle of the Flathead Indians, in 
Europe, and visited with members of the deputation who accom- 
panied the missionary from St. Louis to Montana a half cen- 
tury ago. 

L^ncle Peter is an interesting story teller, despite his eighty- 
seven years. But to get him to talk you must let him tell it in 
the Luxemburg language, "the only one good for stories," he 
claims. However, if you discuss business affairs, he is all Eng- 
lish. His prayerbook is German, and if he talks to Dad about 
things he wishes to keep private he uses French. 

When I asked him one dav what he wanted me to remember 
most, he said: "Stick to your religion whatever your tribula- 
tions. Never omit your daily prayers no matter what difficulties 
you have. Everybody has his share of trouble and no one escapes 
a certain amount. And don't let yourself be persuaded against 
your better judgment. Nor let yourself be unduly influenced by 
others. Too many good people have lost their life's savings by 
trusting glib tongued swindlers and promoters of this and that." 

This born philosopher was quite active in his days. He was 
a trader, a dealet in poultry. With his team he made the rounds 
of the farms in Key West, LaMotte, Garryowen and Bernard, 
and, of course, the Dubuque market. He was employed on 
Mississippi steamers; was a baker for four years; farmed in 
Dubuque County, in South Dakota and in Canada; drove a team 
of horses to the Black Hills, South Dakota ; attended the World's 
Fair in Chicago; was with the P'latheads on the Indian Reser- 
vation in Montana, and made a trip to Florida. He told me he 
went as far south as the railroad would take him, to Fort Meyer, 
Florida, and as far north as the railroad went, to Prince Albert, 
Saskatchewan, Canada. 

That is not all. In the last fifty-seven years he crossed the 


Atlantic Ocean five times, in 1873, 1876, 1878, and twice in 
1892. His curiosity ever urged him on to visit new places and 
see new things, *'a bad habit," he said with a twinkle in his eyes, 
referring to the proverbial rolling stone that gathers no moss. 

He is a great reader and remembers history. What I write as 
his amanuensis, is only part of what he told me. Permit me to 
place the narrative in the first person. Now Uncle Peter is 

I was born on the Buchholz farm near Syren, a village in Luxem- 
burg, Europe, on January 1, 1845, and was baptised Peter John. That 
was the year before Iowa became a state. My father was Nicholas 
Nennig, and my mother was Mary Catherine Sadler of Duedelange, 
Luxemburg. Father was born across the frontier in 1770 and worked 
on French farms in the days when Robespierre was feeding nobility 
and priests to the guillotine, turning France topsy turvy. Seldom did 
he see a priest and then only in disguise, he told me. Finally father 
married and settled in Wies, across the I^uxemburg border. He became 
an innkeeper. During the wars of 1810-15, when the armies of Napoleon 
traversed the country, he was mayor of Mondorf, today a city well 
patronized on account of its medicinal springs. Father was kept busy 
making accommodations for the soldiery, but he got along well because 
he spoke both French and German. 

One oi these soldiers who passed through Mondorf on h:s way to 
Russia was Mr. Polret of Oetrange who later became the father-in-law 
of one of my brothers. This Poiret was one of an army of 400,000 who 
marched to Russia to return defeated and discouraged, just 40,000 
strong. What an ending! Polret's saddle pistols, dated 1810, served in 
the bloody task to cover the retreat over the Bereslna, a Russian river. 
They remained in the Polret-Lorang family, and were brought to Du- 
buque In 1922, when my nephew visited in Luxemburg. 

In 1820 father bought the Buchholz farm, which formed part of the 
property of the Abbey of St. Maximin at Treves, in ancient days. 
Father had ten children and died at the age of cighty-two. In his 
younger days he kept school in his home, teaching older boys French. 
He was a lover of trees, planted the hills of the farm with firs, ever- 
greens, and In his old days was proud of his mighty forest. The Buch- 
holz farm is also known for Its variety of splendid cherry trees, fifty 
feet and higher. [I saw these trees with my own eyes In 1920 when I 
was over there. — E. N.] 

My first job was sheepherding. We had a hundred head. I preferred 
this work to books, but my younger brother was a regular bookworm. 
He died In his young days, a professor of languages at the University 
of Liege, Belgium. 

From 1867 to 1873 I was custodian at the seminary in Luxemburg. 
Among other important people I had the good fortune to meet Father 


Peter De Smet, S. J., who lectured on the Flathead and Sioux Indians 
in America; also Father Kauder, a native of Luxemburg, who had been 
a missionary among the Montana Indians. 

Why did I come to America? Why did so many people of the grand 
duchy come to the United States? It was not because of religious 
troubles, nor was it on account of wars. We emigrated because of eco- 
nomic conditions, which were decidedly unfavorable in Luxemburg in 
those days. 

The years after the German-Franco War ushered in an era of over- 
production and were followed by years of deflation, bank failures, bad 
crops, and general unemployment. For these reasons close to 8,000 
people emigrated from Luxemburg to the United States from 1870 to 
1880. And from 1830 to 1870 some 15,000 had found a new home in this 
country. They wrote to their kin in the old country, praising land and 
people in the states of New York, Ohio, Kansas, Illinois, Wisconsin, 
Minnesota, but especially Iowa. News from Iowa appeared in our news- 
papers. One of these journals carried a splendid account of the dedica- 
tion of St. Mary's Church, Dubuque, in February, 1867. Twenty-nine 
years before, in 1838, Mr. J. B. Noel had been the first emigrant from 
Luxemburg to cross the Mississippi and settle in Jackson County. That 
county in 1886 numbered 275 families from my country, and Dubuque 
County 460 families. More than 30,000 of my countrymen had settled 
in the Middle West before 1888. They brought with them close to 
$6,030,000 and owned 645,000 acres of land. More than 1,000 fought in 
the Civil War. 

I suppose that is enough explanation why I emigrated to the United 
States in 1873. The "Nevada" was a combination sail and steamboat. 
I came at the wrong time. Hard times had hit this country. General 
Grant had just been inaugurated again. Baltimore was visited by a 
conflagration that burned over ten acres of ground. New York had a 
financial panic. In 1874 the reds made a communistic demonstration. 
In the same year another conflagration in Chicago destroyed over 1,000 
buildings. There was no market for farm products and consequently 
little work in the cities. My trade (I was a baker) was at a standstill. 
I recrossed the Atlantic in 1876 and worked as a baker, "garcon,'' in 
Metz. We worked day and night, providing the garrison with bread 
and buns. For two years I stuck it out and returned to America late 
in 1878. That winter I worked in a paint factory in St. Louis, also in 
a slaughterhouse, and later on Mississippi steamers, loading and unload- 
ing freight. Many of the deck hands lost their meager earnings to 
thieves who plied their trade when we slept. 

Shortly after South Dakota opened to settlers I went there. For 
six years I farmed in Jerauld County. Dakota was then still a terri- 
tory. I applied for and received my second citizenship paper in 1886, 
and swore off allegiance to a ruler whose subject I had never been. 
Luxemburg is an independent grand duchy. Perhaps a few words of 
history will explain things. 


Long before the Roman conquest the country of Luxemburg was 
inhabited by Celts, a brancli of tlie Trevirs. The Romans conquered 
the country in 53, B. C, and by way of fortified camps held it, calling 
it Ardenna, till 496 when it became a part of the empire of Charles 
the Great. The ruins of one of these camps are near the Buchholz farm. 
Christianity was preached in Luxemburg by SI. Willibrord, apostle and 
bishop of the Friesians. He came from Ireland and is buried in his 
abbey-church, which later became a basilica, in Echternach, Luxem- 
burg. His burial place is visited by thousands of pilgrims on Tuesday 
after Pentecost Sunday. 

From 963 to 1217 the country was ruled by native counts and by 
those of Limburg. One of these was also King of Bohemia, called John 
the Blind, who died a hero's death in the battle of Crccy, when the 
English defeated the French. 

It was in those days when the abbot of the abbey at Luxemburg 
city opened the first schools. From 14i<3 till 1506 Luxemburg was ruled 
by the house of Burgundy. From 1506 to 1714 it was under Spanish 
rule. In the Peace of the Pyrenees in 1659 the first dismembering of 
Luxemburg occurred. The southern part of the country was annexed 
by France. 

From 1714 to 1795 the fortress and country of Luxemburg were 
under Austrian rule. In that year the fortress succumbed to the siege 
of the French. They enlarged the fortifications and made this strong- 
hold the "Gibraltar of the North." The French rule lasted till 1814. 
With the defeat of Napoleon at Leipzig and the entry of the allies in 
Paris, the fortress of Luxemburg was forced to surrender, after having 
driven off the attacking Hessians. Luxemburg was subjected to a second 
dismembering. Germany annexed all of the Luxemburg territory on the 
east side of the Moselle, Sauer and Our rivers, with some 50,000 

For a time Luxemburg was under Holland rule; together with Bel- 
gium the three countries were known as the Netherlands. Belgium, by 
revolution, won its independence in 1881, and seized the western part 
of Luxemburg, which is twice the size of the present grand duchy. 
Thus Luxemburg was dismembered for the third time by its "friends." 

In 1867 the powers convened in London, ordered the fortress which 
had been under a German military governor since 1815, dismantled and 
solemnly guaranteed the country *s independence. Since then the coun- 
try has had its own rulers. Before the World War Luxemburg was a 
member of the German customs union; after the war it entered a cus- 
toms union with Belgium. It is too small a country to assume the ex- 
pense of collecting customs at its borders. It has an area of 639,000 
acres. [Dubuque County numbers 391,000 acres. — E. N.] 

Luxemburg was not able to have its own consuls in the United States 
till quite recently. This delay may be the reason for the ridiculous 
legend in the papers "Luxemburg, German." Luxemburg had many 
foreign rulers since the days of the Romans, but its independence since 
1867 entitles it to the designation, Luxemburg, Europe, no more, no 


less. County officials, census officers and newspaper editors ought to 
know that much. 

Hard times, deflation and the lone bachelor life forced me to give 
up farming in South Dakota and I returned to Dubuque County in 
1887. Four years later I drove by team to the Black Hills, South Da- 
kota. This forest of evergreens is visible at a distance of seventy miles. 

During the summer of 1892 I made another trip to the old country 
and in the following year attended the World's Fair in Chicago. I was 
more than anxious to see the Chicago fair, because I had missed the 
Philadelphia Exposition in 1876, the year when I returned to Europe 
for the first time. Luxemburg firms were well represented at the Chi- 
cago fair, where the display of rose cultures from Limpertsberg cap- 
tured first prizes. 

In 1893 I was in Saskatchewan, Canada. While there I had the 
pleasure to see a young friend from Dubuque, who is today a well 
known priest, professor, and historian. Several years later I drove to 
the Flathead Indian reservation in Montana. I met members of the 
deputation who had gone to St. Louis half a century before to beg for 
the services of Father Peter De Smet, S. J. I could not talk with them 
because they spoke only the Sioux language. 

Having been in Florida in 1914 I can truthfully claim that I taversed 
the country as far north and as far south as the railroads would 
take me. 

I always returned to Dubuque County no matter what other places 
I visited. Nowhere else have I found a better place to live and no 
better people to do business with. For thirty-five years I made my home 
at the N. Loes farm in Key West when I was not on the road attending 
to trade. My route included Key West, LaMotte, Garryowen, Bernard, 
and of course the Dubuque market. On Saturdays I was aided by a 
number of boys. Two of them became priests, two physicians, three 
morticians, one an efficiency expert and one a postal inspector. 

The writer asked Uncle how old the name Nennig might be. 
He said, it was a peculiar name and seldom seen in the States. 
He had not been able to trace it further than five generations. 
In the Middle Ages when names were Latinized his name read 
Nennius. A writer by that name lived in England in the ninth 
century and compiled a "Historia Britonum," legendary stories 
of the arrival of the Angles and Saxons on English soil. 

Another Nennius, a high Roman official in the second century, 
built a summer villa on the Moselle, a few miles from Treves, 
the "Northern Rome." The settlement in later centuries became 
the town of Nennig, well known today for its wonderful Roman 
mosaic floor, which Uncle urges those who visit Europe not to 




Smavel Hawkins Marshall Byers was born at Pulaski, Lai 
County, Pennsylvania, July 23, 1838, and died in Los Angelet, CbU- 
fornia. May 24, 1933. His ashes are to be deposited beside those of Ui 
wife at Oskaloosa, Iowa. He removed w^ith his parents, James M. aad 
Parmela (Marshall) Byers, to Oskaloosa in 1852. There he attended 
school, later took up the study of law and on June 16, 1861, was m^ 
mitted to practice before the Supreme Court of Iowa. On June M^ 
1861, when at Newton he enlisted as a private and was made first eoT- 
poral in Company B, Fifth Iowa Infantry, was promoted to quarter- 
master sergeant July 15, 1862, and to first lieutenant and adjutant 
April 23, 1863. He was wounded at Champion Hill, was captured at 
Mission Ridge November 24, 1863, and for the next sixteen months was 
incarcerated in six different Confederate pri.sons, one being Libbj 
Prison. He escaped three times, only to be recaptured. While in prison 
he wrote his poem, "The March to the Sea," which gave Sherman's 
famous campaign a name. His fourth escape was from Columbiat South 
Carolina, when he reached the Union lines, was soon placed on General 
Sherman*s staff, and was sent to carry the first news of the Carolina 
victories to General Grant and President Lincoln. He was offered a 
captaincy in the regular army, but declined, and devoted himself tor a 
time to recovering his health. About this time Governor Stone brevetted 
him as major. President Grant appointed him in 1869 consul to Zurid^ 
Switzerland, and after fifteen years' service there President Arthur pro* 
moted him to consul general to Italy. President Cleveland displaced 
him, and President Harrison appointed him consul to Saint Gall, Swit- 
zerland, and soon promoted him to consul general of Switzerland. Karly 
in Cleveland's second administration he was again relieved, when after 
twenty years consular service he returned to Oskaloosa and in about 
1894 removed to Des Moines where he remained until 1915 after whidi 
he made his home in I^os Angeles. After completing his consular serrioe 
he devoted most of his time to literary pursuits. His principal publi- 
cations are Sixteen Monthg in Rebel Prhons, 1868; Stcitzerland and the 
SwUs. 1875; The Kappjf Iitlen, 1884; lotca in War Timeg, 1888; The 
March to the Sea (epic), 1896; Tiventy Yearn in Europe. 1900; With 
Fire and Sxcnrd, 1911; A Layman's Life of Je*u9, 1912; Complete Poems, 
1914; The Beth of Capittrano, 1917; The Pony Express and Other 
Poems, 1925; and many magazine articles and poems published in news- 
papers. Critics generally regard his With Fire and Sicord as the best 
of his prose writings. But it was as a poet that he was best known. 



rhe Song of lowa^ written by him was made the official state song by 
the Thirty-fourth General Assembly, 1911. His public service in Europe 
pave him opportunities to meet noted i>eople es]>ecially in London, in 
the cities of Switzerland, and in Rome. He became able to converse in 
French, Italian, and German, thus adding to his usefulness in his 
official positions. He became a collector of paintings and other works 
of art, and presented portions of his collections to Penn College, Oska- 
loosa, and to the Des Moines Women's clubs. No sketch of the colorful 
career of this faithful public official and accomplished man of letters 
would be quite complete without including in the picture his friendship 
with the late James Depew Kdmundson, whose death is also noted in 
this section of the Axnals. They met as neighl)or boys in Oskaloosa in 
1854^ became intimate friends then and so remained for over seventy- 
eight years, and died within thirty-six days of each other, each a few 
Rionths over ninety-four years old, and each in full ))(>ssession of his 
cultured intellectual faculties. 

Jaxbs Dbpbw Eumuxdson was born in Des Moines County, Iowa, 
about six miles north of Burlington, November 28, 18:^, and died in 
Des Moines April 18, 1933. Burial was in Walnut Hill C\>metery, Coun- 
cil Bluffs. His parents were William and Priscilla (Depew) Kdmund- 
son. Soon after his birth the family removed to Burlington, and later, 
to Fairfield. leaving the family there in 1843 the fatiier went into what 
is now Mahaska County, and in 1844 was designated by the Territorial 
Assembly to act as sheriff and have charge of orgnnizing the county. 
In 1845, the mother having died, the two children, James Deju'w and 
William, Jr., joined their father at Oskaloosa. Here the former grew 
up, attended public school, worked at whatever was available, ])hysieal 
labor, clerking in stores, etc., until 1857 when he went on font to Newt(»n 
to visit an uncle. He remained there two years, attending school and 
clerking In stores. In 18.59 he returned to ()skal(»(»sa and began the 
study of law with Williams & Seevers. During the Eighth Cieneral 
Assembly, which met in Des Moines in January, 18(i(), he served as a 
page, or messenger. In ]8()<) he was admitted to the bar and the fol- 
lowing winter taught school at Hose Hill, Mahaska County. During the 
summer of 18f>l he rode horseback over sduthwestern Iowa, and located 
in Glenwood for the practice of law with William Ilale as a partner. 
From 18<i3 to 1866 he was deputy provost marshal and assistant assessc)r 
and deputy collector of internal revenue for all of soutliwesti'rn Iowa. 
In 1866 he removed to Council Bluffs and bceaMie the ))artner of I). C. 
Hlo«mier, the firm being BliNimer & Kdmundson, and their lines of bu<«i- 
Mfss, law, real estate and insurance. From 1807 to I8(j!) tlit* Chicago ^ 
N'«)rthwestern, the Chicago, Hock Island & l*aeifie and the Bur]ingt(»n 
& Missouri Hiver (afterward th«* Chicago, Burlingttin & i^uiney) rail- 
nmds reached Council Bluffs. Land in that seetion of the statr was 
cheap, but advancing. Mr. Kdmundson cared but little for the practice 
of law, l)ut was a natural financier. In 187') he (|uit the partnershi)) 
with Mr. Bloomer and devoted his time to dealing in real estate. lie 


soon became the agent of many non-resident land owners, selling, leas- 
ing, paying taxes and acting as legal representative. He knew land 
values, was reliable and alert, and soon began investing on his own 
account, and thus laid the foundation for his large fortune. In 1882 
he organized the Citizens State Bank and became its president. He was 
also an organizer and a director of the State Savings Bank of Council 
Bluffs. In 1897 he purchased a controlling interest in the First National 
Bank of Council Bluffs and became its president. In 1900 he retired 
from active business and removed to Des Moines. During his later years 
he lived principally among his books. In the late 1890*s he traveled 
extensively in this country and in Europe. Although not a college 
graduate, he was an unusually cultured man. He was a lover of the 
best in art and in literature, and his extensive private library evidenced 
it. He had a life-long interest in and gift for the correct use of the 
English language, and had a reputation as a philologist. His acquaint- 
ance with early Iowa history was extensive and accurate. He had many 
rare friendships, among them being the one with Major S. H. M. Byers, 
the poet, which began when they were boys together in Oska'oosa. His 
vivid memory carried all these things to the last few hours of his life. 
His benefactions were large. He gave over $250,000 to the Jennie Ed- 
mundson Memorial Hospital, Council Bluffs, named in memory of the 
wife of his youth. His last will provides for the conditional establish- 
ment of a $600,000 memorial art museum in Des Moines. 

Robert Gordon Cousins was born on his father's farm in Section 1, 
Red Oak Township, Cedar County, Iowa, January 31, 1859, and died at 
the University Hospital, Iowa City, June 19, 1933. Burial was at Red 
Grove Cemetery, Cedar County. His parents were James and Mary 
(Dallas) Cousins. He worked on his father's farm, attended country 
school, and in 1880 was graduated in civil engineering with the degree 
of B. C. E. from Cornell College, Mount Veinon. In 1904 Cornell gave 
him the honorary degree of LL. D. He studied law a few months with 
Col. Charles A. Clark of Cedar Rapids and was admitted to the bar in 
1882 and for the following ten years was actively engaged at Tipton in 
the practice of law. In 1885 he was elected representative and .served 
in the Twenty-first General Assembly, and was elected by the members 
of the House one of the managers to conduct the prosecution of articles 
of impeachment of John L. Brown, auditor of state, before the Senate. 
In 1888 he was a presidential elector, elected on the Republican ticket. 
He was county attorney of Cedar County in 1889 and 1890. In 1892 
he was elected member of Congress from the Fifth District, and was 
re-elected each two years thereafter for seven times, serving sixteen 
years, or inclusively from the Fifty-third to the Sixtieth Congress. 
After his first nomination he always obtained his nomination unani- 
mously. He declined to be a candidate after the Sixtieth Congress, 
1907-09. At that time he was chairman of the House Committee on 
Foreign Affairs. Soon after retiring from Congress he suffered almost 
total blindness for a few years, but partially recovered. In those years 


and the following ones, with the exception of an occasional delivery of 
a lecture, he took little active part in affairs. During the World War 
he delivered a large numher of liberty loan speeches over Iowa for 
which he received a medal from the Treasury Department. The later 
few years of his life he was inactive. Most critics regard Mr. Cousins 
as having been the most accomplished orator Iowa public life has pro- 
duced. Early in his congressional career lie took high rank among 
American orators. His speech in Congress on the sinking of the Battle- 
ship Maine and one in criticism of Minister Bayard at the Court of St. 
James, London, caused him to be called before the most prominent 
political clubs and societies in the country. Among his notable lectures 
were "Lincoln and the Great Commander,'* *'iVlexander Hamilton,'' **The 
Making and Unmaking of the Constitution,'* **Thomas Brackett Reed," 
and **The Immortality of Virtue.'* Mr. Cousins was not a frequent 
speaker in Congress or elsewhere. He did not excel 1 hi extemporaneous 
speech, nor in debate. But in the prime of his life and given an impor- 
tant theme and a favorable op))ortunity his utterances arose to the 
dignity of classics. As his friend W. R. Boyd has said he "possessed 
all the equipment, natural and acquired, of a great orator. In form, an 
Apollo; a voice like the tones of a great organ, *most strangely sweet'; 
*his stature molded with a perfect grace'; a mind enriched with all that 
the best literature of all times could give to one capable of the keenest 
appreciation; a memory which caught and held everything worth while; 
a wit as keen as that oi Burns; . . . small wonder that he could charm 
and hold spellbound any audience, anywhere and upon almost any 

Joseph William Bettkniiork was born in Leavenworth, Kansas, 
October 10, 1864, and died in Bettendorf, Iowa, May 1(>, 19:3:3. The body 
was entombed in the Bettendorf mausoleum at Oakdale Cemetery, 
Davenport. His parents were Michael and Catherine (Reck) Betten- 
dorf. The family removed to Peru, Illinois, in 187:3. There Joseph W. 
attended school. He was an apprentice in the office of the Peru Herald 
from 1880 to 1882, was a department store clerk from 1882 to 1881., and 
was a machinist in the Peru Plow Company works during 188o and 188G. 
In the latter year he joined with an older brother, W. P. Bettendorf, 
in organizing the Bettendorf Metal Wheel Conij)any, and they began 
manufacturing wheels for agricultural macliinery, he acting as inarhin- 
ist and later as superintendent. In 189:3 they organized tlie Bettendorf 
Axle Company, with J. W\ Bettendorf as secretary, manufacturing 
steel gear wagons. This developed into one of the lar^e^it foundry 
plants in the Middle West. The firm gradually turned to the invention 
and manufacturing of railway car parts, and ultimately to building com- 
plete railway cars. By 1902 the business had outgrown their plant and 
they removed up the river to the suburbs of Davenj)ort and founded 
and built up the present town of Bettendorf. The older brother, who 
was the inventor of many of their devices, died in 1910 and J. W. Bet- 


tendorf became president oi the company, which continued to prosper 
until it became the largest manufacturing concern in the Davenport 
industrial area, in normal times employing over 2,000 men. At the time 
of his death J. W. Bettendorf was not only president of this great 
organization, but was president and director of six other local manu- 
facturing concerns, and a director oi six additional large companies In 
the Tri-cities. He was not only a great business executive, but a gener- 
ous and public spirited citizen. 

Alice H. Mendexiiall was born in South English, Iowa, February 
24, 1858, and died in a hospital in Sigourney March 11, 1933. Burial 
was at South English. Her parents were Dr. Allen Heald and Rebecca 
(Neill) Heald. She attended public school at South English and was 
graduated from Penn College in 1881. Her career as a teacher began 
at South English when she was sixteen years old. She taught in Pleas- 
ant Plain Academy, later was a high school principal in Fairfield 
schools, and was county sujK*rintendent of Jefferson County during 
1890 to 1896. In 1892 she was appointed a member of the State Educa- 
tional Board of Examiners, and served four years. In 1894 she was 
married to Chester Mendcnhall, and soon thereafter they established 
their home at South English. But one child, William, was born to them, 
and he died in infancy. Some years later Mrs. Mendonhall studied in 
the University of Chicago and from it received the A. B. degree June 
11, 1912, the A. M. March 17, 1914-, and the D. B. degree June 9, 1914. 
In fulfilling requirements in the University she wrote a thesis, "Some 
Social Aspects of the Society of Friends in the Seventeenth and Eight- 
eenth Centuries,'' which was published by that society and distributed 
in many countries. She had a birthright in the Society of Friends 
(Quakers) and retained a belief in their doctrines. As a lepresentative 
of the Society of Friends, she attended in 1921 a peace conference in 
England, and visited and spoke in many places there and in Ireland. 
She was a woman of rare intelligence. Her interests centered mainly 
in religion, literature, and education. She was a successful teacher and 
was a lecturer on many subjects. During the 1928 presidential cam- 
paign she was sent by the Republican National Committee into several 
states on speaking tours in support of Herbert Hoover. 

LuTHEH Albebtus Bbewer was born at Welsh Run, Franklin County, 
Pennsylvania, December 17, 1858, and died in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, May 
6, 1933. Burial was in Oak Hill Cemetery, Cedar Rapids. His parents 
were Jacob and Kate Brewer. He received the degree of A. B. from 
Pennsylvania College, Gettysburg, in 1883, and of A. M. from the same 
college in 1886. In 1884 he removed to Cedar Rapids and in 1887 be- 
came city editor of the Cedar Rapids Republican. From 1894 to 1898 
he was state oil inspector. Retaining connection with the Republican, 
he became part owner, and finally sole owner August 1, 1913, selling it 
922. For several years he was president of the Torch Press, a job 
g company. He was prominent politically for several years, was 


delegate at large to the Republican national conventions of 1912 and 
916. He was a lover of the fine arts of good printing and engraving, 
IS well as of good literature, and was a collector of first editions, rare 
lindings, and of engravings. His collection of the writings of Leigh 
Hunt, the English poet and essayist, drew more than national attention 
from book lovers. He wrote and published several delightful brochures 
(Ml literary subjects, and in 1910 published a History of Linn Cminty. 

Habbt Otis Weaves was born in Marshall Township, Louisa County, 
Iowa, April 20, 1866, and died in Wapello May 27, 1933. Burial was in 
the Wapello Cemetery. His parents were Erastus and Mary (Marshall) 
Weaver. His boyhood was spent on his father s farm and in attendance 
of public school at the nearby village of Cairo. He attended the East- 
em Iowa Normal School at Columbus Junction for one year, taught a 
term of school in Muscatine County, and attended the State University 
of Iowa for six years, obtaining his A. B. degree in 1891 and LL. B. 
in 1892. Soon thereafter he opened a law office in Wapello and devoted 
most of his life to that profession. He was elected representative in 
1893, was re-elected two years later, and served in the Twenty-fifth 
and Twenty-sixth general assemblies. Beginning in 1893 he was for ten 
years the First District member of the Republican State Central Com- 
mittee. There were then political campaigns each year. For two of 
these years he was state chairman, 1899 and 1900. In 1902 he was ap- 
pointed by President Theodore Roosevelt collector of internal revenue 
for the Fourth Revenue District with headquarters at Burlington, which 
position he held for eleven years. In 1920 he was a delegate at large 
to the Republican National Convention. He was a delegate from the 
First Congressional District to the convention in 1924, and again a 
delegate at large to the convention in 1928. For many years Mr. Weaver 
was the owner and operator of large real estate holdings. At one time 
be owned one of the best Shorthorn herds in Iowa. On December 12, 
1917, he became a director of the State Department of Agriculture, 
which body in 1923 became the State Fair Board, and served continu- 
ously in that position for fifteen years. To all these public functions 
he brought talent, industry, and the spirit of co-operation. He was one 
of the most affable of men, cheery and optimistic. His acquaintance 
was large and his friends were innumerable. 

Fbaxk S. Payne was born near Mount Pleasant, Iowa, August 16, 
1869, and died in Centerville April 13, 1933. Burial was in Oakland 
Cemetery, Centerville. His parents were Charles W. and Margaret 
(Patton) Payne. He grew up in the farm home of his parents, attended 
country school, was graduated in liberal arts from Wcsleyan Univer- 
sity, Mount Pleasant, in 1892 and in law from Northwestern University, 
Chicago, in 1894. He was admitted to the bar in Iowa the same year 
and began practice in Centerville. In 1899 he was elected representa- 
tive, was re-elected in 1901 and served in the Twenty-eighth and Twen- 
ty-ninth general assemblies. He soon became so engrossed in law prac- 


tice and gradually in his extensive business interests that, although he 
was frequently urged to accept important political honors, he declined, 
but never lost interest in politics. In 1924 he was a delegate to the 
Republican National Convention. In 1902 he became president of the 
Citizens Electric Light and Gas Company. The company acquired the 
local horse car line, developed it into an electric line and gradually 
extended traction and electric lines over much of southern Iowa. In 
1916 the business became the Southern Utilities Company. In his later 
years Mr. Payne was vice president and general counsel of the com- 
pany, which grew to operate over twenty-five counties and in 120 towns. 
He was largely instrumental in 1924 in effecting the consolidation of 
three banks in Centerville which formed the Centerville National of 
which he became president. He was president of the Pure Ice Company, 
and of the Centerville Clay Products Company. For many years he 
was local counsel for the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad. His 
many-sided tastes and talents and his social instincts led him into many 
activities and services for individuals as well as for his city and state. 

Helen Louise Shaw was born at Langworthy, Jones County, Iowa, 
June 8, 1855, and died at Viareggio, Italy, August 19, 1932. Burial was 
at Florence, Italy. Her parents were Colonel William T. and Helen 
Crane Shaw. She was educated at Lee Seminary (Dubuque), Iowa 
College (Grinnell) which she attended in 1871-72, and Northwestern 
University, Chicago. She became proficient in French, German and 
Italian languages. She made her home in Anamosa the most of her life 
where she was a leader in many civic activities. She founded the local 
chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, and her leader- 
ship and efforts were largely responsible for the erection of the local 
Public Library building and establishment of the library. She traveled 
extensively, making many trips to Europe and in 1912 went around the 
world. At one time she owned the original Shaw home at Steuben, 
Maine, where her father was born, and took up her residence there 
where she spent many summers. Before our country entered the World 
War she furnished materials and assisted friends in getting supplies for 
the Queen's Hospital at Rome. After this country joined the Allies all 
her time was given to Red Cross work. She was chairman of the Jones 
County Red Cross Association. Throughout her life she devoted much 
time to art and has left a number of original paintings and excellent 
copies of pictures by eminent artists. She spent considerable time in 
Europe and in 1920 took up her residence in Italy. 

William S. Baird was born in Council Bluffs, Iowa, June 3, 1863, 
and died in the city of his birth May 12, 1933. Burial was in Fairview 
Cemetery, Council Bluffs. His father was the Rev. Samuel Baird, a 
minister of the Methodist Episcopal churcli, and the mother, Matilda 
Hanks (Akers) Baird. He was graduated from Council Bluffs High 
School in 1880 and from Cornell College, Mount Vernon, in 1884. For 


a few years in his young manhood he was a cattle rancher in Nebraska. 
He was admitted to the bar in Wheeler County, Nebraska, in 1887 and 
practiced there five years, the last two years being county attorney. 
In 1892 lie returned to Council Bluffs and engaged in the practice of 
law there where he achieved success in his profession. For many years 
he was vice president and trust officer of the State Savings Bank of 
that city. He was active in promoting and organizing the Council 
Bluffs Public Library and was one of its trustees. He was elected 
senator in 1920, and was twice re-elected, serving inclusively from the 
Thirty-ninth to the Forty-fourth general assemblies. In the last three 
assemblies he was chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. He 
was known as a conservative in business and in legislation, was a Re- 
publican politically, was a man of great industry and courage, and a 
real leader in his city and in the Senate. 

Thomas Feakcis Gbiffik was born in Howard County, Iowa, near 
Cresco April 19, 1865, and died in Sioux City April 21, 1933. Burial 
was in Calvary Cemetery, Sioux City. His parents were Thomas and 
Rose Griffin. He attended school in the locality of his birth, taught 
several terms of school, and was graduated in law from the University 
of Notre Dame in June, 1888. He was admitted to the bar in August 
of the same year and began practice in Sioux City, which he continued 
for forty-five years, or to nearly the time of his death, achieving an 
honored position in his profession. He served Woodbury County as 
county attorney in 1893 and 1894. In 1912 he was elected representa- 
tive and was three times re-elected, serving in the Thirty-fifth, Thirty- 
sixth, Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth general assemblies. On retiring 
from the legislature in 1920 he was chosen city attorney for Sioux City 
and served two years. He was a Republican in politics. He was state 
deputy for Iowa of the Knights of Columbus during 1911 and 1912. 

Timothy P. IlAaaiNOTON was born at New Digging, I^afayette Coun- 
ty, Wisconsin, December 17, 1867, and died in Algona, Iowa, May 17, 
1933. His parents were John P. and Margaret (O'Leary) Harrington. 
The family removed to Wright County, Iowa, in 1882. Timothy attended 
public school both in Wisconsin and in Iowa. He was u student in 
Clarion High School, took a course in a business college in Cedar 
Rapids, and was graduated from the Law Department of the State 
University of Iowa in 1899. He was admitted to the bar the same year 
and entered practice at Algona in partnership with L. J. Dickinson as 
Harrington & Dickinson, which partnership remained unbroken, al- 
though after Mr. Dickinson entered Congress in 1919 Mr. Harrington 
carried on the business alone. He gained a reputation for legal ability 
and had an extensive practice. He was a member of the Algona School 
Board for twenty-eight years, had been secretary of the Algona Li- 
brary Board from its beginning, was city attorney for two years, was 
county attorney from January 1, 1903, for four years, and was elected 


representative in 1916, was re-elected in 1918, and served in the Thirty- 
seventh and Thirty-eighth general assemblies. He was chairman of the 
Judiciary Committee of the House of the Thirty-eighth and won a fine 
reputation as a legislator. 

William I^arrabee, Jr., was born at Clermont, Iowa, December 11, 
1870, and died at Clermont April 1, 1933. His parents were William 
and Anna (Appleman) Larrabee. He attended the public schools of 
Clermont, was graduated from the State University of Iowa in liberal 
arts in 1893, and in law in 1896. His entire life was spent at Clermont. 
For many years he maintained a law office there, and also devoted much 
time to local banking and to his farming and other property interests. 
He enlisted May 18, 1898, as a private in Company G, Fifty-second 
Iowa Infantry, and was promoted June 17, 1898, to captain and commis- 
sary of subsistence of volunteers of the Spanish- American War. He 
was a member of the local school board of Clermont for several years. 
In 1901 he was elected representative, and again in 1908, 1910 and 1912, 
serving in the Twenty-ninth, Thirty-third, Thirty-fourth, and Thirty- 
fifth general assemblies. 

William Beeler Seeley was born in Harrison Township, Lee Coun- 
ty, Iowa, March 4, 1862, and died at Excelsior Springs, Missouri, April 
15, 1933. Burial was in Sharon Cemetery, Lee County. His parents 
were Eli and Martha (Beeler) Seeley. He acquired his education in 
country school, village school at Primrose, Elliott's Business College, 
Burlington, and the Law Department of the State University of Iowa 
from which he was graduated in 1886. He then became associated with 
his father in extensive agricultural, real estate and banking interests. 
His home was on the farm where he was born until 1900 when he re- 
moved to Mount Pleasant, but continued in the same lines of business 
throughout his life, was connected officially with several banks in that 
section, and was an extensive raiser of pure bred livestock. In 1906 he 
was elected senator and served in the Thirty-second and Thirty-third 
general assemblies. He was on the Board of Trustees of the Mount 
Pleasant Public Library, on the School Board, the Board of Trustees 
of Wesleyan College, and for some years, on the Board of Trustees of 
Parsons College. He possessed to an uncommon degree the confidence 
and respect of the public wherever he was known. 

John R. Weber was born in Springfield, Illinois, and died in Cedar 
Rapids, Iowa, at the age of seventy-nine years. He was a son of George 
R. Weber, a native of Baltimore, who settled in Illinois in 1835, and 
was for some time publisher of the Illinois Stale Register, one of the 
leading Democratic newspapers of the state. His father also entered 
the Mexican War under Colonel Baker, a friend of Lincoln. John R. 
Weber knew Lincoln and Douglas and many of the public men in 
Springfield. At the time of his death he left a manuscript entitled "A 
Boyhood Impression of Lincoln." He frequently wrote articles on the 


early history of Illinois for the Illinois Historical Society, and for other 
publications. He was also connected with newspapers of his father and 
brothers for many years. For the past thirty years Mr. Weber resided 
in Clinton and Cedar Rapids. He was a scholarly gentleman and fre- 
quently spoke before clubs on the history of the early days in Illinois 
and concerning many of the associates of Lincoln and Douglas whom 
he had known as a boy and young man. — B. L. W. 

Amos Nobbis Albebsox was born at Orange, Ashland County, Ohio, 
September 4*, 1849, and died in Monrovia, California, August 17, 1931. 
Burial was at Washington, Iowa. When he was sixteen years old, his 
father, James Alberson, advanced him money so that he and a partner 
bought 1,350 sheep and drove them to southeastern Iowa. The next 
year he was owner and herder of 1,700 sheep, but disease destroyed the 
flock and he returned to Ohio and took an apprenticeship as a plasterer. 
In 1872 he returned to Iowa and located at Washington where for sev- 
eral years he was a plasterer and building contractor. In 1881 he en- 
tered the grocery business, which he did not relinquish until he retired 
from business in 1920. After 1926 he made his home in California. He 
was a member of the Washington School Board for fifteen years, was 
a member of the Official Board of the Washington Methodist Episcopal 
church for thirty-five years and was church chorister seventeen years. 
Although a Democrat in a strong Republican county, he was elected 
representative in 1897, served in the Twenty- seventh General Assembly, 
and in 1899 was elected senator to fill the vacancy caused by the resign 
nation of D. J. Palmer who had been appointed railroad commissioner, 
and served in the Twenty -eighth General Assembly. He was mayor of 
Washington from 1901 to 1905, and again in 1921 to 1926. But the 
public activity that likely appealed to him most was his service in the 
Masonic order. He filled practically all the many positions in the local 
lodge, and all the important ones in the state i)odies, being grand master 
in 1921-22. He was not only proficient in the work, but in his life he 
exemplified the exalted doctrines of the order. 

E. O. Helgason was born in Mason City, Iowa, November 7, 1872, 
and died at Armstrong, Emmet County, March 22, 1933. He was with 
his parents in their removal in 1879 to a farm in Seneca Township, 
Kossuth County. He attended public school in the country, took a 
course in a business college, was a student two years in Iowa State 
College, Ames, and taught school for two years. He was three years 
with his brothers who were levee contractors along the Mississippi River 
in Louisiana. In 1900 he located on a farm near Armstrong and in 
1915 removed to the town of Armstrong. He held several township 
offices, was secretary of Seneca Township School Board eight years, and 
was a director of Armstrong Consolidated School District eleven years. 
He was elected representative in 1927 to fill a vacancy during the ses- 
sion of the Forty-second General Assembly, and was re-elected to the 


F(»rty-third and Forty-fourth assemblies. Politically he was a Repub- 
lican and an active and useful citizen and legislator. 

JoHX I.. Brown was born near Rose Hill, Mahaslia County, Iowa, 
May 25, 1861, and died at Rose Hill May 17, 1931. Burial was in Jack- 
son Cemeter}', one half mile west of Rose Hill. His parents were Jona- 
than and Elizabeth (Reed) Brown, who were early settlers in that lo- 
cality. He was educated in rural public scliools of that neighborhood. 
In 1884 he engaged in the trade of a mason, and in 1901 entered the 
hardware and furniture business in Rose Hill. For many years of his 
later life he was a breeder of barred Plymouth Rock chickens, winning 
many premiums and trophies. He was a great lover of hounds and of 
the fox hunt. In 1912 he was elected representative and served In the 
Thirty-fifth General Assembly. He was a Democrat in politics. 

G. A. Justice was born on a farm in Linn County, Iowa, near Marion, 
December 31, 1857, and died at Defiance, Shelby County, March 18, 
1933. Burial was at Harlan. His parents, John and Margaret (Alls- 
worth) Justice removed to Jones County in 1865. The son received his 
education in common schools, augmented by one year In MechanicsviUe 
High School. In 1881 he removed to near Panama, Shelby County, where 
he engaged in farming and stock raising. He later removed to Defiance. 
He was a member of the Shelby County Board of Supervisors during 
the years 1907 to 1911 inclusive. In 1918 he was elected representative 
and was re-elected in 1920, serving in the Thirty-eighth and Thirty- 
ninth general assemblies. ' 

Isaac X. Snook was born in Union County, Pennsylvania, February 
20, 1848, and died in Pleasant Ridge Township, Lee County, Iowa, No- 
vember 2, 1931. His parents, J. C. and Jane (Cornelius) Snook, re- 
moved with their family to Pleasant Ridge Township in 1853, and that 
continued to be Isaac's home during the rest of his life. He grew to 
manhood on his father's farm and received his education in near by 
schools. He was engaged in agricultural pursuits all his life. He ran 
a threshing machine during the fall seasons for over fifty years, was 
at one time president of the State Threshers* Association and a director 
in the national association. He was a justice of the peace for sixteen 
years, and held several township oflBces. In 1922 he was elected senator 
and served in the Fortieth and Forty-first general assemblies. 

Henry Lusk Wimon was born in Crystal Township, Tama County, 
Iowa, July 12, 1858, and died at a hospital in Des Moines October 12, 
1932. Burial was at Osage. His parents were West and Margaret Dry- 
nan Wilson. He received his education in district schools in the vicinity 
of his birth and in Traer High School. He early entered dealing in 
live stock, operating at three or four different places, but finally in 1883 
he located at Osage. Throughout his active life farming and dealing in 
live stock were bis principal lines of business. In early life he acted 


with the Democratic party, and running on that ticket, was elected 
sheriff in 1890, and was twice re-elected, serving three terras. Disagree- 
ing with his party over free silver in 1896, he became a Republican. 
He served for a few years on the Osage City Council, from 1903 to 1907 
was associate editor of the MitcheU County Preti, and in 1912 was 
elected representative, was re-elected two years later and served in the 
Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh general assemblies. 

Leoxabo E. Stanley was born near Salem, Columbiana County, Ohio, 
April 7, 1853, and died in Corning, Iowa, August 1, 1932. Burial was 
in Walnut Grove Cemetery, Corning. His parents were Moses and 
Hannah (Gruwell) Stanley. The family removed to Johnson County, 
Iowa, in 1853, to Oskaloosa in 1860, and to Warren County in 1864. As 
Leonard grew up he alternated between working on his father's farm 
and attending public school. In 1872 he accompanied a brother to Grant 
Township, Adams County, and commenced school-teaching, which voca- 
tion he followed for twelve years. He also farmed in that locality. In 
1898 he was elected clerk of the District Court of Adams County, and 
was re-elected two years later, holding that position four years. In 1916 
he was elected representative and served in the Thirty-seventh General 
Assembly. He also acted as a justice of the peace. He was of Quaker 
parentage, and was a Republican in politics. 

John H. Jitdd was born near Burlington, Iowa, in 1860 and died in 
Des Moines January l-i, 1933. Burial was in Bethel Cemetery, Charlton. 
Left an orphan at the age of fourteen, he removed to Lucas County 
and made his home with relatives. He spent most of his life as a 
farmer, but also worked as a carpenter. He was a member of the 
Lucas County Inheritance Tax Appraisal Board for sixteen years, 
and was also for some time secretarv and treasurer of the Lucas 
C<mnty Taxpayers' League. He took great interest in public matters, 
was for years prominent locally as a Democrat and was elected senator 
in November, 1932, making his campaign on a policy of tax reduction. 
His untimely death occurred only one week after the opening of the 
session of the Fortv-ftfth General Assemblv. 

Joseph Wallace was born in County Tyrone, Ireland, January 26, 
1854-, and died in Long Beach, California, March 12, 1933. The family 
emigrated to the United States in 1862 and located in Marshall County, 
Iowa. Joseph obtained his schooling in that vicinity and followed the 
teaching profession for several years, first at Union, Hardin County, 
and later at Waseca, Minnesota. In 1879 he returned to Union and en- 
gaged in farming and cattle feeding. He served some years as a mem- 
ber of the Board of Supervisors of Hardin County, and in 1897 was 
elected senator and served in the Twenty-seventh and Twenty-eighth 
general assemblies. 


Charles C. Siimi was born near Roxbury, Lincolnshire, England, 
February 1, 1854, and died in Griswold, Iowa, March 11, 1933. He 
migrated to the United States in 1874s stopped for a short time in Ne- 
braslca, but within a few months located in Pleasant Township, Cass 
County, lown, where he took employment as a farm hand. In a few 
years he became owner of a farm of his own. By industry and good 
management he attained to a position of prosperity and influence in 
his community. He served for eighteen years as school treasurer, for 
two years as township trustee, for six years, 1909 to 1914, as a member 
of Cass County Board of Supervisors, and in 1914 was elected repre- 
sentative and served in the Thirty-sixth General Assembly. In 1922 he 
retired from active farming, locating in Griswold. 

Boyd Francis Read was born on a farm near New Virginia, Warren 
County, Iowa, December 25, 1865, and died in a hospital in Iowa City, 
April 21, 1933. Burial was in the New Virginia Cemetery. His parents 
were J. B. and Emily Read. He was educated in the public schools of 
New Virginia, supplemented by two winter terms in Simpson College. 
He followed the vocation of farmer. For several years he was a member 
of the local school board. In 1928 he was elected representative and 
served in the Fortv-third General Assembly. 

Henry Nassau Nkwei.i. was born in Middlesex County, Ontario, Can- 
ada, November 8, 1855, and died in LeMars, Iowa, July 21, 1932. His 
education was secured in rural schools in his native neighborhood. He 
worked on farms in his vouth and in 1877 removed to Minnesota, but 
in 1879 purchased a farm in Stanton Township, Phinouth County, Iowa, 
where he spent most of his active life. He hold several minor public 
positions and in 1908 was elected representative and two years later was 
re-elected, serving in the Thirty -third and Thirty-fourth general assem- 
blies. A Republican politically. 

Elmer F. Leach was born on a farm in Henry County, Iowa, April 
21, 1865, and died in Mount Pleasant July 25, 1932. His parents were 
James M. and Nancy (Campbell) Leach. He attended rural public 
school and later Howe's Academv at Mount Pleasant. He followed the 
vocation of farming and live stock raising. Besides holding local offices 
he was elected representative in 1910 and served in the Thirty-fourth 
General Assembly. A Democrat in politics. 

,*4<^<=~. •^' 

^<s>_ ./iy,fMl 

Annals of Iowa 

Vol. XIX, No. 2 De8 Moines, Iowa, October, 1933 Third Series 

Iowa Pioneer, Diarist, and Painter op Birds 

In the summer of 1903 Charles Aldrich, founder of the Historical 
Department of Iowa, in a tour of Van Buren County with this writer, 
met and formed an intimate acquaintance with William Savage, of Cedar 
Township, that county. In the Register and Leader, of Des Moines, for 
July 22, 1903, in an interview with Mr. Aldrich, it is stated: 

"William Savage, a farmer, makes a specialty of painting birds in 
water colors. He has a remarkable collection of three or four hundred 
birds (painted) that seem to me to be as good as those of John James 
Audubon. Savage is sixty years old, and knows as much of woodcraft 
as Thorean or John Burroughs. His collection is one the state certainly 
ought to own. ' ' 

Mr. Savage kept a diary, and Mr. Aldrich at the time examined 
extensive portions of it. He was acquainted with the region in New York 
to which Mr. Savage immigrated from England, namely, Cayuga County, 
and from which Mr. Savage came in 1855 to Cedar Township. It is of 
Mr. Savage 's daily experiences in that home from the time he moved into 
it until his death, July 8, 1908. Mr. Savage was by birthright a Quaker, 
and as such was of the Salem, Henry County, settlement. 

In 1907 Mr. Aldrich selected this writer as his assistant curator of 
the Historical Department, and after his death, March 8, 1908, by 
Governor Carroll's appointment the assistant became Mr. Aldrich 's suc- 
cessor in office, and by consecutive elections by the Board of Trustees 
has so remained from that time. 

By negotiations i*ith Mr. Savage, and thereafter with the administrator 
of his estate, the entire Savage collections came to the Historical Depart- 
ment in 1917. 

David C. Mott came to the Historical Department in 1919. Besides 
his original contributions Mr. Mott has made through the Annals of 
Iowa, he has put into form for printing the Savage diary, up to October 
25, 1858. It is presented herewith. Besides Mr. Mott having resided in 
Iowa since 1862, and by his practice of a newspaper man of twenty-five 
years, is sensitive to the value as historical material of the minds and 
morals of "short and simple annals of the poor." In his judgment in 
his present task of editing the Savage diary he is especially strengthened 
through his being, like William Savage, a Friend by birthright, and 


remains in the daily usage in his own home of the Friend's manner of 
speech, which is the speech of his own and Savage's ancestral folk, albeit 
both he and Mrs. Mott are now Methodists. Correct usage by Savage 
of the peculiar Quaker idiom in his diary up to the time he dropped it, 
therefore is presented as both consistent and correct. 

Mr. Savage was neighbor to this writer, to his pioneer forbears, and 
was a personal and intimate friend and associate in the writer's earliest 
leanings toward his Historical Department work. Of much of the matter 
after 1870 which Mr. Savage notes the writer and all his neighbors knew. 
The Savage neighborhood was defined by the distance he could walk with 
a gun or trap, to meeting or to trade, and the direction was by that 
choice, or modification upon a sensitive soul that the weather, the "sign" 
and sounds of the woods impel. 

William Savage's identity deserves to be preserved among those of 
his name, who even already are well known in scientific annals, and who 
share not only his name, but direct or close collateral kinship. In time, 
if the family remains true to type, confusion of individual Savages is as 
certain of such distraction to the general scientific students as now 
students of Iowa political history are confused among the names of 
Dodge, Mason, Wilson and Clark. 

Edgar B. Hablak. 

William Savage was a man of far more than ordinary 
abilities, but was so unpretentious as not to claim distinction. 
A diary he kept for years is so rich in material relating to 
pioneer conditions in southeastern Iowa in the 1850 's that we 
are here reproducing portions of it. It is written briefly, tells 
of his everyday life, and helps one to catch real glimpses of 
how people subsisted then — ^how they made their homes in the 
woods, how they began farming, how they secured their food, 
how they laid the foundations of society — when he was not 
trying to show that, but simply keeping a record of his own 

In March, 1929, Carl Sandberg called at the Historical 
Building to enquire for source materials. We had shortly 
before published in the Annals the Civil War portion of the 
Benjamin F. Pearson diaries (Vol. XV, No*s 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 
1925-27). He asked for the printed copy, and we inquired 
whether as student and writer it and similar materials were 
useful. His response was a letter dated March 28, 1929, as 
follows : 

The Annals which you mailed me did arrive. I am very glad to have 


this basic buman material and I appreciate jour readiness to let me have 
them. I shall retain all of them for my library except No. 3 of Vol. Ill 
which you indicate as out of print. I shall make notes from this and 
retnm it to you shortly. 

The Pearson diary has basic material. One could write extensively 
on the historical derivations to be made from such papers. They should 
be published in a separate volume, available to any one working in source 
material giving true impressions of men in the ranks during war time. 
There has been too much about the exploits of heroes and not enough 
about drudgery, fun and philosophy of the **high private in the rear 
rank." Having been one myself in the Spanish [War with Spain], I 
have keener appreciation of this need. The diary should be gathered into 
one volume by all means. 

It is in the course of finding and preserving more of the 
record of the ** drudgery, fun and philosophy of *the high 
private in the rear rank' '' of the valiant home founder on 
the Iowa frontier that we oflfer the **log book" of William 
Savage's humble life. 

He was bom in England in 1833,^ was apprenticed to the 
tailor's trade, and came with an uncle, William Savage, to 
America in 1847. He stayed a few years in New York state 
in the neighborhood of Venice and Ledyard, villages a short 
distance south of Auburn, where he worked principally on 
farms. It was not until 1855 that he removed to Iowa. 

Preceding his diary Mr. Savage at a later time wrote the 
following introduction to the dairy : 

"About July 10, 1847, I left Uncle William's shop and went 
to William Carman's, Hector, Tompkins County, New York, 
to work on a farm. Received my board, cloth for a fine coat, 
some coarse pants and socks, etc. Came home to Uncle 
Samuel's about Christmas, did chores and went to school. In 
1848 worked for Abram Reynolds for 28 cents per day. [He 
was then fifteen years old.] Uncle Samuel Savage died May 
26, 1848. In winter did chores for Long Tom Mosher and went 
to school. Spring of 1849 worked for Job Young for 37 V2 
cents per day. In winter did chores for Elery Howland and 
went to school. Spring of 1850 worked for Francis Armisted 
one month for $7.00 and seven months at $8.00. Winter did 
chores for B. F. Chase and went to school and in the spring 

iSee ••Notable Death" soctlon of Annals of Iowa, Vol. VIII, p. 557, October, 


of 1851 worked for him one month for $9.00 and seven months 
for $10.00. Next winter stayed at A. Harris', chopped some 
wood and went to school. 

**0n Fourth Day," Fifth Month 5, 1852, I commenced work 
for Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr. ; worked Fourth, Fifth, Sixth and 
Seventh days at five shillings per day. Received $2.50. Then 
the next Second and Third and Fifth and Sixth days for Job 
Young at five shillings per day, the next Second Day for three 
shillings, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth days for five shillings 
per day, Seventh Day for three. Then the next Second, Third 
and Fourth days for Hannah Savage at four shillings per day. 
Fifth, Sixth and Seventh days for Job Young at three shillings 
per day, ending 30th of Fifth Month.'' 

His record continues in a similar way, working for Hannah 
Savage, John Wetzel or Job Young for five shillings a day 
until July 8, when he says : **0n Sixth Day I next commenced 
haying at Job Young's at $1.00 per day." He worked for 
different persons, nearly always at haying and at the same 
wages, until August 24 he ** threshed for Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr. 
and received six shillings." A little later on in September, 
**The next Fourth and half of Fifth days, for John Wetzel 
and received ninety-four cents." A little later found him 
sawing wood at four shillings per day, and one half day he 
received, instead of two shillings, he called it, ** twenty-five 
cents. ' ' He was working nearly every day, and if not for one 
wage, then a lower one. 

** Ninth Month 25, a part of Second Day for Ben T. Chase 
for 31 cents ; next day, one hour, 6 cents ; all the next day for 
62 cents. The next Sixth Day for Hannah Savage for 4 
shillings, and Seventh Day for Charles H. Teter and received 
62 cents. Tenth Month 2 finished cutting his corn." 

The next year, except a few weeks in the winter was largely 
occupied by working at day labor on farms — splitting wood, 
chopping wood, making garden, grafting fruit trees, plowing, 
hoeing corn, etc., mostly at 5 shilling per day. For haying, 
mowing and harvesting grain he received $1.00 per day. On 
August 28 he **took 11 cords of wood to split and pile for 

2Mr. Savage was roared among members of the Society of Friends (Quakers) 
and in his early diaries he uses their style as to dates. 


William Kendall for 3 shillings per cord/' Then followed 
threshing oats at $1.00 per day, and cutting corn at 5 shillings 
per day. Toward fall of 1853 he husked corn at 5 shillings 
per day, and **made a vest for Henry Reynolds for 6 shillings, 
a vest and a pair of pants for John Fox for $1.25 and a fine 
black coat for Elson Teter for $3.00.'' 

During January, 1854, he chopped 10 cords of wood for 
(jiles Landon, did more tailoring work, and drew a figure of 
Cyrenus Wheeler's model grass and grain harvester for $1.50. 
Trimmed nursery stock and grape vines at 6 shillings per day. 
His w^ork varied but little from the previous year except he 
mentions that one day in April he killed a mink and sold the 
skin for $1.50, the first evidence shown in his writing of his 
later great interest in trapping. In May he was picking stone 
from the field and dragging, and planting corn. 

January, 1855, finds him chopping wood at 4 shillings per 
cord for David Armistead and for others. That spring he 
caught several minks while chopping, selling the skins at 
Auburn. This summer he did a small amount of farming for 
himself, but was most of the time working for wages. He 
notes he attended an occasional wedding among his acquaint- 
ances, but does not mention his own marriage, which likely 
occurred about this time. 

Late in September, 1855, he notes they began packing their 
goods for their removal to Iowa. On October 2 he **bid fare- 
well to Venice and Ledyard, started for Auburn, arrived there 
about ten o'clock, left there for Iowa at 1 o'clock and 20 
minutes. Bought a ticket through to Chicago for $32.12, paid 
$1.00 for extra baggage." Had to wait at Detroit from 9:00 
A. !M. to 6 :00 P. M. and reached Chicago about 10 :00 the next 
morning. There had to wait until 10:00 in the evening. 
**Then finally started for Burlington. Got into that city at 
8 o'clock next morning. Took the stage for Salem about 10 :00 
(after much tribulation). Arrived there about an hour after 
sun down." 

** Stayed at Dr. Shriner's Sixth Day night. Seventh Day 
morning I walked down to Uncle William's and found them 
all comfortably sitting around the stove and were some sur- 
prised when I stepped in. Seventh Day, at Uncle William's. 


Second Day John and Charley Holmes went to Burlington 
after my goods. I did chores. Third Day, also did chores 
and picked a load of corn, Fourth Day dug potatoes, Fifth 
Day threshed buckwheat. Sixth Day unpacked my large boxes 
and found all safe and sound, Seventh Day went down to the 
timber and got a load of wood. Second Day cut pair of pants 
and drew a load of manure. Third Day we went to hunt for 
John Russeirs cattle and cut down small trees — crotches for 
Uncle William's cattle shed; Fourth, Fifth, Sixth and 
Seventh days worked on shed and drew wood, and went to 
J. Russeirs vendue. Second Day went to Salem and hired a 
room for $2.50 per month. Third and Fourth days helped 
John with shed. Fifth Day John and I got a load of wood 
for me and took it to town. Sixth Day we took our goods to 
Salem and commenced housekeeping, and Seventh Day put 
things to rights. ' ' 

On October 29, 1855, he went to work for Job Simpson at 
tailoring in Salem. For the next three weeks he tells of 
different pieces of tailoring he did, principally on coats, reach- 
ing up to November 17. Then he says, **Lost a correct account 
from this time for two or three months, but worked for Simp- 
son on and off up to Second Month 23 and earned of him $43.44. 
Took part in store and house rent, $30.82 and received in cash 
$12.62. Was sick with inflammatory fever about six weeks. 
After that took two coats to make for Dick Spurrier for $4.00 
in trade. Made one pair of pants for Thomas Siveter, Jr., 
$1.00. Did mending for Dr. T. Siveter, received $2.25. Then 
on Second Month 11 David Burden and I went to William 
Lyon's to hire his farm to work on shares. He not being at 
home we went again in a few days and talked it over, he to 
board us and we to have one-third of all we raised. He then 
agreed to meet us at Salem before the first of March, but did 
not come. I waited until the morning of the 4th, then started 
west towards my own land in search of a house, or a part of 
one, to live in until I could build one for myself. Went to 
John Turnham's to get warm, and from there to Henry 
Sneath's. He being in the woods at work, told his wife my 
business. She said that if I could do no better we might come 
into their house with them for a few weeks, and accordingly 


in Third Month 7 I hired Samuel Siveter to take one load of 
^oods down to his father's barn and one load and ourselves 
down to Henry Sneath*s. Paid him $1.50 for the remainder 
of the month." 

The land which Mr. Savage acquired and was now, March, 
1856, preparing to make his home was near the northeast 
comer of Van Buren County. It was the east half of the 
northeast quarter of section 11, Cedar Township, one mile 
from the north line of the county, and one mile from the east 
line. Jefferson County was adjacent on the north, and Henry 
County on the east. The land was six miles west and two north 
from Salem. The north end of the tract reached to within a 
few rods of Big Cedar Creek. Nearly the whole tract was 
covered with heavy timber. Cedar Township had been sur- 
veyed nearly nineteen years earlier. Deputy Surveyor E. F. 
Lucas ran the lines between July 19 and 27, 1837. In his notes 
on Cedar Township Surveyor Lucas says: 

'*I may add by way of a general description of this town- 
ship that nothing past common appears upon the face of the 
country. It mostly consists of prairie skirted on the north 
with first rate timber, and on a general view all will be valuable 
for farming. Water appears scarce on the south boundary, 
but on the north Big Cedar Creek passes along the whole 
boundary and is remarkable for its fine mill sites and a suffi- 
ciency of water to propel machinery. Limestone ledges of 
rock have been discovered in abundance along its banks. * ' 

The surveyor's notes also mention that at that time, 1837, 
they found twelve actual settlers in the township, and several 
other claims staked out. On the Big Cedar about half a mile 
west of where Mr. Savage later secured his land was a saw 
and grist mill in an advanced state of construction, and near 
there was a *' large \*igwam surrounded with a beautiful sugar 
grove." At this point Big Cedar was 90 links (about 60 feet) 

Into this environment this young man of not quite twenty- 
three years, with his wife and baby, is to build their home and 
wrest a living from nature. His training of a few years in 
farm work among the woods and hills and stones in New York 
state will be useful. His industry, his powers of observation. 


his adaptability, his quick mastery of many trades, his ardent 
love of nature fit him for his place and work. We shall now 
closely follow his notes. 

This month (March, 1856) was cold, stormy and quite wintry; did not 
do much toward building. Went down to Sigler's mill several times to 
pick out slabs and engage lumber for home. Hired Uriah Leick Odel to 
haul slabs one day. He hauled four loads; paid him $1.00. Went to 
Salem several times, bought mattock, spade, sash, glass, nails, etc. 

Third Month 29, Cut down brush and cleared a place for house, and 
commenced making brush fence around about ten acres. Made a vest 
for James B. Sneath, 75 cts. Was at work hacking brush for two or three 
weeks. Went to Salem several times. Stephen Young came to Iowa pros- 
pecting about the middle of Fourth Month. Hired Captain F. Killebrew 
to haul slabs one day, hauled six loads, paid him $1.00. 

Fourth Month S5. Went grubbing at Jonas Spray's three and a half 
days on Henry Sneath 's account. Had Sneath in return to help put up 
my house. Commenced said house Fifth Month 2. Also William Steivens 
commenced plowing my land the same day and he finished it the 4th. 
Paid him $6.00 for 4 acres. Had H. Sneath 3% days more than I worked 
for him. Paid him $3.40 in cash and $2.75 in work. Paid him 60 cts. 
for corn for W. Steivens' horses. 

Fifth Month 12. Went to Zear's mill after more sheeting; could not 
find any that suited me, then went to Sigler 's mill and bought some more 
that they were just sawing. The 13th Finess Killebrew hauled sheeting 
and more slabs. Then had H. Sneath to finish the house. The next 
three days, laying floor and fixing. Fetched Walter^ from Sneath 's. 
The next week, fixing house, grubbing, etc. 

Fifth Month 26. Planted corn for F. Killebrew; 27th, commenced 
planting my corn. Planting my corn on the 28th, 29th and 30th. Went 
to Salem with F. Killebrew after a load of goods from Dr. Siveter's. 
I came back with him. 

Sixth Month 1, 1856. Walked to Salem again and came home with 
Anna* on Second Day. 

4 th. Finess Killebrew hauled 13 slabs and I bought 50 pounds of flour. 

5th. Finished planting my corn. 

6th. Made brush fence around calf pasture. 

8th. Went to Uncle William's and to Salem next day. 

9th. Bought a cow with a bull calf two weeks old for $30 of Dr. 
Siveter. David Siveter and Thomas Savage and I drove her home. 

10th. I went part way home with the boys. The 11th and 12th grub- 
bing corn. Supervisor came and gave me notice to work on the road 
Sixth and Seventh days of this week. 

17th. Grubbing corn. Assessor came. Taxed the land at $3.00 an 
acre and the cow at $20.00. 

3Their little son. 
4Hl8 wife. 


18th. Mado north door to the house. 

19th. Went to Hillsboro to trade. 

gOth. Also the 2l8t, worked on road aforesaid. 

iSrd. Hoed corn and hanled water. 

£4th. Hoeing corn, and filled mattress. 

£5th. Hoed corn, went to mill, and hauled water. 

S6th. Hoed corn. 

S7th. Went after tomato plants to H. Sneath's, and cabbage plants 
to W. Weaver's. 

;SSth. Set out plants and hoed corn, also hoed com next day. 

Seventh Month S, 1866. Finished hoeing and grubbing my corn. Rain 
and thunder. 

5 th. Building milk house. 

7th. Fixing brush fence, and hoeing garden. 

8th. Went to mill, and chopped a saw log for Meshack Sigler. Next 
day threw the rock up together at the schoolhouse for the well. 

10th. Quarrying rock for school well. 

11th. Digging and boring in said well at $1.25 per day. 

12th. Harvesting at William Weaver's, also the next Second Day, 
the 14th, cradling for W. Weaver at $1.25 per day. 

1.5th. Haying for F. Killebrew. 

16th. Went down to Sigler 's mill to raise a bent under the bridge; 
was there % of the day and then worked for F. Killebrew. 

17th. Commenced cradling Captain Killebrew 's wheat. The next day 
and % of the next, worked at the same and finished it. 

SOih. Sunday, went to H. Sneath's. They gave us a pair of young 
pigeons and a tabby gray kitten. 

:ilst. Cradled wheat for Morgan Paine, $1.25. 

'^2nd. Cradled for William Weaver. 

23rd. Cradled for Captain Killebrew, and the 24th and % of the 25th 
for W. Weaver harvesting at the same price. 

26th. Seventh Day, went to Salem and brought home my pictures. 

28th. Rain. 

29th. Went to school meeting and made milk house door. 

SOth. Rain, paint a bird. Went to Sigler 's mill and picked out slabs. 

3Ut. Stacked Captain's (Killebrew 's) wheat. 

Eighth Month i, 1856. Mowed weeds. 

2'nd. Seventh Day, rainy. 

4th. Went to election and coming home killed my first wild turkey — 
killed two. 

5th. Cocked up weeds. 

6th. In the house. Anna went to Salem. 

7th. Worked on brush fence, also the next day, and killed a turkey. 

nth. Seventh Day, worked on fence. 

llth. Stacked hay, weeds, and grubbed some. Also 12th and 13th 
worked on brush fence. 

14th. Hunting, and went to Cornelison 's. 


15th, Grubbing, and went to the creek after water with F. Eillebrew. 
His wagon broke down. Took the remainder of the day to fix it up and 
haul said water. 

16th, Seventh Day, quarrying rock and picking grapes. 

18th, Went to Morgan Paine 's. He gave me three small chickens 
and a black kitten. Quarrying rock. Rainy. 

19 th. Quarrying stone and cutting road to the quarry. 

SOth, Went to Sneath's after onions, planted there on shares, and 
finished cutting said road. 

Slst, Went to mill, and quarrying stone. 

SSnd, Rainy and went to Hillsboro. Also Dr. Siveter and Lydia came 
and made us a visit. 

SSrd, Seventh Day, F. Killebrew hauled slabs half a day. Went 
hunting the other half. 

gSth, Making hogpen, and went prospecting for water with Mr. Gill. 

S6th, Went after pigs, and grubbed some. 

S7th, Picked grapes, and killed five turkeys. 

S8th, Fetched home the little pigs that got out, and quarried stone. 

S9th, Went to mill and bought 53 pounds of flour, 3^ cts. per pound. 
Sick the rest of the day. 

SOth, Seventh Day, went to Jackson Lee 's for a half gallon of whiskey. 
Could not get any there. Went to John Turnham's and got it there for 
35 cts. 

Ninth Month i, 1856. Second Day, quarrying stone. 

gnd. Had F. Killibrew hauling said stone. 

3rd, Worked on brush fence. 

4th, Rainy, and in the house. 

5th, Anna and self went to Uncle William's. Rode as far as the 
steam mill with F. Killebrew and walked the rest of the way there. Came 
home in the evening. 

6th, Seventh Day, went to H. Sneath's after a letter from J. Wetsel. 
Second and half of Third days, quarrying stone. 

9th. Afternoon David Siveter came. Anna went home with him and 
stayed till Sixth Day afternoon. I was grubbing and keeping house 
while she was away. Half of Seventh Day was hunting. John and 
Thomas S. came in the evening and stayed till Second Day morning, 
then I went part way home with them. The remainder of the day and 
Third Dav, worked on stone. 

17th. Fourth Day, Finess Killebrew hauled rock to the well in the 
branch till about two o'clock, then went to the creek after a barrel of 
water. Killed a turkey. 

18th, Went to the creek hunting. Coming home I killed a turkey and 
took it to Salem and sold it for 30 cents. Stayed at Dr. Siveter 's all 
night and got home next day noon. After noon and all the next day 
battening up the cracks inside the house. 

22nd. Second Day, commenced cutting up my corn. The next three 
days worked on the same, and finished it, thirteen shocks in all. 


£6th. Commenced cutting four acres of buckwheat for David Cor- 

g7th. Seventh Day, threshed for F. Killebrew. Half the next Second 
Day, worked on buckwheat. Bainj. Third Day, finished it. 

Tenth Month 1, 1866. Bainy. 

fnd. Cleaning off dirt in stone quarry. 

3rd. Had F. Killebrew to help quarry stone. 

4 th. Seventh Day, hauled water, finished the stone and went hunting. 

6th. Went to town meeting about a tax for a railroad. Killed two 
turkeys, and to school meeting in afternoon. They voted me in president 
of the school board to fill the place of David Comelison. 

7th. Had F. Killebrew to haul stone for chimney. Settled with him. 

8th. Worked on little well. Went to Hillsboro to the justice of the 
peace to get sworn in. 

9th. Worked on said well and finished it Sixth Day afternoon when 
it began to rain and rained all next day. Worked in the house sewing 
for Dr. Siveter. 

litth. First Day, went to Sneath's after pieplant roots. The calf got 
out and the cow went off with him. 

13th. Went to hunt them and found them in Carter bottom. Had con- 
siderable trouble driving them home. Commenced digging hole west 
of house. 

14th. Finished digging said hole by noon, then went to William 
Weaver's after stone hammer. 

15th. Went down to the mill. Afternoon, worked on the school well. 

16th. Commenced building a chimney; had F. Killebrew to help. At 
noon Weaver fetched away his hammer. Afternoon went to Hillsboro to 
borrow one, but could not get one. 

17th. In morning went up on the prairie and finally got a loan of 
Solomon Gill and in the afternoon and all Seventh Day worked ou 
chimney. David Siveter and Thomas Savage came here and stayed till 
Monday. They brought me a puppy three weeks old. We call him Watch. 
Got one the day before of Wisdom Stanley. Call her Rose. She is six 
weeks old. 

iOth. Second Day, work on chimney a little while, then it came on 
rainy and I worked on the hearth. The next four days worked on chimney. 

25th. Seventh Day, went to Weaver's, took off the roof of his house. 
Came home and laid hearth. 

^th. Captain [Killebrew] and I worked on chimney. 

SSth. Worked on chimney alone. 

iOth. Went to Salem. Stayed there all night. Took a coat to make 
for Job Simpson. 

Seventh Month f , 1856. First Day morning took it home and received 
$2.00. Took coat and pants to make for Daniel Siveter. 

3rd. Came home from Salem and half of that day and all of Third 
and Fourth days daubing house and packing wood. 

6th. Stormy, also the 7th. Was in the house tailoring. 


8th. Seventh Day, went to the prairie to buy some lard. Oct 3 pounds 
of William Hopper, 25 cents. 

10th. Went with Solomon Gill to Waldrop's [?] after a steer; received 
35 cents. Next three days, tailoring and daubing the house. 

14th. Went to Salem. Took a turkey and David Siveter's coat and 
pants. Stayed there and sewed for Dr. Siveter and came home that even- 
ing with Samuel Siveter and Anna went home with him to Quarterly 

15th. Went to Weaver's after a spade and worked at daubing the 

16th. First Day. Anna came home. 

17th. Went to Salem with two turkeys. Had a tooth pulled out at 
Dr. Shriner's. 

18th. Chopped and hauled wood for Captain [Killebrew] and self. 

19th. Picked corn for Captain. Next three days were stormy and 
I made Captain's coat. 

£4th. Second Day, picked corn at Killebrew 's, also did same next 
three days. 

£8th. Went to mill, also chopped wood for self. 

£9th. Hauled it, and chopped for Captain. 

Twelfth Month i, 1856. Second Day, went to mill and went deer 

$nd. Stormy, and work in the house. 

Srd. Made brush pen for Dick, calf. 

4 th. Help kill nine hogs at Sigler's. 

5th. Went up to I. Conley's to help butcher on S. Gill's account, but 
the weather being extremely cold they quit and I came home and built 
a brush house for my hogs. 

6th. Seventh Day, finished said house and split some stakes. 

8th. Fix calf pen gap, and mend Anna's shoes. 

9th. Hunting around, and mend my boots. 

10th, Mended my coat. Stormy. 

11th. Helped Captain kill a pig, then went on deer drive. 

l£th. Cut out coat for Morgan Paine. 

ISth. Cliopped wood and hauled it for Captain and self. 

15th. Second Day, went deer driving. 

16th. Went to mill. From there, went to Salem in the evening with 
I. Potter. 

18th. Went to James Steadman's. Had the dog of my gun fixed, 50 
cents. Stayed at Dr. Siveter 's all night and came home next day. 

I80th. Seventh Day, carried up wood. 

S3nd. Choring. 

23rd. Went hunting and up to Weaver's. 

S4th. Chopping wood on Dr. Siveter 's land. 

$5th. Christmas. Went to Sneath's to dine. 

£6th. Went to Sigler's, picking corn. 

S7th. Seventh Day, stormy. Made Walter's shoes. 


g9th. Helped William Weaver kill eight hogB. 

SOth. Went to Captain Killebrew's. He had gone away. Came back 
and Weaver brought two hogs to my house, one 38 and the other 109 
pounds, at 4 cents per pound. Then Captain and I hauled one load of 
wood apiece. 

Slst. Went to A. Runyon's store, and then to Hillsboro to get pair 
of boots for me and pair shoes for Anna. Came home and finished my 
vest and fixed pants. 

First Month i, 1857. Anna and I went to Uncle William's. There 
saw the marriage of David Burden and Rosa Savage, our cousin. Came 

fnd. Went to Captain's and cut up some of one of my pigs, and 
carried wood. 

5th. Second Day, went to mill with grist of corn. 

6th. Went to work for Morgan Paine. Went to blacksmith's shop. 
Hauled self a load of wood. The balance of the day hauling his corn 

7th. Went to mill and to coal bank, then hauled fodder all for M. P. 

8th. Helped Captain kill three hogs. 

9th. Cut and hauled wood for Captain and self. 

10th. For M. Paine, hauled one load of wood, one load of coal, then 
finished his fodder and built a pen around it. 

11th. Sunday. Samuel Siveter came here. 

Igth. Went hunting. 

LUh. Went to work for Meshack Sigler. Sam and Anna went to H. 
Sneath 's. 

14th. Sam and I went to cut wood for self and Captain. 

15th. We went hunting on north side of the creek. 

16th. We started for Salem. Went to north side of the creek and 
fell in with five deer. Sam and I each fired at a separate deer twice. 
Mine fell on the second shot, but Sam's made off, evidently severely 
wounded. His shot barrel was loaded with turkey shot, mine with large 
bullets and buckshot. 

17th. Seventh Day, took four quarters of my deer to Salem and sold 
them for $4.50. 

19th. Returned from Salem. 

SOth. Went to F. Killebrew's and hauled one load of wood apiece. 

2l8t. Making pair of pants for David Siveter. 

iSnd. Chopping wood for Captain and self. 

£3rd. The same and we hauled three loads apiece. 

S4th. Seventh Day, went to Cox's coal bank with David's pants. 
Sent them to Salem by L. Brown, then went up on the prairie after bake 
oven. Did not get any. 

g6th. Went to mill with corn. Got it ground, also ground my ax. 

trth. Third Day. Worked for E. Ingraham. 

£8th. Help O. M. Wells kill four hogs. The next three days, was sick 
and did not do much. 


Second Month, g, 1857, Second Day, went to mill and chopped some 
wood for self. 

3rd. Chopped wood for self and captain, and he hanled. 

5th. Worked for E. Ingraham, 75c. 

6th. The same. 

7th. Seventh Bay, stormy, and tinkering in the house. 

9th. Helped Captain kill one hog. 

10th. Went to Hillsboro. 

11th. Chopped wood for Captain and self. The next three days 
worked for E. Ingraham at the mill. 

16th. Second Day. Cut a road to the schoolhouse. 

17th. Went to Captain's to borrow flour and cut brush. 

18th. Made broom and went to mill. 

19th, Hunting and cut some wood. 

IBOth. Cut a little wood for Captain, and hunting. 

gist. Seventh Day. Hunt and went to mill. Got some com meal. 

gSrd, Worked for Solomon Gill making sugar troughs. 

184th. Commenced painting a hawk.^ 

£5th. Chopped wood. 

g6th. Tapping sugar trees for S. Gill. 

g7th. Went to Hillsboro. 

gSth, Went to mill and ground drawing knife. Made ax handle. 

Third Month g, 1857. Second Day. Work on brush fence. 

Srd. Went to Glasgow to James Anderson's sale and bought two 
trace chains, 45c. 

4th. Worked for E. Ingraham and David Siveter came here. 

5th. Chopped wood at home. 

6th, Captain hauled it. 

7th. Seventh Day. Hunting. 

9th, Hunting and went to Captain's. The next two days I was 
chopping and hauling wood. 

lith. Went to Hillsboro, to the Carter bottom land sale and C. 
Bruington auction. 

ISth, Working on brush fence, and made Walter a cap and mend 
Anna's shoes. 

14th, Seventh Day, Anna went to Salem. I went down to the creek 
hunting and killed a possum. Stayed all night at Killebrew's. 

16th, Went up on prairie to A. Bunyon's store and in said store both 
my young dogs, Bose and Watch, got poisoned. 

17th, Third Day. Went to Hillsboro. 

18th, Went to mill and to John Stanley's and on the prairie. 

19th, Went to Uncle William's, stayed there all night. 

£Oih, Went to Salem. Stayed with D. Burden all night. 

£l8t. Seventh Day, back to Uncle William 's and John and Thomas 
came home vdth me. 

BFlrst mention In the diary of the painting of some 400 specimens of birds 
and 16 small mammals of the **Savage neighborhood/' which constitute the 
Savage Collection in the Historical Department. 


SSrd, Mend John's boot. Bainy day. 

S4th, Went to the bottom to look after my cow. Killed three ducks. 

i5th. Went to mill and got 52 pounds flour, and mended my boots. 

S6th. Went to the other side of creek after one dead duck. Half 
soled my other boot. 

£7th. Went to the creek bottom and killed two ducks. Worked on 
brush fence. 

28th, Seventh Day, work on fence and made sap trough. 

SOth. Went to mill and settled with E. Ingraham, ground my az, then 
worked on fence. 

Sl9t. Went to F. Killebrew's and helped make a harrow. 

Fourth Month. 1, 1857, Fourth Day, went after my cow and then 
went with Captain after his, then soled and mended Anna's shoes. 

Slid, Went to Captain's and worked on said harrow. Made a pair 
of pants for Andrew J. Stanley for $1.00. 

4th, Seventh Day, grubbing at home. 

6th, Went to election of town officers. 

7th. Mend Eliz Killebrew's shoes. She and Jane came here to prac- 
tice writing. Then I went to Hillsboro. 

8th, Went up on prairie to I. Conley's for onion seed. Made salt 
lick and grubbed some. 

9th, Work on brush fence. 

10th. Went to creek bottom, shot one duck, and then grubbed some. 

11th. Seventh Day, went to B. D. Sneath's sale and bought a bake 
oven, 50 cents. 

13th. Went to Wells's, bought 14 pounds of soap. Helped with 
Cap's heifer. 

14th. Chopping for Wells, 75 cents. 

15th. Carry wood and went to mill. Bought 62 pounds flour. 

16fh. Chopped for O. M. Wells. 

17th, Down on creek bottom. Shot two ducks. John and Thomas 
came here. 

18th. Seventh Day, fixed Thomas' boot, 25 cents. 

20th. Went up to Mrs. Stanley's and got another puppy, call him 
Watch. Came home and work on brush fence. Old cow went off and 
did not come home at night. Commenced making Captain's coat. 

2l8t. Went to hunt cow, did not find her. Work on said coat. 

22nd. Hunting cow and heard of her by S. Gill. Help M. Payne get 
his cow out of a slough, but she died in the night. 

23rd, In the morning I helped M. Payne skin his dead cow, then he 
and I went down to the bottom and found my cow lying down and could 
not get up. We went to the Captain's and got help and raised her up, 
drove her to Captain's and left her there. 

24th. Attended to my cow and grubbed some. 

25th. Seventh Day, attended to the cow and went to the mill and to 
0. M. Wells 's. He wrote an order for some money from the upper district 
came home and grubbed balance of day. 


S7th, Helped up the cow and grubbed. 

28th, Also the same. 

29th. Raised the cow up, but she being very weak fell very heavily, 
and it appeared to have hurt her very much. Then we concluded to leave 
her lying down, turn her over once a day, feed her well, and not lift her 
again until she gets stronger. 

SOth. Built a shed over the cow. Went to mill, and grubbed some. 

Fifth Month, i, 1857, went to the creek and shot a duck. Rainy. 
Then grubbed some. 

2nd. Seventh Day, grubbing. 

4th. Grubbed. Went to school meeting. 

5th. Clearing, and went to help M. Payne lift his bull out of a slough. 

6th. M. Paine and I skinned I Conley's cow for the hide. Grubbed 
balance of day and the next. 

8ih. M. Payne commenced plowing my old ground. I grubbed and 
dug with him. 

9th. Seventh Day, he finished it and I commenced planting my com. 

11th. Planting corn. My poor old cow died. We skinned her and 
the calf. It was unborn. 

12th. Planted corn. 

13th. Went to creek bottom with Captain [Killebrew]. A. M. to 
Daniel Barger's with his presidential papers. From there to William E. 
Taylor's and partly traded my yearling bull calf and $5.00 to him for 
a cow three years old. 

14th. W. E. T. came here and we went to the creek bottom to hunt 
Dick. Did not find him, but he offered me the heifer for Dick and $5.00 
and we made the trade. I was to take Dick to his house when I found him. 

15th. Filling up pantry floor. Dug up piece of ground in field and 
made Walter's shoes. 

16th. Seventh Day, found Dick and took him up to W. E. Taylor's. 

18th. Planting corn. 

19th. Finished planting corn on old ground. 

20th. Went to Daniel Barger 's to buy some wheat at $1.00 per bushel. 
David Burden and Rosa, his wife, and Edward Simkins came here to see us. 

21st. Planting corn for M. Payne. He took my wheat home in the 

22nd. Took said wheat to mill and shot a good mess of fish. 

23rd. Seventh Day. Grubbed. Cut a coat for James Davis and one 
for Mr. Magee, 60 cents. Anna went to Salem and David Siveter 
came here. 

25th. Grubbing. 

26th. Fixed my calf pen gap and prepared new ground for Captain 
to plow. 

28th. Went to W. E. Taylor's after my cow, and Captain came and 
plowed said ground. 

29th. Helped Captain replant his corn. 

30th. Seventh Day, went to town. Sold cow and calf skins for $2.70, 


and mj share of the Conley cow hide 81 cents. Half soled Ely Kille- 
brew's shoes. 

Sixth Month, 1, 1857, Planting corn for M. Payne. 

iSnd, A. M. finished his corn. Uncle William, Aunt Marj and Tom 
came here and I went part waj home with them. 

Srd. M. Payne and I planted my new piece of ground. 

4th. Grabbed water mellon patch and planted it, and some beans, and 
cat oat a pair of pants for Captain Eallebrew. 

5th. Fixed brash fence, and fishing. 

6th, Seventh Day, on brash fence. 

8th. Second Day, Went to school meeting in A. M., in P. M. helped 
M. Payne replant his broom corn. 

9th, Helped M. Payne again. 

10th, Helped Cap grabworm and replant his corn. 

11th, Work on Cap's coat. 

ISth, On Cap's coat and half day haul water. 

ISth, Seventh Day, went to Hillsboro, also hoed corn. 

15th. Cut off a log and fixed up a gap in brush fence. Finished my 
pants and hoed some corn. Supervisor came and warned me out on 
the road. 

16th, Sticking peas and hoeing corn. 

17th, Rainy. Hoed corn. 

10th. Work on roads yesterday and today, from T. McCreadie's south. 

20th, Hoed corn and went to mill to get some bran. 

Slst, First Day, went to Uncle William's. 

22nd. To Salem, and from thence home. 

23rd. Hoed corn. 

25th. Anna went to Salem with Captain. I went to Captain's with 
her to carry her basket. Then hoed corn. 

26th, Hoed corn. 

27th, Finished hoeing my corn at ten o'clock, then made a shaving 
horse and bench, and fixed brush fence. 

28th, First Day, service berry day. 

29th, Sowed 1V4 acres of buckwheat on Captain's field on shares. 
I find seed and have half, and fix brush fence. 

30th, Hoed, pulled beans, picked service berries. 

Seventh Month 1, 1857. Fourth Day, hoed corn. David Siveter came 
here and brought Anna home from Salem, then he and I went to Carter 
bottom to pick berries. 

2nd, Hooped my barrel. Wrote two letters for Mrs. Sneath, one to 
her son and one to H. Sneath 's brother. Also commenced making hen 

3rd, A. M. Cap and I hauled water. P. M. work on said house. 

4 th. Seventh Day, finished said house and went berry picking. 

6th. Made door to said house. Went to mill, hoed some com. 

7th. Hoed corn and went to mill again to get some bran. 

8th. Hoed corn. 


9th, Hauled water and finished hoeing mj com the second time. 

10th, also 11th. work for M. Pajne making brush fence around his 
horse pasture. 

ISth. Second Day, mended my boots, poled the beans, and cut out a 
coat for M. Payne, 25 cents. 

14th. Commenced digging the cistern. 

15th. Went to Salem to pay Dr. Siveter $15.00 due for Hannah cow. 

16th, also Sixth Bay, dug in cistern and sowed turnip seed on Captain's 
land, also the same next day. 

18th. Seventh Day, Anna went to town with M. Payne and family. 
I dug some and went to mill. Weather very hot and dry. 

SOth. Finished digging cistern and commenced walling it up. 

Slst. At the same. 

S£nd. Finished it, and sowed some turnips. 

SSrd. Hauled water and mend my boots. 

S4th. Harvesting for Wm. Morris, reed. $1.00. 

£5th. Seventh Day, harvesting for M. Payne, $1.25 per day. 

l^th. Commenced harvesting Cap's wheat. At same 28th, 29th 
and 30th. 

Slst. Harvesting for M. Paine. 

Eighth Mo. 1, 1857. Seventh Day, harvesting for M. Payne at $1.25 
or an equivalent in wheat. 

Srd. Harvesting for M. Payne at same rate. 

4th. Hauled two barrels of water. Killed a turkey, the first this 
season. Helped Cap kill a sheep. 

5th. Stacked Cap's wheat. 

6th. Killed two turkeys and went to hunt a bee tree with Cap. Did 
not find it. Also went up to David Cornelison's to make an arrow point. 
He not being at home, came back without. 

7th. Cut a tree down in the branch and commenced hewing eaves 
troughs. There came a good rain, the first for three months. Went out 
in the evening and killed turkey at roost. 

8th. Went to Salem on horseback with Cap. Rained very hard that 
day and night. 

9th. First Day, David Siveter came here and killed two turkeys. 

10th. Cap and I went to the creek hunting a bee tree, and not finding 
one, I work on calf pasture fence. 

11th. Went to Cap's to help him tramp out some wheat. It being 
too wet we did not do it until afternoon. John and Tom came here 
hunting their ox. William Weaver came here and invited Anna and me 
to tlie in fair of his son William 's wedding which took place the day before. 

12th. Work on trough, and went to Cap's after lime, and finished 
calf pasture fence. 

13th. Stacking wheat for M. Payne. 

14th. Stack wheat half day, then it rained and I went hunting. Five 
of my chickens killed by a weasel last night. Four large ones and their 
mother killed previous to that. 


ISth. Seventh Day, last night set two traps, and this morning had 
one skunk and one weasel. Went hunting today. 

17th. Went to mill and got some bran. Hunted some. Went to M. 
Payne's and raked up some wheat and grubbed some. 

18th. Watched in Cap's wheat stubble and killed a turkey. Work 
on eaves trough. Went down to the creek at night and killed a turkey 
at roost. 

19th. Plastered the fireplace. Mended my boots. 

SOth. Finished long trough. 

Slst. Mend Walter's shoes. Out two aspens on Cap's land for short 
troughs and made them. 

i£nd. Seventh Day, grubbed some. Cap hauled said troughs. 

gdth. Went to Salem with Cap and bought 50 pounds flour at $2.50 
per hundred. 

£5th. Grub. Picked some plums. 

g6th. Helped Cap unmix his sheep, then picked more plums and 

g7th. Grubbed. 

S8th. Went to camp meeting with Cap to put up his tent. 

SOth. Hewed troughs and hunting. 

SOth. First Day, went to camp meeting and back at night. Anna and 
I did Cap's chores while he and his family attended said meeting. 

Slst. Hunting with H. Sneath. I killed one turkey. 

Ninth Mo. 1, 1857. Burned brush and picked plums. 

2nd. Built a top on chimney and went to Wells's. 

Srd. Rainy. Went to Wells's again to enquire the price of his hogs 
and calves; hogs 4 cts. per pound, calves $4.00 per head. Went hunting. 

4th. Putting caves troughs up on north side of house. 

5th. Seventh Day, wrote a letter to John W^etsal. Next day David 
Siveter came here and went hunting. I killed two turkeys and he one. 

7 thy also Third Day. I worked for O. M. Wells chopping a new road, 
75 cts. per day. 

9th. Sick. 

10th, also 11th, worked for O. M. Wells. 

12th. Samuel Siveter came hero. Went to M. Payne's after my calf 
that broke out a day or two ago. Bought a heifer calf of M. Payne for 
$4.00. Samuel and I intended to go to Salem but the rain prevented, 
and I helped Captain kill a sheep. 

ISth. First Day, Samuel and I went to Salem and David gave me a 
Shanghai rooster, then in the evening I went to Uncle William's. 

14th. Took a squirrel Imnt with John and I returned home. 

15th, also Fourth Day, chopping for O. M. Wells. 

17th. Threshing for M. Payne. 

18th. Went to thresh, but rain prevented. 

19th. Seventh Day, cut out my pants, cut forks for cow shed, and 
split some rails. 

2l8t. Rainy and went hunting. 


•J(l2.*\^ •'• ANNALS OF IOWA 

Sgfid, Went to thresh, but they did not come. In the afternoon, 
worked for M. Payne making fence. 

SSrd, Threshed for M. Payne. 

S4th, Chopping for O. M. Wells. 

gSth. Threshed for F. Killebrew. 

lS6th. Unwell. Finished my ticking pants. 

S7th, First Day, the first frost. Ninth Month 27. 

SSth, also 29th and 30th, chopping for O. M. Wells at 75 cents per day. 

Tenth Month i, 1857, chopped for O. M. Wells. 

ISnd. Rainy. Fetched home two calves, Dick and Pete, that I bought 
of Wells, each $4.00. 

3rd. Seventh Day, hunting, and made a dog house. Also helped M. 
Payne kill a sheep. Went to sin[g]ing school at night — upper school. 

5th, Raining. Went to mill with M. Payne. Got of him one bushel 
and a half of wheat, then made some rail fence by the bars and sewed some. 

6th. Cut out a pair of pants for James Barton, 25 cents. Made a 
pig pen, and commenced cutting up my corn. 

7th. Set two or three posts in cow shed, and Cap and I ground our 
corn knives, then I cut corn. 

8th. Went to mill after my grist, not ground yet, then cut up corn, 
and helped S. Gill kill a cow that he bought of M. Payne, $20.00. 

9th. Went to mill twice and cut up corn. Weather — days very warm 
and nights very cool. Walter took sick with ague. 

10th. Seventh Day, took home some borrowed flour to Wells's and 
waited for Wells to fetch my pig home, but he did not, then cut some corn. 

ISth. Work on road between Weaver's and Stanley's corner. Work 
for M. Payne, 59 cents, and my tax, 33 cents. 

13th. Third Day. Cut up corn. 

14th. Mowed the buckwheat on Cap's land. 

15th. Wells brought my pig home. Rainy. I sewed some. Dick, 
calf, got out. I could not find him. 

16th. Went to Hillsboro and got some medicine for Walter. Took 
3% pounds butter to store and traded for goods, then cut corn. 

17th. Cut corn. 

18th. First Day, morning, caught a coon in steel trap in my corn field. 

19th. Finished putting up my corn, 18 shocks, and found Dick calf 
at old man Baley's. 

eoth. Tremendous hard frost. [October 20] 

SUt. Yesterday and today, cut corn for M. Payne. 

g£nd. Rainy. Killed a partridge. Made a last and cut out a pair 
of shoes for Walter G. Savage. 

£3rd. Cutting up corn for O. M. Wells. 

S4th. Seventh Day, set up two-thirds of my buckwheat, and went to 
see the shooting match. 

g6th. Went to M. Payne's and to mill with some wheat and with him 
to the lower steam mill. 

£7th. Finished setting up my buckwheat and made a fork handle. 


SSthf also 29th, worked for M. Payne on his house. He is going to 
raise it and put a new roof on it. 

30th. Went to Hillsboro for some worm medicine for Walter. Also 
helped M. Payne put his rafters up. 

SUt. Mowed grass for O. M. Wells. 

Eleventh Month i, 1857. First Day. 

2nd. Commenced threshing our buckwheat. 

Srd. Pulling turnips, threshing buckwheat. 

4th. Finished threshing said buckwheat. 

61h. Rainy. 89led Anna's shoes, and hunting. Killed one turkey 
at roost. 

6th, Help O. M. Wells kill a fat cow. Came home and cut wood. 

7th. Hauled wood and pumpkins and went to Uncle William's. 

8th. First Bay, went to Salem. 

9th. Returned to Uncle William's and from there home. 

10th. Borrowed Wells's fanning mill and cleaned up some of our 
buckwheat. Snowed that night. 

11th. Built a pen to put said wheat in. It would not hold, then put 
it in Walter's box. Snowy. I fetched my calves home from M. Payne's. 

ISth. Chopped some wood, hunted, split rails. 

13th. Finished our buckwheat. I had 53 patent bucketfuls for my 
half off an acre and a quarter. Cap hauled me a load of wood, and I 
went with him to John Coburn's after two shoats of his. 

14th. Seventh Day, chopped and hauled a load of poles for wood, 
and one load of wood and rails, and set two posts in calf shed. 

16th. Hunting some and worked on shed. 

17th. Went to M. Payne's and borrowed 20 nails, and grubbed some. 
Afternoon went to Cap's and divided our turnips. I had about 26 bushels 
and some not pulled yet. Buried mine. 

18th. Buried one bushel of potatoes. I had of Thomas McCreadie for 
cutting Jim Barton 's pants. Set in rainy and I went to Wells 's to borrow 
some sacks to take some buckwheat to mill. 

19th. Went to M. P. to get the cattle, but did not. Then cut a pattern 
of Dr. Siveter's coat. Went to mill with seven bushels of buckwheat and 
brought home a load of poles. 

Slst. Seventh Day, chopped some wood and went hunting. 

23rd. Worked on my pants and in the evening watched in Wells's 
cornfield and shot a spike buck, wounding him in the liam. He went into 
Cap 's field and lay all night. Next morning I tracked him up and found 
him just north of Cap 's house. He then jumped up and I shot him again 
and he rolled over the fence. He ran a piece and lay down, got up again 
and ran to the creek and crossed at the island. I then found him on the 
other side, shot him again and then Watch caught him. We killed him 
and dragged him home. Then I went to work on McCreadie 's coat. 

S5th also 26th. At the same and finished it, then cut and hauled a 
load of wood with M. Payne's oxen. 

27th. Went to Salem with Tom Lewis, took three quarters of venison 


and sold it for $3.18. Did [not] come again till Seventh Day morning. 
Then cleaned out the Bchoolhoase. 

30th. Second Day, went to mill with some corn and got it ground 
and went to Thorn Mcreadie's and got half a bushel of potatoes for 
catting a pair of sleeves for him. Went to creek bottom with James 
Spray to hunt his heifer. 

Twelfth Month 1, 1867, Went to Mr. Payne's and helped kill a pig, 
then to mill with two bushels of wheat. Got it ground. Then Tom L. 
and I hauled a load of wood. I took some sacks to Wells's. 

£nd. Wells came here to change said sacks, his^ being down at the 
mill with my buckwheat in. Went down and changed them. He fetched 
one bag of buckwheat flour home for me. I commenced making Dr. 
Siveter's coat. 

Srd. Helped M. Payne gather a load of corn up in Sigler's field till 
noon, then worked on Dr.'s coat. 

4thy and Seventh Day on said coat and finished it. 

€th. First Day, went to H. Sueath'« to tell him that his steer was 
at D. Barger's. 

7th. Chopped wood in forenoon. Afternoon, rainy, and cut out Alex 
Martin's coat. 

8th. Sewed on said coat. 

9th. Helped M. Paine get a load of wood and a load of fodder, then 
he and I got a load of wood for self. 

10th. Went to store and got some canvas for and worked on said coat. 

11th. Worked on said coat. 

IBth. Seventh Day. Finished said coat and cut out a coat for 
Nicholas Boley, 50 cents. 

14th. Second Day. Made Walter pair shoes. 

15th. Started to Salem with T. Lewis and M. Paine. The road being 
very muddy, the oxen stalled. Tom and I unloaded the coal on side of 
the road and came home with empty wagon. Paine went to Salem with 
the steers. 

16th. Went to Hillsboro to pay my part for the harrow teeth Cap 
and I bought, but Squire Newbold was not at home. I did not pay. 
P. M. finished my pants. 

17th. Kill my sow pig, and cut out a coat for George Martin. 

18th. Rainy. Grubbed. Cut some hand sled runners and went hunting. 

19th. Seventh Day, went hunting. Went to Hillsboro and found Cap 
was not sued, so paid Dr. J. B. Allen 80 cent« on aforesaid harrow. Then 
Tom L and I hauled one load of wood. 

Slst. Sneath, Cap, Wells and I had a deer drive, but killed nothing. 

SSnd. Grubbed some and fixed rail fence by hen roost. At night I 
wounded a deer. 

SSrd. Cap and I hunted for it and could not find it, then we hauled 
wood. I shot two hogs for M. Paine. 

S4th. Went to mill, and nailed slabs on calf shed. 

BSth. Christmas day. Hunting. Shot common partridge. 


t6ih. Tom and I hunted. Caught a young fox squirrel and gave it 
to Tom. Killed a possum and a rabbit. Tom roasted the rabbit in the 
woods. I chopped a load of wood. 

t7th. First Day, John and Thomas came here to invite Anna and me 
to Mary's wedding. 

S8th. Second Day. Went part way home with the boys. Came home 
and hauled a load of wood. I cut out a coat for West Bunyon. 

g9th. Fourth and part of Fifth Day making said coat. 

First Month 1, 1858. Anna and I went to Uncle William's, saw 
Edward Simkins and Mary Savage married. 

Snd, Seventh Day, came home. I went to Cap's after Walter and 
commenced cutting a coat for Samuel Morris. 

4th. Help O. M. Wells kill five hogs. 

5th. Cap and I hauled a load of wood.' 

6th. Went to mill. Took 3 bushels of wheat and 2 of buckwheat and 
1^ of corn. Came home and sewed. 

7 th. Sewing. 

8th. Help M. Paine kill four hogs. 

9th. Seventh Day, Captain liauled one load of wood and David Siveter 
came and I tried his rifle. 

11th. Second Day. I went to Salem with David and took Doctor's coat. 

12th, also Fourth day, sewed for Dr. at his house. Went to Uncle 
William's that night. 

14th. He cut some patterns for me that morning and I came home. 

15th. Sixth Day. Split 37 rails and chopped a load of wood. 

16th. Seventh Day, Cap hauled it and I chopped for him and hunted 
with West Oldacre and Dave and William Barger for deer. Heard a 
Canada Jay, the first this spring. First Month 17. 

18th. Fix eaves troughs, and went to Cap's after auger. 

19th. Split rails and chopped wood. 

20th. Grubbed some. Thomas Lefevcre and James Lucas came here. 
I went as far as Sneath's house with them to show them the road. 

2l8t. Help O. M. Wells kill a beef cow. I took a hind quarter weigh- 
ing 134 pounds at 5 cents — $6.70. 

S2nd. Chopping wood. 

83rd. Seventh Day, putting up eaves troughs, and went to T. 
McCreadie 's. 

g5th. Second Day. Went to Sigler's mill. There were five persons 

26th. Went to Gill's. Came home and tied up seed corn, and made 
broom. Went with T. Lewis to make oxbow bender. 

27 th. Went deer driving with West Oldacre. Killed none. Fix shed. 

28th. Went to Wells's to borrow an auger. Then measured Hen 
Hopper for a coat and cut it out. 

29th. and 30th, making liis coat. 

Second Mo. 1, 1858. Second Day, went to Hillsboro. Sold 5 dozen 
eggs. Two pounds sugar and % pound coffee. 


2nd. Hauled one load of wood ij^'ith M. Paine 's oxen. Banning deer. 

Srdf and 4th, chopping and making rails for O. M. Wells, 75 cents 
per day. 

5ih. Soling my boots and making ax handle. 

6th. Seventh Day, chopping wood and hunting. 

Sth. Took the clock to pieces. Went to Hillsboro after Dr. Allen for 
Cap's daughter Parthene, then cleaned clock. 

9th. Made a hand sled. At night I watch my field. At 20 minutes 
before 8 o 'clock I shot a young buck killing him on the spot. 50 £.^ 

11th. Cut some aspen poles and Cap'n hauled me a load of wood. 
I chopped 40 poles for rails. 

10th. Went to Cap's and chopped some wood for self. 

12th. Cap and I killed two rabbits. I helped him cut wood, and cnt 
a load for self. 

ISth. Seventh Day, Tom Lewis and I went hunting. 

15th. Stormy. 

16th. Help Cap kill a hog. Hauled some wood for self. 

17th. Cap hauled two loads wood. I chopped for him and hunted. 

18th. Chopped for Cap and it snowed. 

19th. Had M. Payne's oxen and hauled three loads of wood and rails 
and two loads of fodder. 

20th. Fish Hayes, Tom L. and I went hunting. Fish shot a doe deer 
and gave Tom and me a forequarter apiece. 

2l8t. First Day, we fetched the deer home and Tom Savage came here. 

22nd. I mended his boot and hunted. 

23rd. Went to mill, and to Hoppers and got a pair of socks, $1.00, 
one pound white yarn, $1.00 in pay for making Hen's coat. 

24th. Went part way home with Tom and chopped some wood. 

25ih. Hauled some wood and fodder and help Tom Lewis put tongue 
and roller in the sled. 

26th. Finished the sled and helped Tom get a load of wood. I chopped 
some wood and poles for fence. 

27th. Hunting. Shot a red- tailed buzzard on the nest. 

28th. First Day, Thomas Siveter brought a pair of pants for me 
to make. 

Third Month 1, 1858. Hauling wood with M. Paine 's oxen, and com- 
menced making Tom's pants. 

2nd. Finished them. 

Srd. Went to Salem with Tom's pants and stayed all night. 

4th. In the evening I went to Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

5th. Came home, made hog pen, and helped Cap'n put some glass in 
at schoolhouse and cut some wood there. 

6th. Seventh Day, Cap helped me kill my fat hog. I then hauled a 
load of wood with the oxen. 

oMr. Savage having been born in England and acquainted in his youth with 
the symbols of the British monetary system here used the sign of the British 
pound sterling, as at the Instant it carried in his mind the sound of "pound.** 


8th. Commenced making Tom Lewis's pants. That night I watched 
my field and 20 minutes before 8 o'clock four deer came into the field. 
I shot at one 43 yards. It was so dark I could see no more of him then. 

9th, Went out in the morning and by the fence in the field I found 
the deer lying dead, shot through the heart, a young buck. In afternoon 
went to Mr. Paine 's. Also mended my boots. 

10th. Took Uncle William a hind quarter of said deer. Coming home 
I broke through the ice at Warner ford, my gun in one hand and a cane 
in the other. I got out with a good soaking about from my arms down. 
8aw the first wild geese. Shot a partridge and a duck. 

11th. Had M. P.'s oxen. Hauled one load of wood and two loads 
of fodder. 

l£th. Made box and put 5]/^ bushels buckwheat in it. 

ISth. Seventh Day. Went to creek bottom and to Runyon's sugar 
camp. Came home and mended Anna's shoes. Fixed lady calf's head 
to her foot and turned her out. 

1.5th. Went to Sigler's and returned their candlemoulds. In after- 
noon chopped wood. 

16th. Rainy. Cut out and sewed on Tom L.'s coat. 

17th. Went to mill with T. L. and B. Weaver Creek very high. 
Sewed on said coat. Old cow and three calves strayed off. 

18th. Went to creek bottom to hunt them. Were not there, but found 
them up at Runyon's. 

19th. Went to Cap's and O. M. Wells and I appraised two stray 
heifers, then went to creek bottom and dug up some gooseberry bushes 
and set them out. 

tOth. Seventh Day, went to Hillsboro to take oath to said strays and 
then went to mill. 

SSnd. M. Paine and I went to Jonathan Hoskins' for some young 
apple trees. Dug some up and left them, then went part way home with 
John and Tom S. ' 

SSrd. Help Cap kill two hogs, and went after my wedge at Wells's. 

£6th. Went to Glasgow with Cap. Took ten dozen eggs, each 4 cents, 
and 17 pounds paper rags, 1^/^ cents, and traded for groceries. Brought 
home 25 apple trees and 6 cherry trees from J. Hoskins, and 5 for Wells. 

S7th. Seventh Day, hunting. Killed two ducks. Set out some of 
my trees. 

g9th. Also 30th, worked for O. M. Wells hand threshing and grubbing 
in his wheat field. 

Slst. Went to mill, got my grist, came home and fixed my dip net. 
Tom. L and I went fishing and caught a few. 

Fourth Month 1, 1858. Grubbing at home and ground my mattock. 

tnd. Grubbed and helped Cap mark his hogs. 

Srd. Grubbed. Packed away the meat. Killed four ducks, fix hen's 
nest, shelled some corn. 

4th. First Day, went to Uncle William 's and Anna and I came home. 

5th. Grubbed, packed away the meat, and took Wells's borrowed 
floor home. 


6th, Grubbing for Jonathan Hoskins to pay for apple trees. 

7th, Rainy. Put some stalks on hen house. 

8th, Went to Hillsboro with M. P. and came home and hauled a load 
of wood with his cattle. 

9th. Tom and I went fishing, came home and fixed my boot, and 
went hunting. 

10th, Seventh Day, fixed Anna's and Walter's shoes. Big Cedar 
Creek very high and washed away Sigler's dam. 

Itth, Set five apple trees and six cherry trees, then helped Tom L. 
make brush fence around a cow pasture on M. P.'s farm. Bainy. 

13th, A snow. I finished Tom's coat. 

14th, Also 15th, work on pasture brush fence. 

16th. Commenced making garden. Sadly too wet. Sowed two rows 
of peas, some lettuce and cabbage seed, and grub. 

17th, Took some corn to mill, got it ground, caught some fish in a 
dip net, and shot one duck. 

18th, First Bay, Thomas Siveter brought a pair of pants for me 
to make. 

19th, Went with Anna to Cap 's to make soap. Sewed some, and went 
to Jim Elarton 's mill and took three bushels wheat with M. P. and caught 
some fish. 

tOth, Made soap. Finished Tom's pants. 

£l8t. Went to Salem with said pants, and took a coat and pants to 
make for David Siveter. Stayed at Uncle William's that night. 

tSnd, Came home by the two bridges on account of high water, then 
took our meat out to dry it. 

SSrd, Hauled my corn out of the field, and hauled one load of wood. 
Cool and frosty nights. 

If 4th, Seventh Day, killed two ducks at Weaver's ford. Watch 
fetched one out; the other being on the shore, he would not. L. and B. 
Wells and I crossed on Gill's raft and went round after it. 

S6th, Grubbed at home. 

g7th. Went to Cook's mill with M. P.'s oxen. Came home and com- 
menced making David Siveter 's coat. 

B8thy also 29th, worked at the same, and his vest and pants. 

30th. At the same. 

Fifth Month 1, 1858, Seventh Day, finished D. Siveter 's clothes. 
In afternoon David and Thomas Savage came here and we went hunting 
and fishing. 

3rd, Second Day. Rainy. I mended Tom's boots and Uncle's shoes, 
and went fishing. 

4th, Tom and David went home, and took Dr.'s clothes. 

5th, Went to Thomas McCreadie's to get some potatoes, and to J. 
Hoskins' to change some more eggs for Poland eggs, then went to Caleb 
Giberson's house raising, and husked some corn. 

6th. Husked corn. 

7th, Work on cow shed. 


8th, Seventh Day. Went to Salem with M. Paine. Went home with 
Tom Savage and stayed all night. 

9th. First Day, came home. 

10th. Went to mill with Tom Lewis. I went to T. MeCreadie's. 
Got 1 bushel potatoes, 25 cents, and grubbed some. 

llthy also 12th, grubbed and burned brush at home. 

ISth, Grubbed for Jonathan Hoskins. Paid for my apple trees. 

Uthf and 15th, worked on Daniel Barger's coat, and cut a pair of 
pants for David Siveter. This is a very wet spring so far, and very late 
rainy now. 

17th. Second Day, cow hunting. 

18th. Finished D. Barger's coat, and coat and pants for Walter G. 
Savage. Cow stayed out all night again. 

19th. Tom L. and I went fishing A. M. In P. M. M. Paine and I 
commenced on my cow pasture fence. 

SOth. Tom L. and I finished it, and cropped the left ear of my four 
calves and turned them out, and made a poker to put on the cow and put 
her in the pasture. 

Slst. Made pair of pants for David Siveter, and caught some fish. 

SSnd. Attended the law suit between M. Sigler and M. Paine, but 
gave notice of an appeal to a higher court and paid the costs. 

SSrd. First Day, painted a black-capped sparrow, and went to Salem 
with David Siveter 's pants. Stayed all night. 

£4th. Bought pair pants and shoes. Took vest to make for David 
and went to Uncle William 's. It being very rainy, stayed there all night. 

25th. Came home by the bridge. Creek very high. Went fishing. 

26th. Anna and I went to Jane Killebrew's quilting. 

£7th. Went on prairie after old cow and calves, then fishing and 
work on shed. 

B8th. Put fodder on shed. Came another hard storm. Lightning 
killed William Hopper's ox. I went fishing. 

i9th. Seventh Day, went to Hillsboro trading. Worked on David's 
rest, and fishing. 

Slst. Second Day. Work on D.'s vest. 

Sixth Month 1, 1858, Finished the vest. Tom Lewis commenced 
plowing my ground. 

Snd. Rainy. I filed my saw and ground cold chisel, and fished. 

5rd. I went and helped dig a grave for P. W. Bennett's child (half 
an hour old). Thomas Savage and H. Sneath and his \i'ife came here. 

4th. Mending pair boots for Tom, and fished. 

5th. Seventh Day, went part way. He came back on account of high 
water. In afternoon he tried another route and got home. M. Paine 
plowed two rounds in field. It being too wet he quit. I shelled corn. 
Cow got out but came back at night. I chopped some poles. 

7th. Plowed some ground. 

8th. Rainy. Cut out my pants. Went to Sigler mill to wait for M. 
Paine to take my meal home. He did not come. I fished. 


9th, Nearly made said pants. 

10th. About 4 o'clock in the morning M. Paine came here and called 
me up. I went to Salem to fetch Aunt Polly Garretson, M. P.'s wife 
being sick. Before we returned she gave birth to a son. Finished my 
pants, mowed some weeds, and commenced a piece of rail fence south 
of the house. 

11th. Work on said fence. Morgan Paine sold his south 40 acres 
to a Mr. Brothers. 

IBth. Seventh Day, help M. P. plow my new ground. 

14th. Work on fence. Also I commenced planting corn, Sixth 
Month 14. 

15th. Planting corn. 

16th. Went to hunt M. P.'s oxen. Found Pod, but Bolly hid in the 
brush and I could not find him. Afternoon Samuel Siveter came here 
and we went service berrying down to the creek. Planted some corn. 

17th. Again hunted Paine 's oxen, harrowed my new ground and 
planted some. 

18th, also 19th, planted corn and potatoes. 

Blst. Second Day. Finished planting my corn. 

SSnd. Carry rails and make fence west of house. 

SSrd. Forenoon, sick. Afternoon, work on rail fence. 

S4th. Anna and I went up to M. Paine 's. Then I worked on my 
fence by the bars. That night Cook's flour mill was burned, supposed 
by incendiary. Also Sigler's buggy top cut in pieces, seat taken away, 
one spoke cut in two, one wheel taken off lumber wagon and big cable 
rope taken away. Old Burras suspected of the fire. 

S6th. Seventh Day, went to mill and then work on rail fence north. 
John and Thomas came and went home Sunday. 

gSth. Finished said fence, and spade garden. 

g9th. Third Day. Commence hoeing corn. 

SOth. Fourth Day, hoeing corn. 

Seventh Month I, 1858. Fifth Day, hoeing corn. 

£nd. Fishing and went to M. Paine 's and to mill. Carried home 
some flour. 

Srd. Seventh Day, went to S. Gill's shop, and I. Conly fixed my steel- 
yard poise and made me an arrow spike. I hoed corn. 

5th. Harvesting for Job Davis, $1.00. 

6th. Went to mill with Tom Lewis. We fetched home my wheat box, 
barrel, and shovel plow. I helped Tom load up a big cupboard. Hoed corn. 

7th. Had Paine 's oxen and put in my buckwheat and hoed corn. 

8th. Morgan Paine moved his family to Salem. I worked on the road 
from N. Boley 's to Sigler 's mill, from thence up new road. W. F. Barger, 

10th. Seventh Day, rainy. I went to Isaac Conley's to get some more 
rye straw. Hoed corn and fixed brush fence. 

ISth. Had Will and Harman Giberson to help me hoe com. 

ISth. Hoed corn. 


14th. Helped Caleb Giberson hoe corn. 

15th, Commenced haying for O. M. Wells. 

16th, Hoeing corn, poled beans, and sowed turnip seed. 

17th, Seventh Day, rainy. Finished my straw hat. Went to D. 
Barger's for some rutabaga seed. 

19th, Haying for O. M. Wells. 

SOth. Very rainy. Mend my pants and boots. Commenced hat for 
Walter G. Hoed melon patch. 

gist. Went to Wells's. Ground our scythes and the boys and I went 
s^^imming. Came home and finished Walter's hat. At night skunk 
killed bob hen and five chicks. 

22nd, Watch killed three skunks in brush fence. I trapped one old 
one at night. Rainy. 

SSrd. Shelled some corn and went to mill with Cap. Helped him 
catch and kill a sheep, and tried to catch another. 

24th. Seventh Day, trying to catch one of Cap's sheep till noon, and 
could not. P. M., went to Hillsboro on Kid and traded eggs and lard 
for drygoods. 

26th. Iloed corn and sowed turnips. Caught a cat fish, 2^ pounds. 

2?th. Rainy. Put rockers on chair, and hunted. 

28th. Went to Wells's and went fishing. Hoed some and sowed 
turnips. Rained heavy that night. 

S9th. Went to creek. 

30th, also 31st. Haying for O. M. Wells. 

Eighth Month, 1 1858. First Day. 

2nd. Rainy. Mend my boot and went to creek. 

3rd. Made Walter a pair of shoes and went to creek. 

4th, and 5th, and 6th. Haying for O. M. Wells, 75 cente per day. 

7 th. Seventh Day, fix my boot and went to creek hunting. Tom 
Savage came here and brought a brindle puppy for Wells, two months old. 

9th. Through haying. 

14th. Seventh Day. From the 10th to the 14th noon, threshing and 
haying for O. M. Wells. Very hot all this week. Rain this afternoon. 

16th, also 17th, 18th and 19th. Haying for O. M. Wells. 

20th. Went to Hillsboro and bought $1.70 in goods at Dr. Allen's 
store on Wells's account. 

2l8t. Seventh Day, at home. Fixed the stand, and hunting and went 
to Uncle William's and from there to the M. E. Camp meeting one mile 
west of Salem. Stayed until 23rd. 

24th. Mowed weeds in corn field. Old cow broke out. 

25th, also 26th, hunting cow. Could not hear of her. 

27th. Went to trial of John Jolly, Benjamin Weaver, William Stanley, 
James Stanley, and Joseph Runyon, taken with a state's warrant for 
throwing eggs into the Masterson Schoolhouse, District No. 2, during a 
temperance lecture, tried before William Morris, J. P., fined, John Jolly, 
$20; Benjamin Weaver, $15; Joseph Runyon, $10; James Stanley, $8, 
and costs equally divided. William Stanley was acquitted. Going up to 

112 Ai^NALS OF lOWA 

said trial I heard of my cow. She was up at Frederic Endersbj's. Weni 
that evening to get her home. Drove her to Rock Creek and she ran awaj 
from me. David Seveter came. 

gSth, Seventh Day, David and I went to Endersby's. Cow was not 
there. We examined every gang of cattle we could see on the open prairie, 
but in vain. We then went to Fisher Haise's to wait for the cattle to 
come up in the evening. In about two hours we heard a bell, and again 
we went on the prairie, found her in a big gang of cattle, and got her 
out after some extra running and dodging. We then drove her as far 
as I. Conley 's. There she hid in brush. We passed her by and went home. 
Then Anna and I went and found her again. Could not coax her. L 
Conley helped us drive her home. Then I put a solid poker on her and 
went to rest. 

SOth. Went to Wells's with some corn, got some butter, moved the 
stove and set up lye leach. 

Slst. Mowing hungarian grass for Captain K. 

Ninth Month 1, 1858, Mowed weeds in corn. 

ind. Went to Cap's. Saw Mathew B. Sparks and Sarah Jane Kille- 
brew married. Stayed there all day. 

Srd, Worked on the road north of Sigler's mill, and hunting. 

4th. Seventh Day, hunting. 

6th, A. M., work on schoolhouse well. P. M., went to town meeting. 
Voted antitax. 

7th, Mowing weeds in corn. 

8th, Rainy all day. Hunting. 

9th. Work on my ticking pants, and gather hazelnuts. 

10th, Chopped one log of hickory tree by road, then Arthur Bennett 
and I tried to find a line between him and me. Went to Wells 's. He paid 
me $10.50 in cash for haying. 

11th. Seventh Day, split some rails and Leonidus Wells and I hunting. 

ISth. Shell some corn and took it to mill. Fix fence and commence 
a new one north of field. 

14th. A little while working on fence. Rainy. 

15th. Hunting and work on fence. 

16th. Went to Salem. Came home same day. 

Friday y Sep. 17."^ John Albert Savage, born 9:15 A. M., our second 
son. Had Mrs. Bennett, Mrs. Brothers, Mrs. Killebrew, and Dr. J. B. 

Saturday, Sep. 18. Kill first turkey of the season. Went to Uncle 
William's. Had Mr. P. W. Bennett's team. Aunt Mary could not come. 
Brought home a sow pig Uncle gave me. Got out the same night. 

Sept. 20. Went to Cap's. Sent by him to Fairfield for flour. Got 
100 pounds, $3.00. I mowed grass for P. W. Bennett, and his wife took 
care of Anna. 

Sep. gl. Picked some seed corn, and in house. 

7At this point in the diarv Mr. Sava^^e discontinues the use of Friends* style 
as to dat( s. etc.. and uses the ianguage generally prevalent in his locality. 


Sep. 22. I went to Cap 's and to creek. Commenced cutting up my corn. 

Sep. 2S. Hunting and cutting corn. 

Sep. 24. In house and gathered seed corn, and some to grind. 

Sat. Sep. 25. Cut corn and hunted. 

Sep. 27. Corn cutting and in house. 

Sep. 28. Cut com. 

Sep. 29. Fixed pig pen and went to Jacob Bunyon's after Mary pig. 
Fixed fence and cut corn. 

Sep. 30. Cut corn and fixed corn field fence. 

Oct. 1, J 858. Tried to borrow a log chain to haul brush with Caleb 
Giberson 's cattle, but could not get any. Mary pig and old cow got out. 
I cut some corn. 

Sat. Oct. 2. Went to Hillsboro to trade 4 dozen eggs. Tom Savage 
came here. 

Oct. 4. Mended a pair of shoes for Tom, and went part way home 
with him. I shot a duck and two squirrels. 

Oct. 5. Hauling brush with said cattle, and fixed part of a fence. 

Oct. 6. Rained. I fixed my shoe. The cattle ran away and caught 
the hook in my shoe tore one side of the sole off. Got some white oak 
bark for Anna, and hunting. Old cow out again. 

Oct. 7. Anna very sick. Took cold and it settled inwardly. I was 
in the house all day. 

Oct. 8. In house, and went to hunt a squirrel for Anna. Shot my 
second turkey this season. Got one squirrel, got some bark, and cut 
some com. 

Sat., Oct. 9. In house, and finished cutting corn, 24 shocks. Shot one 
prairie chicken in cherry tree. 

Oct. 11. Went up on prairie to hunt old cow. Did not find her. Went 
to Thadeus Clark's, heard cow was north in timber. 

Oct. 12. Rainy. Went to Cap's after my tools. Shell some corn and 
took it to mill and got it ground, then went to J. Runyon's and fetched 
Mary pig home again. 

Oct. 13. Found cow on summer creek bottom, but could not drive her 
home. Then mowed some buckwheat. 

Oct. 14. Went to T. Clark 's to see if cow had come up. Had not, so 
I cut com for Cap. 

Oct. 15. Cut corn for Cap, and at night I went to Bennett's cotillion 

Sat.y Oct. 16. A. M., cut corn for Cap. P. M., went to school meeting 
and to T. Clark's. 

Oct. 18. Rainy. Fixed cradle and hunting with Leonidus Wells. 

Oct. 19. Finished cutting my buckwheat, and went to Job Davis' sale 
and brought old cow home. T. Clark had her in a lot. 

Oct. 20. Cutting corn for Cap Killebrew % of day. 

Oct. 21. Went to Hillsboro, traded one dozen eggs for box of matches, 
and took an oilcloth cloak to make for Dr. James Boyd Allen. Also 
made hog pen. 


Oct, ft, P. W. Bennett and I went north side of creek and mowed 
some grass to cover sheds. Set up my buckwheat. Gave Giberson notice 
that I should open the road on my east line. 

Oct, iS, Went to mill and helped Bennett's drive a cow into their 

Sun,y Oct, t4, John and Tom came here. 

Oct. £5. Helped Bennett kill said cow. I mended John's boots at 
night. We went cooning. John and Tom went home. We killed two 

(To be continued.) 


The first court ever held in Iowa was presided over by David 
Irvin. He was a native of Albemarle County, Virginia, and 
commenced the practice of law in that state, at Harrisonburg. 
He was a young man of much promise, and in 1834 was ap- 
pointed by President Jackson, judge to officiate in that por- 
tion of what was then Michigan which lay west of the lakes. 
His district embraced the country extending west to the Mis- 
souri and White Earth rivers, and north to the northern 
boundary of the United States. 

In 1836 the Territory of Wisconsin was organized and em- 
braced all this country; and of the three Judges appointed 
for the new territory Irvin became one, and the district to 
which he was assigned embraced all that part of the territory 
which was west of the Mississippi River, and he came to Bur- 
lington and made it his home till the Territory of Iowa was 
organized. He then went back to Wisconsin, and by successive 
appointments he retained the judgeship there till that terri- 
tory became a state. In 1848 that territory assuming a state 
government, his office expired and he removed to Texas where 
he resided till his death. 

When Judge Irvin first came west it was comparatively one 
vast wilderness. At the time he took up his residence in Bur- 
lington, the place contained scarcely three hundred inhabi- 
tants, and there were only about ten thousand whites within 
the present limits of Iowa. — C. Negus in the Dollar Monthly 
and Old Settlers Memorial, Vol. 3, No. 6, p. 5, in Historical, 
Memorial and Art Department of Iowa. 


For a number of years Des Moines schools had taught In- 
dian Life in a more or less desultory manner. Always dissatis- 
fied with their inferior and inadequate aids, they were not 
satisfied with methods and results. With the beginning of 
the school year of 1927, Superintendent John W. Studebaker 
directed his assistant. Miss Bessie Bacon Goodrich, to consult 
with the curator of the Historical, Memorial and Art Depart- 
ment of Iowa looking toward a plan with a definite course of 
study of Indian Life. This resulted in a selected group of 
teachers reading under Curator Harlan's direction for a num- 
ber of months. He arranged a council of five of the oldest and 
most intelligent of the Mesquakie (or Fox) Indians from the 
so-called reservation in Tama county. George Young Bear, a 
full-blooded Mesquakie Indian, well trained in the Indian 
ways, graduate from Haskell Institute, served as interpreter. 

The teachers continued their studies and interest in Indian 
Life and the following September an ** Indian Life School'' 
was conducted by Mr. Harlan assisted by Dr. Melvin Randolph 
Gilmore, then of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation, New York City, in which Young Bear and Jim 
Poweshiek who had been present at the council, took part. A 
stenographic report of the school was made by Mrs. Harriett 
Card of the Historical Department staff, after the Indians be- 
came accustomed to talking with this group of teachers. The 
record of the council was compiled by Halla M. Rhode of the 
Department and George Young Bear. After it had been com- 
piled, it was interpreted to Young Bear who acted as head of 
the council. He carefully corrected it. It was then re-written, 
and again interpreted to and approved by Young Bear. The 
original notes of the record of these meetings with the Mesqua- 
kie Indians are here published for the first time. It is believed 
to be a contribution of equal value with the demonstration 
made before the Des Moines, 1929, meeting of the American 
Association for the Advancement of Science. 

Like that,^ it purports to reveal only one method of imparting 

iSee ANNALS of Iowa, Third Series, Vol. XVIII, No. 6, October, 1932. 


to pupils in our schools through the teaching fraternity the 
facts available of Indian life, as these facts are in a present 
state of vanishment into our social culture and civilization. 



On the morning of February 18, 1928, the selected group of 
Des Moines teachers headed by Miss Bessie Bacon Goodrich 
who had been studying under Mr. Harlan's direction, met in 
his office at the Historical Building for his instructions before 
their council with the Masquakie Indians. Curator Harlan 
with his keen insight and understanding of these Indians skill- 
fully directed the teachers so that the Indian friends would feel 
comfortable in their presence and the information sought would 
be forthcoming easily. 

At 12 :30 P. M. February 18, 1928, the conference adjourned 
to Mr. Harlan's acreage near Altoona, where the party of In- 
dians was found awaiting us in the wickiup. A tepee also had 
been set up to serve as a council lodge. It had been made warm 
by strewing straw on the ground on which blankets were 
spread, and in it the teachers were seated ** Indian fashion.'' 

Mr. Harlan brought Young Bear in, the oldest son of the 
last chief. Push e ton e qua, deceased, and Young Bear's son, 
George, who were presented to Miss Goodrich and her party 
of teachers. 

Young Bear made a fire in the tepee. The party watched 
to see the methods used by an Indian to start a fire. 

Mr. Harlan and Young Bear then invited half of the party 
at a time into the Indian wickiup for an Indian dinner. 
The wickiup was very cozy with straw and blankets on the 
ground and a fire in the center. The meal was cooked by the 
Indians on the open fire. It consisted of pork chops, dried 
** squaw" corn and beans, (all boiled together in an iron 
kettle), boiled squash, canned peaches, ** squaw" bread and 

The Indian party consisted of two men. Young Bear, sixty 
years. Fox ; Shaw a ta, fifty-nine years. Fox ; and three women. 
Qua ta che (Anna Kaasataak), seventy-two years. Fox; Wa 
so se a, eighty-five years old, Sauk; and Susie Eagle, Fox, a 


young woman who cooked and served the meals, and Mr. Har- 
lan 's white friends. George Young Bear, interpreter, is a 
graduate of Haskell Institute. 

The Indians explained to the teachers how the foods were 
prepared. In preparing corn the kernels were taken whole 
from the cob. Anciently they used, and now they prefer to use, 
a fresh water clam-shell — a muscle shell. When they have no 
shell they use a spoon, never a knife as white people do. By 
running the edge of the shell between the rows, the green ker- 
nels are ** shelled" from the cob. Then it had been dried. 

The pumpkin had been sliced through, forming rings. The 
rinds had been pared off, and the flesh, or pumpkin rings, were 
hung on a pole and dried; these half -dried, tough rings were 
braided, then the drying was continued until it was perfectly 

Teachers : How do you make the bread ? 

Susie : Take some flour, put it in a wooden bowl, put a little 
baking powder and salt in the flour, and enough water to make 
a dough, make it into round, flat cakes, and fry in lard. The 
cakes are patted flat in the hands, pierced two or three times 
with the point of a knife, and then fried in deep fat to a 
golden brown. 

It was explained that in the old days bread made from flour 
was not known, but that this was learned from the white man. 
The peaches and coffee had, of course, been bought as a con- 
cession to white tastes. 

After dinner the party went up to the house and the con- 
ference continued. 

Mr. Harlan : Young Bear, these friends have been teaching 
white boys and girls, first, how white people lived in the time 
my grandfather lived in Iowa in the earliest settlements. Now 
they w^ish to teach the same children how the Indians lived who 
were still here at and earlier than that time. Young Bear, yon 
and I are about the same age, and we wish to talk about the 
Indians at the place, the time and earlier than our grand- 
fathers when they were neighbors and friends. 

Young Bear: Game was so plentiful they did not have to 
go but a short distance from the home. As game grew scarcer, 
they sent out scouts. They went on hunts when they gave a 
favorable report. 


Mr. Harlan : When they went on hunts, did all your people 

Young Bear : Some stayed at home to look after things. The 
game from the hunt was divided with the ones who stayed 
at home. 

Mr. Harlan: Do just the Indian men go hunting? 

Young Bear: The women are very useful on a hunting 
party. They dress the game, prepare the hides, and keep the 
clothing in repair. 

Mr. Harlan: How is the meat prepared? 

Young Bear: There are different ways of preparing the 
meat. Stick it on sticks around the fire; or have four forked 
stakes with sticks laid across in the forks, and lay the meat 
on that, above the fire. Thus it cooks and dries. A third way- 
slice it thin, lay it on poles and dry in sun. 

Mr. Harlan: How were the skins tanned? 

Young Bear : The women do all the work about the camp. 
They get the water and wood. They cook and prepare the 
game. They make the clothes. Wa so se a knows how to tan 
the skins, for she tanned them, and will answer. 

Wa so se a : Take a deer skin and wrap around a pole that 
has been driven slantingly in the ground. With an edged tool 
scrape off all the hair. Hang up to dry on framework. Shape 
a stick with an edge, scrape the dried skin with this until it is 
soft. Take the brains of any animal, put in a vessed, add as 
much water as brains, dip the dry skins up and down in this 
mixture until it is soaked. Hang it up and let it slightly dry, 
beat with stick until soft, continue doing so until dry. The 
skin will become white and ready to use. 

To tan the skin we make a pit one or two feet deep with a 
small and shallow hole beside it. Put a framework of sticks 
over the pit, almost like a little wickiup, then stretch the skin 
over this. Put the wood of the sumac or a vine (name un- 
known) and set it afire ; the smoke will brown the tanned skin. 
When one side is brown turn over and brown the other side. 
Feed the fire through the small hole at the side. 

Mr. Harlan: Were the men's clothes made of this? 

Wa so se a: The shirt, the leggings and moccasins were 
made of this, and for the women a skirt and blouse and moc- 


casins. If any was left it was saved and made into something 

Mr. Harlan: Did they make the- children's clothes from 

Young Bear: They made everjrthing from this for every 
one. They even made dolls and balls for the children to play 

Mr. Harlan : Would they make clothes for the very young 

Wa so se a : They pick the softest skin for the little baby. 
When it is first bom they have ready the soft lint from the 
cat tail flag, and line the skin with this and lay the new-bom 
baby in it and wrap the skin around it. 

Mr. Harlan : How soon do they begin making clothes for 
the children? 

Young Bear: They make them right away, and some of 
the clothes are made before the baby is born. 

Mr. Harlan : If any one was taken sick on a hunt, what did 
they do? 

Young Bear : They seldom took sick ; but if they did, they 
would send back to the main village for the medicine man. 
He would come and take care of the sick man until he was 
able to go back to the village. 

Mr. Harlan : Were there ever any babies born on a hunting 
expedition ? 

Young Bear: Yes, because the women went with the men 
on these hunts. I was born while my folks were on a hunt on 
Coon River. 

Mr. Harlan : Did they send for the medicine man when the 
babies were bom? 

Young Bear: No, the women were taken care of by their 
women friends who understood how to care for them. 

Mr. Harlan : Did the Indians use much color in their orna- 
ments ? 

Young Bear : Yes, they had color. 

Mr. Harlan: What was their favorite color? 

Young Bear : Yellow and black. They used yellow leggings 
with black stripes. 

Mr. Harlan: What other colors did they have for orna- 


Young Bear: Red, blue, purple, black, green and yellow. 
I used to mix colors to get tints. They got their blue, red and 
yellow paint from clay. They came to where Des Moines now 
is for red clay. The Indians liked colors. They painted their 
faces. Now they have given it up, because the white people 
paint their faces. 

Mr. Harlan : Did a boy or girl wear the same designs as 
ornaments ? 

Young Bear: (He misunderstood the question). You dis- 
tinguish a boy or girl by the clothes they wear. A boy would 
never wear skirts, and a girl would never wear leggings. 

Mr. Harlan : In the designs of the ornaments of the tribe 
would there be any that a boy should wear and a girl should 

Young Bear : No, the design would be the same. 

Mr. Harlan : In a group of children, some of them Mesqua- 
kie, some Sioux, some Chippewa, could you tell the tribe of 

Young Bear: Yes. 

Mr. Harlan: Could the clans be distinguished? 

Young Bear : No, but each clan has a mark used on the grave 
of the dead to distinguish the clan. 

Mr. Harlan : Could they not wear these designs on the 
clothes of the living ? 

Young Bear : No, that would not be proper. These symbols 
are sacred and used only for the dead. 

Mr. Harlan : Besides paint and porcupine quills, what did 
they use for ornaments? 

Young Bear: There are a great many things that can be 
used for ornaments. The most highly valued are those hardest 
to obtain. 

Mr. Harlan : Does a child under ten years of age use orna- 
ments ? 

Young Bear : They do not have to be of a certain age. Some- 
times very small babes have many ornaments. This shows the 
mother's love for a child. The more a mother loves her babe 
the prettier the things she gets for him. We owe our lives to 
our mothers. From the very beginning the love of the mother 
for her child is so great that she cares for him, and that carries 


through all the child's life. This is why all the Indian men 
respect the women. We would not be what we are if it had 
not been for the love of our mothers. Men are taught to respect 
women more highly than anything else. 

Mr. Harlan : Do they have any kind of music in the tribe ? 

Young Bear: There are many different kinds of music. 
The Indian shows his feelings by music. 

Mr. Harlan: Could the songs of different tribes be dis- 
tinguished from each other? 

Young Bear: Each tribe has its own songs, different from 
every other tribe. 

Mr. Harlan: Do the songs have words, or just syllables? 

Young Bear : Both. Some have words, some syllables. Some 
that have words have stories in connection with them. 

Mr. Harlan: Can you play a song on the flute that has 
words, then sing it, and afterward tell the story? 

Here Young Bear played a love song, Frank Shawata and 
Young Bear sang it, and Young Bear told the story of it : A 
maiden who all her life had looked down on folks, grew older 
and all the young men passed her by. She seemed far away 
from every one, so she sang this song. 

Mr. Harlan asked about the word **far away.'' 

Young Bear: They did not use such a word in this song, 
but instead used a comparison. It was as if the maiden was 
in a high tree, away from every one. It tells how she grew too 
old to attract any man and how she looked down and saw she 
was never happy. 

Mr. Harlan : We were camping near Vinton one time with 
some of our Indian friends, including Ruth Poweshiek and 
her baby Richard. One day Richard grew very fretful, and 
Sam Slick, the son of Wa so se a, a very large man weighing 
perhaps 250 pounds, took the baby and, rocking him in his 
arms back and forth sang an Indian lullaby, and soon the baby 
was asleep. I am wondering if Qua ta che would feel like sing- 
ing this song for us? 

Qua-ta-che (after a long silence) : I was trying to think of 
the lullaby Sam Slick sang at Vinton, but I cannot sing it be- 
cause all my friends are gone and I am alone. 


Young Bear then sang the Mule Dance, and during the 
song Qua ta ehe imitated the mule. 

Mr. Harlan : Has the song words t 

Young Bear : No, only syllables. 

Mr. Harlan : Some have words, and some songs only sylla- 
bles. However, when I go to Dr. Medbury's church, and I hear 
his trained choir, often I cannot understand what they say, 
and yet I feel the meaning of the words in music. Can we not 
get a feeling from this music of our Indian friends, though 
we cannot understand their words or syllables t 

Are the children taught these songs f 

Young Bear : Yes. 

Mr. Harlan : Are there any special songs that the children 
are taught f 

Young Bear : No. They learn the ones they are interested in. 

Mr. Harlan: How did the children get their training! 

Shawata : Each child is taught to obey his parents, and when 
they talk the child is to listen and try to learn. 

Mr. Harlan : Does the child have any way of learning be- 
sides this? 

Shawata: Yes, there are certain men in the tribe who know 
more about one subject than any other, such as hunting, re- 
ligion, etc. Each man calls all the children together for an 
evening and instructs them. Some evenings the family of one 
lodge visits another. The older people do all the talking. They 
tell the stories, the legends, and tales of the old days. They 
devote the whole evening to one subject where they tell 
legends. The children are supposed to listen, and not interrupt 
in any way. 

Mr. Harlan: How long does this keep upf 

Young Bear: Sometimes half of the night, sometimes all 
night, sometimes only a short time. It depends on their hosts. 
The host would suggest that they quit talking, or he would 
suggest something else, and that means that the talk should 
end. The visitors understand this and they go back to their 
own wickiup. 

Mr. Harlan: ** Withdraw thy foot from thy neighbor's 
house, lest he weary of thee, and so hate theef " 

Young Bear : Indians are seldom in want, because they can 


go anywhere and find food. The plants can be found every- 
where. If you go to the streams you can find fish. When hard 
times come, they know they can take care of themselves. 

Mr. Harlan: Do you remember any of the legends yon 
heard in your childhood t 

Young Bear: Yes, I can remember a great many. 

Mr. Harlan : Once when I was trapping with you, you tried 
to tell me a legend of a man leaning on his spear. Can you re- 
member the story and tell it to us t 

Young Bear : Yes, I will tell it the best I know how. 

Once upon a time there was a small boy who lived with 
his grandfather. One day he went to a great dance where 
there were many Indians dancing. Out at the edge of the yard 
he saw a warrior leaning on a large bow, with a spear point 
in one end. He wore a buffalo robe, held on him by basswood 
string. The boy admired him so much that he wanted to look 
just like him, so he went back to the wickiup and asked his 
grandfather for a large bow with a spearpoint on one end. 
His grandfather promised him the bow, then the boy asked 
for a buffalo robe ; his grandfather also promised him the robe. 
Then the boy asked for a basswood string, then the grand- 
father understood what the boy wanted. So he told his grand- 
child, ** Grandchild, I understand just what you want. You 
want to look just like the great warrior. You cannot look like 
him just by asking for a buffalo robe and bow. There are so 
many things and so many rules that you must follow, in order 
to gain the things that you have made up your mind to be. ' ' 
And the boy understood. So he gave his promise that he wil? 
observe and follow whatever his grandfather tells him to. 
From then on he obeyed his grandfather. He was taught to be 
good to every one, and he was made to fast, and all through 
his life he was taught to seek what is right. He was very care- 
ful to do what he was told by his grandfather, and so one 
day while he was out alone he was spoken to by the spirit, and 
he knew that he was blessed, and had received his reward. So ho 
went back to the wickiup and told his grandfather. His grand- 
father understood that he had received his reward. From then 
on he became the greatest warrior. He led all their war parties. 
He was leader of all the warriors. He even went out sometimes 


single-handed and took the villages. There was one time he 
came upon a great dance lodge of another tribe, and as he 
peeped in he saw a circle of great warriors. As he stood lean- 
ing on his bow at the door he looked through the circle of 
warriors and saw that there wasn *t a single one that he could 
not overcome. He knew he was greater than any of them. 
However, in the middle of the circle he saw one warrior that 
he was not sure of. He felt that warrior might be greater. 
When the warrior saw him they whispered that here was a great 
warrior, and that they would fight him, but as they danced 
up to him they were all afraid. One warrior was not afraid. 
He took the pipe and the tomahawk ; he danced the pipe dance. 
He circled around, flourishing the tomahawk, and offering the 
pipe to his friends. He danced around the circle once, twice, 
three times; each time he passed our great warrior. Finally, 
the fourth time he flourished the tomahawk at the warrior ; the 
warrior seized it and killed him, and the rest of the warriors 
ran. He killed as many as he could catch; the warriors who 
escaped looked back. They saw he was alone, and came back. 
When he saw them coming he saw he must hide, which he did. 
The warriors searched the lodge the rest of the night, and all 
through the next day. There was a black dog curled up asleep 
beneath a bench, and the warrior was beneath it. However, a 
few of the warriors tried to chase the dog away, but he would 
not move. That night the warrior made his escape. While he 
was under the dog he changed himself to a snake, for he had 
the power to change himself to anything he wished. 

Mr. Harlan asked the teachers if they had any questions. 

A teacher: He spoke of the boy wanting to be good and 
wanting to do good, yet he became a great warrior. Is it their 
idea that to do good one must be a warrior? 

Young Bear : All the children are taught to do things that 
are right, and to do good to every one, and when it becomes 
time for them to defend their homes they are never afraid. 
They must at times defend themselves, as well as the women 
and children, and also their hunting grounds. So these men 
become our great warriors. 

A teacher : Why did they fast 1 

Young Bear : Every child had to fast. Fasting means some- 


times punishment, sometimes it is not for punishment. If a 
child is very ambitious, he must show the Great Spirit by fast- 
ing. All through childhood the parents teach the child to ob- 
serve a certain rule, and the child is taught to respect the older 
people. Children should not mock any one, especially old 
people. It is not right to laugh at them, but to pity them. 
Therefore, each child is carefully watched. If he does anything 
that is not right, or breaks any of the rules, he is made to fast 
from one to several days. When a child wishes to become great, 
he must learn it through fasting. In this way some fast for 
several days at a time, until he receives the blessing. We 
understand many of the things that we cannot see. In this way 
(through fasting) we receive the understanding. The Great 
Spirit teaches those that are earnest. Many of our ceremonies 
have their beginnings through those who fast. That is why, 
to this day, we are able to have all the ceremonies and receive 
the reward of the fuller life from the Great Spirit. We see 
the future through those who fast, and we all believe. It was 
once said that a certain man received his blessing, and he was 
made to see the future. He foretold that men will live to go 
swiftly over the ground, to fly, and to live in the water as the 
fish. When that time comes man will think that he is greater 
than the Great Spirit. When that time comes man will think 
he knows more than God. Children will marry. Children will 
preach in the churches, and tell their old folks what to do. 
When that time comes the end of all things is close at hand. 
That is why people should hold fast to the religion they know 
is right. There are two roads, one narrow, which leads to God, 
the other wide, that leads to the Devil. 

The films, ** Story of Mesquakie Life on Reservation at 
Tama,'' which has been collected by the Historical, Memorial 
and Art Department of Iowa during a period of five years 
were shown. After this the Indians and teachers were given a 
chicken feast by Mr. Harlan, and the conference adjourned to 
meet again at some future time. 

Read to Young Bear February 29, 1928, and approved by 

Prom a pliologrspb by Jahn Buell. OeocBeo, IIIIudIb. 


By David C. Mott 

During the 1880 's J. Ellen Poster was Iowa's most promi- 
nent woman. A half century ought to be enough time to elapse 
so that an unbiased estimate could be made of her. There is no 
disputing the fact that she greatly impressed public opinion 
in the state during that decade, and she deserves a perma- 
nent place in the list of Iowa's notable people. 

Judith Ellen Foster was bom in Lowell, Massachusetts, No- 
vember 3, 1840. Her parents were Jotham and Judith (De- 
lano) Horton, both of Puritan ancestry. Her father was for 
thirty years a Methodist minister, in his early career with the 
Methodist Episcopal church, but being too radically anti- 
slavery for the then governing authority of that church, he 
resigned from it and entered the ministry of the Wesleyan 
Methodists. Both parents were devotedly religious, and rigidly 
followed the lines of duty as they understood them. The 
daughter was educated in public school and in Genesee Wes- 
leyan Seminary, Linea, New York. Her parents died almost 
before she reached womanhood. She spent some time with a 
sister in Boston, and for some years taught school. Guided 
by the influence of her parental home in which she spent her 
early years, as well as by her natural impulses, she was de- 
votedly religious. Church and Sunday school work appealed 
to her and she soon became active in these lines and did much 
mission and relief work among the poor. These things came 
to her naturally because of the abundance of her sympathies. 

Being in Chicago in mission work she met in 1869 a young 
lawyer, E. C. Foster, of Clinton, Iowa, to whom she was mar- 
ried some time during the same year. Mr. Foster had been 
admitted to the bar in Michigan in 1867, and at Clinton in 
1869 when he removed to that city.^ 

Mr. and Mrs. Foster established their home at Clinton, he 
continuing his law practice and she helping him in oflSce work. 
She became interested in the study of law, and being encour- 

^Hist. of Clinton Co., Iowa, Western HUt. Co., Chgo., 1879, p. 436. 


aged and aided by Mr. Foster, she was admitted to the bar at 
Clinton in 1872," occasionally helped her husband in the trial 
of cases, and was thought to be the first woman in Iowa who 
was actually engaged in practice. She was admitted to prac- 
tice in the Supreme Court of Iowa October 20, 1875,' being the 
fourth woman admitted to practice before that tribunal.* 

Their domestic life was happy. Two children were born into 
their home. They were active in church and Sunday school 
work and Mrs. Foster's inclination toward mission work led 
her to help among the unfortunate. Clinton at that time was 
a great lumbering town, rafting and milling lumber. That 
brought into its life a large number of rather rough and free- 
dom-loving transient frontiersmen. The government enumera- 
tion of 1870 found Clinton to have a population of 6,129, and 
Lyons, on its immediate north, 4,088. The towns were new, 
business was booming, and conditions those of the frontier. 

The one condition that at this time entered largely into the 
lives of Mr. and Mrs. Foster was that of the saloon question. 
Iowa at this time had a prohibition law which had been 
amended to allow the sale of ale, wine and beer as beverages, 
and cities and towns were authorized to levy special taxes on 
places where intoxicants were sold. The code of 1873 strength- 
ened the law by prohibiting the sale of these beverages to 
minors, intoxicated persons, and persons in the habit of be- 
coming intoxicated.^ In a growing young city with its regu- 
lations of law and order not very well established, where a very 
large proportion of the people drank, and where the saloons 
were numerous and competing for business, it was natural that 
law violations on the part of the saloon keeper would be fre- 
quent, and also that many cases of suffering resulted among 
families of those who drank to excess. It was natural that Mr. 
Foster should be retained in damage cases against saloon 
keepers, and it was but natural that Mrs. Foster should help 
him in the prosecutions, and natural that she should join in 
rescue work among the poor, be active in the Ladies' Temper- 

2W/io'« Who in Am., 1908-09, p. 656. 

sRecords In the office of clerk of the Supreme Court of Iowa. 

♦For the first three women admitted, see footnote, Annals op Iowa« Third 
Series, XVI, p. 468. 

58ee Iowa, Its HUitory and Its Foremost Citisens, by Johnson Brigham, 
1916, Vol. I, p. 217. 


ance Aid Society of Clinton, and join with the crusaders in 
their visits to the saloons in their attempts to persuade drinkers 
to reform and dealers to shut up shop. 

As a protest against drinking conditions in those years and 
in an effort to check or eradicate them, there grew up several 
great temperance movements or organizations, among them 
the Sons of Temperance, the Washingtonian Society, the Good 
Templars, the Blue Ribbon Movement, the Crusaders, and the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union. There were many 
eloquent lecturers against the use of strong drink. Series of 
meetings were frequently held in towns and cities, some of 
them partaking of the quality of religious revival meetings. 
Some of the lecturers were reformed drunkards. John B. 
Gough and Francis Murphy were among the more noted. 

In a town where the saloon business was popularly ap- 
proved, its interests were rather jealously defended, as indi- 
cated by the following newspaper clipping: **Our saloon 
keepers are naturally disgusted at the manner in which the 
courts treat their rights."® 

The activities of the women and their organizations is evi- 
dent from the following quotation: **The Ladies* Temperance 
Aid Society of Clinton have petitioned the council to strictly 
prohibit the sale of all liquors within the city. The petition 
bearing 1200 names, men and women, was referred, and we 
presume the license of dealers in ale, beer and native wine will 
be set at a good high figure. ' '^ 

In Clinton the city council began to get busy, thinking, per- 
haps, to balance the budget, or to keep down the number of 
drinking places, as appears in the following : * * Liquor licenses 
in Clinton have just been advanced from $50 to $100 per 
year. ' '* 

Saloons seem to have been quite popular in Lyons, as sho\\Ti 
by the following: **Up to the present time thirty-eight govern- 
ment licenses have been taken out by saloon keepers of Lyons 
since May 1st."* 

The Crusaders, women who went in groups to the saloons 

»Lyoiw Mirror, as n-prlnted in the DeWitt Obaercer, May 1, 1874. 

7/6W., May 1. 1874. 

«/6id.. May 8, 1874. 

^Lyons Advertiser, as reprinted In the DeWitt Observer, May 22, 1874. 


to hold meetings and pray and speak, evidently caused sym- 
pathy for the cigar makers : * * We suppose the Crusaders of this 
section will be gratified to learn that their operations have 
caused the discharge of some thirty cigar makers in Lyons. 
Their trade has been greatly injured, in fact, it has been al- 
most ruined, while the sale of beer and wine has been but little 
affected so far. '''"^ 

As a reflection of the atmosphere of the times and the move- 
ments of emotions, the following is along the same subject: 
**A German saloon keeper in Maquoketa says: *Ven I goes to 
mine bed I sleeps not goot. I dream in mine head dat I hears 
dem vimens braying and singing in mine ears dot Jesus loves 
me. Dot bothers me so I got right straight up and valk on the 
floor and take anudder glass of beer. * *^^ 

As illustrative of attempted prosecutions, witness the follow- 
ing: **Last week Mrs. Foran, through her attorneys, Coming 
& Grohe, commenced suit against Wm. Def reest on three counts 
— selling liquor, exposing for sale, and keeping a nuisance — 
before Justice Mathews of Clinton. Def reest crossed the Mis- 
sissippi and is dwelling with friends in Fulton. Compromise 
is talked of, but had not been arrived at yesterday. Mean- 
while the saloon is closed."" 

That Mr. and Mrs. Foster were identified with temperance 
agitation is evidenced by the following news item: '*We had 
the pleasure of meeting Judge Darling and E. C. Foster, and 
their ladies, of Clinton, in DeWitt Sunday evening."" J. S. 
Darling, a lawyer of Clinton, delivered a temperance lecture 
at DeWitt on this occasion. 

Prosecutions were evidently being attempted as shown by 
the following interesting item: **A big crop of indictments 
against liquor sellers is looked for as a part of the result of 
the labors of the grand jury now sitting at the Court House. 
Many men of the county have been cited to tell what they 
know of the traffic, and where they got their little habituals. 
Times have changed somewhat with witnesses ; some ten years 
ago a similar summons — or expectation of it — sent several of 

lOfhM., May 22, 1874. 

noelmar CUpper-./ournal, as roprlnted In the DeWitt Observer, May 22, 1874. 
i^Lyona Mirror, as reprinted In DeWitt Observer, May 22, 1874. 
i^DeWitt Observer, May 22, 1874. 


our business men to Illinois for a few days, but now they report 
to the Court House. Philosophers must account for the change, 
and decide whether it is an encouraging one or not."" 

Up to this time, June, 1874, we have no evidence that Mrs. 
Foster had appeared on the platform in general addresses. 
She had been a Sunday school teacher since before she reached 
womanhood, had been a mission worker, and a worker in wo- 
men 's temperance societies of various cities, and doubtless had 
acquired the habit of thinking while before an audience. Be- 
sides, she had a good education and had had some experience 
in the practice of law in association with her husband. So we 
are not surprised at finding in the DeWiii Observer of June 
5, 1874, the following announcement: **One of the best tem- 
perance lectures we ever listened to was delivered in the M. E. 
Church last Sabbath evening by Mrs. Foster of Clinton. The 
house was filled to overflowing. The audience was delighted 
with the lecture." 

In the DeWiit Observer of August 7, 1874, in news copied 
from the Lyons Mirror we find a communication signed **G" 
which reads as follows: **We have an Elizabeth Cady Stanton 
in our midst. Last Sabbath evening I went to Clinton to hear 
Mrs. Foster lecture on temperance. The several congregations 
combined filled the church to its utmost capacity. She gave 
one of the best addresses upon this subject I ever heard. It 
really appears to me she is equal to any lady orator in the 
United States." 

In its issue of August 14, 1874, the DeWitt Observer, in 
items quoted from the Wheatland News, has the following : * * At 
a meeting of the Wheatland Temperance Society last evening 
a vote was passed that Mrs. E. C. Foster of Clinton be invited 
to deliver a temperance address to our citizens at the next 
meeting of the society. Mrs. Foster, whose heart is in the great 
work of temperance reform, is one of the most talented and 
entertaining lecturers among the women of our country. ' ' 

The subsequent number of the Wheatland Neivs, as repro- 
duced by the DeWitt Observer, says of the lecture: **A good 
audience gathered at the hall last evening to hear Mrs. E. C. 
Foster. We have not space to give an extended notice of her 

i^Lifons Mirror, as reprinted In the DeWitt Observer, June 5, 1874. 


lecture. It could scarcely be called a temperance lecture. It 
was an earnest and impressive pleading in behalf of the vic- 
tims of the rum traflfic. She spoke like a woman whose heart 
was burdened with the overwhelming weight of the cause she 
advocated. Her words were earnest, truthful, burning, elo- 
quent. * ' 

Thus it appears Mrs. Foster had attained a local reputa- 
tion as a very effective and eloquent temperance orator, and 
was in demand in her section of the state. The spirit of re- 
form was growing, and the liquor dealers, accustomed to hav- 
ing things pretty much their own way, were alarmed. At such 
times there are often irresponsible and radical persons sympa- 
thizing with one side or the other, and lawlessness is in danger 
of occurring. In its issue of October 2, 1874, the DeWitt Ob- 
server records this act of arson and its comment: **The resi- 
dence of Mrs. Foster, the temperance lecturer of Clinton, was 
burned down one night last week. It is laid at the door of the 
saloon keepers. This is no new mode of warfare with them/' 

We have been able to find but little further comment on 
that ruthless event. In one of her speeches appearing in the 
papers ten years later Mrs. Foster alludes to it saying they 
lost everything in the house, even to precious keepsakes of 
their children. We were not able to discover that the vandals 
were detected or prosecuted. But she was not long suppressed. 
It heralded her name to the public and helped give her morb 
than a state-wide reputation. 

In the next month, November, 1874, the Woman's Christian 
Temperance Union was organized at a meeting in Cedar Rapids 
and Mrs. Foster was elected corresponding secretary of the 
state organization. She was also selected as one of the dele- 
gates to the national meeting in Cleveland. It was then that she 
met Miss Frances E. Willard who was at the head of the na- 
tional Woman's Christian Temperance Union. The two be- 
came great friends and Miss Willard urged Mrs. Foster to go 
on the platform and devote herself to the cause of prohibition. 
It took but little persuading. She was made superintendent 
of the department of legislation of the national organization. 

On her way home from attending the Cleveland convention 
she stopped in Chicago and was called upon to speak briefly 


at a temperance meeting. According to the DeWitt Observer 
of November 27, the Chicago Journal said of it : **Mrs. J. Ellen 
Foster of Clinton, Iowa, made a most impressive speech of 
ten minutes, expressing herself with sense and kindness. Her 
oratory was admirable, her manner simple, earnest and ef- 
fective. Her friends predict a career in the best sense for this 
pleasing, level-headed attorney from Iowa.'' 

In its issue of December 4, 1874, the DeWitt Observer quotes 
the Clinton Daily Herald as saying: **Mrs. J. Ellen Poster 
spoke to the largest audience she ever addressed at Iowa City 
last Sunday evening and on Monday afternoon she lectured 
before the Law Department of the State University." 

Mrs. Foster was now fully entered on her public life. She 
was busy the next few years organizing local branches of the 
Woman's Christian Temperance Union over Iowa, speaking 
in churches as well as in public buildings, everywhere denounc- 
ing the rum power and advocating prohibition. The years of 
the 1870 's were years of agitation on that question. 

At a meeting of the Woman 's Christian Temperance Union 
held in Burlington in October, 1878, Mrs. Foster proposed an 
amendment to the Constitution of Iowa prohibiting the manu- 
facture and sale of intoxicating liquors. The idea was soon 
endorsed by the State Temperance Alliance and other tem- 
perance organizations, and taken up by the politicians.^'^ 

The following from the Muscatine Journal as quoted in the 
Burlington Gazette of December 3, 1879, gives a mental picture 
of her as a speaker at that time : * * Last Friday evening Mrs. 
Foster spoke at Wilton on the subject of the * Constitutional 
Amendment.' She is a very clear and forcible speaker; her 
manner remarkably easy and winning. She is a fine looking 
woman, and the first impression of her audience is at once pre- 
possessing. She spoke two hours. Objectors to her position 
will find their match when they attempt to answer her. Trained 
as a lawyer, she is enabled to present her thoughts in a very 
convincing manner." 

Mrs. Foster was now superintendent of temperance legisla- 
tion for the state organization of the Woman 's Christian Tem- 
perance Union. The goal was a constitutional amendment. In 

ISA History of the People of Iowa, by Cyrenus Cole, p. 417. 


1880 the General Assembly adopted a joint resolution propos- 
ing a prohibition amendment and the assembly of 1882 agreed 
to the proposed amendment and fixed June 27 of that year 
as the date when it should be submitted to a vote of the quali- 
fied electors. During the continuous struggle Mrs. Foster was 
very much in evidence at the sessions of the legislature and 
before the people. She was a leader among those who believed 
that prohibition was the way to control the liquor business, 
and constitutional prohibition at that. 

**In the foreground of this long contest from 1846 to 1882 
were Hiram Price, John Mahin, Benjamin P. Que, Charles 
C. Nourse and James F. Wilson; also a group of women led 
by Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, Mrs. Mary J. Aldrich, Mrs. L. D. Car- 
hart, Mrs. Florence Miller, Mrs. Martha C. Callanan, Mrs. 
Marion H. Dunham and others.''^* 

The amendment was adopted by a majority of 29,759 votes. 
One month after the adoption of the amendment by the people 
the State Temperance Alliance held a great convention in Des 
Moines, July 27, 1882, attended by delegates from nearly all 
the counties of the state. Former State Senator Aaron Kim- 
ball of Cresco presided and B. F. Wright of Charles City was 
secretary. There was naturally much jubilation. A commit- 
tee was appointed to examine into and report to the conven- 
tion the legal status of the liquor traffic of the state, in view 
of the prohibitory amendment having recently been adopted, 
and to suggest what additional legislation was necessary, if 
any, for a succesf ul enforcement of the amendment. The com- 
mittee was J. A. Harvey, C. C. Nourse, William Phillips, H. W. 
Maxwell, and J. Ellen Foster. An address to the saloon keepers 
of the state was issued, signed by D. R. Lucas, S. N. Fellows, 
J. P. Pinkham, J. Ellen Foster and Mary J. Aldrich. It called 
on the liquor dealers to observe and obey the law as embodied 
in the amendment. It suggested a special session of the legis- 
lature, but did not urge it. Mrs. Foster was a star speaker at 
this convention and was received with great applause." 

In April, 1883, the Supreme Court rendered a decision de- 
claring the amendment had not been legally submitted to the 

i<iIowa, Its History and Its Foremost Citizens, by Johnson Brigham, Vol. I, 
p. 218. 

i7/oica State Register, July 28, 1882. 


electors, and that it had not become a part of the Constitu- 
tion. Then came a contest for statutory prohibition. The Re- 
publican party was the dominant political party in Iowa in 
those days. It met in a great state convention on June 27, 1883, 
just one year from the day the prohibition amendment had 
been adopted by the people. It was apparent the temperance 
people had captured the convention. However, it moved with 
a spirit of tolerance. Hon. John A. Kasson was temporary 
chairman and Col. David B. Henderson, permanent chairman. 
The platform declared: **We accept the result of that election 
• • • as the verdict of the people in favor of constitutional 
and statutory prohibition," and proceeded to pledge the party 
to the enactment of a prohibitory law by the next General As- 

If Mrs. Foster had been non-partisan up to this time, she 
thought there remained no reason for her now to remain so, 
and from that time on she was ardently Republican. Prohibi- 
tion being in her mind the chief public issue, the one nearest 
her heart and the one to which she was devoting her life, and 
the Republican party having championed that cause even in 
the face of political danger, and as the Democratic party was 
favoring license, it was but natural for her to make that de- 

The State Temperance Alliance called a convention to meet 
at Des Moines on January 23 and 24, 1884. It was very largely 
attended. Hon. Henry 0. Pratt, a former congressman from 
Charles City but at that time a prominent preacher of the 
Methodist Episcopal church, presided. Resolutions were 
adopted commending Governor Sherman in his ** unequivocal 
and manly stand • • • on the prohibition question, ' ' and ex- 
pressing confidence that the General Assembly, which was then 
in session, would promptly meet the wishes of the people as ex- 
pressed in the adoption of the prohibitory amendment. Many 
able speakers addressed the convention, among them being 
Attorney General A. J. Baker, Rev. H. 0. Pratt, Bishop John 
P. Hurst of the M. E. Church, Rev. Henry Wallace, Dr. George 
F. Magoun, and Mrs. J. Ellen Poster, and none with more 
favor than Mrs. Foster. Concerning this convention the Iowa 
State Register in its issue of January 25 said editorially: 


** Observers who are veteran in attendance of Iowa meetings 
say that this was the intellectual equal of any which has been 
held in the state.'' The General Assembly, which was in ses- 
sion at this time, enacted a prohibitory law before its adjourn- 
ment, although the measure passed tlie House by a bare ma- 

Mrs. Poster by this time had become an open advocate for 
the Republican party, and in doing so there was broken in 
1888 that close personal friendship and co-operative relations 
between her and Miss Frances E. Willard. The policy of the 
latter was to support what was known as the ** Third Party," 
or the Prohibition party. Mrs. Foster, believing prohibition 
was now within the grasp of the people of Iowa, and with the 
leading political party supporting it, thought she ought per- 
sonally to support and help strengthen that party. She ad- 
vised, however, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union to 
become non-partisan as an organization, urging the members 
to exercise their individual judgments politically. This caused 
a division of the W. C. T. U. into two rival organizations, Mrs. 
Foster becoming president of the non-partisan division. 

During the 1884 political campaign Mrs. Foster was in great 
demand as a speaker, not only in Iowa, but made many ad- 
dresses in other states, speaking under the auspices of the Re- 
publican National Committee. She was in especial demand in 
the western states. She was an admirer of Mr. Blaine, who 
was the nominee that year. For the next ten years she delivered 
hundreds of addresses, speaking in all parts of the United 
States, frequently on politics, but oftener on temperance, on 
which she spoke in many churches, as well as in public halls. 

In 1888 she organized and became president of the Woman's 
National Republican Association and did effective work for 
the party. In 1892 she revived the association, and in the Re- 
publican National Convention at Minneapolis that year she 
was called to the platform before that great assembly and pre- 
sented the cause of the woman's association. While not de- 
voting time to the cause of woman suffrage, yet her speeches 
for temperance, for prohibition, and her political addresses 
helped greatly in making woman conscious of herself politi- 


Some time in the 1880 's Mr. and Mrs. Foster removed to 
Washington, D. C, he receiving an appointment in the United 
States Treasury Department. Mrs. Foster, however, continued 
to frequently deliver addresses in Iowa, both on temperance 
Emd on politics. In 1887 she had a trip of several weeks in 
Europe. Because of her reputation as a mission worker Presi- 
dent McKinley appointed her to inspect sanitation in soldiers' 
barracks during the Spanish-American War and recommend 
improvements. She accompanied the Taft Commission to the 
Philippines in 1900 to study conditions of women and chil- 
dren there, and took a trip around the world, continuing her 
study especially in China and India. In 1902 Secretary Hay 
appointed her a representative of the United States to the In- 
ternational Red Cross Conference at St. Petersburg. In 1906 
President Roosevelt appointed her to study conditions of wo- 
man and child workers throughout the nation. In 1908 she was 
appointed a special agent of the United States Department of 
Justice to inspect the prisons both federal and state with re- 
spect to the condition of women prisoners. In this latest of her 
public duties she visited Iowa in the performance of her work. 
Her death occurred in Washington, August 11, 1910, and 
burial was at Lowell, Massachusetts. 

Thus ended the life of one of America's noted women, one 
who by her residence in and service for Iowa honored the state. 

The noted reformer, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore of Melrose, 
Massachusetts, said of her; **Mrs. J. Ellen Foster's name is 
inseparably associated with this reform [temperance] in all 
parts of our land. For many years she has toiled with unflag- 
ging interest in this great movement for a higher civiliza- 
tion. "'' 

Senator Dolliver once said of her: **She will find an en- 
thusiastic audience wherever she goes. When she returned 
from her trip around the world I advised her to go on the plat- 
form again and share the lessons she had learned with the 
people. Mrs. Foster is not in the slightest degree mannish, 
neither is she womanish. She is herself in love with the subject 
she presents. Her hearers are carried away with her eloquence 
and forget whether she is a man or a woman. ' '" 

i^Willlam B. Allison collection of private letters in the Historical, Memorial 
and Art Department on Iowa. 

i^RegUter and Tribune, August 12, 1910. 


At the time of her death the Register and Leader gave edi- 
torially the following just estimate of her: **Mr8. Foster was 
an interesting and forceful woman and tremendously in earnest 
upon the temperance question. In her day, lowans were either 
her loyal friends or her bitter enemies, because she was on the 
firing line of a bitter struggle. She came in for much unkind 
criticism because she was a new woman in old-fashioned times, 
but posterity must be kinder to her than her own generation, 
because she deserves it. ' ' 


We have of late found it almost impossible to get sufficient 
time by ourselves to write a respectable portion of editorial. 
Our friends have recently taken such a wonderful liking to 
us, that they appear determined that we shall never feel sor- 
row because of solitude. This is certainly very kind in them, 
but it is not exactly justice to our subscribers, nor to ourselves, 
to take from us that time which should be devoted to the duties 
of our station. We are at all suitable times very glad to see 
our friends, but in candor we must say that there is a proper 
time for everything, and we should think, not exactly in place 
to visit an editor when he is engaged in his editorial duties. — 
Warsaw Signal, In Bloomington [now Muscatine, la.] Herald, 
Feb. 11, 1842. In the Newspaper Division of the Historical, 
Memorial and Art Department of Iowa. 


Dr. Henry B. Young of Burlington, Iowa, for over fifty 
years a practicing physician, lately presented to the ^istorical 
Department a copy of a diary his father, Dr. John A. Young, 
wrote during a trip he made from Chillicothe, Ohio, to Mon- 
mouth, Illinois, where he established a medical practice which 
he successfully conducted for thirty-five years. Dr. John A. 
Young was bom in Chillicothe February 1, 1812, and was the 
only child of William and Mary McKnight Young. The father 
owned a tanyard and the son in due time mastered the tan- 
ner's trade, then went to Philadelphia where he spent a year 
in converting tanned hides into commercial leather. In those 
days that was all done by hand, and was a real art. Having 
finished acquiring the trade he returned home and in 1836 
visited a maternal uncle in Xenia, Ohio. This imcle, wealthy 
and childless, offered to bear the expense of a medical education 
for the young man if he would abandon his plans for a business 
career. After due consideration he did so and in 1838 he was 
graduated from Miami Medical College at Cincinnati. In the 
fall of that year he began his journey to Monmouth as the fol- 
lowing diary relates. 

Sunday Evening, Dec. 4th, 1838. Started from Ceasars Creek for Mon- 
mouth, 111. Was detained at the bridge until the 5th at 2 P. M. Took an 
outside seat ... to Cin^ there being 9 inside. Had . . . hero along who 
was continually dunning the people for clocks which he said they had 
purchased of him. Cold night. Arrived in Cin at 6 A. M. Saw Dr. 
Perkins Heard part of a lecture by Prof. Drake. Saw Rives McDowell. 
Took passage in great haste on board the Dolphin for St. Louis. Got 
aground in backing out at 1 o 'clock and stuck till morning. A young lady 
aboard resembling Miss Beth A. French. Dr. De Chine strange genius. 
Big start off again at 9 A. M. 7th. 8th 4PM stuck again on a . . . 

just below Warsaw. passed us on the way up and the Swiftsure 


Page 2 

Our boat appears to be too large drawing too much water. I am sorry 
I had not taken a smaller boat to Louisville and then another down, but 
fortune is against me on this trip. (8 P. M. Cloudy and dark, slight 
falling of snow) The day has been generally clear and fair, but cold. 

iDr. Young's style of abbreviations, punctuation, etc., is followed. — Editor. 


Wrote to my father and M. Thompson enclosing to the latter a letter 

from I. Wills of Chil Have not become acquainted with the ladies 

yet. Saturday. Lay all last night on the bar. The steamer Thames 
coming up pulled us off. The Empire was also fast. 9 o'clock Taking 
in the loading which we put out last night. Cold and clear with a slight 
skift of snow on the ground Fast again at 12 M. near Vevay. 

Page 3 

Stayed about one hour. Past Madison 4 P. M. Fine looking little 
town from the river, stopt but did not land. Past Hanover. We had a 
strong head wind all day nothing large moves considering the stage of 
the water wind ceased and making fine headway. Had a confab with 
the ladies pretty fine ones I think. The single one not only looks speaks 
like Miss Bell. Is quite lively and is also a Corncracher living about 
20 miles from Lexington. Her name I have not yet learned. Sent Mr. 
Thompson's letter ashore by Mr. Armstrong to be mailed. The young 
lady's name above alluded to is Mary Ellis. Put ashore about 29 miles 
below Madison fearing to run in the night. Sunday morning. See entirely 
across the river at this place although there was no appearance of it in 
the evening — ^very cold. 

Page 4 

Off at 8 after running about an hour descried the Savannah aground 
on what is ciilled the ** Grass flats" 18 miles above Louisville. Here the 
Captain refused to porceed any further and put in for winter quarters 
or a rise of water. Fortunately there was a small trading boat lying 

near, this was engaged to carry us down to Louis It had no name 

and we called it the *' Chicken thief." Fine time with the ladies as 
we were all huddled together — Landed at 2 P. M. Here I was de- 
tained 3 days waiting for another boat. Fine town visited the "Medical 

Institute" Heard Cott Cooke and Caldwell. Cooke is a perfect 

drone. Caldwell not so good as I had expected. The edifice will be 
fine when finished. Visited Virgil McKnight and left my trunk and box 
in his care to be forwarded to St. Louis. Visited the Theatre, saw Booth 
as Cassius in Julius Ceasar, good performance. Theatre but small. Saw 
Booth the following evening in Richard 

Page 5 

Wednesday. Took passage back to Cin where I arrived on Thursday 
at 6. A. M. Saw Dr. P., again Heard Harrison & McDowell. In the 
afternoon took passage home in the stage. Arrived there safely on the 
following morning just before daylight and surprised them all as they 
supposed me in the Miss. Remained there until the next Tuesday after- 
noon when I mounted **Tom" to take it by land. That evening went 
to Dayton Miss F. M. G. and D. were both there. Called in company 
with I. Hean to see but found the house deserted. Called again alone 
about 8 P. M. 

Page 6 

They are still absent. Left my card on the table and left early next 


morning without seeing them. Bather it had been otherwise. Wednesday 
— Very cold. Went as far as Eaton only on account of having to roughen 
my horse. Arrived in Indianapolis on Saturday at noon. Nothing doing 
here smoking cigars and talking some state politics. The Legislature 

had adjourned for the holidays like other boys. Left Ind Sunday 

23d noon and rode to Brownsburgh 15 miles, very cold Next day went 
to Crawfordsville. This is quite a fine little town. Tuesday 25th Ar- 
rived at Independence. Nothing doing here worth note Friday. Went 
out to the ** Grand Prairie" to hunt Chickens Got two and two "fox 
squirrels" Sunday we had a Methodist quarterly meeting. 

Page 7 

Wednesday Jan 2nd 1839. Started west and went as far as Danville 
111 The weather so far has been quite mild. 

Thursday 3rd Only made 25 miles to Sidney Could have gone some 
farther before night But was compelled to stay there or ride 13 miles 
farther it being that distance to the next house. Slim looking chance 
here for either man or horse. The town is composed of 3 or 4 houses 
just in the point of a small grove Fared tolerably well however con- 
sidering all things. Landlord a Kentuckian. Two physicians were there. 
Hard cases. Friday 4th Passed through Urbana county seat of Cham- 
paign — ^Poor place — Perhaps a dozen houses. — Stayed all night at Mount 
pleasant. Hard looking chance — Three or four houses Fared tolerably 
well Landlord a Virginian. Saturday 5th Passed through Le Boy 

Page 8 

Arrived at Bloomington about 2 P. M. Pretty fine looking little town 
Saw Haines, he blowed considerably about the Ladies. Said he was cor- 
responding ^vith a Lady in Xenia but mentioned no names. Stayed there 
till Sunday 10 A. M. Sunday 6th Travelled 21 miles to Mackinaw — 
Stayed all night with an English man Good stabling but the dirtiest 
kind of eating myself. Monday Ttli Started for Peoria distant 20 miles 
Crossed the last of the Grand Prairie which I have been traversing ever 
since leaving Danville. From this last place to Sidney I had 5 or 6 
miles prairie. From Sidney to Urbana 12 miles all prairie and not a 
house. From here to Robinsons 12 miles the same. From thence to 
Mount pleasant 13 miles the same. From thence to Le Roy 10 miles the 
larae — From thence to 

Page 9 

Bloomington 15 miles the same. At each of these places there ib 
Groves but the road does not in any case pass through them more tlum 
from one to three miles. The timber in these groves is tolerable good 
consisting of white oak black oak, hickory, some cherry, ash, etc. Arrivea 
in Peoria 12V^ and fed Fine looking place Considerable Lolce opposite 

the town Went 16 m farther to Franklin prairie and stayed all night 

with a Yankee. 

Tuesday 8th Passed through several small prairies of from 2 to 5 
miles in width and stopped in Knoxville for the night. Fine looking 


little town Saw there a ' ' New Light Yankee ' ' one of the ' ' Thousand and 
one Society" men a "Grahamite" to the hub Had some argument with 
him whether man was a eamivorotis animal 

Page 10 
Wednesday 9th Arrived at Monmouth 

It is uncertain just when the young doctor began his prac- 
tice, curiously enough his journal being silent on that subject. 
His trunk and box were still in storage in Louisville. Undated 
and in the back of this old diary or memorandum book is the 
following announcement: **Dr. John A. Young respectfully 
tenders his professional services to the citizens of Monmouth 
and vicinity. His office is in the drug store of McCallan & 
Bruce, w^here he may at all times be founds except when pro- 
fessionally employed." It is supposed that he was in great 
need of supplies, because ten weeks after his arrival he makes 
8 trip to St. Louis making a record of it in the journal as 
follows : 

March 26th 1839 Started from Monmouth for St. Louis. Arrived at 
Oquawka or the Yellow Bank at noon distant 18 miles. All prairie ex- 
cepting one point of a grove until we came upon the river timber which 
in this place is about three miles in extent. The Yellow Banks are so 
called from a reddish yellow clay and a yellow sand which compose the 
bluffs The whole country as far back as the timber extends is quite 
sandy; in the town it drifts about like snow getting into everything. 
Spent the afternoon in lounging about the bank looking for a boat. 
The wind is high and the river quite rough. 

Page 11 

There are about ten or fifteen Indians encamped on the opposite 
shore. They are of the Winnebago tribe. Four of them in attempting 
to cross in a canoe were upset about the middle of the river. Their 
comrades however hastened to their rescue and took in three, the fourth 
clung to the canoe and floated down about a quarter of a mile before 
he was taken out. They then went above town and set fire to the woods 
to dry themselves. Rather a dirty greasy set. Were very anxious to 
get more whiskey but could not get any. Had quite a young Papoose 
put up in a new style to me but one that 1 believe is quite common. It is 
similar to the plates in the Family Magazine. 

Page 12 

This night all being very sleepy we let a boat pass down before we 
could get out to hail it Wednesday 27th A very fine day and quite 
warm. After breakfast we took a walk up the river and saw the Indians 
break up their camp and start. They are on their return home from a 


dait up the Missouri where thej went last fall to hunt. There is five 
canoe loads. Saw the remains of several lodges and one grave. Went 
down on the beach and looked for carnelians as they are quite plenty — 
found one or two quite fine ones This day very warm — Steamer Gypsy 
passed up. Saw plenty of Musquitoes, There being five or six of us by 
this time waiting for a passage we took turns watching. No boat how- 
ever came down. 

Page 13 

This day two Indians came over in a canoe with some turkies ducks 
and fur to sell They were Saucks and were from Keokuks camp which 
they said was about two miles below. One of them is a Fine looking old 
man called Parmaho. He was taken with Black Hawk. Cunning old 
fellow in a trade. 

Thursday 28th Cloudy and raining. Two more Indians and a boy 
came over I asked them if they were Sattcks they shook thier heads 
and answered Kowakie Fox About 12 M the Brazil (f) came down with 
two Keels in tow loaded with lead ore and boat full of passengers. We 
all got passes however but no berths. 

Page 14 

All hands up at daylight and got under way. Weather fair and more 
moderate. When we arrived at the head of the rapids all the passengers 
were put aboard the two Keels so as to make the boat as light as pos- 
sible. All passed over safely. The rapids were about 12 miles in extent 
and the channel quite crooked. Got on board again at Keokuk. This 
town was once the residence of the great Civil chief. Saw a number 
of Indians here, Landed a short time at Warsaw opposite the mouth 
of the De8 Moines, a great part of Fort Des Moines is still standing. 
It is on the 111. side The Des Moines is the boundary line between 
Missouri and Iowa. 

Page 15 

We now have Missouri on our right and Ills on our left. The country 
on either side has been generally flat and subject to inundation. At noon 
we stopped at Quincy. We made quite a ** grand entree** The Steward 
and one or two others performed on the Clarinet and bass horn and at- 
tracted quite a crowd. Quincy is situated on a very high bluff which is 
cut into a great many deep ravines. Notwithstanding all this however 
it is quite a beautiful place and speaks well for the spirit of the citizens 
as it requires an immense labour to grade thier streets and level the lot 

Page 16 

As is my custom when I have time I ran over the whole town They 
have quite a large and splendid hotel here one that would be an honour 
to a city. They also have a fine court house. Here I saw ten or twelve 
wagon loads of Mormons crossing the river from MO. I was told that 
from ten to twenty wagons had crossed daily for the last two weeks. 
I believe they have all agreed to leave Mo. and seek a home somewhere 
else. Those that I saw said they did not know where they should go. 


There is nothing remarkable in their appearance in any waj either in 
dress or looks. In this I was disappointed. 

Here we unloaded one of our Keels and left it. Got under way 
about 4 P. M. Got a few apples the first I have seen since leaving 

Page 17 

About dark we passed Marion City on the Mo. side. This is the town 
tliat was laid out by the Rev. Ely of Phila. and where he has a college. 
Poor looking place and will never be anything else as half the town and 
more is sometimes under water. 

Landed again at Hannibal 12 or 14 miles below M. It looked quite 
picturesque and fine by moonlight whilst our small band played up some 
fine tunes. Soon got under weigh again and I retired to the cabin. Sun- 
day 31st. Last night verified the old adage "better to be born lucky 
than to be born rich" as by some chance unknown to me I got a berth. 
Whilst many who were worth thousands lay on the floor, some had left 
at Quiucy and the clerk in mistake put me down to the vacancy although 
there were otiiers who had prior claims. I however said nothing but 
** turned in" and had a good nights rest. Last night we left our other 
Keel at Louisiana and we now **go ahead" finely. 

Page 18 

About 9AM passed the mouth of the Ilinois. That side has now 
become quite a bluff with tremendous rocks frowning like the battlements 
of some old castle. The river all the way down has been very full of 
islands and "Towheads" but here I think they become larger. Landed 
a few minutes at Alton. This is another fine town and also on a bluff 
bank. The state Penitentiary is here. Not a very good one I should think. 

Page 19 

About 1 passed the mouth of the Missouri The water of this river 
has a singular reddish yellow appearance and the line can plainly be 
seen for miles down on the MO. side after some distance the whole 

Miss assumes that appearance slightly, At 2 passed the wreck of 

steamer which was sunk last fall. They were engaged in raising her 
freight with a ** diving bell." This is the first I have ever seen and 
we passed this at such a distance and such a rate that I could see but 
little of it. About 3^ we rounded to at the great city of St. Louis and 
in a few minutes I went on land to hunt lodgings and look for M. T. Lind. 

Page 20 

In my perambulations I passed the Catholic Cathedral and finding the 
door open and the priests at the altar I passed in. This is a splendid 
edifice and is richly furnished in the interior. I think it quite as fin© 
as St. Johns in Phila. perhaps finer. I remained until service was ended 
and the people had generally retired when I took a more particular sur- 
vey of the place. There are some fine paintings. Went to the City Hotel 
and found it kept by Laysham formerly of Dayton, O. one of the bar 
keepers from Circleville by the name of Boyer and the other one of Colts 


old bar keepers. Finding myself among Buckeyes I took lodging here. 
Arrived at Mon Friday night April 12th. 

Here the diary ends. Further knowledge of this St. Louis 
trip is gained from the expense account, set down in detail: 
Total cash on starting, $94.43% [notice the % cents] ; fare 
to Oquawka [stage], $1.00; fare to St. Louis, $10.00; shaving 
twice and hair cut, 50 cts. ; beer, apples, 50 cts. ; freight and 
cartage (trunk and box from Louisville), $3.25; hat, $6.00; 
books, $7.50 ; wallet, 75 cts. ; glass mortar $1.12V^ ; stethoscope, 
$1.1214 ; 2 doz. handkerchiefs, $1.50; pencil points, 12V^ cts.; 
drugs, $37.10; theater, $2.25; mending watch, 50 cts.; bill at 
hotel, $9.50 ; porter, 25 cts. 

The memorandum book is then devoted to miscellaneous 
items. Under date of July 20, 1839, he credits a patron with 
2 loads of wood, another with a load of wood and a load of 
rails. On August 30, 1843, one is credited with 2 doz. chickens, 
$1.50. Another on November 1, 1850, turned in oats at 18 cents 
per bushel; another on November 22, 1850, 117 lbs. beef at 3 
cts, $3.51, and so it ran for several years, showing money was 
scarce but produce abundant, and indicating the struggle the 
pioneer small town and country doctor had to make for exist- 

In the winter of 1840-41 Dr. Young spent some time at tho 
Medical Institute in Louisville in post graduate work, and in 
the spring of 1841 married Miss Isabella Wallace of Xenia, 
Ohio, and brought her to Monmouth where they raised their 
family and where he had a successful practice extending over 
a third of a century. 


Bt Ilda M. Hammer 

The writer obtained a complete list of the postmasters from Mr. Huff- 
man; a statement of the receipts of the post office since 1880, and of the 
various Congressional appropriations concerning the post office through 
the kindness of our representative, Hon. C. C. Do well; some later figures 
and data were supplied through the courtesy of Mr. John Ryan, assistant 
postmaster ; and several years ago Major W. H. Fleming was kind enough 
to help very materially in the search for data, and to add some very 
interesting personal reminiscences. To all of these, the writer wishes to 
express her appreciation. 

Few persons who see or transact business in the present post- 
oflRce building on the river front, ever stop to think of what 
the beginnings of the Des Moines post oflfiee may have been, or 
of the rapid growth which has attended it. 

The post office was established at Fort Des Moines in 1845, 
and was known as Raccoon River^ until June 1, 1846, when 
the name Fort Des Moines was given it. Josiah Smart, who 
was the Indian interpreter for the military authorities at the 
Fort, was appointed as the first postmaster, but declined to 
accept the appointment, and Dr. Thomas K. Brooks filled the 
place March 2, 1846, as the first regular postmaster. Dr. Brooks 
had his office in the old Indian Agency House, which was 
situated where the Tuttle stone packing house was in 1909, 
in South Des Moines. Later Dr. Brooks removed the oflSce to 
his own home in Thomas Addition, on Court Avenue. At the 
close of the year (1846) Dr. Brooks resigned, and Phineas M. 
Casady succeeded him in office on December 31, 1846.^* 

Mr. Casady moved the post office to his own law office on 
Second Street and the Rock Island tracks, where Green's 
Foundry used to be. The mail was not very heavy at that time, 
for it is said of Mr. Casady that he used to carry it in his hat, 
and distribute it to the parties to whom it was directed, ** lift- 
ing the post office from his head ' * in order to find the letters.' 

W. 8. Official Register, 1847. 

laPorter, Will. Annals of Polk County and the City of Des Moines, p. 709-10. 

ZTurrill, H. B. Historical Reminiscences of the City of Des Moines, p.23. 


In this connection it is interesting to note that at the semi- 
centennial of Polk County in 1896, Judge Casady conducted a 
reproduction of distribution as it had been done a half century 
before. Letters were distributed to the following persons, 
among others : Hoyt Sherman, Col. GriflSths, George C. Tidrick, 
E. R. Clapp, Isaac Cooper, Byron Rice, and P. M. Casady. 
Back postage was due on many of the letters. Isaac Cooper 
owed twenty-five cents, as was common in the early days. We 
are told that on this occasion the letters were brought to Judge 
Casady in a pair of saddle bags by Isaac Warfel, who carried 
mail into Des Moines in 1846. 

Robert L. Tidrick, Mr. Casady *s law partner, succeeded him 
as postmaster October 26, 1848, and the post oflSce remained 
where it was in the law oflSce, until the appointment of Hoyt 
Sherman June 26, 1849. Mr. Sherman, with his own funds, 
built a frame building to be used exclusively as a post office on 
West Second and Vine streets.' 

Up until this time, postage rates were five cents for each 
half ounce or fraction thereof, for not over three hundred 
miles ; for a greater distance, the rate was ten cents. Envelopes 
had not been introduced, and it was a part of one's education 
to learn how to fold a letter so that one could find a suitable 
place on which to write the address. It was not necessary at 
this time, either, to prepay the postage. This change occurred 
during the term of Wesley Redhead, who was appointed Feb- 
ruary 11, 1853; at about the same time, the rate was reduced 
to three cents per half ounce. 

During Mr. Redhead's term of office, in 1857, three and one- 
half tons of mail were received weekly; about 38,000 letters 
were received and dispatched every quarter; the post office 
contained 576 boxes and 80 drawers. Mr. Redhead kept the 
office in the Sherman Block, on Third and Court Avenue.* In 
1857 the name of the office was changed to Des Moines. 

John Teesdale succeeded Wesley Redhead May 6, 1861, 
and held office until April 17, 1867. The following schedule 
of postal arrangements was in effect during Mr. Teesdale 's 

>Hu88ey, Tacitus, Deyinnings, p. GO ; Des Moines Reyister and Leader, April 
25. 1909. 
4Turrill. 99. 


Eastern via Chicago & Davenport arrives at 6 A. M.* 

Eastern via Chicago and Davenport closes at 7 P. M. 

Southern via Oskaloosa and Keokuk arrives at 9 A. M. 

Southern via Oskaloosa and Keokuk closes at 2 P. M. 

Western via Adel arrives at 4 P. M. 

Western via Adel closes at 7 P. M. 

Winterset arrives at 4 P. M. 

Winterset closes at 7 P. M. 

Ft. Dodge except Sundays and Mondays arrives at 5 P. M. 

Ft. Dodge except Fridays and Saturdays closes at 7 P. M. 

Xenia Thursdays and Saturdays arrives at 6 P. M. 

Xenia Mondays and Wednesdays closes at 7 P. M. 

Boonesboro Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays arrives 
at 4 P. M. 

Boonesboro Sundays, Tuesdays, and Saturdays, closes at 
7 P. M. 

Newark and Vandalia Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, 
arrives at 6 P. M. 

Newark and Vandalia Sundays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays, 
closes at 7 P. M. 

Indianola (via Summerset) Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fri- 
days, arrives at 12 M. 

Indianola (via Summerset) Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fri- 
days, closes at 1 P. M. 

Indianola (via Hartford) Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Satur- 
days, arrives at 6 P. M. 

Indianola (via Hartford) Mondays, Wednesdays and Fri- 
days, closes at 7 P. M. 

Nevada Tuesdays and Saturdays arrives at 6 P. M. 

Nevada Sundays and Thursdays closes at 7 P. M. 

New Jefferson Sundays arrives at 4 P. M. 

New Jefferson Sundays and Wednesdays closes at 7 P. M. 

No mails to connect with the Rail Roads depart on Saturdays. 

No mails to connect from the Rail Roads arrive on Mondays. 

Office opened, except Sunday, from 8 A. M. until 7^ P. M. 

Office opened on Sundays from 9 to 10 A. M. 

J. Teesdale, P. M. 

Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. 11, 1864. 

Bin this schedule we follow the exact wording and style used as appears in 
its publication in the Daily State Register (Des Moines), January 17, 1864. 


Business had increased to quite an extent by 1867, at the 
close of Mr. Teesdale 's appointment. About 6,000 letters were 
received weekly for distribution, and the sale of postage stamps 
amounted to $12,000 annually. During the year 1866 about 
$13,000 of money orders had been paid, with as great an 
amount issued.® The office contained over 1,000 boxes, and 
125 drawers. 

It was during Mr. Teesdale 's term also that a congressional 
act of July 28, 1866, authorized and appropriated the sum of 
$15,000 for a site, and an Act of March 2, 1867, the sum of 
$85,000 for a building, to be used as a post office and court 
house. We now know this building as the *'01d Federal 

Under Mr. Tichenor, who was appointed April 18, 1867, the 
post office was located in a frame building in the rear of the 
Sherman Block. In 1868 plans were announced for the pro- 
posed new building under the congressional acts above men- 
tioned, and acts of July 20, 1868, and of April 20, 1870, author- 
ized respectively the sums of $89,008.00 and $24,575.00 for 
continuation. The building was only about half completed 
under this first contract, and during the appointment of James 
S. Clarkson (July 28, 1871— March 3, 1879) nothing additional 
was done.^ 

While John Beckwith, who succeeded Mr. Clarkson March 4, 
1879, was in office, two additional stories and a wing were put 
up, under authority of acts of August 7, 1883, July 7, 1884, 
March 3, 1885, and June 30, 1886, which authorized a total 
of $330,000 for repairs and additional rooms.® 

Col. Wm. H. Merritt assumed the duties of postmaster 
August 13, 1886. His appointment by President Cleveland was 
bitterly denounced in the Iowa State Register (Republican) 
"as a gross violation of the civil service laws on the part of 
President Cleveland. ' *° The editor asserted that he had no ob- 
jection whatever to Col. Merritt as a man, and did not doubt 
but that he would serve as well as had his predecessor, Mr. 
Beckwith ; but, he declared, he did object to the removal of Mr. 

^Daily State Register (Des Moines), April 26, 1867. 
TFrom data furnished by Hon. C. C. Dowell. 

B/otra State Register (Des Moines), August 13, 1886. 


Beckwith on no other grounds than that he was a Republican, 
while Col. Merritt was a Democrat. However, in spite of his 
politics, the postal business gradually increased under Col. 
Merritt 's administration, as well as under that of Isaac Brandt, 
who took oflSce June 30, 1890, and served until July 25, 1894. 

As the close of Mr. Brandt's term drew near, a bitter con- 
test was waged between two aspirants for the next appoint- 
ment. Joseph Eiboeck, publisher of the Anzeiger, a German 
weekly, and acknowledged leader of the German Democrats 
of the state, and Edward H. Hunter were the two contestants. 
Mr. Hunter received the appointment, to the general dissatis- 
faction of Republicans, as expressed in the Iowa State Regts- 
ter. Mr. Hunter was accused of bejng a fearless ** manipulator 
of machines and combines," while Mr. Eiboeck was lauded as 
an ** upright and fearless fighter for the Democrats. "^° The 
editor goes on to say that this is not the first time that the ad- 
ministration has ** duped*' the German vote, of which Mr. 
Eiboeck is the honored representative, and that it is evident 
that Mr. Hunter did some clever manipulating and ** wire- 
pulling'* in Washington. 

Lewis Schooler was postmaster from September 18, 1898, to 
December 9, 1902. June 6, 1902, an act was passed providing 
a limit of $150,000 for the site for a new post oflSce, and Febru- 
ary 18, 1904, during John McKay's term (December 10, 1902 — 
March 18, 1907) an additional sum for site was appropriated." 

An Act of June 30, 1906, provided a limit of $500,000 for 
building, which amount was appropriated in the acts of June 
30, 1906, March 4, 1907, and March 4, 1909. The new build- 
ing on the river front was completed during Joseph I. Myerly 's 
incumbency (March 19, 1907— May 31, 1911) at a total cost 
of $488,016.67." 

Louis C. Kurtz was appointed postmaster June 1, 1911, and 
served in that capacity until June 30, 1915. During this time, 
the post-oflSce business was constantly increasing, and new de- 
partments were added. The total receipts for the year pre- 
ceding Mr. Kurtz's appointment were $784,538.82 ; for the year 
1914 they were $1,086,173.61 — almost fifty per cent increase. 

loiowa State Reyi^ter, July 24, 1894. 
iiFrom data furnished by Hon. C. C. Dowell. 


In the same time the amount of newspapers handled increased 
from 12,960,968 pounds a year to 16,662,262 pounds— tribute 
to the publishing industry of Des Moines. The money order 
department showed a gain of from 77,022 orders, amounting 
to $684,408.65, to 93,180 orders, amounting to $753,900.00. 
During Mr. Kurtz's administration, the Postal Savings Bank 
was inaugurated, and between September 15, 1911, and June 
30, 1915, 1,982 accounts, with deposits totaling $269,198.00 
were opened. The Parcel Post System was inaugurated in Des 
Moines June 1, 1913, and at the close of Mr. Kurtz's term of 
office 10,000 parcels per day, on an average, were being dis- 
patched, and 2,146 (average) parcels per day were being re- 

July 1, 1915, George A. Huffman was appointed as Mr. 
Kurtz's successor, and served in that capacity until 1924. 
During that time, many changes were effected in the postal 
service, great strides were made in the efficiency with which 
that service was rendered, and postal receipts were almost 
tripled. By 1924, the Des Moines post office was selling more 
stamps per capita than any other office in the United States ; 
Des Moines had become the twenty-eighth among leading cities 
in the country in postal business; an average of forty-six tons 
of second class (periodical publications) matter was handled 
daily; and the Des Moines office had become the central 
accounting office for all third and fourth class post offices in 
Iowa, handling an annual pay roll of about four and one-half 
million dollars for Iowa rural carriers." 

As the end of Mr. Huffman's second term drew near, in 
1924, three candidates appeared for his position — William C. 
Harbach, Irvin M. Lieser, and Z. C. Thornburg. The report 
of the civil service commission gave Mr. Harbach the highest 
rating, and for this reason Senator Cummins recommended 
him for the position, in spite of the opposition of the junior 
senator, Mr. Brookhart. Senator Brookhart warned his col- 
league that if Mr. Harbach *s name were presented to tlie 
Senate, he would invoke the personal privilege rule, and trust 
to the Senate to sustain him. Mr. Brookhart 's opposition to 
Mr. Harbach dated from the Polk County Republican Conven- 

i3Di?« SIoint^H Tribune, July 1, 1924. 


tion early that spring, when Mr. Harbach had opposed the 
nomination of Mr. Brookhart.^* 

President Coolidge sent Mr. Harbach 's name to the Senate 
May 2, and the Senate in executive session May 19 sustained 
Senator Brookhart's objection." Senator Cummins later rec- 
ommended Mr. Z. C. Thornburg, who had been given the sec- 
ond highest rating by the commission. The junior Senator 
had no objection to Mr. Thornburg, and the latter became 
postmaster July 1, 1924. 

The Des Moines post oflBce by this time was ranked in the 
$3,000,000 class. Since 1922" there had been talk of an addition 
to accommodate its expanding business. It was hoped that one 
of the changes made during Mr. Thornburg 's term would be 
the enlargement of the post office to cover the entire ground 
owned by the government (the north half of the block be- 
tween First and Second streets, and Wahiut Street and Court 

Mr. Thornburg lived less than a year after he was appointed, 
and on May 18, 1925, Edwin J. Frisk, the present postmaster, 
assumed his duties, although he did not receive formal ap- 
pointment until the following year." Receipts continued to 
increase, until they amounted to $3,176,064.69 for the fiscal 
year ending June 30, 1926." A movement was set on foot in 
December, 1925, to secure an appropriation for an addition 
to the post office. Agitation continued, but it was not until 
August 10, 1930, as a result of a survey ordered by the Treas- 
ury Department, that postal department inspectors recom- 
mended the purchase of the south half of the block on which 
the present building stands. This property was owned by sev- 
eral different concerns — the Hubbel estate, the Bankers Life 
Company, the H and H Cleaner Company, Tone Brothers, 
and the Brown Camp Campany. March 4, 1931, a bill was ap- 
proved appropriating $775,000 for the site and building.^ Ne- 
gotiations were begun, and an agreement was soon reached 

UD€8 Moines Daily Capital, April 28, 1924. 

inDes Moines Register, May 20, 1924. 

ioDc« Moines Daily Capital, December 22, 1922. 

i7De« Moines Tribune, July 1, 1924. 

i^Des Moines Register, January 27, 1926. 

i»From figures furnished by Mr. John Ryan, Assistant Postmaster. 

20^7. 8. Stat, at Large, 71st. Congress, Sess. Ill, Vol. 46, Pt. I. Ch. 522. 


with the Hubbell estate, the Bankers Life Company, and the 
H and H Cleaner Company. The government felt that the price 
asked by the Brown Camp Company, and Tone Brothers was 
too high, and on September 22, 1931, an order was issued for 
the condemnation of the property. 

Federal Judge Charles A. Dewey appointed six Iowa men 
to serve as a condemnation jury. They were : Frank F. Ever- 
est, Council Bluffs ; L. A. Jester, Des Moines ; J. E. Espy, Ot- 
tumwa ; W. A. Lawrenson, Des Moines ; Anson Marston, Ames ; 
George W. Graeser, Des Moines. George Warner, Newton, and 
Henry Negus, Iowa City, were alternates." The condemnation 
action was filed October 21, naming three defendants — Tone 
Brothers, Brown Camp Company, and C. C. Taft Company 
lessees of Brown Camp Company. 

The report of the condemnation jury, filed December 3, 1931, 
allowed a total of $370,000 for the purchase of the condemned 
property. This amount was divided as follows : Tone Brothers, 
$128,000; Brown Camp Company, $180,000; and C. C. Taft 
Company, $62,000.^ These figures proved to be acceptable to 
both the government and the owners of the land, and on Feb- 
ruary 5, 1932, payment was made by the government.^ The 
above figures, added to the $120,750 agreed upon as the pur- 
chase price of the remainder of the half block, brought the total 
payment for site up to $490,750, leaving $284,250 of the appro- 
priation ($775,000) to be used for building purposes. 

Wetherell and Harrison, Architects, drew the plans for the 
proposed addition. For the present, these include an extension 
back of the present building, which, at some future date, will 
be joined to an extension on Court Avenue similar in size and 
architecture to the present structure."* The building, when 
completed, will face the river front. It was expected that work 
would be begun in 1932, but it was delayed. Bids are now being 
received by the government ; September 6, 1933, is the last date 
on which they may be submitted. It is hoped that this fall 
will see the beginning of work. 

Under Mr. Frisk's administration, many improvements have 

2iDci» ifoines Reginter, October 22, 1031. 

22ibid., December 4. 1931. 

23prom data furnished by Mr. John Ryan. 

24From the architect's drawings, through the courtesy of Mr. John Ryan. 


been made in the mail service available to Des Moines. Six 
named substations help to relieve the load of the central 
office. One of these, in Highland Park, erected in 1929, was 
the first post office in Des Moines to have all steel equipment. 
In 1930 a substation was opened in the old Federal Building. 
Before that, a new station had been established on Grand 
Avenue, between Seventh and Eighth streets, and the Uni- 
versity Place station had been housed in new and enlarged 
quarters. Courtesy boxes have been installed for the con- 
venience of motorists. Miniature post offices have been estab- 
lished in the lobbies of several down town office buildings, 
where the mail is distributed by the postman and called for 
by the tenants, thereby saving the time formerly required for 
delivery to each office. The air mail service has been intro- 
duced, and has become an increasingly used facility. 

In 1927, 440 persons were in the employ of the postal de- 
partment in Des Moines. Thirty-six trucks were used to handle 
mail daily — eleven of them delivered and collected parcel post, 
and the others hauled mail between the post offices and the 
various railroad stations. In the same year the Des Moines 
office handled 89,507,072 outgoing letters and circulars, 4,954,- 
287 pieces of parcel post, and 34,133,622 pounds of second 
class matter, all printed in Des Moines.^ 

The following figures indicate the tremendous increase in 
Des Moines' postal business in the past fifty years: 
Fiscal Year Gross Receipts 

1880 $ 47,406.81 

1885 93,308.83 

1890 124,381.87 

1895 184,904.79 

1900 294,938.43 

1905 467,361.73 

1910 764,067.37 

1915 1,119,932.90 

1920 2,008,808.07 

1925 2,874,780.82 

1930 3,609,129.55** 

25De« Moines Tribune, January 28. 1928. 

2flFrom ngiires furnished by the Auditor for the Post Office Department at 
Washington, D. C, and by Mr. John Ryan of Des Moines. 


The year 1930 was a banner one for the Des Moines post ofSce 
in many respects : 

1. The total receipts for that year were the largest to date. 

2. Seven months of that year showed receipts exceeding 

3. Every month showed an increase over the corresponding 
month of the preceding year. 

4. The best previous monthly total of receipts ($332,169.63 
in March, 1929) was broken twice — ^in December ($364,- 
960.88) and in March ($366,020.31). 

5. Des Moines led all the larger cities of the country in per 
centage of gain in three different months. 

6. Des Moines was the lowest of forty-five larger cities in 
per centage of clerk hire to receipts. 

7. Des Moines was the lowest in the same group in per 
centage of city delivery cost to receipts." 

Since 1930, receipts have declined considerably, amounting 
to $2,523,711.02 for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1933 ; prob- 
ably increased postal rates and the depression account for this 
decrease. It is almost certainly true that when general business 
conditions improve, the Des Moines post oflBce will again show 
a corresponding improvement. 


The subscriber has just received from New York a large as- 
sortment of clothing, consisting in part of blue, black, brown 
and olive dress and frock coats ; blue, black, brown and fancy 
colored pants; brown linen and gloss frock coats and round- 
abouts; Irish linen shirts, white and brown linen pantaloons; 
black, blue, velvet and fancy vests, for sale by E. Lockwood. 
Advertisement in the (Dubuque) Iowa News, July 15, 1837. 
(In the Newspaper Division of the Historical, Memorial and 
Art Department of Iowa.) 

27/>M Moines Tribune, July 1, 1930, and February 5, 1931. 




William Squire Kenyon was born in Elyria, Ohio, June 10, 1869, and 
died at Sebasco, Maine, September 9, 1933. Burial was at Fort Dodge, 
Iowa. His parents were the Rev. Fergus L. and Hattie A. (Squire) 
Kenyon. The family removed to Iowa City in 1878, the father becoming 
pastor of the Congregational Church at that place. William received 
his education in public school, in Iowa (now Grinnell) College, and in 
the State University of Iowa, being graduated from the Law Depart- 
ment of that institution in 1891. He entered practice of the law at Fort 
Dodge having for a time a partnership with Captain J. O. A. Yeoman, 
and also with J. F. Duncombe. He served for five years as county at- 
torney of Webster County, 1892-96, and as a judge of the Eleventh Ju- 
dicial District for two years, 1900-02. He again applied himself to his 
professional practice, becoming a member of the firm of Kenyon, Kelle- 
her & O'Connor. He was general attorney for the Illinois Central Rail- 
road Company for three years, 1906-09. From March, 1910, to April, 
1911, he was assistant to the attorney general of the United States, 
which place he resigned in April, 1911, to become United States senator. 
Senator Dolliver had died October 15, 1910, and Lafayette Young had 
been appointed to fill the vacancy until there should be an election. The 
Thirty-fourth General Assembly convened January 9, 1911, and on Janu- 
ary 23 balloted in joint session for senator but did not elect until the 
last day of the session, April 12, when Mr. Kenyon was chosen. This 
was for the remainder of the Dolliver term which only reached to March 
3, 1913, which required an election by the Thirty-fifth General Assembly. 
A law enacted in 1907 provided that when United States senators were 
to be elected their nominations should be submitted at a state-wide pri- 
mary along with candidates for state offices. Mr. Kenyon was nomi- 
nated in the primary of June, 1912, his only Republican opponent being 
Mr. Young. Daniel W. Hamilton was nominated by the Democrats. 
When the General Assembly met in January, 1913, it elected Mr. Kenyon. 
In the 1918 primary Mr. Kenyon was renominated without opposition, 
and won in the general election over his Democratic opponent. Dr. Charles 
Rollin Keyes. His service in the Senate was ended by his resignation 
February 24, 1922, when President Harding appointed him judge of the 
United States Circuit Court of Appeals, Eighth Circuit. In March, 
1929, President Hoover appointed him a member of the Law Enforce- 
ment Commission, popularly kno\^Ti as the Wickersham commission. This 
appointment was a recognition of Judge Kenyon 's outstanding char- 
acter, but it brought him much hard labor when he already was sufficiently 


burdened. WMle assistant United States attorney general he had charge 
for the Interstate Commerce Commission of cases arising under the Hep- 
burn rate act. While on the Circuit Court he wrote a decision in the 
Teapot Dome oil lease case condemning the transaction, and while in the 
Senate became leader of the so-called farm block contending for meas- 
ures to better agricultural conditions. These were a few of the many 
important things he did which marked him as a real friend of the people. 
He was an idealist, though practical, and was one of the finest char- 
acters in American public life. The pregnant language of former Gov- 
ernor N. E. Kendall at the funeral is literally the voice of the people: 
"He came out . . . unspoiled and unsoiled." He maintained his home 
at Fort Dodge, though in late years he had a summer home at Sebasco 
on the coast of Maine. 

Gilbert N. Hauqen was born near Orfordville, Bock County, Wiscon- 
sin, April 21, 1859, and died in Northwood, Iowa, July 18, 1933. His 
parents were Nels and Carrie Haugen, natives of Norway. He spent his 
early years on his father's farm and in attending public school. At four- 
teen years of age he began his own support, becoming a farm hand in 
Winneshiek County, Iowa. For a time he attended Breckenridge College 
at Decorah, and later the Academic and Commercial College, Janesville, 
Wisconsin. At the age of eighteen he purchased a farm of 160 acres in 
Worth County. Besides farming he engaged in the implement and 
furniture business at Kensett. In 1887 he was elected treasurer of 
Worth County and removed to Northwood and was twice re-elected, 
serving six years. In 1893 he was elected representative, was re-elected 
in 1895, and served in the Twenty-fifth and Twenty-sixth general as- 
semblies, being chairman of Private Corporations Committee during the 
Twenty-sixth. In August, 1898, he received the Republican nomination 
for congressman from the Fourth District in a convention that required 
366 ballots to nominate. At the beginning of the balloting the then 
Congressman Thomas Updegraff and James E. Blythe were the leading 
contestants, but neither was able to obtain a majority. He was elected 
in November and was regularly renominated by his party and re-elected 
each two years for sixteen more congresses, making seventeen in all, or 
thirty-four years of continuous membership, the longest in the history of 
the House, and after receiving the eighteenth party nomination was 
finally defeated at the polls in 1932 by Fred Biermann, his Democratic 
opponent. On entering Congress in 1899 Col. D. B. Henderson had just 
reached the speakership and Mr. Haugen was given membership on the 
Committee on Agriculture and Committee on War Claims. The member- 
ship on the Committee on Agriculture he retained throughout the seven- 
teen congresses, and when the Republicans regained control in the House 
in 1919 he became chairman of that committee, only to relinquish it 
when the Democrats regained the majority in the House in 1931. Mr. 
Haugen was the joint author with Senator McNary of the famous Mc- 
Nary- Haugen bill, and was the author of more legislation relative to 


apiculture than any other one man in Confess during his time. He was 
highly regarded by the membership of the House regardless of party 
lines. When Mr. Haugen was in the of&ce of county treasurer at North- 
wood he became interested in banking and for years was president of 
banks at North wood and Kensett. He also added largely to his land 
properties both in northern Iowa and in Minnesota and the Bakotas. 

James Cutler Milliman was born in Ballston Spa, Saratoga County, 
New York, January 28, 1847, and died in Santa Monica, California, 
July 21, 1933. His parents were Francis and Emily (Hunt) Milliman. 
Owing to the death of his mother he went when nine years old to live 
on a farm where for four years he worked for his board and clothes. 
Later he received small wages. In March, 1864, he tried to enlist in the 
Union Army but was rejected because of his youth, but in September 
of the same year he was accepted and became a member of Company E, 
Forty-sixth New York Volunteer Infantry. At the siege of Petersburg 
he was shot through the elbow, which necessitated the amputation of his 
arm. He received his discharge December 28, 1864, and in January, 
1865, he with his father and four brothers removed to Harrison Town- 
ship, Harrison County, Iowa. The next two years he spent as a student 
in the State University of Iowa, Iowa City, and the following two years 
teaching school in Harrison County. The fall of 1868 he was elected 
county recorder, running on the Republican ticket, and served in that 
position eight years. In September, 1876, he with A. L. Harvey estab- 
lished the Harrison County Bank at Logan. April 1, 1879, he sold his 
interest in the bank and for the next four years he gave his time princi- 
pally to real estate business, except for one year he was at Council Bluffs 
in a wholesale farm macliinery enterprise. In 1884 he joined with Almon 
Stern in Logan in real estate, abstract, brokerage, and insurance busi- 
ness, which connection continued until 1907. In 1893 he was elected 
representative and served in the Twenty-fifth General Assembly. In 
1897 he was elected lieutenant governor, and was re-elected two years 
later, serving the four years of Governor's Shaw's administration. 
Among his many activities was his work as an auctioneer, for 
years crying farm sales. For many years he was active in the Grand 
Army of the Republic and was commander of the Department of Iowa 
for the year 1908-09. He served several terms as mayor of Logan. His 
loyalty to his community was shown in a great many ways, one being 
the gift to the town of a wooded tract of thirty acres, known as Milliman 
Hill. Although his declining years were spent in California, he retained 
his citizenship at Logan, voting by absent ballot. 

Edward Michael Carr was born in Cattaraugus County, New York, 
June 28, 1850, and died in Manchester, Iowa, July 21, 1933. The body 
was placed in the private mausoleum in Oakland Cemetery, Manchester. 
His parents were John and Anna (Kane) Carr. In 1856 the family re- 
moved to near Lament, Buchanan County, Iowa. He attended public 


schools in that locality and Independence High School, taught rural 
common schools, and then entered the Law School of the State Uniyersity 
of Iowa from which he was graduated in 1872. He began practice in 
Manchester and continued it until about two years before his death, 
or for fifty-nine years, attaining honored distinction in his profession. 
In 1875 he purchased an interest in the Manchester Democrat and was 
one of its editors throughout the remainder of his life. He assisted in 
organizing the First National Bank of Manchester, was president for 
three years of the Oneida and Manchester Railroad, and was connected 
with many business concerns of his home city. For several years in 
early life he was a member of the Iowa National Guard, being com- 
missioned captain of Ck>mpany C, Fourth Infantry, on March 18, 1877, 
and commissioned judge advocate with the rank of major May 19, 1879. 
He actively supported the Democratic party. In 1896 he was permanent 
chairman of the state convention that selected delegates to the national 
convention. He was secretary of the state committee in 1896 and 1897, 
and was also a member of the committee from 1896 to 1902. In 1904 
he was a delegate at large to the national convention, and was chairman 
of the delegation. In 1906 he was nominated by his party for justice 
of the Supreme Court of the state. He served as postmaster at Manchester 
from March, 1915, to March, 1922, when he voluntarily resigned. Among 
the varied activities of this useful citizen was his help in the movement 
that resulted in the establishment of the Backbone State Park near Man- 

George H. Woodson was born of slave parents in Wytheville, Virginia, 
December 15, 1865. He died in Des Moines, Iowa, July 7, 1933, and was 
buried in Glendale Cemetery, Des Moines, ^vith both masonic and military 
honors. His grandfather served in the Revolutionary War and his father 
was killed in the Civil War. His mother also having died in his infancy, 
he was reared by an aunt, Mrs. T. Sheffey, by whom he was sent to 
Petersburg Normal University at Petersburg, Virginia, which graduated 
him with the A. B. degree in 1890. Soon thereafter he enlisted and served 
for three years in the Twenty-fifth U. S. Infantry. After his honorable 
discharge he entered the Law College of Howard University, Washing- 
ton, D. C, where he received his LL.B. degree in 1896. He came to Iowa 
thereafter and located at the mining town of Muchakinock, Mahaska 
County, then the largest Negro community in the state. About 1900 this 
community was abandoned when he located for a while in Oskaloosa, 
then followed the mining community to Buxton, Monroe County. When 
this community was abandoned about 1918, he removed to Des Moines 
where he remained in the practice with the exception of about ten years 
that he was deputy collector of U. S. customs. While residing in 
Mahaska County he was made vice president of the Mahaska County 
Bar Association and was also nominated by the Republican party as 
county attorney. While residing in Monroe County he was nominated 
by the Republicans as candidate for state representative, being the only 
Negro ever nominated for either of these offices in Iowa. In 1926 Presi- 


dent Coolidge appointed him chairman of an all-Ne^o commission to 
investigate and report on economic conditions in the Virgin Islands, 
which duty he very creditably performed. He organized in Des Moines 
the Iowa Negro Bar Association in 1901 and the National Negro Bar 
Association in 1925, of both of which he was the first president. 

Albert Botnton Storms was born at Lima, Washtenaw (bounty, 
Michigan, April 1, 1860, and died in Bcrea, Ohio, July 1, 1933. His 
parents were Irving and Mary (Boynton) Storms. He was graduated 
from the University of Michigan with the degree of A. B. in 1884, and 
of A.M. in 1893. He was ordained a minister by the Methodist Epis- 
copal church in 1884 and held pastorates at Franklin, Michigan ; Hudson, 
Michigan ; Detroit, Michigan ; Madison, Wisconsin ; and at First Church, 
Des Moines, Iowa, the latter being from 1900 to 1903. In 1903 he was 
chosen president of Iowa State College of Agriculture and Mechanic 
Arts, Ames, remaining in that position until 1910. Returning to the 
ministry he was pastor at Indianapolis, Indiana, and followed that by 
being district superintendent at Indianapolis. In 1918 he became presi- 
dent of Baldwin-Wallace College, Berea, Ohio, and retained that position 
until liis death. He was a noted pulpit orator, an able educator and the 
author of several books and many magazine articles. 

Alfred Martin Haoqard was born near Cedar Rapids, Iowa, April 
11, 1851, and died at Pine Bluff, Colorado, June 20, 1933. He was 
graduated from Oskaloosa College with the degree of A. B. in 1879 and 
of A. M. in 1889. He was president of Oskaloosa College from 1889 
to 1892, was secretary of Iowa Christian Convention from 1893 to 1898, 
dean of the Bible College, Drake University, from 1899 to 1910, and 
professor of Christian evidences at the same institution from 1910 to 
1916. Besides his work as an educator, he studied divinity and as early 
as 1870 became a minister in the Disciples of Christ church and, inter- 
spersed with his teaching, was pastor and preacher at the following 
locations in Iowa: Eddyville, DeSoto, Oskaloosa, and Colfax, besides at 
Washington, Illinois. At one time he was secretary of the Iowa Christian 
Missionary Society, was a field worker for the Anti-saloon League, and 
by ability and fine personality exerted a real influence in his several fields. 

Clarence L. Ely was born in Maquoketa, Iowa, April 10, 1886, and 
died there July 17, 1933. Burial was in Sacred Heart Cemetery, Maquo- 
keta. He was the son of Mr. and Mrs. B. D. Ely. He was graduated 
from Maquoketa High School in 1903 and from the Law Department 
of the State University of Iowa in 1908. From 1910 to 1912 he was 
secretary to Congressman I. S. Pepper. In 1912 he entered the law 
office of G. L. Johnson of Maquoketa. The same year he was elected 
county attorney of Jackson County and continued in that office three 
terms, or until January, 1919. The fall of 1926 he was elected judge of 
the Seventh Judicial District, in which position he was serving when 
he died. He was a Democrat in politics. 


Counly Judge of DIcklnBOD Count)', 18S7-B2: dlBtrl 
Judlrlai Itlstrli'l, i»'«-«3 : capttln Co, L. Kin 
18S3--e4 : couDly }u^e jBsper Count}-, ISOS-eS ; 
of law. State tnlviTBltr of Iowa, 1875-80, 

■(torD»; Fourth 
IH. Vol. Cav.. 

■s Id Put prof»8flor 


Vol. XIX, No. 3 Des Moines, Iowa, January, 1934 Third Series 

Somewhat of His Life and Letters 

By F. I. Herriott 

Professor in Drake University 

"For it is man's nature which makes him trustworthy, not 
wealth. ' ' — Aristotle. 

**. . . the pioneers of northwestern Iowa will always have in 
their hearts a warm place for the memory of Orlando C. Howe. ' ' 

— Iowa State Bar Association.^ 

Orlando Cutter Howe was among the notable pioneers of 
northwestern Iowa, and one of the first settlers of Spirit Lake, 
in Dickinson County. He was attracted to the region by the 
reported beauty of the environs of Mde-Mini-Wakan.^ He 
remained there for only six years, 1857-1863; but in those 
few years his character and capacity, his courage and con- 
sideration for others won and held public confidence, and left 
many vivid memories in the minds of the pioneers of our 
state's frontier of a fine man and citizen, of an earnest, up- 
right public oflBcial, and of a neighbor who would instantly 
put forth his utmost in behalf of family, friends and fellows 
in a common cause or crisis. 

In the course of sundry searches for data relative to the 
origins and events of the Spirit Lake Massacre between IMarch 
8 and 15, 1857, when the entire settlement was destroyed, I 
received from the daughters of Judge Howe, Mrs. W. H. 

iProrredinyft loura State Bar Afmociation, Sixth Annual Meeting, held at 
Iowa City, July 17, 18, 1900. Report of the Committee on Legal Biography, 
I>. i*2. 

2The Sioux designation, "Lake of the Spirit Water." See F. I. Herriott. "Ori- 
gins of the Indian Massacre betwt'cn the Okobojls, March 8, 1857," Annals 
OK It.WA (Third Series), Vol. XVI II. pp. 342-:H«. 


(Helen Howe) Cooke, and Mrs. E. F. (Evelyn Howe) Porter, 
resident in Lynn Haven, Florida, a considerable number of 
letters of Judge Howe's written for the most part to Mrs. 
Howe between 1849 and 1865. With them were not a few 
others addressed to him by various* correspondents, together 
with sundry documents, legal instruments relative to matters 
at Spirit Lake, and the original drafts of addresses, articles, or 
lectures. I was generously given permission to use them at 
discretion and to make such disposal of them as seemed ap- 
propriate. Their contents in the main were such that it seemed 
to me that they should be deposited with the Historical De- 
partment of Iowa where they now are. Many of them afford 
interesting glimpses of pioneer conditions and procedure. They 
also afford valuable data about events just preceding and fol- 
lowing the Massacre of the settlers between the Okobojis — 
the most dramatic event in the entire history of Iowa's rela- 
tions to the Red Men.' His letters to Mrs. Howe written from 
Arkansas, while in service in the Union Army in 1864, give 
us first hand information about men and measures in that sec- 
tion of the war zone in the Civil War. 

In consequence of the decision to publish some of the letters 
among Judge Howe *s papers, the editor of the Annals asked 
me to prepare the biographical sketch which follows. It is 
but little more than a summary of the major facts in his life 
which closed Thursday, August 24, 1899, at Topeka, Kansas, 
at the age of seventy-four years, eight months and five days. 

Part I — ^Biography 


Orlando C. Howe was among the thousands of New England- 
ers who came into Iowa, and particularly into northern Iowa, 
in the middle years of the '50s of the nineteenth century, and 
played such a noteworthy part in the formation of the state's 
industrial, political and social institutions. He was bom in 
Williamstown, Vermont, on December 19, 1824, the son of 
John Deloss Howe and Sarah Cutter Howe. About 1834 his 

3Sce F. I. Herriott, "The Aftermath of the Spirit Lake Massacre of March 
8-15. 1857," Ibid., pp. 610-613. 


parents moved to and settled in Alden in Erie County, New 

His schooling begun in Williamstown was continued in the 
common school of Alden and then in the Academy of Aurora, 
which sustained an enviable reputation. His ambition f ocussed 
on the legal profession and he was fortunate in securing the 
privilege of studying in the law ofSces of Shumway & Wil- 
liams, a well-known firm in Buffalo. Mr. Horatio Shumway 
had been a member of the General Assembly of New York at 
Albany, and Mr. Charles H. S. Williams was district attorney 
of Erie County.* After his admission to the bar he remained 
with the firm in the capacity of assistant prosecuting attorney, 
until he decided to come west in 1855. The training he got 
under his patrons in Buffalo gave him a good grounding in the 
principles and the practice of the common law, then but little 
modified by legislation, that made him fit and ready for the 
rapid professional and ofScial promotion which came to him 
soon after he arrived in Iowa. 

Meantime, in 1849, the young man had met, loved, wooed 
and won and married Maria Wheelock of Lancaster, New York, 
a young lady of marked ability and staunch character. At the 
time of their courtship Miss Wheelock was a teacher in the 
public schools of Buffalo. Characterizing two of the first 
women resident in Spirit Lake after the Massacre, Mr. R. A. 
Smith, a contemporary and later the historian of Dickinson 
County, thus records his recollections and his judgment : 

Mrs. Howe was the more scholarly . . . having been a teacher in Buf- 
falo. In addition to her literary attainments she possessed a rare fund 
of general information, and what is still more rare, a remarkable versatility 
of character, which enabled her to adapt herself to surroundings without 
fuss or friction. She was equally at home with the sturdy pioneers by 
whom she was surrounded as she would have been in the environments of 
polite society.* 

For the following fifty years Mrs. Howe realized for lier 

^rnless otherwise stated the narrative is based on the following general 
sourcoH : (a) Mr. and Mrs. Howe's letters deposited In the Historical. Memo- 
rial and Art Department of Iowa; (b) the biographical sketch prepared for 
the Iowa State Bar ABsociation by Judge George \\. Wakefield of Sioux City, 
chairman of its Committee on Legal Biography, the data for which was gath- 
pred by Mr. R. A. Smith of Spirit Lake, la. — Proc. la. 8t. Bar Assoc, for 1900, 
pp. 89-92 : and (c) R. A. Smith's History of Dickinson County, la., 1902. 

sPerry Smith (Ed) History of Buffalo and Erie County, Vol. II, p. 461 ; 
Vol. I, p. 348. 

•Smith. Op. at., p. 415. 


husband, children, and neighbors the ideals of Ruth, daughter 
of Naomi : whither he went she went also ; where he found 
lodgment she abided; and his people became hers — ^through 
fire and flood, sunshine and storm, sacrifice and war, Maria 
Wheelock proved ever helpmate and inspiration through the 
stress of the waxing years. In the letters which follow her 
devotion and worth were clearly appreciated. 

The ordinary slowness of advancement and return for a 
young lawyer in an old community probably caused the young 
husband to think favorably of Horace Greeley's advice to **go 
west. ' ' Whatever the general cause, the immediate considera- 
tion was the glowing reports about the beauty of **the Iowa 
country, ' ' and the illimitable opportunities for large and rapid 
returns on small capital investments soon coerced him. The 
exact date of his departure is not certain, but it was some 
time in the late fall of 1855, for his first letter speaks of snow 
at Galena and near Dubuque. His decision must have been 
rather sudden or he would have started earlier in the year 
in order to make his journey at a more agreeable and favorable 
time for making his preliminary surveys to discover the rela- 
tive merits of this and that region for permanent tenure. 

In his first letter to Mrs. Howe, written at Dubuque, he 
gives a vivid picture of the push and rush of that westward 
movement into Iowa in pioneer days. He was as optimistic 
as the ancient hunters seeking the golden fleece. He apparently 
inclined to go into Minnesota at the outset, but for some rea- 
son, not disclosed, turned southward. With his mind's eye 
he saw quick returns in investments in virgin farm lands, and 
town sites and city lots were equal to gold mines, if he could 
secure the capital to obtain them. Fort Dodge and Sioux 
City came within consideration no less than Mankato, Minne- 
sota, and Iowa Falls. He suggests much of the picture in three 
sentences : * * Every [thing] whirls fast in this country. It most 
makes me dizzy — railroads and railroad schemes are so thick 
that no one can keep track of them."^ 

Iowa Falls in north Hardin County seems to have attracted 
him especially, and it is not quite clear why he decided to re- 
main in Newton, in Jasper County, about sixty miles almost 

70. C. Howe to Mrs. Howe, written at Dubuque without date, post. 


straight south of the region he preferred. It is not certain 
when he first arrived in Newton, but probably in the forepart 
or middle of December, 1855. 

Mr. Howe was not one to loiter in idleness, doless, waiting 
for something to happen to his liking. If law clients did not 
appear, he looked about for work as a teacher. Soon he was 
giving lectures to the ** Newton Literary Society.'* The na- 
ture of the subjects dealt with, whether law or literature or 
philosophy, does not appear in his letters." 

It was significant of later developments in his career, and a 
perfect illustration of the easy-going and rapid way of things 
in the democracy on the frontier when he was offered January 
10, 1856, a nomination for the county judgeship of Jasper 
County by a group of Know-Nothings who had asked him for 
the loan of his room at his boarding place to hold their caucus. 
He evidently had made a decidedly favorable impression in 
the conduct of a lawsuit, notwithstanding the decision was 
adverse to his client. Further, his participation was hardly 
technically permissible because he was not admitted to practice 
in Iowa until April 28, 1856." 

Within the year a serious movement was started and pro- 
moted by his friend, George E. Spencer, to secure his election 
as judge of the Eleventh Judicial District comprising Powe- 
shiek, Mahaska, Jasper, Marion, Polk, Warren, Dallas and 
Madison counties.^® Somewhat of his strength may easily be 
inferred from the letter of M. M. Crocker, a rising young 
Democratic attorney of Des Moines, who, although a Proslavery 
Democrat, was formally working for the nomination of James 
Williamson of Des Moines, but who saw that the latter prob- 
ably could not win it and he, Crocker, saw that Howe held 
the key to the situation, and he preferred Howe to the other 
candidate foremost in the field. To what extent Mr. Howe 
personally encouraged his friend Spencer's plans, cannot be 
stated ; but his journey to the Okobojis in February and the 
consequences to him personally of the Massacre in March 
nullified Spencer and Crocker's program. William M. Stone 

8/bW., written at Newton, Jan. 22, 1856. 

HVrtlflcate of clerk of court of Jasper County, In O. C. Howe papers. 

lOLaws of Iowa, Sixth Genrral Assembly, Chap, 2. 


of Knoxville was nominated and elected judge of the Eleventh 

Mrs. Howe and their daughter **Linnie" came to Newton 
in April, 1856, and soon two of Mr. Howe's brothers-in-law, 
Messrs. B. F. Parmenter and Robert U. Wheelock — ^the latter 
two also on the lookout for good investments. In the early 
fall months they heard of the beauty of the lake country in 
northwestern Iowa, and decided to go up to survey the region. 
They went via Fort Des Moines, thence up the Des Moines 
River to Boonsboro, Fort Dodge, Dakota City, arriving at the 
Okobojis on the edge of the winter (November). They stopped 
with Joel Howe.^^ Their first view of the lakes decided them 
to make it their home. They returned to Newton to gather 
their possessions and return. 

It was while on that first trip that Mr. Howe in one of his 
scouting trips to the west and north of Spirit Lake came upon 
Inkpaduta and his band of outlaw Sioux at Black Loon Lake, 
Jackson County, Minnesota, whence he and his band soon 
departed, going down the valley of the Little Sioux to Smith- 
land where occurred the clash between the settlers and Ink- 
paduta 's band when the firearms of the latter were taken 
from them in the midst of their hunting, with fatal conse- 
quences four months later." 

iiGeorge E. Sponcer to O. C. Howe, Iowa City, Iowa, Dec. 26, 1856: M. M. 
Crocker to O. C. Howe. Fort Des Moines. Jan. 11, 1857. 

George E. Spencer, a native of New York, was Just twenty years of age when 
be came to Iowa In 1856. and be was an Interesting cbaracter. He was able, 
energetic, and entbuslastlc. not to say aggressive In crowding forward with his 
plans, promoting them with Incessant and Irrepressible optimism. He was a 
typical western land boomer. Mr. Smith gives a perfect Illustration of some 
of bis daring and Ingenuity In "constructive Imagination** in connection with 
the founding of the town of Sprncer, county seat of Clay Count v. Its growth 
exceeding In speed "the dreams of avarice." Op. Cit., pp. 150-151. Later he 
bad a notable career In t^e Union Army, rising from a captain to brigadier 
grneral for gal'antry In the field. From 1868 to 1879 be was United States 
senator from Alabama. — Biographical Conyrensional Directory. 

Since writing the paragraph In the text I have received additional letters 
from Mrs. Porter and Mrs. Cooke, among them letters from George K. Spencer 
which disclose that Mr. Howe was Informed of Mr. Spencer's active canvassing 
in bis (O. C. H.'s) behalf. 

M. M. Crocker was a brilliant lawyer of Fort Des Moines, one of the foremost 
advocates In the state at the outbreak of the Civil War. He bad been a West 
Point cadet, but conld not complete his military training because of the death 
of his father. Col. James G. Crocker, and his moth'^r's urgent needs. He was 
among the first to Join the Union Army — the 2nd Iowa Infantry — and rose 
rapidly to a brigadier generalship. The fine work of the Crocker Iowa Brigade 
won applause from Generals Sherman and Grant. Pulmonary tuberculosis 
brought his brilliant career to an untimely close Aug. 26, 1865. — Byers' Iou>a 
in War Times, pp. 434-38. 

120. C. Howe to Mrs. O. C. H., Ft. Dodge, Mar. 22. 1857. The Joel Howe 
named was no relative of O. C. H. 

lasmlth. Op. Cit., pp. 49-50. 



Orlando C. Howe and his partners, his two brothers-in-law, 
were either very alert and energetic men in business matters, 
or they were anxious to get back to the lakes to secure the 
advantageous tracts sought before other incoming settlers 
could preempt them, for they left Newton with wagons 
loaded with equipment and provisions on February 20, ar- 
riving in Fort Des Moines on the 24th. At Boonsboro he 
wrote Mrs. Howe that reports from the lake region said that 
**no Sioux'* were about **so do not let Indians trouble you 
at all.''" 

They arrived at Castner's place in southeast Palo Alto 
County on March 5, utterly worn with the struggle against 
winds and snow, their oxen limping. The next day a severe 
storm prevented departure and held them for several days. 
Finally on the afternoon of Monday, March 16, they came 
into the Lake Region. Their oxen got stuck in the snowdrift 
three miles from their destination. They noticed no signs of 
life in or about the five cabins, no smoke arising from chim- 
neys, no stock animals in sight. They began to fear that some 
untoward event had happened. They had been warned by 
Major William Williams at Fort Dodge not to go forward, 
for serious rumors of Sioux on the warpath had come to him. 
But with the usual American assurance they thought the Fates 
would protect them. 

Leaving their oxen, they loaded a hand sled with bedding 
and provisions and made their way to Joel Howe's cabin wliere 
they had stayed in November preceding. They had not made 
much progress before they felt certain that matters were not 
right and when they reached the cabin no one of the family 
appeared, and all was chaos, household utensils, clothing and 
bedding being scattered in utter confusion. 

Leaving Messrs. Parmenter and Snyder, Mr. Howe and 
Robert Wheelock started for the Thatcher cabin about. a mile 
away on the north. There they found matters worse and dis- 
covered moccasin tracks. They needed no more evidence to 
convince them that the settlement had been wiped out by the 
Indians. Despite their weariness they decided the next morn- 

140. C. Howe to Mrs. O. C. H., Boonsboro, Feb. 27, 1807. 


ing to return to Fort Dodge at once to report the catastrophe 
and confer with its citizens as to plans for relief and rescue 
of any who might have escaped the ruthless foes/^ 

Their experiences during the next four weeks — their report 
to Major Williams and the people of Fort Dodge, the organi- 
zation of the Relief Expedition, and the frightful sufferings 
endured by the three companies going and returning, in which 
Mr. Howe and his partners suffered intolerably with their 
companions in the expedition, I have set forth in considerable 
detail in preceding pages.^® 

In the awful perplexities and decisions Major Williams and 
his men had to make, one of the members who lived to be one 
of its historians, Mr. Rodney A. Smith, informs us : 

Mr. Howe was a member of Company A, and it was on him more than 
any other that Major Williams relied for information and advice; . . . 
After the work of burying the dead had been completed ... he was 
persistently in favor of returning by the same route they came up, 
which was by the way of Emmet and Estherville. Had his advice been 
heeded much suffering would have been avoided and two valuable lives 
saved. He with six others, remained in camp during that terrific storm 
which has since become historic, and then succeeded in reaching Fort 
Dodge without suffering any particular inconvenience.*^ 

Mr. Howe endured sufferings, frozen feet and exhaustion 
from exposure, during those four weeks of intermittent rain 
and snow and incessant winds and blizzards, from which he 
never fully recovered. The memories of the hideous wreck- 
age and mutilated bodies of women and children he saw in 
the cabins on the shores of the Okobojis, ever after haunted 
his dreams. His daughters inform me that he never wanted 
the subject mentioned in his presence in the family circle; 
and it was with difficulty that he was persuaded to prepare 
the memoir of his experiences with the Massacre for a reunion 
at Spirit Lake in 1895 of some of the survivors of the Relief 
Expedition which was published some fifteen years after 
his death." 

ISO. C. Howe to Mrs. O. C. II.. Fort Dodge, March 22, 1857. 

16F. I. Herrlott, "The Aftermath of the Spirit Lake Massacre," Annals op 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XVIIl, pp. 438-70. 

viprov. la. 8t. Bar Ahmoc, Op. Vif., pp. 1)0-91 : Smith, Op. Cit., pp. 90-91. 
(.'apt. .1. (\ .Johnson of Webster City and Wm. E. Buckholder of Fort Dodge 
were the two men who lost their liv«'8, referred to l)y Mr. Smith. 

iRMrs. E. F. (Evelyn H.) Porter, and Mrs. W. H. (Helen) H. Cooke to 
F. I. Herrlott, Nov. 14, 1932, and Dec. 12, 1933, (M8S.). 



Mr. Howe always displayed marked determination and per- 
sistence in pushing forward in any ordinary undertaking in 
which he was interested. Notwithstanding the horrors of the 
devastating catastrophe between the Okobojis that came near 
to being fatal in his own case, Mr. Howe was not deterred 
from going ahead with his plans. He returned to Newton 
but he and his business associates were back at the Lakes in 
the latter part of May, and by June they had selected a town 
site which they called Spirit Lake and began the necessary 
preliminary towards the organization of Dickinson County.*® 
Mrs. Howe with their three-year-old daughter came on Aug- 
ust 6, the first women to arrive after the Massacre.^° 

At the election on the first Tuesday in August Mr. Howe was 
elected county judge for a term of four years : and it was a 
decided tribute to his reputation, and his ability and char- 
acter. Under the Code of 1851 the county judge exercised 
all of the legislative and administrative powers of the old 
county commissioners, and since the late '60s, now performed 
by the Board of Supervnsors. In the popular parlance of the 
hustings they were dubbed **The County Kings.''" 

But his official honors were not confined to his local baili- 
wick. Under the act of the Seventh General Assembly (Chap- 
ter 94) the Fourth Judicial District was created, comprising 
twenty-two counties in northwest Iowa, approximately a 
fourth of the state in area." The election of the judge and 
district attorney occurred on the second Tuesday in October, 
1858, and Asahel W. Hubbard of Sioux City was elected judge 
and Orlando C. Howe of Spirit Lake, district attorney, each 

if»Th<» oriKinal proprietors of Spirit Lake were O. C. Howe, B. F. Parmenter, 
R. V. Wheelock, and George E. Spenter. Their plans were Interesting. They 
selected a site that they thought could also serve as the "county seat" town. 
Then they platted the town site which was "to bp held In common" for the 
general use of the community. Thrreafter they were Individually to select their 
claims on the adjacent or nearby tracts. — Smith, Op. Cit., p. 158. 

-•osmith. Op. cit., p. 178. 

^Uhid., pp. 169-70. 

22The range of Judge Howe's circuit or district may l>est be realized by the 
mfp' listing of the counties comprehended within the Fourth .Tudicial District, 
beginning with the southermost counties and proceeding northward and east- 
ward : 

Harrison and Shelby, Monona and Crawford, Woodbury and Ida. Sac and 
Buona Vista, Cherokee and IMymouth, Clay and O'Brien. Sioux and Buncombe 
<now Lyon). Osceola and Dickinson, FTmmet and I*alo .\lto, Pocahontas and 
Calhoun. Kossuth and Humboldt. 


for a term of four years. Under the terms of Section 32, 
Chapter 101, of the Acts of the Seventh General Assembly a 
county judge was allowed to act as attorney for his county in 
legal matters — and thus there was no inconsistency in his 
holding the two oflSces simultaneously — ^the duties of county 
judge at the outset did not call for much more than minis- 
terial and administrative functions. Somewhat of the nature 
and range of his duties while on circuit is suggested in the 
following lines taken from Judge Wakefield's sketch for the 
State Bar Association : 

At that time the district embraced nearly one fourth of the area of 
the entire state. His family remained at the Lakes while he travelled 
the circuit. There were no railroads in this part of the state at that timei 
and trips across the desolate prairie were not picnics. As prosecuting 
attorney he was both successful and popular.^^ 

References to local events or persons in the weekly press of 
northwestern Iowa, between 1858 and 1863, were both meagre 
and infrequent. Mr. F. M. Zieback, editor of The Sioux City 
Register of August 11, 1859, refers in favorable terms to Dis- 
trict Attorney Howe, and he was not given to favorable com- 
ment upon Republican oflSce-holders. During the summer 
months of 1859 the people of Woodbury County were in a vio- 
lent controversy over an alleged bogus issue of county war- 
rants. The county records and seals had been seized and taken 
into the country to parts unknown. Purchasers of the war- 
rants were asking that they be honored and demanding a writ 
of mandamus. Judge Test of Indiana argued the petition 
and Mr. John A. Kasson of Des Moines resisted for the county. 
The writ was denied, as was also an injunction. Proceedings 
in (^uo warranto were pending and the contestants "next en- 
deavored to dismiss the quo warranto from court . . . The 
relator, John L. Campbell, was allowed to withdraw . . . but 
our worthy District Attorney felt that the public interests 
were deeply involved in the determination of the cause and 
wisely insisted upon the right of the state to continue the 
prosecution — which was conceded by the court •••••'' The 
conclusion was a victory for the county and Mr. Zieback adds 
** clearly proves that the people have some rights.^ ^ 

So far as the volumes of the decisions of Iowa's Supreme 

i^Proc. la. 8t. Bar Assoc, Op, Cit,, p. 91. 


Court disclose no cases with which Judge Howe was ofScially 
connected either as district attorney, or any of his acts as 
county judge were appealed. This may mean either or both 
of two things: first, that litigation, especially criminal prose- 
cutions, was not numerous or serious ; and second, that he suc- 
ceeded in securing decrees or rulings or verdicts that were 

He was, as I have already shown in some detail, with his 
business partners and others almost incessantly involved in 
harrassing litigation with Dr. John S. Prescott and his parti- 
sans over land and other transactions that kept the other- 
wise law-abiding community at Spirit Lake in an uproar, at 
one time producing an incipient civil war wherein ''the army 
of occupation" aided one side in resisting a court injunction 
which the sheriff was attempting to enforce. But in that bit- 
ter controversy, he appears to have been throughout and in 
the conclusion in the right." 


The course of things for Judge Howe was again rudely dis- 
turbed by the horrible outbreak of the Sioux between the 
Yellow Medicine and the Blue Earth rivers in August, 1862, 
the attack being conceived and carried forward by Little Crow 
and Inkpaduta, each an outlaw chief of the Wahpakute band, 
a catastrophe exceeding in its devastation of life any previous 
or subsequent event in the long struggle of the Red Men with 
the whites, and due largely, to the failure of the national 
government to capture and punish Inkpaduta for his attack 
upon the Spirit Lake settlement in March, 1857.^* 

In the earlier part of 1861 Mrs. Howe records that she was 
with her husband on circuit at Onawa, when the word came of 
the attack on Port Sumpter. Judge Hubbard adjourned court 
and they started on their journey to Spirit Lake. They en- 
countered a number of young southern army oflBcers who had 
resigned their commissions and were returning south to join 
the Confederate Army. They told the Howes that they, the 
settlers, would soon have enough to occupy their attention. 

2<F. I. Ilrrrlott, "The Aftermath of the Spirit Lake Massacre," Annals op 

Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XVIII, pp. 615-17. 
26/6i<f., pp. 601-04. 


namely, the threatening conduct of the Sioux, signs of their 
malevolent purposes were increasing all round the horizon, 
and that the settlers would have little time to deal with the 
secessionists. Mrs. Howe records that a squad of soldiers 
stationed at the Lakes while on a march were fired on by the 
Indians a few days before they reached the Lakes. Those 
soldiers appeared to have been national troops. The inter- 
mittent forays of the Sioux on marauding expeditions kept 
the pioneers in a constant state of dread, although outwardly 
they assumed that there was no serious danger.^ 

Suddenly one day in August, probably between the 20th 
and the 25th of August, 1862, Judge Howe rushed into his 
home and shouted: **They are at it again!** and told Mrs. 
Howe that Springfield in Jackson County, Minnesota, had 
been destroyed by the Sioux, and that he was going with his 
neighbors to ascertain what the actual facts were and what 
measures were necessary for defense. Despite frantic appeals 
to stay at home to avoid danger, Judge Howe again showed 
the stern stuff of which his character was compounded by re- 
sisting the plea of one he held dearest and hurrying forth into 
the dark shadows of unpredictable dangers, realizing that the 
best defense is a daring offensive, if but one knows the terrain 
and the dangers therein.^^ 

The belligerent Sioux, although they spread terror far and 
wide, and their attacks upon the settlements in southwestern 
Minnesota came near, they did not reach Spirit Lake. But 
its residents suffered all of the agonies and terrors of antici- 
pation. Moreover, as Mrs. Howe s brief memoir reveals with 
terrible particulars, the men saw some of the hideous work 
of the Sioux, and Mrs. Howe came into painful but helpful 
relations with one of the poor victims.^** 

The general terror produced by the Sioux outbreak in 1862 
was so disturbing that it constrained Judge Howe to decide 
to leave Spirit Lake region, the peace of mind of his wife 

2«Mr8. M. W. Howe, "A Memory of the Minnesota Indian Massacre," post. 

Captain Wm. H. Ingham probably refers to those soldiers mentioned by Mrs. 
Howe in his report to Gov. Samuel .T. Kirkwood in September, 1862, concerning 
conditions on the northwestern frontier after the Sioux outbreak, and his 
measures for defense, contained in his "The Iowa Northern Border Brigade 6t 
18(J2-3," ANNALS OF Iowa (Third Series), Vol. V., p. 492. 

27Mr8. Howe, Op. Cit. 


and relatives probably being the controlling consideration 
¥nth him. He sold his holdings and returned to Newton, 
Jasper County, in the spring of 1863.'^ 

He at once entered into active legal practice. It was not 
long before he was again an influential factor in local politics. 
He is reported to have attended the Republican State Con- 
vention in Des Moines on July 17, 1863, convened to select their 
candidate for governor. He had an important part in se- 
curing the dramatic nomination of his old successful rival. 
Judge William M. Stone, for governor by a sudden coup that 
astounded Messrs. Pitz Henrj' Warren and Elijah Sells, the 
two major candidates, by its unexpectedness and sweeping 


But neither the legal practice nor politics held first place 
in Judge Howe's heart and mind that summer and fall. The 
awful struggle the nation was waging with the seceding South- 
em States and the call for more men in the ranks of the Union 
Army controlled; and he finally decided that he should not 
resist President Lincoln's call for more men. On June 4 
Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood commissioned Judge Howe a 
second lieutenant in the Eighth Iowa Cavalry and on the 5th 
of June he was mustered in at Davenport. He was with that 
regiment until November 30 when he was transferred to the 
Ninth Iowa Cavalrj' as captain of Company L, Gov. Kirk- 
wood issuing the commission. 

The regiment rendezvoused at Camp Roberts near Daven- 
port ; thence it was ordered to the famous Camp Jackson near 
St. Louis; and thence to Jefferson Barracks where the regi- 
ment underwent a course of training that brought it to a 
state of discipline that won from General Davidson, chief of 
the cavalry in the department, the commendation that the 
Ninth Iowa Cavalry was **the best mounted regiment he had 

wSmlth, Op. at., p. 259. 

aopror. la. St. Bar Ansoc, Op. Cit., p. 91. Judge Wakefleld*8 sketch states 
that Jiidse Howe was a memb» r of that "historic convention." If so he must 
have beon an alternate, for bis name is not listed among the reported delegates 
given In the Iowa State Rei^iHter July 18. 180H. Ills brother-in-law, B. F. Par- 
menter. was a delegate from Dickinson County. Mr. K. .\. Smith gave Judge 
Wakefield his data for his sketch and he could speak definitely from personal 
knowledge gained from acquaintance with Messrs. Howe and Parmenter. 

Letter of U. A. Smith to Mrs. O. C. Howe In Judge Howe's correspondence. 


seen during his nineteen years of service as a cavalry officer 
in the Regular Army. ' **^ 

In the forepart of 1864 the Ninth was engaged chiefly in 
scouting and guard duty, among other diversions, chasing the 
notorious Quantrell. In May it was ordered to proceed to De- 
vairs Bluflf on the White River, about midway between Helena 
on the Mississippi and Little Rock on the Arkansas River. 
Captain Howe's letters home will be best appreciated if read 
in the light of the following taken from a summary of Major 
S. H. M. Byers' Iowa In War Times: 

The Ninth Cavalry entered the service very late and was stationed in 
Arkansas, where it remained till the close of the war without seeing a 
battle. This regiment, nearly 1200 strong, was in fact one of the finest 
commands in the Union forces. • * * During the whole service ... its 
headquarters were at Devall's Bluff. * * * From this base in aU sorts 
of weather, over the worst roads on the continent, and often miles and 
miles of almost bottomless swamps, the Ninth Cavalry was forever mak- 
ing scouts and little raids. To every point of the compass from Little 
Bock, by day or by night, the command would be hurried off on some 
fruitless expedition, some chase after bands that had just departed, or 
to protect some point that had just been abandoned. * * • 

It was a pity that this great, fine regiment of veteran soldiers and 
competent officers should have to spend its energies in ways that produced 
so little of results. * * * These movements were so monotonous . . . 
as not to be sufficiently interesting in their history to repeat. The 
command did the duty that lay before it, and did it well; more than 
this can be said of no regiment.'^ 

At the outset the Ninth Cavalry seems to have given the 
public an adverse impression of demoralization. Captain 
Howe notes it candidly, and all through his letters one is struck 
by his generous appraisal of oflBcers and men and of other 
regiments when he refers to them. Thus, writing from Benton 
Barracks (Feb. 15) : 

. . . we are far from being a **pet" regiment. On the contrary we 
are generally reported as ''demoralized,'' but this is entirely false as I 
do not believe any Cavalry Begiment as new as this is in better disci- 
pline, or better instructed. 

I think the trouble is that some of the officers grumbled at what they 
thought some swindling operations respecting our fuel & that you know 

3iCol. George W. Crossley, '•Historical Sketch Ninth Regiment Iowa Volunteer 
Cavalry," Hosier and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. IV, p. 1644. 

aiJByt rs\ Op. Cit., pp. 29r)-96. 


will never do. Our colonel [M. M. Tnunboll] is a trump (if you know 
what that is) (and a right bower too). There is not a man but what 
likes him and though he will enforce discipline, he is kind to the men. 

and again on April 14 : 

By the way, I get along decently with the men and, though lenient 
as the other officers say to a fault, yet we have a fair discipline & I con- 
trol the company easily, while some have considerable difficulty. B. can 
do nothing with them except through fear ft but little anyway & Moore 
can only coax ft succeeds fairly for that way. 

Writing from DevaH's Bluff under date of June 26 he gives 

us a brief summary of his company's doings in pursuit of 

Shelby after a wearisome march without results : 

The men feel disappointed about the matter as they bore the march 
in the hopes of a fight & . . . for one I am willing to wait my time ft 
meanwhile do such duty as I am called on for. My company has had a 
very hard time, having been scouting twelve days, but Company E has 
been out ten days longer. I never faU to go when L. goes, & though 
we have had no chance to get much glory, yet the bushwhackers have 
learned that the '^Orey Horse Company" as they call us are not to be 
trifled ifvith. On this last scout my men were recognized by that title.^^ 

Captain Howe might have quoted very appropriately those 
telling lines of Milton 

They also serve who only stand and wait. 

His letters to Mrs. Howe from the southern camps, like those 
written from Newton, Fort Dodge, and the Okobojis in 1856- 
1857, were unadorned rhetoric, direct, simple, full of affection, 
but without gush or sentimentality. He gave her glimpses 
of the men in camp, and of the country into which their 
marches took them, and infrequent comment upon brother of- 
ficers — seldom adverse in character. There is no egotistical 
assertion, or ostentatious display of personal virtues. There 
is no petty complaining about the dull routine to which, day 
after day, his men and regiment were subject. One sentence 
in his letter of August 31, 1863, displays effectively his quiet 
modesty of disposition, his honesty and sense of public obli- 
gation, always disclosed in his private and public relations. 
He was anxious to return home, and hoping for the days to 
pass rapidly so that he could decently ask for a furlough. 

Mjudjfe Howe*8 letters to Mrs. Howe from which the foregoing extracts have 
been taken are given in subsequent sections. 


Matters affecting Mrs. Howe's convenience and welfare were 
urgent and distressed him. He was ill, more or less, to an 
extent that would have lead many another to make it a justi- 
fication for seeking such release from camp duties. But, he 
says half regretfully, **My health is improving. It is doubt- 
ful whether I am entitled to a furlough." 

The letters of the men of his company to their home folks 
in Newton and Prairie City or thereabouts evidently carried 
back from the camp some favorable opinions of Capt. Howe's 
treatment of his company. Some of them evidently came to the 
ears of the anxious wife at home and she joyfully relayed 
them in substance to her husband enduring the monotony of 
camp life, the routine of drill and guard duty and fruitless 
scouting forays. (July 23, 1863.) 

In one letter, October 5, 1863, we may note clear signs of his 
depleted nervous system and low level of strength. He had 
heard that Mrs. Howe, disturbed by reports of his serious ill- 
ness, had hastily started south to find his camp, and if she 
could not take him back to Newton, then to care for him in 
hospital or where found. He was frantic with anxiety at the 
dread possibilities if she had imprudently started. The low 
condition of the family finances, the dangers of such a long trip 
under the conditions to her personally, and the almost certain 
official antagonism to her coming into camp, or hospital, were 
among the causes of his unhappy feelings. Happily he had 
been misinformed. 

At the outset his health was fairly good but in the hot sum- 
mer months the lack of wholesome water and the miasma of 
the swamps and low regions through which they marched and 
anon camped, brought him low. It is a marvel the entire 
troop was not laid low. For four to ^ve months he was suf- 
fering intermittently from fever and dysentery which finally 
confined him to the hospital. His condition not improving 
he was discharged December 6, 1864. From the contents of 
Mrs. Howe's last letter to him of December 5, 1864, he was 
sent up the Mississippi and placed in the army hospital at 
Davenport, in very serious condition. 

How long he remained in Davenport, or the precise date of 
Captain Howe's return to Newton cannot be stated; but in 


a letter written years later Mrs. Howe states that he was in a 
very feeble condition physically and mentally. Pew of his 
old comrades and neighbors expected him to live. The 
daughters, sixty-nine years after, recalled gratefully the gen- 
erous, unremitting consideration and help extended their 
mother in her weeks of anxious care while waiting for his re- 
turn to health by old friends and neighbors in Newton. To 
their neighborly concern and aid was due in no small part 
his final recovery of a fair degree of health, although he never 
was a strong man again.^ 

The esteem in which their captain was held, and the affec- 
tion of the members of Company L for him, which continued 
green and constant throughout the intervening years were sig- 
nalized definitely twenty-eight years after he left the ranks 
on the occasion of the reunion of his old regiment in Des 
Moines on August 26, 1892. Captain Howe on account of his 
health could not make the journey from Medicine Lodge, 
Kansas, where he was then residing, to Des Moines. About Sep- 
tember 10 he received the following letter which he treasured 
among his correspondence and papers. 

Des Moines, Iowa, Sept. 8, 1892. 
Capt. O. C. Howe, 
Madison [Medicine] Lodge, 

Dear Comrade: 
It is with the greatest of pleasure that I have the honor to inform you 
that we, the boys of Co. L, 9th Iowa Cav., at the reunion at Des Moines, la., 
Aug. 26, 1892, presented you with a cane as a slight token of the regard 
and esteem with which you are ever held by us comrades. 

Yours very resp. 

Comrade J. G. Bain. 

Des Moines, Iowa. 
P. 8. I forward the cane by express to your address — please call at 
the express office for it. 

Your boy, James. 

That letter and the token it accompanied are among **the 
testimonies'* that as a Roman proverb has it, **are to be 
weighed, not counted.*' They are seldom given pro forma: 
they are the issue of good will and affection bom of comrade- 

WMrs. E. H. Porter to F. I. Herrlott, Nov. 14, 1932. 


ship in danger and trial. By no means the least interesting 
bit of evidence of the fact here adverted to is the signature 
of the writer of the letter of notification to the postscript — 
**Your boy, James.'* James 6. Bain was the bugler of the 
company : He was only fourteen years when he enlisted ; and 
his admiration of and affection for his ** Captain," continued, 
his widow informs me, warm and vigorous to the last. Such 
shafts come out of the blue. They abolish gloom and make 
one forget weary nerves and nagging worries. 


Captain Howe was no sooner able to be out and go about 
than he returned to the practice of law. On October 10, 1865, 
he was elected county judge of Jasper County, his term ending 
January 1, 1868. By the new law creating the Board of 
Supervisors which displaced the county judge system inaugu- 
rated by the Code of 1851, the ** County Bangs'* went out of 
oflSce in 1866. Prom that date until the fall of 1875 Judge 
Howe continued in the practice of law at Newton. 

During his practice of law at Newton after the cessation 
of his oflBce of county judge in 1866 Judge Howe seems to 
have been an office lawyer, a counselor rather than a court 
room advocate. We may infer this from the fact that he was 
engaged in few of the cases appealed from the District 
Court of Jasper County between 1866 and 1875 when he went 
to Iowa City. In the three cases in which his name appears, 
he was successful in two, securing affirmation, and suffering 
reversal in the other. 

In 1875 Judge Howe's ability and character as a lawyer 
and judge received signal recognition. The regents of the State 
University of Iowa asked him to be the resident professor of 
law in the Law School, which chair he held until the close of 
the spring term of 1880. Among his predecessors were Wil- 
liam G. Hammond and William E. Miller. The law curricu- 
lum at that time required but one year of residence of the 
student as a prerequisite for graduation. Judge Howe's lec- 
tures dealt with Common Law Pleading and Practice, Code and 
Statutory Pleading, with Criminal Law, Municipal Law and 
Equity Jurisprudence. Besides Chancellor Hammond, among 
the lecturers were Judges Austin Adams, John P. Dillon and 


James M. Love, and John P. Duncombe and Lewis W. Boss, 
who served during Judge Howe's stewardship. 

Judge Howe did not have the prestige of Judges Dillon 
and Love because of their distinguished career on the state 
and federal benches, and he did not have the notable ability 
of Chancellor Hammond in literary and didactic exposition. 
But tradition and recollections indicate he was well versed 
in the basic maxims and principles of the law, and his varied 
experience as a public ofScial — as county judge of Dickinson 
and Jasper counties, as district attorney of twenty-two counties 
for four years, and in the Union Army — gave him a fund of 
practical knowledge that always keeps an instructor's feet on 
the ground and holds his mind's eye within the circuit of 
common sense and the feasible. 

Among Judge Howe's lectures (in MS.) to his law classes 
various titles are suggestive. They fall under two general 

1. On the Criminal Law, such as the ** History of the Crimi- 
nal Law " ; * * Sorcery and Witchcraft in Criminal Law " ; * * Cor- 
poral Punishment in the Schools"; and **The Lawyer's Re- 
sponsibility in Criminal Cases." The latter given to the class 
of 1877 was reprinted at the request of the class ; 

2. On the lawyer's logical methods or procedure in arriving 
at his conclusions, such as the use of **Descrimination," ** Ima- 
gination," ** Perception and Observation." 

They are clear-cut expositions, the argument and the narra- 
tive varied with literary and historical allusions. 

Judge Howe was hampered constantly by the impairment 
of his health due to the harrowing experiences endured in his 
connection with the Spirit Lake Massacre and Relief Expe- 
dition of 1857 and his almost fatal illness in the Army. It left 
him with a nervous system always near the point of unstable 
equilibrium which could easily be disturbed. This latter 
fact was but little appreciated by students who sometimes 
witnessed his nervous tension in dealing with disturbing ques- 
tions or with inquiries put for digressive purposes. 

Some of the recollections of his stewardship are strikingly 
shown in the following letter from one of his students, former 


Governor George W. Clarke of Adel, a member of the class 
of 1878 : 

Judge Howe was a man of very pleasing personality, mild-mannered, 
clear and earnest in the exposition of his subjects, interested in the stu- 
dents, patient in answering their questions, however irrelevant and even 
absurd they might now and then appear to be, careful never to in the 
slightest degree, expose the want of point to the question or failure to 
grasp the subject under consideration. 

Judge Howe was competent, well-grounded in the subjects he taught, 
clear in his exposition of them. I am sure that every student of his 
classes has ever held him in most agreeable and happy memory as a 
man, lawyer, teacher and friend.^ 

Judge Howe concluded his professorship at the Law School 
of the University with the spring term of 1880. His decision 
was due apparently to two serious considerations: compen- 
sation for such instructional work was not extravagant, and 
his financial needs were not easily met with the then author- 
ized appropriations, and the general practice of his profes- 
sion offered more attractive inducements; and his general 
health, not good at any time, was adversely affected by the 
continuous close confinement to the routine work of the school. 


In 1881 Judge Howe moved to Anthony, the county seat of 
Harper County on the southern border of Kansas and en- 
tered practice with James McFee. Two years later illness 
caused a cessation of work and he moved to Medicine Lodge, 
the county seat town of Barber County, adjacent on the west, 
where he resided for the next sixteen years. Almost immedi- 
ately he was accorded another demonstration of the impres- 
sion made by his abilities and character upon associates and 
the public. He was elected prosecuting attorney of Barber 
County for the years 1885-86.^® Familiars with the precincts 
and runways of politics know that party leaders and the 
average voter are not thus giving honors for accidental or 
mere sentimental reasons ; they discern and appreciate ability 
and capacity for public service and they expect returns. 

In two letters to Mr. Charles Aldrich, founder of the His- 
torical Department, who had written asking for his recoUec- 

35Hon. Geo. W. Clarke to F. I. Herriott, December 4, 1933. 
8<3/lar6er County Index, August 30, 1899. 


tions of his experiences in eariy Iowa, Mr. Howe informed 
him that he had not been able on account of illness to do any 
work between August, 1895, and January, 1896; and that 
it was usual for him to suffer a serious relapse of health in 
the summer months of that decade." His illness in 1895 was 
induced by efforts to prepare the address later mentioned, which 
he could not deliver on account of precarious health. 

In the months of August and September, 1899, Judge Howe's 
physical condition became precarious. His nervous instability 
became very alarming. It was in major part due to the weak- 
ness of his age, for he had passed his three score and ten by 
nearly five years. He was so ill that his physician and family 
persuaded him that he could best secure rest for his unruly 
nerves and much needed sleep in the quiet of a sanitarium. 

A few days later, on August 17, he and his attendant 
were standing in front of the railroad station at Topeka 
awaiting the coming of their train when Judge Howe saw a 
number of plains Indians in all of their barbaric regalia com- 
ing towards him into the open area of the station. The sight 
of them produced a violent shock to his then hypersensitive 
mind and nerves. 

Instantly there came rushing back before his mind's eye 
the horrors of the Indian Massacre on the shores of the Oko- 
bojis that he came upon in the darksome shadows of Monday 
night of March 16, 1857. The memories of the hideous wreck- 
age, of the mutilated bodies of the children, and women and 
men stark and lifeless in the cabins, on the shores of Mde-Mini- 
Wakan had ever been a terror of his sleeping and waking 
hours; and their ruthless, sudden onset in the then enfeebled 
condition of his body and mind produced a mental catastrophe. 
His mental controls broke. Violent maniacal disorder took 
possession of him. Although he was rushed to the sanitarium 
and given the best of medical attention, within a week his life 
went out and his harrassed and tired nerves and weary mind 
ceased their troubling.^"* Verily, the sable sisters had dipped 
their shears in **the blackest ink of Fate," before they cut 
the threads of life for Orlando C. Howe. 

870. C. Howe to Charles Aldrlch, August 17, 1895 : March 10, 1896. MSS in 
Historical Department. 

»Mr8. E. H. Porter to F. I. Uerrlott, November 14, 1932. 



In conclusion it is neither pedantic nor ungracious to say 
that Judge Orlando C. Howe, during his day and generation, 
was not among those who strutted across the stage of life's 
theatre in high-heeled cothurnus. His was not the role of the 
great and mighty among jurists and statesmen, whose utter- 
ances echo and reverberate in the corridors of time; nor was 
he among the great and dominant leaders in life's vast battle- 
fields. He did not leave any great signposts along the high- 
ways, such as great legal arguments, or famous judicial rul- 
ings, or erudite treatises in various fields of jurisprudence. 
Nevertheless, Judge Howe was of the type of citizens who 
make the bulwarks of a sound public order and on whom 
strong states stand secure against the winds of disorder. 

Within that most important circuit of life, his domestic 
circle. Judge Howe was ever what the good citizen should 
be. Concern for wife and children was always foremost 
with him; he was considerate, constant and in all matters of 
grave import, faithful and forsighted. With business asso- 
ciates honesty and kindness stand forth. He accorded men 
the fair presumptions of the law and was far from captious 
or contentious; but when his rights were grossly infringed 
he would be forthright and valiant in contending for them. 

In times when danger and terror loomed near he was a 
leader in attack and fearless and loyal to the last ounce of his 
strength. Although he had suffered irretrievably in connec- 
tion with the Indian outbreaks in 1857 and 1862, and might 
have easily plead his age (almost 39 years) and depleted 
health, he answered his country's call in 1863 and all but lost 
his life. 

His early letters indicate clearly that, while he hoped to suc- 
ceed in the practice of the law, he was alert, and almost aggres- 
sive in his interest in business ventures and real estate in- 
vestments. He might have reaped substantial returns, for his 
eye was keen and correct in discerning profitable fields for 
speculation. But his success in such ventures was sadly 
thwarted by catastrophes — Indian massacres and Civil War — 
which were in no way predictable by the ordinary citizen 
within the common reckonings of business. The disturbances 


of his health level probably lessened his powers of steady per- 
sistence in appUcation and concentration in carrying through 
plans and coercing the many various elements that must be 
focused in achieving success in the struggles in the commercial 

In all of his letters, running over the ten years within 
which most of them were written, one can find no disagreeable 
or ugly lines. He is active and earnest and insistant, often, 
in pushing matters; but the forked tongue of envy or jealousy 
or suspicion nowhere displays itself. Further, all of his let- 
ters are characterized by a simple rhetoric, plain, direct state- 
ment, with no effort at striking effects or attempts to impress 
the reader with his literary gymnastics. Here and there one 
encounters a reference that indicates his fnmiliarity with the 
elas.sics, or with the current literature of polite circles; but 
there are no ostentatious exhibits. 

Judge Howe, had he not been distracted by exacting busi- 
ness cares and ill health, might have succeeded in a literary 
career. He had an effective style, concise, lucid, straightfor- 
ward. In his law and literary lectures he shows a familiarity 
with and draws on his wide reading in history and the classical 
and best English literature. His scholastic interests were early 
appreciated as indicated by the fact that he was elected a 
member of the State Historical Society at Iowa City on De- 
cember 7, 1858. His certificate of membership is signed by 
Dr. M. B. Cochron, Corresponding Secretary, and are among 
the papers which he preserved. 

His interest in life and history, and in the law was phili- 
sophical, as may be seen in his MS lectures on ** Progress," 
on **The course of Civilization," on ** Liberty," on "Puritans 
and Puritanism. ' ' His account of the * * Discovery of the Spirit 
Lake Massacre" which he prepared to deliver at the dedica- 
tion of the monument to the victims of the Spirit Lake Mas- 
sacre and commemorating the heroism of the members of the 
Relief Expedition in July, 1895, is a stirring, vivid narra- 
tive, as may be seen in preceding pages of the Annals.'^ 

Judge Howe was a man who easily won and held the confi- 
dence of his companions and fellow citizens, and to whom 
they readily committed grave trusts. Otherwise, it is diffi- 

s»ANNAL8 OP Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XI, pp. 408-24. 


cult to account for his frequent elevation to oflSces of high im- 
port almost instantly after his appearance within the commu- 
nity by associates and neighbors, in one case before he had 
attained the necessary legal status prerequisite to election; 
and each time the office to which he was elected was not a 
petty nor a minor office but one of major public concern and 
high in public esteem. We may concur with Aristotle that 
**it is man's nature which makes him trustworthy, not wealth/* 

[To be continued] 


(Extract from a Ic'tcr from Council Bluffs, June 24, 1820.) 

I am glad the fact authorizes me to state that the troops at 
this post are restored to perfect health. There are not in both 
corps thirty men on the sick report, nor is there a single case 
of serious indisposition. 

The diseases with which the men were affiicted last winter 
may be attributed to several causes. My opinion is that the 
most prominent ones were unavoidable fatigues and exposures 
in ascending the river during summer and autumn, heave labor 
in constructing barracks, and being quartered in green, damp 
rooms, and the intense cold of last winter. No sooner did the 
spring open and the earliest vegetables come, than the bowed 
down patient shook off his loathsome visitor, stood erect and 
was able to speed his course \^4th the rapidity of the noble 
stream that fertilizes this garden of the western world. 

The great and universal rise of the Missouri has driven us 
from our winter position. Almost the whole of the bottom 
lands are inundated. The flood is greater than is recollected 
by the oldest Indian. The Platte is also in flood, and we 
tremble for Boon's Lick settlements and all the lower country. 
Our earliest planted gardens and a field of 60 acres of com 
are deluged. Our prospects are not, however, much blighted 
as our late planted gardens, 200 acres of corn, 100 in beans, 
and 30 of potatoes exhibit the most promising appearance. — 
Boston Weekly Magazijie, Boston, Mass., Aug. 24, 1820. (In 
the Newspaper Division of the Historical, Memorial and Art 
Department of Iowa.) 

iThls is the original Council Bluffs, located on the west bank of the Missouri 
Uivt r some ten miles north of the present city of Omaha. It was later called 
Fort Calhoun. — Editor of Annals. 



By L. 0. Leonard 

At the request of his children Professor Nathan R. Leonard, 
for many years head of the Department of Mathematics and 
Astronomy in the State University of Iowa, at Iowa City, in 
1908 wrote a brief sketch of his early life in Des Moines 
County, Iowa, and some of his experiences while teaching in 
Yellow Springs College, at Kossuth. 

In this sketch is an account of the founding of the Know 
Nothing political party in Des Moines County. As this ac- 
count may prove to be a bit of interesting political history of 
those early dayE it is sent to you for such disposition as you 
may wish to give it. It reads : 

* * In politics my father and all his people were Whigs. About 
1850 the slavery question created serious divisions in this 
party. Father was somewhat conservative, but grandfather 
and Uncle Aaron openly espoused the ideas of the progressive 
leaders of the day. Father was surreptitiously, I may say, 
captured about the year 1854, by the Know Nothing party, 
a capture for which I was partly responsible. 

** Without his knowledge, or grandfather's I had joined the 
new party which was then strictly a secret organization. Hav- 
ing a retentive memory, it was but a short time until I knew 
by heart the ritual of the order, the tedious and grandiloquent 
formularies for the initiation and instruction of members, and 
all the rest of it, and was made a sort of factotum for the or- 
ganization in that part of the country. 

** Plans were soon set on foot for a growth which would 
sweep our whole community into the new party. In ways too 
tedious to mention we got a man who stood well in the esteem 
of such as my father, father-in-law, and others in the com- 
munity who thought they were themselves the leaders of the 
public sentiment, and had these agents of ours interview them 
cautiously and ply them with the stock arguments of the day 
in favor of the new party or society. 


''More easily than we had expected, they were won over, 
and agreed to become members of the party if, when properly 
enlightened, they considered it the right thing to do. 

* * I remember well their initiation. It took place in the old 
brick Academy building which is still standing at Kossuth. 
The candidates were admitted into a little entry room. There 
was a large class of them, as many as the room would hold by 
close packing. Father, father-in-law and other leading men 
were amongst them. After waiting a suitable length of time 
the factotum appeared, attended by a young man to hold a 
candle for him. You can imagine how those grave old men 
looked when they saw that young chap appear in that role. 
However they felt, they maintained a sort of quizzical silence 
as they were gravely advised as to some of the leading princi- 
ples of the order, but none of its secrets. They were then 
told that if with this presentation of outlines they still de- 
sired initiation the formal ceremony would proceed in the ad- 
joining room. If not they were at liberty to retire and keep 
to themselves, as in honor bound, all that had thus far been 
divulged to them. 

* * It was a critical moment. At first it seemed possible that 
they would rise up in rebellion, but the situation had some 
philosophical as well as comical features, and they finally con- 
cluded that they were in for it whatever it was, and bowed in 
acquiescence to the solemn exhortation to prove themselves 
worthy to be countrymen of Washington and the immortiil 
heroes of the Revolution. So they were taken in. 

**At the next election, men nominated in secret councils of 
the party, and not publicly proclaimed as candidates, were 
triumphantly elected, making a clean sweep of the county. 

* ' That victory was an astonishment to the outsiders. Grand- 
father was not in the secret, and was the implacable enemy 
of secret societies, but he never said a word to me about it. 
He was wise enough to see what it would lead to, and was 

**What transpired in our county was transpiring every- 
where. The new party grew like Jonah's gourd, but it was 
formed of such incongruous materials that its continued ex- 
istence was impossible. 

Iowa Pioneer, Diarist, and Painter op Birds 

[Continued from the October, 1933, number] 

October 26, 1868. Cut out Dr. Allen's cloak and sewed on it, and 
packed wood. 

£7tK Finished said cloak and worked on my pants. Bain. 

tStK Pack wood and went to Cap 's and got some molasses, and went 
to the timber and chopped a load of wood. 

29th, Went to Hillsboro. Took Dr. Allen's cloak. L. and B. Wells 
came here and changed chickens. 

SOth, Went to mill and had Bennett's team to haul a load of wood, 
and hunting. Bain every day this week. 

Slst, Sunday. Chopped said load of wood and went to Salem. 

November 1, 1868. Sewed some for Dr. Siveter (30 cts.) and S. and D. 
and I went to Frazier's sorghum works. 

2nd. Sam S. and I went to Dr. Shriner's and to Steadman's cutlery. 

Srd, Sewing all day for Dr. Siveter (75 cts.). 

4th. Went from there to Uncle William's and helped lay cellar floor 
with stone. 

6th. Underpinned Uncle 's house with rock, and we killed two hogs. 

6th. John and I hunted. I kill one prairie chicken and come home. 
Bain all this week. 

7 th. Sunday, hunting cow bell the cow lost on the 2nd. No find. 
Cleaned clock. 

8th, Hunted bell and found it in brush fence. Put clock together and 
husked some corn. 

9th. Shelled corn and hunted Bennett's horses and went to mill. Tom 
Siveter came here. First snow fell today. 

10th. Hunting and Tom went home in evening. 

11th. Went to mill, got my meal and commenced making Dr. S's pants. 

12th. Help Wells undress two sheep some dogs killed early in the 
morning, then helped Cap kill a fat cow, and went back to Wells's and 
set trap. 

ISth. Went to Wells's and hunted till noon. Came home and sewed 
on Dr.'s pants. 

14th. Sunday, snow an inch deep. Foddered cow second time this fall. 

16th. Went around Stanley's and Weaver's field to Wells's. 

16th. Sewing on Dr.'s pants. 

17th. Finished said pants and made a shot pouch for David Siveter 
out of my coon skin, and went to Wells's and to Cap's after Anna. 

18th, Harry Brothers and I ground our axes at Gill's, cut out my vest 
and went hunting. 


19th. Cut two coats for Jack and Jim Bennett and cut some wood. 
A. Bennett hauled it. 

^'Oth. Work on sehaolhouse free gratis. 

Slst. Sunday, paint a bird I killed four weeks ago. 

£Snd. Shelled some corn and took it to mill. Went to McCreadie's 
and to Sigler's field, and to Bennett's after Anna. 

£3rd, P. W. Bennett and I went to creek to get some peg timber, 
then he and I went to making shoes for his wife and girls. 

£4th. At the same. 

£5th. One half day at the same and a half day hunting hogs and 
mending Mr. Loomis' coat. 

£6th. Husking corn for said Loomis. Took a bushel basket for pay. 

I^th. Rain all day. Finished said coat and kill a hog, weighed 71^. 

esth. Sunday. 

S9th. Went to Wells's, dug up some small peach trees he gave me, 
then I went to mill. 

30th, Chopped and split rails for self. 

December 1, 1858. Cord bed. Put handle in ax, shelled com and 
went to mill. 

2nd. Went to Salem and took Dr.'s pants and Dave's pouch. Stayed 
there all night. It snowed deep. 

3rd. Went to Uncle William's, ate dinner, and came home by two 
• 4th. Chopped wood. 

5th. Sunday, went to Brothers'. 

6th. Help O. M. Wells kill a beef and three hogs. 

7 th. Very cold. Fix my shoe and get some wood. 

8th. Went to Josiah Bailey's. He paid me 30 cents for cutting a 
coat. Came home and shelled some corn. 

9th. Took corn to mill and went to chop wood for self. I eat mj 
left foot badly on big joint of small toe. 

10th. Feed and cut wood. 

11th. Shot two hogs for P. W. Bennett and he packed my wood. 

12th. Sunday, David Siveter came here and brought pair of psnli 
for me to make. L. and R. Wells came and we went to the ereel^ 
they to skate. 

ISth. Help O. M. Wells kill six hogs, then came home and cut ost 
Dave's pants. 

14th. Making Dave's pants. 

15 th. Had Cap Killebrew hauling wood and rails all day. He and 
I settled accounts even. 

16th. In morning, help P. W. Bennett fix his boots. In evening, 
finished said pants. 

17th. Kill a pig. Work on my vest and fix my shoe. Samuel Siveter 
came here. 

18th. I fix the wadding in Sam's coat. Put my shoe on cut foot 
first time. 



19th. 8nnda7, painting on cardinal grorabeak I caught in Bteel trap 
in my Geld. 

iOth. Hunted np the cattle and then went to Conley'B and bought 
bottle of liniment, 25 ct8. From there, up ou prairie hunting. Bain and 
snoir. Kill a pouum. 

Hist. Commenced making Walter's eled. Uncle William and eau«in 
John came with cattle to haul me iome wood. Hauled one load and 
broke their sled roller. Then we commenced making a new tongue and 
roller. Finished it in morning. 

Sind. I mended boots and shoes while the; hanled wood and rails. 

SSrd, They went home. I mended Tom's boots and Aunt Mary's 

mh. Shelled corn and took it to mill. Mend one shoe and got wood, 
esth. Chriatmaa. Went to Uncle William's. Took his boots and 
ghooa. John and I hunted and I soled two boots. 
S6th. Sundaj, staved at Uncle William's. 
S7lh, Came home and split some rails at home. 

Uulnt-s here to look ■ 

n<1 Mp. AlrtrU'h from 
'Sge DIsrf, July 15. : 


gSih, Ck>minenced building fence around feed lot, and worked in 

g9th. Went to Wells's. Leonidas and I strapped his skates. Stayed 
there all day. Got 5% lbs. tallow. Saw two wild geese fly south and 
turn east. Rained at night. 

SOth. Snowed finely. I made Walter's sled, and dog bell collar. 

Slsi. A. C. Bennett and I went deer hunting. We each wounded 
a deer and lost them. 

January 1, 1859. A. C. Bennett, Tom and I hunted. Killed nothing. 

Snd, Sunday, Tom went home. He took Bounce dog with him. I 
went a piece with him. 

Srd, Help A. C. Bennett kill a hog, and I shelled com. 

4th. Took com to mill, and Anna and I killed two hogs. 

5th. Cut up hogs, and fetched home my meal. Killed an opossum. 

6th. Too cold to do anything but feed and make fire. 


7th. The same. 

8th. Work on L. Wells's wammus.^ 

9th. Sunday, H. Sneath and his wife here (to protracted meeting). 

10th. Helped Bennett kill hogs. 

11th. Killed two more hogs for Bennett and two for self. 

l£th. A. C. Bennett and I went to Rome with said hogs. I sold two 
for $5.25. 

13th. Commenced making last. 

14th. Finished last and fixed one shoe and commenced the other. 

15th. Finished my shoes and got up some wood. 

16th. Sunday. 

17th. Went to Wells's and told liim about the taxes, and from thenco 
to Weaver's. They not at home. Got up some wood and then went 
to Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

18th. Went to Salem and paid my interest all up to Dr. Siveter. 
Sewed some for the Dr. 

19th. Sewed some and went back to Uncle William's and stayed all 

SOth. Came home and got some wood. 

SUt. Very cold. I shelled corn. G. and W. Watson took it to mill 
for me, and waited and got it ground. 

SSnd. Intense cold. Chopped and split eighteen rails and poles and 
some wood. 

SSrd. Sunday. 

S4th. Threshed my buckwheat. 

S5th. Cut brush and cut out Walter 's pants. 

S6th. Mend shoes at Bennett's half the day, then cut out Walter's 

S7th. Fixed to go to Kcosauqua. Rained so hard we did not go. 
I tracked a mink from my field to Wells's pasture and lost it on ac- 
count the light snow and rain. Then sewed on said coat. 

iWammus, an undercoat or Jacket, usually with a short skirt 


S8th, Went to Wells's and gave him money to pay my taxes. Then 
eat out Dr. Siveter's vest. 

e9th. Cut off brush in field. 

SOth, Sunday. 

Slst. Cut brush and went to creek bottom and set two steel traps. 

February 1, 1859. Went to traps, and shelled corn and to mill. 
Finished Walter's coat. 

2nd. Anna and I and the two boys went to Uncle William's. Left 
them there and I came back the same day. 

Srd. Had a very bad cold. Sewed some on Dr. Siveter's vest and 
helped Harny Brothers kill some woods chickens.^ 

4th. Very cold. To trap, and stayed to Bennett's most of the time. 

5th. Cold. Fed cattle and went to Bennett's. 

6th. Sunday, to trap. Had a large mink in steel trap. 

7th. Went to Uncle William's after Anna. Thawed and was very 

8ih. Stayed at Uncle William's. Snowed. 

9th. Very cold, but we started and came home. Crossed at Warner 
ford and Carter bottom cutoff. 

10th. Went to mill and got some meal. Sewed some. 

11th. Sewing, and to the trap. 

12th. To Bennett's, and pack wood. 

ISth. Sunday. Harny Brothers and wife came here. 

14th. P. W. Bennett and I went to Bonaparte. I bought a sack of 
salt, $1.60. 

15th. To trap. Kill a possum, sliell corn and went to mill. 

ISth. Got wood, sewed, went to trap. 

17th. Finished Dr. Siveter's vest and got wood. Went to mill. 
Got my mail. 

18th. Saw first wild geese. Went to Salem with Dr. 's vest. Heard 
blue birds. Stayed all night. 

19th. Went to Uncle William's and stayed that night. 

SOth. Sunday. Came home. John S. was here. 

21st. Mend John 's and Thomas ' boots, and went part way home with 
John and saw wild ducks. Anna sold mink skin, 75 cents. 

22nd. Anna and I went to Sneath's. I stayed till noon, then went 
by creek and got my traps. 

23rd. Mend my pants, split some rails south side of field, and set 
my traps below Sigler's mill. 

24th. To trap and to Sneath's after Anna. While there it snowed 
so hard she could not come home. I came home. 

25th. I started for Weaver's. Lem B. said he was not at home. 
I stayed there most of the day. 

JfDomostlc chickens frequently take to the woods. — J. A. S. (This and subse- 
quent notes thus initialed is by .Tohn Albert Savage, born September 17. 18r»8, 
To William, the diarist, and Anna, his wife. See ante for that date, Annals, 
XIX, p. 112. Any other footnotes are by B. R. Harlan, unless by neither of 
these, when they will be accredited to the source by name. — E. R. Harlan.) 


£6th. Mending my shoes. 

S7th, Sunday. Sneath brought Anna with his and Jim's wives on 
his ox sled on their way to meeting. 

S8th, Shell eorn and took it to mill, and to trap. 

March 1, 1869, Bainy. Went on prairie chicken hunting and killed 
one. Saw meadow larks. Went to mill and got my com meaL Bennett 
and I went over the creek and got some grass. 

gnd. To trap and Samuel Siveter came here and we went to miU. 
Then I fixed his coat. 

Srd, To trap and shelled com. H. Giberson came and told me May- 
berry Killebrew was very sick. Anna and I went there. He was dead. 
Died about noon. I went to Hillsboro for them. We stayed all night. 

4th, Came home and fed and went back and stayed all that day. 

5th. Mayberry buried at the Spencer graveyard. I drove Captain's 
team. Roads very muddy. Cap and family went to William Morris' 
and we stayed at Cap's house till Sunday evening when they came home. 

?th. Heavy rain. Went to creek and got my steel trap. Was afraid 
the creek would rise over it as it did over my two-springed ones, which 
are five feet under water. Put a back in Dr. Allen's doak. 

8th, Went to Sneath 's for milk and to bottom and to trap. Caught 
a mink in deadfall.' 

9th, To trap and chop some poles for rails. 

10th, To trap. Shot first duck this spring. Shot prairie chicken 
and a fox squirrel, and chopped poles. 

11th, To trap. Got wood and went to Wells's and got my receipt 
Took Dr. Allen's cloak for him to take to Hillsboro. 

ISth, Trap caught a possum. Went to mill, and to Loomis'. Got a 
small basket for fixing his coat. Mrs. McCreadie paid me $1.00 cash. 
Tom Savage came here. I shelled some com and we took it to mill 
and got it ground. 

ISth, Sunday, to trap. A possum in deadfaU. I shot three ducks. 

14th, Trap, and went home with Thomas. Stayed all night. 

tSth, Went to William Deacon's to get some black, white, and red 
current and gooseberry slips, then back to Uncle WiUiam's and helped 
fix the well and put a curb on. Stayed all night. 

t6th. Csme home and set out said slips. 

17th, To trap and got my large trap by taking off one spring and 
letting the chain remain in creek. Rained and finally turned to snow- 
ing furiously, and a very cold wind. 

ISth, H. Sneath came with his cattle and took a sack of com to mill 
for me. He and I ground my ax, and got our com ground. 

19th. Went to Csp's and to Wells's and to Sneath 's for milk. Wrote 
a letter for Mrs. Sneath. 

*!>/*. Sundav. 

^l*t. Chopping brush for H. Sneath for one bushel seed com. 

^A trap, met commonly with figure four tri<s<Nv so ricfed under a log that 
falling. It crushes th« animal. 

WiLLUk dAVAGfi 19S 

Sgnd, For the same, he agrees to come and plow my field after he 
has done his own. 

fSrd, The same. 

£4th. Husk my corn and built part of the fenee on south side of 
the field. 

gSth. Also next day grubbing for Sneath as before stated. 

^th, Sunday. Kill two ducks. 

!^8th. Cut pair pants for A. C. Bennett, fixed shoes and sewed in 
house. Stormy. 

B9th, Oot woody and went to Sneath 's. They not at home. Went 
to Gill's shop. Found Sneath there. Told him I took my sack to his 

SOth. Went again to Sneath 's and picked out my seed com. Oot wood. 

Slst, Went to Uncle William's and from there to Salem. Stayed all 
night at Dr. Siveter's. 

AprU 1, 1869, Back to Uncle William's and fixed Tom's boot, and 
then home. 

gnd. Got wood and sewed some, and moved the stove. John Savage 
came and I fixed his boot and went fishing, first time this spring. 
Caught two suckers. 

Srd, Sunday. Kill one duck. 

4th, Chopping poles and shelled corn and went to mill twice. 

5th, Chopped poles, and cut out a coat for Hen Hopper. 

€th. Splitting rails and dykes [or stakes. — J. A. S.] for O. M. Wells, 
50 cts. per day. Same next day. 

8th, Liem Bennett cut brush for me to pay for Arthur's pants, and 
I hunted in the evening. 

9th. Piled brush, and went to HiUsboro and to Wells's. 

10th, Sunday. Fixed my boot. 

11th, Cut out a coat for L. McGee. P. M., work for O. M. Wells 

l^h. For the same in the stoop and making garden fence. 

ISth, The same. 

14th, At home. Shelled com and went to mill. Caught a good mess 
of fish. 

16th, Got wood and went to Wells 's. Stayed there chatting till after- 
noon. Bought S% lbs. soap of him. Chopped south side. 

16th, I went to Uncle William's. Shot one duck and one turkey 

17th. Sunday. Came home in evening and John with me. 

18ih, I mended a pair of boots for Uncle William. John went duck 
hunting. Kill two. C. Giberson sent for Anna, his wife being sick. 
I work on fence. 

19th. Went to Hillsboro, bought one gallon molasses, 60 cts. P.M., 
worked on south fence. 

SOth, Not well. Burnt some brush in field. 


SSrd, Cut poles and commenced making garden. Sowed parsnips, 
beets, carrots and lettuce. 

g4th, Sunday. Kill two ducks. 

B5th. Cut brush, work on fence, and sowed grass seed. 

g€th. Fishing, came a tremendous hail, rain, thunder and lightning 

27th, Shell corn and put it aloft. 

B8th, Work on fence. Thomas Savage came here and we went 

' SSth, Rainj. Fishing. 
>. SOth, Finished said fence, and Tom and I went fishing with Cap. 

May If 1859, Sunday. Tom went home. 
: ind. Fishing for Solomon Gill to partly pay him for making a hoe 
for me. Went in creek with Frazier's Co. seining. We caught thirty. 
Then work on fence. 

Srd, Cut poles, shelled corn and went to mill. Caught eight fish, 
sold them for 10 cts. 

4th, Went to McCreadie's, bought 7 lbs. pork. Went to Gill's with 
Jonathan Hoskins and got my hoe. Then worked on fence north. 

5th, Making garden and fishing. 

6th, Finished fence round shed yard. 

7th, A. M. on fence. P. M., rainy, and fished. 

8th, Sunday. We went to Carter bottom and dug flower roots, and 
I caught a good mess of fish. 

9th, Fixed brush fence around pasture and work on pole fence. 

10th, Burnt brush in yard and went to Sneath's to see how they 
prospered with their work. Set in there and helped plant Jim's corn and 
mark out Sneath's. 

nth. Worked for Sneath. 

Uith, I carried our harrow to Sneath's for 25 cts. P. M., worked 
for Sneath. 

ISth, Worked for Sneath. Finished his old corn ground. 

14th, Sneath came here with team and commenced plowing my 

15th, Sunday. Rain at night. 

ISth, Fix my boot, shelled corn and made hoe handle. 

17th, Sneath came and tried plowing. It was too wet and we quit. 

18th, Also 19th, plowing. 

SOth, Commenced marking out my ground. 

2l8t, Finished marking out and I commenced planting. 

SSnd, Sunday. Pile preached here. 

2Srd, Sneath and I planting my corn. 

24th, Rainy, but we finished planting my corn and went and chopped 
and split rails for Sneath. 

26th, At the same. 

2Sth. Rainy. Got most of my corn in the house. 

27th, Making rails. 


S8th. Cotting and burning brush for Sneath. 

t9th. Sunday. Aunt Hannah died. 

SOth. Bain. Went to mill, got some corn ground, and caught fish. 
Made a bar and cut out Anna's shoes. Set out cabbage and tomato 

SUt. Plant beans, dug a piece of ground and plant 14 potatoes Tom 

June 1, 1859, Old cow had heifer calf, Birdie. I helped O. M. Wells 
plant corn. 

gnd. Also the 3rd and 4th, Planting, hoeing and fencing for Wells. 

5th. Sunday. 

6th. Cut poles and went to mill. 

7 th. Picked my corn with a fork and replant. It was covered too 
deep. Sam Siveter just called here. Rainy. 

8th. Forking my com. 

9th. Finished my corn. Fix brush fence, east P. M. cut poles. 

10th. Work on road south of Andrew Simon's. 

11th, Work on road. 

IBth. Sunday. Went in creek swimming first time. 

ISth. Bain. Shelled com and went to mill and got it ground. Went 
to S. Gill's and had fire shovel fixed and two [h] arrow spikes, and 
chopped sprouts and gave him some six-weeks [seed] corn for pay. 

14th. Had P. W. Bennett plowing my new ground. I fetched the 
harrow from Cap's and we harrowed and marked it out. I planted a 
few rows. At night came a terrible storm. 

15th. Cut out a coat for George Stanley, mowed weeds and set out 
tobacco plants. I went to Cap's. 

16th. Went to Cap's with Anna and then fixed brush fence. Cut 
some poles. Baiuy. 

17 th. Got wood, then went to Salem. Stayed all night. 

18th. Traded some in town and went to Uncle William's. Bainy. 
We boys went fishing. 

19th. Sunday. Bought 125 sweet potato sets. Brought a coat to 
make for Dr. Siveter. 

SOth. Set out sweet potatoes and cut out Dr. 's coat and planted corn. 

Slst. Went to Bonaparte with Cap, sold feathers (duck and chicken) 
for $2.25 and bought six yards of cottonade and thread and two pairs 
of shoes for $3.00. Caught a few fish. 

£Snd. Finished planting my new piece of corn and went to mill. 
Caught a good mess of fish and sewed on Dr. 's coat. 

SSrd. Had Cap's mare and plowed corn. 

S4th. The same. Bainy. P.M., went to Gill's shop and got ring 
and plow fixed. 

S5th. Finished Dr. 's coat. 

26th. Sunday. Went to Salem with said cojE^t. 

i7th. Sewing for Dr. and carnQjipme^jin; ^fining. 
28th. Worked on pole fence and. liped my 09;go sojn^.. 


t9th, Bainy. Worked on my pants. Qot all my com in house. 

30th, Hog got in field. Mend my pants and went to mill, and hoed 

July If 1869, Hoe com and garden. 

tnd, Bainy. Finished my bine pants. Thomas Savage came here. 

Srd, Thomas and I went to Wells's and then to the creek. 

4ih, Tom fished homewards and I hoed sorgo for old Cap. 

Sih, Hoed my sorgo and com. 

7ih, Had Cap's mare to plow com. 

Sih, Plowed part of day. Not well. Anna took mare home. 

9th, Went to mill with Bennett's mare. Canght some fish. Went 
to Wells's and to Sneath's. Got some sage to dry. 

lOih, Sunday. We all went down to the ereek. 

llihf also the 12th, hoed com. 

14th, Bainy. Hoed some and helped Bennett kill a sheep. 

ISthf also 16thy harvesting for Wells. Hottest days. 

17th, Sunday. Hunting some. 

18th, Worked for Wells % day and then hoed corn at home. A 
heavy storm at night blew my com down badly. 

19th, Went with Wayne Watson to cut a bee tree on Bock Creek. 
He had a bucket full of honey. I hunted the rest of the day. 

tOthf also 21st and 22nd, mowing, haying and stacking for O. M. Wells. 

tSrd, Haying and hoeing for O. M. Wells, all for 75 cts. per day. 

tdth, Sunday. H. Brothers and wife here. 

eSth, Haying for O. M. Wells. 

teth. Went to Salem, and from there to Uncle William 's after a letter 
from Sarah Merritt. 

g7th, also 28th, and half of 29th haying for Wells, other half of 29th 
hoeing at home. 

SOth, Bainy. Fix my boots and pants. 

SUt, Sunday. 

August 1, 1869, Shelled com, went to mill and hoed com at home. 

tnd. Hoed in my new piece of corn. Bain at night. 

Srd, Thomas Lefevere died. Bain. Cut out and sewed on Dr. Siveter's 
pants. David Siveter came here. 

4th. He and I went to Scrabble Point turkey hunting. I killed my 
first one this season. 

6th, Cut poles. 

6th, Finished hoeing my new piece of corn. 

7th, Sunday. Bee hunting. 

8thj also the 9th. Stacking wheat at Wells's. 

lOih, Stacked hay for Wells a half day, the other half cut out 
Leonidas' coat. 

llthf also 12th, sewing on same. 

ISth, Finished it, and cut out vest and sewed on Bufus Wells's coat. 

14th. Sunday. Bee hunting. Found two trees. One I mark W. H., 
the [first] I had the pleasure of marking. 


ISih. Mowing for Bneath. 

16th, One half day for same, other half sewed, went to creek bottom, 
and made a bee hive. 

17 th. Wells, L. B. and I went and cut my bee tree. Had about 50 lbs. 
of honey. Hived the bees. Game home and Anna and I and the boys 
went to Bneath 's. They stayed all night and I came home. 

18th. We went to Salem with Sneath and his family. On the road 
going the oxen broke the fore azletree. We rigged up with a pole and 
went to town and he had a new one made, $2.50. I bought a sack of flour, 
$2.85; Anna, dress, $1.12 V^. I came home with Sneath and Anna stayed 
in Salem. 

19th. Sewing. 

SOth. Sewed on two coats and went to mill. L. Wells came and 
stayed all night here. 

Slut. Sunday. He and I went bee hunting. I found two, and he one. 

iBnd. We went and cut said trees. Of my first, 60 lbs. ; L. Wells, 20 ; 
my next, 8. The one who found the tree had the bees. 

iSrd. Divided our honey, and I cut brush and made fence. 

Sdth. Cut poles and made fence. 

SSth. The same. Thomas Savage came here. 

iSth. Tom and I went down the branch to pick grapes. Watch treed 
some turkeys. I went to the house, got my gun and shot one turkey and 
one partridge. P. M., we picked some grapes. 

t7th. Very rainy, so that we could not go to camp meeting. 

S8th. Sunday. Tom and I went to Uncle William's and from there 
to camp meeting. I stayed at Dr. Siveter's all night. 

!t9th. To camp meeting. Then David Siveter took Anna and the boys 
to camp ground and we rode home with Cap Killebrew. 

SOth. In A. M. I chopped brush and in P. M. Sam'l Siveter came. 
He and I went to Scrabble Point and stayed all night at Mr. James's. 
Had supper and breakfast. Sam paid 50 cts. 

Slst, Then went to George Sears 's. Sam brought home a cow they 
lent him. Sears going to Ohio next day. Afternoon I cut poles and wood 
and went to Cap's. 

September 1, 1859, Help Cap mow and stack part of his Hungarian 
grass in return for his mare. 

2nd, Finished Dr. Siveter 's pants. Sick at night. 

Srd, Not well all day. 

4th, Sunday. Better. Sneath and wife here. 

bth. Went to Sneath 's after Anna's shoes. They not at home. I 
hunted some. Hogs got in my cornfield. Second time I worked on fence. 

6th, Help Cap stack his hay, and he hauled one load of wood for me. 
I work on fence. 

7th, On said fence. 

8th, At the same, finish north string. 

9th, Bainy. Cut out and sewed Dr. Siveter 's vest. 

10th, Work on fence. 


11th. Sunday. Stopped gap in fence. Went to Uncle William's 
all niglit. 

l£th. Went to Salem, sewed there in tlie afternoon. At uight Thomas 
and David Siveter and I went to Wesleyan camp meeting. 

ISth, Went back to Uncle William's, from there to Sneath's and 
thence home. 

14th. Went to mill and on other side of creek hunting. David Bur- 
den came here and he and I went to Wells's and to Sneath's and to 
Carter bottom hunting his ox Luke. 

15th. A.M., on fence. P.M., went to Uncle William's to tell Dave 
I heard of his ox at Killebrew's. 

16th, He came home with me and it was not there then. I picked 
some seed corn. 

17th, Dave went home without his ox. I mended Anna's shoes and 
worked on my fence. 

18th. Sunday. Paint a bird D. B. shot, resembling a moor hen, 
its name unknown. 

19th. Rainy. Mend my pants and went to Well's' and picked elder- 

SOth. Finished said fence and wrote a letter for Mrs. Sncath. 

£l8t. Commenced cutting my corn, one shock, it was too green. Then 
went over to creek to see my bees. Two stands at work well and one 
nothing in it. Sat up all night at Sigler's with the sick. 

SSnd. Sleepy. Got wood, shot three squirrels and carried rails down 
to gap to make hogpen. 

iSrd. Work for Cap quarrying and hunting rock, and cut and hauled 
a load of wood. 

S4th, Chopped wood afternoon. Had Cap's team and hauled two 

£5th, Sunday. Went to Nicholas Boley's; they not at home, came 
back as far as Brothers'. Stayed there till middle of afternoon and 
came home and wrote a letter to Jolm R. Wetsel. Rainy all day. 

£6th. Chopped wood and bladed sorgo for Cap. 

I^th. Slielled corn, took it to mill and cut corn, four shocks. 

£8th. Cut seven shocks corn. 

£9th. Cut six shocks. 

30th. To Wells 's and to Cap 's twice. One of my shoats died. Buried 
it, and cut three shocks. 

October i, 1859. Cut five shocks. 

£nd. Sunday. Shot four quails for W. D. Sigler and two squirrels, 
and we went to Wells's. He paid me $3.75 in cash. Mrs. Sigler died. 

3rd. Anna and I went to the funeral. Anna stayed at house and I 
went to graveyard. I cut a few hills of corn. 

4th. Cut pants for West Runyan, and cut five shocks of corn. 

5th. Cut five shocks. 

6th. A sharp frost. Hunting and shelled corn and took it to mill. 
Cut two shocks. 


7 th. Thunder shower. Put up four shocks and finished, forty- two 
in all. Dug sweet potatoes and went to mill. 

8th, Dug Irish potatoes, then shelled beans and made hogpen. H. 
Sneath and Samuel Siveter came here. I went down to creek bottom 
to see Sam's land. 

9th. Sunday. Anna and I went to Uncle William's with Cap's team, 
and back at night. 

10th. Work for Cap making molasses. 

11th. Cut up my cane and Cap hauled it. Worked for Cap and 
called the day even. 

l£th. Boiled my juice and some of Wells's, 

15th. Shot one prairie chicken. Beceived of Cap six gallons molasses, 
two due me. David Siveter came here. I not well. 

16th. Sunday. I sick. David went home. 

17th. Not well. Bennett and I went to Cap's. He helped me carry 
my molasses home and I mowed south fence corners. Then came the 
first snow squall. 

18th. Better. Went down to Sneath 's to see how they were. Kill 
three squirrels and one prairie chicken in field. 

19th. To Cap's and got said two gallons of molasses. Shell corn 
and take it to mill. Fix side board and put rounds in ladder and clean 
out cistern . 

gOth. Cutting up and binding my fodder. Stack it up. 

ilst. Went to Cap's. Paid him borrowed powder, and to Wells's. 
Shot one hog. Got some beets and horse-radish leaves. Wheeled some 

iSlSnd. Wheeling manure. 

SSrd. Sunday. Went over creek twice. Got my two bee hives. 

S4th. Cut out a coat for old Loomis. Went to Wells's to borrow 
his trowel, and daub some on house. 

£5th. Daubing house. 

S6th. Wheeled one load of lime and two of sand and plastered in- 
side of house. 

S7th. Shelled corn and took to mill, then cut forks and fix eaves 

S8th. Went to creek and got white oak bark* for John. Kill one 
partridge. Took Wells's trowel home, and to Cap's and got my single- 
tree and device. 

£9th. Went on to prairie. Kill no chickens. Then went to Siglcr 's 
mill to the sale of bridge timber. I bought 1 long bar, 11 nuts and 11 
caps for 35 cts. and sold the caps for 10 cts. to John Watson. 

30th. Sunday. Went to N. Boley's. Not at home, then went to 
Widow C. Stanley's, stayed all day, shot prairie chicken. 

Slst. Cleaned one clock. Got wood and carry water. P. M., chopped 
in woods. 

dinner bark of the white oak mfide .^n astringent tea. or poultice, applied 
in various maladies. — J; A. 8. . . . / . ; 


November 1, 1869. Cut wood. Kill one prairie chicken. 

tnd. A. G. Bennett and I hauled two loads of sand for them and 
one load of wood for self. 

Srd, Went to Uncle William's to ask John to apply for onr school. 
Back at night. 

4ih. Went to Captain's sale. I acted as clerk &c 36 cts. Bought 
big pot and taffy, $1.00. 

5ih, Cut out vest for Cap. Cleaned out hole. Sewed on Dr. Siveter's 
vest. At night I watched T. McCreadie's field. 

6iK Sunday. Anna and I went to Daniel Burger's on visit. 

7th, Not well. Went to Watson's mill. Gk>t a bird John shot. 

8iK Unwell. Drew off said bird. 

9iK Better. Shelled corn. 

lOih, Painted said bird. Jack Bennett took my corn to mill. At 
night Anna and I went to Bennett's party. 

llih. Sewed some and went to bed. At night came snow one inch 

Itih, Foddered cattle first time. Very cold. Carry water and did 

ISth, Sunday. At home. 

14th, On prairie hunting. 

16th, Chopped a load of wood. In P. M. A. C. Bennett hauled it 
for me. 

16th, Sewed some on Dr. Siveter's vest. 

17th, Finished said vest. 

18th, Helped P. W. Bennett tend his plasterer, Sam Pope. 

19th, Went to William C. Morris' and traded Lady heifer for three 
calves and a new ox yoke. 

gOth, Sunday. To meeting. Jasper Boley buried. 

21st, James L. Davis and I took Lady to William C. Morris' and 
brought said three heifer calves back. 

ttnd. Fix Dick's poker and the brush fence around calf lot, split 
four rails and chopped some wood. 

tSrd, Husked and shelled some corn. Went to Job Davis' and helped 
him unload corn, then he hauled one load of wood for me. Went to 
mill and carried two boards up from creek. 

tith. Went as far as Sneath's. Rained. Stayed to dinner, then 
went to Salem. Bained very hard. Stayed at D. Shriner's all night. 

25th. Went to Dr. Siveter's. Dr. and I hunted some, then I sewed 
in house. 

26th, Sewed for Dr. till 2 o'clock, traded in Salem and went as far 
as Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

27th, Sunday. Kill prairie chicken and came home. 

28th, Cut out a coat for John Mae Davis and cut a pair of shoes 
for Walter. 

29th, Made said shoes. 

SOth, Anna and I went on prairie to W. C. Morris' to get a bill of 


Auna's wages written out legally. He advised me to write on east and 
get it written out there according to New York laws. Dr. Siveter came 
here and stayed all night. 

December 1, 1869, Very cold. Husked and shelled corn, took it to 
mill and got it ground. 

Snd, Lousy calf died. Chopped wood for self. Had Job Davis' one- 
horse team and hauled one load. 

Srd. Partly cut a coat for James Carter, and helped Bennett kill 
two hogs. Cut out Jacob Runyan's coat. 

4 th. Sunday. Bennett and wife and Anna and I went to Jacob 
Davis '. 

5th. Cut out a coat for James L. Davis. 

6th. Work on Runyon coat and pack wood. 

7th. The same, and cut two small sacks for W. C. Morris' boys. 

8th. A. C. Bennett and I hauled barrel of water for them and a 
load of wood for self. Work on said coat. 

10th. Finished said coat and went up to Morris' to post a stray 
ralf that came there. 

11th. Sunday. All went to Wells's. 

lith. Cut out Wells's coat and sewed on it. 

13th. At the same. 

14th. At the same, and husked and shelled corn. 

15th. Sent com to Bonaparte mills by Bennett. Finished said coat 
and cut out R.Wells' coat. 

16th. Sew on said coat. Eve at Bennett's party. 

17 th. Finished said coat. 

18th. Sunday. One small steel trap missing out at Bennett's field. 
Chopped one load of wood and sewed some on J. Carter's coat. 

19th. A. C. Bennett and I hauled a load of wood and I sewed. 

iOth. On said coat. 

SlMt. Finished it and cut out a coat for Bennett. 

£2nd. Sewing some and chopped wood. A. C. Bennett hauled one load. 

SSrd. Help O. M. Wells kiU a beef. 

S4th. Finished P. W. Bennett's coat. 

S5th. Christmas. Sunday. Anna and I went to Sneath's to dine. 

S6th. Hoop wash tub, shot a hawk, and chased a turkey. 

£7th. P. W. Bennett and I hauled two loads of wood. I commenced 
M. Sigler's coat. 

£9th. Finished said coat. Thomas Savage came here. 

30th. Awful cold. Tom and I went to Bennett's and stayed all day. 

31st. A. C. Bennett and I hauled one load of wood. I hauled up 
and husked fodder and cut wood at house and went liome with Tom. 

January i, 1860. Sunday. At Uncle William's. Monday hunted 
some and came home. 

3rd. Cut out M. Sigler's vest and hauled a load of ice with Ben- 
nett's team. 

4th. Made said vest. 


5th. Took it home and A. C. Bennett and I hauled a load of wood. 

6th. Went to Runyon's to get two sheep. Did not get them. It 
rained all day. Then went to Sigler's mill and cut off my iron bar. 

7th. Went again to I. Runyon's and brought home said sheep as 
pay for making his coat. Thomas S. came here and I fix John's boots. 

9th. Monday. Went to Sneath's and brought home a pig, $2.00 in 
work. Then went to B. I. Livers' and Farmer's sheep lawsuit. Livers 

10th. Shell corn. 

11th. Went to mill twice witli Bennett's mare. 

l£th. Fix my shoes with legs. 

13th. A. C. Bennett and I hauled a load of wood and I sewed in house. 

14th. Help Job Davis move his stable and crib. 

15th. Sunday. David Siveter here. He and I went hunting and 
he went home. 

16th. I killed three hogs at home. 

17th. Help O. M. Wells kill seven hogs. 

18th. P. W. Bennett and I hauled two loads of wood for him and 
two for self, then he and I kill my three hogs. 

19th. Fix corn box and put Sandy and Ann pig in pen. Cut np 
hogs and went to Brothers'. 

£Oth, Made my wammus. 

£lst. Made my pants. 

SBnd. Sunday. Hunting. Carry home a plank I got out of the creek. 

£Srd. Husked "corn. Fix my brown coat, and A. C. B. 's shoes and 
made broom. 

S4th. Started for Salem. Went a little beyond Wells's and it rained 
and I came back and split some rails. 

S5th. Went to Salem. Saw a bluebird. Traded in town. Blacknuin 
and I fix my gun. 

£6th. Snow eight inches deep. Sewed for Dr. and came home. 

S7th. Chopped wood. P. W. B. [Bennett] and I hauled one load, 
then I hauled one, and one load of fodder. 

S8th. Went with Job and Mack Davis on north side of creek to catch 
tliree hogs with Watch. Then Mack and I went to I. Conley's to bor- 
row his swine. Fix bureau. 

S9th. Sunday. L. Wells here. We went to Stanley's field and to 

30th. To Stanley's field. Cut a maul stick and to creek. Set two 
steel traps. Made maul and fix John's and Anna's shoes. 

31st. Intense cold. Cut out a coat for I. Conley, cut wood and fed. 

February 1, 1860. Took bar of iron to I. Conley's and got an ox 
staple and ring made and liook put on log chain. Went to Job Davis' 
and ground my ax. 

Snd. Took staple and ring to W. C. Morris'. I killed four prairie 


3rd. Dressed Birdie calf with snlphur and grease. Chopped wood, 
and to trap. • 

4th. Split some rails and trim brush in branch and hauled a load of 
wood, B.'s team. 

5th. Sunday. L. and R. Wells and I went to the creek and got my 
two steel traps. 

6th. Had Bennett's t«am and hauled three loads of wood. 

7ih. Bennett and I went to mill and got our grinding. I cut stove 
wood, and went to Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

8th. Went up on prairie east and to John's school and then home 
and carried rails to make fence by branch. 

9th. Mighty cold. Mended my overcoat. Went to Sigler's after 
money. He not at home. 

10th. Work for Sneath. 

11th. The same, cutting brush, part pay for a pig. 

ISth. Sunday. Sneath and family here. 

13th. For Sneath, making brush fence. 

14th. Cut wood for self and work on fence by branch. 

15th. Bennett's and I hauled three loads of wood for them and two 
for self. 

16th. Split 51 rails for self on Dr.'s land. 

17 th. Split 34 rails and cut some wood. 

18th. Split 24 rails and cut wood. 

19th. Sunday. N. Boley and wife here, and Jacob Syphers and 
family here (a protracted meeting at the Rock House). 

i^Oth. Went up to I. Conley's. He not at home. I fixed my iron 
Medge, then put a window in south door, and split eight rails and 
c-ut wood. 

Slst. Split thirty- two rails and cut wood. Saw wild duck and 
flock of pigeons.5 

^2nd. Rainy. Cut stick for ax handle. 

23rd. Went to creek and got some elm bark, then went to I. Conley's 
and got Dr. S. and my tax receipt. Went to prairie and killed eight 
prairie chickens. 

^4th. Killed one prairie chicken on fence by home. Made handle 
for meat ax, and went to schoolhouse. Kate had a calf. Bally. Went 
to Bennett's party at night. 

25th. Had Bennett's team and hauled fourteen loads of wood. Marth 
Sneath here two nights. 

S6th. Sunday. I went to creek and to Bennett's. 

27th. Hung up meat in pantry to smoke. One sheep had a lamb. 

28th. Cut wood and split 15 rails. Bennett and I went to Job Davis' 
and ground my two axes. 

29th. Cut wood and split 30 rails and dressed calf skin. 

March i, 1860. Split 67 rails and cut some wood. 

SThls was tho wild pigeon, ectopintea migratoriouH. 

^06 AKNALd 09 IOWA 

Bnd, Went to Salem and traded some. Stayed at Dr. Siveter's all 

Srd. Sewing for Dr. Siveter all day. Went to Uncle William's and 
stayed all night. 

4th, Sunday. Came home. Found Thomas Savage here. 

5th, I mended Lem Bennett's boots and Thomas' boots and went 
to creek. Shot a c [common] partridge. 

6th, Bainy. Went to creek. Weather cleared off and I went to Job 
Davis' and helped him trim apple trees. 

7th, The same. 

8th, Went to Solomon Gill's shop. He made me an iron wedge, 
50 cts.y and seven harrow teeth, 35 cts. I blowed and struck and fur- 
nished the iron.* 

9th, Mended S. Gill's shoes, 10 cts., and went on prairie to Samuel 
Carter 's. 

10th. Making 115 rails for Solomon Gill, 75 cts. 

11th, Sunday. Shot my first duck this spring at Carter's bottom. 

Igth, Work for Henry Sneath cutting brush. Finished paying for 
Ann, pig. 

ISth, Split 55 rails, 48 of them out of a drift log on Carter Island, 
and carried them up the bank. 

14th, Shot one prairie chicken, split 28 rails and shot two ducks. 

15th, Split 40 rails and chopped wood. 

l€th. Shot two prairie chickens. Went to trap. Caught a fox squir- 
rel. Grubbed up butternut roots and fixed brush fence around pasture. 

17th. Shot one prairie chicken and split 69 rails. 

18th, Sunday. We all went down to the creek. 

19th, Made mat for Dr. T. Siveter and went to mill with Mack Davis. 

SOth, Cut wood and split 40 rails. 

Slst, Killed two ducks and grubbed. 

gSnd, Went to Salem, traded some and went to Dr. Siveter 's and 
stayed all night. 

£Srd, Sewed some for Dr., went to Uncle William's and then home. 

g4th. Got my ox yoke from Job Davis's, made keys and holes in 
bows, and went hunting. 

£5th, Sunday. Anna, John and I went to Uncle William's on Ben- 
nett's mare Eliz and back at night. 

£6th. Cut vest and pants for Thomas McCreadie, 50 cts. Went to 
Job Davis'. Then grubbed for self. 

£7th. Yoked up Dick and Peter, and grubbed. 

S8th. Went to creek bottom. Kill two ducks. P. M., grafted apple 
trees for Job Davis. Set 28 scions. 

£9th. Grubbing. Grafted three trees, yellow harvest, for self by the 

oFrontier blacksmiths often afforded the customer opportunity to operate 
the smith'R bellows and to assist him by wielding a supplemental hammer, 
for doing which something was deducted from his bill, and a further deduc- 
tion was allowed when he furnished his own Rtock. 


SOth. Commenced making garden and grub. 

3l8t. A. [Anna] planted onions and I grubbed and went to creek 
bottom. In the evening rain and thunder. 

April 1, I860. Sunday. Hunting in A. M. Kill a pigeon, a squir- 
rel and two ducks. L. and B. Wells here. 

tnd. Portrayed one of said ducks. If it is a duck, it resembles a 
coot. Grubbed some. 

Srd, Put two hoops on washtub and write a letter for Mrs. Sneath 
and grabbed. 

4th. Grabbing. John and Cyrus Garrettson came here. We hunted 
the cattle and found them, then we yoked up Dick and Peter and they 
took them home to put in their team to plow. Saw a wild turkey in 
my field. 

5th. James Carter came here with his team and wagon and hauled 
rails all day and finished paying for the making of his coat. 

€th. Went to Job Davis' after saw, and then grubbed. 

7th. Grabbed and burned brush. P. M. kill two ducks. 

8th. Easter Sunday. Samuel Siveter, L. and B. Wells and I shot 
some fish on riffle in Big Cedar. I kill one common partridge. 

9th. Cut out vest for Walter G. Dug parsnips. Grubbed. Thomas 
Siveter came here. 

10th. Made pair pants for Thomas, 75 cts. 

11th. Cut oat a coat for Solomon Gill. Helped chain half around 
Dr. Siveter 's north 80 acres with Dr., Thomas, Samuel and David Si- 
veter. I killed eight fish on Carter Island. Cut out a vest for 8. Gill. 

l£th. Carried otl my com and J. Mack Davis commences plowing 
my ground. I dug garden and planted four rows of potatoes, and com- 
menced making rail fence east side of field. 

ISth. On said fence and made John A. S. [Savage] a pair of shoes. 

14th. Went to Bennett's, had their horses, and to Job Davis', had 
his wagon, then we all went to Salem. Traded some, went to Dr. 
Shriner's and to Dr. Siveter 's, and then to Uncle William's and stayed 
all night. 

15th. Sunday. Stayed there till P. M. Brought one bushel potatoes 
and my plow, &c., home. Thomas and John Savage came here Satur- 
day. John went home, Thomas stayed till we came home. 

16th. Fixed Tom's boot and cut out a coat for Thurman Elarton 
and grub some. 

17 th. Tom went home. I went part way with him and killed seven 
ducks. Sewed some on S. Gill's coat and grubbed. 

18th, also 19th, planting corn for H. Sneath. 

£Oth. Went to Croton on Des Moines River fishing with Garens and 
Wayne Watson, Job Davis, Benjamin Weaver and Leonidas Wells. 

Slst. Fishing. 

££nd. Sunday. Came home. Did not catch many fish. 

£Srd. Grubbed, and P. W. Bennett and I put a new side on my 


gdth. Went to mill and grub. 

S5th, Harroi^ing for P. W. Bennett % day and % day for self. 

S6th. Finished harrowing my piece, then Len B. and I marked it 
out one way, and I grubbed. 

S7th. Planting corn for Job Davis. 

SSth. Plant for Job Me day and ^ day J. Mack Davis and I marked 
out my ground the other way with Job's horses. 

£9th. Sunday. I kill one turkey. Then Job Davis, Sam Davis, Wil- 
liam Barger, Frank Lucas and I went to Warner ford. I kill one duck 
and four fish. 

SOth, Job Davis helped me plant corn, and we commenced making 
a seine. 

May i, 1860. Finished planting my old ground corn. Left eleven 
rows, south side, for sorgo, and a patch of potatoes on west aide. 

Snd, Cut brush and put around spring, and grub some and knit on 

3rd, Went to Salem and back at night. 

4th. Also the 5th., plant corn for P. W. Bennett. 

8th. P. W. Bennett helped me grub. 

9th. Bennett and I grubbed and burned brush. 

10th f also the 11th, grubbed. 

l£th. Grubbed. David Siveter and Isaac Pigeon came here. 

13th. Sunday. We went to the creek and in the evening they 
went home. 

14th. Grub, and went to Vega Post Office.'' 

15th. Grubbed. 

16th. Burning brush and chopping poles. 

17th. Cut poles and Lem and I hauled some roots to the house. 

18th. Hunt horses. Lem and I hauled roots and Lem commenced 
plowing. H. Sneath came with his ca.ttle and hauled six loads of rails, 
I with him in afternoon. 

19th. Lem B. and I plowed on my new ground. 

^Oth. Sunday. I portrayed a black-throated orchard oriole. Anna 
went to Wells's, then the boys, L. and R. and I went to the Carter 

£l8t. Lem B. and I finished plowing my new ground, and I took 
Bricen Mickey /s plow home. Bennett went to town, then I had the 
horses and harrowed said new ground. 

££nd. Cut out a coat for Jacob Syphers, then had Eliz mare and 
marked off said ground. Then we planted watermelons, muskmelons, 
sweet corn and cucumbers, and I burnt a piece of brush fence. 

7This was a country post office established In 1851 near the northwest 
cornor of Salem Township, Henry County. Joseph M. Frame was postmaster 
until the late 1860's when George Chapman assumed the duties. Id 1877 it 
was removed two or three miles northwest to the northeast corner of section 
35, Round Prairie Townshid, Jefferson County, though Mr. Chapman con- 
tinued as postmaster until 1891 when he was succeeded by Abel Trueblood, 
and he by Nathan O. I<nilott in 1895. It was discontinued In about 1900. 
Authorities : U. H. Olficial Register, and early Iowa maps. 


gSrd. Made a piece of pole fence and planted corn. 

gdih. Finished planting my new piece of corn and potatoes. Hilled 
up 44 sweet potato hills. 

SSth. Warned out on road to work. Lem G. Bennett worked in 
my place and I mended his shoes. P. W. B. [Bennett] and I went to 
Jonathan Hoskin's. I got 125 sweet potato plants, 25 cts., and set 
them out in the evening. 

S6th. Work on road. Thomas McCreadie paid me 90 cents. 

e7th, Sunday. We all went to Nicholas Boley's. P. M., I went 
to Job Davis' and we finished our seine. 

SSth. Sewing on S. Gill's coat. P. M., Thomas Savage came here. 
He, Anna and self went to Carter bottom gooseberrying. 

g9th. Thomas went home and I sewed on Gill's coat. 

SOth. Went to Salem. Took 14% lbs. butter @ 8 cts. Sewed for 
Dr. Siveter that day. Stayed all night. 

Slst. Sewed some, then went to Uncle William's and got some 
tomato plants. And then home, and sewed on David Siveter 's pants. 
He brought two pairs on Wednesday. 

June 1, 1860, Sewing on said pants. 

Snd. Finished said pants and Sol Gill's coat. A heavy thunder 
storm this evening and a tremendous rain. 

Srd, Sunday. Went to Salem with David's pants. Came home in 
P. M. Samuel came with me. 

4th. Samuel went on north side of the creek. I hoed in my corn. 

5th, also 6th, help Bennetts replant and hoe corn. 

7th. Replant my corn, and fix brush fence, then fix boot and shoe. 

8th. Cut pair of pants for Mac Davis and fix my shovel plow. 
Went to Carter bottom, found Bennett's horses and plowed my corn. 

9th. Hunting B.'s horses till noon. Called at Sneath's and at 
Wells's. I went to Bennett's party. 

10th. Sunday. Wells and I bee hunting, and then P. W. B. and I 
horse hunting. Did not find them. 

11th. Lem B. and I went to Salem bridge, found the horses, then 
I plowed in my corn. Heavy rain at night. 

l^th. Shell corn, spade garden, went to mill and caught some fish, 
and drew a branch of skunk wood.^ 

13th. W. B. and I went to Carter bottom, got two horses and plowed 

14th. Lem and I went after the horses. I plowed corn and broke 
my big device. Went to Widow Stanley's and got Bennett's device and 
plowed more. 

15th. Hunt horses, and finished plowing my corn in about an hour, 
and then plowed my sorgo. 

16th. Hoed com. Anna went to Hillsboro, took 13% lbs. butter. 
Bought her a pair of shoes and a pound of coifee. 

80r BkuDk hazel. The pungent sumac — rhus. 


17 ih, Sunday. Painted ground work for two birds, and Anna and I 
went to Carter bottom. 

ISth, Hoed corn at home in A. M. and plowed com for Bennetts 
in P.M. 

19th, Plowed corn for Bennetts. 

gOth, Hoeing my corn. 

Slat. Shot a weasel in new field, and hoed my corn, and fixed Lem 
B.'s boot. 

iSnd. Finished hoeing my new piece of corn and hoed in old ground. 
Wrote a letter to J. R. Wetsel and went swimming. 

gSrd. Worked in old ground. 

gdth, Sunday. Bee hunting. 

S5th. Hoeing. 

B6th, Finished hoeing my corn and potatoes at 9 o'clock and poled 
beans, cut out a coat for Harrison Bub Gill, put cuifs on Sol Gill's coat, 
&c., and went to John Turnham's and bought ^ gallon whiskey, 30 cts. 

£7th. Went east to creek picking gooseberries, and to Wells's, then 
cleaned out spring. 

S8th. Bain. Cut out my ticking pants and went to Gill's blacksmith 
shop and got an open ring, a link for a chain, a small hoe, and two heel 
wedges® and two scythes fixed, 45 cts. Went to Wells 's. Bain very heavy. 

S9th. Went to Carter bottom and got some foxglove roots and caught 
some fish. Made a bee box, set out beets, and work on fence. 

30th. Work on said fence. Thomas Siveter came here. Bains hard 
and we went swimming. 

July i, 1860. Sunday. Went as far as Sneath's with T. Siveter, and 
back with Sneath. I to Wells's and he to meeting, then Job Davis and 
the boys and I went bee hunting and swimming. 

iSnd. Hunting old cow. A man here to take the census, stock $100, 
land $616. Sewed on tick pants and mend my shoe. Went to creek and 
got a bolt of wood for shingles and fastened it to the bank. Then went 
to Demo' meeting. 

3rd. Very hot. Had Bennett's team and borrowed A. Simon's wagon 
and hauled six loads of rails and wood and said bolt of wood. 

4th. Bufus Wells and I celebrated this day hunting and swimming. 
I shot an orchard oriole, a common partridge, and a redheaded woodpecker. 

Sth. Work on rail fence. E. and Anna and I went on north side of 
creek gooseberrying. 

€th. Drew orchard oriole, and work on said fence and cutting out 
the brush. 

7 th. On said fence, and cut pair of pants for Mack Davis. 

Sth. Sunday. Painted said oriole and went on north side of creek. 

9th. Commenced harvesting. Bound wheat for Job Davis half day, 
other half went to mill, and fixed my pants. 

lOih. Went up on prairie to William Morris' and got work there 

^Devised for tightening handle-rings of a scythe, or cradle snath or handle. 


harvesting. Pitched hay an hour and a half, then William commenced 
cutting his wheat and I bound wheat. The same the 11th. 

Itih. Cut H. Morris' wheat. 

13th. For H. and William Morris in wheat and oats. 

14th. Mowing for William G. Morris. Earned of him $5.00. 

15 th. Sunday. Tom Lewis and Joel Garretson came here and we went 

16th. Went up on prairie. Came home and got my scythe and mowed 
grass ^ day for Arthur Frazier. Beceived 50 cts. 

17 th. Help Alexander Morris bind wheat three hours, received 25 cts., 
then went on to George Morris' and bound wheat for him. Did same 
18th, 19th, 20th and 21st until noon, at $1.00 per day. Earned this 
week 94. 7d. 

SBnd. Sunday. At home. 

SSrd. Went up on prairie and mowed grass in forenoon, and in after- 
noon plowed com. 

S4th. Plowed corn and shocked hay. 

£5 thy also 26th, plowed com. 

t7th. Plowed corn. In afternoon tore down an old fence, and hauled 
hay into the bam. 

S8th. Plowed com in forenoon, all for W. C. Morris, 50 cts. per day. 
Earned this week $2.75. In afternoon brought home a buck sheep W. C. M. 
gave us for taking care of his heifer. Lady. 

£9th. Sunday Had Bennett's horses and Simon's wagon and we all 
went to Uncle William's, and back at night. 

SOth. Rainy. Hunted and shelled corn and took it to mill and got it 

31st. Painted a flag for the Demo' party at Jacob Sypher's. 

August 1, 1860. Went to Salem and sold 17 lbs. butter, 10 cts. in trade. 
Went to Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

Snd. Came home, dug up a turnip patch and sowed turnips. 

Srd. Hunting and blackberrying. Shot at on the wing and think I 
killed two young turkeys, but lost both of them. Eainy. 

4th. Went to Salem. Saw them raise a Lincoln pole and heard two 
speeches, one from Senator Harlan and one from a Wilson from Fairfield. 
Coming home I found an Indian ax. Great excitement about presidential 

5th. Sunday. Eainy. L. and R. Wells here, and H. Sneath and wife 
here. Boys and I went to creek. 

6th. Cut weeds in fence corners. After noon helped Bennetts wind 
up dirt out of their well. 

7 th. Went blackberrying, pick a milk bucket nearly full, and hunted 

8th. Went to Weaver's grubbing, frolic and party at night at Jack 
Shriner's house. 

9th. Clean out well in branch, hoop a bucket, mend my pants, and go 
to Uncle William's. 


10th. John and T. and I went to creek and got some sand, went swim- 
ming, then I built a small chimney in kitchen for Uncle William, and 

11th. Took my wool to Salem, bought a molasses barrel, 75 cts., then 
back to Uncle W.'s and from thence home. David Siveter here and we 
went hunting. 

ISth. Sunday. David and I hunting. 

13th. David and I hunting in forenoon. Kill in all two squirrels, one 
quail, one common partridge and one rabbit. David went home. I cut 
out Dr. Siveter 's vest. 

14th, Picked blackberries and grapes and sewed on vest. 

15th. Birdie heifer got into cornfield. Dogged her out and fijced the 
fence, and fixed the brush fence around the pasture, and sewed on vest. 

16th. Finished said vest. Anna went to Sneath's. I cut a summer 
coat for self. Went to Carter bottom with O. M. Wells and a cattle buyer 
to look at my steers. They were too small for him. 

17th, Went to creek bottom picking grapes. Met Wells and chat with 
him, then sewed on my coat. 

ISth. Hunt bees and sewed some. 

19th. Sunday. William F. Barger, L. and R. Wells and I went bee 
hunting. Anna went to Wells's. I made a mole trap and caught one in 
flower bed. 

20th. Sewing and went to Wells's and got some of my salt. 

21st. Finished my coat. 

S2nd. Shelled 3^8 bushels of corn and went to Job Davis' and borrowed 
his wagon bed. 

2Srd. Went to Salem with Bennett and wife. Took Dr. Siveter 's vest, 
and brought home my barrels and rolls. Paid $1.00. 

24th. Sent said corn to Bonaparte mills by Lem Bennett. I mended 
my shoes. Afternoon shot and saved my first wild turkey this season. 
Caught Ann pig in Bennett's cornfield and put her out. 

25th. Went to M. E. camp meeting with Rufus Wells. We went to 
Uncle William's at night. 

26th. Sunday. Eufus, Thomas, Aunt Mary and I went to camp meet- 
ing at night. R. went home and T. and I went back to Uncle William's. 

27 th. Thomas came home with me. We picked cherries, &c. I made 

28th. Thomas and I hunted and fished. I shot one squirrel and one 
turkey and we caught fourteen fish. Afternoon, Thomas Siveter here. 
He, Tom and I went to creek swimming. 

29th. Fix brush fence, and bent broomcorn tops. Thomas Savage 
went home. Thomas Siveter and I went swimming. P. M., I fixed my 
shoes and went to creek and shot a fish, weight 4% lbs., and we swam. 

30th. Grub some. T. Siveter and I went to Job Davis' and ground 
my ax and mattock and went to Wells's after my steelyards. Thomas 
went home. I fixed my pants and commenced digging hole under floor. 

3l8t. Grub an hour or two in morning (midday too hot, nights very 


cool) and dug in said hole. Picked some seed corn. Hunting. Cut up 
one shock of corn. In the night C. Giberson came after Anna, his wife 
being sick. Had a son. 

September 1, 1860, Wrote a letter to John Wetsel. Nailed some boards 
overhead. Fixed fence and picked hazelnuts. 

Snd. Sunday. Went to Simon's and to Bunyon's to look for my 
sheep. Came home. Rufus Wells here. He and I hunted some. Ben- 
nett put my sheep in his pasture and in evening we separated them. 

3rd, Went to Salem. Took 9% lbs. butter, traded out. Came home 
at night. 

4 th. Cut up seven shocks of corn. 

5th. Rainy. Gathered seed corn and hung it up. Afternoon, cut three 
shocks of corn. 

6th. Very hot. Cut three shocks. Partly traded with Frazier for a 
colt pony. In the morning I withdrew. 

7th. Cut four shocks. 

8th. Cut one shock. Went to Glasgow. Demo' pole raising, two 

9th, Sunday. Hunting. Leonidas Wells hunted. Found me at Hopper 
branch. Then O. M., L. and R. Wells and self went to C. Creek hunting 
cedar trees. I got twenty-four very small ones. 

10th. Cut six shocks of corn. 

11th. Cut five shocks and hunted some. 

ISth. Cut two shocks and it rained the remainder of the day. 

ISth. Cut corn ; and the forks and poles, five shocks. 

14th. Work on road nearly one half day. Finished my road tax, 
$2.46—6/10, then cut half a shock of corn and it rained. 

15th. Cut corn and the forks and poles, two and a half shocks. 

16th. Sunday. L. Wells and I went to Cook's burned mill, and I shot 
one duck and one pigeon. 

17th. Shot one pigeon and cut five shocks. 

18th. Cut corn, five shocks. Finished cutting my corn 4th hour p. m. 
Forty-eight shocks in all. 

19th. Hunting. Saw sand-hill cranes. Shot three partridges and cut 
up and topped broom corn and shelled off some seed. Fixed fence where 
Bally broke out and Dick broke his poker. 

20th. Fixed said poker and bladed some sorgo. Afternoon cut up 
com for O. M. Wells to pay up the difference between us, 21 cts. 

Slst. Grubbed some and bladed cane, and hunted. 

£Snd. Hunted old cow and went up on prairie to see about getting 
my cane made up. Widow C. Stanley agrees to make it for one third, 
I to find wood. Then went as far as Oldacre's, and then home. Fix my 
cap and cut a pattern of it. 

SSrd. Sunday. Wrote a letter to Mother, went to class meeting and 
dug our sweet potatoes. 

S4th. Went to Simon's and borrowed their wagon, unloaded it and 
hauled two barrels of water. P. M., bladed cane. 


gSth. Bladed cane. Saw wild geese going sonth. Finished my cane. 

gSih, Helped Job Davis strip his cane. At night a heavy rain. 

g7th. Helped Job strip cane. Cat wood and cat np cane. 

gSth, Bound np the rest of my blades and cnt np and topped my cane. 

g9th. Mack Davis and I hanled my cane to Stanley's with Job's team 
and Simon's wagon, and then we went np on the prairie to William 
Morris'. I shot one quail. 

30th. Sunday. Rainy. I made one shoe for John A. 

October i, 1860. Made the other shoe and conunenced shelling corn. 
Then went and cut up and topped the rest of Job £. Davis' cane. 

gnd. Job and I went and helped William Stanley repair his mill cog, 
the second roller, &c., gratis. 

Srd. Fix my cow yard fence that Dick knocked down. Then shelled 
some corn. David Siveter came here with team. I went to Salem with 
them and David and I went hunting. Stayed at Dr.'s all night. 

4th. Traded some and went to Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

5th. Came home. P. M., went to Job Davis' and Mack and I hauled 
one load of wood up to Stanley's. I stacked my blades. 

6th. Went to mill, took some corn. Cut out a coat for Lewis Sigler, 
then dug potatoes and Mack D and I went to Stanley's and got our 

7th. Sunday. R. Wells and I went to the creek north and then home 
and to Wells's. L. and R. and I went to creek east. 

Sth. Dug potatoes and mend Thomas Siveter 's pants. 

9th. Dug potatoes and cut a pair of pants for John Hen Mastersen. 
Samuel here. I work on mending T. Siveter 's coat. Helped Samuel fix 
his wagon to haul rock. In the night Watch treed a skunk up a jack oak 
by the house. About 2 o'clock I got up and struck a light but could 
not see where it was. 

10th. Shot said skunk and finished Thomas' coat, then went to John 
Turnham's. I shot one common partridge, one quail and one turkey. 

11th. First frost I saw this fall. Cut out and sewed on Dr. Siveter 's 
coat and dressed skins. 

l£th. Sharp frost. Sewed on said coat. Kill two rabbits and one 
possum that Watch treed. Shot one prairie chicken on corn shock, the 
first this fall. 

ISth. Freeze. Sewing. Went to Rock House meeting. There saw 
William Coltrane, Bricen Mickey, and William, Josephine and Caroline 
Sigler taken in as M. E. members. The latter three were sprinkled. 
Finished said coat. 

14th. Sunday. Hunting. Shot one squirrel. 

15th. Fixed J. Wesley Runyon's coat. 

16th. Fixed Samuel Siveter 's coat and chopped wood on north side 
of creek. Samuel hauled one load, then worked on pair of pants for 
Davis Siveter. 

17th. Hunt two hours, then sewed on said pants. 


18th. Finiflhed said pants. Went to Wells's and Sneath's. Borrowed 
3% lbs. floor of Sneath. 

19th, Went to Keosanqua. Delegation went in the hickory wagon 
with L. and B. Wells, W. £. Taylor, T. Clarke, B. Weaver, William, James 
and Newton Stanley, L. J. and T. Walker, L. and A. Bennett, back at 

gOth. Hunt cows and trim some brush. Went to Wells's. Picked up 
some crab apples and Leo and I went hunting. 

Slst, Sunday. Anna and I went west side of branch and picked out 
a spot for a house and went to Samuel Siveter's well. I sewed some on 
wammus and traced out my west line between Knowles and me. 

giSnd. Dug potatoes. Samuel Siveter came here. He and I went to 
Carter bottom and caught their heifer and took her to Salem. Saw the 
Salem men bring in a horse thief from Luray, Missouri. His name, Frank 
Arnold, of Salem. Stole a span of horses of William Crew. Was at his 
trial [preliminary] at night. He was bound over to court, $1,000 bond. 

gSrd. Came home and shelled corn. 

S4th, O. M. Wells and I went to Bonaparte to mill with said corn 
and got home in the night. 

gSth. Hunt cows, dig out spring and cut poles and put around it, and 
dig potatoes. Shot one prairie chicken in field. Have to hunt cows every 
evening now. 

gSth, Rain. Finished fixing David Siveter 's coat and Samuel 's pants, 
and finished digging potatoes. 

S7th. Rainy. Foddered calves second time. Grubbed some. Went 
south of Hillsboro, shot five quails. Hunt for cows and did not find 

gSth, Sunday. Hunt cows. Found them near Samuel's well. Car- 
ried poles and made hog pen. 

g9th. Bennett and I went to Keosauqua to get my papers of natural- 
ization. Judge Sloan would not issue any. Left Lem at Bratton's grove 
and I came home. 

30th, Grub, and bury my potatoes. 

Slst, Grub. Went to Hillsboro. Got a letter from Smith & Co., 

November i, 1S60. Cut out another pair of shoes for John A. 
Rainy and cold. 

gnd. Rainy. Made said shoes, and knit on quail net. 

Srd, A. M., hunting. Kill one turkey. P. M., carry wood and fix 
so as to go to Salem. 

4th. Sunday. Went to Uncle William's. Stayed all night. 

5th. Snow. Went to Salem with my butter and eggs, $1.07 worth. 
Traded it out, and 62 cents more. Went back to Uncle William's and 
then home. 

6th. Burned brush and grubbed. 

7th. Fixed my shoe and grubbed. 

Sth, Snow on ground. I grubbed. 


9th, Grubbed. Trapped Beven quails and shot one tnrkej that Watch 
treed northwest of school house. 

10th. Hunt cows and grubbed some and burned brush. 

Jlth. Sunday. To Wells's to meeting and to mill. There Meshack 
Sigler baptized by pouring. Sold Dick and Peter for $32.50 to Job 
E. Davis. 

ISth, Went to Gill's, to Wells's and to Sneath's to borrow a wagon. 
Got Sneath's and Job Davis' horses and hauled three loads of wood. 
Trapped four quails. 

ISth. Grub and burn brush. Trapped seven quails. 

14th, Went to John Turnham's after my jug. Bought one half 
gallon whiskey, 30 ets., one quart for Wells. Cut out a coat for A. 
Martin, 30cts. 

15th. Shelled corn. Anna and I went to the spring to wash. I grub 
and burn brush. 

16th. Grub and burn. 

17 th, Grub. Kill a rabbit and one fox sqirrel. 

18th, Sunday. Hunted. 

19th, Went to Wells's. Sent letter to John B. Wetsel. 
Hooping my quail net. 

SOth. Grub. 

ISlst. Grub. At night watch Sigler 's field on the 20th and 2l8t. 

gSnd. Snow all day. Made last for Walter. 

SSrd, Cut out coats for William and Harmon Giberson. Take pay 
in work. Cut out pair shoes for Walter. Awfully cold. Snow two 
inches deep. Giberson boys brought home my small steel trap, the one 
I lost in Bennett's field the Sunday before Christmas last. Said they 
found it very near their house about that time. 

£4th. Sewed some on said shoes, and Mrs. Bennett and I made some 
shoe wax. 

^5th. Sunday. Hunting for sign.*® 

S7th. Fix my gray pants. Shot one crow and one owl. 

£8th. Went to Job E. Davis' and to Wells's, then cut road to some 
wood and Mac D. and I hauled one load. 

S9th, Gathered corn for Job and Mac Davis. 

SOth. Went to Salem and bought a pair of boots, $3.75, then to 
Uncle William's and stayed all night. 

December i, 1S60. Came home. Carried one half bushel apples he 
gave me. Dr. and David Siveter here. David and I went to north side 
of creek. Found them hunting the lines. 

Snd, Sunday. Snowed fast nearly all day. Hunted some. 

Srd, Snow four inches deep. Knit on quail net and wrote a letter 
for Mrs. Sneath to T. L. Deacon, Liberty, Amite County, Mississippi. 

lOA trapper's term Implying evidence of quarry, as the scratching or dusting 
of birds, their feathers on the ground or on shrubs, their tracks ; or those 
of animals in the dust, snow, or mud, and the lilce. 

£6th. Made said shoes and cut out a coat for George Martin. 


4th. I cut a coat for Frank Bonjoiiy then cut one for Joseph and 
agreed to make it for $2.00. Commenced sewing on said coat. 

5thf also the 6th, sewing on the same. 

7th. Finished said coat. 

8th. Chopping wood in my timber and partly cutting a road to it. 

9th. Sunday. Went to Uncle William's. Took two roosters and his 
Mo. seed corn. Snows all day. 

10th. Came home. Brought two roosters back. J. Runyon here with 
Frank's coat to make. Mack Davis and I hauled three loads of wood. 
At 10 o'clock, eve, Samuel Bichard Savage born. Had Mrs. Bennett. 

11th. Went to Sneath's, got my steelyards. Did housework and 
sewed some on Frank B.'s coat. 

l£th. Mrs. Sneath here washing. Mrs. B. here. I waited on Mrs. 
Sneath. Eliz' Davis here. 

13th. Cut a coat for James H. GDI and a pair of sleeves for his 
father, 40 cts. chd. Got Mrs. Sneath her dinner, &c. Got in clothes. 
I did not sew any. 

14th. Mrs. B. and Mrs. Sneath here. She ironed said clothes. Wes- 
ley Runyon brought a forequarter of beef here, 113 lbs. at 3 cts. per lb. 
Went to Bennett 's after barrel and saw and then cut up beef. 

15th. 1 sewed some. Mrs. Bennett, Mrs. Wells, and Mrs. Sneath 
here. Got dinner and washed up. Mrs. Bennett, Mrs. Simon and her 
daughter here. 

16th. Sunday. Quite a number of ladies here. Watch bit Mrs. 
Simon's arm. H. Sneath here. 

17 th. Mrs. Bennett here. I finished Frank Runyon 's coat and went 
to Job Davis'. 

18th. Mack and I hauled one load of wood. Rainy. Made two 
brooms and partly fixed a coat for Mack Davis. 

19th. Mrs. Sneath here washing. I waited on her and finished Mack 's 
coat, 40 cts. 

iOth. Hung out, and went to Hillsboro with Job Davis to post stray 
heifer (a red roan yearling). Newbold not at home. Came home. Shot 
seven quails. Did chorea, then in evening we went up to William C. 
Morris' and did up the business. 

Slst. Very cold. Not very well. Went to Job's field. Shot at a 
turkey fiying and missed it. Took out skins and cut some wood at the 
schoolhouse for Sneath. 

i£nd. Did chores and went to Job's field and shot six quails. 

£3rd. Sunday. Hauled some poles from clearing and made a shed 
for Bally. H. Sneath and wife here to dinner. 

£4th. Mend a pair of pants for Mac Davis, 20 cts., and chopped 
some wood for self. Snowed like fury. 

gSth. Christmas. Mack and I hauled a load of wood, then I went 
hunting. Kill one rabbit and two quails. Fell in with L. Wells and 
we hunted together. He killed one quail and I shot one quail. Snow 
nearly knee deep. Turkeys in my field this day. 


gSth, Mrs. Sneath here washing. Waited on her and shelled a sack 
of corn. 

97th, Took said corn np to Bennett's. Then I went to Salem and 
sold 21 quails, 52% cts. to J. W. Olds. Traded it out (booked). Came 
back at night. Kill one quail. Some of mj cattle in the field and some 
in the sheep yard. Put them all right again. 

gSth, Rainy. Fix brush fence where said cattle broke in, then mended 
Anna's and John A.'s shoes. 

IS9th, Chopped wood in mj timber. 

30th, Sunday. Mrs. Wells here, R. and Leo also. 

Slst, Cut out a coat for David Boley. Received 25 cts. Then Mack 
D. and I hauled one load of wood. I went to Bennett's and got my two 
sacks of meal they took to mill for me. I measured O. Perry Taylor for 
a coat, and chop wood and fix to go to Uncle William's. 

January 1, 1861, Went to Uncle William's. Shot one common par- 
tridge. Stayed till half past ten at night and then came home. 

Snd, Cut out a coat for James Boley, Jr., at I. Conley's, charged 25 
cts. Also cut a coat for O. P. Taylor, charged 30 cts. Mrs. Sneath here 
washing. I carried some poles to sheep pen. 

$rd,. Made ax handle and finished a pen for sheep. Trap two quails. 

4th, Chopped some wood for self and made hogs a shed. Trap one 
' 5th, Mack and I hauled one load of wood. 

6th, Sunday. Hunting. Kill two squirrels. Discover the tumbler 
of my gun lock is fractured. Came home and cleaned the lock. 

7th, Mend a pair of boots for A. C. Bennett and he agrees to haul 
two loads of wood for pay. I partly hung my ax. 

8th, Fix a pair of pants for Mack D., 10 cents, then went to Wells's 
and took back their meal, 23% lbs. Went on to H. Sneath 's. He going 
to Mount Pleasant soon, I left my gun for him to take to be repaired. 
Trap one quail. 

9th, A. C. Bennett and I hauled said two loads of wood, and I partly 
cut out my cat-fur cap. 

10th, Sewing on said cap, mend mitten, &c. 

11th, Kill one hog. H. Sneath came here, he helped me, then I 
wrote three estray notices for him. 

ISth, Cut up said hog, weighed 179 lbs., salted the meat, and trimmed 
some brush. 

ISth, Sunday. Went to Wells's. The boys and I went east to creek. 
My old sheep had a lamb. 

14th, Finished my cat-skin cap and dressed some skins. 

15th, Went to McCreadie's field and in a big branch set three traps 
for mink. 

16th, To trap. Quite a heavy snow. I knit on qail net. 

17th. To trap and took some of Mrs. Wells's borrowed lard home. 

I8th, Chopped a load of wood in timber. 


19th. Went to Job's, and from there to 0111 's timber. Found them 
there cutting logs on shares. Then Mack and I hanled two loads wood 
and went np to William C. Morris' and stayed all night. Beceived $2.00. 

SOth. Sunday. Came home and to trap. Ganght one mink and 
brought traps home. 

gut. Took Mrs. Wells's lard home, and to Oill's timber and got 
some buttemut bark and doctored sick sheep. Two quaiL 

gSnd. Went on north side of creek, then cut some wood. 

SSrd. On north side of creek hunting sign, and chopped some wood, 
P. M., snowing, work on trap and quail net. Assessor, Mr. Davidson, 

24th. Very cold. Fix my old coat. Dr. Siveter here. 

S5th. On north side of creek and set two big steel traps on the creek. 

S6th. To trap. Brought them home. Then Mack Davis and I went 
to Salem. I took 21 eggs and traded for coffee, and home at night. 

S7th. Sunday . Lent Leo' Wells my two big steel traps till Tuesday 
morning. He set them for turkeys in their field, then he and I went 
on creek east hunting for sign. Found plenty. 

gSth. A. M., chopped some wood in Dr. 's timber. P. M., commenced 
making a box trap. 

g9th. Mack and I hauled one load of wood, then went to creek east 
and set three traps. 

SOth. To trap, and fix my ticking pants. 

31st. To trap, and went to school from noon to recess, and partly 
fixed my vest. 

February 1, 1861. Helped Sol Oill make a sled. He agrees to haul 
wood for me for pay. 

£nd. To trap, and to Sneath's, then home. Sent by Watsons for my 
gun at Mount Pleasant. 

Srd. Sunday. Rufus Wells here. We went to Gill's shop. 

4th. To trap and then to William C. Morris 's court. Jonathan Ander- 
son sued a Mr. Miller for rent. Jury's verdict, $28.00 in favor of de- 
fendant, and plaintiff pay costs. 

5th. Sent letter to John Wetsel. Cliopped wood. In evening Isaac 
Watson brought my gun to schoolhouse. Repairing a now tumbler cost 

6th. Mack and I hauled one load of wood. To trap, caught one 

7th. Fixed my mittens and shelled some corn. Very cold. 

8th. To trap. Caught one possum, and then chopped some wood. 

9th. Lem Bennett and I hauled two loads wood for self, and to trap. 
A thaw. 

10th. Sunday. Rainy. A big thaw. Went to creek and got my 
two steel traps. Stayed at Wells's all day. 

11th. Went to Sigler's mill. Creek very high, first time this year. 
Hunted some and came home. Fixed my boot and put my loft to rights. 


ISih, Went up on prairie to W. C. Morris' and to Jonathan Ander- 
son's. Did no business with either of them. Shot two prairie chickens. 

ISth, Opened potato hole and got them in the cellar. Some frozen. 
Sorted them. 

14th. Went to Job Davis'. Mack did not kill hogs. Then went to 
Gill's shop and got an open ring, a frow, a wedge, and my mattock 
fixed, 40 cts. 

ISth, Went to schoolhouse and carried and chopped some wood for 
the school. Then mended Anna's shoes. 

16th. I went to Sncath's. Anna and boys went to Bennett's. I rode 
home with Sneath. 

17th. Sunday. Went to Wells's. L. and R. and J. and Frank Bun- 
yon and I went to creek. Came home and skin a cat. 

18th. Went up on prairie with Job and Mack Davis. Got one sheep 
of Jacob Runyon. Mack hauled it home for me. In evening it jumped 
out and I tracked it nearly back. Runyon put it in with theirs and I 
left it for a few days. 

19th. Went on prairie. Kill nothing. 

SOth. Hauling fodder till noon. Then went to creek north. 

SI St. We went to Bennett's, saw Hiram Steward and Esther L. Ben- 
nett married by Mr. Williamson at 3 o 'clock, 30 min. P. M. 

£fnd. Saw wild ducks and blue birds, first time this year. Went to 
creek and set three traps. Weather very mild. Joseph Frazier here. 
I sold one mink, 75 cts., two possums, 15 cts. 

BSrd. Went to Davis', then to Gill's after Mack. He and I ground 
my ax and mattock and his ax, then went to trap. Creek very high — 
covered one steel trap. Carried some roots, &c. 

IS4th. Sunday. We all went to Wells's and stayed all day. I went 
to trap. 

S5th. Mack and I hauled one load of wood. I went to Runyon 's and 
carried said sheep home, and to trap. Cut some brush and put in ditch 
by old road. 

S6th. Fixed brush fence around pasture. Chopped stove wood and 
husked corn. Preparing to go to Salem. About noon David Siveter 
came here, brought a fine coat and pair pants for me to make for Samuel 
Siveter. He went home on account of the creeks being high. I went 
to school, it being the last day. 

S7th. To trap, and sewing on said coat. 

S8th. William and H. Giberson came here and helped me chop brush 
to pay for cutting their coats. 

[To be continiied] 



Following the council of Mesquakie Indians with Des Moines 
teachers which was held February 18, 1928, the interest of 
schools and teachers in the Mesquakie Indians of Iowa con- 
tinued. So many questions came into the Historical Depart- 
ment to be answered on this group of Indians that an Indian 
Life School was attempted by Curator Harlan as an effort 
to put into the hand of teachers in Iowa schools, such direct 
and first hand aid to their teaching of pioneer and Indian 
Life as he could. Meetings were held on the banks of a small 
stream on a wooded plot near Altoona, Iowa, with no acces- 
sories or advantages for the teachers that the Indians did not 
need in such a camping place as they make in their usual pro- 
ceeding in 1928 their occasional hunting and trapping trips. 
There was no heat except such as they provided for Indians' 
needs, and no illuminants except the moon, which was near 
full, no seats except the natural sward whose irregularities 
formed the arrangement of persons participating as either 
audience or management. The curve of the brook and the pitch 
of the ground toward it formed the natural stage and audi- 
torium of the Indians' choice. 

♦ »»♦•• Ere man learned 

To hew the shaft, and lay the architrave, 

And spread the roof above them — ere he framed 

The lofty vault, to gather and roll back 

The sound of anthems; in the darkling wood, 

Amid the cool and silence, he knelt down. 

And offered to the Mightiest solemn thanks 

And supplication.* •♦♦»»» » — Bryant. 

(Talk between Dr. Melvin R. Gilmore^ and E. R. Harlan on the one part 
and Young Bear and Jim Poweshiek on the other, George Young Bear, 
interpreter. Stenographic record and transcript by Harriet King Card.) 

Tuesday evening, August 28, 1928. 
Mr. Harlan : I want to tell Young Bear through George, the 
occasion of this meeting.'^ 

iSee Who's Who In America for 1928, page 808, for Dr. Gllmore. 

^The end of each of those paragraphs indicates a pause during which George 
Young Bear Interpreted the words of Mr. Harlan or of Dr. Gllmore into Indian, 
or the words of Young Bear or of Jim Poweshiek into English. 


For some time there have been from one to a dozen of those 
who teach our children in the Des Moines city schools coming 
to the Historical Building, or otherwise asking our assistance 
in their preparation to teach these children Indian Life. It 
occurred to me that there might be an arrangement for a few 
teachers to hear the Indians' answers to their questions, and 
in other ways to get acquainted with you and your way of 
living ; for that reason only was this series of meetings planned. 

From the fact that there are about two and a half million 
white people in Iowa and but three hundred and eighty of the 
Sac and Fox tribe that in 1846 and earlier occupied the lands 
where we are now, it seems like the white people ought in some 
way to arrange to become better acquainted with you and 
your ancient ways. This is meant to help you show your 
white friends, who may be here during the week and Sunday 
and Monday, that it is not at all impossible to meet and get 
acquainted with you. 

The books that we study tell us what lands, now in the state 
of Iowa, you inhabited a hundred years ago. If our books 
have it right, in about 1810 to 1820 there were a niimber of 
tribes that we ought to know more about. They are your 
own, the Sioux, Winnebagoes, lowas, Omahas, and Pottawat- 
tamies. But we can learn this also from you. I thought that 
during this week we might have a talk about each of those 
different ones. Let us tell you what our books teach us, and 
then hear you tell us what you know of these different tribes. 

Now, I would like to hear your thoughts about this plan. 
What do you think of it? Would it be agreeable to you and 
your people, and can we make of it a benefit to both your 
people and to our own ? 

Young Bear: My friends, as I look upon the face of each 
one of you I realize that our race will soon be no more in the 
future, because the conditions of our homes are changing. 
Each year we can see the difference as the new generations 
come. There is a great deal of change. We are losing our 
customs, habits, and many of our arts are past and gone. The 
government is educating our people, sending our children 
to school, and when these children come back to our homes 
they are not as we have taught them. They learn things from 
the books, therefore their habits are formed and they go out 


into the world more like the white people, and so all these 
things will be all past in a few more years, and those of you who 
are interested in us, I hope that some good will be accomplished 
between us, and toward the understanding of our people and 
your people, and so any questions that you may ask will be 
welcome, and we will attempt to answer the best we can. 

Mr. Harlan : I propose that this group of teachers have the 
benefit, as you do too, of Dr. Oilmore's being with us. I want 
to introduce Dr. Oilmore to you as being the truest man in 
regard to the Indians and other races that it has been my 
pleasure ever to meet. Not only is he true and just, but he 
was bom in Nebraska, and as a boy and as a student in the 
colleges he perfected himself in his knowledge of the Indians' 
use of plants and plant life. He has associated with, lived 
with and respected the Indians of other tribes and languages. 
During the week he will be able to ask questions ^nd to answer 
questions which will contribute to this very good purpose that 
yon and I would like to see brought about. 

Then I propose that those of us who are here and find you 
willing to give us whatever information that you feel we ought 
to have — I propose that anything we ask of you should be a 
question which, if you were to ask us, would seem to us to 
be fair and right. That is, we would like to know, for in- 
stance, all about the way you conduct your family. But we 
will not ask you any question that we would not want you to 
ask us about our family. Whatever is said tonight will be in 
the spirit that will help us to understand your ways. We 
will write it down, and then tomorrow evening that question 
will be asked of you and of Dr. Gilmore. We will see that 
it is all right, and, if answered, will be a contribution to the 
knowledge of these folks who teach Indian Life. 

If it is a question that would not be right to ask about my 
children or my wife, then you and Dr. Gilmore will pay no 
attention to that question, and no one will inquire any further 
about it. I know from my association with you and your 
people that white people are often not very tactful about the 
wa,y they try to inquire into your way of living. This body, 
and every one that is in this group will be just as nice and 
just as respectful of you as they would expect you to be re- 


spectf ul of them. With that arrangement we believe it will be 
a happy experience. 

Now, we recognize that you, Young Bear, being around 
sixty years old, who, when you first remember, were in your 
father Push e ton e qua's house, that you, as a boy must have 
learned from him or from some one else, a good deal the same 
as my children have learned from their teachers in school. You 
must have learned the things that made you a good man, and 
Jim Poweshiek, over seventy years old — say sixty-five years 
ago, when he was five years old — he must have been taught 
such things as made him a good man. I wish you would 
teach us how, a hundred years ago, the Indian boy or girl 
got his knowledge. How were they taught these lessons? 

Young Bear: We all know that to seek knowledge is one 
of the hardest tasks for any one to take, and so it is with us, 
and tonight there are probably more people than this that 
would like to hear just the things we are talking about, but 
they have no time. xVnd so it is with us. Sometimes there 
may be a council, there may be some knowledge that has been 
acquired by our old people — ^would be taught to our people, 
and they are called together to one lodge. There may be a few 
that would go, and so the human being is almost the same 
everywhere. And in the teaching of our customs and habits 
and our legends and the stories and ceremonial rites, the record 
has been made. But we find everywhere the books that you 
read — the books that have been recorded of the habits of our 
people — were made long before the white people settled this 
country. The travelers and explorers and tradera would come 
through the village and stay for a day and go away and write 
their records. Of course the people today depend on those 
records. They learn about the Indians only from those rec- 
ords. The records even that are these days made by the men 
who came on in our own reservation — they are made often by 
men that went out from Washington to learn our sacred cere- 
monials, about our customs and our rituals, our beliefs — ^they 
come out to learn these and to make record of them, and of 
course they often do not meet the right kind of our people. 
We have various classes of Indians. Some live just accord- 
ing to their own way, and of course they will do anything, when 
some white man comes along they expect to be compensated 


by the white man, and so the white men are misinformed, but 
if the white man would go to the thinking Indian, the Indian 
who tries to do what is right — they cannot, by giving money 
or presents — they cannot get the information, and so the rec- 
ords that you get are something entirely wrong. Your people 
have been misinformed. And so it is with our children. We 
are teaching things that our parents taught us, and there are 
many ways that they are teaching it. We teach the lesson 
through experience and through talks, and through showing 
how to do things, and so we live throughout the course of our 
lives. Each thing has to be taught during the certain age 
from the very beginning. Year after year things are taught 
to us until the knowledge that we have in our old age has be- 
come thorough. 

Any question that any one wishes to ask will be answered, 
and the question asking anything I do not know, I will admit 
that I do not know. Of course, Mr. Harlan knows me well, 
and I always tell him what I know. 

Mr. Harlan : Let me ask Young Bear to go back in his own 
recollection to when he was a little boy, and tell us of some 
one who showed him something that has been good for him 
all his life. Tell us the name of the person and the circum- 
stance under which he learned that lesson. 

Young Bear: It is hard to remember certain things that 
make us good later on in life, because the things that are 
taught to us are taught to us little by little, from year to 
year, and so we cannot remember certain ones or names, but, 
however, later on in life we remember them and we think 
about them. 

As I remember in early childhood, the right and wrong was 
taught to me by my parents. They showed me what was right 
and what was wrong. They taught me not to do what was 
bad, and so one of these things was not to take the things that 
belonged to some one else. Stealing has been taught to us as 
being one of the worst evils to be done by any one, and the life 
that is taught to us is that if any one takes the road that is 
not right he will not have life — he will not live long, but the 
one who keeps his life clean will live long and will be looked 
upon by the Great Spirit. 

Kindness is another thing that is taught to us — to be kind 


to all living things; to be kind to the poor, and to be kind 
to every one, and so if we see any one who is old and feeble 
and tottering along we should not laugh, we should not mock 
him ; if we see any one crippled, we should not say anything, 
but favor him and feel kind toward him. 

To make friends wherever we go is another thing. We were 
taught to respect every one and to be friendly, and so one of 
the things that is taught to us is to be free with everything 
that we have. In those days food was regarded as one of 
the greatest gifts any one could give; and so the food, if we 
have food, if we have plenty we should not think only of our- 
selves, but of our people first, and so we should give — give — 
and always give as much as we can. If we see any one, if we 
see old people in a lodge by themselves, having a hard time, 
we should go over with food and enter their lodge. We should 
give them the things that will make them comfortable. And 
so the custom was, in the old days, that whenever a family is 
sick and cannot get their own food and cannot make their 
own things, that it was up to the people to help them, not 
for pay, but just kindness, to help one another. If the old 
people who live in a house by themselves, they should be helped. 
And so it was the duty of every young man who was able to 
do anything, it was to help the old people and give them food 
or whatever they needed. In this way the Great Spirit blesses 
the young people, and it is because of this they live long. Why 
is it that a young man helps his old people? It is because 
the thing that has been taught to us is that the Great Spirit 
blesses and makes those young people live long, those who help 
the old people. The old people when they live to be of old age, 
they do not live to an old age because they have taken care 
of themselves, but they are blessed by the Great Spirit, and 
so the young man who helps them are those blessed by the 
Great Spirit. 

We should not say things that are not so. To lie to one 
another is an evil thing, and we should not lie to one another, 
and when we say the things that are true we should not be 
ashamed to tell one another the truth. Be true to one an- 
other, be true to your friends, be true to every one, because 
the one who lies is not the one who is looked upon by the 


Great Spirit, but truth is the thing that the Great Spirit 
\nshes to have, and he blesses the children who tell the truth. 

So there are a great many things as we grow old — ^things 
the old people were taught by their parents to teach their 
children to lead the life that is full of kindness and love. And 
they were taught to go out to hunt, so they came upon white 
men's homesteads everywhere, and as they went by a school- 
house all of the children came out. They came and threw 
rocks, sticks, and threw everything at the horses and at our 
people, and so our old people supposed white people teach 
their children in their schoolhouses to throw at people. They 
teach the things different than the Indians teach, and we don 't 
want our children to be taught those things. 

Mr. Harlan: I wonder if we can, all of us, now, consider 
what Young Bear could tell us tomorrow evening that would 
apply to our own job, as teaching our children, or teaching 
our pupils in school ; and so if any one has queries, write them 
out, and if you come in the evening Dr. Qilmore will arrange 
them so the queries will bring out whatever our Indian friends 
can give us of their own culture in the direction that the queries 
point. I wish we could have Dr. Gilmore tell us, and George 
interpret it, so Young Bear and Jim will understand. 

Dr. Gilmore : It occurs to me that the teachers might leave 
their queries today, and tomorrow it will be easier and more 
economical in time. 

Mr. Harlan : Dr. Gilmore, I am anxious that these Indians 
learn what other Indians you have visited and studied, so that 
whenever the name is mentioned among them they will see 
that your learning comes from their own relations or with 
those not related to you. I want them to know you. 

Mr. Gilmore : Well, Mr. Harlan said I was born in Nebraska 
— in eastern Nebraska, in the Omaha country. I was used to 
seeing the Omahas and Pawnees when I was a small boy — saw 
them traveling from their homes to trading posts at Elk 
Horn. I was acquainted with the Indians, and saw them as 
friends. It was after I was in college that I first came to know 
the Omahas well. I was teaching in a college in Nebraska 
near Lincoln, and was at the same time doing graduate work 
in the University of Nebraska, when I went on an experimental 


trip on the Omaha reservation. I got acquainted with them 
then, and learned a number of interesting things from them 
about their native plants and their uses, and also of their old 
time agriculture. When I came back to the University I was 
talking of the interesting things I learned from the Omahas, 
it was suggested that I make that my special study. Then 
I made a special inquiry into the Omahas' use of plants, and 
from that to other tribes of the Missouri region. 

I then extended my study to the Pawnees, the Poncas, the 
Sioux, the Mandans and others. I was curator of the State 
Historical Society of Nebraska. Some years after that I went 
to North Dakota as curator of that state, and got acquainted 
with the Aricaras, the Mandans, and as I had been well ac- 
quainted with the Pawnees, I went down into Oklahoma to 
make a study of them. While I was still in Nebraska their 
chief visited that state. He was then eighty-three years old. 
He said he wanted to visit his homeland before he died, so I 
took him out along the Platte River. He showed me where he 
was born, his old village scenes and many things of old time 
life. On the way back to Lincoln he said to me one day, **I 
have in mind to give you a Pawnee name.'* He considered 
for some time, and mentioned two names he had in mind. He 
spoke up again and said, **I have now made up my mind.'* 
And when he returned home he made a declaration of the 
name, and so I have always felt acquainted with the Pawnees 
and the Aricaras — since they are of the same stock. When I 
went to North Dakota the Aricaras felt especially friendly to 
me because I bore a Pawnee name. 

I have gone to all these people in a friendly way, ac- 
knowledging them as my teachers. They have been very kind 
to me, and have taught me what I know. It is by their teach- 
ing that I am able to teach white people Indian lore, especially 
of the Poncas and the Aricaras. They are people of superior 
culture. Yet the white people have not learned so much about 
them as they have about some other tribes. The Mandans for 
instance are better known. Yet the Mandans and other tribes 
learned from the Aricaras and the Pawnees. It was these 
people who came from the Southwest, and taught the other 
tribes, and so they have been glad for me to record their knowl- 


edge. They have felt slighted that the people that they them- 
selves taught before white men came, have come to be con- 
sidered by white people to be of superior culture, when in 
reality they borrowed their culture from them. For that 
reason the Aricaras especially have been very desirous for 
me to get all of the information I can before it is too late, be- 
cause the old people have died, and the young people of the 
tribes are not learning things alone of their own tribes. 

I have learned from these people, not only what I started 
out to do — ^their knowledge of native plants, and of their 
agriculture, but also of the native animals and birds and 
mammals, and their knowledge of geography, their systems 
of teaching the children, their educational system, how their 
children acquire their education, and everything of interest 
that concerns the old-time people. To me there is a strange 
ignorance in white people. It seems to me that the white 
people know more of the native peoples of foreign lands 
than they do of our own people here. So I have tried to 
lead white people to know some of the beautiful things that 
there are in America, and something of the worth of the life 
and teachings of the races that are native to this country. 

In my association with these tribes, and more especially 
with the Pawnees and the Aricaras, they have often said that 
they do not feel me to be a stranger. They feel as though I 
am one of them, and I have been invited to take part with them 
in their sacred rituals. I have been through these societies, 
taking part in the rituals, and have made record of these things. 
They are not printed yet, but a good deal of the work that I have 
done in plants has been printed by the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, in the Thirty-third Annual Report,'' and many 
of these other things that I have learned from them I have 
not yet published. 

After several years in the service of the state of North Da- 
kota I was called to the Museum of the American Indian in 
Xew York, and have since then been in field work with the tribes. 
I have got acquainted with the Iroquois, and have some inter- 
esting information from them. 

^Thirty-third Annual Report of tht Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911-12, 
pagp .39. Also see Dr. Gllmore'a articles Id the .\nnal8 op Iowa, "Folklore 
concerning the Meadow Lark." Vol. XIII, p. 137 ; "The Ground Bean and the 
Bean Mouse and their E:^onomic Relations,^' Vol. XII, pp. 606-09. 


Mr. Harlan : Would you like to ask Dr. Qilmore anything 
about these different things, or the people he was acquainted 

Young Bear: I have listened to my friend's talk, and every 
word that he uttered is true. I believe in everything he said, 
but of course I do not understand or do not know anything 
about the people he spoke of. However, I know several tribes, 
and the people that we understand — ^there are several of us 
that understand each other — ^we have the same customs, habits 
and beliefs — we are almost the same, and also are friendly to 
these tribes, and every one of these tribes we have visited and 
become acquainted with, but our friend and the people he 
spoke about — I do not know anything about those people. 

Mr. Harian: I believe you can all see, you. Young Bear, 
and Jim, and Dr. Gilmore, how much those of us sitting by can 
leam. If, as you talk to one another before us during the 
week. Young Bear should inquire of Dr. Qilmore about the 
customs of the Pawnees or the Aricaras or any other, and will 
let us hear the question and answer, and if you, Dr. Gilmore, 
should ask of Young Bear and his people any thing of interest 
here in the meeting, we can have as much benefit as you two do. 
That is my thought of what a school is. It need never be called 
a school, and yet we are all learning very, very much. Because 
Dr. Gilmore has paid special attention to the plants, I am 
going to suggest that if Dr. Gilmore can spare the time, per- 
haps Thursday morning, he and Young Bear can spend some 
time looking at the native plants in this region which Dr. Gil- 
more is interested in, and he can explain the plants to Young 
Bear as he understands them and has learned from other 

Dr. Gilmore ; And Young Bear can tell me things from his 
people that I do not know. 

It may be well to say that these tribes that I have been 
speaking of — I was speaking of two interesting stocks — our 
Indians here are of another stock — I do not know a word they 
are saying, because I have not worked with any of the tribes 
that speak Algonquin — I spoke of two tribes of the Cadoan 
stock, and several other tribes that I mentioned, that are en- 
tirely different from the Siouan stock, and both entirely dif- 
ferent from the Algonquin, with different customs and different 


blood, just as there are different divisions of the white race. 
For instance, Slavonic, Teutonic and Celtic. There are more 
than fifty, nearly sixty different Indian stocks, and these dif- 
ferent stocks comprise more than two hundred languages. For 
instance, each one of these stocks may have contributed to the 
number of Kiowa as only one stock, and many of the others 
may have from several up to two dozen languages — languages 
related to each other, yet not intelligible to each other, as there 
are Germans and Swedes and Hollanders, and each of these 
languages may have several dialects, just as you know the 
Germans and Swedes and several in Norway. So I mention 
that there are several tribes of these stocks, but Young Bear 
was not acquainted with these other people. I have never been 
thrown with any of the people of his stock except a little boy 
with the Chippewas — ^there was one in North Dakota — and 
that is all I know of the Algonquin, except also a little boy 
of the Pottawattamies. My acquaintance has been mostly Ca- 
doan and Siouan and Iroquois. The Iroquois is a great stock 
of New York and Canada, and the Cherokee in the South. 

Mr. Harlan [to George Young Bear] : Will you tell your 
father what Dr. Gilmore has just said of the diversity of the 
stocks T 

Dr. Gilmore: There are many different stocks in America, 
just as there are in Europe, of the white people. 

Mr. Harlan : Now, I want Young Bear to learn from Miss 
Mershon how it is you go about teaching Indian Life? 

Miss Mershon : I am afraid we never had much success doing 
it. We have so little material we can use. Just exactly how 
do vou mean? 

Mr. Harlan : When a class comes to you and you have a 
study of Indian Life. Just what do you dot 

Miss Mershon: At the beginning of the work I generally 
trj' to find out what they would like to know, and make a list. 
And then, of course, during the last semester's work* I knew 
much more about it myself. That has to be true when we 
have no texts. When the children of the third grade, seven or 
eight years old, have no texts, and we find out what they want 

<The B<»ine8tor*H work refcrrpd to was done after the Council of the Indiann 
and teachers was held, a report of which Im puhlishcd in the first division of 
this article. 


to know — for instance, about the houses, I generally talk about 
our own homes first, and then about the Indians' homes. 

Mr. Harlan : George, explain that to your father. Now 
then, if you are giving to them the information they want to 
know about the Indians' houses or homes, what have you in 
the shape of a book? 

Miss Mershon : That 's what I have been anticipating. We 
have had nothing to go on. I felt better equipped to teach 
after I was out here last spring than ever before. 

Dr. Gilmore: Are you acquainted with the Hand Book of 
the American Indian published by the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, sometimes referred to as the Encyclopedia? 

Miss Mershon : Yes, I go to that, but it must all come from 
the teacher. The teacher has only what she can get from 
books. We have nothing definite on Indians in our own locality. 

Mr. Harlan : George, will you make that plain to Young 
Bear. Now in that line Dr. Gilmore has studies and notes, 
and I believe a manuscript which, when it is published, 
ought to supply you, Miss Mershon, and any one in your 
situation, substantially what you are seeking, and my part 
in the matter here would be to have Dr. Gilmore acquainted 
with that problem, even more, perhaps, than he is, and that 
he connect that with our own Indian resources of this state. 
This is the object and all the object I have. Tell your folks, 
too, George, so we can make all minds alike. 

Young Bear, our books tell us that in the earliest time, the 
earliest people, learning, education, was gained from the wisest 
men in just talks this way. Even the Nazarene taught those 
who believed him, blessed them, and taught his faith in just 
conversations, sometimes with no more people about than are 
here, and that has been studied for thousands of years after- 
wards. And so your people, in talking around your fires in 
winter have done this. Without any pretense at all this even- 
ing we have had an interchange of thoughts of the different 
races and different languages, and have talked of the diflferent 
problems that we all have. I wish we could recollect with what 
seriousness, and I would say success, we have met in this little 
party in this way. 

Now, we understand that all these people that Dr. Gilmore 
has mentioned are races in the world's history who have had 


similar problems and similar experiences. Among the experi- 
ences of each one have been spiritual experiences, through, for 
instance, the art of music. I would like to have some music 
by Jim on his flute. Just enough of it so that each evening 
the rest of the week we can get together on the experiences 
or the enjoyment of it. I want Young Bear and Jim to under- 
stand this idea. Jim, did you bring your flute ? 

Jim : Yes. 

Mr. Harian: Will you get it? Later in the week I hope 
Dr. Gilmore will give to you all the thoughts he gave to me 
today, about this. And while Jim is getting ready I wish 
our friends would reflect just a little upon the fact that these 
sounds that we hear today will not be the same as from our 
violins or saxophones. I have always felt like we can associate 
the notes of the flute with the notes of the doves or the whip- 
poorwiUs, or any sound in nature, as he will play it for us. If I 
am mistaken about that, Dr. Gilmore will correct me at a later 

George Young Bear : He is playing a certain class of music — 
songs, and he wishes to know if any one cares to hear any par- 
ticular song. He knows different kinds of songs — songs he 
played, and there are two particular songs that he has always 
played. The two are love songs, and the meaning of these 
love songs he always tries to explain. Some people are inter- 
ested in these songs, and they want to know them, and he has 
mentioned two or three of his friends that he has tried to 

Dr. Gilmore : I was going to suggest that Indians have differ- 
ent kinds of instruments for different classes of music — there 
are different classes. I mention sentimental songs, and there 
are songs for other purposes, as other races have ballads, and 
other types of songs. Indians have victory songs, songs of 
war, and songs in relation to all phases of life, and so they 
have different instruments for different emotions. The flute 
is for sentimental songs and love songs. 

Mr. Harlan : Let me ask that he play some one song, some 
one melody, until we get it in our own natures, to see if we 
cannot get it this week. Let's stick to one until we get the 
spirit of it 1 What is the song about ? 

(Jim plays onr his flute; the teachers applaud.) 


Jim : The origin of this song is unknown. Our own people 
have sung this song for generations, and it tells of a certain 
couple. It is a young man and a young woman who were very 
much in love with each other, and of course eventually married. 
They had a lodge of their own and they were very happy. 
They lived together for some years, and finally there was some 
diflSculty between them. They began to quarrel, and began 
to find fault 'with each other. They were very unhappy. They 
began to worry over the future. Finally the young woman 
became so unhappy and so dissatisfied with her lodge that she 
decided at last to leave, to go out alone, and become of her 
whatever may happen to her. And so she goes out — ^left her 
home with a heavy heart, worried and saddened, and so she 
sings this song. The title of it is **I am going away." 

Mr. Harlan : Can you sing it, Jim T 

George: He said he would try to sing it — of course he is 
not much of a singer. 

Mr. Harlan : I am going to say this. That if Young Bear 
and Jim will sing this tomorrow night, and these folks will 
try to learn it, Dr. Qilmore and I will try it. 

Dr. Gilmore : You are promising too much. 

Mr. Harlan : Well, anyway, nothing would please me better 
than to have some one try to sing it. What is **Ni be no'*t 

George: It means **I am going away." 

Jim plays his flute, then sings the song **Ni be no." 

Mr. Harlan : Well, I think that song might be treated as the 
end of the evening. I can 't see why we cannot get a great deal 
of good out of this experience and this exchange of thought. 
So far as I know this is the only record ever made of a Mes- 
quakie conference as an aid to the teaching of Indian Life 
by white teachers in schools. Whether one song or a dozen 
makes no particular difference until the music and the mean- 
ing of it is understood by the pupils being taught. I would 
like to have Miss Rhode or Mrs. Card make a record of your 
criticism or particular questions as to the value to you of this 
method. I want also to canvass the subject of the comfort of 
the evening. By tomorrow evening Dr. Gilmore will have 
some additional ideas, all within proper scope, and if you miss 
it, it will, I think, be to abuse an opportunity. 

[To be continued] 




John Loomis Stevens was born in Northiield, Vermont, May 19, 1850, 
and died in Ames, Iowa, October 23, 1933. Burial was in the Ames 
Cemetery. His parents were John Loomis Stevens and Harriet E. 
(Tucker) Stevens. The family removed* to Cedar Rapids, Iowa, in 1863, 
and later to Belle Plaine. John Loomis, Jr., attended primary school and 
academy in Northfield, and public school in Cedar Rapids and Belle Plaine. 
On the opening of the State Agricultural College at Ames in 1868 he 
entered the freshman class and was graduated in 1872 in the first class 
of that institution, and received the B. S. degree. He read law with 
Frank G. Clark of BeUe Plaine and was admitted to the bar at Vinton 
in 1873. In November of that year he began practice at Ames in partner- 
ship with Daniel McCarthy. He served Ames as city recorder, then as 
city attorney, and in 1878 was elected district attorney for the Eleventh 
Judicial District composed of Boone, Story, Marshall, Webster, Hamilton, 
Hardin, Wright and Franklin counties and was re-elected four years later, 
serving until January 1, 1887. He was thus one of the last district 
attorneys under the old plan that preceded county attorneys. The fall 
of 1886 he was elected judge of the Eleventh District, was re-elected in 
1890, but resigned in 1893 and entered private practice in Boone, re- 
moving to that city. Besides his distinguished career as a lawyer he led 
in many business enterprises, such as the Ames- Nevada telephone line 
in 1881, the Boone County and the Boone and Marshalltown telephone 
companies, the Ames and College Railway Company, and the Boone Brick 
and Tile Company, being president at some time of the most of these 
concerns. He was a Tenth District delegate to the Republican National 
Convention of 1900, as well as of the Republican National Convention 
of June 18, 1912. However, he was delegate at large to the Progressive 
National Convention of August 5, 1912, and became the national com- 
mitteeman for Iowa of the Progressive party, and was also nominated 
September 4, 1912, as the candidate of the Progressive party for governor. 
During the world war Judge Stevens was Boone County chairman in the 
third and fourth liberty loan drives. Soon after the world war he again 
made Ames his home. He induced Theodore Roosevelt to present some 
souvenirs of his expeditions to the Historical, Memorial and Art Depart- 
ment of Iowa. 

Edward Payson Hetzer was born in Kossuth, a former town near the 
present town of MediapoUs, Iowa, June 20, 1855, and died in a hospital 
in Sioux City November 8, 1933. Burial was in Logan Park Cemetery, 


Sioux City. His parents were James C. and Margaret (Blair) Heizer. 
The family removed to Galesburg, Illinois^ in 1870, and Edward P. became 
a student in Knox College from which he was graduated in liberal arts. 
He then entered the law school of the State University of Iowa and 
finished his course there in 1878. He taught school in western Missouri 
and eastern Kansas a few years, then in the early 1880 's he did his first 
newspaper work by joining the staflP of the Burlington Hawkey e. From 
the Hawheye he went to the Bloom field Eepublican where he did editorial 
work. In 1883 he went to Sioux City and became an editorial writer on 
the Sioux City Journal of which George D. Perkins was editor. Mr. 
Perkins was much engrossed in political matters and his assistant more 
and more took over editorial work. When Mr. Perkins became a candidate 
for Congress Mr. Heizer was his campaign manager, and the eight years 
he was absent in Congress Mr. Heizer ably sustained the reputation of 
the Journal. Indeed he himself became a figure and a factor in party con- 
ventions and in state politics. In 1898 he was appointed postmaster at 
Sioux City and served until 1902. Shortly thereafter he went to the 
Omaha Bee and substituted as editor for Edward Bosowater for some 
time, and also was at Lincoln as editor and part owner of the Lincoln Star, 
but soon returned and established a beautiful farm home in Perry Creek 
valley, north of Sioux City, where he spent his declining years. He was 
an able and accomplished writer. As one of his friends has said "he 
possessed the technique of appropriate phraseology." He contributed 
many notable articles, and was many times called on for assistance as a 
writer by the National Republican Committee, as well as the State Com- 
mittee in drafting platforms or in preparing literature. Knox College, 
as one of its distinguished alumni, awarded him the degree of doctor of 
literature. He was affiliated with the conservative wing of his party and 
had close friendships not only with Mr. Perkins, but with Gear, Blythe, 
Shaw and others. 

Thomas P. Hollowell was born in Mount Pleasant, Iowa, April 18, 
1878, and died in Fort Madison October 20, 1933. His parents, Thomas 
P. and Nettie (Charles) Hollowell, removed their family to Fort Madison 
in 1882 where Mr. Hollowell became a guard in the State Penitentiary, 
and later became deputy warden, in which position he remained until his 
death a few years later. Thomas P., Jr., obtained his education in the 
different grades of the public schools of Fort Madison, and added a 
course in Johnson 's Business College in the same city. In 1898 he enlisted 
in the Iowa National Guard and served in the Spanish American. War. 
In 1899 he entered the United States mail service as a letter carrier and 
March 6, 1906, was appointed postmaster at Fort Madison, serving until 
April, 1914. During this time, following the Spanish American War, 
Mr. Hollowell retained connection with the Iowa National Guard. He 
became a lieutenant of Company A, Fifty-fourth Regiment, captain in 
1906, and major in 1909, retiring in 1914. Before leaving the post office 
in 1914 he had become principal owner of the Gem City, a daily and weekly 


newspaper of Fort Madison and assiAted by his wife Miriam (Stewart) 
HoUowell, had also been its editor for some three years, and continued 
to be until November 17 when it was sold to and absorbed by the Fort 
Madison Democrat. In July, 1917, he enlisted in the motor battalion of 
the One Hundred and Ninth Ammunition train, Thirty-fourth Division, 
U. S. Army. He served with that unit in France, remaining with the 
Army of Occupation in Germany until 1919. Returning home he assisted 
in the reorganization of the Iowa National Guard. In 1920 he became 
secretary to Governor Harding, but on August 16, 1920, he was appointed 
warden of the State Penitentiary at Fort Madison and served until he 
resigned because of failing health in August, 1933. As a warden he was 
conservative, and succeeded in giving a good administration. 

GiLLUM S. TOLIVER w^as born in Owen County, Indiana, February 11, 
1840, and died in Jefferson, Iowa, October 24, 1933. His parents, Isom 
and Matilda (Reynolds) Toliver, removed their family by covered wagon 
first, in 1848 to Missouri, later to Arkansas, then back to Illinois, and 
finally to Greene County, Iowa, in 1854, and located on land six miles 
southeast of the present city of Jefferson. Gillum S. had attended school 
a few months in the various places of the family's abode, and attended 
a few winter terms of country school in Greene County, taught one term 
in Wapello County and studied a few months in Western College, Linn 
County. On September 28, 1861, he enlisted in Company H, Tenth Iowa 
Infantry, registering from Rippey (Old Rippey). However, he was dis- 
charged in about a year because of disability. He entered the State 
University of Iowa, Iowa City, the fall of 1862 where he pursued the 
liberal arts course two years, and began a law course at Ann Arbor, 
Michigan, when during his absence he was appointed county surveyor 
of Greene County. He returned home and served in that position from 
1864 to 1867. However, in 1865 he was admitted to the bar. He served 
as county treasurer in 1868 and 1869. The fall of 1869 he was elected 
representative and served in the Thirteenth General Assembly. In 1870 
he formed a law partnership with John J. Russell as Russell & Toliver, 
which was continued until Mr. Russell's death in 1901. During those 
years they acquired a large general practice. Mr. Toliver 's work was 
described by a local historian as being ** characterized by continuity and 
thoroughness." At the time of his death he was the dean of the bar of 
Greene County, and was thought to be the only survivor of those who 
served in the General Assembly as early as the Thirteenth, 1870. 

Thomas W. Drumm was born in Fore, Ireland, July 12, 1871, and 
died in Des Moines, Iowa, October 24, 1933. Burial was in Catholic 
Glendale Cemetery. His parents were Thomas and Mary (Cullen) Drumm. 
He came to the United States in 1888 and lived with an uncle on a farm 
near Rockwell, Cerro Gordo County, Iowa, did farm work, and also 
worked in a country store. Entering St. Joseph 's College (now Columbia 
College) at Dubuque, he received from it his B. A. degree in 1898. He 


then studied in Grand Seminary, Montreal| Canada, and was ordained a 
priest in 1901. Then for two years he served as curate to churches at 
Rockwell and at Monti, Buchanan County. Entering the Catholic Uni- 
versity at Washington, D. C, in less than a year he was called to New 
York for mission work and from there to the Dubuque diocese for mission 
work. For twelve years he conducted missions and gave lectures. In 
1915 he became pastor of St. Patrick's church in Cedar Rapids, and in 
1919 was consecrated bishop of Des Moines. He was president of the 
Board of Trustees of Des Moines Catholic College, a fourth degree Knight 
of Columbus and a member of the Catholic Order of Foresters. During 
the time he was bishop of Des Moines he made extensive improvements 
on the cathedral property, erected a new rectory, developed new parishes 
and cultivated and made better understanding between Catholics and non- 
Catholics. The Passionist order located their monastery on the Merle Hay 
road near Des Moines during his tenure of office. He was noted for his 
interest in relief and social work, and combined a missionary spirit with 
good administrative ability. 

Joseph Schuyler Long was born in Marshalltown, Iowa, January 1, 
1869, and died at his home at the Iowa School for the Deaf, Council Bluffs, 
October 30, 1933. Burial was in Riverside Cemetery, Marshalltown. 
His parents were William and Lucy Catherine Perry Long. His early 
education was obtained in the public schools of Marshalltown. Child- 
hood injuries and meningitis deprived him of his hearing when he was 
about twelve years old, but he retained his speech perfectly throughout 
his Ufe. As a student he entered the Iowa School for the Deaf and was 
graduated in 1883 in the first graduating class of that institution. The 
fall of the same year he entered Oallaudet College, Washington, D. C, 
completed the course with honors and received the degree of B. A. In 
1889 he became an instructor in the Wisconsin School for the Deaf and 
boys' athletic director, remaining there eleven years, and in 1901 accepted 
the position of a teacher in the Iowa School for the Deaf, the following 
year was made active principal, and in 1908 principal, and remained so 
to be until his death. From 1901 to 1923 he edited The Iowa HawJceye, 
a small paper published by the school. He contributed many professional 
papers, especially to the American Annals of the Deaf. For ten years 
or more he was on the staff of the Council Bluffs Nonpareil as a proof 
reader, as a writer of special articles, and sometimes as an editorial 
writer. In 1909 he published Out of the Silence^ a book of verse, and 
in 1910 The Sign Language. 

August Henry Bergman was born on a farm eight miles north of 
Newton, Iowa, and died in Newton November 2, 1933. Burial was at 
Newton Union Cemetery. His parents were William and Louisa Berg- 
man. He was graduated from rural public school and in 1890 from 
Capital City Commercial College, Des Moines. The same year he engaged 
in the implement business in Newton. In 1893 he became a partner in 


the manufacturing of the Parsons band eutter and self feeder Ck>. In 
1900 he entered the washing machine manufacturing business and became 
president of the One Minute Manufacturing Company, now the One 
Minute Washer Company. He was also interested in banking and in 
1925 was made president of the then First National Bank of Newton. 
He was the owner of several farms in Jasper County. His large business 
activities and responsibilities did not prevent him from having an interest 
in civic affairs. In 1922 he was elected senator and was re-elected in 
1926, and served inclusively from the Fortieth to the Forty-third general 
assemblies. He soon attained large influence in the assembly. He intro- 
duced the first bill, which became a law, creating the gasoline tax. The 
subjects to which he gave most attention were roads, banking. and agri- 
culture. During his last two sessions he was chairman of the Committee 
on Banks and Banking. He was prominently mentioned in connection 
with the governorship in 1930, but had commenced a campaign for re- 
election to the Senate when he was stricken with paralysis, which 
eventually took his life. 

Orson Gideon Beeve was born in New Lyme, Ashtabula County, Ohio, 
July 4, 1846, and died in Hampton, Iowa, May 3, 1932. His parents 
were James Baldwin Reeve and Adaline (Biggs) Beeve. The family re- 
moved to Franklin County, Iowa, in 1853, Mr. Beeve having preceded 
them in the fall of 1852, becoming the first white settler of the county. 
The homestead was established about six miles southeast of the present 
town of Hampton, in what is now Beeve Township. Orson O. was reared 
in the farm home of his parents. He enlisted in Company G, Eighth 
Iowa Cavalry, June 15, 1863, underwent two years of arduous military 
service and was mustered out at Macon, Georgia, August 13, 1865. Re- 
turning home, he became a farmer, which vocation he continued in Beeve 
Township until 1913, when he retired and removed to Hampton. During 
his residence on the farm he held several township offices and in 1912 was 
elected representative to fill the vacancy caused by the death of Repre- 
sentative Frank A. Thayer, and served during the latter portion of the 
Thirty-fifth General Assembly. 

Robert U. Spence was born in Henry County, Illinois, April 15, 1852, 
and died at Mount Ayr, Iowa, October 7, 1933. At the age of nineteen 
he was with his parents as they removed to Ringgold County, Iowa. His 
boyhood was spent in the country and he early began teaching country 
schools. He was graduated from the College of Law of the State Uni- 
versity of Iowa in 1875 and the same year began practice at Mount Ayr 
which he continued until a few weeks before his death. During that fifty- 
eight years he was in turn associated in partnership with R. F. Askern, 
I. W. Keller, R. C. Henry, Albert I. Smith, and for the last twenty years 
with H. C. Beard. For four years, 1889-92, he was county attorney of 
Binggold County. He was active in state polities, but not a candidate 
for office. He was a delegate to the Republican National Convention in 


1896. For seven years, 1898-1904, he was a member of the Bepublican 
State Central Committee, and was chairman of that committee for four 
years, 1901-04. 

Henry Frederick Wick ham was born in Shrewton, Wiltshire, Eng- 
land, October 26, 1866, and died in Iowa City, Iowa, November 16, 1933. 
Burial was in Oakland Cemetery, Iowa City. He was with hia parents, 
George and Sarah (Light) Wickhara in their removal to Iowa City in 
1871. He attended Iowa City High School three years and the State 
University of Iowa from 1887 to 1891. His major studies were zoology 
and botany. In 1894 he received from the University the degree of Master 
of Science. From 1891 to 1903 he was an instructor and associate pro- 
fessor in the University, and from 1903 to 1933 he was professor of 
entomology. His knowledge of insects brought him recognition from the 
United States Department of Agriculture. For several summers he 
asssisted that department in its field work, a part of the time being 
technical assistant in the biological survey in different parts of the 
country. His entire educational career was at the State University of 

Emanuel J. Hines was born on a farm near Anamosa, Iowa, February 
4, 1883, and died in Toledo, Iowa, November 8, 1833. Burial was at 
Anamosa. His parents were John W. and Jennie E. Hines. About the 
time he became twenty-one years old he left the farm, removed to Anamosa 
and engaged in the meat and grocery business. Several years afterward 
he removed to Onslow and followed the same line of business there until 
in 1912 he was nominated by the Democratic party for county auditor 
of Jones County, and was elected. He was re-elected in 1914, 1916, and 
1918, but during the last year of his fourth term he resigned to become ^ 
secretary of the State Board of Control. He took over the duties of 
that office March 1, 1920, and relinquished it March 15, 1931, to become 
superintendent of the State Juvenile Home at Toledo, which he did 
April 1 of the same year. His administration of his duties in these 
several positions was marked by efficiency and integrity. 

Bruce Beese Mills was born in Bushnell, Illinois, January 28, 1867, 
and died in Woodbine, Iowa, October 1, 1933. He was with his parents 
when they removed in 1870 to Logan, Iowa. His education was acquired 
in the public schools at Logan. In 1897 he removed to Woodbine where 
he entered the livestock and real estate business. During his residence 
there he was for a time a member of the town council, and was school 
treasurer. In 1907 he was appointed postmaster at Woodbine, was re- 
appointed four years later and served until 1916. In 1918 he was elected 
representative, was re-elected in 1920, and served in the Thirty-eighth 
and Thirty-ninth general assemblies. In 1925 he was again appointed 
postmaster, was re-appointed four years later, and served until September 
30, 1933, thus serving under seven presidents, Theodore Roosevelt, Taft, 
Wilson, Harding, Coolidge, Hoover and Franklin D. Boosevelt. 


From ■ daguetrotfpe loaDed by George B. SaltPF. BurllngtoD. 

made about tbe Clmv ol tbelr marrlase Id 1S4Q. 

Annals of Iowa 

Vol. XIX, No. 4 Des Moines, Iowa, April, 1934 Third Series 




By Philip D. Jordan 


On Wednesday, June 11, 1845, William Salter, preacher, 
left Maquoketa, Territory of Iowa, for a visit to New York.^ 
This was his first vacation since his arrival on the frontier two 
years previously. He had come, fresh from Andover Theo- 
lo^eal Seminary, imbued with high hopes for the success of 
his labors; he was returning disillusioned and disappointed. 
The subject of his ministry, Jesus Christ and Him Crucified, 
had not found a generous reception in the hearts of a ** whole 
community . . . filled up with families who are TJniversalists 
or ignorant persons [and] who have never been brought up to 
respect the Sabbath or attend public worship.**' A ** torrent 
of abuse" had been the only reward for his faithfulness in 
administering to men who quarreled over land titles, drank 
prodigiously, and gambled on the Mississippi steamboats. 
For two years he had been forced to travel on foot and horse- 
back through Jackson County, preaching wherever he could 
gather a few of the faithful or coerce a few of the unregener- 
ates. He had lived in a log house and his study had been a 
portion of the main room partitioned off by a swaying curtain. 
The prospect of leaving unleavened Iowa to experience again 
the delight of paved streets with omnibuses running to schedule, 
to browse in the libraries of New York University and Union 

1 Vid. thp Indexes to the Annals of Iowa for many references. The Dictionary 
of American Hiof/raithy will alHO contain a sketch. 

2 This and subsequent dln«ct quotations are taken from the letters here 
printed, and I therefore omit any further citations. 


Theological Seminary, where he had attended classes, and to 
talk with educated people must have brought eager anticipa- 
tion to this twenty-four year old Congregational pastor. He 
was anxious, too, for the sight of Mary Ann Mackintire, only 
daughter of Eliab Parker Mackintire, prominent Boston mer- 
chant. He hoped to make this girl his wife. If she would 
accept him, he desired to announce their engagement before 
he returned to Iowa. 

From Galena, Illinois, he went by stage to Chicago, and then 
across the Lakes to Detroit where he arrived on June 21. On 
July 2 he was safe in his father's New York home and was 
warmly greeted by his brother Benjamin. For twenty-eight 
days Rev. Salter remained in the East, and when he left, about 
July 30, he carried both Mary Ann's promise to marry him 
and her daguerreotype. On August 16, the journey from New 
York was ended and again Preacher Salter, bachelor, was at 
his pastoral duties in Maquoketa. 

William Salter's first sojourn in the West had extended 
from October 24, 1843, to June 11, 1845. In this period he 
saw Iowa for the first time, was ordained at Denmark, Novem- 
ber 5, 1843, organized churches at Andrew and Maquoketa, 
and began the saddle period of his ministry. Then came his 
return to New York and Boston. His second period in the 
West was from August 16, 1845, to July 6, 1846, when he left to 
be married. He had now grown accustomed, in a measure, to 
the frontier, for Iowa was close on the line of settlement in the 
1840 's and he was preparing himself to say, **I shall aim to 
show that the West will be just what others make it, and that 
they which will work the hardest and do most for it shall have 
it. Prayer and pain will save the West and the country is 
worth it." There is something here of the dignity of the 
frontier, a something which no man could have uttered had he 
not first experienced it. William Salter, perhaps unkno¥m to 
himself, was succumbing to the spirit of enterprise, strength, 
and determinism of Lubberland. From youth he had been 
taught that slavery was an abomination in the sight of both 
God and man. So well did he learn this lesson that he always 
was ready to attack that system wherever it showed itself. He 


ran a station on the underground railroad and he preached of 
the evils of Negro servitude many times. In this second period 
of his life on the frontier he wrote with evident satisfaction, 
** There is one interesting thing about Iowa, to wit: that it is 
the only part of the country west of the Father of Waters 
which is free ..." Here is the thesis for his volume, Iowa — 
The First Free State of the Louisiana Purchase, published 
sixty years later. He early learned that in the West a man's 
measure was taken on the basis of his personal worth rather 
than upon any academic or professional training. ** People 
distinguish," he said, ** between a black coat and a fine man." 
His parishioners wanted a preacher to visit them in their log 
cabins and sod houses and to talk ''direct and plain." An 
ornate sermon was an unsuccessful one. A minister who was 
only a scholar was almost worse than none at all. Here lies 
one of the minor tragedies of Rev. Salter's ministerial career. 
He had been bred to books, and he loved them. He perhaps 
loved the quiet of his study even more than he loved his parish 
work. **I would much rather be in my study," he said, **but 
the work, [of visiting] though humble, is great." His duties 
as a clergyman frequently intruded upon his duties as a 
scholar. It is perhaps safe to say that, in one sense, he felt 
more at home in the role of historiographer than of preacher. 
This applies to his entire career. 

He had much to confound him in the West where everything 
went by noise. Bilious fever and ague stole tlie few members 
of his congregation. As he sat beside the sick and dying he 
sometimes jotted down the cause and course of the disease, 
complaining of the lack of judicious medical treatment. Con- 
sumption is given again and again as tlie cause of death and 
* * death by drink ' ' is frequently recorded. Children and young 
people especially felt the hand of death on this Iowa frontier. 
In one list of eleven deaths. Rev. Salter records that six of them 
were of children under three years of age. When a general 
court was in session, the meeting house, when time for service 
came, remained empty. And he found it inadvisable to schedule 
a meeting at the same time as a land sale. His deacons were 
not always pillars of the church, and so the church excom- 
municated them. It is little wonder that he wrote, * * In so new 
a country, where so many other interests absorb the minds of 


men, the objects in which we are engaged are very much 

Although William Salter was willing to go where Providence 
should send him, he, at times, wondered if Jackson County 
was the appointed place for him to round out his life. Perhaps 
Providence would, in its infinite wisdom, direct him to a more 
fruitful field. In 1843 when the members of the Iowa Band, 
after praying, had selected their fields of ministry. Rev. Horace 
Hutchinson, recently married, had chosen Burlington. Now, 
two years later, he was ill with consumption, and his congre- 
gation was falling away. How long Rev. Hutchinson could 
keep this parish, no one knew, but everyone saw that it would 
not be a great length before he would have to give in to the 
disease. Then Mr. Badger, of the American Home Missionary 
Society, learned of the sad state of affairs in Burlington 
and, when Rev. Salter went East in 1845, approached him 
with the idea of going to Burlington when the Congregational 
pulpit there should become vacant. Although Burlington was 
an important and growing town of about 2500 persons in 1845, 
possessed of more culture and social life than the majority of 
Iowa river towns in the forties, it was not an altogether attrac- 
tive parish, and Rev. Salter wrote aptly when he said of the 
Congregational prospects, **The church is feeble. The house 
of worship unfinished. A deacon and leading man in the 
church is a political newspaper editor and has not much 
influence and is not highly esteemed as a Christian.*' By 
January, 1846, Rev. Hutchinson's health again failed and he 
gave up the thought of continuing his ministry in Burlington. 
Immediately Albert Shackford of the Burlington congregation 
wrote Rev. Salter inviting him to Burlington with a view to 
settling there. This was not a formal call, but only an invitation 
for Rev. Salter to come and acquaint himself with the situation. 
The news brought by Mr. Shackford 's letter troubled the young 
preacher. He was building a small brick study where he could 
prepare his sermons free from the interruptions of lovable, yet 
noisy, children, and where he might store his letters safe from 
curious eyes. He felt hardship and privation to be part of his 
duty. Yet the thought of Burlington with its elements of 
southern society and its larger sphere of usefulness intrigued 
him. But he would not go unless he felt it to be the Lord 's will 


and unless the church would give him a unanimous call. On 
February 24, 1846, he, wrapped in a buffalo robe and seated 
in an open wagon, left Maquoketa for Burlington. Driving 
through a heavy snow, he reached Davenport that same even- 
ing. From Davenport a sleigh took him to Bloomington (now 
Muscatine) where he failed to meet the Burlington stage. 
There he stayed from Friday until the following Tuesday 
when the stage finally got through. On Wednesday morning, 
February 30, he arrived in Burlington to find Rev. Hutchin- 
son dying. On Saturday, March 7, at ten minutes past three 
in the afternoon he died, and Burlington was left without a 
Congregational pastor. On March 16, Rev. Salter received a 
unanimous invitation to become Rev. Hutchinson's successor. 
However, nothing was said about salary, and Mr. Salter left 
on the steamer Lynx wondering if Burlington Congrega- 
tionalists could raise $150 for them to add to the $300 which 
they hoped the American Home Missionary Society might pay. 
If he was able to write seriously, **The cause in Burlington 
will require an unremitting study and protracted effort in 
order to make advancement," he was also able to write 
humorously, ** Everything in the West goes by noise. This is 
a high pressure boat. I was amused to see the mulattoes rattle 
every plate they put on the breakfast table this morning. At 
one table some of the passengers are earnestly engaged in card 
playing. Here sits your friend solus, . . ' * 

In Maquoketa, on March 25, he decided to accept the call and 
go to Burlington. This decision disturbed many of his friends 
in Jackson County, even causing an excommunicated parish- 
ioner to urge his remaining. On Sunday afternoon, April 5, 
he preached his farewell sermon from I Corinthians 2 :2, **For 
I determined not to know anything among you, save Jesus 
Christ, and Him crucified. * ' He preached in the morning from 
John 6 :28-29 and in the evening from II Kings 2 :2. In his 
farewell, he said in part :* 

**I therefore take you to record this day that I am free from 
the blood of all men. If any of you die in your sins, it will 
not be because I have not warned you of the way of death. 

3 F*ortunately, I have found a fragment, apparently the conclusion, of this 
farewell sermon, and I include it here ; unfortunately, the introduction and 
body of the sermon appear to be lost. 


and urged you to choose life. I have endeavored to keep back 
nothing that was profitable unto you, but have shewed you 
and have taught you publicly, and from house to house, Testi- 
fying to one and all repentence toward God, and faith toward 
our Lord J[esus] C[hrist]. 

**And now behold I know that ye all, among whom I have 
gone preaching the kingdom of God, shall see my face no more. 
Brethren, I do not leave you without a struggle. It has been 
in my heart to live and die with you. I could willingly have 
laboured with you in the work of the ministry that I might 
have built up here a goodly ch[urch] of Christ, and led you 
to Heaven. But in the Providence of God I am called to leave 
these quiet scenes, and this promising community, and my 
beloved friends, that I may enter upon more weighty respon- 
sibilities and engage in severer labors. But I can never forget 
you. I can never forget that here I have spent nearly two years 
and a half of my ministry, that here with you I set up the stand- 
ard of Christ and Him Crucified, and that here with you I have 
toiled and wept and prayed. The trials I have passed through 
with you will I trust never cease to exert a chastening influence 
over my spirit. I have been with you in every good work. I 
have labored to secure the purity of the public morals. I have 
aimed to discourage and repress the pursuits of vanity and 
folly. I have endeavored to promote the Education of your 
youth. I have been with you in your days of darkness and 
stood by the beds of sickness and death. I have followed the 
remains of eleven persons to*the narrow house on yonder hill, 
and administered to weeping friends the consolations of the 
Gospel. Two years ago this month we buried the first corpse 
in that graveyard, and already it has become a congregation 
of the dead. More than twenty now rest there in the sleep of 
death. How is that congregation increasing? Alas they wait 
for our coming. Children are there, waiting for their parents, 
and parents for their children. Brothers for Sisters, and 
Sisters for Brothers. My bones may not lay among them, 
though God only knows — ^yet from some spot of earth I must 
rise to meet them at the last day — that we may meet in peace, 
to be forever with the Lord. But I forbear. I shall hope to 
meet you again on the Earth, to hear of your welfare and 
rejoice in your prosperity. Nothing will afford me greater 


joy than to hear that you walk in the truth — that this ch[urchj 
is growing in numbers and graces, and that this community 
is enjoying in all its interests the smile of Heaven. 

** Brethren Farewell — ^Remember the words that I have 
spoken to you. The subject of my ministry has been J[esus] 
C[hrist] and Him Crucified. Be of good comfort." 

On April 11 he was lodged in the home of J. G. Edwards in 
Burlington, being unable to live with H. W. Starr which he 
desired. He was not installed as pastor until December 30, 
1846. May was spent in settling himself, writing sermons, 
visiting members of his congregation, and preparing for his 
wedding. The Mexican War was filling the minds of Burling- 
ton residents much to the annoyance of Rev. Salter who dis- 
approved of the principles involved and so took frequent 
occasion to discourse on the evils of war and the benefits of 
peace. At the same time he was looking for a house suitable 
for a minister and his wife. In June he went up the Missis- 
sippi on the steamer Tempest to attend an associational meet- 
ing at Dubuque. While in Dubuque plans were discussed for 
the establishment of a college to be sponsored by the Congre- 
gational ministers and to be known as **Iowa College." Daven- 
port was settled upon as the proper location, even though the 
society there **is very uncongenial to a literary institution of 
the character we wish to establish. *' Burlington was chosen as 
the next meeting place of the association, a decision due perhaps 
to Rev. Salter's influence. When he returned, on the Fortune, 
he found the roof of his church nearly completed. As he rode 
through the country he noticed the grain turning golden, saw 
the bountiful crop of wheat, and the heavy-laden blackberry 
bushes. He traveled across the Illinois prairies to Galesburg, 
found that plans were being made for the establishment of a 
college (now Knox) there, and coming home broke a piece of 
harness, was two minutes late for the Shockoquon ferry, and 
missing it, had to wait eighteen hours amid the mosquitoes 
before the Mississippi could be crossed. On July 6, the steamer 
Atlas carried him on the first leg on his trip to the East and his 
wedding. He was feeling unwell on the trip and in New York 
took down with that old enemy of the frontiersman, the fever 
and ague. His health permitted him, however, to leave his 


father's home the last of July, and he was married in the 
Winthrop Church, on Union Street, in Charlestown, Massa- 
chusetts, on Tuesday, August 25, 1846, to the girl whose 
daguerreotype he had taken West with him in 1845. 


Dr. Salter's early ministry in Iowa may be divided into four 
periods, each of which is in itself worthy of examination. The 
first is from 1843 to 1845, the second from 1845 to 1846 (the 
period just discussed), the third from 1845 to the Civil War, 
and the fourth comprises the Civil War period. Until recently 
no adequate or sufficient first-hand information has been avail- 
able upon which to build an accurate, true account of these 
chronological periods. Now, however, I have access to original 
source material covering each. This material is being edited 
gradually with proper historical introductions and footnotes. 
For the period from 1845 to 1846 there is the following col- 
lection of letters, comprising the correspondence of Dr. Salter 
to Miss Mackintire. I have transcribed and edited them, 
removing, in the main, those sentiments which even today 
are personal and which contribute nothing historically. Omis- 
sions have been carefully indicated and, as usual, square 
brackets indicate material added by the editor. Footnotes 
perform their customary task of identifying persons, places, 
and events. 

The source material for the first period (1843-1845) com- 
prises a closely written diary of some 130 manuscript pages. 
This will eventually appear in the Annals of Iowa. The third 
period overlapping the second by one year, as it does, unfor- 
tunately is not revealed by Dr. Salter himself, but indirectly 
in a long series of hundreds of letters written to Dr. Salter 
by his father-in-law, Eliab Parker Mackintire, of Boston and 
Charlestown. Dr. Salter, however, again contributes to the 
Civil War period in a joint diary and account book which lists, 
in detail, the author's work and adventures as a member of 
the Christian Commission. Supplementary to all these periods 
is a quantity of notes, observations, sermons, lectures, accoimt 
and cost books. These all are holographic. 

It is hoped that the editing and subsequent printing of the 


pertinent portions of this collection will throw additional light 
upon the history of Iowa for the period covered, will alter the 
traditional notions concerning the lives, works, and other 
activities of the members of the Iowa Band, and will reveal 
Dr. Salter in a clearer focus than those who have previously 
written of his work have been able to obtain. 

Lake Michigan. August 8, 1845. 
Mv dear friend: 

How are you this rainy, foggy day! . . . Few objects are calculated 
to affect our minds with exalted conceptions of the Great Supreme as 
vast bodies of water. . . . 

Milwaukee, Wisconsin. August 9. 

I am now, my dear M., comfortably settled in the study of Brother 
Cliapin of this place, and I gladly resume my pen to converse with you. 
I intended to have written out my letter in the steamboat but was hindered 
by unexpected interruption. My last^ told you of my progress as far as 
Detroit. You will be interested in hearing of my subsequent adventures. 
We have been favored with delightful ^'eather. The lake has been very 
calm. The first evening after we left Detroit, I was requested to preach, 
and at the hour appointed a very attentive congregation to the number 
of eighty, assembled in the cabin,''^ and I spoke to them ' ' Of Him in whose 
Iiands our breath is".^ The next evening we had an address by Rev. Mr. 
Kinney, of Whitewater, Wis., with devotional exercises on the subject of 
education. I found on board two other clergymen, one a Methodist 
from Ireland, and the other a Lutheran from Germany. With the latter 
I became much acquainted, and I must give some account of him. I 
noticed a man with unshaved face, and from that fact formed rather an 
unfavorable opinion of him, but I soon after found him with a Greek 
testament, and introduced conversation with him. I could not speak 
German, and he could not talk English, so we were likely to continue 
ignorant of one another, but as an interest in him had been awakened in 
me, I felt unwilling to give him up, so proposed to talk Latin. I held 
several hours talk in Latin with him, and learned the following, among 
other interesting facts. He was educated in Halle University, under the 
best instructors as Knapp and Gesenines [?]. Has been in the ministry 
of the Lutheran church twelve years, and came to America last year, and 
a few months since buried his wife. This affliction seems to have un- 
settled his mind, and to have led him to embrace some strange views in 

1 Appart'Dtly. this letter Is not extant. 

2 Of the Stramer New Orleans. 

3 The exact date was .\ugust G, and he s|K>ke from Danh*l 7i :23. But hast 
lifted up thyself against the Lord of heaven ; and they have brought the vesseFs 
of his house before thee, and thou, and thy Lords, thy wives, and thy concubines, 
have drunk wine in them ; and thou hast praised tne gods of silver, and gold, 
of brass, iron. woo<l and stone, which see not. nor hear, nor know : and the 
('Od in whose hand thy breath Is, and whose are all thy ways, hast thou not 


religion— viz. Mark 16:17-18; John 14:12; James 5:14-15.* These 
passages seem to have led him to think that the prayer of faith would 
have saved his wife. He told me in his ow^n simple Latin that he prayed 
for his wife and called the physician, but of no avail — his prayers were 
not of faith, and his wife was taken away. Ilence his conclusion that he 
has not faith. Now he is determined to seek after faith, to seek God 
until he finds him. He is coming into the New World to live away from 
men in solitude. I dwelt as well as 1 could to explain the true nature of 
faith, as being simple confidence in God, a belief that he will do what 
He says, (anything more than this being superstitious is a belief in some- 
thing besides and beyond that which has a foundation, viz., the derivation 
of the word in the Lexicon) but the poor German's mind was fully made 
up and I could not convince him. We talked on many subjects, and I 
found him possessed of many high and generous sentiments. I need not 
assure you how much I enjoyed this adventure. My heart went forth 
spontaneously in sympathy with this stranger yet brother of the human 
race. I was very happy to confer a favor on him in getting a reduction 
made in the price of his paper. He took me warmly by the hand and 
Ills eye beamed with feelings of gratitude and good will. I found that 
many of our passengers were on ^lieir way to the copper country on Lake 
Superior, among them was a son of a professor Olmstead of New Haven 
who projects a tour from the west end of the lake to the waters of the 
Mississippi. He seems to be a young man of promise, and is enthusiastic 
in his devotion to geological studies. He presented me with a copy of 
the last edition of his father's school philosophy. You have heard of 
Mackinaw. You have looked at it on the map. I trust another year your 
eyes will see it. The shores of Michigan are generally low and sandy. 
This island possesses high rocky bluffs. At the south end is a little 
village and over it on the bluff is the U. S. garrison. The whitewashed 
walls and barracks, contrasting with the green of land and water, make 
a picturesque appearance. Here we saw a few Indians, and half-breeds 
who presented a degraded specimen of what intemperance and the vices 
of civilization will do for the savage. I ascended the bluffs, north was 
a corner of Lake Superior, southeast was Lake Huron, southwest was 
Lake Micliigan. These immense lakes . . . will be covered with fleets. 
As the bays of New England are lined with the sails, so must these waters 
bear on their bosoms thousands of vessels and multitudes of interested 
men. (O my country, what a destiny is thine, and as I am linked with 
all the past as the men of the Mayflower and of Bunker Hill lived and 
toiled and died for me, and I enjoy the benefits of their labors, so the 

4 Mark 16 :17-18. And these signs shall follow them that believe ; In my 
name shall they cast out devils ; they Hhall speak with new tongues : They 
shall take up serpents ; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt 
them ; they shall lay bands on the sick, and they shall recover. 

John 14 :12. Verily, verily, I say unto you. He that believed on me, the 
works that I do shall he do also, and greater works than these shall he do; 
because I go unto my Father. 

James 5:14-15. Is any^ sick among you? let him call for the elders of the 
church ; and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of 
the Ix>rd : And the prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise 
him up ; and if he have committeed sins, they shall be forgiven him. 


millions of future time may be blessed through the humble efforts which 
God maj enable me to put forth in laying now the foundation of many 
generations.) When I visited a garrison of troops, over the instruments 
of death, I cannot but mourn that the day has not yet come when nations 
will learn war no more, and I cannot but lift up the desires of my heart 
that the Prince of Peace may become the Prince of the Kings of the Earth. 
I arrived here last evening at seven o'clock, four days from Buffalo. 
I caUed at a bookstore and found a gentleman who was seven years ago 
with me in the University of New York. We were then preparing for 
the ministry. I was thinking of something else. We have not seen each 
other since. Both our plans in life have been changed, and we meet in 
a place which had then but just begun to have a name. I have a few 
old friends here. I had proposed to have gone West as far as Madison 
today, but it being a little uncertain about my being able to get through 
before Sabbath morning, I shall remain here until Monday when I leave 
for Galena where I hope to arrive on Wednesday afternoon. I am invited 
to preach three times tomorrow, twice in the Presbyterian and once in 
the Congregational church.^ Rev. Mr. Chapin, who has kindly invited 
mo to his home, was in the class before me in the New York Theological 
Seminary. He is a lovely man, a finished scholar, and much beloved by 
his church. I happened to preach here two years ago and preached the 
only good sermon I ever wrote, as a consequence I liave the reputation of 
being something of a preacher here. Hence I am called on to deliver 
myself tomorrow, and you may expect my reputation after tomorrow will 
be ''done for" in Milwaukee. . . . You will believe me when I tell you 
tliat I do mean to study this winter and to prepare some sermons that 
I shall not be ashamed to preach and which you will not be sorry to have 
me, if the Lord will help me. 

The Presbyterian and Congregational churclies here are perfectly 
harmonious, about the only difference between them is that one is on this 
side and the other on the other side of the river. The geographical and 
other questions than those of "ism" decide to which church anyone 
will go. . . . Mr. White of the Congregational church ranks among the 
first of the ministers in Wisconsin. He is a clear-headed, sound, and 
acceptable preacher. There have been several warm days this week. . . . 

One of my fellow passengers, Judge Doty of New York, is on a very 
melancholy journey. A son-in-law of his, a clergyman, left home in May, 
attended the Old School General Assembly at Cincinnati, and started on 
a journey up the Mississippi and down by the lakes. He was last heard 
from at Madison, Iowa, early in June. There are some circumstances 
which have occasioned the fear that there has been foul play somewhere. 
Judge Doty is on a tour of inquiry and search. . . . 

5 In the Milwaukee Presbytorian Church he preached from Psalms 00 :9, 
For all our days are passed away in thy wrath : we spend our years as a tale 
that is told ; and from I I'eter 4:10, As every man hath received the gift, even 
so minister the same one to another, as good stewards of the manifold grace 
of Clod, on August 10. In the (Congregational Church he preached from John 
1 :'Jft. The next day John seeth JeHUs coming unto him, and saith. Behold the 
l«amb of God which talceth away the sin of the world. 


I feel more and more a confidence in the Divine Government that God 
will do what is best for me in relation to the field of my labors. My 
desire is that I may never do anything else but stand and see the Salva- 
tion of God. When He calls, I know he will sustain me, but woe be unto 
m3 if I lean to my own understanding. ... I am sometimes afraid that 
in my letters I may be betrayed into some extravagance of expression 
of my feelings which a dignified Christian man would not approve. In 
this I really desire to write nothing which in after life we might not 
review with conscientious satisfaction and approbation. . . . Mrs. Cliapin 
is a lady of cultivated mind and of great dignity of character. She was 
from Berkshire Co., Mass. . . . Good evening, my M., quiet and pleasant 
sleep, divine aid in your devotions in the closet and in the house of God 
be yours, a holy, useful quiet life. My love to your parents and to 
George. Adieu. 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa. Jackson County, Iowa, August 16, 1845. 
My dear Mary: 

O what a change in eighteen days from you to tliis study and this log 
cabin. I had hoped to have made you out a long letter this evening, but 
how little do we know what is before us. I arrived here this afternoon 
and found that the kind family in which I board had this morning buried 
their beloved and only son. That bright little boy whom I left two months 
ago the hope of his parents and in health and vigor now sleeps beneath 
the clods of the prairie.® He was a promising child of six years of age, 
one of our most interesting Sabbath School Scholars and perhaps the 
last of all the children in the neighborhood whom we should liave been 
willing to give up. I sat down and wept with these afflicted parents. 
It is a severe stroke, and as I have spent nearly two years in the family, 
I could not but make their sorrow my own. 

My last left me at Milwaukee. I had the benefit of Bro. Chapin's 
criticisms after preaching which I must have you compare with yours. 
He says my style needs simplicity, and a conversational, every day air, 
is too stately and wants more action in delivery. I came to Janesville 
on Rock River, 65 miles on Monday. The twenty miles from the Lake 
the country is heavily timbered and broken, after which are the most 
beautiful prairies. At Janesville, I found an old friend, Rev. C. H. A. 
Bulkley with whom I spent a very pleasant night. He was a New York 
student. I found him boarding in a very pleasant family and in most 
comfortable quarters. He complains of his *Miard field," as does every- 
body. The ministers in Milwaukee, perhaps one of the most eligible 
I3laces in the West, tell me they are not by any means on a bed of roses. 
Rev. Bulkley has a lively and cultivated imagination, I expect has read 
more than he has mastered, has a fine library. He is gathering a small 
church and doing good. The next day I came to Wiota [ f ] a little mining 
village where I found lodging in the garret of a log cabin in which were 

6 The son of Mr. and Mrs. John Shaw. 


fiTe beds ''some" on the floor. Wednesday at 2 p. m. I reached Galena 
and enjoyed the hospitality of Brother Kent. Mr. K. is a pioneer of the 
Upper Mississippi, he eame to Galena 16 years ago, held on under great 
and many discouragements and has now an active, flourishing church of 
225 members. Thursday morning, I came by steamboat to Dubuque 
whence by stage to this place today. Br. Holbrook corresponds with the 
Ladies of Park st. church who assist in his support. He is a very animated 
interesting writer. I should be glad, if in some way, you could get hold 
of his letters. He has recently engaged the ladies to make up a box of 
articles to be sold at a fair in Dubuque for the benefit of his meeting 
house. He is the missionary who makes ''plea for the West" in the 
August number of the Home Missionary, ... He is a man of great ardor 
and zeal and perhaps colors a little too highly, so that you may sometimes 
receive what he says cum parvo grano salis. . . . 

This is Iowa. The chance is great when I think of what I have 
proposed to you. That you should leave the best of homes and the best 
of laud to be the wife of a humble missionary. I 'm so humble and weak 
I almost tremble at my presumption. You thank God in your prayers 
that you were born in this age of the world, and yet you are willing to 
put yourself five centuries back and be as those who two hundred years 
ago settled in New England. But this is a great work, and I trust is of 
God. Blessed be His name. If He has put it into my heart to be willing 
to endure privations and hardships here. Men and history may both 
blunder as to the use of our lives, but if God sees our efforts to be of 
some avail we shall have the plaudits of Him whose smile is better than 
that of ten thousand worlds. And He who puts us into this ministry will 
sustain us in it. God ¥rill not give. 

Sabbath evening. 

When my candle expired last night, not wishing to disturb the family, 
I retired. I have just been looking through Payson's^ life to see if I 
could have his sanction to taking up my pen this evening. First, as was 
natural, I examined chapter 12 (Tract Society edition) but no light in 
the matter, then chapter 17, but nothing there. At last, I found some- 
thing to the purpose on page 159, and now I am in medias res. Payson 's 
has been a favorite memoir of mine. He was a minister in earnest. I was 
about saying last night that God will not give us willing heart to come 
and labor here and then desert us but will give more grace as our day may 
require. Let me have your feeling about this Sabbath writing. My 
conscience commends this use of it. . . . We had a delightful shower this 
morning which in some measure refreshed the parched earth, a beautiful 
day. In consequence of my late arrival yesterday and a Methodist camp 
meeting four miles off . . . my congregation was very small today. Tliis 
afternoon I took my text in Romans 1:10,' gave a report of what were 

7 A»a Cumming, A Memoir of Rev. Edtcard Pavaon, D. D. Late Paator of 
the Sexrond Church in Portland. There are several editions. Mr. Salter was 
nsing the one of the American Tract Society, New York (183?). 

8 Romans 1 :10. Making reqaest. if by any means now at length I might 
have a prosperous Journey by the will of God to come unto you. 


said and done in the Western Convention at Detroit. There has been a 
good deal of sickness through the country this summer. There has been 
oppressively warm weather here. I feel anxious to hear of your health 
and of your mother's. . . . The exact condition of matters in Burlington 
as far as I can learn as follows: Br. Hutchinson® is their stated supply. 
His year is up next November. In consequence of ill health, he has now 
a summer recess. Tlie church is feeble. Their house of worship unfinished. 
A deacon and leading man in the church is a political newspaper editor 
and has not much influence and is not highly esteemed as a Christian.^^ 
An Old School Presbyterian minister is soon expected there. Burlington 
is an important and growing town of 2500 inhabitants. The ease is only 
presented to me through the A. H. M. S. In case of failure of Brother 
Hutcliinson 's health, then they would like to have me go there. But the 
church will have a mind of its own, and I am told feels its own importance 
very fully. In Burlington there is much of Kentucky and Southern 
society and influence. I rode in the stage with one of Mr. Adam's^ 
congregation yesterday. He says they are expecting Mrs. Adams to return 
with him to Davenport. Rumorji in Andover and elsewhere said that she 
was a Miss Gould. You have seen Brother Alden^^ no doubt. For 
remember that one good turn deserves another. Let me hear how he is 
getting along. I have been talking mostly this evening with this bereaved 
family. Mrs. Shaw is a member of my church and a woman of very lovely 
quiet, meek and amiable spirit. Their three surviving children have the 
whooping cough and summer complaint, the same disease which carried 
off her son. It seems as though she could hardly restrain her grief. She 
mourns, but does not complain. How near death seems in that home 
whence one has just been taken out to his long home. The little boy was 
laid out in my study. I seem to hear the angel's whisper as he warns 
me that soon he may bear his commission to me. God help me to live 
with a conscience void of offense toward God and man, that at any time 
I may be prepared to give up my account. A preparation to live is the 
best preparation to die. 

Tliis is a beautiful evening. The full orbed moon walks the Heavens 
queen of the night. ... As I am so lately from you I probably think 
more of the privations of this country than I shall after I shall have in 
a few weeks become fairly introduced again into the harness. Many of 
my people receive me with very warm hearts. Mr. Shaw's little boy 
wanted to hear me preach again. Three men who were sometimes in my 
congregation and wliom I saw but a short time before I went away are 
now in their graves. How loud the admonition to be faithful. . . . O, 

s Rev. Horace Hutchlnsoo, a member of the Iowa Band. 

10 .Tames Gardiner Edwards, editor of the Hawk-Eye and Iowa Patrioi. A file 
of this newspaper, the property of the Burlington Public Library, has for some 
years been housed in the vaults of the Burlington Hawk-Bye. These flies were 
presented to the library through the efforts of Mr. Salter. For an itemised 
list of this collection see : Annals of Iowa, Third Series, Vol. VII, p. 814. 

11 Rev. ICptaraim Adams, a member of the Iowa Band and author of The Iowa 
Hand (New and Revised edition) Boston, 1868. 

12 Rev. Ebenezer Alden, a member of the Iowa Band. Vid. Annals of Iowa. 
Third Series, Vol. VI, pp. 576, 584, 685, 589, 500, 508. 


how delightful to acknowledge God in all our ways. How correct the 
sentiment of the noble Robert HalU' in those two (I had almost said) 
best sentences in the English language, which I have often studied and 
which I know you will love to study: "Ood himself is immutable; but 
our conception of his character is continually receiving fresh accessions, 
is continually growing more extended and refulgent by having transferred 
to it new elements of beauty and goodness, by attaching to itself as a 
centre whatever bears the impress of dignity, order, or happiness. It 
borrows splendor from all that is fair, subordinate to itself all that is 
great, and sits enthroned on the riches of the universe,'' This God is 
our God. . . . Tour daguerreotype is before me. . . . 

Yours most affectionately, 

Wm. Salter. 

[Maquoketa] Saturday evening, August 23, 1845. 
My dearest Mary: 

. . . Your rich, precious (O, for a new language) letter from Oxford, 
mailed the 6th., reached me Wednesday afternoon. I could hardly repress 
my feelings. I wanted to get on the wide prairie and give thanks. . . . 
These things and death and sickness in this family, and some sickness in 
the country made me feel I cannot tell how bad until I got your letter. 
And then we are five weeks apart, i. e. before we can write and get an 
answer. . . . The Eastern Mail comes here twice a week, Wednesday and 
Saturday evenings. ... I think if you and I could get hold of Uncle 
Sam together he would be apt to make tracks powerful fast for one 
while. . . . This evening at sunset I went and visited the grave of the 
little boy whose death I mentioned in my last. Over his new made grave 
and with a sense of my own mentality I had great joy in looking up and 
dedicating anew my life to God and in supplicating upon you his 
blessing. . . . 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

[Maquoketa] Monday. August, 25, 1845. 
Good morning, my dearest friend. How are you this pleasant morning? 
Did you enjoy a pleasant Sabbath? We had a beautiful day here. At 
10 a. m. our Sabbath School met. Our superintendent was absent from 
sickness, many of the children sick, but few of our teachers realize their 
responsibilities, only 15 scholars were present. I promised a copy of the 
New England Primer (from your donation) to all the children who would 
be punctually present on the four Sabbaths of the next month. I hope 
this will serve to provide a large attendance, and prepare the way for 
doing good. At 11 a. m. I preached a funeral sermon for the death of 
Mr. Shaw 's child. The house was crowded, a complete jam, about seventy 
present, and many at the doors and windows. My congregation very 

13 Robert Hall (1764-1831) an Flnglish Baptist divino whose fame rests 
mainly on the tradition of his pulpit oratory. Vid. Dictionary of National 


serious and attentive. It might startle you in the coarse of the service 
to hear a child cry or to sec a mother unable to quiet her child, go out 
with it. But you will soon get used to these things. It can't be helped 
in a new country. I always tell parents to come to meeting and bring 
their little ones with them. I have a little choir and tolerable singing for 
the backwoods. In the afternoon I resumed the account of my "journey", 
told them, among other things, of my visit to the Sabbath SchooP^ in 
Massachusetts which had sent us such beautiful Library Books. I have 
then made two sermons of my "prosperous journey". My people think 
I have seen and done great things. And the least of all has been told 
them. Poor blind mortals. They will open their eyes one of these days. 
The Methodist Circuit Preacher was here at 6 p. m. and organized a class 
of ten members. They are disposed to be sectarian and push a little with 
their horns. . . . 

Dr. Alexander^* of Princeton in the New York Observer (under signa- 
ture of A. A.) is one of the most heavenly writers I have ever met with. 
He excells all men in facility and appropriateness in introduring the 
language of the Bible on every subject. I heard him preach several years 
ago on the sufferings of Christ. His style is very simple and tender. 
The truths of the Bible seem to be in him as an ever gushing well of 
water. His delight is in the words which the Holy Ghost teacheth. 

Wednesday evening. August 27. 

I have been sitting an hour trying to read the life of Evarts,^^ but 
with my eyes half the time looking down the road for the stage . . . 
anxiously anticipating information of you. . . . And now the stage comes. 
Hurrah! Hurrah! (But, my son, don't disturb the neighborhood.) 
... I walk over to the post office and with the most consummate equa- 
nimity of speech and countenance ask for my letter. ' ' nothing for you. ' ' 

• • • 

The Methodist Preacher last Sabbath evening told us the death of 
Clirist accomplished two objects. 1 — it took away the sin of the world, 
i. e., the sin of Adam, then the death of Christ was the reason Adam 
did not die the very day in which he sinned, and thus infants are savedl 
2 — it took away the sins of the world. We are impelled to join the church 
because we are more likely to be converted in the church than out of it, 
the church being an hospital where there are physicians to doctor the sick. 
And all these preachers, in the eyes of many, just as good as you and 
better too. Has not tliis, my Mary, a great tendency to exalt a man 
and make him think more highly of himself than he ought to think? 
One of the severest trials of ministers in such a field as this arises from 
the fact that most of the people, on account of being used to such preach- 
ing, as I have given you a specimen of, make no kind of requisition upon 
a minister to study and divide the word of truth. Great occasion, it is 

14 The Winthrop Church of Charlestown, Massachusetts. 

15 Dr. Archibald Alexander (April 17, 1772-October 22, 1851) the first 

grofessor of Princeton Theological Seminary. Vid. Dictionary of American 

i« E. C. Tracy, Memoir of the Life of Jeremiah Evarts. New York. 1846. 


proverbially said, make great men. He must be a dull preacher who can 
preach well before an educated and enlightened congregation who will 
estimate what is said. O the difficulty of studying to preach well when 
there is no immediate purpose to do so. There is but one collegiately 
educated man in this country, and he does not come to meeting more 
than half a dozen times in the year. If it be the glory of the Gospel 
as of old that it is preached to the poor, it has that glory here. It is 
not an ignoble enterprise to elevate the unenlightened. I met a little 
boy today and asked him why he was not to Sabbath School last Sabbath. 
**I dirtied my clothes," he replied, "and could not come." **I am 
sorry," I said, ''you will get these clean and come next Sabbath, won'^t 
youf" "Yes, sir, if I can get a cap, I'll be sure to come." We had 
an interesting prayer meeting this evening, about thirty present. We 
are suffering delay in not getting brick for our Acadcmy^^ as soon as 
we had anticipated. The brick makers are expecting to burn their kiln 
in a fortnight after which we expect to go right on and get upon building. 
I have thought some of having a study built this fall which may answer 
another year as an addition to our house. 

Though there are many troubling things in this new country, it is 
after all a glorious work and one in which I would not change places with 
* * 15/16ths ' ' of the ministers of New England. The future is all bright. 
I feel confident that if I can hold on the Lord will give me in ten years 
a flourishing church and large congregation. This country is rapidly 
filling up. Many strange faces have come in during my absence. Among 
others a merchant with a small stock of goods from Springfield, Mass. 
But we come here not because the field is inviting and easy, but because 
it is hard, expecting to endure self-denials and not repining at any priva- 
tions, if so be we may save souls and extend the name of Christ, building 
not on others' foundations. I rejoice in feeling assured that these are 
your feelings. I believe I have no other desire than to be in the highest 
possible degree useful. I desire to be the child of Providence. God 
probably knows better than I do where I can be most useful. I want to 
feel that the best way to prepare for future usefulness is to do the best 
you can in present circumstances. I feel renewed strength and confidence 
in having your prayers. . . . 

Maquoketa. August 30. Saturday afternoon. 

... As my horse is lame and I have been disappointed in getting 
another I must go afoot to Andrew. It is most 6 o'clock. In my next 
I will write particularly of the many interesting tilings you speak of. 
I am afraid there will be a long space between your receiving my Detroit 
and Milwaukee papers. If I have any time Monday morning, I will fill 

17 Rev. Salter saw the need of a school In Maquoketa and persuaded mem- 
hers of his congregation to donate land, material, and labor. Meanwhile, Uev. 
Salter collected $300 from friends and relatives in the East. The Academy 
was Incorporated by act of the legislative assembly, January 15, 1846. The 
iiuilding was completed in 1848, and Rev. George F. Magoun, pastor of the 
Second Presbyterian Church in Galena, delivered the address. PIventually, 
the property was turned over to the public school system of Maquoketa. 


out this sheet. Goodbye, my Mary, the thoughts of you will make my 
walk short. . . . 

I am yours, 

Wm. Salter. 

I got about one half mile on my way and met one of my church here 
who had compassion on me and engaged to go up to attend meeting at 
Andrew tomorrow and carry me, so I returned and have the pleasure of 
talking with you. . . . My health has been very good though the warm 
weather be somewhat enervating. We have an abundance of wild plums 
and delicious melons. . . . 

Your Wm. 

Maquoketa. Jackson County, lowa^ Sept. 6, 1845. 
My dear Mary: 

Saturday evening has come again and I have half a sermon to write. 
Other multiplicity of cares this week have prevented my taking up my 
pen * * toyouwards ' ', hitherto, so that now I must be hurried when I ought 
to have time to express my best thanks for your two letters, (am I not 
rich?) received this week, those of August 18th. and 25th., and the last 
received tonight in ten days after it was mailed. I guess XJnele Sam has 
profited by our threatened chastisements and begins to find out that the 
route between No. 7 Union street and this prairie is of the first importance. 
You write of many interesting matters which perhaps I ought to talk 
over first, but I presume to opine that you will want to know what I have 
been doing the last week. Last Sabbath morning I rode to Andrew and 
preached in the courthouse (a log building) to a small congregation of 
forty, but some of the excellent of the earth are in that church. I have 
two families in it who for much worth and devotion to the cause of Christ 
are not excelled in Iowa. They come regularly six miles to meeting, 
really hunger for the bread of life. I cut a little account of one of them 
from an Iowa paper and send it to you in a transcript the last mail. 
Some of your friends may be interested in seeing from it that the people 
are not all "heathen" in the Far West. The other family named 
''Young" arc pure gold in the ore, plain, honest, and good from Penn- 
sylvania. Mrs. Young was brought up in Mr. Duffield's** church in 
Carlisle, Pennsylvania, who, by the way, was a very faithful, useful pastor. 
He is now in Detroit. You will be delighted to attend prayers in this 
beloved family. Here all the children sing and unite with Mrs. Y., 
children and all, in calling upon the name of the Lord. I preached twice. 
The Sabbath School has declined during my absence owing to sickness 
and other causes, and I was requested to form the whole congregation 
into a Bible class which was done. We are to study "the Bomans". 
I have one very intelligent and gentlemanly lawyer in my congregation 
there from Virginia. 

i*i Rev. George Duffleld (.July 4, 1704-June 26, 1868), for thirty years pastor 
of the Presbyterian Church in Detroit, author of many theological books, and 
of the hymn, "Stand up. Stand up for Jesus." Vid. Dictionary of Atnerican 


... I commenced early in the week a sennon on Josh. 24:15,^* but 
could not make it go. Yesterday I took up Psalms 144:12.20 . . . My 
subject is education. It should be thorough, preparatory to usefulness in 
life, and to another state of existence, and the whole applied to our 
Academy here which is commended to the prayers and generous benefica- 
tions of my people. My text in the p. m. is what Christ said to Matthew. 
What a text for your pulpit. Almost equal to Isaiah 53 : 1.^^ But about my 
journey in the p. m. — I rode to Deacon Cotton 's^* and found my appoint- 
ment had not been sufficiently circulated to get a congregation. Mrs. 
Cotton had just returned from the East (western New York) bringing 
her mother with her, aged eighty years. The old lady endured the fatigues 
of her journey remarkably well. She was one of the first settlers on what 
was called the Holland Purchase in Western New York. Her husband 
in 1802 erected the first frame bam on the purchase. Men came to the 
raising of it a distance of thirty miles. How wonderful the growth of 
our country. Monday morning I borrowed a horse and rode to Bellevue, 
found most of my friends having the ague. Rev. Mr. Smith who has 
gone there this summer, a Bangor theological student, has the ague, and 
the family in which he boarded being sick, he has gone into the country 
to stay, so that I did not see him. He must have a hard time. Bellevuc 
is one of the most abandoned places I was ever in — a most dreadful 
population. The only evidence I have that I have preached the truth 
among them is that they hate me. I can assure you that it is very trying 
to know how to get along with wicked men here. I treat them kindly 
and take trouble to gain their confidence, that if by any means I may 
save them until I feel that necessity is laid upon me to repair their vices 
when a torrent of abuse is the only reward of my faithfulness. I have 
had much of this experience. The leading physician of this country is 
of this character. Once he was polite and afifable, but reproof has 
wounded him and now he never passes me without curling his lip in scorn. 
Living among such men one is able to appreciate and unite in the prayer 
[of J Psalms 26:9.23 . . . 

Sabbath evening. 

If the "evening and the morning" are the first day of the week then 
the second day of the week has come. ... I have had a pleasant Sabbath, 
a beautiful day, a house full of people, and some attentive hearers. . . . 

ivjoflhua 24:15. And if it seem evil unto you to «orve the Lord, cliooso 
)rou this day whom ye will serve ; whether the gods which your father served 
that were on the other side of the flood, or the gods of the Aniorites. in whoso 
land ye dwell : but aM for me and my house, we will serve the Lord. 

30 l*salma 144 :12. That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth : 
that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished after the similitude of 
a palace. 

21 Isaiah 53 :1. Who hath believed our report, and to whom Is the arm of 
the Lord revealed. 

22 Samuel Cotton, a descendent of .Tohn Cotton, Puritan preacher. Mrs. 
Cotton was of the BemIs family, from "Bemis Heights," Saratoga, New York, 
rid. Salter's. Hirty Yfarn. p. 263. 

23 I*salmH 20 :0. Gather not my soul with sinners, nor my life with bloody 


Judge Wilson^^ of the district court for this part of the country came 
along here with his wife (who is a member of the church in Dubuque) 
just before the hour of meeting on his way to hold court in a county below. 
He and his wife came into meeting in the course of the services, after 
which they got their dinner and went on their journey, a pretty example 
for a judge's family! I had 30 at the monthly concert this evening. 
I am in hopes of getting out a good sermon one of these weeks on the 
text ''My Kingdom is not of this world." ... I spent last Monday night 
with Mr. Magoun^^ at Galena. He has nobly and enthusiastically thrown 
himself upon the rising current of education in the West. He promises 
to be one of the most awful men of the country. We talked nearly the 
whole night about everything. Preliminary measures are on foot for get- 
ting up the new church in Galena. It will consist of some choice spirits 
and will afiford a most desirable field of usefulness. They will be very 
particular about their minister. He ought to be first rate. ... I went 
to Dubuque on Tuesday and entered at the land sales 80 acres of land 
for the gentleman I board with who is unfortunately in some pecuniary 
trouble.28 I did it entirely to relieve him and have no advantage from it. 
I had a very hard horse and finding myself sore from riding, I came 
directly home on Wednesday. . . . 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa. September 12, Friday afternoon. 
My dear Mary: 

The wind has been blowing very severely all day, and the heavens are 
brewing a storm. I have had but little success in my studies. Many 
things discourage me among my own people. I have too much reason to 
complain that they all seek their own, rather than to help one another, 
and to advance the cause of Christ. Then, when all that love the Saviour 
ought to love one another and strive together for the faith of the Gospel 
there exist alienations and divisions. In reading the fifth [chapter] of 
Matthew, I was led to think that if I would require my people before 
coming to meeting to be reconciled to their brethren (verse 23-24)^ 
I should have a very thin congregation. Contention about lands and one 
thing and another distract our community very much. I asked a very 
intelligent gentleman who was here this week and who has purchased 
some property in the neighborhood from Cincinnati, if he would not move 
his family out soon. No, said he, I think I must wait until you get a 
little further along. Isn't that encouraging? . . . 

24 Supreme Court Justice Thomas S. Wilson. Vid. EMward H. Stiles, Recol- 
lections and Sketches of Notable Lawyers and Public Men of Early Iowa, Dos 
Moines. 1916, pp. 45, 571. 

25 Uev. George F. Magoun was the author of Asa Turner and His Times, 
Boston. 1889 : and was the first president of Iowa College. Vid. Annai.s op 
Iowa, Third Series, Vols. Ill, pp. 53, 86, 92 ; VI, p. 357 ; VII, pp. 68, 370-371 ; 
VIII. p. 190. 

26 Mr. Shaw. 

27 Matthew 5 -.23-24. Therefore If thou bring thy gift to the altar and there 
rememberest that thy brother hath ought against thee; Leave there thy ^t 
before the altar and go thy way ; first be reconciled to thy brother, and then 
come and offer thy gift. 


Is Mars indeed the God of War and does he indicate the approach of 
that dreadful scourge upon our land. I pray not, and yet I watch with 
fearful anxiety the belligerent on the South West. Who does not hang 
his head to own himself an American who looking at the course our 
government has taken to perpetuate and extend slavery. I tremble for 
my country, said an infidel, in view of the commissions of slavery;, when 
I remember that God is just. And has not the Christian who believes 
God governs among the nations, removes the fears. There are few evils 
to be so dreaded as war. What a commentary upon the little Christianity 
in our laud is the existence of so much desire for war. I am going to 
fire a charge on the subject as soon as I can ''make ready". 

I suppose some of your friends will have to study their geography to 
find out where Iowa and especially Maquoketa is. You must make them 
all interested in this land, and tell them you will find something for them 
to do here. There is one interesting thing about Iowa, to wit: that it 
is the only part of the country West of the Father of Waters which is 
frecy thus affording both a more promising field of labor and a more 
desirable home to all that believe that the Messiah's kingdom "shall 
break in pieces the oppressor". Psalms 72:4.^^ It is washed by that 
river of which that prophetic observer of our country 's progress, Jeremiah 
Evarts, said nearly twenty years ago, ''that in a hundred years, it will 
be more traveled than any other thoroughfare in the world." Still as 
I have often told you — our work is one of self-denial. By the way, I 
saw in Evart's life, pages 195 and 196, his observations on the difficulties 
of planting religion in a destitute portion of Tennessee through which he 
traveled. They apply very nearly to this country. New difficulties are 
discouraging and yet they are the very reason why we must labor and 
toil here. The greater the difficulties, the louder the call to self-denying 
effort. . . . 

I have two very excellent ladies here Mrs. Hall and Mrs. Shaw, women 
of intelligence, good sense, and worth. . . . But I feel that our good 
efforts must be in behalf of the rising generation. If we can be instru- 
mental in establishing our Academy aright, we shall not have lived in 
vain. In relation to the education of our public schools, strenuous efforts 
will be needed to have it of a Christian character, and if this cannot be 
accomplished, we shall have to abandon those schools and walk in our own 
way. You know and I know the importance of French education. We 
want mothers to build up the church and to save the state. In all these 
enterprises I shall feel strong in your cooperation. . . . 

I have had no opportunity to preach my Western sermon since I saw 
you. I preached it once in Buffalo and in New York. I shall get up a 
new sermon on the subject for this latitude next month. I am also plot- 
ting a sermon on the original condition of man. Do you think the Garden 
of Eden was located on a prairie f If not, you may have your eyes 
opened on the subject another year. . . . 

28 pgalms 72 :4. He shall Judge the poor of the people, he shall save the 
children of the needy, and shall break in pieces the oppressor. 


I really get fatigued in preaching. I believe it is my business as it 
is my enjoyment. Monday I generally spend reading papers, on little 
things. Though I look at newspapers as matters of the greatest import- 
ance. They are of wonderful power in controlling public sentiment. I 
want they should be under a Christian influence. There are few objects 
of greater moments to my view than the reformation of the press. I hope 
we shall be able to do something in this case one of these days. I am 
very thankful for papers from you. . . . My relatives were all from 
Portsmouth and New Hampshire where the family has been for several 
generations. There was a Dr. Salter, clergyman, in Mansfield, it seems, 
60 years ago after whom Dr. Storrs was named, but I know nothing of 
his family. Those whose names were in the Puritan you sent me, I know 
nothing of. . . . 

Most aflfectionately yours, 

Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. September 20, 1845. 
My dearest Mary: 

I have much to write you. ... It is now Saturday night and nearly 
11 o'clock. I have had a week of joy and grief. I want to go over all 
with you, but I have not time. Last Sabbath I preached three times to 
a small congregation, Monday a. m. I visited a little, and then set my 
face toward Cascade. On my way I visited Mr. Alexander's family. 
They are an excellent family, Scotch Presbyterian. The girls have 
attended the Romish school in Dubuque because there was no other school 
in the country. I could not but think of you as I was remined by my 
preaching in the neighborhood last winter when I had one of the girls to 
ride to meeting a mile and a half on my horse behind me. I passed 
through a settlement of Irish Papists where is a log church and school 
and resident priest. I believe this is one instance of the executing of the 
plan formed in Europe to Romanize the West of which you have seen 
notices. I had a delightful visit at Cascade, spent Tuesday there. We 
talked and sang together. ... 

I found some new cases of sickness on my return home. We are called 
to mourn a very distressing death in this village. Though I might have 
mentioned that while at Cascade, I heard of the death by lockjaw of Mr. 
Alexander, the father of the family I have spoken of above. He died in 
Dubuque very suddenly. He has left a large family. The other death 
was that of Mrs. Plato on yesterday morning. She was a widow lady, 
sister of Mrs. Hall. There were many extremely melancholy circumstances 
in her decease. I hardly dare to write of them. I was completely un- 
nerved yesterday so that I could do nothing. I was with her when she 
breathed her last. She was sick but five days, taken with rather a severe 
bilious fever, but the immediate cause of her death was unquestionably 
injudicious medical treatment. Her funeral is to be attended tomorrow. 
I have been engaged all day in preparing a sermon from Romans 14:8.^ 

29 Romans 14 :8. For whether we live, we liv^ unto the Lord ; and whether 
we die, we die unto the Ix>rd ; whether we live therefor, or die, we are the 



She waa a verr useful woman in my little society here, one of the kindest 
friends I had had. She was very active and intelligent, a good Sabbath 
School Teacher. The Lord seems to have no mercy on us. Taking away the 
best of our Society. Not that I mourn, for this I would never do, but it 
does seem to be a dark cloud in the prospects of this country. Mrs. P 
was expecting here in a fortnight from the East a son and a sister. Her 
heart was set on seeing them. But inexorable death would not wait. It 
is most twelve and I have not time for reflection. . . . Goodnight. 

Sabbath eve. 

The soft light of setting day seems kindly propitious to my thoughts 
of the precious one far away. All is peaceful and serene. I trust it is the 
emblem of the peace of my soul. I had a large congregation this morning, 
about one hundred, a sad service it was to me. I trust I shall be made 
better by it. In preaching this afternoon from Luke 21:34-35^ I could 
not but illustrate the state of mind in which we ought always to live by 
the fact that Mr. Crosby mentions in his sermon on your grandfather's^^ 
death, that a few hours before his death he said, "Seventy and seven 
years have I been waiting for this crisis. ' ' By the help of Heaven 's grace, 
let us so live. . . . 

I must go and visit a sick man and then to prayer meeting, after which 
I will write a few lines if I can get out of this preaching strain. 

It has got to be past midnight . . . and the bedside of a sick man 
is a poor place whence to write you. But I am in a good school. The 
lesson I learn tonight will come in play perhaps when you want a little 
nursing. My patient is a Rhode Islander. A sketch of his history may 
add a short chapter to your idea of the motley mixture of society in the 
West. He fell out with some of his family at home, and came here where 
he has been engaged like a true Yankee in all kinds of business to get 
a living by his wits, keeping school, talking, and trading. He is irritable 
and cross and has made himself obnoxious to many of our people. He 
is a Unitarian, he has a severe attack of bilious fever. I am doing the 
best I can for him, but I find myself a poor nurse. . . . 

You understand from what Mr. Bridges told you the relation of the 
A. H. M. S. to churches in the West. The Society does not direct or 
dictate either to church or minister. It advises. The church at Burling- 
ton probably feel very independent and high-minded. I have never 
preached to them. My conduct in relation to the whole matter will be, 
as I know you will wish it to be, directed, I trust, by that Latin motto 
which we fell in with at the McLean Asylum. I have Coleridge's Aids 
to Seflection, The light of my candle is about dim enough to tell you 
my cloudy views of his speculation. But as I write for your compre- 
hension, I had better wait for the light of day and for a time when my 
mind has turned from the Ubor of preaching. My portfolio is I believe 

w> Luke 21 :34-35. And take heed to yourselves, lest at any time your hearts 
be overcharged with surfeiting and drunkenness, and eares of this life, and so 
that day come upon you unawares. For as a snare shall it come on all thom 
that dwell on the face of the whole earth. 

SI Amos Tufts. 


perfectly a sanctum. I have all confidence that the family I board with 
arc not busy bodies. I have a lock and key to it. . . . 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa. September 25, 1845. 
My dearest friend : 

I have been in vain trying to write a sermon this week. . . . There are 
troubles in the community. You never know what to expect or rather 
what not to expect in so new a country. When you begin to think that 
the prospects of society are good they are perhaps well clouded over in 
half a day. I have a sore trial with one of my elders, he has been 
behaving very bad, and we shall probably have to cut him ofif. I had a 
pretty good attendance at prayer meeting last evening. . . . 

You ask about ministers around me. Mr. Kent is a dull preacher, 
always writes, but can make a very fervent appeal and tell a rousing 
story for the West. I. D. Stevens of Platteville, W. T., 60 miles north 
east of this, is now in the East. The West has a competent advocate in 
him. He was for many years a missionary of the A. B. C. F. M. among 
the Indians at Mackinaw and St. Peters. Rev. Mr. Wells, chaplain at 
Prairie Du Chien, would charm any congregation with the felicity of his 
style and the grace of his address. J. J. Hill in Clayton eo. is of rather 
a heavy, slow cast of mind, but Mrs. Hill is all soul and goes ahead. You 
know of Mr. Holbrook as a forceful animated preacher, a vigorous writer 
and devoted to his work. Brother Boal of Marion, I have never heard. 
He, however, has a good reputation. Brother Turner has a well-balanced 
mind and preaches good plain sermons. Brother Emerson is a very 
zealous animated preacher, unfortunately sings a little when excited, I 
mean has a singing tone. He labors at Albany, Illinois and in Dewitt, 
20 miles east of me. Brother Adams preaches a serious, sober, dignified 
and instructive sermon. Brother Bobbins is a plain, clear and interesting 
preacher. In the South, Rev. D. Lane is in my opinion, head and shoulders 
above his brethren. I tliink he always writes. He has a discriminating 
strong mind, is of the highest moral excellence, and commends himself 
as a man of God and minister of Christ to every man 's conscience. I had 
a letter from him last week in which he informs me that he is going East 
very soon for his wife's sake. She has the dropsey and is considered 
dangerous. He hopes that ''home" and the sea air may benefit Mrs. L. 

• • • 

Saturday afternoon. September 27. 

I had just mended my quill when I was interrupted by a call from the 
new Methodist preacher who has just arrived on the circuit. . . . Our 
association is at Davenport October 21. I shall probably preach in 
Dubuque Oct. 12. . . . 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

[To be continued] 

Somewhat of His Life and Letters 

By F. I. Herriott 
Professor in Drake University 


Part II — Correspondence — 1855-1863 


Orlando C. Howe's letters to Mrs. Howe were with few 
exceptions matter-of-fact in narrative, free from all flippancy 
or smartness, and with no attempts at rhetorical finesse or 
flare. They give us accounts of business trips with descrip- 
tions of scenery that attracted him which he thinks will interest 
those in the home circle. Inquiries about the domestic needs 
and perplexities and observations upon the common serious 
concerns of daily life abound. Now and then, but rarely, he 
comments upon matters and men within his business con- 
nections or professional circuit. Throughout, his letters are 
remarkably free from animadversion, or any adverse reflections 
upon business competitors or professional associates. They 
relate none of the common current gossip that constitutes so 
much of the daily conversation of ordinary mortals. 

Here and there he indulges in mild facetiousness. In his 
first letter written from Iowa, penned at Dubuque, sometime 
in November, 1855, he hits off effectively the mushroom growth 
of new towns on the frontier, and the fantastic creations and 
expectations of western land boomers: 

Now, Maria, I am mad. While eating my breakfast somebody stole 
my town; for on looking on the map for 185611 (folks get early starts 
out this way) I find two cities at the south bend [of the Minnesota Biver] 
Mankato City and South Bend City, probably started by some enter- 
prising capitalist like myself, perhaps not so rich in money as I am, but 
having a few spare $% instead of halves, but having more energy, he 
worked while I dreamed and wished over the stove at home. 

Captain Howe's letters from barracks or camp while in 


service with the Ninth Iowa Cavalry in Missouri and Arkansas, 
were of the same general character — earnest in purpose, 
serious in narrative, direct and simple in style. As they con- 
stitute a clearly marked group they will be characterized later. 
Mrs. Howe's letters are like her husband's, direct in ex- 
pression and concerned with the prosaic every-day affairs of 
her family and connections. She sees the humor in the doings 
of those roundabout ; but she does not forget that life is always 
a serious matter when children and health, income and edu- 
cation are to be insured. 


(Mrs. OrlBDdo C. Howe}. 
rom ■ tlnlypc turolabHl by h<T diugblpr 
ra. KvPlyn II. Porter, Lyno llnvcn. PlorMa 

The letters of Mr. and Mrs. Howe give us two sets of con- 
temporary pictures that are of present-day interest : 

First, Mr. Howe's letters enable ub to see somewhat of the 
industrial conditions in Iowa just before the panic of 185T 
prostrated business enterprise, and Mrs. Howe's letters show 
us some of the depression and distress in New York that pre- 
ceded the panic which impelled the Howes to leave their old 


ing, been more and more convinced of the advantages of the place, and 
think all of my estimates of the value of the farm next fall have been 
too low. But if I go on the farm I shall soon have an office and school 
in some of the villages and make money in land business. You can have 
no idea how easily and surely money can be made here with a small 
capital. If father would come out here with a few hundred dollars in 
money or warrants we could get rich in a year or two, and the security 
would, in my opinion, be as good as mortgages on any farm in Aldcn 
[N. Y.]. If I find no other way of speculating I shall cuter a few 
thmtjtand acres of land on time, at the moderate interest of 409^ and 
upwards, and shall only lose, in case of failure, a few years' hard labor. 
I have not found a man of ordinary intelligence who has invested $200 
in land business, and been in it two years, who is worth less tlian $2,000, 
and from that to $10,000. AH make money. 

Excuse my apparent exclusiveness of thought about money. I cannot 
hear to think and write about the folks at home, most of all you and 
Linnie. Write to Newton, Jasper County, Iowa. 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, January 24, '56. 
My dear Wife: 

No letter from you yet, but hope for one today, but dread disappoint- 
ment, and then what news it may bring after so long an absence, for the 
time is long. If you are lonesome you still hear from me often, and long 
before this know that I am settled for the winter. But Maria, it is only 
for the winter. If another place presents as good inducements for im- 
mediate business, and should be a better country than this, I shall leave 
in the spring. 

I can hardly give up beautiful Hardin County, and especially around 
Iowa Falls, and have found nothing to equal it, either in beauty or 
advantages, but if there we go I shall necessarily work on a farm next 
summer. I yesterday sent for % a section of land to be entered on time 
in Greene or Carroll County. This adds 320 acres to my landed interest. 
I owe for this last farm $560. If I should not be able to pay for it in 
one year it will go back, and my note will be canceled, so that all the risk 
is the loss of $10.00 sent to begin with. I'll risk it. 

The weather is milder. It is now fair winter weather. You have 
doubtless read terrible stories about people freezing to death on the 
prairies. They are all true, and half do not reach you. The mercury has 
been 30 below zero near here, when it is much further south than you are. 
But anything like such a winter was never before known here. It is just 
as cold as far south as Missouri. I think it has been colder here than in 
the northern part of the state and in Minnesota. The cold is the excuse 
why I have done so little this winter. No work was to be done. No one 
would work at buildings, and usually much is left to be done during the 
pleasant winters. 

I have written to Kate. While in Iowa Falls I wrote you a detailed 


the vast majority of the average citizenship of the two decades 
comprehended in the letters, to wit — 1850-1860. 

The correspondence of Judge Howe, received from the 
daughters and deposited in the Historical Department, relates 
to five general periods : 

1 — Letters written in New York by him or by members of 
his family, prior to his coming to Iowa in 1855, several by 
Maria Wheelock, then a teacher in the public schools of Buf- 
falo, later his wife; 

2 — Letters written from Iowa by Mr. Howe to Mrs. Howe, 
incident to his coming to Iowa and settling in Newton, in 
Jasper County; 

3 — Letters written chiefly by Mr. Howe preceding and fol- 
lowing the Indian Massacre at Spirit Lake, between 1856 and 

4 — Letters written between 1858 and the Sioux outbreak of 
1862 which caused him to remove with his family from Spirit 
Lake to Newton ; and 

5 — Letters by Captain Howe while in Missouri and Arkansas 
with the Ninth Iowa Cavalry during the Civil War, 1863- 
1864, to Mrs. Howe, and various letters of Mrs. Howe to 
Captain Howe. 

Many more letters might have been available but for their 
destruction by rain, in whole or in part, or their dispersion 
in one of the storms that so frequently in recent years have 
devastated various sections of Florida. Several of those in 
possession have some portions obliterated, and some pages 
are missing in others. 

With the foregoing there is a considerable number of letters 
written by Judge's Howe's father and mother, and his sisters 
and brothers- and sisters-in-law, before and after their removal 
from New York to Iowa ; but only a few of them are reproduced 
in what follows. 

The letters which follow relate mainly to three periods, 
namely : 

First, Mr. Howe's experiences in Iowa in 1855-56, giving 
his first impressions of the state and its landscapes, and de- 
scriptions of its life in the rush of the middle years of the '50s; 

Second, the doings of Mr. Howe and his partners in for- 
warding their Spirit Lake venture and .their experiences after 


discovering the victims of Inkpaduta's attack upon the settle- 
ment on the shores of the Obobojis; and, 

Third, the correspondence of Captain and Mrs. Howe while 
the former was in service as captain of Company L of the 
Ninth Iowa Cavalry in Missouri and Arkansas in 1863-1864. 


Mr. Howe left his family in Alden, New York, sometime in 
the middle or latter part of October, or possibly in the fore- 
part of November, 1855. The first letter that we have was 
written at Dubuque, Iowa, on the evening of the first day of 
his arrival, but the date of the month is not stated. 

From various items in Mrs. Howe's letters it seems clear 
that she was engaged in teaching school at the same time that 
she was attending to her household duties. The letters of the 
sisters of Mr. Howe indicate that they were all more or less 
engaged in studies, learning German, among other scholarly 

The full names, addresses, occupations, and connections of 
various persons referred to in Mrs. Howe's letters penned in 
Alden, New York, before she departed for Iowa, other than 
the brothers and sisters of Mr. and Mrs. Howe, have not been 
traced, nor any attempt made to show them. 

Dubuque, Iowa, [1855]. Wednesday, 9^ P. M. 
My dear Wife: 

Here I am in Iowa at last. Have just arrived and not seen anything 
for it is as dark as the ''Lancaster Ride from Institute Night." A 
stirring city this. I am at the Peaselee House, cheap house comparatively, 
though nothing is cheap in this state. Do you know what I-0-W-A-H 
means in Indian? A book here tells me it is ''I have found the happy 
land. "*^ The ride today after getting a few miles from Chicago is 
through a most beautiful and rich country. The houses look very few 
and scattered but are of fine appearance. Some places appear like 

40 Mr. Howe apparently had Just read the first edition of lotca Am It In in 
I8.S5 : A Gazetteer for Citizens and a Uandt>ook for Kmmlg^ants, etc., by N. 
Howe Parker, wherein he was informed : 

"A home can be had by the poorest, with prudence and economy. .Vo place 
in the wide tporld can offer greater inducements to the immiorant than lotca ; 
but he must look at it as it is [Italics by Parker] * * * He may fancy Iowa 
a garden, and, roaming over its prairies, gather flowers from its rich soil, and 
ezcialm with the Indian, in ecstacies of delight, 'I-o-wah' — 'I have found the 
beautiful land !' but it will never make him rich, nor create him a happy home, 
without toil and labor." — p. 68. 

The local poets and romanticists have a sorry controversy with the prosaic 
realists who dwell in the matter-of-fact. The latter insist that the true mean- 
ing of "Iowa" was either "This is the place," or "The Crossing" or "Dirty 
noses" or "Dusty Faces." 


elegant couutry seats iu the midst of the most fertile land. Everj [thing] 
whirls fast in this country. It most makes me dizzy, railroads and rail- 
road schemes are so thick that no one can keep track of them. Four 
distinct routes are projected (and all commenced but one), that lead 
from the Mississippi to the Missouri. 

I made up my mind when leaving Buffalo and seeing the number of 
persons going to "look up a home in Iowa or Minnesota" that I would 
preempt a farm as soon as I could get back a hundred miles or so from 
the river and find plenty of timber. I do not believe there are twenty 
lots in market in the state that have good timber on them, and in the 
extreme northwest counties squatter claims cover every good location of 
timber and can be bought for from $50.00 to $10,000.00 a claim of 320 
acres. Pretty profitable squatting that. 

The towns in the country that were just heard of last year have from 
500 to 1500 inhabitants. Sioux City was started last year by some one 
who guessed out my idea of a great place at the mouth of the Great Sioux 
on the Missouri and went there. ' ' Eligible city lots near the wharf con- 
tiguous to the market and on the college square, and containing from % 
to a whole acre can be bought for from $50.00 to $1,000.00, one half down, 
the rest in one year." The railroad from Dubuque will be built there 
in a few years. "Good timber claims can be bought reasonably within 
a few miles, and plenty of the best of prairie at government price, and 
north and northwest it is supposed that some vacant timber may be found 
that can be claimed but is not in market." 

All the lumber except oak for this city has to be brought from St. 
Louis, transportation from 1 to 2 dollars a hundred. Think of buying 
pine and then paying **2 cents a pound" for taking it home, rather 
expensive I guess. You had better send Linnie^^ along with a handful 
of Katie's shingles.^^ 

You may remember that I spoke of Fort Dodge on the Des Moines as 
a good site. It is some 180 miles west of here, and the railroad is going 
through it. Last winter there was a fort there, now some 30 houses and 
the old fort full of settlers, 2 stores, a blacksmith shop, government land 
office, &c. The houses are logs or built of oaJc boards hauled 30 miles 
from the nearest mill where they were thirty dollars a thousand. You 
must know that I mean by now, three months ago probably the city has 
doubled two or three times since then. 

I have received a good deal of information from a man living in 
Sandusky who has been looking up land on a large scale. Last May 
tliey hired a surveyor and his team took a tent and provisions and started 
paying their surveyor ten dollars a day for him and team, and boarded 

They traveled through 20 counties in the middle and northern part of 
the state, and bought over 20,000 acres of land best of prairie but did 
not find forty acres of timber in the whole tract visited that was not 

*i Kvelyn Howe, now Mrs. Ezra F. Porter of Lynn Haven, Florida, older 
daughter of Judge Howe. 

42 Refers either to Katherlne Howe, or Katharine Wheelock. 


bought or claimed. Their land is worth donble what they paid for it, 
and within two years they can, I don't donbt, sell most of it at that and 
a greater advance. I rode from Chicago with him and kept him busy 
talking. He is a fine man, plainly one of the ''first citizens" and gave 
me more useful information than I could have found by a month of travel. 

I will tell you of an instance he gave of the way they are settling the 
northern part of Iowa. A man moved from Pennsylvania last spring or 
fall, I forget which, and found a place in Howard Ck>unty 15 miles from 
any house that he liked, (I mean he liked the location, not the house) 
and built a house of sod and roofed it with hay cut in prairie. The day 
after it was done three men called for meals and lodging, so he turned 
tavern keeper. He paid $200 for his 160 acres and paid $2.25 per acre 
for breaking up 50 acres. When my informant was there last spring, 
he was breaking and planting corn and potatoes in the sod. This 
fall he was there again, he had a good block tavern and neighbors all 
around had been selling off his crops as fast as he could harvest, had 
received after paying everything, labor, land, and all, $300 profit. I have 
no doubt he will do better next year. This was without counting his 
tavern proceeds, only his crops. 

The emigration is beyond all precedent. The cars are full of men 
coming on in the spring. 

I have not found what to do. I know of a place where there is probably 
timber to be claimed (that is, put stakes at the corners of the claim). 
It is in the southern part of Minnesota, 150 miles from the river, and 
a railroad is doubtless to be built in that region. If I could make a claim 
this winter it would be worth next spring more than double a winter's 
wages, and I think of going that way, and if settlements extend near 
enough to make traveling safe I shall try it. If not, I shall start a school 
or something else and wait till spring. If I get time I will write more 
before putting this in the ofiice. 

Thursday before daylight. 

I am most ready for starting. The place I have selected is near the 
south bend of the Minnesota River about 40 miles from the Iowa line, 
and 150 above, that is, south of St. Paul. I am confidentially informed 
that a railroad will run from here to the south bend in less than five years. 
I hope to find a place 20 or 30 miles from settlements, and if so I will 
stake as good a claim as I can and pay for it when it comes into market, 
or sell part for enough to purchase tlie rest. 

Don't be alarmed about my taking you into the woods to live. I am 
in doubt whether to find a school now and teach one quarter and get you 
here before looking [for] my location, or to look it up, then go to some 
town in the spring, start a school for you and sisters while I play gentle- 
man and watch the claim. Without joking, I think I can make more 
money and easier within a year by settling than either schools or 
law, but don't want to travel in the winter north, though there is but 
little snow at any time there. 

What I want is to be near by in spring. Now, Maria, I am mad. 


While eating breakfast somebody stole mj town; for on look[ing] at 
the map for 1856! I (folks get early starts oat this way) I find two cities 
at the south bend, Mankato City and South Bend City, probably started 
by some enterprising capitalist like myself, perhaps not so rich in money 
as I am, but having a few spare $% instead of halves, but having more 
energy, he worked while I dreamed and wished over the stove at home. 

My informant's information was three months old, so useless here. 
Now the western people sha'n't steal my ideas in this way. Ill start. 
Don't be scared again. I sha'n't go far. Ill work my way in the 
settlements and as soon as winter breaks up will try to hit near where 
the railroad I speak of will cross the road from Superior City on Lake 
Superior to Saint Paul, will when extended southwest reach somewhere 
on the Pacific or Missouri or somewhere else. The last railroad is sure 
to be built, for the last named place is to be a great city. 

Now as soon as you read this rhapsody or whatever you call it, just 
write me a letter directed * * West Union, Fayette County, Iowa. ' ' I shaD 
remain near that place long enough to get a letter from you, perhaps two 
or three. Kiss dear Liunie for me. Don't let her forget me. Bead my 
letter to our folks. I think of you all the time but have no regrets at 
leaving, and am full of hope. May our God protect thee and all ours. 

Orlando C. Howe. 

P. S. The great defect of Northern Iowa is want of timber. The 
great west a thousand miles beyond have the same. All the roads projected 
from Wisconsin westward will find transportation of timber enough to 
pay all expenses. 

The informant, I have found, is Bice Harper of Sandusky, Ohio. He 
is some acquainted with Mr. Estabrook. He came to Alden with Dr. 
Bronson when Eliza was buried. He appears to be a fine man and though 
a "speculator" will do more to build up the country than most men. 

My pet city at the mouth of the Sioux Biver that you have heard me 
project so often, has a rival, "Sergeant's Bluffs," a few miles below. 
I don't think a very great city will grow up this century in that region, 
but enough to form a good sized city and enrich the proprietors. 

O. C. H. 

The following is a fragment of a letter of Mrs. Howe, the 

first pages of which are lost. It is not quite clear whether it 

was written before or after she had received her first letter 

from Mr. Howe. 

[Alden N. Y.f] 
The weather has been so horrible that the scholars were very unsteady 
last week and the week before. I dunned them Thursday and have 
received 12 dollars up to last night so that you see, we are well provided 
with funds. I wish to bring with me in the spring (if I have money 
enough to pay transportation) six chairs and one rocking chair, one table, 
one stand, one bedstead and if I could possibly get a cheap bureau to 


pack clothes in instead of box it would cost but little more to bring and 
be indescribably convenient. 

If I can sell the looking-glass I will, if not, may be it could be sold 
after we got there if we wished it. Mr. Maples returned two or three 
weeks ago. He liked the country but thinks he cannot stand the huts 
and want of bams and conveniences. Likes Wisconsin better, but thinks 
Iowa is the place to make money. Says he spoke to the minister at Clinton 
about your coming there; and living and teaching together. He (the 
minister) thought it would be a fine place for a school, but I do not like 
his description of the place at all. Mr. Maples says before he went this 
winter he intended if he moved in the spring to take only a little furniture 
and that the best; now he says all, everything you will need to use if 
you can possibly pay transportation, if you do not have place for it it 
will sell so as to pay well. 

I spoke with your father about (that apple butter). We concluded 
that the trouble and expense would be too much to bring it, and so use 
it to save butter this winter and take a couple bushels extra dried apples. 
They will dry for me next week racks twice full, (I will prepare them in 
the evening going down there with all hands). 

James is a very good boy this winter and very useful. Lavinia is just 
as usual, always kind; she says she has no brother in the world so near 
to her by any approach as yourself, and would rather go with me than 
be left with all the others, poor girl she will miss us very much. 

I have not seen any of Henry V* people nor heard from them since 
you left. Winspear** and all the family of five children and one very 
extensive ^ife were her New Years. I have been at mothers once, on 
Christmas. Robert** came after me the night before. 

Linnie says she don't like cow horses, they have such slow legs. In 
regard to bringing roots and shrubs, never fear but that I will bring all 
we can pay for. 

I wish I knew something about what it will cost to get there. What 
if I don't have money enough, what is to be done thenf I hope I shall 
and had supposed it certain until in your last letter you say it cost you 
three times what you expected. Did it cost you over fifty dollars to go 
there f I don't think I shall have any more, perhaps not that. Tell me 
how it costs a great deal to live, and my wood bill will be some. 

• • • 

Write me all the particulars of places and people of yourself, and 
your employment, your board, mending, and everything in connection 
with your prospects, dark or bright as they may be. Have they any 
Sabbath where you are, and if so how do they keep itf Or does the 
hurry and whirl of speculation and improvement confine thought to this 
life only and the things "that perish with the using"! When you think 

43 John Henry Schuneman. 

** John Wlnspear, husband of Katberine Wheelock ; later residents of 
Webstrr City, Iowa. 

♦5 Robert Wbeeiock, brother of Mrs. Howe. 


of liome my dear husband is it sometimes with the prayer that He in 
whose hand are the appointed times, will bring us all together in health 
and lovef Does absence make your home still dearer t Or, does your 
heart wander with your footsteps! I trust not, I do not fear it, and 
believe tliat when we meet, we will be better prepared to live lovingly, 
bearing and forbearing tenderly with one another, having learned how 
necessary we arc to each other's happiness. Good-bye for the present. 


The first sheets of the letter which follows contained letters 
from Mr. Howe's sisters, Mary and Sarah, who later came to 
Spirit Lake and became respectively Mrs. Alfred Arthur, and 
Mrs. David Weaver, but omitted here. 

[Alden, N. Y.], Wednesday, Dec. 17, 1855. 
My Dear Husband: 

This is quite a family letter you see, the girls commencing what the 
old ladies must finish. I am glad that you are so well pleased with the 
' * far west * ' for to me it seems as if you were almost there. It is Friday 
night just after the scholars are gone and before Linnie has been brought 
home from your mother's. I am tired for the girls are very wild and 
sometimes I am discouraged with them and think I will let them act 
just as they please and learn or not without caring for their interest 
any more. 

It seems a long two weeks since you went away but I know spring 
will come by and by and Linnie is very impatient to see her new log 
house. James had a letter from home a few days ago. Catherine is 
very unwell with a troublesome cough and very low spirited, she does 
not think she will ever be better, but I cannot think of such a probability. 
I suppose your next letter will give a description of your new home if 
that can be home to you without wife and baby. 

Be particular in your description of houses, inhabitants, and scenery, 
so that I may become acquainted with the place, through your eyes. 
Bob Kelly called here last night and left an order with me for five dollars 
worth of goods from Sander 's store. He said he had no money, he could 
not raise any and all his whining stories as usual, I took it to your father 

who said he would have Sanders so much on your account at the 

store. He said he would keep me agoing in groceries or orders of any 
kind at [the] store if there was any more coming to [torn off]. 

I told him it was a very small part of your account against him but 
would not tell him how much it was for fear he would stop doing altogether. 

Your father wants to know what the account is. Do you knowf I 
have not looked for it. There has been no money sent by mail yet, and 
so Van Buren has not been paid but he does not seem troubled at all. 

I must finish this for the post tonight. Take care of yourself and do 
not worry about us at home. Write often and tell the particulars. 

Your Wife. 


Orlando C. Howe, 
Newton, Iowa Falls, 

Jasper, Co. Hardin Co. Iowa. 

[Alden N. Y.] Dec. 20th, 1855. 
My Husband: 

It is Sunday afternoon and the snow so deep there is no going to 
church today, it lies in great drifts all around. I find upon a survey that 
my stationery is in a dilapidated condition, no paper, no pen, but will 
write today with such materials as are on hand since I do not feel tliat 
greatest want of time. Jimmy has gone home to stay a few days. I expect 
him back New Year's Day with his mother, who is better than formerly. 
I received your letter yesterday after waiting many anxious days in vain. 
If it will not cost too much I will try and bring a post office up with me 
in the spring for the accommodation of friends left behind. It was a 
long time without a letter almost two weeks but when it came at last it 
was two, both letters coming in, in the same mail. Things move on here 
about as usual, dull very, and lonesome, but I do not wish you here, oh, no, 
no, no. I feel that we have stayed here too long already, where a poor 
man can do nothing unless * * * Ijast week Mr. Grimes brought that long 
expected crock of butter for which I paid 25 cts. a pound. How much 
in lowaf The weather was very fine until last Wednesday but now it is 
ferocious, so cold and windy. I hope you will soon find sometliing to do 
tliat suits you but I do not mean to worry about you as long as you write 
you are well, and employment so plenty. I am sure you will earn as much 
as vou could here for there is no law business at all this winter and if 
you had not gone in the fall I do not think you would in the spring. 

Corlett sent a letter with notice of trial in the Johnson suit. I gave 
it to your father who sent it to Parmenter, was it right? Robert says 
if you will send him your account against Eggleston and Pat Smith with 
their assignment he will certainly collect them both or any other accounts 
that are left unsettled. He will do it I think. Mr. Case (I don't know 
what one) saw Robert a few days ago and asked when you were coming 
back, he said he wondered you did not see him before you left, that he 
had a note of 20 dollars which had been due sometime he had always 
felt as if you would pay it he said and never wanted to press it, and now 
he supposed he was safe enough for your father was on the note. I think 
you had better write to him. 

Robert wishes very much to go to Iowa and I sometimes think it would 
be l>etter for Mother to let him go and see what he could do, but don't 
know and will not say anything about it. 

Aside from the trial of leaving friends I do not in the least shrink 
from the prospect of hardship, I know that although of a different kind 
they cannot be worse than we have suffered here. Of a kind more apparent 
to the stranger 's eye perhaps, but without the bitterness of the continually 
disappointed, and hearts forever wearied by a necessary strife for food 
and clothing. Oh, no, I do not dread it, the prospect is full of joy. I am 
so tired of being where the necessity to do is so great and the ability 
80 limited. 


Alden, January 2, [1856]. 
My dear Husband: 

Yesterday I wrote a few lines to you promising both you and myself 
a long letter today, but today, has brought with it the sick headache so 
that although now four o'clock I have just got up. I was very sorry to 
hear that you have not heard from home. Truly your heart has wandered 
with your footsteps. I know that you have suffered much from anxiety 
and suspense. Before this you have I hope received letters informing 
that we were well and have been so through the winter. My eyes are about 
as usual, very weak and painful in the evening, no worse than last winter 
I think. Eveline is well, and grows fast; she does not improve much in 
morals or deportment, but physically is in excellent condition. Tour 
mother pronounces her uncommonly good, rather mischievous sometimes 
but very good. I have written you so many letters none of which you 
liave received that I don't know what to say in this without going over 
as it were with all the others. I have no doubt that your preemption of 
a farm was the best thing you could do for the future, and the best for 
the present probably. Although attended with many hardships, I cannot 
say that I fear them much, of a different kind from those we have endured 
but not attended with such heartbreaking, courage-deadening hopelessness. 

I have never regretted the decision to go to Iowa and if you can live 
through the winter, have no doubt it was better to go when you did than 
to have waited until spring. Alden is duller than ever, positively nothing 
doing here, no law business, no blacksmitliing, nothing at all. Tour 
father wishes much to go and I know he wants to go with us but mother 
leans strongly towards Galva. They had a letter from there yesterday. 
Babcock and Kate are both in school.^ He has let the job of building 
a new house on his village lot to be finished the first of April, a very 
pretty plan, two stories high and 18 by 22 on the inside. Expects to do 
the inside work himself. Kate writes that she is happy with her husband, 
in fact their letters seem to be each a laudatory panegyric of the other. 

I do not know what kind of a farmer you will make, nor what kind 
of a farmer's wife I will be, but we have long wanted a farm to own as 
a dependence in sickness, or hard times of any kind. I shall not certainly 
like living four miles from neighbors, and hope if you succeed in getting 
the adjoining farm you mil sell it to some good family man. Lavinia^^ 
is almost insane in regard to going with me, but I do not think it best 
and discourage it entirely. She wants to know if you could get her a 
school within a few miles. She went home yesterday after her money, 
has had not a cent yet. Robert*^ wishes much to go west but says little 
about it. Unless something unforeseen prevents Sarah will go as far as 
Kate 's with me in the spring, that is, if you think it best for me to come 
that way, for I am coming the very next day after school is out. In my 

46 B. F. Babcock and Katherlne Howe, later married and residents of 
Welmter City, Iowa. 

47 Lavinia Wheelook, wife of B. F. Parmenter. later of Spirit Lake, Iowa. 
She is usually referred to as **Vine" In the letters which follow. 

4A Robert B. Wheelock came west and was with Mr. Howe in the journey 
to the I^kes when they discovered massacred settlers. 


last letter I aaked a great many qaestions many of which related to our 
new home and many to yourself, your victuals, clothes, health, employ- 
ment, and things too numerous to mention. Answer all which you have 
not answered in past letters, you do not know how much I am interested 
in the minutia. Had you any money left to live on! Are you all ragged? 
How are your frozen parts f What are you doing and what are your 
wages f If you can make enough to pay expenses of your board this 
winter, your father says it is more than you could have done here. How 
much did it cost to Dubuque from heref How much from there to Hardin 
County f Oh, if you had only been where we could have exchanged letters 
regularly and often it would not have been so hard, but I do not allow 
myself to think much about these things. I feel enough without thought. 
For days after you left it seemed as if each five o'clock train would 
surely bring you home and when at last the reality of the separation was 
pressed home it came so heavy, and so cold, so death like, it was dreadful. 
Linnie has not forgotten you, and is very much pleased with the descrip- 
tion of the house always excepting the hay top which she insists the cows 
will eat all up. I am glad that you think of two rooms, it will be much 
better in the end if a little harder to build, I shall bring paper for the 
walls with me, and with carpets and Linnie I think we shall find it very 
comfortable and tidy inside, and we will cover up the outside with vines, 
(now for business). 

Bob Kelly gave me an order on Sanders for five dollars the week after 
you went off and said if there was any more due you he would keep me 
in orders, but that is the last of it. There was no money came by mail 
after you left. Bob's brother says if you will send him the transferred 
account against Pat Smith, Eggleston or anybody else he will certainly 
collect them for me (try him, do). . . . Lmnie is sleepy and cross. 

Newton, January 10, 1856. 
My dear Wife : 

I do not like to write so often without having anything to write 
respecting being in business. I have found no employment yet. I have 
been to several school districts but either there is no schoolhouse or it is 
not warm enough this cold winter, and hardly any one will work this 
weather. I have worked southward to find it some warmer, but it is really 
colder than in Hardin Ck>unty. 

I tried a lawsuit yesterday and got beat. Received no blame and con- 
siderable praise. 

This town is larger tlian Lancaster [N. T.] but has no schoolhouse. 
There are two select schools kept in small rooms. I intend to try to get 
up a class in elocution, but don't know [how] well I shall succeed. 

There is a fine opening for me as a lawyer if it was not for my old 
complaint, want of capital. I do not like the country as well as further 
north, and I have found no place that promises to be so good a point for 
school-teaching as Iowa Falls will be in a year. 

I am in a fit of the blues almost today by imagining every possible 
evil as having befallen you or Linnie . . . 


After writing so far this morning I was interrupted by some men who 
wanted to use the room by themselves. It turned out to be a caucus 
preparatory to the April election. Before I could find a place to write 
the mail left, so this can not go until tomorrow. A deputation from the 
caucus requested me to accept the nomination for judge, provided I was 
eligible and would run on a Know-Nothing ticket. Unfortunately, I shall 
want two months of residence to make me eligible. I am sorry, as I 
think I could easily carry the county, the party being in the majority, 
and timber for judges scarce. 

This dissipated the blues, but on commencing writing to you how plain 
I see your image. I am homesicky no mistake about it, and should start 
tomorrow for Iowa Falls (70 miles) to get a letter which I hope to find 
there from you, if a sense of duty did not compel me to try a course of 
lectures next week. 

A strange state is Iowa, employment so easy to get, but still I can't 
get any. The simple fact is the cold weather has paralyzed everything. 
Nobody can work. Most of the mechanics refuse to work. Everybody 
is too independent to work in cold weather, and I have found but two 
buildings to work in, and I am as adverse as the rest to outdoor work. 
All waiting for spring. That word spring; that is to bring my loved 
ones to me if some great evil does not befall us, but perhaps you have 
already written that my description of the hardships has so terrified you 
that you wish to wait. If so I can stand [it], I suppose. Don't know, 

Saturday Morning, January 11, 1856. 

Well, this morning write to me at Jasper, Newton County, Iowa, also 
to Iowa Falls, Hardin Ck>unty. I may stay here long enough to get a 
letter, as the prospect is fair for forming a class in elocution. 

May God protect all at home, and bring our little family together again. 

Your Husband, 

Orlando C. Howe. 

[Alden N Y] January 12th, 1856. 
My dear Husband: 

It is Sabbath afternoon and such a depth of snow on the ground as 
I hope never to see again in New York. 

Your father cAme up on the pony this morning and had a hard time 
getting here. He says the snow is 2 and a half feet everywhere. We had 
only two mails last week, one on Monday, the other yesterday. The wind 
has blown tremendously all the past week, and the thermometer stood 23 
dgs. below zero. Before last Sabbath it had never been to zero this 
winter. We are all well and have been since you left. I was alarmed 
upon reading that you were frost bitten, not so much from the fear of 
injury from those bites, but it made me think you were not careful about 
exposing yourself and I fear some cold snowstorm will find you bewildered 
on the prairie, a terrible situation in which it would be very wrong to 
place yourself. I was glad to learn that you were settled, where you are 


80 much pleased with the conntrj and the people. I have no doubt I shall 
like them both as well as Alden society or scenery, better I hope. 

Do not be ensnared by the spirit of speculation into taking up or buying 
more land than you can pay for. We leave Alden to avoid incurring debts 
we cannot pay, and it would be a sad thing to go so far, only to become 
more involved than here, with no better prospect of extricating yourself. 
Do not think I am only a croaker, seeing the difficulty, and not the way 
to surmount it, but remember I am used only to the day of small things, 
and such large figures frighten me, acres by the hundred, and bushels 
by the thousand, are a novelty among my thoughts accustomed as you 
know, to measure land by the foot and potatoes by the half peck. 

Are there no houses between your farm and the village f How far to 
the next house, or as you call them, hutf Where do you livef With 
whomf What kind of creatures are theyf Where did they come fromt 
Where are the settlers principally fromt Are they married generally or 
notf are there any children there, and if so do they learn to speak 
English? How do the people live and lookf What do you have to eat, 
and what are you doing? What are you going down the river forf I 
want to know all these things and dozens more. You see I mean to keep 
track of you, and not find the slab house occupied by some lady with 
whom I am unacquainted. As to the hardships I say again I do not fear 
them, although they will be of a different description from those expected. 
I do think it will be frightfully lonely living on a prairie, four miles 
from houses one way and I dont know how far the others, yet more agree- 
able than living away from you. If you bargain for that other 160 acres 
I hope you will sell it to some one who will live on it. The idea of 
farming is hardly what we intended but I have no doubt it is the best 
thing at present prices, and prospects, but how can you get money to buy 
seed, farming tools, pay for breaking, building, and all these things? 
To say nothing of provisions through the summer. The last was a hard 
job here. I do think Robert and Henry^^ ought to come with me in the 
spring. It appears to be just the kind of place we wanted to find, new 
and growing, and I am quite delighted with the thought of coming to 
you, only that terrible distance from neighbors frightens me, no wonder. 
Where will you get the slabs to make the house? And, how in the world 
can you make a hay roof? I think if we have two rooms plastered we 
shall be very comfortable. I will bring paper to paper the walls, one 
room at least, and then we will have a fine yard around it and the sides 
covered with vines. I dont like the thought of sodding it wmters. I 
think it would be like a cellar, damp and unhealthy, perhaps not. I wish 
it was built and Linnie and I were in it. I dare not think of the long, 
long time before spring. The mind recoils from the prospect, but each 
day will come I know with its own cares and blessings and be no harder 
than the previous ones. It is a very long time between your letters, I 
H-ish you would write oftener if you can. I would have written without 

*» Robert B. Wheelock and Henry Schuneman. Mr. Scbuneman marritMl 
Ruphenia Wheelock In 1849 and they came to Spirit Lake in 1859. Mr. S. 
died In Boone, Iowa, AuKust 4, 1908. 


waiting but did not know but you had moved. Now I have [put] every 
thing into this and have nothing left for the other letter. Linnie does 
not forget her Pa. Vine wants to come with me in the spring but I do 
not want her. Perhaps Sarah will come as far as Kate's. Write to Kate, 
she wishes you would. I think your father^ will go west within a year. 
He has written to [Babcock] to look [for] him a small farm near their 
village, he says Alden never was so dull. 

M. H. 

I wish you would set the house up from the ground if you can. Mr. 
Hcndee says Mr. Brewer says building so near the ground is the first 

and only cause of sickness at the west. 

• • • 

Vine has not got her money yet. Winspear, wife and all the children 
were here New Year's day. They brought me one crock of apple butter 
which we were eating, and it hardly seems as if I could bring it without 
so much risk of losing if it was alone or of spoiling other things if packed 
witli them. Do you have any apples or apple sauce, what do you have? 

Newton, January 22, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

No news from you yet but I live in hope. Have had an opportunity 
to send to Iowa Falls and Eldora, so if any letters are there I shall get 
them in about two weeks. I have found work for the rest of the winter, 
and might do very well here permanently. I have had some talk of going 
into law and "banking" and land agency business, and might do so if 
I could be sure that the person who wishes to be a partner could raise 
sufficient capital, that is $500 which would make a good start. On that 
if I liad that amount alone I could easily clear from $1000 to two or 
three times that amount. The difficulty here would be to get a place to 
live in. Such a house as the old shell you are in would rent here for $400 
a year. 

I do not think that this is as good place to live in as Hardin County 
will soon be, nor will the country improve so fast but it is older and more 
settled, though one or two years will make Iowa Falls a more desirable 
place for you than here. The people there are New York and New 
England people. I pay $4.00 per week for board. 

Have given a lecture before the "Newton Literary Society," and 
have obtained some reputation as a lawyer. There is no one in the county 
to compete with me in that business, although it is more than supplied 
with lawyers, and some are men of promise and ability, but lack study 
and practice. 

Schools will not pay quite well enough to make up for the high price 
of board. If I should conclude to live here it would throw away my 
"prairie home" in Hardin County without any pay, and I have, since 
coming here and looking over the state, and seeing how places are grow- 

so james D. Howe, later resident of Webster City, Iowa. 


ing, been more and more convinced of the advantages of the place, and 
think all of my estimates of the value of the farm next fall have been 
too low. But if I go on the farm I shall soon have an office and school 
in some of the villages and make money in land business. You can have 
no idea how easily and surely money can be made here with a small 
capital. If father would come out here with a few hundred dollars in 
money or warrants we could get rich in a year or two, and the security 
would, in my opinion, be as good as mortgages on any farm in Alden 
(N. Y.]. If I find no other way of speculating I shall enter a few 
thousand acres of land on time, at the moderate interest of 40% and 
upwards, and shall only lose, in case of failure, a few years' hard labor. 
I have not found a man of ordinary intelligence who has invested $200 
in land business, and been in it two years, who is worth less than $2,000, 
and from that to $10,000. All make money. 

Excuse my apparent exclusiveness of thought about money. I cannot 
hear to think and write about the folks at home, most of all you and 
Linnie. Write to Newton, Jasper CJounty, Iowa. 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, January 24, '56. 
My dear Wife: 

No letter from you yet, but hope for one today, but dread disappoint- 
ment, and then what news it may bring after so long an absence, for the 
time is long. If you are lonesome you still hear from me often, and long 
before this know that I am settled for the winter. But Maria, it is only 
for the winter. If another place presents as good inducements for im- 
mediate business, and should be a better country than this, I shall leave 
in the spring. 

I can hardly give up beautiful Hardin County, and especially around 
Iowa Falls, and have found nothing to equal it, either in beauty or 
advantages, but if there we go I shall necessarily work on a farm next 
summer. I yesterday sent for Yi a section of land to be entered on time 
in Greene or Carroll County. This adds 320 acres to my landed interest. 
I owe for tliis last farm $560. If I should not be able to pay for it in 
one year it will go back, and my note will be canceled, so that all the risk 
is ihe loss of $10.00 sent to begin with. I'll risk it. 

The weather is milder. It is now fair winter weather. You have 
doubtless read terrible stories about people freezing to death on the 
prairies. They are all true, and half do not reach you. The mercury has 
been 30 below zero near here, when it is much further south than you are. 
But anything like such a winter was never before known here. It is just 
as cold as far south as Missouri. I think it lias been colder here than in 
the northern part of the state and in Minnesota. The cold is the excuse 
why I have done so little this winter. No work was to be done. No one 
would work at buildings, and usually much is left to be done during the 
pleasant winters. 

I have written to Kate. While in Iowa Falls I wrote you a detailed 


ae«oiint of some incidents relative to the climate as far as it had affected 
me, but had no chance to send the letters till they were worn out in mj 
pocket. I will repeat them here. 

While there a Mr. Shaw and an old gentleman and mjself hired a 
teamster to take us on the prairie to make our preemptions. We did not 
get started till late and I saw a storm was coming, but thought we could 
go five or six miles and back without any trouble. We first came to the 
old man 's preemption, when he left us to go back across the prairie, while 
we went on to finish ours. Shaw led off for his a mile or so, when I 
noticed that our driver looked rather queer, he soon began to complain 
that there was danger of freezing on the prairie, the storm having come 
on so tliat we could not see a very great distance, but I had a compass 
and felt safe. Shaw soon became slightly puzzled in liis route, which 
so alarmed our driver that he (Shaw) concluded to give up going to liis 
claim, and told me to strike off for mine, and he got in the sleigh with 
the driver. 

Looking at the compass I started directly into the wind, but soon 
looking around saw there was something wrong in the sleigh, so I con- 
cluded to humor the fears of the driver, and changed my course for the 
timber about three miles off and on our way home. Looking round 
again and Shaw was calling and motioning to me, so I waited for them 
to come up, when I found the driver was freezing. I pointed Shaw the 
direction to the timber, told him to lay on the whip while I took care 
of the driver, who soon became in a pretty bad state. I kept rubbing 
him, pounding and arousing him, but just before reaching timber he 
had become faint, or insensible, so as to lie in the bottom of the sleigh. 
But the horses were on tlie full run, and we reached timber and soon 
aroused him. I think fifteen minutes longer and he certainly would 
have frozen to death. He was a large, robust man, and more warmly 
clothed than either of us. I froze my ear very little wliile attending him, 
but neither Shaw nor myself thought it at all an uncomfortable day, 
but fear and want of resolution was the main trouble. I wonder tliere 
are not more deaths from cold than there are. 

I will tomorrow or next day give you anotlier instance of exposure 
wherein I did not come off quite so well. Do not be alarmed, I have 
quite recovered from the frost bites I wrote about some time ago, 
excepting that there is still on my mind a warning not to go on the 
prairie in a winter storm. 

But I must work now, for traveling, lying still, and speculating has 
emptied my pocket, and the chances are that I shall keep it empty for 
some time, that is, if I find entering land on time so promising a spec. 

When I hear how many of our folks have been affected with western 
mania by my rhapsodies, then I shall know what to do. If Henry and 
Bob or John^* or Father have concluded to come, we will make a rush. 
Tell Father that if emigration is as great next summer as it was last, 

01 .Tohn T. Whoolock, brother of Mrs. Howe. 


he could come here with $500, spend the summer with us, and so invest 
it as to make it worth four or fives times as much. 

Love to all. Good-bye. Kiss Linnie. Does she talk about mef Will 
she forget mef I know there is one at home who will not. 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, January 28, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

At last I have heard from home by Father's letter, and expect to- 
morrow to receive yours, and in a day or two a host that you have sent 
to Iowa Falls, as I have ordered them remailed to this place. What a 
feast when they all come! 

If you could know all my feelings while alone among strangers, then 
you could imagine how I hope and fear for every mail tliat arrives. 

I went to church yesterday. It was in a private house, the society 
will have their house finished as soon as the weather is warm enough 
for plastering. It is Old School Presbyterian. There are also societies 
of N. S. Presbyterians, and "Free" Presbyterians, Baptists, Disciples, 
and Methodists. The last have a church. 

Village lots here are as liigh as in Buffalo, though there is no water 
power and no natural advantage in this point over any other in the 
state. But county seats will necessarily be flourishing business places 
in this country. Father writes as though he might leave Alden, and I 
have strong hopes that he will come up in the sprnig. I will go into any 
sure business that he likes, if he will come, but have sent him word that 
I want to start a law office with him. He would be at the head of the 
profession in a week's study of **The Code of Iowa," if those I have 
met are good specimens, but all make money. I have seen none of two 
years' standing but who have something laid up, principally by specu- 
lating. But every kind of business pays well. Farming next to specu- 
lating. Vine, Sarah and Mary'^'a could in a few years earn a farm, a house, 
and a husband, all by school-teaching. If Father comes I think Iowa 
Falls or some of the villages near my place will be as good points as any, 
but am not particular as to a hundred or two miles in a location for 
our headquarters. My boss has gone to Franklin County to locate a 
county seat by order of the state. There are three commissioners to 
decide upon the point, and a fellow clerk here is anxiously expecting his 
return, so as to know whether his land there is the favored spot. This 
clerk has been here seven months, with a capital of $500, and has now 
over $4,000. Pretty fair, is it not! If his land is selected for county 
seat he will call it about $15,000 addition to his property. 

If Father should come and go into law and land business with me 
(and farm it too so as to make sure of a living) and emigration be as 
large as the last five years, I would not ask to be insured $10,000 between 
us in three years. Indeed, I should hate now to work for the sum of 
$5,000 for three years, and agree not to earn any more in that time. 

Ma Sarah and Mary Howe, sisters of O. C. H. 


The only ones who fail are those that allow sharpers to cheat them 
outrageously. All arc doing big business here. I have seen no such 
thing as a cent here, a few three-cents I had went for half dimes, but 
I have seen but two or three instances of half dimes being used in this 
county. Dimes and bits (12%) are the coppers, and quarters and halves 
and gold dollars are the small change. 

To show what a face I have got I will mention that I was at the hotel 
a week before any one had seen any money of mine, and I could stay 
any where without money till it was earned. But perhaps if there was 
nothing in my pocket, that assurance would be wanting. Are you tired 
of my writing so much about money matters! You would have the fever 
too if every day some acquaintance should speak of a sale by which 
hundreds had been gained in a few months. 

I did not get the 320 acres I wrote about, but have a thing in view 
for which I am going to risk about $25.00 next May, and expect to make 
several hundred on it by September. 

If Bob or Henry will not come here in the spring tell them to send 
a little money to me to enter land on time for them. The fees are from 
$5.00 to $10.00 for 160 acres. I shall pay the $10.00 for mine, as I can 
by that secure a personal selection by an acquaintance whom I can trust. 
Tell them to send $10.00 or $20.00 apiece, and give me a wTitten consent 
to sign their name to a note, or I will give my note for the land, just 
as they wish. If at the end of the year they do not want the land, the 
notes are canceled, so nothing but the ten is risked. But I promised to 
write some more personal instances and narratives, so here goes. 

On Christmas the stage driver from the west told us at the tavern at 
Iowa Falls that he had seen a large drove of elk on the road. Mr. 
Larkin,^2 ^.ho is a fine old hunter, started for a Mr. Yates of Illinois, 
who had been slaying the deer awhile, and was going back next day, 
but he came up and council of war was held, and two sleighs were found 
with teams to carry three each, and so those who could get rifles soon 
6iigaged places, but I was out, as I could find nothing but a shot gun. 
At last it was thought that a good horse and a light but reckless rider 
would be wanted to run the elk down. That was my only chance, so I 
offered at once, and was of course elected by several pounds under all 
others. We started about 2 a. m., mercury ten below zero, but clear, 
rode ten miles and breakfasted, then started, struck the trail eight miles 
off and followed more than 25 miles and cAme in sight of the elk about 
noon. More than fifty of them, looked like a drove of mules or young 

To my great satisfaction the owner of the riding horse concluded to 
ride himself, so I stayed in one sleigh while the horseman and Larkin 
and Yates went at 'em. In less than two hours they had nearly a dozen 
dowTi, while we followed to pick them up. Found eight of them, and it 
was time to quit. So we loaded up the two sleighs and started for the 
grove where we breakfasted. Thinking that we were about twelve miles 

92 James R. Larkin. 


off as wc had come partly towards it, we followed till dark, and soon 
mistook a stream for another, and got puzzled, and at last gave up that 
we were lost. As not one knew anything about the country, so we con- 
cluded to unload the elk, take some direct course by the stars. We came 
to the best estimate we could as to our whereabouts, and started east 
by south, knowing that if we were right we should find timber in two 
or three miles, if wrong, in forty miles! But that was better than a 
chance of 400! After going a mile or two we saw timber on the north, 
and reached our breakfasting tavern before midnight. The next day 
Tates and Larkin went after the live elk and we got the killed ones, and 
then broke down so we could not start again. At night the hunters did 
not come, and we were alarmed, especially a son of Mr. Larkin. The 
morning was stormy and cold, but we had a compass, and we felt com- 
pelled to hunt up the hunters, so we took their track and followed it 
some forty miles, till it turned and then struck for the tavern, 25 miles 
off in a straight line, and reached it and found the hunters there with 
seven more elk. Every one of us were frozen, but none seriously, and 
all felt thankful for our escape, and wondered at our rashness. But the 
elk were different game from Alden sporting, some would weigh over 
500 apiece! Think of fifteen shot in two days, making two large sleigh 
loads of beef. But you don't catch me on the prairie again this winter 
away from houses. 

I meant to write a different kind of a letter but will send again. I 
saw two or three children at meeting about Linnie's age, but none like 
darling Linnie. When shall I see her again f If my wife and child were 
here it would be easy working. How I long for spring. And will it 
bring us all together again f And shall we not have other friends. 
Father, Mother, and our sisters, all four of them, Robert, Henry, your 
mother, why will they not all comef For Iowa will make a happy home 
for all. Work, and leaving off some of the comforts of life for a year 
or two, and then comfort, independence, competence and even wealth 
for all. Crod bring us together in peace. 

O. C. Howe. 

[Alden, N. Y.] Monday Feb. 10th, [1856]. 
Dear Husband: 

While one is at the black board working a long algebraical problem 
I commence a letter to you, intending to finish it as soon as possible. 
We have had no mail here for 9 days, previous to Saturday. 

Such piles of snow were never seen in Alden as line every fence and 
hide the houses. 

(This is as far as I could write in school.) This morning's mail 
brought me this very welcome letter long looked for but not so long as 
you had looked in vain for news from home. 

It has more than doubled the trials of the winter to be unable to 
exchange letters but, I have had the best of it I know. With such horrid 
accounts of freezing I was sometimes almost terrified for fear you would 


be or were amoug the frozen ones, and it seems by your letter you were 
very near freezing. How could you be so careless when only in search 
of land. That other time when hunting I should expect of course you 
would get it until you were an icicle. But your game was worth some- 
thing to be sure. An account of the hunt was published so that your 
father read it last week. I did not see the paper. We are all well and 
school goes off every well, and if the scholars all pay I shall have con- 
siderable money, a good many will leave at the end of this quarter but 
I shall keep one month more, and that will bring it to the last days of 
March and I hope to start very soon after. Your Father wants very 
much to go west and with us, but I don't think he can sell his place so 

as to go in the spring. He does not think he can and says he has not 

to go with without selling, it is very dull here, nothing doing. I am 
very anxious to get away and feel as if I could hardly wait the time 
out but now I begin to count it by weeks instead of months and that 
seems much better. Mr. Maxon says he saw a friend from New York 
City who had just returned from Iowa west of Dubuque, near where you 
have located. He said New York people were fools and was going to 
close up his business as fast as possible and start for Iowa as soon as 
possible. I was very glad to hear that there would be some one nearer 
than the village, for until your letter to your father I thought we should 
be alone on the prairie, but better alone with each other than separated. 
I have not seen John or Henry's family since you were here. I wish 
you would write to Henry urging him to come up. I think he would. 
Vine wants to come very much but I think it is not best now, in fact she 
could not for want of money. Do tell me what it will cost for Linnie 
and me to get there f I have asked so many times in letters unreceived 
that it seems as if I never would know. You must have written letters 
we have not received, a number I think. I will send this half sheet now 
and another this week. I wish you would write twice a week if the letters 
were short they would be so comfortable. Linnie is waiting to write to 
her Pa. Yours always, 


Newton, February 14, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

I have received nothing since those two letters that came at one time 
with Linnie 's enclosed in one of them. How glad I was to hear at last 
from you. The mail comes here from the east three times a week, but 
today there was nothing farther east than Iowa City. The railroad from 
Davenport was blocked up two days with snow. 

I can not definitely conclude where I am to locate in the spring, till 
I hear from Father as to whether he is to come or not. Here I can have 
a salary of about $400 a year, but board is $4.00 a week and till within 
a week I have only had enough to pay for my board. Bents are very high, 
still I think we could get along well here, and I am in office being deputy 
recorder and treasurer of Jasper County. 


Dr. Aiilt,*^ my principal, and a Mr. Preaton" of lUinoia and another 
person have just laid out a new town joining this and are trying to 
locate the courthouse upon it. If they succeed they will realize a large 
fortune, and there is considerable talk about removing the capital of the 
state here. I think Newton stands as good a chance as any other place. 

The Dr. and Preston are also laying a town about nine miles from 
here, and I can get good employment there and probably make more for 
a few years than here. It would also be a first rate place for Father. 

I can get 20 or 30 acres of land near the village there for $20 or $30 
an acre and have time to pay for it in work in the office or a store or 
something, for the founders are friends of mine and seem to value my 
services. I can probably do something, in the meantime speculating 
but must wait till I get you here before letting a dime go for anything 
unnecessary. It will cost about $30.00 apiece for you and Levinia to 
reach Galva with Linnie, and I can not bear the thought that you should 
come alone. I hope Father will be coming too. It will be a great dis- 
appointment to me if he does not come here early in the spring. John T. 
would make a fortune anywhere here in a short time, and I hope some 
time that he will come. I am sorry that Mother thinks more of Illinois 
than Iowa for it is certain that they would do better here than at Galva^ 
and would find it equally comfortable and Father and I could do so much 
better together than alone, either in farming or in law business or black- 

I hear that land is rising in price about Iowa Falls and do not want 
to give up my home there. You say that you have written for a descrip- 
tion of the farm and many other matters. I have not yet received the 
letters. The "farm" is nearly as rolling as the Ferris farm, it has two 
or three sink holes on it, but not to hurt it in the least. There are 
neighbors about three miles off and will be several near by before we 
can get there. The nearest timber is about 2% miles off. You have 
probably seen a rough draft of the township that I sent Father. 

If I had the means to purchase timber and prairie adjoining and 
stock a farm it would be a sufficient fortune to me for farming here is 
not much like work after the land is fenced and broken up. Land is 
high here, prairie in this county is from 2% to 40 dollars an acre, 
according to quality and location. 

If Father or Robert comes probably some considerable time will be 
taken up for a year or two in traveling in the western part of the state 
and in Nebraska. I would like to send some money next week to have 
some land entered for me on time in Monona County, may send for 160 
or 320 acres. The 160 acres joining me in Hardin County is for Father 
so you need not wish me to sell it, even if I am able to get it. I am glad 
to see you so resolute about enduring the hardships of Iowa life and 
think you will be agreeably disappointed in many respects. 

M Dr. A. T. Ault. 

M Probably Edwin D. PreHton who came to Jasper County in 1855 and 
engaged in surveying. 

SB Galva, in Henry County, Illinois. 


I think Levinia had better come and Sarah too and aU the rest. 
Schools could be got for all. 

I will meet you in Qalva and you will need to send me several letters 
for five or six weeks before starting to let me know when to come after 
you. I have not heard from Katie yet. Ton know how I wish to see 
you all. Kiss Linnie for me. 

Tour husband, 

O. C. Howe. 

The letters which follow were written on the same sheet of 
paper by the parents of Mr. Howe, the first one by John D. 
Howe, and the second by Sarah P. Howe. They came west in 
1858 with John Henry Schuneman and Eupehmia Wheelock 
Schuneman, and settled in Spirit Lake. 

Alden [N. Y.], Feb 17, 1856. 
Yesterday was a comfortable wintry day but snowed some and last 
evening just at dark mother and myself went up to your house, wind in 
the south, warm and soft balmy air but we had not been there more than 
20 minutes before the wind chopped round suddenly to the north and 
blew hard and the snow flew merrily and through the night grew colder 
and more cold and to day as severe a day as we have had this winter, 
so that we are all at home trying to keep warm and do not think of going 
to church it is so boisterous. Such a winter, that respectable individual, 
the oldest inhabitant, never knew before. No business doing anywhere. 
No work in the shop. The farmer has all that he can do to get wood 
and take care of his stock. Roads almost completely blocked up. Bail- 
road cars don't run scarcely at all on our road or on some others. It 
has cost much more than their receipts to try to keep them open. It has 
been for 2 or 3 times that we have not had a mail from three to 9 days 
at a time and today the prospect is that the track may be filled as bad 
as ever. So it goes, and I sometimes think that I should like to live 
where there was no snow at all, at all. We have aU enjoyed comfortable 
health so far except bad colds. Maria stands it better than we supposed 
she could as the winter has been. Mr. Vandervent keeps a supply of 
wood but says that he would not draw for any body else for $3.00 per 
cord but says I am bound to keep her in wood and shaU do so. * * * 
As to our town meeting not much said as yet, but there are symptoms 
that things are working among the fusion as Fullerton and Durkee and 
Slater, Jacobs, Brake and others are together some. Who they are in- 
tending to support for town officers has not transpired. E. H. Ewell 
wants to be the candidate of the American party for supervisor but 
whether he will get the nomination I don 't know, but he is as usual anxious. 
As it respects my coming or rather going west all is very uncertain as 
I cannot go without selling to raise money to go with and I do not know 
of any chance of selling. You wrote in your last to Maria that you 
thought you should make a strike soon. All I can say is strike as you 


have uotliiug to lose and may gain and if anything turns up so tliat I 
can help you by and by I will do so, but I do not see any better way for 
you than to keep the ball in motion. You wrote to Kate you say and 
now write to Ira and Bosalia lest they should find fault.^ 

L. P. Jacobs inquired a day or two ago for your address, what his 
object was I do not know, but you must remember that he is like the 
Indian's White Man, very uncertain. Many inquiries concerning you 
and when you are coming back are made, but I have but one answer, 
that is, I do not know. When the mail will go out is uncertain as it 
continues blowing hard. 

(Sig.) J. D. Howe. 

Orlando, your father has left room for me to write some and I will 
try you need not fear of being forgotten by us I think more about you 
than I do the girls on account of your being alone and from your wife 
and child but they will not suffer as long as we can stir and Linnie is 
happy with us days and then goes home nights to comfort her mother 
she generally wants something to carry to her dear ma and she is put 
in mind of you often and says she is going west and will cook prairie 
hens for her poor pa she thinks she can't go without granpa and granma 
go. We have all felt better about you after we learned you was in some 
business this winter for it has been so cold and hard. I should [have] 
worried all the time if you had not fare, I was afraid you would see 
very liard times and it seems you did when out preempting and hunting 
I do hope you will be more careful in time to come and try to preserve 
your health we got a letter from Ira and Rosalia last week were well 
and anxious to hear from you have not heard from Katie since the fore 
part of January it seems lonely to have you and Kate both gone at once 
but hope it is for the best I hope you will succeed in getting along and 
do better than you could here but we know but little what is before us 
we must do what we can and trust in God. I hope you will have your 
dear wife and child in the spring to comfort you be assured you are ever 
in our minds and pray for your prosperity. 

[Sig] 8. P. Howe. 

Feby. 21st. The prospect is for a mail to go out tonight G. Dodge 
was buried this afternoon. 

Newton, February 22, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

I send you a few lines in haste as I am about starting on a trip 
stumping for moving the county seat. I have been to one place with 
Dr. Ault and we give 'em some, I reckon. There is not much chance in 
succeeding in the effort. 

You have probably received my last, in which I spoke of the various 
employments offering to me. None will pay very well, but can make 

5« Kattle Howe later Mrs. B. F. Babcock. Ira was Ira Tromalno, husband 
of Rosalie Howe, sister or daughter of J. D. Howe, writer of the letter quoted, 
all latter residents of Webster City, Iowa. 


something out of most. I have failed of receiving anything since your 
first two from you, but have seen by the papers that the B Boads are 
blocked up with snow. 

If we conclude to stop here or near here it will be best to ship goods 
to Burlington rather than Davenport, as I can get from here to Burling- 
ton with a team in two days and come back with a load in three. 

Ault and Preston have made me a good offer in building a village 
out in the country. I can take an undivided y^ with them of 80, 160, 
or 240 acres of a most beautiful location for a village, and directly on 
a coal bank of superior quality. 

Price about $18 an acre on good time, and I can pay for my share 
by selling village lots, and have considerable left, besides reserving the 
coal. It is my opinion that a large manufacturing town must some time 
or other spring up there. Write oftencr. 

In haste, 

O. C. Howe. 

Neii-ton, March 8, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

I received your letter dated February 28 last night, and am sorry to 
find you are sick. You do not tell how sicJc^ only I find by the letter that 
Linnie is not at home, but at Mother's. I am glad that you are out of 
school and are coming here so aoouy for I am homesick, too. I am tired 
of fighting my way alone, though I do not mean to have you help do the 
fighting, but intend to become peaceable and let all matters go easy, 
though Fillmore's nomination may set me agoing again. By the way, 
that nomination takes remarkably well here with the true Americans, 
and will draw from every other party a strong vote. 

About our county seat matter. The county judge has decided not to 
order an election, but I am going to get a mandamus from the district 
judge and put the matter through. My friends are sometimes astonished 
at my way of finding the way to do legal matters. There are several 
practicing attorneys here, but only one has any great amount of knowl- 
edge. John T.*^ is a much better lawyer than most of them, including 
the prosecuting attorney. Law business will pay soon, but at present 
not more than enough to make a living. Circumstances have prevented 
my speculating yet, and I shall want all I can get hold of to get you and 
the furniture here. Can you raise $30? If not, can you sell furniture 
enough to raise it I Unless you can, write and I will send some to you, 
for I do not think you and Linnie can come for less than that to Oalvs 
and be prepared for slight accidents and detentions. The fare will be 
$14 to Chicago, and perhaps $6 to Galva, making $20. Linnie goes free, 
and I think that if Sarah is with you she can come at half price by 
coming as servant and nurse for Linnie, but I am not certain as to that. 
At Chicago you will stay all night, and I think you had better stop at 

57 A New York lawyer referred to In O. C. H.'s letter, Feb. 14, 1856. Ante. 


the Matteson House, price $2.00 a day. Then take the ' ' Chicago, Burling- 
ton and Quincy Rail Road" to Galva. 

I shall go to Ft. Desmoine the 16th of March, as I have business there, 
and I shall then get admitted to practice, and I want you to start as 
soon after that time as you think a letter can reach me, and then you 
will get to GaWa a day before me. 

I now think you had better get Father to send the furniture as soon 
as possible to me at Newton, directed in care of "Salsbury, Daniels & 
Co. Iowa City." I shall not be at the expense of getting a team to go 
for them till I hear they have arrived. Ask Father to get a receipt from 
some forwarder in Buffalo and send it by you. I tliiuk you had better 
send as little furniture as you can get along with. I suppose you will 
not be able to get the cheap bureau you wrote about. I wish I was able 
to send the money for it, but cannot yet. 

I wish you could be able to start by the 24th if you get this in time 
to send a letter to me by the 17th, giving seven days for a letter to 
reach me. 

Write a letter every day for four days at least, sending the date you 
intend starting, and do come as soon as you can. 

I am wTiting in the dark and must wait for a light. 

Monday morning. 
Have no time to write now. Good-by. 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, March 15, '56. 
Mv dear Wife: 

I received from the west last night your long letter of the 24th of 
February, it having been missent. I will try and see if the postmaster 
will send this east today, although it is not the day for the through mail. 

I see that you were sick at the time, but hope that you are better now, 
for the journey to Galva will be tedious. I do hope Sarah will come 
with you, and wish Schuneman would send his family along, and then 
come himself as soon as he can sell. If he were here I think that we 
should all conclude to go to the Missouri River. 

Don't be afraid of my going into too wild a place, but the whole of 
Iowa is nearly alike, the northern part newer, but settled by Eastern 
people, and having more schools, churches, better houses, &c than the 
southern. I think Sioux CMty (at the mouth of the Big Sioux River) 
one of the best places to commence in that now offers, but shall not go 
there unless Father or Schuneman go with us. It being on the Missouri 
where steamboats land, it is not so far from all the conveniences of 
civilization as the interior of the state. Were you and one of the other 
home families here, I would think it best to go this spring, but now 
think it best to postpone till fall, when we will take a pleasure journey 
there to see how it will work. 

A friend, Mr. Spencer of New York City,** who has been here a few 

<*KGoorgo E. Sponcer, see footnote 11, ante. 


weeks, says be will go there and pat us up a house if we will moTe there 
in the summer. 

I can do very well here, and you may perhaps like it as being so far 
south. The weather this winter has been very cold, but the old residents 
say that it never has been so before. 

Do be careful on your journey and not expose yourself to accident. 
Take good care of Liiiuie. I wrote that Sarah can come at one half fare 
if she would condescend to be Linnie's nurse for the trip. Linnie will 
come free probably. I sent you the rate of fare ($14 to Chicago and 5 
or 6 to Galva). I see that you and Father have thought that twenty 
would be enough, but tlie ten extra will be needed, as there are numerous 
expenses you will find unavoidable. You will be compelled to stop over 
night at Cliicago. 

How I long to see you. How much I fear accidents, all imaginable 
trouble for you is liaunting me. You can only tell by your own feelings 
my solicitude. I can only hope for the best. The time is soon to come. 
I shall expect a letter by next Tuesday telling me when you start. 

Good-by till Monday. 

Yours in hope and love, 


Love to all. 

Newton, March 17, '56. 
My dear Wife: 

I did not get a letter from you Saturday and as usual am hoping for 
the next mail Tuesday. I fear that your letter telling me when you start 
will not reach me in time but you must not be disappointed if I should 
be delayed two or three days in getting to Galva. I guess Kate and 
Frank<^^ will see that you are taken care of till I get there. 

In my last I wrote you something about Sioux City. I do not know 
whether you would take from the letter that I was intending to go and 
settle or not. What I meant is that I shall take several trips in different 
directions in speculating tours as soon as I can get any one of our 
acquaintances to go with me, and if it should turn up that I find a good 
place to start a large town may think it best to move there but not unless 
you are willing. 

I liave had good health all the time except two days past and am well 
again. I think it a healthy state except on the bottom lands on the rivers. 

I see by the letters that Father and Sarah have written that Father 
will come as soon as he can sell. I hope he will find a purchaser soon 
and think he will before summer is out. What a settlement we could 
start with [if] those would come soon. 

But even if we are here alone, I think we can be happy, here or any- 
where in the state. You can hardly imagine how much I think of you 
and Linnie, all tlie time you are before me. Father's family I think 
about most. It is hard at times living here alone and you have no idea 

69 Kate Wheelock. wife of B. F. Parmenter. 


how disagreeable hotel life in Iowa is. We will soon be together and 
soon keeping house, then what a pleasure it will be to have a home. I am 
sorry I did not send ten dollars home to you and would now were I sure 
you would receive this before starting. Probably tomorrow I shall know 
when you start and hope that it will be necessary for me to go the day 
after. If so you will not get this. 
Good-bye till we meet. 

Tour husband, 

Orlando C. Howe. 

Newton, March 19, 1856. 
My dear Wife: 

Again much disappointed as last night's mail brought me no letter. 
I am afraid that some of you are sick and do not write though I lay the 
fault to the mails. It troubles me to think you may start before I get 
word as to the day. I will direct this to Father as well as you, as probably 
you will be on the way before this reaches Alden. 

Am in good health and my greatest trouble is being away from my 
friends but hope soon that we shall meet. 

The weather is fine now, but everybody complains that it is a very 
backward spring. The frost is not out of the ground but it does not 
break up in the mud as in New York. The roads are dusty on top while 
it is thawing below. 

I .suppose that this letter ought to be addressed to the folks at home 
as Maria, Linnie and Sarah are probably on the way. Mary, you must 
write often as most of the "foreign correspondence" will rest on you. 
If you will write once a day to each of the families abroad, I will con- 
sent to take my turn with the rest. Tou must write to me once a week 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, April 1, 1856. 
Brother Lester, 
Wife and Daughter, if there: 

At last I have word that Maria is to start the 7th of April, and I 
intended then to change my proposition that I wrote you, and go for 
her, but I can not very well leave till after the 18th, and perhaps not 
then. Besides, if Maria can afford the hardship of another journey 
alone, the expense to take me there and back is quite an item, not much 
lees than $40.00, which at this time we shall need to commence house- 
keeping with. I have made no arrangements yet about a house, as I can 
not tell when the furniture will come, but think we had better go to 
housekeeping without it rather than wait. I am sorry they were shipped 
to Burlington, as I wished they would go rather to Iowa City. I send 
$5.00 and will keep sending every mail till there is enough* If you can 
raise enough to start with $20 for here, do it, and if by borrowing I will 
send the amount back. I shall not start till I hear from yon that Maria 


is there. The route here is by railroad to Bock Island, then to Iowa City 
on the cars, and then by stage to Newton. 

Tours in haste, 

O. 0. Howe. 

Tpsilanti, Mich. 

Aug. 25th, 1856 
My Dear Howe: 

I arrived here on Saturday evening after a pleasant trip by the way 
of Dubuque. I have had a pleasant time thus far and a very pleasant 
visit here. I leave here today for "home**. Please write me on receipt 
of this at Water town all about Ault, what you have done learned and 
think and I will await yours at Watertown and then go to New York 
and have all of those a/c 's sent to you the matter troubles me very much, 
but I liave confidence in your discretion and judgment. The excitement 
on the Presidential question is intense. My faith and confidence in Fre- 
mont increases every day. He is certain of Success. We took a vote on 
the Mich. Cent, cars on Saturday the vote was Fremont 88, Buch 31, 
Fillmore 17, it is the general topic of conversation every where. Fre- 
mont meetings are being held in every town. I never saw such enthusiasm 
exhibited before. Write me the kind and description of shawl Mrs. Howe 
wants and I will get it with great pleasure. I am making my uncle here 
a visit but leave today. Give Mr. Parmenter and Lady and Mrs. Howe 
my compliments I am 

Faithfully yours 

George E. Spencer 

Senate Chamber. Iowa City, Dec 14th, 1856. 
My Dear Howe: 

I received a letter today from Parmenter stating that you had returned 
also one from our friend Skiff stating that he and many others were in 
favor of your nomination for the Judgeship of the 11th Judicial District 
he wanted to know how I stood on the Goose question &c I wrote him 
I was allright there will be several candidates to wit. Stone of Knox- 
ville, Loughridge of Oskaloosa, Williamson and Jewett of Fort Des 
Moines.^ I dont see but that your chances would be as good as any of 
them but it will require sharp figuring. One important thing is when 
the convention is called is to have the delegation in ratio to the Bepublican 
votes cast at the last election and not in ratio to the whole number cast. 
In case it was in ratio to the republican votes we would have as large a 
delegation as any county in the District in the other case we would have 
about the 4th. I will do all I can here. Stone will probably get Marion 
and Warren Co. delegations and perhaps Madison. Williamson will get 
Polk and Dallas, Loughridge will get Mahaska, and you had [sic] ought 
to have Jasper and Poweshiek. 

60 Refers to Wm. M. Stone, Wm. Loughridge, W. W. Williamson, and J. E. 


Please write me all about your northern trip, did you prove up your 
pre-emption and did you sell it. 

Tell me all the news at Newton &c. What do you think of Kellogg and 
my trade with Powell. That bet of mine with the Dr. I committed and 
gave him an order on you for $75. the remaining $25 please place to my 

Please give my kind regards to your wife. 

Faithfully yours 

George E. Spencer 

Iowa City, Jan'y 14th, 1857. 
Dear Howe: 

I saw Foster from Montezuma^^ a few days ago and he said that he 
was in favor of Stone for Judge, you had better see some of the politicians 
and fix things then don't have the convention held at Monroe, but have it 
held at Keith's, I should prefer Fort Des Moines to Monroe. Keith's 
would be the most central place. 

In haste yours 

George E. Spencer. 


Mr. Howe's letters after leaving Newton in February, 1857, 
on their journey to the Lakes, thence for six years to be his 
home, have more than ordinary interest for those interested 
in the pioneer days of Iowa because of their relation to the 
impending tragedy between the shores of the Okobojis, then 
in the making. They serve as road or trail marks of their 
journey, as the wayfarers slowly proceeded towards their 
destination, only to come upon death and desolation. Save 
the letters of Dr. Isaac H. Harriott, one of the victims of the 
Massacre, Mr. Howe's letters constitute the only contemporary 
correspondence extant by any of the dramatis personae in the 
dark drama on the shores of Mini-Wakan.®^ 

Some of the Howe letters and documents or papers bear- 
ing upon the Spirit Lake Massacre and its Aftermath have 
been published in previous issues of the Annals of Iowa; 
and they are not reproduced in their chronological order in 
what follows. Footnotes will indicate where they may be 
found by those wishing to learn their contents and purport,. 

M C. L. J. Foster, reprosentatlvo of FoweBhieck County In the Seventh General 

«2 F. I. Herriott, "Dr. iMiac II. Harriott : One of the Victims of the Spirit 
Ijilce Massacre, etc.," An.vals of Iowa (Third series). Vol. XVIII, pp. 276-«7. 


At Manns, Feb. 22, 1857. 
My dear Wife: 

We have traveled the full distance of ten miles but find the Nevada 
road is not passable so we must turn for Ft Demoine route, we hope 
to get to Ft. Demoine Tuesday. 

We will probably trade the old mare off for a yoke of cattle as we 
have a good chance here to do it and it will not do to work her hard 
and she was sick yesterday. We hear that we are to have good roads 
after reaching Ft. Demoine all the way. We are in good health and 
spirits and none feel disheartened though the difficulties in the way of 
reaching our place in eight days are yet wholly imaginary. 

Do not send Potter^^s ^ith the load as we wrote as we must get through 
as we can and have heard from Ft. Dodge and provisions and horse feed 
etc. have not raised in price since we were there. We will not try to get 
things up till settled weather except ourselves and we have enough means, 
men and provisions, and find that there is no danger at all for all the 
high water is over when we get to Demoine. 

Good-bye my dear wife and child. Parmenter was going to write but 
lias not time just now as the man is starting soon. 

O. 0. Howe. 

Ft Demoine, February 24, '57. 
My dear Wife: 

We have at last reached the capital of Iowa, after a quick passage 
of four days. We are well and in good spirits and will go on as fast as 
possible without incurring danger. Do not be alarmed at any reports 
of the state of the roads or high water. It is not half as bad as 

I do not wish to see any of my acquaintances here and am in too much 
of a hurry to wait for the 26th to see the result of that.^ Write the 
result to Ft. Dodge the day you hear of it. I expect by the time I get 
to Ft. Dodge to find a letter or two that you have written by this time. 

We swapped the old mare for a yoke of cattle and can go with less 
trouble and expense and save corn when we get there. Jule ia the best 
horse we had and R. begins to own it. Old Spot was well got rid of and 
I urged the trade and all agreed to it. 

There is going to [be] some strong efforts made by others to start a 
town at Spirit Lake but we will get the start if possible. 

Good-bye, Linnie and all. 

Your husband, 

Orlando 0. Howe. 

Boonsboro, February 27, 1857 
My dear Wife: 

We liave stopped the teams here long enough to write a line. The 

02a Thomas Potter of Newton. 

83 Refers to the Convention held in Fort Des Moinrs to select a nominee for 
district judge, when George K. Spencer and others hoped to secure the nomina- 
tion for Mr. Howe. 


roacLs have now beeome better and we make more progress. There ia no 
trouble here or north of here with high water, though we expect to be 
shut up at Spirit Lake till the middle of April after it once breaks up. 

Do write often to Ft Dodge. 

We heard yesterday from the settlement on the Demoin Biver in 
Minnesota twelve miles north of Spirit Lake. The weather there has 
been no worse than here and there is plenty of hay and provisions and 
no SiouXf so do not let Indians trouble you at all. 

Good-bye again till we get to Ft Dodge. 

Your husband, 

Orlando C. Howe. 

At Casters, Palo Alto County, March 5, 1857. 
My dear Wife: 

We are now within two days' journey of the lakes and begin to feel 
quite contented. It was so cold and windy and Robert's^ eyes are sore 
and Laura is some lame, so we waited here today. 

When we hear from you is uncertain as the Demoin will rise so high 
that it will be impassable until June or longer, though I shall go down 
to Ft. Dodge for letters by the first of April or soon after. How I wish 
to hear from you. The winter has been hard here for the settlers though 
I find none who are going to leave. The prospect is fair and the accounts 
of the country encourage Parmenter & Snyder very much. You will have 
plenty of eggs here and at the lakes, for geese and ducks without number 
build their nests on the shores. Provisions of the game kind will all be 
plenty. I have no further light tonight. 

Good-bye again to both. 

Orlando C. Howe. 

[In pencil on back of letter] 
Saturday, March 6, 
We have laid by on account of the storm and are now starting. We 
shall travel about twelve miles and stop over Sunday and get there next 
day. Robert's eyes are better. Adieu. 


Here may be mentioned Mr. Howe's draft of the affidavit 
setting forth the gruesome details of the Massacre which he 
and Messrs. Snyder, Parmenter and Wheelock came upon at 
the Lakes on March 16, which Mr. Howe penned on the after- 
noon or evening of March 21 at Fort Dodge, on their return 
from the Lakes to notify that community of the catastrophe 
to the Spirit Lake Settlement, which affidavit was forwarded 

«♦ Robert WheolcK-k. 


to Gov. James W. Grimes at Burlington. It has been given 
in previous pages.** 

Ft Dodge, March 22, 1857. 
My dear Wife: 

Since you last heard from me what strange events have taken place, 
but by the mercy of God we are all spared though through many apparent 
dangers. After leaving here we were much hindered and at last left 
our horses and went with the oxen to Dr. Bidwell's claim in Palo Alto 
County about twenty-five or thirty miles from Spirit Lake.** Here we 
waited for several days as the cattle were lame and we were nearly tired 
out but at last started again. On the 16th (last Monday) we reached 
within three miles of the Lakes with the teams and then got fast in the 
snow drifts. So we took a hand sled with a little provisions and bedding 
and went to Mr. Joel Howe's house, the same place where Robert and I 
stopped last fall. 

We remarked that no one appeared to be on the lookout and thought 
it strange, but a dog came out barking at us. As we approached nearer, 
the house appeared deserted and on the outside there was much confusion, 
things being thrown out and scattered around. We looked into the house 
through the window and saw the bedding &e piled up on the floor. 

Robert and I then went on to Mr. Thatcher's^ to see if they were at 
home, thinking that actual starvation had driven away Howe's family. 
As we came to Thatcher's, we saw that things were in worse confusion 
there, the beds having been ripped open and feathers scattered out and 
cattle killed at the door and saw moccasin tracks about and suspected 
that Indians had been at mischief. We did not break into the house, 
but went back to Howe's where Parmenter and Snyder had remained. 
They had built a fire in the stove and told us they had seen a corpse in 
tho house and so had come out doors to wait for us. We did not like to 
stay in the house but concluded it was necessary, so we went in and stayed 
all night as it was too dark to travel. 

We expected to find the whole family dead in the house either by 
starvation or violence but concluded to make no examination till we left. 
When ready to start we found such a scene as I hope never to see again. 
Mr. Howe 's family^ had all been murdered and probably by the Indians. 
We did not wait long to examine the bodies, but only saw a few, I re- 
collect seven, there were probably more, one child younger than Idnnie. 

We went back to the Demoine River at the Irish Colony as soon as 
possible, leaving all the load in the prairie by the Lakes except our 
clothing, arms and some provisions to last us through. 

On reaching the settlements we found that people had given us up for 
murdered as we had gone on and not been heard from and several others 

«6 F. I. Herrlott, "The Aftormath of the Spirit Lake Massacre." Annals 
OF Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XVIII, pp. 439-40. 

flfi The location not known. 

07 .1. M. Thatchrr, whose wife was one of the four women taken captive by 
Inkpaduta'fl band and later murdered on the way up to Dakota. 

««.Toel Howe. 


had within a few weeks gone to the Lakes and only one, a Mr. Morris 
Markham, had escaped.^ He was there some ten days previous to us and 
went to Mr. Gardner's house^® and found the people all murdered and 
then he went to Mr. Thatcher 's and found it plundered, but Mrs. Thatcher 
and child missing. We found Thatcher at the settlements nearly dis- 
tracted at the loss of liis family and especially the uncertainty as to their 
fate. They may be prisoners, but I fear they are dead. From twelve to 
twenty of the bodies at the Lakes have been seen by Markham and our- 
selves but the other persons have not been heard from. There were about 
forty in all. 

My dear wife how I now wish to come to you for a short time, but I 
cannot. I am impelled by a sense of duty too strong to be resisted to 
assist in finding those missing persons. Robert, Snyder^^ and myself 
came here to raise a company and look for them and we shall start Tues- 
day with a very strong force. 

Parmenter waited at the colony for us to return with the company 
as he could not walk fast enough for the emergency. Snyder has heard 
his child is sick and has today concluded to go back to Newton but 
promises to come up again and perhaps will bring some help. 

How I have dreaded to write so much that will pain and alarm you 
but I have no wish to conceal my intentions if I could. It may be some 
consolation to you that there is not much probability of our overtaking 
the Indians though I think and hope you will rather wish we should 
succeed even at much danger. Had I not seen those murdered children 
and heard Thatcher 's appeal for help to find his family I might not think 
it right to leave you and Linnie to go back; but God in his providence 
placed me there, and has most mercifully and almost miraculously spared 
our lives and you will agree with me that it would be wrong for me to 
leave this work to others. We intend to go to the Lakes and pursue the 
Indians as far as any prospect of success appears and then will build 
a strong block house on our claim that will be a defence in future from 
any aggressions. Of course we do not think of ever taking our families 
into a place of danger but this terrible massacre will probably be the 
occasion of driving the Sioux out of the country and in a few years if 
God so will it we may be spared to think over his many mercies and 
praise his goodness in safety in that country now so gloomy. 

I hope to return to Newton in two months or less and will have several 
opportunities of writing to you. Continue to write to Dacotah^^ ^n^ 
Ft. Dodge. How I love those letters you sent me. 

Have good courage, we will do our duty and leave the result with God 

69 Morris Markham was the one who first carried the news of the Spirit 
Lalce Massacre to Fort Ridgely, Minn. 

70 Rowland Gardner. One of his daughters was not present at the time of 
the attack, and the other, Abble, was taken to Dakota and later releaned 
through the good offices of the authorities of Minnesota Territory. Sec 
Herrlott, Op. (it., pp. 48»-88. 

71 Cyrus Snyder of Newton. 

72 Now Dakota City in Huml)oldt County, Iowa. 


and you need not fear if the hour of trial comes that I will cause jou or 
Linnie to be ashamed of me. 

Tell Linnie that I must go to drive away the Indians that killed the 
little children. 

Have not you and Linnie been wonderfully preserved from being there f 

Your husband 

Orlando C. Howe. 
March 23 

Snyder starts now 
Goodby and God protect you 


Ft. Dodge, March 26, 1857. 
My dear Wife: 

We start today with a very strong force and shall have about one 
hundred men in our army. This will make our effort sucx;essful without 
doubt and will prevent all danger or nearly so. Do not be unnecessarily 
alarmed. Write to Father's folks, I have written a short letter. We 
will try to get some work done this summer on our place but unless a 
large settlement is formed ii\'ill not think of staying in the winter. Of 
course you will not have the pleasure of seeing that most beautiful of 
countries for a long time as I shall not ask yon to go while there is 
possibility of danger if at all. 

God protect you both. 

Orlando C. Howe. 

I send an order for you to sign with one that may satisfy Upton.^' 

[Near Spirit Lakef] Wednesday, April 2, 1857. 
My dear Wife: 

The troops from Fort Ridgeley have arrived one day in advance of us 
and driven away all the Indians, but not till they had destroyed another 
settlement. Part of our company return today, the others stay to assist 
burying the dead. We are all well and will remain for some time, and 
I shall perhaps go to Sioux City before returning. Will try and write 
again in a few weeks. 


Orlando C. Howe. 

Newton, Jasper Co., Iowa 
March 25th, 1857 
Friend Howe: 

As your wife has requested me to write you at Fort Dodge thinking 
perliaps I might be able to give you more news in relation to business 
matters than herself. I will just write you a few words. Suppose you 
have heard on this that Stone received the nomination for judge. Jasper 

78 Name not found in Census of Jasix^r Couuty for 1856. 


was not represented in convention — the river was so high that no one 
could get there. That aifair with Sloan did not amount to anything. 
I sent to them the proper instructions to take depositions and in the 
meantime they had sent up an affidavit as to the truth of the claim and 
upon receiving my instructions sent back word that they had sent up the 
depositions before as a matter of course had to with draw the papers. 
M. . . .on has failed up entirely and is either sneaking about town hid 
up half of the time or ran away I know not which. Weather warm and 
nice and farmers soon will be plowing wishing you success 

I remain yours truly, 

H. 8. Winslow.75 

Sioux aty, May 15th, 1857. 
My dear Howe: 

I reached here yesterday 3 days from Spirit Lake, we found every- 
tliing peaceable and quiet, there was none of the Bed Skins in that region. 
We left your friends all well there and in good spirits. We located 
Spirit Liake City on the cite you proposed. Forman^^^ is now platting 
the town I expect to sell enough stock in the town to help you start 
it weU. 

Bill Granger^ arrived the day after we did. I don't fear him much. 

don 't amount to putty he is the most insufficient man I ever saw. 

He however, agreed with me perfectly in everything. I will write you 
the particulars be the next mail. We located the town of Spencer in 
Clay County. There is a perfect rush here. Write me here. 

yours, etc. 
Geo. E. Spencer 

Here it is to be noted in passing the public protest against 
the newspaper articles reflecting upon the conduct of Dr. John 
S. Prescott in respect of the Gardner claim and his alleged 
desecration of the graves of the victims of the Massacre, 
penned by Judge Howe, and signed by him and all of his 
fellow townsmen at the Lakes, already quoted by me in the 
Annals of Iowa in dealing with the ** Aftermath of the Spirit 
Lake Massacre.**^® 

There might be reproduced here properly the appeal of the 
residents of Spirit Lake and nearby communities to the mem- 
bers of the Seventh General Assembly then in session at Des 
Moines, asking for provision for protecting the northwestern 

75 H. S. Wlnslow, who later had a notable carter as an attorney and district 

76 s. w. Foreman, then of Newton, later of Spirit Lake. 

77 Wm. H. Granger, member of the Red Wing Company, see An.nals or 
Iowa (Third Series), Vol. XVI 1 1, pp. 247, 264-72, 60S-09. 

78 IMd. pp 612-14. 


frontier from Indian attacks, the first among the thirty-two 
signers being Orlando C. Howe, who we may infer was the 
author of the appeal. It was reproduced some twenty years 
since by Captain Charles B. Richards in his account of the 
** Organization and Service of the Frontier Guards" published 
in these pages in April, 1913.^ 

[Spirit Lake] May 23, 1857. 
Brother Howe: 

We a party of six are in the Snyder Grove in a small cabin and besides 
us one man of Dr. Prescott's company^ is now here putting up a house 

on his claim. The doctor has about the same number of men and Granger 
seven or eight, though as I am informed today two af Granger's men 
left yesterday sick. Granger is absent, having left as he says for Bed 
Wing for recruits. 

Granger as you were informed before this claims the Snyder and 
Mattock Grove and the contest promises to grow hotter and hotter. 
There is now one cabin completed in the Snyder grove and two bodies 
of others up that only want roofing and chinking &c. We are laboring 
under much disadvantages from want of our plow and another ox team, 
because as it is we shall get only half of the breaking done by the team 
as we furnish two yoke only and the other yoke is furnished by Mark- 
ham & Leamont as well as the plow. You can take everything into 
account and make such arrangements as you think advisable. We are 
also greatly in want of seed potatoes. Each of our party has a garden 
broken on as good ground as could be found. I have broken us three- 
fourths of an acre for a garden on the town site and have made beds 
and sown them &c. We want metif men to keep the balance of the world 
straight, particularly the Granger portion of it. The black walnut grove 
is not yet taken and there are any quantity of splendid prairie claims. 
The Newton boys must come up immediately or they will lose their 
timber. You will of course have Forman come up as soon as possible, 
and would it not be a good idea for him to get a sub contract to sectionize 
a townsliip or two in this county, then we could immediately preemt and 
it would give us an advantage over the Grangers as they would not 
suspect Forman to be engaged in that business. I spoke to Dr. Prescott 
about adopting this plan and he was decidedly pleased with it and said 
"There should be no difficulty between us respecting the expenses." 
Please to think of this subject and learn the name of the man who has 
the contract and see him or have Forman see him, as yon think best. 
Prescott goes to the Fort tomorrow or the next day and will make some 
inquiry respecting this matter and take our letters along. 

I think there is a chance for another timber claim in the grove next 
north of the Marble grove. When contests arrive among preemptors the 

79 ihid.. Vol. XI, p. 2. 

80 Dr. John S. Prescott. Herrlott, Op. cit., pp. 510, 515, 610-17. 


statute provides that he who made the first settlement shall prevail. 
Query? In determining who made the first settlement are improvements 
made prior to the seetionizing of the land taken into account? Please 
to sec how the Register of the Ft Dodge office construes the statute. 
Robert tliinks it would be a good plan to get some buckwheat & a seine 
& salt which he forgot to mention in Ids letter. I hope you will make 
haste to come up here and bring as many settlers as possible. Toll Arthur 
that I am waiting impatiently for him.^^ 


B. F. Parmeuter. 

P. S. Our dishes are for the most part missing. Perhaps you will 
think it best to bring a set. Decidedly the best road to this place is 
through Clay County. Bob has claimed 320 acres, 80 of timber in 
Snyder 's grove. I have claimed for you 8 more on section south of town, 
including two small groves. 

Newton, Jany. 12th, 1858. 
Messrs Howe & Wheolock: 

I confidently expected that Spencer and myself would have got up to 
the Lakes before this. I was anxious above all to have Spencer go up 
and take care of his claim that there might be no difficulty about that 
and that we might arrange everything in a satisfactory manner. 

It was announced here last evening that Spencer was appointed Clerk 
of the Senate and Colonel Shelledy speaker of the House. Spencer hails 
from Spirit Lake.^^a 

After the adjournment of the legislature I presume Spencer will be 
on hand and make everything right and meantime he will no doubt labor 
for the interest of Spirit Lake. Two petitions have been drawn up one 
to the Senate and House of Representatives for a new land district and 
land office which petition I have forwarded to the Doctor at the city of 
Washington, the other petition is addressed to the Senate and House of 
Representatives of this state for a memorial to Congress for a grant of 
lands for a railroad from Sioux City to connect with the Mankato road. 
Spencer will see this through. 

Will it not be well for the boys at the Lakes to know that if Spencer 
is not at work with them he is at work for them, and that too at a point 
where he can be most serviceable? 

The names of the settlers now at the Lakes were signed to these 
petitions by their friends here for them. 

I have never seen so tight times for money as the present. I am 
positively in want of funds to make my family comfortable. As soon as 
I can see them comfortable and get money enough to get to the Lakes 

81 May refer to Tbomas Arthur of Newton, or to .\ if red Arthur, husband 
of Sarah Howe, sister of O. C\ Howe. 

81a (leorge K. Spencer, chief cierk of Senate, and Coi. Stephen B. Shelledy, 
speaker of the House of Representatives of the Seventh General Assembly. 


and back I shaU be up there and till such time I will do whatever I can 
to forward the interests of the settlement. 

Money is plenty at the East and the prospect of emigration is good 
as the Doctor writes and as I am informed from other sources. 

BespectiFully yours, 

B. F. Parmenter 

Sioux City, Iowa, Oct. 30th, 1858 
O. C. Howe, Esq. 
Dear Sir: 

The Mankato mail came and went without my knowing it so I will 
write a few lines and send by the buffalo hunters. If this could reach 
you before they will I would give you some account of the expedition 
but as it is I will let each tell his own story. 

You probably have already learned that you are elected by nearly 300 
majority as near as is now known here.^' 

I leave the mare, saddle and bridle for you, she will be taken to Mr. 
Hungerford*^ 8 miles above here on Floyd tomorrow eve, or next day. 
Mr. Charles^ and others say that is a good place and I think it will not 
cost much for keeping. He has a field of com by his house that he wants 
to use her with his horse to liaul in. I think "Bet" will enable yon to 
prosecute the traveling part of the duties of your office to your entire 

You can get Mr. Palmer^^ to help you select the twenty lots and you 
can make me the necessary papers and send them to me at Alden. I 
expect to start for there next Monday via Omaha and St. Louis. 

The boys here had a jubilee last night over the election, using the 
canon that was brought down from the Ft. to rejoice over the election 
of those that "couldn't ". 

I located two quarters and one 80 in Clay co. 

Yours truly, 

D. Hathorn.w 

Ft Dodge, November, 1858. 
C C Carpenter, Esq. 

Having seen communication addressed to you by John S. Prescott 
respecting the sending of troops to the vicinity of Spirit Lake I take 
the liberty of correcting several gross misstatements in it. 

The matter was not "the offspring of fraud" but on the contrary 
was demanded by nearly every settler in the county, from a belief that 
the frontier in that vicinity needs protection. 

82 Refers to O. C. H's election as district attorney of the Fourth Judicial 
District. See Ante., p. 171. 

83 E. S. Hungerford, after whom Hungerford Township was named. 

84 John H. Charles, banlcer of Sioux City. 

8«Jared Palmer of Spirit Lalce. 

8« Probably David Hawthorne referred to in Jos. H. Taylor, Twenty Yeart 
on the Trap Une. pp. 29, 40, 42. 


The petition was drawn up by myself and for the very object expressed 
and not to subserve the private interests of George E. Spencer or any 
other person, and was signed by nearly every inhabitant of the county. 

The statement that "not a man or woman in the neighborhood has 
any fear" is false; and the assertion that "all the known facts show 
no cause for fear" is untrue. 

The citizens of our county have nothing to interest them in any ques- 
tion of veracity between Mr. Spencer and Mr. Prescott, but as the former 
has in this matter only repeated their message it may be proper for them 
to inform "all whom it may concern" who is utterly unworthy of credit 
in [this] matter. 

For this reason as one of those citizens I have taken this opportunity 
to give my opinion. I will further state that the actions of Mr. Prescott 
seem to indicate that he would prefer the destruction of the whole settle- 
ment (excepting himself — perhaps his family) to the stationing of troops 
there which might pecuniarily injure him.^^ 

[O. C. H.] 

Humboldt County, Iowa 
Dakota aty, Dec. 19, 1859. 

The late County Judge of this County was accidentally killed in Fort 
Dodge last Thursday, leaving his office vacant. At the October election 
of the present year he was re-elected for the coming term commencing 
January first, 1860. 

The question has arisen, — Can the office be filled by the County Clerk 
acting as Judge, until the next General Election, or will it be requisite 
for me to order a Special Election to fill the vacancy. 

If a Special Election is necessary, how long will the person elected 
hold office — till the next October Election, or the balance of the term 
commencing Jan. 1, 1860. 

Will my acts as County Judge until a new Judge be elected be legal. 

Your immediate opinion on the above questions would oblige. 

Respectfully yours, 
Orlando Howe, Esq. John E. Cragg 

District Attorney County Clerk 

Spirit Lake, August 3rd, 1859 
My dear Husband: 

I have nothing new to write you, all are about as well as usual at home, 
Katy is better, Henry's family seems stationary only the baby grows 

Tlie mail of Tuesday brought you four letters, one from William 
Larkin, Iowa Falls, wishing to know whether the surveyors were here 
and had with them two dogs which he says were stolen from him. He 

87 gee F. I. Herriott, Op. Cit., pp. 509-11, for controversy between Messrs. 
Howe and Prescott aoeot the Indian menace. 


wished you to get the dogs or tell him how to do it, also to know if it 
would pay his father to briug flour here to sell. Another from Asa G. 
Call, Algona, (if I can read the name it is Call)*** calling your attention 
"to a suit commenced by him against Amos S. Collins and William A. 
Wilson". He sends a statement of circumstances and a copy of *• Wil- 
son's deposition". Says he has much legal business this fall in all of 
wliich he wishes to engage you in connection with Finch, Kasson, and 
Mitchell but calls your particular attention to this suit.^ 

A third letter from Lewis Smith, of Algona, saying that they would 
elect delegates for the choice of Representatives the same time that they 
did for the Senatorial Convention at Sac City, and if the other Counties 
did the same would go into convention with them there. The fourth 
from Morris McHenry, Dept. Treasurer, Crawford County, asking in 
relation to the settlement of deliquent interests due the school fund. He 
wishes to know whether he shall send you the names of deliquents to 
commence suit against immediately or whether he shall continue to receive 
what they can pay in until their next term of court. 

Dr. Ball*' has not returned. Parmenter says Judge C.®^ is very wrathy 
against George S.®^ and that the water story is true. 

If I do not hear anything from you to prevent I will WTite you by 
the next mail at Onawa City, Monona. 

Wheelock®^ misses you very much and mourns for Perey the singer. 

Your wife M. W. Howe 

Algona, May 17th, 1862 
My Dear Wife: 

I concluded to come this way with Kingman^ and the mail carrier 
and camped out on the road. It is raining now and I shall wait for it to 
clear up before going to Dakotah. 

I paid for a sack of flour at Estherville that will arrive there by 
Monday and Kingman promises to take it over when he goes which will 
be bv the mail that carries this. 

Ambrose Call has the mail routes that I bid on at lower rates than I 
would take them if even now offered the chance. 

This mail carries you great news, Norfolk and Porthsmouth taken, 
tlic Mcrrimac blown up by the rebels, Richmond evacuated, rumored 
intervention of France and England in favor of the rebels and the 
Homestead Bill passed the senate and awaiting only the President's 
signature which it will surely receive. 

I forgot to get two dollars from Matteson®^ so that Patrick could 

8» X. C. Call with his brother Ambrosp Call, founded the city of Algona. 

89 Daniel O. Finch. John A. Kasson, and John Mltcbel, attorneys of Des 

»« Dr. James Ball. 

91 Possibly A. C. Call of Algona. 

92 George Spencer. 

93 John Whcelock Howe, son of O. C. Howe. 

94 Rosalvo Kingman of Spirit Lake. 

95 Probably M. M. Matbeson, a merchant of Spirit Lake. 


have it but I think Pat can get some money of him on my account if he 
or you need it. 

Please write by this mail to Algona as I wish much to know whether 
another warrant has arrived, you need not send the warrant if it has 
come as I can make my arrangements without if I know whether it has 
come or not. 

Your Husband 

O. C. Howe 


This Division of the Howe letters may fittinji:ly conclude 
with the following vivid memoir written by Mrs. Howe of the 
Sioux outbreak of 1862 which worked such loss of life and 
indescribable horrors throughout southwestern Minnesota, and 
terrorized the pioneers of northwestern Iowa. The date of its 
composition and the occasion for its preparation are not 
known but it was written while Mrs. Howe was resident in 
Medicine Lodge, Kansas, some time between 1885 and 1902 — 
probably in commemoration of some anniversary of the out- 
break. The narrative discloses the foresightedness, decisive 
character and courage of Judge Howe when dire catastrophe 
spread terror about him. 


A Memory of the Minnesota Indian Massacre 

Those who spend their summers at the pleasant resorts around and 
at Spirit Lake now seldom tliink wliat a comparatively short time it is 
since the warlike Sioux brought terror and destruction into that quiet 

During the spring of 1862 there was a feeling of unrest in northern 
Iowa. The Indians of Minnesota in the vicinity of Ft Ulm and west- 
ward had heard vague rumors of our Civil War, and were only waiting 
their opportunity to make an attack upon the settlers. I had gone with 
my husband through his district in Iowa, and when at Onawa we heard 
of the attack upon Fort Sumpter. Judge Hubbard adjourned his court 
and gave him permission to return at once to Spirit Lake to be with his 
family. This was in May and going up the Sioux River we met several 
small parties of officers on their way homeward. They were all from 
the South, and had resigned their commissions in the northern army and 
were hoping for service in their respective states. 

They seemed aware of the ill feeling among the Sioux and Dakotas 
and told us tauntingly we would 'Miave enough to do to manage them, 
without meddling with the Southerners." 

When we reached Spirit Lake all seemed about as usual. The small 


squad of soldiers kept there were at that time all awaj, bat no one 
appeared much afraid. They returned in a few days and reported having 
been fired upon as they were crossing a small stream, by Indians con- 
cealed in the tall grass and thick weeds that bordered all the streams in 
tliat country. 

Bo the matter went on, we hearing oecasionaUy of some man shot in 
his field or of straggling parties of '' braves " who were seen in the 

They were afraid to come to Spirit Lake as the memory of that terrible 
massacre of 1857 was still too strong in the minds of that community. 
On the morning of August 8th [18 f], 1862, my husband rushed into the 
house greatly excited saying ' * They are at it, they are at it. ' ' In answer 
to my questioning he said that a report had just reached town that the 
entire settlement at Springfield was murdered and a party would start 
from the Lakes in a few moments to learn the truth. "And leave us all 
here with no protection" I shrieked in terror. **My darling, my 
darling" he said, **it is our only way to protect you; be brave as you 
have always been, and pray that we may get there before all are killed," 
and he was gone. 

I heard some one knocking and found at the door John Nelson, a 
Norwegian from Springfield, one little child about two years old in his 
arms and holding by his hand a girl of 6 or 7. The baby kept up a con- 
tinuous moaning, but was unconscious. 

''These all I got now, wife and boys all killed by Indians" said the 
poor man, as I took the bruised little one from Ids arms. He had walked 
16 miles through the night carrying one or both the children. Ho took 
some warm coffee, but would not eat anything. 

My sister came in immediately and we put the child into a warm bath. 
The heat revived it a little but it soon went into spasms and we dis- 
continued it, when it resumed that pitiful moaning. Mr. Nelson took 
tlie little girl to a neiglibor's and returned himself with the rescue party. 
All that day and the most of tlie night we cared for the little one and 
in the early morning death came. 

The soldiers were not there that night and nearly the entire town 
were in the courthouse, a large brick building surrounded by a strong 
stockade. My sister remained with me, and a young man, the son of Dr. 
Prescott, remained with us, watching outside for Indians while we waited 
for the coming of death. It was a fearful night, husband and brothers 
all away, we knew not where, nor whether they were then living or had 
been murdered. The next day some of the party came back, a part 
remaining to bury the dead. Men, women and children scattered through 
the fields and groves, or lying in their homes killed and mutilated in 
every conceivable manner. 

Years after my husband told me how happening to look into the oven 
of a cook stove they found a very young babe in a large dripping pan, 
prepared as a turkey to roast. 

We kept the Norwegian 's child until the father returned, when it was 
laid away in a small grove on the shore of Lake OkobojL Several of 


the neighbors who escaped the savages accompanied Nelson back. They 
were all at the burial and after the grave was filled up they knelt around 
it and sang most mournfully a funeral song in their own language. 

There were no depredations of any kind committed at Spirit Lake at 
the time of the fearful massacre at Fort Ulm. The vigilance of the 
settlers and the presence of the soldiers were doubtless what prevented it. 

Now lovely residences adorn the groves and shores of Spirit Lake. 
Stately hotels offer ample accommodation to crowds of visitors, and the 
shriek of the locomotive is heard on all sides. The murderous Inkpaduta 
and his warriors are all creatures of the past, used only to give a wierd 
touch of romance to the present. But few of the original settlers remain 
in that vicinity. Most of them are resting in some silent city of the dead, 
and even the historical facts are fading from the memory of the living. 

M. W. Howe 
Medicine Lodge, Kansas. 

[To he continued] 


This is a great country ! Instead of wheat and flour rising, 
as the politicians promised the farmers a year ago, it will soon 
be impossible to find a market for the surplus of the West at 
any price. Millions of pork can be bought for one cent and 
a half a pound, and no buyers. Tet English artisans are 
starving by the hundred thousand; and yet its brutal aris- 
tocracy keeps up the price of bread by a high duty of foreign 
grain. See ! The millions of England cramped upon their little 
island, a continent full of bread to overflowing ; and a pampered 
aristocracy, rather than forego a few luxuries, tell Englishmen 
to starve. — Bloomingion (Muscatine) Herald, copying from 
the New Era, February 4, 1842. In the Newspaper Division 
of the Historical, Memorial and Art Department of Iowa. 




Some words not now current, used 1850 to 1860 in the 
William Savage settlement (roughly the southeast township 
of Jefferson County, and those contiguous in Henry and 
Van Buren counties, Iowa) are by the student to be considered 
at least in the following lights. 

Born September 2, 1833, William Savage, an orphaned boy 
in England was taken into the family of his late father's 
brother, William. The deceased father and the Uncle William 
were Quakers. Therefore the earliest vocabulary of the diarist 
was formed of Quaker usage in England in an intelligent, if 
humble family in the tailor trade. 

Migrating to Cayuga County, New York, the diarist in 
1847, still in his Uncle William's family, as an apprenticed 
tailor extended his contacts, hence enlarged his vocabulary, 
with his trade and through the country school, until he was 
fourteen years old. 

An apprentice to any of the trades in the 1840 's currently 
employed not only that trade's facilities, including its tools, 
devices, methods, but its nomenclature. A dextrous, apt and 
needy boy adapted other trade processes of practical aid in 
getting on in life, with those neighboring trades* particular 

Prior to and in the 1850's, frontier settlers in eastern Iowa 
as often as not had been apprenticed workmen in a score of 
trades such as weaver, sailor, cooper, millwright, rope wainer. 
So that Savage's first Iowa country school in Cedar Township, 
Van Buren County, Iowa, of the 40 's and 50 's drew into it the 
trade-language of all. The babble was further affected by such 
variation of words and their pronunciation, of trade-, tool-, and 
use-nomenclature as the respective family antecedants had 
brought into Iowa, as Savage's neighbors had, from the older 
states of New York, Virginia, both Carolinas and their com- 


monwealth-children, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana and 
Missouri. Therefore William Savage, as a patron, slowly shed 
his peculiar usage (see his diary where he drops the use of 
the solemn Quaker style on Friday, September 17, 1858). His 
neighbors dropped their oddly applied or differently pro- 
nounced ancestral words, though these may have been current 
as of the time and place they were acquired. Each pupil in 
the Savage settlement had to rid his child-mind of its habitual, 
faulty words and faulty pronunciation as he found it false 
by example of teacher in the schoolroom or by snubs and 
sneers of playmates in their merciless mocking at play. The 
authority of Webster's ** blue-backed speller** was the standard 
of synonymns for ideas and for correct utterance of words. 

Unfamiliar words of William Savage will nearly all be 
found in Webster's New International Dictionary, 1920 edition, 
as ordinary, provincial, archaic or obsolete. Other standard 
dictionaries in current use today by scholars carry most if not 
all save one : ** Dykes" as it occurs in Savage's diary for April 
6, 1859, is not so found. But even this exception may be as a 
provincialism recalled by Iowa ** scholars'* of sixty years ago 
and workers on farms or in trades in that time. 

We are often ungracious heirs to the social achievement, 
through use by our folks of these and much other defective 
language. The all but obsolete words that William Savage 
used in his diary touched talent, valor, integrity, faith, hope 
and work. The fruits of all this came down to us cost free. 
We should and do enjoy a view of his unspoiled or faulty 
usage. The diary is a retrieval of what may fairly be termed 
evidence of original Iowa culture. By contrast with today's 
corresponding words and experience, it is a true basis for 
admeasuring this gift, and of our own improvement, if any. 
The trend outward and upward through the country school 
and home life, during and before the Civil War, in the Savage 
settlement, and to a degree in all older Iowa settlements, is inti- 
mated if not clearly proved. 


Leigh 8. J. Hunt waa born on a fann near Larwill, Whitley County, 
Indiana, August 11, 1855, and died in Laa Vegas, Nevada, October 5, 
1933. His ashes were deposited in Forest Lawn Cemetery, Glendale, 
California. His parents were Franklin Leigh and Martha Long Hunt. 
His primary education was obtained in public schools in Indiana, and 
his secondary education from a correspondence course with Middlebury 
College, Vermont. He also studied independently while teaching and 
qualified himself in the law, passing the examination for the bar in 
Indiana. He taught in public schools in Indiana, and in September, 
1880, became superintendent of schools at Mount Pleasant, Iowa, where 
he remained until June, 1882. In September, 1882, he waa made super- 
intendent of schools in East Des Moines Independent School District, 
Des Moines, Iowa. At that time what is known as East Dea Moines 
had a school district separate from the rest of the city of Dea Moines. 
He held this position until he resigned to become president of Iowa 
Agricultural College at Ames, which position he assumed February 1, 
1885, following the resignation of S. A. Knapp. He relinquished the 
presidency at Ames July 19, 1886, and removed to Seattle, Washington, 
where he acquired the Post-Intelligencer which grew under his manage- 
ment. Seattle was in a period of rapid development. Mr. Hunt 
acquired and developed important real estate holdings there, and 
became president of a leading bank as well as influential in business 
affairs and politics. The 1893 financial panic struck Seattle with 
such force that Mr. Hunt's fortune was wrecked. Loaded with debts, 
he left for Japan, and then went to China and finally Korea, in search 
of mining opportunities. He found such an opportunity in the almost 
inaccessible mountains of Northern Korea near the Yalu Biver, some 
500 miles north of the coast town of Chemulpo (destined for some time 
to serve as the post office of his enterprise). The Korean government 
there owned a mine rich in gold ore but operated by primitive and un- 
productive methods. Mr. Hunt offered to install modem machinery, 
greatly increase the output, and give the government large royalties. He 
was granted the concession and in a few years realized handsome profits 
which enabled him to return to Seattle and repay his creditors. Without 
divesting himself of his entire interest in the Korean mines, Mr. Hunt 
later went for his health to Egypt and the Soudan, where he became 
interested in the possibilities of growing cotton. He obtained from the 
British government a grant to a large tract of land in the Soudan and 
there grew cotton so successfully that one of the most flourishing colonial 
enterprises of the British Empire has grown out of Mr. Hunt's vision 
and initiative. For American interests, Mr. Hunt visited the interior of 
Brazil to report on cattle-raising possibilities there, and for the Canadian 
Government Railways he made a similar study of the suitability of the 
Peace River Valley in northwestern Canada for the growing of wheat. 


Most of the last ten years of Mr. Hunt's life was spent at Las Vegas, 
where he had entered upon familiar actiTities in the field of agricultural 
and mineral development. Educator, publisher, explorer, developer of 
nature's liidden resources, he was a man of varied and brilliant talents, 
daring and ambitious in his undertakings and world-wide in his interests. 
He never followed a beaten path long without blazing a new one. 

Jamss W. Holden was born in Iowa Citj, Iowa, November 15, 1862, 
and died at Scranton, Greene County, Iowa, February 21, 1934. He was 
a son of Mr. and Mrs. James Holden, who removed with their family to 
a farm in Jackson Township, Greene County, in 1875. When James W. 
reached young manhood he went to Ouray, Colorado, and engaged in 
mining, in which venture he was successful. He returned to Greene 
County, Iowa, and purchased a farm in Greenbrier Township where he 
successfully followed farming and stockraising and added to his acreage 
until he became a large landowner. In 1897 he removed to Scranton. 
He became president of the Bank of Scranton, also served as a member 
of the Town Council of Scranton. In 1906 he was elected a member of 
the Board of Supervisors of Greene County for the term of three years 
commencing January, 1907, and was re-elected in 1908 for three years 
commencing January, 1910, and served in that position until January, 
1913. At that time he was president of the State Association of Boards 
of County Supervisors. In 1913 the General Assembly passed the act 
reorganizing and strengthening the road law, creating the present High- 
way Commission. Mr. Holden took much interest in formulating the 
law. Governor Clarke appointed him a member of the new commission 
and by reappointments he served fourteen years, or until 1927. He was 
its chairman for ten years. This was in the formation period of the 
work of building Iowa's present system of improved highways, when 
the policies were shaped and the programs were planned. He was able 
as an executive, had large acquaintance with his subject and with the 
public, had energy and enthusiasm, and was trusted for his integrity. 
Thus equipped he contributed a leading part in the great work. 

Norman Newell Jones was born at Vernon, Oneida County, New 
York, September 5, 1842, and died at Griswold, Iowa, February 22, 1919. 
His parents were John R. and Amanthis (Newell) Jones. He was 
employed for some time in the oil fields of Pennsylvania and did some 
railroading, but in 1864 he, in company with his father, a brother and 
their families, removed to Iowa County, Wisconsin, where they engaged 
in farming. In 1872 these Jones families removed to Cass County, Iowa. 
Norman Newell Jones there engaged in selling organs and sewing ma- 
chines, and later, windmills. For years he bought and sold livestock, 
and conducted a meat market at Lewis, Cass County. He took an active 
part in politics and in 1885 was elected sheriff of Cass County and began 
his duties January 1, 1886. He was three times reelected, serving until 
January 1, 1894. He served as chairman of tlie Republican Central 
Committee of Cass County for some years, and in 1893 was the Ninth 


District member of tlie Bepublican State Central Committee. In January, 
1894, the General Assembly elected him warden of the State Penitentiary 
at Fort Madison. He was re-elected by the assemblies of 1896 and 1898 
after which the Board of Control reappointed him, so that he served until 
March 31, 1908, in all fourteen years. He then retired to Griswold 
where his son, Charles Rutgar Jones, was engaged in the practice of 
medicine, and near where his son, Jesse N., was farming. Mr. Jones 
had a faculty for making friendships and retaining them. He was 
regarded as one of the leaders of the Republican party in his part of 
the state. He was an efficient sheriff, and he successfully administered 
the difficult duties of warden, exhibiting qualities of integrity, ability, 
firmness and good judgment. 

Robert Bonson was born in Dubuque County, Iowa, January 5, 1868, 
and die4 in Dubuque December 13, 1933. His parents were Richard and 
Harriet (Watts) Bonson. He attended public school, was graduated 
from Dubuque High School, from the Law Department of the State 
University of Iowa in 1890, and from the Law School of Columbia Uni- 
versity, New York City, in 1892. He began practice in Dubuque, first 
in partnership with Robert Stewart. Later he had partnerships with 
H. C. Kenline and R. P. Roedell, and after retiring from the judgeship, 
with John P. Frantzen. In 1895 he was elected senator to fill the un- 
expired term of Isaac W. Baldwin and served in the Twenty-sixth General 
Assembly, 1896, and also in the Twenty-sixth Extra, 1897, the code 
revision session. He was not a candidate again, and gave his attention 
to his practice, but in 1906 was elected judge of the Nineteenth Judicial 
District and served for ten years when he resigned and re-entered private 
practice. He acted with the Democratic party so far as party matters 
were concerned. He took much interest in community affairs. He gave 
unstintingly of his time and talent in the establishment and later in the 
operation of the Sunnycrest Sanitarium, the county tuberculosis hospital. 
He stood liigh in liis profession as a lawyer, and made an enviable record 
as a judge, while his admirable personal and social qualities made him a 
general favorite of the public. 

JA.MES Elliott Harlan was born in Muskingum County, Ohio, June 
25, 1845, and died in Mount Vernon, Iowa, December 13, 1933. His 
parents were Samuel and Sarah Ann (Elliott) Harlan. The family 
removed to southeastern Iowa in 1857. James spent his boyhood prin- 
cipally on his father 's farm. In October, 1863, he entered Cornell College 
as a freshman student. On May 15, 1864, he enlisted from Mahaska 
County in Company D, Forty-fourth Iowa Infantry, and was mustered 
out September 15, 1864, at the expiration of his service. He was 
graduated from Cornell College with the degree of A. B. in 1869. From 
1869 to 1872 he was superintendent of the public schools of Cedar Rapids. 
He received his A. M. degree from Cornell College in 1872, and for the 
year 1872-73 was principal of a ward school in Sterling, XUinois. In 


1873 he returned to Cornell as alumni professor of mathematics, which 
a few years later was made mathematics and astronomy. In 1883 he 
became chairman of the Executive Committee, and financial secretary 
in 1893, and retained both positions until 1927. He became vice presi- 
dent in 1881, and was president from 1908 to 1914. For many years he 
carried much of the burden of the financial management of the institu- 
tion, as well as its government. The success of the campaigns of those 
years for endowment were largely because of his wise management. In 
1904 he received the degree of LL. D. from three institutions. North- 
western University, Upper Iowa University, and Cornell College. 

Harry D. Rawson was born in Des Moines, Iowa, September 1, 1872, 
and died in that city February 14, 1934. Burial was in Woodland 
Cemetery. His parents were A. Y. and Mary (Scott) Rawson. He was 
graduated from West Des Moines High School, attended Grinnell College 
two years, but transferred to Massachusetts Institute of Technology at 
Cambridge from which he was graduated. Following that he toured 
Europe studying styles of architecture. In 1910 he began work in Des 
Moines in the firm of Hallett & Rawson. Later Mr. Hallett removed to 
California and Mr. Rawson joined with the firm of Proudfoot, Bird & 
Rawson, from which was organized the present firm of Proudfoot, Raw- 
sou, Brooks & Borg. He designed some of the outstanding buildings in 
Des Moines and Iowa. Among the more noted ones that he or his firm 
have designed in recent years are the lowa-Des Moines National Bank 
and Trust Company Building, the Memorial Union Building at Ames, 
the University Hospital Building at Iowa City and the Equitable Life 
Insurance Building at Des Moines. During the World War Mr. Rawson 
served with the rank of colonel at Washington, D. C, planning the con- 
struction of army cantonenients and munitions buildings. He was a 
brother of former United States Senator Charles A. Rawson. 

Herbert Vergil Scarborough was born at Pulaski, Davis County, 
Iowa, February 5, 1876, and died in Norton, Kansas, January 1, 1934. 
Burial was at Grand Junction, Iowa. His parents were Dr. Dallas and 
Katherine Scarborough. The family removed to Grand Junction in 1879. 
Herbert was graduated from Grand Junction High School, attended 
Simpson College, Indianola, and was graduated from the College of 
Medicine of the State University of Iowa in 1902. For the following 
five years he practiced medicine in connection with his father at Grand 
Junction. Because of failing health he became in 1908 a patient in the 
State Sanatorium for the Treatment of Tuberculosis at Oakdale. During 
his convalescence he worked in the laboratory, also became an assistant 
physician, later acting superintendent, and in 1911 was appointed super- 
intendent. He continued in that position nineteen years, until July 1, 
1930, when he went to Sunnyside Sanatorium near Indianapolis, Indiana, 
as its superintendent. Two years later he went in the same capacity to 
a sanatorium at Lyons, Kansas. He rendered valuable work to his native 


state in building up the Oakdale institution and in contributing to the 
scientific and humane treatment of those afflicted with tuberculosis. 

Alice French was born in Andover, Massachusetts, March 19, 1850, 
and died in Davenport, Iowa, January 9, 1934. Burial was in Oakdale 
Cemetery, Davenport. Her father was George Henry French. She was 
a sister of Colonel George W. French and the late Judge Nathaniel 
French, both of Davenport. She was educated in Abbott Academy, 
Andovcr. The family removed to Davenport during her youth, and it 
continued to be her home, although she occasionally sojourned elsewhere. 
She had the advantages of affluence and culture in her home, and early 
cultivated the art of writing, beginning in earnest in 1878, and not long 
thereafter her novels and contributions began to be accepted by such 
magazines as Atlantic Monthly, Harper's, Cosmopolitan, and Scribner's. 
Her first book. Knitters in the Sun, was published in 1887. Then came 
Otto the Knight, 1893; Stories of a Western Town, 1893; The Heart of 
Toil, 1898; Man of the Hour, 1905; The Lion's Share, 1911, and many 
others. All her writings were under the pen name of Octave Thanet. 
She is generally regarded as being a pioneer among those who have made 
Iowa and the Middle West the home of the production of good literature. 

John T. Mulvaney was born at Elkhart, Polk County, Iowa, April 16, 
1870, and died in Des Moines December 20, 1933. Burial was in St. 
Ambrose Cemetery, Des Moines. His parents were Bryan and Catherine 
(Markham) Mulvaney. He passed through the grades of the public 
school of Elkhart and was graduated from the Law School of Drake 
University in 1894. He then entered the practice of law in Des Moines 
in which he attained honorable distinction. He was counsel for the 
defense in some notable criminal cases, among them the Charles Thomas 
ease, and another, the Dr. Harry B. Kelly case. However, his practice 
was not at all confined to criminal cases. For all the later years of his 
life his brother, M. J. Mulvaney, was associated with him in practice. 
He was actively interested in civic and political affairs. In 1908 he was 
a delegate to the Democratic National Convention. In 1914 he was the 
Democratic candidate for Congress in the Seventh District against C. C. 
Dowell, who that year was first elected to Congress. He was a candidate 
on the Democratic ticket in 1906 and again in 1910 for judge of the 
District Court, and was also a candidate for the same position in 1918 
when judges were elected without party designation. 

Karl J. Johnson was born in Osage, Iowa, June 6, 1870, and died in 
Rochester, Minnesota, February 1, 1934. Burial was in Osage Cemetery. 
His parents were Mr. and Mrs. John H. Johnson. He was graduated from 
the Osage High School in 1887, from Cedar Valley Seminary, Osage, in 
1893, and from the Law Department of the State University of Iowa in 
1900. Early in his life he was agent at Osage of the American Express 
Company. He was connected with the Farmers National Bank of Osage 


from its organization in 1893, first as bookkeeper, then as cashier, and 
as president from 1914 until the consolidation with the Osage National 
Bank in 1928, after which he acted as president of the combined organi- 
zation. He was a man of great usefulness to his community, being active 
in local affairs of a social, religious, political, and business nature. His 
fine abilities and his devotion to his duties made him a general favorite. 
He was elected representative in 1908 and was re-elected in 1910, and 
served in the Thirty-third and Thirty-fourth general assemblies. 

Eli Grimes was born in Kellogg, Iowa, October 30, 1867, and died in 
Des Moines, Iowa, January 14, 1934. The body was cremated. His 
parents were Elihu and Miriam Grimes. He attended school at Kellogg, 
attended a private school at Shenandoah, received a bachelor of science 
degree from Highland Park College, Des Moines, and was graduated 
from the College of Medicine of the State University of Iowa in 1897. 
He took an internship in Bellevue Hospital, New York City. For several 
years he did teaching in Highland Park College and in the Medical School 
of Drake University, and during that time carried on a general medical 
practice. In later years he specialized in consultation and diagnosis. 
As a student, teacher and physician he was recognized as a scientist of 
unusual ability. He contributed many articles to leading medical journals, 
and was an active member of several medical societies. He enriched his 
education by travel, home and foreign, and by the study of science in 
many fields. 

Asa Lee Ames was born on a farm a few miles north of Traer, Iowa, 
July 2, 1859, and died at the home of his daughter, Mrs. Doris Shearer, 
in Chicago, February 7, 1934. Burial was in Buckingham Cemetery, not 
far from his birthplace. His parents were John T. and Mary J. (Reed) 
Ames, pioneers in that locality. Asa L. was educated in rural common 
school, and in Grinnell College, from which he was graduated in 1882. 
He followed his father's vocation, that of farmer and stockman, remain- 
ing on the original homestead where he was born. Besides holding various 
school and township offices, he was a member of the Traer Town Council. 
He was prominent in farm organizations and was tlie first president of 
the Corn Belt Meat Producers Association at the time of its organization 
and held that position three years, resigning it to become president of 
the Co-operative Livestock Commission Company. He became Chicago 
manager of the latter company, and temporarily resided in Chicago for 
some years. In 1910 he was elected senator from the Benton-Tama Dis- 
trict and served in the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth general assemblies. 

RuFUS W. HiNKHOUSE was born in Hagerstown, Maryland, August 17, 
1850, and died in West Liberty, Iowa, December 2, 1933. Burial was in 
Oak Ridge Cemetery, West Liberty. His parents were Frederick and 
Hanna (Hunick) Hinkhouse. The family migrated to Iowa in 1853 and 
settled in Sugar Creek Township, Cedar County. Rufus attended public 


school and Wiltou Normal School. He followed fanning in Cedar County 
for many years. He became prominent in business activities. Among 
other enterprises he helped organize two banks in Wilton, one at Atalissa, 
and one at Downey, being president of the one at Downey. For six 
years he was a member of the Cedar County Board of Supervisors, the 
most of the time being its chairman. In 1895 he was elected repre- 
sentative, and served in the Twenty-sixth Oeneral Assembly, and also in 
the Twenty-sixth Extra. In 1909 he removed to West Liberty. 

Jame8 Wallace Bailey was born at Camp Point, Adams County, 
Illinois, May 21, 1871, and died in Harlan, Iowa, February 13, 1934. 
His parents, Cyrus and Elinor Bailey, removed to Des Moines, Iowa, in 
1872. James W. grew up in that city and in 1892 removed to Harlan. 
During most of his early manhood he was employed in some capacity or 
other by Shelby County. In 1914 he was elected representative and was 
re-elected in 1916, and served in the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh 
general assemblies. At the time of his death he was city clerk of Harlan, 
and had been for several years. He had the reputation of being an 
efficient and popular official. He was a Democrat in politics. 

Fred B. Witt was born in Grand Forks, North Dakota, July 24, 1884, 
and died in an automobile accident near Hubbard, Iowa, February 28, 
1934. Burial was at Shell Rock, Iowa. His parents were Frank L. and 
Vashti (Griggs) Witt. He was with his parents when they removed to 
Shell Rock in 1900. For several years he was in newspaper work, and 
later engaged in lumber, coal and grain business in Shell Rock. For 
several years he was a member of the Butler County Republican Central 
Committee, and was its chairman in 1928. In 1930 he was elected repre- 
sentative and served in the Forty-fourth General Assembly. 

John Sherman Pritchard was born at Pittsfield, Washtenaw County, 
Michigan, May 6, 1847, and died in Los Angeles, California, October 29, 
1933. Burial was at Belmond, Iowa. He was a don of Philo A. and Eliza 
(Woodard) Pritchard. His father having died, John Sherman when a 
mere boy had to earn his own living, working at whatever he could find. 
The family removed to Wright County, Iowa, in 1856. On January 4, 
1864, he enlisted in Company F, Second Iowa Cavalry, and was with that 
regiment until he was mustered out September 19, 1865. Returning to 
Wright County he followed farming, first as a renter, later as a land 
owner, varying farming with buying and selling livestock. His residence 
was near Alden for a time, but later at Belmond. He was a member of 
the county Board of Supervisors from 1892 for six years. In 1901 he 
was elected representative, was re-elected and served in the Twenty-ninth, 
Thirtieth, and Thirty-first general assemblies. He was influential in the 
enactment of the drainage legislation of those sessions. During his later 
years he resided in Los Angeles. 

Annals of Iowa 

Vol. XIX, No. 5 Dks Moinss, Iowa, July, 1934 Third Sebiss 

Somewhat op His Life and Letters 

By p. I. Herbiott 

Professor in Brake University 


Part III — Correspondence — 1863-1865 

Judge Howe enlisted first, as already indicated, in the 
Eighth Iowa Cavalry, a regiment authorized under a special 
order of the War Department at Washington. He held a 
commission as a second lieutenant, and was mustered into 
service at Davenport on June 5, 1863. His career in the Eighth 
is not certain: but from a letter addressed him by Captain 
William M. Hoxie of Company M it may be inferred that he 
was advanced to a captaincy. On November 30, 1863, Governor 
Samuel J. Kirkwood issued him a commission as captain of 
Company L of the Ninth Volunteer Cavalry, and he was 
mustered into the service on the same date.®** 

His regiment was ordered south on December 8, going into 
quarters first at old Camp Jackson in the suburbs of St. Louis, 
where they suffered sadly for a few days from low temperature 
and lack of tents and camp equipment. On the 16th they were 
transferred to Benton Barracks, where they remained until 

M Judge Howe*8 papers contain both commissions referred to above: but 
the Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers does not record his name or appoint- 
ment in the Roster of the Line Officers of the 0ghth Regiment of Iowa Cavalry. 
See Volume IV. pp. 1507-1525. 

For officers and men and movements of the Ninth Regiment. Ibid., pp. 

In footnotes following which give the names of members of Captain Howe's 
company of regimental associates reliance has been upon the Roster herein 
cited, unless otherwise stated. 


April, 1864, undergoing severe training. This regiment's 
oflScers, unlike those of earlier regiments, had to pass a rigid 
examination in the ** technicalities of cavalry tactics and army 
regulations,'* that kept the oflScers on the anxious seat until 
it was over.^ 

The Ninth Iowa Cavalry was ordered on April 14, 1864, to 
proceed to RoUa, Missouri, with Little Rock, Arkansas, as its 
destination; but the defeat of General Banks's Red River 
expedition caused a change of plans and on May 19 they went 
into quarters at Devall's Bluflf which was then the main dis- 
tribution point in the movement of troops and supplies for 
the southwestern campaigns. Here for the next year and more 
the regiment was held for the most part, intermittently going 
on scouting and foraging expeditions, and various military 
forays in pursuit of sundry guerrilla bands that infested that 
portion of Arkansas. The operations of the Confederate 
generals. Price and Shelby, occupied the energies and time of 
the various regiments brigaded together. 


Captain Howe's letters from Missouri and Arkansas, in 
consequence of the conditions in camp aflFording him more time 
for leisurely composition, are more varied and thus more inter- 
esting and instructive reading than his earlier letters previ- 
ously printed. He is more expansive in his descriptions of 
people and landscapes that attracted him. They give us, too, 
the feelings and trials of one who was not exactly on the 
ground with the private soldiers and j'et who was not far up 
in the official ranks. We may suspect — ^and with much reason, 
too — ^that Captain Howe entered into the feelings of the men 
of his company, or regiment, more easily than he did into the 
feelings and attitudes of the higher officials of his regiment, 
brigade, or corps. There is a constant modesty and unpre- 
tentiousness about the man and his letters that are engaging; 
and these facts enhance their verity' and value. Captain 
Howe 's practice as a lawyer probably induced the careful con- 
cern for moderate statement one may observe in all of his 

87 Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, Vol. IV, p. 1644. 


His letters are uniformly serious in tone ; but here and there 
he allows his sense of humor to play about the subject of a 
paragraph, and anon a flash of gentle humor illumines a page. 
Thus in the first letter of his that we have from Benton Bar- 
racks (Feb. 15, 1864) he indulges in various facetious flings 
anent a photograph of himself in his uniform as a captain 
which he sends home.®^ In his letter of June 8 there is a deli- 
cious bit in referring to the traditions respecting the origins 
of the natives in the region roundabout Ashley's Station, 
Arkansas, where his regiment was then encamped : 

The Rackensacks do not inhabit the prairies but live in the timber 
and swamps and bayous. They are said to be amphibian, and some of 
the men say they have ascertained that the people, especially the females, 
have rudiments of fins, but of course you know I am too modest to 
ascertain the truth as to this. 

Obviously Captain Howe and his men were more or less 
familiar with Darwin's evolutionary theories then splitting 
the heavens and disturbing the peace of the saints. 

Anon here and there in his letters there is a genial lambant 
cynicisms that gives a tang to some of his observations and 
discloses that he was not unobservant of the ways of the world 
and the doings of Demos. For many reasons — anxieties about 
business at home, his health, etc. — Captain Howe was anxious 
to obtain a furlough, and had made application for one, but 
he had withdrawn it because of his improving health, and 
anent the matter he quietly observes August 31, 1864: **You 
may wonder why some can get leave of absence and others not, 
but you need not wonder at nothing in the army unless it be 
common sense which is rare here." In his letter of July 19, 
1864, he asked Mrs. Howe if the society in Newton concerned 
with promoting the physicial comforts of the men in camp 
and on the march could not forward some needed articles, 
medicines, etc., direct to the camp, and then he put a query, 
**or does it all go to some general fund and thus become sub- 
ject to the Circumlocution office ? ' * Apparently he was familiar 
with Dickens' famous descriptions of governmental work in 
Little Dorrit, 

w See frontispiece. 



Mrs. Howe's letters confirm Mr. R. A. Smith's recollections 
and characterization of her ability, disposition and versatility. 
She was mentally alert and keen in her observations of men 
and things. She had a facile pen and a lighter touch in 
description than Judge Howe, although she was always earnest 
in narrative. Her sentences are clear-cut, and in general more 
concise than the latter 's. She was more conscious in phrasing 
her letters than Judge Howe was. Occasionally she quotes her 
favorite poets or throws in an allusion with a literary flavor; 
and she shows that she remembers her Virgil. 

Her household and wifely cares were always her constant 
concern. The welfare of her husband and children absorbed 
the most of her daily thought and effort. She seems to have 
cared but little for club or social life. Her letters also demon- 
strate that amidst trials she maintained with rare exceptions 
a steady balance of feeling and a reserve which betokens staunch 
character. When intense anxiety gripped her heart lest the 
next news she would hear from the army bring tragic words, 
she might let her feelings go ; but there is no display of a com- 
plaining spirit, no sentimental gushing, no assumption of 
grievous personal sacrifices, no outcrys in the midst of her 
many troubles against others or the Pates. 

Mrs. Howe's letters disclose more conscious religious con- 
cern and religious feelings and dependence than her husband's 
letters do. This difference was to be expected. He was always 
in the midst of the press of practical problems and harrassing 
perplexities, concrete and crowding — conditions which kept 
his mind on things right in front of him. Mrs. Howe, although 
busy with domestic cares and distractions, was not contending 
with the harsh elements, clashing with men and foes. She had 
to stand or sit and wait through the days and in the long 
watches of the night when fears and imagination would riot 
in dread possibilities, and the religious tenets and traditions 
of her folk alone sustained her. 

Mrs. Howe's letters give us many glimpses of variable phases 
of an interesting personality, of an optimistic disposition, and 
of many fine and solid traits of character that make the Ameri- 


can housewife, be she on the American frontier, or within the 
crowded urban centers, the major factor in the home, on which 
so much of what is best in our civilization depends, and whence 
the chief hope of the future safety of states. 

The letters make vivid the anxiety and trials of those left 
at home by husbands and providers who were in army camps 
or on the firing lines — ^when the normal income was made un- 
certain, first, by the stoppage of income from the usual source, 
second, by the difficulties of the transmission of funds by hus- 
bands from migratory camps, which was enhanced by the ir- 
regular payment of troops because legimental paymasters 
could not always be certain of safe communications with troops 
in transmitting the pay of officers and men. Mrs. Howe 
suffered no little distress on this account. The housewives of 
those days were not provided with doles because their husbands 
were drafted or in distant camps. Despite many trials she 
was always cheerful, although many times she was sorely per- 
plexed by pressing demands or needs. She was fortunate in 
having to deal with neighbors and creditors at Newton who 
were almost always considerate and lenient, they realizing 
that her difficulties were in no sense due to her indifference, 
or heedlessness, negligence or trickery in avoidance. They 
knew : C'etait la guerre. 

Mrs. Howe's letters give us many pointed, and often pungent 
observations upon human nature as she saw its kaleidoscopic 
phases in the characters and conduct of neighbors and relatives 
— and the nearness of kinship did not blind or dim her keen- 
ness of vision. Her lively sense of humor frequently flashes 
through or about the edges of her sentences; and such is the 
case often when her heart was sadly distracted with anxiety 
anent household cares and the pressure of urgent money needs. 
Some of her keen thrusts may be appreciated in the following, 
dealing with the efforts of the government to secure enlist- 
ments in the call for men for **One Hundred Days'' in the 
middle months of 1864 : 

.... Recruiting for 100 days drags slowly here, they are doing 
better at Monroe®^ and other places. 

w In Jasper County. 


A number of ladies married and single volunteered to take the place 
of all clerks who would enlist and retaining only 13 dollars a month give 
up all surplus wages with their place upon their return, but there is no 
enthusiasm among those who can go and many will not. Mr. 6. is most 
industrious in trying to influence others, calling on all professional men 
to go en masse assuring them (the truth) that the country will spare 
them 100 days. Dr. W. replied to him by saying that he would go as 
a private if G. would go and that O. should be Capt., W. said further 
that he would go if any Minister or County officer would volunteer, but 
no. How I do wish the draft would take T., A. and H. with big S. 
and scores of others. 

We can almost see the sardonic smile spreading over her 
features as she penned the words **the country will spare 
them''; and we may suspect that local discussion in Newton's 
families and roundabout her public square was caustic, 
peppery, and violent as the women of Newton sought by open 
drives and scorching irony and winged quips, to coerce their 
lusty compatriots into enlisting under the national colors. 

The deftness of her pen and the airy fancies with which she 
covers her lonesomeness and drives out the sprites of gloom 
and melancholy that flitted about her may be seen in the fol- 
lowing quoted at length from her letter of May 15, 1864: 

Certainly my dear husband you are very much in my debt on this letter 
question. I have written, this is the fourth in the week, and received 
one in 12 days, now think how impoverished my poor brain will soon be 
at this rate, to say nothing of the starving condition of my heart. You 
must indeed mend your ways or I will take a trip down the river just to 
give you a scolding ; now appropos of scolding how are all these military 
men who are so long free from curtain lectures, ever to be brought into 
a tolerable state of ''sub Jugam matrimorium" again and all these 
administrators at home will they voluntarily give up the reins after a 
three years lesson of * ' going it alone. ' ' I know of one who intends never 
to see a market basket for years after her lord's return and to forget 
entirely that fires must be built mornings. And as to care and so forth 
I just intend to "sleep in the carriage" for awhile. You might suggest 
perhaps that the carriage may be a wheelbarrow, just as well only it shall 
not be self propelling. Can you realize how pleasant it is to be told 
what to do instead of deciding it yourself? 

Although often hard put to make ends meet, and sorely 
harrassed by anxiety about the house rent, and nagging worries 
about the family budget, no acid got into her blood, and there 
were no parthian arrows in her facetiousness. 


There are few expressions of political views in the letters 
of either correspondent during the period covered, although 
during the time the nation 's affairs were passing through very 
critical developments; and it is interesting for Judge Howe 
was always in the thick of politics when at home. But in his 
first letter quoted (Feb. 15, 1864) in his facetious references 
to his photograph lie intimates that his wife may infer that 
the man, whose features are pictured, is governed by a ** hatred 
to tyranny, slavery intemperance, meanness, &c, and still 
more apparent can be seen from the expression a strong 
admiration for Abe Lincoln.'' He was evidently a ** conserva- 
tive" in the best sense of the term, a supporter of public 
authority. Mrs. Howe, likewise, was more conservative than 
liberal, or, better, than radical, for she was liberally minded 
in the large. Thus dwelling upon the horrors of the conflict — 
which she deemed a punishment in part of the people's sins, 
she said: **.... for so many years, in fact ever since I 
thought at all, I have been an abolitionist, not of the Gerrit 
Smith school perhaps, but a hater of slavery and of the com- 
promises made with it, but I little thought that my husband 
would be one of the many who must stake their life against 
its barbarism." Her conservatism in religion was disclosed 
when she deplored the holding of army reviews on Sunday — 
**....! am sure it was an offence in the sight of Heaven and 
I do believe that so much needless Sabbath desecration is one 
of the sins which is prolonging this war, and will prolong it 
until heart and strength shall both fail. I wish your Division 
commander was such as [O. 0.] Howard — dont you?" 

Another fact stands out in the letters. The alluring beauty 
of the region roundabout what was the first real home of the 
Howe's in Iowa between the Okobojis and Spirit Lake made 
a vivid and lasting impression upon the minds of Judge and 
Mrs. Howe. They never forgot the wooded shore lines and 
glorious sunsets, and the shimmering waves of West Okoboji 
under beams of a full moon. After removing to Newton when 
Mrs. Howe saw an entrancing sunset, or the brilliant colors 
of the autumn leaves they reminded her of the multi-colored 
shore line of the Okobojis. When Captain Howe was relating 
his observations of attractive landscapes seen on scouting 
expeditions in Arkansas in 1863-64 he compared them with 


the views about the Lake region in Dickinson County, but the 
beauty of the southern views never excelled nor quite equalled 
the charm of Mini-Wakan. Variable Pates caused the Howes 
to travel farther and farther from the Lakes, but fond 
memories of their sojourn there always made them long to 


Captain Howe's letters, and Mrs. Howe's also, written while 
he was at Camp Roberts at Davenport, between the time of 
his being mustered into the Eighth Cavalry in June, 1863, 
and his going with the Ninth regiment to St. Louis and thence 
into quarters at Jefferson Barracks — ^if any were penned — 
appear to have been lost either in the migrations of the family, 
or in the storms experienced at Lynn Haven, Florida. 

The letters of this section (save the first two) were written 
during his period of regimental drill at Jefferson Barracks. 
Because of the delays in the mails the logical order in pre- 
senting the lettera has not been attempted. They are given 
in their chronological order. 

The date of the second letter presented is not certain. It 
is included at the outset of this section because from its con- 
tents it seems to suggest that Mrs. Howe assumes that Captain 
Howe was within easy travelling distance, and Davenport fits 
this assumption. On the other hand it could with almost equal 
assurance be assigned to September, 1864, when Mrs. Howe 
was hoping that he would secure a furlough and knowing his 
hopes naturally expected to see him get out of the coach at 
Newton any day. 

In the letters of both Captain and Mrs. Howe the comma 
is often used in lieu of a period — due to the hurry of com- 
position — but as it is not always clear whether the sentence 
was closed, or whether the writer was simply adding another 
clause, no editorial clarifying has been exercised. 

Des Moines, Iowa 
Aug. 8th, 1863 

Capt. Howe 

8th Iowa Cav. 

Newton, Iowa: — Dear Sir: 

Have you received as yet marching orders f — ^I see by this morning 

paper that one company has already gone to the rendezyoiia but haTe 


received no orders as yet myself. If you have received orders please let 
me know also when you intend sending your men down. I have about 
90 men with a fair prospect of soon making it up to 100. 
Let me hear from you. 


Wm. H. Hozie 
8th Iowa Gav. 

Newton, Sept. 8th, [18631] 
My dear Husband : 

I have not written to you for a long week as I have watched the coach 
every night hoping to see you get out of it. As I got no letters since the 
one saying that yon would bring the next perhaps and that you would send 
money soon if you did not come. I think you must be on the road and 
only write for fear something bad has happened and you are not able to 
come. I have company to night, two ministers from Dubuque who have 
come here to the Synod and they will be with me until Monday. They 
are old men one Mr. Newberry buried his oldest son Sunday his remains 
sent home from the Army. He was Capt. in the regular and was killed 
last month on the Weldon R. R. name of the other Holmes. 

If I do not hear from or see you soon I shall not know what to think. 
I have a long letter in my mind but must save it to tell if you come 

Yours loving and looking 

M. W. Howe 

Benton Barracks, Mo. 
February 15, 1864. 
My dear Wife : 

Your letter came since my last to you but it was not the long one you 
promised, and which you must send, as the Regiment is any day liable 
to be sent anyvohere^ and I may soon be where mails are scarce. 

I am glad you were willing to judge for yourself in Nellie's case 
instead of doing just what the doctor's say. I do hope you will depend 
on yourself much, though of course you will need a Doctor too when any 
are sick. 

Let me know when Abbott^^ leaves and to what point as I have not 
learned where his regiment is. It is the 13th, is it notf We have lost 
our General Hatch who has been ordered to Charleston under Gilmore, 
so we are relieved from some of the difficulty I wrote you [about]. But 
we are far from being a pet regiment, on the contrary, we are generally 
reported as "Demoralized" but this is entirely false as I do not believe 
any cavalry regiment as new as this is in better discipline or better 
instructed. I think the trouble is that some of the officers grumbled at 
what they thought some swindling operations respecting our fuel &c, and 
that you know will never do. Our Colonel is a trump, (if you know what 

100 Harvey Abbott, husband of Isabelle Wbeelock. 


that is) (and a right bower, too).^®^ There is not a man but what likes 

him and though he will enforce discipline, be is kind to the men. 

I send yon my likeness. The straps have so faded that the bars do 
not show making me look like a Lieutenant. What do you think of it 
as a likeness? As a picture it is of course superb from the beauty of the 
original. Can you see the fierce soldier in it or does it show the con- 
templative philosopher or sagacious statesman? The grizzly beard may 
cover all three, but I can detect underneath the surface a latent love of 
some particular ones in Iowa together with a hatred to tyranny, slavery, 
intemperance, meanness, &c and still more apparent can be seen from the 
expression, a strong admiration for Abe Lilcoln. But that crook in the 
nose indicates disgust for north western speculations. 

But my dear, do you never regret that lovely home that we had formed 
with such toil and suffering? At times I do much, it was so beautiful, 
but pleasant as it was in some respects, and also pleasant to have so 
many relations around us yet the trouble of those years there was too 
much for the pleasure yet I have often been surprised to find a lingering 
hope that sometime I might have our old place, farm and all back again 
for the children 's sake at least, yet it seems certain that if we could have 
our health, children & all, that Central Iowa is the better place. But 
being a soldier a home for us all may be conquered in a still more pleasant 
climate. I would much like to provide a home as soon as possible and 
if I had the money would buy a place near Newton for you in case I fall 
or perish by disease, but yet I believe that we shall after the war have 
such hard times as we have not yet experienced, for business of all kinds 
is now on a fictitious basis and farming products must then fall, so if 
we are not able now to buy we then can get a home much cheaper than 
now. It would be strange if at last hard times should help us, wouldn 't it? 
I am glad that you find opportunities of being acquainted with some 
of my old business acquaintances, and besides it seems as though you 
were quite successful in picking up soldiers both at home and on the road. 
I wonder if your thinking of a soldier down here does not lead you to 
this. I feel pleased tliat you seem to think in that way though I do not 
want you to dwell so much upon the army and my small portion of it in 
particular, as to neglect thinking of other matters, or so as to become 
melancholy. Do strike to divert yourself and feel as pleasant as possible. 

Today while writing this the weather was like June, now (10 o'clock 
P. M. or later) it is again winter, freezing and some snow falling. I 
fear you are to have another cold spell. 

By the latest from the south it seems as though the rebels were not 
going to raise their soldiers as fast as expected. Desertions from their 
army are now very frequent. I do hope that a strong energetic display 
of force will end the war this summer coming. I feel willing to do my 
part of considerable sharp fighting to close it up, but may feel different 
when the danger is to be faced. Do you think I wiU be apt to falter 

101 Col. M. M. Trumbull. 


when the trial comes f Sometimes I feel as though if danger should come 
when I am in a peculiar mood that it will require all mj fortitude to 
stand up under it, yet I have seen danger in worse forms than a battle 
threatens. You all had to pass though as trying a scene as anything 
I need expect. 

I have laid still three days from sickness more properly exhaustion 
but am now well, both my lieutenants are sick, not seriously .^^ Joseph 
Logston from near Newton and Stephen Welch from Prairie City were 
returned from Small Pox hospital today, cured. They had it light, the 
last one so light they are doubtful whether it was that or a slight rash. 
Thomas Broomliall was sent to the Barracks hospital day before yester- 
day quite sick, fever I think but he is not considered dangerous. Sick 
ones from near Newton are slowly gaining except James B. (Gentry who 
does not regain his voice.*"* I will write oftener now, will you toot 
How do you like the Colonel's looks? 

Tour husband, 

O. C. Howe. 

Newton, March 18th. [1864] 
My dear Husband: 

I am sorry that you have waited so long without hearing from home 
as I know so well how hard it is to wait without the brain becoming fruit- 
ful with all evil imaginations. I have not written you as often as usual 
the past ten days but have never failed of writing as often as twice in a 
week at least, but my fore finger is still sore enough to prevent my using 
a pen with any comfort or in fact using anything else. 

The Thirteenth is now at home, Capt. Skiff *"* in command (it was 
Miller's company). We gave them a fine reception with the best supper 
could be got up. You will excuse the vanity if I say that Mrs. Howe's 
fruit cakes, (two large really splendid ones) were universally acknowledged 
as never having been equalled in Newton [or the] county. I was very proud 
of their looks as the frosting was superb and our mottoes all legible and 

plain. has changed entirely in looks and to my fancy not for the 

better. He is now more stout than was with a great fat red face, 

he must be 50 pounds heavier than when I knew him. The whole regiment 
being scut home on furlough of course my evil genius in the form of 

returned having been only six days in Vicksburg. I was really very 

sorry to see him but the stay will not be long. His mind is much steadier 
than when he left, but is yet by no means in a sound condition if it ever 
was. He is now very jovial and laughs loud and long. He seems quite 
incapable of keeping money as he buys the most trivial things at great 
prices and has spent I know now far more for conveniences and fixins 
generally than you have done since you have been in service. 

102 Wm. W. Moore, first lieutenant and John G. RoekafoUow, second lieutenant. 

if^ All four men named were members of Captain Howe's Co. L. 

104 Harvey J. Skiff, later husband of Lavinia Wheelock, widow of B. P. 


I have heard nothing of Campbell giying up the Press bnt he is yet 
there and I think will be.^^ Mrs. C. visits and calls freqoentlj and I 
like her with increasing like. I am sare that I do not know one item of 
news that could interest you the town is improving all the time and many 
more would stop here if they could find houses. We have yet no prospect 
of a house and I do not know what we will do, but do not fret yet as I 
hope we shall find some place, but rents are very high and I don't know 
but it would be almost as cheap to board but much leas pleasant, I think 
you will have to take me along with you for want of a place to keep me 
in don't you think sof Lockie^^ has just come in from the kitchen 

radiant with fun to tell me tliat has broken a saucer which he thinks 

a joke. I do hope tliat you will not over exert yourself but am almost 
sure that you are doing that very thing. When the 13th went to Meridien 

was not (by his own account) well enough to go but stayed at 

Vicksburg and his Lieut, took his company. He really looks like a coward. 

I do wish that I could send you some goodies and if you think there 
is prospect of your being in St. Louis long enough to get them I will try 
and find something for you but we have had only four pounds of butter 
for three weeks, it cannot be had here now, but will soon be more abujidant. 
I know that now when you are recovering your appetite ought to be 
petted a little and I wish I could help you. Gould you get a cheese and 
shall I send you a fruit cakef 

I am interested for us botli on the pay question which threatens to be 
a serious one if not relieved soon but we have weathered too many 
monetary squalls to be easily upset by small ones. Linnie has a sore 
finger now and cannot write very well but is talking about it. A letter 
from Mary yesterday says they do not hear from you often and only 
through me or Maxwell. I have written them since you were discharged 
from hospital. You say nothing more of your Cousins. 

It is 80 very hard to rent that it seems to me that it would be a good 
plan to buy the house that Porter is occupying if I can do it by paying 
when we could get possession, which would not be until October. It is 
valued at 275 dollars and we will soon pay that for the rent of worse 
places. Tell mc in your next what you think of the plan and if you think 
favorably write to Bill Skiff and tell him what you will do in the case, 
or I will see what a bargain I can make. Sherrill has bought the Helfrey 
house and every old hut in town is full. 

God bless and keep you my darling. 

Your wife, 

M. W. Howe. 

Benton Barracks Mo. 
April 14th, 1864. 
My Dear: 

It is now night and our things are all ready to start tomorrow morning 

loft It Is not certain whether Mrs. Howe refers to Frank T. or A. K. Campbell, 
owners and publishers of the Newton Express. 
lOttjohn Wbeelock Howe. 


for BoUa bj Bail from St. Louis and from there to Little Bock by waj 
of Springfield Mo. We should have started this morning but we learned 
that the first battallion which went yesterday had to leave part of their 
horses on the way, so Go. L staid while the other 3 Go's of the battallion 
went today. The men are all noisy tonight and I have had to go in and 
stop the muss and you will have a confused letter. My Go. are good 
soldiers but when elated are not all strictly total abstinence men and 
there is always whiskey in the Army. 

I will try and get word to you often but while traveling for the next 
trip you will not receive the letters regularly. Do my dear take good 
care of your health and keep up that visiting you spoke of as I see that 
when you have just been out by your letters, as there is not so much 
moping style. I fear that your eyes are growing weak, is this sof How 
I would have liked that visit we have thought of so much but as we can- 
not now meet we can call it postponed. 

Our destination is not one I object to at all, as the country is probably 
healthier than any other southern route as part of the country we pass 
through is mountainous. I hope the Newton people will not be dis- 
appointed in the railroad, as I have strong hopes of some time having a 
quiet home in that vicinity. 

Tou may think it is like a new start for the war to go to Arkansas, 
but except the time it takes to get letters it seems only an ordinary trip 
to me so many soldiers are passing through from there. It is possible 
we will stop at some point on the route for a month or two to recruit 
our horses some of which are very young. My Go. has the youngest in 
the Beg't. and Col. Marez said the youngest he had seen in the service 
were in the Beg't. I have only lost 3 horses while the other Go's average 
from 6 to 15 each, all because I am so poor a horse tender as a horseman 
always kills his beast to show his skill. 

That examination is over as to me by default as tomorrow would be 
the day and I march then. Lt. [John G.] Bockafellow was examined 
yesterday as I could not leave and he was sent instead and will doubtless 
pass as he has studied hard and has a good idea of tactics. 

I have expressed 80 dollars to you today and sent you 20 when paid 
and hope to get pay on the route if we stop to camp or at Little Bock 
if not and will send you a larger sum then if possible. 

You see my letter is a rambling concern but I am busy and the boys 
are very noisy though very good natured. By the way I get along decently 
with the men and though lenient as the other officers say to a fault yet 
we have a fair discipline and I control the Go. easily while some have 
considerable difficulty. B. can do nothing with them except through fear 
and but little anyway and Moore can only coax and succeeds fairly for 
that way. 

I would so like to see the littlers^^ tonight as well as the other one. 
Poor Linuie seems to be sick a good deal. I hope to see you in the fall 
as by that time a furlough will have been deserved. The Bebs are stir- 

107 His name for the little ones of the family. 


ring about Kentucky and Tennessee and some of the bojs are hoping 
to have a brush on the way but except guerrilla attacks I apprehend 
nothing. I think the danger less than a solitary journey from the Lakes 
to Sioux City any time for the past four years. Yet we may of course 
liave a battle and you must not begin to think I am about to fall as soon 
as I start, for the business of the rest of the 3 years or more I am to stay. 

Every one thinks the summer will end the war as far as large armies 
are concerned and the Rebs think so too but they say they are going 
to beat. 

I will write again soon but must go to sleep now I was op night before 
last till morning and last night till 12 and up by 5. I will sleep tonight 
and start fresh. 

Good night and God bless you all. 

O. C. Howe. 

Benton Barracks, Mo. 
April 18th, 1864 
My dear Wife: 

On Friday we were ready for the cars but did not get orders to start, 
and on Saturday saddled up and went to the cars 3 miles to start for 
Little Rock by way of Rolla, on reaching the railroad found there were no 
cars for us, came back for the night and yesterday started again and took 
the cars, horses and all baggage and reached Rolla in the southern part 
of the state 120 miles from here about 8V^ p. m. and found a despatch 
there ordering a return of the 9th to St. Louis so without unloading we 
returned and are now waiting for orders. We do not know our destination 
but expect to start tomorrow or else as soon as the rest of the Regt. can 
be brought back from Rolla. Seven companies are there having preceded 
us. This is the uncertainty of the army. I will write you as soon as we 
know where we are going but that may be only an hour before starting. 
Keep writing me here and I shall get some of the letters. Our horses all 
stood the car ride alive, but Perry junior is some the worse for it, hope 
he will be well soon he is too lively for such a trip. 

The part of Missouri we passed through is a most miserable country, 
rough, rocky, sandy, with a poor soil covered with scrubly timber and the 
few inhabitants a miserable looking set. 

If this is a specimen of the south the country was hardly worth con- 
quering and the people not worth subjugating, but we can hardly be fair 
judges of the country as everything is compared with Iowa and Minnesota 
etc. while we must not expect to find them equaled unless it be in Texas. 

It is generally supposed we are going to Kentucky and Tennessee, I 
am ready for cither and was willing to be recalled from the poor route 
we were sent. 

I cannot hope to hear often from you now, but you must write all the 
oftener or I shall not hear at all. I will write so often to you that yon 
will be fully posted up as to our movements. 


I sent yoQ $80. by express. Send me word whether it reached you. 

The Newton boys are now nearly well: Banks has recovered from his 
hurt, Wert has been here to see us nearly well from the smallpox, Church 
is sick in hospital and will probably remain an invalid. James Drake will 
remain as nurse in smallpox hospital as he is poorly not recovered from 
measles of last summer. James Gentry is fast recovering his voice, can 
talk tolerably well now. That box has never arrived though one for Cross 
and Baldwin sent at about that time came through right.^^^ 

My dear, you must imagine all the love I feel for you, but I cannot 
express it, how I would like to see you all, but that must be postponed. 
I do not permit myself to doubt but we shall be allowed again to meet as 
one family. 

That awful crime of Ft. Pillow fill us all with indignation and desire 
to avenge the cruel massacre and I do think will aid in ending the war. 
Such acts show the desperation of the rebels and if we can only defeat 
them in Virginia soon we will have peace. 

Goodbye and God bless you all. 

Orlando C. Howe. 

[Newton] May 5th, '64. 
My Dear: 

I write only a little tonight or I sliall lose the mail which closes at 8 
o 'clock. We are well. By the evening paper I see we are losing in North 
Carolina and am now waiting with great anxiety for the battles which 
seem to be necessarily soon coming on in Virginia. I am much disgusted 
to see so little alacrity in responding to the call for 100 days, but two or 
three are going from Newton, in Monroe, they are doing much better. 
Baxter George is going from here, he is the only one of whom I have heard. 
Sister Kate Winspear is to be here in June and Maria Long comes with 
her. Jim is going to California soon. He is at Poughkeepsie now. 

I am teaching the children at home this summer and teach Ella and 
Henry Vaughn with mine so as to have some stimulus for Lockie and 
Linnie, Locke learns fast, and Nell also. Linnie is a slow scholar wliich 
is a great grief to me some times I cannot understand it, how one who 
really knows so much should learn from books so slowly. She cannot 
memorize quickly and is not quick in reckoning, maybe she will **come 
of it" as the Hoosiers say. When I remember her great love of the 
beautiful everywhere and her sensitive nervous indolent ways I am often 
troubled about her future. 

About coming to St. Louis I don 't mean to think anything of it now, 
there is such a long line of if 's to be overcome. 

Good bye, 


M. W. Howe. 

108 Baxti'r Banks, Daniel M. Wort, Napoleon Church, David Y. Cross and 
JuIliiH A. Baldwin and the other two named in the aI)ove paragraph were all 
members of Capt. Uowe's Company L and residents of Newton. 


Gamp 9th Iowa Gav. 
Near Jefferson Barracks, Mo. 
May 6, 1864 
My Dear Wife: 

Tear letter of the second is here today and yesterday one in which 
you said you had the dumps. I am some alarmed about your health by 
what you write but hope the summer may improve it. It seems horrible 
to tliink that I may be spared in the army and you sacrificed at home. 
As to climate it is doubtful whether if Central Iowa is not healthy for 
you, which would be preferable Missouri or Minesota. I hope the awful 
punishment of your loss is not to fall upon me during the war. 

As to peace I believe that it will come soon either by the subjugation 
of the rebels or some patchwork for a few years. It seems as though 
the northern people wore now depending solely upon Grant's success this 
summer and look no further. I do not like this but prefer that a deter- 
mination to conquer at all events should be the feeling even if several 
more favorites of the people made so by circumstances instead of talent 
or genius should follow McDowell, McClellan &c into disfavor. We can 
succeed and we ought to use the effort necessary. 

I passed tlie dreaded examination day before yesterday and a few 
minutes ago received the very agreeable "sentence" "Qualified" so that 
trouble is over. 

Wo are still in camp with orders to be ready to march at one hour's 
notice and Co. L. shall do so at all sacrifice. I suppose that we will be 
sent into different part of this State and perhaps Illinois if there should 
])e trouble there. 


O. C. Howe 

No pay yet. 

Camp of 9th Iowa Cav. 
Near Jeff. Bks. Mo. 
May 12, 1864 
My Dear Wife: 

T received your letter yesterday and they are not very common 
oecurreuces though I must admit being more remiss of late than usual. 
Since passing the examination I have been in good health and Spirits. 

The news from Grant, Butler and Sherman is now so very favorable 
as to enliven us all though there is a chance of being too sanguine. 

Banks and Steele's repulse are terrible reverses for the West and 
there will be a desperate fight in the southwest perhaps in one great battle 
or more likely in a destructive guerrilla war. 

We are hourly expecting an order to march somewhere to meet those 
Guerrillas but know not where we go of course. Two companies left last 
week as we supposed for up the Missouri but it turns out they were for 
Palmyra Mo. opposite Quincy, Illinois. 


Since sundown last night till now (noon) we have been waiting ex- 
pecting orders for two more companies to start for Central or Western 
Missouri. If orders come and L is one of the Co's we will be readj in 
an hoar for me to start my Co. 

I now think that we will most certainly be needed in this state and 
that Gen. Rosccrantz was right in bringing us back, though at the time 
I thought the matter had no particular intention in it. 

I wish you would send a copy of those lines on Murf rieeboro that you 
wrote and I admired so much. I would like much to send them to the 
Sanitary Fair of which General B. is President. If you wish it shall be 

Do not think me neglectful if I confess to losing that picture of yours 
but I wish another so much that it must be told. I have not been able 
to find it since I was sick, it disappeared with many other things while 
I was sick but without any fault of mine. 

Do write oftener send to me as usual to St. Louis. 


O. 0, Howe 

Newton, May 10th, '64. 
My Dear Husband: 

After a long cold season of wet, and wind, it has cleared away warm 
and pleasant, and just now there is one of those mellow sunsets so often 
seen at the Lakes, which makes it beautiful even here and reminds me 
of the surpassing beauty which seemed at times to rest upon all nature 
there. But I miss the familiar Lakes and the landscape here has no 
comparison with that. Perhaps when we are so spiritualized as to be 
insensible to cold and terror we will transmigrate into that country. It 
lias more homelike memories than any other place although they are 
nearly all under a cloud. So far, my dear, was written on Sunday and 
now it is Tuesday and O, how cold, quite a thick ice formed on the water 
pail last night and an east wind this morning is very chillly or freezy. 

I have been waiting some days for a letter as it is now ten days since 
I liad one, and while I am less anxious than if you were nearer the 
expected place of heavy battles yet I do not wait long beyond my usual 
time without much uneasiness. Yesterday I went to League to hear Mrs. 
Simmins (State Agent for the Iowa Sanitary Commission) and the 
League disbanded and organized an aid society as an auxilliary to the 
General Commission. 

It seems to me tliat as this matter is now systemized it must [be] an 
agent for much good although much quite unnecessary expense is in- 
curred in its various agencies. I suppose you have not seen much of its 
working personally but what is the opinion of those officers who have seen 
field service. Last fall on my route home from Marengo I conversed much 
with Col. Bedfield^^ and the Surgeon of his regiment in regard to this 

109 Lt. Col. James Redfleld, killed at AUatoona, Ga., Oct. 5, 1804. 


matter both of whom said that these voluntary aid societies bj whatever 
name called were of more benefit than the surgeons themselves certainly 
work more than all except surgeons while Dr. Hunter from what he saw 
or did not see, at Vicksburg speaks of them as of (no account). 

I suppose you are through your examination by this time but cannot 
tell how you came out, I can not wish you to fail as it would be a trouble 
to you but it would have some equivalents certainly as you would come 
home. I did not think you would be so long in the army without getting 
further from home and did hope that a whole year would have brought 
the 'beginning of the end' more than is now to be seen. 

I wrote you that Catherine is expected here in June, I think my trip 
to St. Louis will hardly be in time for the Fair which I did not have 
much anxiety to see. I think three days at home would work more than 
six in St. Louis, but I think but little of either as among the speedy 
possibilities. Nell is learning very fast and Locke does tolerably, Linnie 
does not learn readily but is not well enough to be forced to hard study 
and she has no will for it. Bailroad matters are not favorable to Newton 
at present as the roads are to [go] somewhere west of here, this road 
running northwest from Grinnell to meet the other and then a single 
track to Des Moines and westward, this is the present programme but it 
is very variable. Business is lively here and everything both to eat and 
wear is at enormous prices, approaching what it was south two years 
ago. This does not hinder the sale of things, Mr. Ford told me they 
sold four barrels of sugar now to one three years ago, while we get but 
4 pounds for a dollar, 25 cts. is big price for one pound of sugar and 
this is only brown. 

I hope tonight will bring me a letter and I will not wait again before 

Tours fondly, 

M. W. Howe. 

Gamp 9th Iowa Cav. Near Jeff. Bks. Mo. 
May 13th, 1864 
My dear Wife: 

The order for the 9th to proceed to Little Rock, Ark. with all dispatch 
came in an hour ago, and we are packing and waiting. Our major started 
for town to see as to transportation, as we do not know the route we are 
to take, but most of us think we will go by River to Devall's Bluff. 

I think we are needed there, and do not fear the danger more than 
what we might meet scattered in this state. Write both to Little Rock 
and here and I will get the letters after awhile. 

We are anxiously reading the news from the Potomac army and rejoice 
with fear over Grant's success so far. 

If Lee should be defeated finally, then our fighting is soon over. But 
it is yet not impossible for a terrible reverse there. 

[Other pages missing] 


Newton, May 13th, 1864. 
My Dear: 

The Littles are all through with books today and are out in the brush 
at play. Summer seems at last to have reached us but was a long time 
coming. On the 11th there was quite a thick ice on the water in the 
house, and nearly all the early tomatoes were nipped, I am now feeling 
so well that I hardly know myself and am sorry that I wrote to you the 
day that I had the dumps. I suppose it is now settled that the railroad 
runs some miles north of Newton, and perhaps this will bring down 
house rent. 

I know nothing in the way of news. People are rejoicing much over 
the Eastern battle news but I think there must be an undercurrent of 
fear, there is to my gladness certainly as a day may change all so fear- 
fully. I imagine that if your regiment had not been ordered back you 
would have seen shot and shell when Marmaduke approached Little Bock, 
Banks defeat on Bed Biver did not involve many from Newton in trouble. 
James Wilson is reported killed and some one named Brothers. There 
is less activity and zeal here in regard to the 100 days service than in 
most Bepublican towns. At Grinnell the whole College who are old 
enough are going with one of their professors as captain.^^® We have 
been in this house three weeks today and paid one month in advance 
when we came in and I expect Kennedy on hand the 20th of May for 
another month's rent, which I wish you would send me if you can, (it is 
six dollars) I am not in want of money for anything and am not quite 
out but will be by then. When you send me again and every debt is 
straightened up as it will be I shall feel quite rich. It has often troubled 
mc that I cannot make money last longer but it will not. Since the last 
August I have spent 300 dollars and it is hard to tell for what, although 
this does not include some considerable of last summers grocery bill at 
Ford's. I sometimes fear that you will be discouraged that I cannot 
make less answer but you must know something of the expenses of 
provisions & since you are a housekeeper too. We cannot get a yard of 
calico now for less than 28 or 30 cts. and sheeting is 50. As I made no 
calculations upon going to the Fair at St. Louis I am of course not dis- 
appointed and now have taught my heart to wait until fall, when surely 
you will have earned a furlough I would send you Newton papers if you 
think it worth while. I anticipate much from a visit with Catherine 
when she comes. Eight years have probably changed us both much, but 
we will soon forget that and the old time will come back to us again. 
Abbott is nearing Huntsville, Jim Winspear is going to California. I 
will write on Sunday, day after tomorrow and tell you the news if there 
is any. May God love and keep us in his care until we meet. 

Yours with increasing love, 

M. W. Howe. 

110 Professor Leonard F. Parker. 


was made and carried about and made ready for use. As I 
have learned it, they boil the material, and skim off the skum 
from that, then keep skimming it off until it is a clear liquid. 
And after it is clear of all skum, sticks were prepared about 
the size of a pencil, which they dipped into the glue and 
turned it about and gathered a little glue on the end, let it 
harden, and so continued dipping and cooling it until they 
had a sizable lump on the end of the stick. It was convenient 
to carry about for future use. The way they used it would 
be to heat a vessel of water hot and dip the glue stick into it, 
when the hardened glue which touched the hot water would 
be liquid, ready for use, and when they laid the stick down 
it was hard and smooth, as it was before. That's the way the 
tribe carried the glue, and put it away for future use. I want 
to ask Jim if that is the way they did it. 

Jim : In making the glue from the horns of the deer, that's 
the only way they made their glue. They did not have any 
glue from buffaloes, so in making the glue they boiled it and 
would take a stick, and of course while it is boiling they 
dipped this stick in, and took it out and cooled it off until it 
hardens, and they get as much as they v/ant for their own use, 
then whenever they wanted to use it it was a hard substance, 
then they take the substance and moisten it — sometimes they 
spit on it and sometimes they stick it in their mouths, and 
then hold it by the fire until it melts, and then rub it on what- 
ever they want to use it on and then they glue this together, 
so that's the way they make the glue. 

Dr. Gilmore: Substantially the same plan of making the 
glue sticks and the form of using them as I described. There 
is one more thing about the use of the glue. The glue could 
be moistened, as he said or by hot water. To make a nice 
smooth workmanlike job of finishing the glued parts a certain 
powder was used to take up the surplus glue, and that powder 
was made from gypsum. The tribe that I am acquainted with 
found gypsum on the plains — the Pawnees and the Omahas 
got it in Kansas. It is a stone that when heated will become 
a white powder, and that white powder would take up the 
surplus glue, and I supposed these eastern people had some 
means of finishing off the glued materials also. Perhaps they 


had some powder — ^I do not know whether gypsum or what, 
but they must have had some way of finishing up the glued 

Perhaps it might be interesting for all of you to know some- 
thing about the method of procedure in finding out informa- 
tion of the old time. 

(George interprets Dr. Gilmore's question, Jim answers, 
and Young Bear cuts in with information to Jim.) George 
interprets : In making the arrows, and the feathers you put on 
and also the point or the arrow head — well, the glue is mostly 
used, and in order to make this glue, why you do the same 
thing again as in making the flute, and you want to have a 
smooth surface. In order to do this it is done — of course some 
are experts in making the arrows, and some are not. Not 
every one can make the arrow — ^they have got to be taught, 
and so in making these arrows and applying the glue you 
first take the glue and moisten it — ^you stick that in your 
mouth, and then you hold it before the fire. Of course it must 
not be too hot, and before it gets too hot you have to very 
quickly apply it on the arrow. You do that all around that 
which you put the glue on, and then the bones of the deer are 
used to smooth it off so it would not be rough, and the glue 
that sticks on, the surface glue, is scraped off by the use of 
the same bone — ^taken out and made from the bones of the deer,- 
and of course in making their points and putting the feathers 
in they do not only use the glue, but of course the glue fastens 
them first time, then it is tied with the guts and the muscles 
taken from the deer. They tie this on, and then also the glue 
is applied, and in this way the feather does not come off easily. 

Mr. Harlan : Do they use a powder to keep it from being 
sticky ? 

(George interprets Mr. Harlan's question. Young Bear 
speaks to Jim) — Jim answers: In making the arrows and 
putting on the glue they did not use any powder of any kind, 
although our old people have often told us a certain powder 
should be used in smoothing out this glue, but we have never 
known just what it is. They shaped them out by the use of a 
rock, shaping them out, and so the glued pieces — ^they put on 
the same glue that holds it by tieing it with the muscles and 


all and those hold it. Of course they smoothed it — ^they also 
used a bone. 

Mr. Harlan : I think that will be all we will ask him now. 
My friends [the teachers], you will see that when the Indians 
are asked a question to which you and I would answer yes or 
no, our Indian friends add a little information that they 
would otherwise fail to impart. Now we will ask Dr. Gilmore 
to continue his observations on the flute or whatever subject 
he sees fit. Our Indian friends as well as ourselves, are eager 
for his words. 

Dr. Gilmore : Some of the company have come in since the 
description was given of how the flute is made. Jim said there 
were six holes made and you can see that. He said they were 
burned, and of course that is the way it was done, but in the 
old times they would have trouble drilling, I suppose, with a 
stone drill. Maybe he can tell about that. But another thing 
you will notice. If you touch the flute, you will find a place 
in the barrel for the passage of the air, and for finishing the 
wood, among the tribes I am acquainted with, a certain plant 
is used. They use a plant which is very full of silica. We call 
it horse tail, jointed grass, snake grass, and that plant is used 
for polishing, and I wonder what these people used for polish- 
ing in the old time, before they had sand paper, emery paper, 
etc. I would like to know if that plant was used. It is very 
hard, and when you are using it it will make your teeth grit 
— ^it is jointed grass. 

(George interprets Dr. Gilmore 's talk. Young Bear speaks 
to Jim.) Jim talks: In the old time there was nothing that 
was impossible for them, because before the time when the 
white men came to our people and brought the implements 
they used to make their things, our people did not have these 
implements, and they had to make them themselves. Of course, 
to make them they must first think these things out and try to 
make things, so it would not be hard to make whatever they 
wish to make, and so it is with everything. In making arrows 
and bows some one must first know the kind of tools they 
want to use to make whatever they wish to make, and so in 
finding things out, in making these tools, it was not the thought 
or the making of the people, but through the Great Spirit. 


They first pray to the Great Spirit, and the Great Spirit blesses 
them and in that way they find out the things they want to 
make, and in making these flutes they want to make the surface 
smooth — well, in those days they used the rocks, and the flint, 
etc. Sometimes they used sand and ashes, and such things 
as that. 

Dr. Gilmore: You people [the teachers] here tonight are 
swinging in and looking in on the v/ay and getting some 
information of the way they [the Indians] learn, and on that 
matter of the use of gypsum in polishing, the bureau of 
ethnology published an erroneous statement in their report 
of the polishing of arrows, the smoothing off of surplus glue. 
The writer there said they used mica in polishing — ^that they 
burned it to a powder, and the powder was used to take oflf 
the surplus. Now you know mica will not burn, and that the 
material burned to make the white powder was gypsum, 
instead of mica. 

Mr. Harlan : I wonder if we may not have George explain 
to the Indians what Dr. Gilmore tells of a mistake in one of 
our books. 

Dr. Gilmore: The point is that the investigators need to 
know more. 

Mr. Harlan: The conversation began on the flute. Any 
other person who is trained like Dr. Gilmore would have had 
the information on the flute only, but now this party of 
teachers has gained authentic information through his pursu- 
ing the matter into the different materials and different points. 
Without his expert knowledge we would have remained with- 
out this complete information from the Mesquakies, and par- 
ticularly the old Mesquakies. Somehow I am aware. Dr. Gil- 
more, this is the first expert information they have ever been 
invited to publicly impart, and they have never exchanged 
with any white man the information you have exchanged with 
them in these teachers' hearing. 

(Some one asks of what material the wickiup matting is 
made. ) 

Mr. Harlan : Let us see if we can get that answered. 

Jim: I imagine it is made out of bull rushes — cat-tails. 

Dr. Gilmore: That is not all. I wish the visitors would 


notice how skilfully they are laid together, and they are 
bound together by a needle — that is through the middle of 
the end of the cat-tail. 

Mr. Harlan : Jim, Dr. Gilmore alludes to the cat-tail leaf 
made into the matting. Is it the leaf? 

Jim : It is the leaf. 

Mr. Harlan : Do you make it of the flat part, or the round 
stalk ? 

(Jim does not understand the question.) 

Mr. Harlan : When we say leaf, we mean the flat part, not 
the round part. 

Dr. Gilmore: It is the blade that they use, not the round 

Mr. Harlan : Do they use the rod or the blade that bends 
over ? 

(George interprets, Jim answers, and Young Bear speaks, 
with George interpreting.) : It is the flat part. If any of you 
look carefully at the wickiup and examine each of those leaves 
you will find that they are all flat — none of them round. The 
round part is not used, but the blades are used. 

Dr. Gilmore : That is what I wanted the visitors to notice — 
that the flat part is used so it sheds the rain, and is very skill- 
fully done. 

Mr. Harlan : On next Sunday afternoon will you get some 
cat-tails and start a mat so we can see just how it is made? 

Jim: Yes. 

Mr. Harlan : Let me make this suggestion. Dr. Gilmore has 
told us of the woodland and the prairie people. He tells us 
that the plains people had a separate style of habitation, 
and the woodland people had their style. I wonder if he will 
tell us more about these styles of habitation? 

Dr. Gilmore: As Mr. Harlan has said, I was born in 
Nebraska, in the Omaha region, so I know the people of that 
region better than I know the woods people. The prairie, you 
see, is the country without so much timber. These people had 
these materials, and the geographic condition always controls 
the forms of dwellings. There was some timber along the 
streams, and the skins of the buffalo were excellent for making 
the covering of the tent, but these people of the prairie had 


not only to cut the poles, but in many instances had to 
drag them long distances. But when they traveled any- 
where, going in quest for meat, on a buffalo hunt, or going 
after other products, they had to have portable dwellings, 
and the tepee was the type. Some of the tribes had the 
custom of using four poles for the frame work, and some 
tribes used only three poles. Of course, a camp would include 
much more ground than there is here. The Omahas and other 
tribes have good camps, and these tepees are set in a circle, 
according to the size of the party traveling — it might be half 
a mile in diameter. The circle of each division of the tribe — 
and in the Omaha tribe there are ten divisions — there are two 
main divisions of five each — and as the camp is set it is set 
like the tepee itself. The entrance to the camp is like the 
entrance to the tepee — which is set according to the way they 
travel. And so each of these would have its circle. They had 
a system of placing the tepees. If they did not have a system 
they could never find anything, but each one knew just where 
to go for his own tent, because it was always there. 

Mr. Harlan : Now, I expect Young Bear and Jim are asleep. 
But tomorrow evening we will ask them if there is a similar 
custom with respect to their wickiups. 

Dr. Gilmore : Each nation had its own system. 

Mr. Harlan: Well, we are all probably within twenty 
minutes of our sleepy time, and I wonder if we can stir up 
Jim and have him play that song he played last night. 

Jim plays on his flute. 

Mr. Harlan: Can that be sung? 

George: That is the same one he sang last night. 

Mr. Harlan : The one you sang, but didn 't play with the 
flute — sing that. 

(Jim sings then tells the story.) George interprets: The 
words of the song are repeated over and over. Of course in 
a chorus there are different words, but these words tell the 
story of a certain young couple. 

Once upon a time there was a maid who was of marrying 
age, and her parents were considering a certain young man, 
who was already a mighty hunter. This young man seems to 
have a future before him, and was considered as a likely hus- 


band of this girl. So they made an agreement between the 
parents that this young couple should marry, and they were 
married, but the girl was in love with another young man, 
and she did not love this young man she had to marry. She 
was very unhappy, and so she told her parents that she did 
not love the one she was living w4th but she loved another, and 
she was very unhappy, and she could not have a happy life 
and she wanted a happy life — to have a lodge of her own, 
and the rule was that she should serve and try to love the one 
she was living with, and so they moved them to an island far 
away, and they could not be seen by any one, and this way 
they could forget every one and be forced to love the one they 
lived with. However, she could not forget the young man she 
loved, no matter how far away they moved her, and so she 
swam ashore to the main land, and she made this song, and 
the words are, **I hate him, I hate him ! Even from the island 
I could swim across.*' 

Mr. Harlan : Sing the chorus once more, Jim. 

(Jim sings the chorus.) 

Mr. Harlan : Now, let us ask Dr. Gilmore if, in his acquaint- 
ance of other songs, this particular story has come to his 

Dr. Gilmore: No, I never heard this one, but similar in- 
stances and similar songs I have known of. The first part of 
the song is the same — I recognize the first part of it in different 
songs, but the latter part of it is different. It shows the 
borrowing of music, just as with us. 

Mr. Harlan : Will you \e\\ Jim to think up a different one 
for tomorrow night to play or sing or both f 

(George interprets Mr. Harlan's question, and interprets 
Jim's answer.) : He is not sure he can be here for tomorrow 
night, but he will do as you ask if he can be here. 




By Philip D. Jordan 


This is the second of a series of edited excerpts from the 
letters of Dr. William Salter, a member of the famous Andover 
Band in Iowa and for over sixty years pastor of the Congre- 
gational Church at Burlington, Iowa. These letters were 
written during the years 1845-46, while Dr. Salter was preach- 
ing at Maquoketa and Burlington, to Miss Mary Ann Mackin- 
tire, his fiancee, of Charlestown, Massachusetts. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. October 4, 1845. 
[Dear Mary:] 

.... This week has been of chilly blustering weather, and a little cold 
with the sickness and death around me have perhaps too much perturbed 
me. Having heard that Mr. Smith, a missionary of the A. H. M. S. at 
Bellevue who came into this country in June was sick, I went to see him. 
I found him just recovering from ague and bilious fever. He thinks 
that he cannot have his health in this country and so is about returning 
home (Litchfield, Maine). I endeavored to encourage him and urged him 
to go home with me, promising to nurse him the best I could, but his head 
is set in getting by his mother's fireside. He thought of leaving this 

week I got some cold in riding, was overtaken by two showers, and 

should have rested this week, but have been called on to visit the sick and 
attend funerals. I am much better today. So much sickness is indeed 
very distressing. There are very few families in which some are not or 
have not been sick. The whole country shares in the calamity. I saw 
this afternoon a gentleman from Rock River who says there is much 
more sickness there than here. I hope the people may learn righteous- 
ness, but at present the sickness is so extensive that little else can be 
thought of than the care of the sick. I cannot but hope that as cold 
weather is setting in health will return. I feel that I cannot be too thank- 
ful for that kind Providence that has watched over and sustained me 
while sickness and death visited so many. How loud the admonition to 
work while it is day for night cometh when no man can work 

You will be amazed when I tell you that the last of my written ser- 
mons is number 24, and two years in the vicinity ! .... I had letters this 


evening from New York from mj father and brother, and Sister Mary 
which speak of Mr. Bhackford of Burlington who heard of our matters 
in Charlestown. He was on his way West. He was from Portsmouth, 
N. H., and is probably acquainted with some of jour friends. He spoke 
of mr good fortune in the highest terms. Mr. 8. was sent to collect 
funds in aid of the church in Burlington. He raised $i50.00 in drive for 
the church. An excellent man. 

The sickness of the country is hindering every kind of labor. Our 
bricks are just burned, but it is now so late that it is found we shall 
not be able to start our building this fall. I have engaged to have me a 
study built for about $135 — 14 feet by 22 — nine feet high room. It is 
uncertain about my leaving here and in case I should I think I could 
sell it without loss. I have a very pleasant location. If we remain 
here, I shall build a brick house in front of it next spring, and this may 
serve as a kitchen 

Some of my friends want me to go East. But I have never allowed 
myself to think in earnest of the matter. My father in his last expresses 
the wish that in a year or two I would think of settling in the East. He 
has always wanted me to feel young, telling me that I should not be in 
my prime till I was past thirty, and that I ought not to have much before 
that age. You will not indulge the thought, my dear, that I came West 
from any [desire] for the privileges of cultivated society. I deem it as 
sacred a trust to guard well the temples which the fathers founded as 
to lay in regions beyond the foundations of society. The work in both 

places demands the best men. I desire to be the child of Providence 

Ever yours, Wm. Salter. 

[Dubuque. October 13, 1845.] 
How are you this early Monday morning, October 13, 1845, . . . . f 
Now I have my pen in the study corner of Mr. HolbrookV^ sitting 

room I cAme here from home on Saturday, a very raw and chilly 

day, got some cold which was a poor preparation for preaching yester- 
day. Preached to a congregation of seventy-five in the Baptist meeting 
house. The Congregational Church is getting along very well with their 
house, will have it finished in December. Mr. Holbrook has had to [plan] 
its erection and attended to almost everything about it. Ladies in Park 
Street Church, Boston, and in Hartford Church are sending out boxes 
of articles to be sold at a fair this winter for the benefit of the house. 
The Ladies here have also a society to sew for the same object, of which 
Mrs. Holbrook has the superintendence. She, by the way, I may say, is 
a native of Farrington County, but has lived several years in Jackson- 
ville, Illinois. Is a good housekeeper. On my arrival here, I heard 
that Brother Turner has had a bilious attack. I am only now waiting 
for clear weather to go out and see him. The church here is small for 
so large a place, there being about 2,000 population here, only 50 mem- 

32 Rev. John C. Holbrook, Vid. Annals of Iowa, Third Series, Vols. I, p. 527 ; 
VII, pp. 594, 602-«04. 


bers. The Methodist church has now the most wealth and largest mem- 
bers of any Protestant sociotj. .... 

Last week we had at Andrew the annual meeting of our country Bible 
Society during the session of court. You would have laughed to have 
seen me lodged in a log cabin with some twenty persons, some few on 
beds and many on the floor. But the good landlady gave me the best 
bed in company with an old gentleman from Delaware, formerly an 
Indian agent in Illinois. He had been at one time a prisoner among the 
Indians and expecting to be shot, but was rescued by a friendly tribe. 
Our Bible Society is small and but a few take any interest in it. 

One of the old settlers has just been in to see me. He was here 
18 years ago when nothing but grass and bush were here, where as he says, 
"are now four story brick buildings and back in the country is a 
four story mill." He is an old miner. If, he says, this place be so 
changed in thirteen years, what will it be in a century? .... 

Ever yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. October 16, 

Good evening, Mary: 

.... My last left me on the eve of going to Cascade. I was in hopes 
it had cleared up, but was disappointed and rode twelve miles in the 
rain. I was in a buggy and tolerably well protected so that I suffered 
nothing serious. I stopped at a good woman's on the road, a member 
of brother Turner's church who begged so hard to tarry over night (I 
stopped to warm), but I could not. I found Brother Turner better 

though weak 

Wm. Salter. 

Davenport, Iowa. October 
24, 1845. 
My dear Mary: 

How do you like this pleasant Indian summer? It is just two years 
ago since I landed in Iowa. May I not say hitherto hath the Lord 
helped me. I am reminded of a walk I took two years ago tliis evening 
up the bank of the Mississippi at Burlington in company with Brother 
Turner. We got into a retired place and leaning against a prostrate tree, 
united in prayer to God, giving up ourselves to the direction of his 
Providence, and asking, Lord, what wilt thou have us to do? Verily, 
I have been led in a way that I knew not, may I not indulge the hope 
that it has been of the Lord. 

Here am I this morning in the home of Brother Prescott, an excellent 
colporteur of the American Tract Society, who is laboring in this region. 
His wife is an active intelligent woman and useful Christian. Brother 
Hill and wife are also here. Mrs. Hill is a daughter of Deacon Hyde of 
Bath, Maine, an enthusiastic, cheerful, contented, affectionate spirit, 
thinks the world of Iowa and of her fleld in Clayton County. She says 


she has no desire to go back to New England except to see her father 

and mother We have had a tolerably interesting association, but 

owing to the absence of Brother Adams, who has not yet retorned, the 
ministers here, things have been more at loose ends than would other- 
wise be the case. The only two subjects of interest that have been 
discussed were those of a union with Presb3rteriani8m, and Education. 
Brother Bobbins had not prepared his paper on fellowship with slave- 
holders on account of sickness in his family and congregation and he 
was excused until the next meeting. 

Last Monday night Brother Turner and wife arrived at Maquoketa. 
They tarried the night which I enjoyed very much with them. Mrs. T. 

was very happy at being introduced to your daguerreotype Monday 

we rode here, 40 miles, most of the way over burnt prairie, rather a 
dismal prospect. No town on the Mississippi is more handsomely situ- 
ated than Davenport. It has a population of 900, but they are divided 
into all the different sects. The Congregational church is small, although 
it has some excellent members. The church [has] but little character 
in the community. It would seem strange to you to be in a place where 
Methodists and Campbellites, Bomanists, were the leading sects. Bev. 
J. A. Beed, lately appointed missionary agent of Iowa, has just taken 
up his residence here. He was a native of New Windsor and a New 
Haven student. Conn. He has been for a number of years in the West, 
was formerly at Warsaw, Illinois, and last at Fairfield, Iowa. In rela- 
tion to Burlington he says that last summer Brother Hutchinson's health 
being very poor, he was advised by Brothers Asa Turner and Lane to 
give up that field, and in that case, those brethren proposed that I should 
be sent for, and Brother Turner corresponded with Brother Badger on 
the subject, who recommended it. But, Brother Hutchinson's health 
being now very much better, so that he says he feels as well as ever he 
has, he has renewed his labors with a prospect of continuing them. 
Brother Reed, however, says that he thinks that though Brother Hutcliin- 
son may remain this winter, then he 'will not stay much longer. In 
this state of things I think that we ought to disburse our minds of all 
apprehension or concern on that subject. I feel very happy that I have 
never opened my mouth on this subject, so that any of my brethren 
could suppose that I was asking great things for myself. What a de- 
lightful consciousness is that of having the feeling of Psalms 131:1.^ 
.... When I see how comparatively little the brethren on the river towns 
are doing, I cannot but think that in usefulness I may not be behind 
them and indeed that my own field provides well in comparison with 

theirs I am going as far as Dewitt today to spend the night 

with Brother Emerson. He has been suffering dreadfully from the ague 
and is now thin as a shadow. Some of the brethren are thinking they 
will have a joke with Brother Alden about his house if he comes single 
handed. The Association appointed the first Wednesday of December 

33 Psalms 181:1. Lord, my heart is not haughty, nor mine eyes lofty: 
nelthor do I exorcise myself in great matters, or In things too high for mo. 


a day of fasting and prayer in view of the superview of Divine Influ- 
ence. We adjourned to meet at Tipton the first Monday in May. 

.... Mr. Hill is building a house, 26 by 38, which will cost him 
300 dollars. A part of it is finished and they are living in it. I have 

taken the plan All the members of the Association report that their 

labors have been greatly interrupted by sickness. It is now ten o'clock, 
a boat has arrived on which Mr. and Mrs. Hill are going up the river, 

and Brother Emerson is getting ready for riding home I preached 

here last week of First Corinthians, 14 chapter, in doctrine: that the 
New Testament does not give us a definite and full form of church 
policy and that God requires wisdom and discretion at our hands in 
managing our church affairs, all things must be done in order, but 
wisdom is needed and profitable to direct in what order. Sermons were 
also preached on the nature and advantages of revivals by Brother Rob- 
bins. Reasons why we should not be ashamed of the Gospel by Mr. 
Hitchcock of Moline, Illinois — with cliaracter and conduct and testimony 
of witnesses of God on the text: **Ye are my witnesses" by Brother Hill. 

Ever yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. October 31, 1845. 
My dearest Mary: 

.... This has been like most other days in the West, a mixed day 
with me. There is no dull uniformity here. I arose about morning 
from my bed on the floor, having resigned my room last night to a 
gentleman and his wife from Prairie du Chien. I read from 2nd. Hebrews 

of Paul on Mars Hill After breakfast .... I got into my study 

and notwithstanding that the children have been very noisy and a few 
interruptions .... I read an interesting lesson in my Greek Harmony 
of the Gospels and wrote about the third of a sermon, when 4 o'clock 
called me to an adjourned meeting of my church, at which the resig- 
nation of one of my elders was accepted, the other was excommunicated 
from the church, and it was voted that we hereafter be governed ac- 
cording to the usages of the Congregational Church. This is the second 
excommunication from the Church, both of the offending members being 
somewhat prominent citizens in the neighborhood and being the only 
ones in the church who subscri)>ed ten dollars towards my support. I have 
had a severe trial with these men. They have been great stumbling blocks 
to the advancement of religion. Both united with the church by letter 
from other churches. I trust and believe the Lord will overrule it for 
good. After this meeting came on supper and chopping a little 


Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, November 8, 1845. 
My Mary: 

I have just got home from a curious week's work I told you 

in my last that Dr. Reed was to spend the last Sabbath with me. He 


preached to a house full. We now meet in a private house and as I 
looked upon the various substitutes for seats which the people occupied, 
I could not but think of Paul and his companions at Melite, who escaped 
from the wreck ''some on boards and some on broken pieces of the 
ships." Monday morning I rode to the eastern part of the country with 
Brother Reed to explain the destitution or rather to make him ac- 
quainted with them. We visited a number of scattered families who 
were sorry that Mr. Smith had left them no church [t] in the wilder- 
ness and who were anxious to hear one sent among them to break the 
bread of life. Tuesday p. m. we rode into Rellevue where I had previ- 
ously sent in an appointment for Brother Reed to preach. Who do 
you think was the first man I met? Brother Alden. Even so. I may 
have mentioned that I promised to go sometime or other on a journey 
to Wisconsin with him, and he had taken that time for the business. We 
found an awful state of stupor as to the interests of religion in that 
town. There was but a dozen to meeting. Brother Alden 's plans [made] 
an entire change in my .arrangement for the work, so that the next 
morning we crossed the river, rode to Galena, where we had a very pleas- 
ant call in the family of Mr. Kent. 

.... That p. m. we rode to Hard Scrubble, W. T., and spent the 
night with Mrs. Curtis. She has two sons in the ministry at Adrian 

and Ann Arbor, Michigan We learned here that we were only 

eight miles from New Diggings, so the next morning we rode thither 
and found Brother Lewis on the eve of going to attend a funeral, whither 
we accompanied him. There were almost 50 or 60 graves in the burying 

ground. After this service, we had a very delightful talk [In the] 

p. m. we rode to Platte vi lie within a few miles of the Platte Mounds 
and described in the Home Missionary for October. Last year I rode 
over them several times, or rather around them. They present a singular 
and wonderful appearance. We spent the night at D. J. W. Clark's who, 
as we wanted to see Magoun, hunted him up and brought in also Miss 
Johnson and two Miss Buels. We had a piano and good music which 

made the evening pass off very pleasantly I came home on the 

stage (a very black chilly day) 

Your own. Wm. Salter. 

Br. Salter's Study. November 
12, 1845. 
[The following description of William Salter's study in Maquoketa 
is extracted from a note written to Miss Mackintire by Rev. E. Alden, Jr., 
a friend of Salter's and Miss Mackintire 's. Rev Salt^jr then resumes the 

.... I must ask you to imagine a bedstead, light stand, trunks, book- 
case, stove, and a cou])le of chairs, crowded together into an unfinished 
apartment a trifle over 6 by 10 feet. You will readily suppose that Br. 

Salter and I are placed in close proximity 

Yours sincerely, 

E. Alden, Jr. 


[Here Rev. Salter takes up the writing.] 

Friday evening. November 14. 

.... I don 't know as I have told yon that I have an air tight stove. 
It is a common new sheet iron one and heats and cools quickly, but fire- 
wood is cheap here The health of the country is much improved, 

although there are many cases of ague yet, generally due to exposure 
and carelessness I am ecclesiastically connected with the Congre- 
gational Association of Northern Iowa, as you will see by the Congre- 
gational Almanac, so that it is perfectly proper to call me a Congrega- 
tionalist, and I very much prefer tliat connection to belonging to either 

the Old or the New School Presbytery in Iowa In Iowa the Old 

School body have been very unfortunate in having as their leaders two 
very bigoted and sectarian ministers who are very jealous of the spread 
of Congregationalism, and who even misrepresent our character, and it 
is to be feared take pains so to do 

You know fully about my pecuniary circumstances. I have nothing 
but a salary of 200 dollars a year. I have a library wliich cost me $150, 
and a horse. And when my study is built and paid for, I shall have that 

and perhaps $100 on hand 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa. November 28, 1845. 
[Dear Mary:] 

.... Oh, if we had such settlers as New England first had, we might 
hope that this wilderness world would bud and blossom. But alas, the 
wicked and the worldly and the backsliders are the main settlers of this 
country, and what can be expected unless God remarkably interposes but 
much desolation? Not only must ministers and teachers but pious mer- 
chants, farmers and mechanics must come here ^^dth the main intent of 
doing good. And those that take care of the Lord's cause. He will take 
care of. I preached a Thanksgiving sermon this week to a very small 
congregation, a written sermon however. Most of the people were in 
their fields husking their corn. I have a written sermon for tomorrow 
morning, though it was written six months ago. I Iiave been very much 
disappointed in not having my study finished. Tliis is indeed the West, 
Only think it is not yet covered. I think I have learned this much, how- 
ever, to wit — to go to work about building my house the first thing in 
the spring and to sec that it is in a fair way before June. In conse- 
quence of a man getting intoxicated while burning a lime kiln, his lime 
proved a failure and our selioolhouse is in status quo, the bricks being 
on the ground instead of in the wall. When I have many things to vex 

my patience, I bear up the best way I can 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. December 3, 1845. 
My dear Mary: 

This day has been observed in my church here as one of humiliation 


and fasting by recommendation of oar Association in view of the low 
state of religion. I preached a written sermon .... from Luke 5:35,®* 
adapted to this longitude and as you may very well suppose in no wise 
suited to Eastern Churches Monday and Tuesday afternoon I de- 
voted to visiting. Shall I introduce the people to youf Here is Mrs. 
Macloy in a small disagreeable house by the side of a millpond just re- 
covering from an attack of inflammation upon the lungs. She is a good 
woman, has experienced a reverse of fortune and passed through the 
furnace. She was of the Bellows family at Walpole, N. H. Mr. M. 
failed several years ago, **he took to drink/' and though he has made 
several temporary reformations, and now only once in a while uses the 
poison, his character is much injured. He was excommunicated from 
the church last spring. He does business in a slovenly way, so that his 
family suffer. Mrs. M. returned this fall from a visit to New Hampshire. 
She seemed much pleased with my visit and urged me to call as often 
as I could. She has three daughters (young girls) who are in desperate 
need of our Academy. I next called on Mrs. Marshall, a widow in a 
very uncomfortable cabin. She has four little children. Is of an ex- 
tremely covetous disposition, so that though she has means enough to 
make herself comfortable, yet it seems that she would rather want than 
part with her money. Going % of a mile down a "hollow," I came 
to another poverty-stricken cabin and on knocking and pulling the string 
I entered the habitation of a Virginian who for forty years has been 
moving west with the West. I found the old lady in one corner, suffer- 
ing from ague and from a severe cough. She has seemed to be declining 
for some time, though she has lived all her days in ignorance, she pro- 
fesses a hope in the mercy of God, that she may find beyond the grave 
a more comfortable world than this. On another bed were two young 
men, one afflicted with the ague, and the other with an inflammation 
of the kidney. I gave what instruction I could, and rode on a mile 
to visit another family where sickness and death had been this fall. 
At one time the whole family had the ague. Mr. Haines had been a 
Christian in the East (New Hampshire) but has backslided in this 
country. He hopes however that his affliction has been sanctified to him, 
and now expresses self-determination to serve the Lord. Another family 
in which I visited is a young woman who for many years has been con- 
fined most of the time to her bed from .... a state of ague You 

may ask if I like pastoral visiting. I may reply that I like it as a 
matter of duty, and as enabling me to keep a conscience void of offense 
toward God and men. And after performing it, I come back to my 
books with a keen relief and I trust with some thankfulness in my heart 
that God has ordered my birth and education in so much more favorable 
circumstances than are those of the mass of men. I am lead to feel a 
deeper interest in the improvement of the social conditions of the poor. 
I am sure this is one of the great problems 

34 Luke r» :3r>. But tho days will come, whon the bridegroom shall be taken 
away from them, and then shall they fast in those days. 


Friday evening. 

I have just returned from fulfilling an appointment at an embryo 
\nllage called because of contention there. Had a small room of 30 
people who gave good attention. I had ''freedom" in extemporaneous 
discourse, presenting some of the reasons for our being Christians (1 Peter 
3:18).^ I was urged to come again, but thought it not best to leave 
an appointment. The place is two miles east on the river Maquoketa, 
and sometimes called Bridgeport, from there being a bridge there. In 
the neighborhood is a Mr. Chandler who was one of the Canada rebels 
who was sentenced to be hung. At the intercession of a daughter his 
sentence was commuted to banishment to Van Diemen's land whence 
he made his escape some three years ago. I came down by moonlight. 
I ride horseback. I hope to buy a buggy next fall. The roads have 
been beautiful this fall, and in riding I have often thought how much 

I should enjoy your company They are putting shingles upon my 

study today. It is very cold work 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa. December 19, 1845. 
[Dear Mary:] 

.... It has been exceedingly cold for four weeks and having made 
my calculations for being in my study a month ago, I am poorly ac- 
commodated as I now am. I am expecting, however, to have my study 
plastered the first mild day, intending to have only one .... eoat put 
on this winter, and I shall soon be better off. I shall ride tomorrow 
to Mr. Young's (10 miles) and after preaching on Sabbath at Andrew 
and Dr. Cotton's and visiting a little, expect to spend Christmas with 
Brother Holbrook (at which time his church hold a fair) when I hope 
to meet Brother Turner and wife. I shall be home again last of next 


Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Sanctum Sanctorum 
Maquoketa, Iowa. December 
27, 1845. 
[Dear Mary:] 

.... I must tell you a short history of a regular Western week's 
life. Last Saturday afternoon and evening I rode to Br. Young's, I had 
some business with him as one of the Committee of the Andrew Church 
to circulate a subscription for my support. He was from Union Co. 

Penn., where the antislavery fever there runs high So we talked 

till midnight on the great subject. [On] Sabbath I had but a small 
congregation at Andrew and Deacon Cotton's. The whole community 
is filled up with families who are Universalists or ignorant persons who 

3« I Peter 3 :18. For Christ also hath once suffered for sins, the Just for 
the unjust, that he might bring ns to God, being put to death in the flesh, but 
quickened ^y the Spirit. 


have never been brought up to respect the Sabbath, or attend pnblie 
worship. .... Monday and Tuesday I visited a number of families 
six or eight miles west of Deacon Cotton's. Found one old settler whose 
history is quite a romantic one. Dixon by name, a native of Virginia, 
lived in St. Louis or thereabouts during the last war. He has traveled 
five or six times from Illinois to the Silkink [f]*^ settlement on the 
Upper Bed River which empties into Hudson Bay, driving cattle a great 
portion of the way. He has traveled on the high ridge which divides 
the streams flowing into the Mississippi from those flowing into the 
Missouri. He is an intelligent, gentlemanly man. Tuesday evening I 
preached to a cabin full in which I spent the night, where [I] found a 

Mr. Bradley of family from Boston this last summer Wednesday 

I rode into Dubuque, walking occasionally however (to tell the truth) 
of getting my feet warm. I purchased some bedding, and had a pleas- 
ant evening at the Ladies' Fair. What, however, I enjoyed most of 
all was a good talk with Jane. Br. Turner stopped to preach on the 

road and could not come in until Thursday 

Tours, Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. January 

I, 1846. 
A happy New Year, my dear Mary. Only think of it, this is 1846. 
I trust you are well and have a heart to praise the name of the Lord. 
If 80, let us unite in that inimitable doxology, "praise Ood from whom 
all blessings flow." .... I never could write poetry and it is several 
years since I made a rhymn, but as I am in the West and this is 
New Year's the following just popped in my head: 

Five moons apart, my chosen friend; 

And Love the other five will end. 

Then let us meet no more to part. 

And liand with hand, and heart with heart, 

We'll join ourselves as long as life 

To be your Imsband and my wife. 
What think you, dear, of this proposal? 
Please let me know in rhymn or prosal. 

After a severely cold December the weather has moderated a little 
and today has IxHin an old-fashioned rainstorm. The rain comes pit-pat 
upon my roof. The wind is rising and with every heavy gust my house 
shakes a little. It was so late in the season I could not get the under- 
pinning laid, 80 that the house stands on stone only at the corners 

With my thick boots'*^ I tramped down to Mr. Shaw's to supper (about 

36 Dixon and McKniKht drove cattle from Pittsburgh, Van Buren County, 
Iowa, to the Selkirk settlements, afterwards called Pembina, the first town on 
the Red Klver of the North after it crosses into Canada. The Dixon and 
McKnight trail, 1822, is shown in a map owned by the Wisconsin Historical 
Society. The rilstorlcal. Memorial, and Art Department of Iowa has a copy of 
that portion of the map r<>latlng to the trail In Iowa. 

37 On NovemlxT 12, 1844, he purchased the following Items: overcoat $5: 
shut-in, air-tight stove $5; fur cap $'A : a pair of boots $2.37 V^ ; and on De- 
ceml>er 3 a pair of leggings costing $1.00. A leghorn hat, purchased June 23, 
1845. cost $2.50. 


^ mile) and back again. The road has become very muddy. I bor- 
rowed a lantern to light my self back again to bed. .... My study 
is delightfully situated on high ground overlooking the embryo village, 
two thirds of a mile north is the Maquoketa and its timber.^ South 
stretches off the boundless prairies, west is a beautiful farming country, 
there being beautiful groves at a mile distance in that direction. East 
on the other side of the road is the five acres belonging to the Academy, 
on the highest point of land in which is the site for the institution, 
being the highest point of land in the neighborhood, and still farther 
cast, a little north, is No. 7 Union street. The road in front of the 
house is the stage road from Dubuque to Davenport. My study door is 

some 80 feet from the road 

Tours, Wm. Salter. 

[Maquoketa.] Saturday afternoon 
January 10, 1846. 
My dearest one: 

How do you this beautiful, clear, comfortably cold weather! . • . • 
Well, my dear, this has been a busy week with me. Last Sabbath I 
had a congregation of over fifty at Andrew. On Monday I visited and 
preached seven miles west of Deacon Cotton's, [and] in the evening Br. 
Turner came, and I was very glad to see him. He is sitting by me. 
We have just returned from preaching. He gave a good written sermon 
on the character of Balaam. Tuesday of this week I visited several 
schools, and returned here in the evening. Wednesday was pretty much 
devoted to reading up newspapers etc. In the evening we had an inter- 
esting Temperance meeting, a good wTitten address from our school- 
master, and good singing, that is, good for this country. Some twenty 
signed the pledge and among these one who had been at times in the 
habit of drinking excessively. Thursday and Friday I expected Br. 
Turner here but as he did not come, I had to preach those evenings and 
visit some during the day. Yesterday afternoon we had a church meet- 
ing and seven united with us by letter. I had hoped there would have 
been some interest among the people at this time, but they are generally 
stupid though the attendance in meeting has been pretty good and there 
is a better state of feeling in the church than there lias been for some 
time. There will be no difficulty in getting locks on our doors. I have 
one on this, but the cabins of the people are often without them. 

I shall want to hear Father's lectures on economy, but from your 
last letter, for I have been so fortunate (here I left off to have a talk 
with Br. T[urner] about our house, the privations of the missionary etc.) 
as to have received yours of 20th. Dec. [on] the 7th. inst., I know not 

38 Rev. Salter built bis study on the two acres of land be owned. Mr. Shaw 
had given blm an acre and he had purchased an adjoining acre for $25. The 
house cost 1125.00, and its underpinning $25. He paid $63.00 for digging and 
welling the well, and $18.21 for lining it with 5025 bricks. The cedar fence 
posts cost $55, and he paid Mr. Shaw fifty cents to set out two maple trees. 
His taxes for 184^-7 were $6.20, and he figured the total cost to be $318.46. 


but I must talk to liim on the same subject, for a house that cost 1,000 
dollars will make many eyes stare in so new a country, and 500 dollars 
of furniture will give some the impression that we are very proud. This 
reminds me of the inquiry of a man who got me some wood and was 
in to see me this week. As he looked at my small library, [he said], 
"Why, you keep a great bookstore, don't youf" To a reasonable ex- 
tent we must not expose ourselves to the prejudices of the x>eople. As 
you say, wo want comforts. Extravagence is bad taste and it is bad 
policy. And yet for the Far West I am comparatively well off in having 
a few families who having themselves been used to comfortable circum- 
stances elsewhere, will not be surprised or prejudiced against us. And 
this place, I think, is destined to improve so rapidly that we shall have 
many good families in the neighborhood. There are nine families living 
in what is called [the] town. The country around is settled in every 
direction by a rapidly increasing population. A valuable mill privilege 
on the South Fork of Maquoketa, Mt mile from town, is now being im- 
proved. I think that in case of building as you propose, if we should want 
to sell immediately wo might find difficulty in obtaining a purchase, but 
in a few years we should probably be able to sell to some advantage. 
In this state of things, as you might very well suppose, I feel some 

delicacy about going ahead You will think it strange that I have 

not had time this week to read Milton, but I will do so tonight. 

There are over 3,000 people in this county. It is universally ad- 
mitted to be the next best county after Linn in northern Iowa for 

agricultural purposes. Andrew contains some fourteen families 

I have to visit a great deal more than I like. I would much rather be 
in my study, but the work, though humble, is great. Unless we can 
outwit, outtalk, and outpush Methodists, sectarianists, and deists. Con- 
gregationalists can't live, much less flourish here. Why, a man told 
Br. Turner that he never heard of a Congregationalist church before. 
He really thought Br. Turner was starting some new sect, and when Br. 
Turner told him there were Congregational churches in New England 

over 200 years old, he looked up, in utter amazement I ride 

to Andrew horseback and preached in the uncomfortable log court- 

[Yours, Wm. Salter] 

Maquoketa, Iowa. January 23, 1846. 
My dear Mary: 

.... Last Saturday at Andrew I found a letter from Burlington, 

giving a sad account of things there. I wish I could read it to you 

Br. Hutchinson's health has failed again, so that he has not preached 
since the middle of last month. The letter says, **Mr. H[utchinson] 
has signified his wish not to be considered any longer as our minister, 
nor can we indulge the hope that he will ever preach again." How 
hard to have a minister out in this wilderness laid aside. Br. H. is 
very much beloved by his brethren here. How disturbing it must 


be to Mrs. H. I am not acquainted with her, but report gives her a 
high character. Mj letter is from Mr. Albert Shackford,^ formerly 
from Portsmouth, N. H. He has a sister in Cambridge (Mrs. Stacey, 
I believe) who used to be a fine girl. He says, ** truth is trodden in 
the dust and orthodoxy is a reproach in Burlington." His brother 
(C. C. Shackford) who was formerly settled near Boston and at whose 
installation Mr. Theodore Parker preached his famous sermou which 
was of the first development of modern Unitarianism, preached to a 
"moral and spiritual reform society," which, however, vulgarly goes 
under the name of the ** India Rubber and Free and Easy Church." 
He is popular and has a large congregation from the very men who 
ought to be under orthodox preaching. Br. Hutchinson's congregation 
is represented as scattered and liis "little church discouraged." The 
letter invites me to "come to Burlington, and see its condition, and 
ascertain if there I could not be more widely useful than anywhere 
else in Iowa. ". . . . I have sought wisdom from above. I am sure I have 

no desire to go to Burlington unless it is plainly the Lord's will 

Yet the Lord knoweth what is best. I have committed the matter to 
Him, and trust I shall never ask any other question than, "Lord, what 
wilt thou have me to do?" I had engaged to preach for Br. Turner 
the third Sabbath in February, so that I cannot leave here until the 
18th of that month, when I propose to go in the stage to Burlington, 
as I have WTitten Mr. Shackford. I shall probably spend two Sabbaths 

there, leaving to return here the 2nd. of March I should say that 

I desired Mr. Shackford to write me if that time would be agreeable 
to the Church for mc to visit them, and I shall probably hear by the 
2nd of February Burlington is, I know, a hard place. My ener- 
gies will be far more taxed than they have been — but in those things 
I rejoice that the power of Christ may abound in me. But it ia strange 
that just at this time as I have at last got fixed for study, and as I 

am on the eve of arranging to build, this invitation should come 

You will want me to be where the Lord would have me. If the Lord 
makes the way plain, I shall go cheerfully and gladly. We should find 
much more society there, and if I can be adapted to the state of 
things there and reach the folks that we must reach in order to effect 
much, it will be a grand field of usefulness, but the Church must be 
united, and they must want me for their pastor (as I told Mr. Badger 

in New York last summer) 

We have beautiful winter weather this month. No snow of any ac- 
count, not enough for sleighing. Happiness depends upon the mind, not 
upon circumstances. People here are very poor, but as happy as any 
I ever met with. Many have their own joys. A crop of the finest of 
the wheat makes them as happy as a successful year's business pleases 
the Milk street merchants I have written this week a sermon, "Sin 

39 The complete story of this correspondi'nce, together with the letters, may 
be found in my article, "Notes on the Salter-Shackford Correspondence" in 
ANNALS or Iowa, Third Series, Voi. XVIII, No. 0, pp. 412-410. 


and Its Consequences," Romans 5:12,^<^ and laid it away We 

have no Sabbath school in the winter. Deacon Ck>tton was superin- 
tendent at Andrew, and Mr. Fletcher [f] here in the summer. Good 
men, but not competent. I have but few good teachers. 

Saturday night. Jan. 24. 

.... My dear come and hear me tomorrow. Take a scat on that hard 
bench. Wo have no pews in this country. In the p. m. I will tell you 
of the evils of covetousness in making a man (1) discontented (2) envious 
(3) of a grasping disposition (4) leading him to fraud and crime (5) or 
perhaps engendering a miserable disposition (6) in being fatal to the 
existence of religion as (a) it prevents conscience (b) is forbidden in 
the church (c) is excluded from Heaven — ^the application, I don't know 
what it will be, for I have yet to write that. I believe my sermons 
are on no particular model — I aim at variety of style, and have not 
been crowded to be an3rthing else than ** Preacher" Salter, as is the 
universal title of the clergy in this country. By the way, that word 
lets you into the knowledge of a minister's business here. He must 
preach. If he can't do that, this is no place for him. Br. Holbrook 
has sent me an invitation to his dedication next Thursday. I shall 
probably go if the weather is good, in which case I will write you 

from Dubuque on Friday 

Your affectionate, 

Wm. Salter. 

Maquoketa, Iowa. Feb. 17, 1846. 
My very dear Mary: 

The Antislavery folks have sent me their missionary paper and as 
it is part of my religion to read all sides and then think for myself, 
I will give you a thought 

Wednesday p. m. 

I returned Monday after an interesting time at Cascade where I 
exceedingly enjoyed a visit with Br. [Edwin B.] T[urner] and had a 
congregation of 100 on the Sabbath. I preached six times, some seemed 
to be affected. Br. T. has some difRculty in his church from the preju- 
dices from an Associate Reformed Presbyterian who objects to the 
singing by tho choir, and to the principle of total abstinence and to 
all new manners. Br. T. has done a great work in Cascade, gathered a 
church in the midst of much opposition and out of the most unprofitable 
material You will be pleased to hear that we have very comfort- 
able weather now. The roads are in good order and I am expecting a 
tolerably pleasant, though long and lonely, ride to Burlington 

Monday morning, February 23. Bloomington, Iowa. 

.... Shall I tell you about my journey! I left home as I had ar- 
ranged on Thursday. The weather became cold and before noon a 

*o Romans 5 :12. Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and 
death by sin ; and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned. 


regular Yankee snowBtorm from the northeast came down upon me. 
I wrapped myself as well as could be in blankets of buffalo (being in an 
open wagon) and reached Br. Adams at Davenport before night. I 
then found Br. Emerson of DoWitt and enjoyed a very pleasant evening. 
Davenport is a favorite place of many of my brethren of the East of 
our college. The next day I came in on an open sleigh to this place 
where I expected to have met the Burlington stage, but it did not come 
through, not being able to get over the Iowa River, it is supposed, in 
consequence of the running ice. So I am here. I am happy the Lord 
ordered it so, as Brs. Bobbins and Alden went to Burlington to see 
Br. Hutchinson last week and were there to supply yesterday. It is 
also supposed that Br. Beed is there. The Congregational church has a 
now house here, built mainly by themselves at a cost of $800. I had 
a congregation of about 100 yesterday who gave good attention.^^ I 
was requested to preach again this evening.^^ tiiq Burlington stage is 
expected up today. If it comes, I shall leave in it tomorrow at 3 a. m. 
Br. Hutchinson is said to be failing very fast. Br. Bobbins has a pleas- 
ant church hero, a number of good families in it, but there is unhappily 
an Old School Church here dividing those who ought to be one. 

Your rhymns, my dear, are very good, 
And if I could, I surely would 
Beply to you in rhymn again 
And bless you for your curious strain. 
But ah this dull and wintry day. 
Are slow to help a rhymnster's lays. 
The snow and ice and frozen ground 
Afford a dreary prospect round; 
Oh soar, my muse, to nobler things! 
And lend me, hope, thy blessed wings! 
Whilst I may see next June at hand 
And Mary; Mary's heart, Mary's hand 
Fast bound with mine, in holy love. 
With raptuous joy like that above. 
Then hearts, ye lingering months away 
And brings that bright and blessed day. 

The village of Maquoketa is south from my house. Houses are scat- 
tered on the prairies Our log schoolhouse is near Mr. Shaw's on 

the other side of the road. Now don't think of such a village as you 

ever saw, but only of a few poor houses near one another 

This place is 60 miles from Burlington. If I get there this week, unless 

strongly urged, I shall return next week and be home March 5 

Ever yours, 

Wm. Salter. 

41 Deuteronomy 28 :1. And It shall come to pass if thou shall hearken dili- 
gently unto the voice of the Lord thv God, to observe and to do all his com- 
mandments which I command thee this day, that the Lord thy God will set 
thee on high above all nations of the earth. 

Romans 5 :12. Wherefore, as by one man sin entered into the world, and 
death by sin ; and so death passed upon all men, for that all have sinned. 

42 Psalms $)0 :0. For all our days are passed away in thy wrath ; wc siK'ud 
our years as a tale that is told. 


Burlingfton, Iowa. February 

28, 1846. 
My very dear Mary : 

.... This has been a sad week, but chastening and subdueing are 
the lessons of life. I mailed a letter to you at Bloomington the first 
of the week. On Tuesday at ^ [past] 2 a. m., I took the stage for 
this place, and had a most cheerless and cold ride.^^ Just after leaving 
Bloomington, we crossed Muscatine Island, a distance of 12 miles with- 
out a house. I made out to live with the aid of a Buffalo [robe] and 
with getting out, running, until we stopped at a cabin to warm. We 
went right in before day, the folks were abed. On reaching the Iowa 
River, we found it had closed the night before. It seemed problematical 
about the safety of crossing, but the driver unhitched his horses, led 
them, one at a time, others drew the wagon over. Sixteen miles from 

here our forward axle broke We arrived about 7 p. m. I found 

Mr. Hutchinson much farther gone than I had anticipated. He is 
very much emaciated, nothing but skin and bones. I found Brs. Beed, 
Bobbins, and Aldcn with him who had assisted him in arranging his 
temporal affairs. His physicians and friends and liimself think him 
in the lowest stage of consumption. But there are some singular symp- 
toms in liis case. He has labored hard to satisfy the demands of his 

people and worn himself out in their ser\dce O what a change in 

him from 1843 when we came to Iowa. He was apparently in robust 
health and had the most flattering prospect of usefulness. Now he is 

a skeleton on the verge of the grave Since I have been here my 

time has been mainly engaged in taking care of Br. H. His equa- 
nimity and cheerfulness are truly wonderful and interesting. Mrs. H. 
is very much beloved and esteemed here and exerts a commanding in- 
fluence even over those ladies who belong to the India Eubber Church. 
They have waited upon her with the most unwearied assiduity [Mrs. 
Hutchinson's child having been prematurely born.] Her purpose is, I 
understand, in case of Br. H's removal by death to remain here and 
ciiga^e ill teaching. I think she has been a teacher in the Auton [?] 
Seminary, Mass. She is a lady of dignified manners and winning address. 

I am again reminded by these things of the uncertainty of all that 
may be before us 

Br. Reed and the other brotliers left for their homes on Wednesday. 
Br. Ripley of Bentonsport preached here a short time ago with great 
acceptance to the people. I am enjoying the hospitality of Mr. and 

Mrs. Starr,** formerly of New York, where I was acquainted with him 
though more intimately with the rest of his father's family (Mr. Charles 
Starr). Mrs. Starr was from Farmington, Ct., and is a very pleasant 

43 The stage fare from Bloomington was $5.75, and Rev. Salter records his 
cxi)en8es on the road as $2.25. 

44 U. W. Starr. 


I have not had opportunity to become acquainted here enough to 
tell you of the state of things. Mr. C. C. Shackford has got hold of 
that class of people who ought to be under the influence of evangelical 
preaching and I have no reason to think that I could win them from 
him. They have shown this attachment to him by offering him a salary 
of $500 if he would remain with them, which they will raise among 
themselves, while Br. H. has never received but little over $100 from 
the people here. The Old School Presbyterian church here is small and 
its minister exerting no influence about leaving. They raised, it is said, 
$3,000 in the East last summer to build a church, not only where it is 
not needed, but where it is doing harm. Let Eastern Cliristians take 
care to whom they give funds for the West. 

We have very cold weather this week, and the river has closed up. 
I shall dread going home on the stage. The Church wants I should 
stay two Sabbaths and longer, but unless there be special reason, I 
shall leave a week from next Monday. Br. Beed thinks I should do 
more good at Maquoketa than I could here in a long course of years; 
or any of the Brethren think it advisable that a strong man would be 
got here from the East. In this case, unless everything here should 

urge my removal, I shall not hesitate to dismiss the subject Br. 

Asa Turner's health is poorly. It is feared that he is in consump- 

I have visited in a few families here and And them pleasant. Society 
here is comparatively formed and cultivated from what it is with us. 
.... The Methodists are now holding a protracted meeting here with 
much noise and stir, but the interest is confined chiefly to their 


Wm. Salter. 

Burlington, Iowa. March 
7, 1846. 
My dearest Mary: 

I have barely time to mention that our dear Brother Hutchinson de- 
parted this life at 10 minutes after 3 this afternoon. I sat up with 
him the last half of last night. He was very weary, complained much 
of pain, but seemed this morning as he had for the two or three days 
before. About 12 o'clock an ulcer broke, it is supposed, in his lungs 
and he gradually sunk away in an unconscious state until he gently 
breathed his last. His funeral is appointed for Wednesday morning, 

and we shall send for Br. Bobbins to preach the funeral sermon 

I count myself happy in having been able to minister in his last days 
to this departed brother. He was a consistent, faithful, and devoted 
laborer in the Gospel ministry, and has gone to his reward. He was 
regarded as first among his brethren who came to Iowa in 1843 and 
was called to occupy a most important post. Beyond a question he wore 
liimself out in his efforts to build up the church here. Oh, that his 
labors may be a memorial .... and bring down upon us the richest 


blesflings of Christ's Kingdom You will ezctuie me for not writing 

more now as I have many arrangements for Br. H's funeral to make. 
I still walk in darkness as to my future prospects, but looking up 
I find all light. I cannot think I "take" with the i>eople as a whole. 
I try to wish nothing but that the will of God be done. Whether I 
shall go home next week is now uncertain. The ice is going out of 

the river, and in case steamboats come up, I may go up in one 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Tuesday afternoon. March 10, 1846. 
Burlington, Iowa. 
My very dear Mary : 

I was obliged to write you a few very hasty lines last week in the 
midst of duties devolved upon me by Br. Hutchinson's death. I had a 

pleasant Sabbath, preached in the morning from Psalms 90: 9,^^ and 
concluded with a brief reference to the late sad event. In the after- 
noon I preached from I Corinthians 15:3.^* Let me take you to the place 
of meeting. Let us go down the street (Columbia) which runs to the 
river and a few doors from Water street, which is the river street [now 
Front street], we enter an old store and find ourselves in the Lord's 
house. The seats will accommodate a hundred persons. At one end in the 
corner is the desk. The singing is poor. The audience is attentive and 
apparently interested. There are a few educated hearers. Mr. Starr 
was of the class of 1824 in Tab. [or] College. His wife was brought up 

under Dr. Partin's [f] ministry in Farmington, C't 

I have been so much taken up with Br. Hutchinson that I have not 
become very much acquainted here yet. But I see many things that 
would make this a desirable place of residence and that offer some 
reason to hope that if God should call me hither, I might be useful in 
the ministry. The Church here had a meeting last night, and though I 
have no direct or formal information from it, I have been given to 
understand that the Church feels united in desiring my services. In 
what shape the matter may come up for decision, I know not. We 
have left the matter with the Lord, and I truly believe we desire nothing 
but to know his will. I remarked to one of the deacons yesterday that 
it would perhaps be better for the cause for them to get a minister 
from the East, but to this he would by no means consent. Some are 
asking, How long I shall want to be gone in the East this summer f 

4»Soc footnote 42. 

46 I Corinthians 15 :3. For I delivered unto you first of all that which I also 
received, how that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures. 

On Sunday, March 1, he preached from John 18 :36 : Jesus answered, Hy 
kingdom is not of this worid : if my kingdom were of this world, then would 
my servants tight, that I shouid not be delivered to the Jews : but now is my 
kingdom not from hence ; and from Romans 16 :8 : Greet Amplias, my l>elovea 
In the I^rd. 

On Sunday, March 8, he preached from Psalms 90 :9 : For all car days are 
passed away in thy wrath : we spend our years as a tale that is told : and 
from I Corinthians 15 :3 : For I delivered unto you first of all that which I 
also received, how that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures. 


And when I reply, "Three months, " they think that won't do I 

can't think of anything less, but the cause may require some sacrifice 
on our part. Would you let me stay till July, and shall we return in 
September. I merely suggest these things now. There is a possibility 
that we may be called to meet them. The Church has suffered much 
from having Br. Hutchinson away a good deal and sick much of the 
time. They want a man that can and will hang on. They are about 
going on with the House of Worship. They have a tolerably eligible lot. 
The foundation was laid about three years ago. The House is to be 
40 by 60 feet. Two men have engaged to go on with the building, 
putting up the walls and covering it, and this, it is said, will consume 
all the means of the Church. Should I remain here, I shall be in hopes 
to awaken interest enough in the community to have it finished this y^ar. 
There is wealth enough here to do so, if we can only get hold of it 

Br. Bobbins arrived last night and is expected to preach the funeral 
sermon tomorrow. Mrs. Hutchinson is comfortable but very weak, and 
we feel will not be able to go out to the funeral. Her mind is com- 
posed and resigned. By a very kind Providence Mr. Hutchinson's sister 
reached here from Springfield, Illinois, the day before he died. It is 
hoped that Mrs. H. will remain here and engage in teaching. It is 
said that some of her friends in the East were unwilling to have her 
come to Iowa. 

Boats arrive and depart and do business here on Sunday. The sight 
of the first boat that came up the river this season excited the wish to 
depart and hasten toyouward. But I must wait, 

. . . . C. C. Shackford is going East next month. His sympathies 
are not now with the Unitatianism at all. He is rather Swedenborjianist. 
Thinks the whole Bible the word of God, and that every verse has a 
spiritual meaning. He is an erratic genius. He preaches without pay, 
having refunded the salary that they offered him. 

Yours, Wm. Salter. 

Steamer Lynx on the Mississippi 

March 17, 1846. 
My dear Mary: 

I wrote you a week ago from Burlington. And now I am starting 
home that I may hear from you and decide this eventful question, whether 
I ought to break up my present relations and settle on the church in 
Burlington. The Lord has preciously led me hitherto and though my 
visit has been a melancholy one in connection with the death of Br. 
Hutchinson, yet I have very much to be thankful for. Last Wednesday 
was indeed a sad day. The weather was disagreeable. O, the agony of 
Mrs. Hutchinson, as for the last time she gazed on the remains of her 
husband. Her afflictions are very severe. She came West contrary to the 
wishes of many of her friends, and now how desolate is the loneliness. 
She feels that she has nothing to live for. I can only commend her to 
the sympathies of a compassionate Saviour, and the mercies of a God of 


all Peace. It is hoped that she will remain in Burlington, and open a 
school there next fall. She was unable to attend the funeral services at 
the church where Br. Bobbins gave a hastily prepared discourse on the 
fact that this is not our rest from toil, trouble, and disappointment, and 
showing that the life of Br. H. was not exempt from the common lot. 
He had prepared a brief obituary notice of the departed which will appear 
in the Hawk-Eye this week. Brs. Gaylor, Burnham, and myself also took 
part in the services. After the assembly at the grave had retired, Br. 
Bobbins and myself waited as the narrow house of one of our Brothers 
was filled up. At the thought that pressed upon me as I then stood — 
soon thus with me, the dust shall return to the earth as it was, the oak 
shall send its roots and pierce my mould, and my clay shall be a brother 
to the insensible rock and sluggish clod which the rude swain turns with 
his hoe and stands upon 

I had a pleasant Sabbath. Preached two old sermons written in 
Andover.^^ After preaching in the afternoon there was a joint meeting 
and Society and a unanimous invitation extended to me to become the 
pastor of the Church. This invitation was handed to me yesterday. The 
call is about as regular as could be expected in this irregular country. 
They desired to give it to me before I left, and so did not wait to circulate 
a subscription for me and consequently nothing is said about salary. They 
think the A. H. M. S. will grant them $300 and that they can raise $100 
or $150. Think you we could live on such a salary f 

.... I believe that somehow or other the Lord has given me unusual 
favor with the Society in Burlington. At any rate, they profess it and 
their hearts are set upon having me as their pastor. We had prayer 
meeting nearly every evening last week which were unusually well 
attended. There is some interest in a few minds on the subject of 

religion Wliile there are many things which make a residence at 

Maquoketa desirable — its quiet retirement, its pleasant situation, the 
prospects of our getting a comfortable home there and an affectionate 
people all (and especially the fact that I have lived among them over 
two years and secured an influence in the country) attach me strongly 
to that spot. I am very sensible to what I shall lose by leaving there. 
But the importance of Burlington, the union of the Church there in call- 
ing me, the fact of its society and manners being more congenial to my 
early habits and the consideration that the emergencies of the cause 
there may serve to develop the father's [?] end has given me to their 
highest and most serviceable activity, lead me to think that the call is 
of the Lord — ^and if you and the A. H. M. S. and my brothers generally 
advise my removal, I shall accept the call. As this seems altogether 

4T On Sunday, March 15, he preached from Galatlans 2 : 15-16 : And I went 
up by revelation, and communicated unto them that gospel which I preach 
among the Gentiles, but privately to them that were of reputation, lest by 
any means I should run, or had run In vain. But neither Titus, who was with 
me, being a Greek was compelled to be circumcised ; and from John 6 :66-G8 : 
From that time many of his disciples went back, and walked no more with him. 
Then said Jesus unto the twelve. Will ye also go away? Then Simon Peter 
answered him, Lord, to whom shall we go ? thou hast the words of eternal life. 


possible, I will presume to request you to write me next at Burlington, 
whither if I go, it will be in a few weeks. The Church there has suffered 
very much from the failure of Br. H 's health. For a long time his efforts 
were of an irregular character, things have become very much scattered, 
and there is now no time to be lost. The cause in Burlington will require 
an unremitting study and protracted effort in order to make advance- 
ment. I can't tell you how sad I feel to think my removal there will 
make it desirable that my visit with you this summer be so much shorter 

than I had contemplated If I go to Burlington I am in hopes to 

obtain board in Mr. Starr's pleasant family ** 

After waiting all day yesterday for a boat, I went to bed at 10, but 
was turned out at 12 with a report of a boat being on hand. So I sent 
word to Br. Bobbins, and made haste and reached the river just as the 
boat was under way. I detained it till Br. Bobbins and family came 
along when we put up steam. The river is now very low, lower, our 
Captain says, than he has known it before for 18 years at this time. We 
expect to be at Bloomington at noon, and I hope to be at Davenport to- 
night where I shall take the stage for home tomorrow.^** 

The scenery on the Mississippi is interesting to a stranger, but soon 
becomes tedious and dull. Spring has as yet developed on some sunny 
slopes, and few blades of grass. Nature seems dead. Nothing but 
islands crowded with trees and great banks appear around us. Yet in 
silent majesty this stream rolls on. In a few centuries the wealth of the 
Indies will not surpass, the treasures that will be embarked on this river. 
Everything in the West goes by noise. This is a high pressure boat. 
I was amused to sec the mulattoes rattle every plate they put on the 
breakfast table this morning. At one table some of the passengers are 

earnestly engaged in card playing. Here sita your friend solus 

Yours most affectionately, 

Wm. Salter. 

[To he contintied] 

*» On March 16, he purchased from Mrs. Hutchinson a part of her huHband's 
library for $8.40. 

*^ The fare on the Lynx from Burlington to Davenport was $2.50. 


By C. C. Stiles 

The subject of tliis sketch was bom in slavery in the state of 
Kentucky, November 8, 1841, and died December 29, 1923, 
being over eiglity-two years of age at the time of his death, 
which occurred suddenly, being stricken with heart failure 
just as he was boarding a street car on his way to work at the 
Historical, Memorial and Art Building of Iowa, at which place 
he had been employed as janitor for a great many years. 
Funeral services were held in Des Moines, and the burial was 
at Newton, Iowa, his former home. 

The writer of this article knew him intimately as he always 
came to me to do his writing for him and to ask my advice in 
business deals. He was frugal and saving in his expenses and 
had accumulated considerable property, owning property both 
in Des Moines and in Newton. He was of a jolly disposition 
and got a great deal of pleasure out of life. He was honest, 
faithful and true to his friends and respected by all who 
knew him. 

He gave me an account of his life. His master was a man 
by the name of Graves, who left Kentucky and located in Mis- 
souri, in Nodaway County, near Maryville. When Graves 
left Kentucky he was compelled to leave a part of his slaves 
on account of their being mortgaged. The holder of the mort- 
gat^e liad levied on the slaves and among them was the subject 
of this sketch (he being a small boy known at that time as 
John Graves) and he and several of the small children were 
thrown in jail for safe keeping. The mother of the children 
was not thrown in jail for the reason that she would not run 
away and leave the small children. This man Graves after- 
wards returned to Kentucky and stole these slaves and took 
them away in the night time. By traveling at night and 
hiding during the day, when the mother would cover up the 
children with leaves, so they were hid in the timber or brush 
and let sleep, they finally landed in Missouri. Here they 


remained with their master until after the breaking out of 
the Civil War. Excitement was running high in northern 
Missouri and the 'Taw Paw" militia was aiding the slave 
owners in holding their slaves and capturing those that ran 
away to Iowa. Among the runaways were four colored boys 
by the names of John Graves, Alec Nicols, Henderson Hays 
and Anderson Hays. 

John Graves gave me the story of their flight from Mis- 
souri. He said: ** They were making preparations to send us 
all down to Texas, so us boys just borrowed two horses and 
two mules from our masters and lit out for Canada. We 
thought that it was just a little ways up there. We traveled 
after night and hid in the brush in the daytime. The second 
day we traveled during the day and landed in Winterset, 
Madison County, Iowa, about one o'clock. It was on Satur- 
day in the latter part of October, 1861. I wanted to get some 
shoes put on my horse, but the blacksmith told me I would 
have to wait about two hours. There was a great crowd in, 
and a company of militia was drilling, so we done got scared 
and left. We had gone about two or three miles and was in a 
long lane when a crowd of men on horseback come on the run 
down the lane after us. They had shotguns and rifles and 
was rasing an awful dust and making a lot of noise. We was 
shore some scared and thought that our time had come to go 
to Texas, but it wouldn't do any good for us to run, on account 
of them mules, they couldn't run as fast as horses. One of 
the men after us was riding a big white horse and had a gun 
on the saddle in front of him. He run past us and then turned 
and headed us oflf. They surrounded us and took us back to 
town, but they couldn 't find any officers to put us in jail and 
while they were lookin' for the officers they formed a ring 
around us boys to keep the crowd back. They got to talking 
pretty loud and some one dared any one to try to come inside 
that ring, and they hadn't more than said it than the coats 
began to fly and there wasn 't any ring at all. The men that took 
us out of the ring gave us something to eat and told us which 
way to go, and we wasn't long in getting out of there. We 
started east and at the top of a long hill we hid in the brush 
till night. Then we traveled by the north star and landed in 


Indianola the next morning. We went from there to Newton 
in Jasper County. I worked on a farm near Newton the fol- 
lowing summer for a man by the name of Sherer. I took his 
name for you know that us colored boys had no names only 
the names of our masters. I enlisted under the name of John 
Sherer^ in the First Regiment (Colored) Infantry, which was 
afterwards the Sixtieth Regiment U. S. Colored Troops. I 
served through the war and then come back to Newton. After 
the war was over I went back to the South and learned that 
my father had taken his father's name, which was Miller, so 
our folks all took that name and I have been known by the 
name of John Miller ever since.'' 

Several years prior to the death of Mr. Miller the writer of 
this sketch was invited by the Historical Society of Madison 
County to appear on the programme at their annual meeting 
and present an article on the history of Madison County 
which had heretofore never been written. I asked Mr. Miller 
for permission to write a sketch of what he had told me, and 
also to go with me to Winterset, to which he consented, but 
with the remark **I don't know about that town of Winter- 
set." I laughingly assured him that he would not be court- 
martialed for getting away from the mob that day, nor prose- 
cuted for borrowing that horse from his master, for he still 
insisted that he just borrowed it and said, **0f course under 
the circumstances you couldn't expect me to take it back, and 
anyway my master learned me himself how to run away." 

1 See Roster Iowa Soldiers, War of the Rebellion, Vol. V, p. 1666. 


A radio talk (excerpted) by E. R. Harlan over WHO, 
Des Moines, Iowa, August 29, 1933. 

How Came These Mounds? 

We speak of these as Indian mounds; but they are, ordi- 
narily, merely burial places. They are imperfectly under- 
stood even by those who have tried scientifically to determine 
all about them. 

It happens that in Iowa three-fourths of our streams flow 
almost parallel southeastward into the Mississippi River. Prom 
their upper reaches they first run in the soil, then onward 
to their mouths they are rocky in character. After the beds 
of the streams break down into the rocky country, they form 
low bluffs on one or the other side. 

The ancient Sac and Fox Chi-ca-qua Sepo and Keosauqua 
Sepo (Skunk and Des Moines) so run, separated by an average 
of about thirty miles. 

Southeast of Oskaloosa Cedar Creek rises in the prairie and 
as it flows, splits that ridge or prairie by its rather shallow 
system down into its region of hills and narrow, rocky, crooked 
bed. In Henry County it makes an abrupt turn to the north, 
and empties into Skunk River near the town of Rome. 

Like all its sister streams, Cedar Creek is flanked by Indian 
mounds on all its higher hills. Just now, August, 1933, there 
is much more than usual interest in the mounds in that locality, 
since at least four are under ** exploration." 

Let me attempt my explanation of the occurrence of these 
** Indian mounds'' on the crests of ridges overlooking all the 
valleys of southeastern Iowa, known to all the white people 
of each generation since settlement in 1837. 

A mound opened in Cedar Township, Van Buren County, 
in the present month, has been explored at least once before. 

I quote from the notes of United States Deputy Land 
Surveyor, Edwin F. Lucas, who laid out the section lines and 


set their corners, adjacent, on July 19, 1837 (96 years ago) : 

Large wigwam surrounded oii both sides [of the section line] with a 
beautiful sugar grove. 

Also near : 

Enter corn field claimed by Finess Killebrew, who is occupant and 

Ninety-six years ago a white man's cornfield was a few 
rods east of a large wickiup^ in a beautiful sugar grove, which 
I have seen, throughout more than sixty years, in use by my 
relatives for sugar making every February and March of each 
year; the grove, or its trees, replaced earlier ones that died 
off. The large wickiup which served an Indian family in 1837 
and earlier, was built as early as 1832, since Lucas saw it in 
1837 in Finess Killebrew 's claim. These relatives of mine, 
descendants of neighbors of Killebrew, still make sugar from 
these trees in 1933 ; these same Sac and Fox Indians annually 
returned to that ** beautiful sugar grove" on Killebrew 's 
claim for some years after. They made sugar there, and their 
descendants now living in Tama County, Iowa, are also making 
sugar along the Iowa River on their lands. I also know that 
the occupants of that large wickiup in 1837 were more than 
one family of Indians, else it would not have been a large 
wickiup. There were at least three families in it when it was 
new, which must have been at least five years earlier, or 1832, 
and each spring later up to 1837. It was probably built to 
take the place of one that had rotted down, and that in turn 
had replaced an earlier one, and so on back perhaps for two 
hundred years. Each may have been but one of a village in 
that region. Time and hunger make no change, whatever 
races and methods do in the scheme of creation. 

Now, that large wickiup in July, 1837, in the beautiful 
sugar grove on Killebrew 's claim served a vital purpose other 
than for sugar making. The two or three families of Indians 
in the spring of 1837, and other years, had built that camp, 
or had repaired an earlier one in a previous fall, to receive 
the Indian families for fishing, trapping and hunting. It did 

1 A Sac and P'ox habitation was by thpmselves callpd a wickiup : by many 
white men it was called wigwam, as early eastern writers usually designated 
every Indian habitation. 


not cease serving for shelter after the trapping in the fall and 
winter of 1836, or of any year. It continued a home of these 
Indians for their sugar making in the early spring of 1837. 
Each winter or spring it, or its predecessor, had so served for 
hundreds of seasons. Hence that one wickiup had been lived 
in by scores, yes, hundreds of individuals first and last. 

And the sugar grove on Killebrew's claim on Cedar Creek 
was not the only one in that region. I remember more than 
twenty-five such beautiful sugar groves on the same or adjoin- 
ing streams not twenty miles from that large wickiup. Willtam 
Savage^ trapped, hunted and made sugar on or adjacent to 
the Killebrew claim from 1855 to 1908. Prom his diary I 
learn that in 1856, and therefore earlier, there were taken in 
or near each of these twenty-five groves the pelts of deer, or 
raccoon, skunk, oppossum, muskrat and otter, all the skins of 
which were marketable, and most all the flesh of which was 
food, both fresh and dried, for later use elsewhere. Mr. Savage 
in and after 1855 shot or trapped on the grounds, not only 
many deer, but wild turkeys, pheasants (ruffed grouse), quails, 
geese, wild ducks of all kinds, brant, pigeons (passenger), 
every one edible and all afforded feathers for sale or family 
use in pillows and beds. Enough eggs of the first three species 
were found for use of the William Savage family in 1855, 
hence for use in the large wickiup and all the earlier Mrickiups 
for hundreds of years before 1837. 

This beautiful sugar grove was on both the low and high 
lands back from Cedar Creek for half a mile on its right and 
left. A perennial swamp or bog lay between the margin of 
the creek and the remoter base of the hills. This was kept 
damp by occasional overflow of the stream, or of the ravines, 
which separated the hills, in their drainage from their own 
headwaters. The run-off was retarded by rocks. Evaporation 
was delayed by dense shade of the beautiful sugar groves, 
whose undergrowth embraced every species of shrub or tree 
required for use for the comfort or safety of the Indian, and 
became so to his white successor — and that was everything of 
necessity and much for his acquired or fancied tastes. This 

2*'9th [Feb. 0, 1858] At night I watch my field. At 20 minutes 

before 8 o'clock I shot a young buck killing him on the spot." "William 
Savage Diary," Annals of Iowa. Vol. XIX, p. 906. 


condition, repeated in twenty-five beautiful sugar camps sepa- 
rated by intervals of not more than four miles, on Cedar Creek 
for fifty miles of its lower reaches, and for an equal distance 
of the other streams confluent of the Mississippi River in Iowa, 
intimates potentially what was meant when a Sac or Fox spoke 
of the region in his word, ah yo i, **This is the place" — ^to 
worship, to trap, to hunt, to bathe, to be a creature among 
his brother creatures of his Manitou. 

Now, the hilltops between those ravines are where the 
** Indian mounds'' occur. They are to be accounted for by 
reflecting on the resemblance in all races, in all times, climes 
and countries of the feelings, philosophies and faiths regard- 
ing the dead. Starting Mrith an understanding of these re- 
semblances, we realize that in the disposition by the living of 
bodies of the dead (except in emergency, war and pestilence) 
all mankind are and have been prone to perform the rites or 
ceremonies of superstition or of sacred character, according 
to the viewpoint of the particular cult or inherited custom. 
No one, even the Mrildest wild Indian, neglected nor abused 
the sick nor the dead of his family, of his creed or clan. He 
relieved the sick and took measures to protect his dead. In 
his scheme of things the Indian on Cedar Creek in and earlier 
than 1837 removed from the large wickiup any of which he 
was bereft — his spouse, his child, or even his friend — ^to that 
point or place to which, near the same camp, in previous 
winters or in earlier years, he had seen others of his dead 
interred. And precisely as at earlier times, he laid his dead 
in or on the ground, in nature's keeping. He protected the 
body as best he could from vandal beast or man. He covered 
it with leaves or snow or soil. From the bed of the ravine he 
worked a day or more carrying such stones as he could lift 
and placed them upon the grave, obscuring these with dirt 
that he carried in his basket or his blanket to help in hiding 
his sacred place, then left the friendly grass and falling leaves 
to do the rest. Loading his canoe with traps, his winter's 
catch of furs, his spring's run of maple sugar, and with the 
remaining members of his family, drifted toward his perma- 
nent summer home on or near the banks of the Mississippi. 
Life for him until the next fur season was with his family 


among their patches of pumpkins, corn and beans. This type 
of human life rotated with the seasons of all the years, and 
with fortunes of life for uncounted generations. 

Some view is gained of summer life from the field notes of 
the original land survey fifty miles northeastward for Seventy- 
six and Lake townships, Muscatine County, which were being 
surveyed at the same time as Killebrew's claim, but by Thomas 
Brown, between July 11 and September 13, 1837, as follows : 

This township [Seventy-six, which is 76 N, Bange 3 West] has been 
the home of thousands of Indians, and not many years since. The whole 
range of bottom land immediately under the bluff has been eoyered with 
Indian diggings, as we call them, cornhills yet visible where they have 
cultivated many years ago. Indeed, I think it not surprising that either 
Whites or Indians should make this great cove a place of residence. The 
soil is in general of the first quality of prairie, the timber very convenient 
on the hillsides, and valleys which make through the bluff, and spring 

water of the best quality springs from the bluff in many places 

There can be no doubt of the fertility of the soil. Many squatters prove 
this fact, having raised this season heavy crops of com, potatoes, turnips, 
cabbage, etc. to great perfection. Many of them have now from 100 
acres down to 1^ enclosed and cultivated. 

Of Lake Township Thomas Brown says: 

This township [adjoining Seventy-six on the south] abounds with an 
unusual quantity of rich soil, well adapted to the culture of com, wheat, 
potatoes, flour, clover, herd grass, timothy, oats, barley, rye, etc., par- 
ticularly the three latter species of grain. Pumpkins, melons and all 
kinds of vines, onions, etc. These articles can be raised in abundance, 
and the Bed Cedar river is the channel by which a market wiU come to 
every man's door who may be a settler on this desirable spot 

Record tion 



p 166 E 



NE from this point is a cornfield 8 or 10 
acres claimed and occupied by Charley 
Phipps and Robert Holmes, who stay in 
an Indian wigwam, and claim 8% of 
Sec. 2. 
p 167 N $t. 8 60.00 Cluster of Indian wigwams, without in- 

Indian village evacuated 
Indian trail NE 
Indian trail S£ 
Indian trail NW 
Indian traU NE 
Indian trail NE 


p 169 




p 171 




p 173 




p 176 





p 177 E 3-10 20.00 Indian trail NE 

57.59 From this point a cornfield and cabin 
bears south, claimed by Q«orge W. Clark, 
a settler. 

And so mounds grew for an unknown stretch of time. How 
many died at each camp where there was a beautiful grove no 
one knows. But it is known that Indian children and adults 
had every illness, except venereal disease, w^hich white men 
know; that Asiatic cholera stopped not with white victims; 
that smallpox nor yellow fever knew no color. 


How Mounds Should Be Regarded 

Now, I don't know what all legal rights in Indian mounds 
may be. Some good lawyer ought to make a brief of it. If 
he did, I apprehend he would find a few things which I do 
know. The owner of land on which a mound stands, according 
to Blackstone's doctrine, holds the title to the land, owns it, 
and all the ground contains, to the center of the earth and to 
the utmost height above it. If no arrangement is made for 
burial of a human body on a man 's land, or such arrangement 
had not been made for such burial with the one from whom 
he bought the land, then that human body — ^yes, bad as it 
seems — that body absolutely is abandoned to, and it actually 
belongs, as **dust to dust,'' to the owner of the ground. Others 
have no right to go upon his land today without his consent, 
and if one does he is guilty of a trespass. Yet no one has the 
right to disturb a grave without consent of our State Board 
of Health, or an order of our District Court. We have some- 
times, under the auspices of science, or out of mere curiosity, 
forgotten that the grave of an Indian is none the less a grave. 
Our health regulations require that it be shown of the dead 
on the United States standard certificate of death (Iowa Code, 
1931, Ch. 110) of what *' Color or rdce, as white, black, mulatto 
(or other negro descent), Indian, Chinese, Japanese, or other 
race. ' ' I don 't know a rule of law or ethics that justifies one 
in disturbing any grave. If it be of a dead Indian, his grave 
was, and ought to remain, as much in our respect as ours in 
the respect of the Indian. He is entitled to be undisturbed 


until some consideration is raised that overcomes that right. 
The thing that usually is believed to overcome it is the interest 
of science, be that prehistoric lore, or the quest for Spanish 
or Mormon evidence, or such as identity of kinship. But even 
with the support of reason, one must obtain consent of the 
land owner, of the Board of Health, and of the District Court. 
But above all it is abhorrent to human feelings if one's kin 
or kind be disturbed after going to the long rest. What culture 
is exempt, or which may say of another that its feelings are 
immune ? 

Black Hawk died on the lower Des Moines River the third 
day of October, 1838. His people carried his body something 
more than a mile from his wickiup and buried him ''in a sit- 
ting posture'* in a low ** mound" on the prairie. **0n or 
about the first day of November, 1839," so the grand jury 
proceedings recite, **one Dr. James F. Turner removed the 
body. ' ' Afterward Black Hawk's widow and her friends went 
**to scatter tobacco [incense]" on the grave. Finding it 
desecrated, they went among their few white friends and, 
savage like, declared that for the outrage they were disposed 
to avenge themselves [on the settlement]. White men, to 
appease the Indians, took them to Governor Robert Lucas in 
Burlington, who promptly sent for Dr. Turner. The Doctor 
sent for Black Hawk's bones, that he had had articulated for 
alleged scientific purposes. Phrenology was then a new, ** up- 
lifting" force in the current of frontier life, calculated to 
carry the human race out into the fuller light of learning. 
Dr. Turner, a self-made pilot, proposed the exhibition of 
Black Hawk's skeleton in lectures and exhibitions with paid 
admissions. When Governor Lucas' emissary brought the 
skeleton to him, he called in Madam Black Hawk and sug- 
gested that she leave the bones of the great brave to the 
** cabinet" of the Historical Society. She inspected this and 
found it to be **a good dry (safe) place," too dry, in fact, 
for it was soon burned, and Black Hawk's bones with it. 

There is another shocking instance of which I know. Fifty 
years ago a party from the Tama ** reservation" of Sac and 
Foxes was trapping along an Iowa stream. Sickness and 
death came. An old lady among them died. Her body was 


put away in the earth just where her ancestors had lain for 
generations. Some men of her race who were then young and 
who helped to lay her away, returned in 1932 as old men to 
** decorate*' that grave, not with flowers, but with incense. 
They saw the grave had been violated and found the body 
had been taken away. While trading in a nearby town they 
saw the **find" from that grave exhibited in a store window. 
My Tama friends were deeply hurt. I don't know whether 
the persons who ** opened'' that ** mound" are yet aware of 
doing wrong. 

There may be some question whether we ought to treat with 
much consideration the feelings of persons of another race, 
color or religion. But I hope the time will come when no 
disturbance of any grave will be made without the knowledge 
or consent of some public authority, which keeps permanent 
records, and makes definite plans and precise reports. 

No one knows whether Indian cemeteries (mounds) are 
more free **of the dead from communicable diseases" than 
our own sacred acres. Our scientists set no period for vitality 
of such ** germs" as ** carry" diseases. The burial of Indian 
and white pioneers in Iowa, in and previous to 1837, were 
alike naked of preventive or destructive agents to disease 
germs. What stays the spade at one grave ought to spare it 
in the other, be it law, prejudice or sentiment. 

In friendship these Indian Iowa voters inquired of me, a 
minor state official, in effect this: **What shall be doneV^ 
They were asked, **What can be donef" Neither query has 
been officially answered to this day. Yet the questioner in 
each retains in faith and consicence the assurance that if there 
is an Almighty Judge (which the cults of both teach us), be 
he God or Manitou or both, we will some day hear one truth, 
albeit beyond the grave. 




John W. Betnolds was born at Afton, Iowa, October 25, 1877, and 
died in Detroit, Michigan, March 14, 1934. Burial was in Galyary 
Cemetery, Creston. He was a son of Dr. and Mrs. J. D. Beynolds. When 
he was a small child the family removed to Creston. He was educated 
in the Creston Schools, in Kansas City College, and in Bush Medical Col- 
lege, Chicago. After being graduated from the latter at the age of 
twenty-five, he commenced the practice of medicine at Creston and suc- 
cessfully pursued it for many years. He was active in civic affairs, 
served on the City Council, was mayor, was chairman of the Park Com- 
mission of Creston, and was a leader in many local enterprises. In 1908 
he became the Eighth District member of the Democratic State Central 
Committee which he retained until 1920. In 1914 he was advanced to 
the chairmanship of the committee which he held until his resignation 
in 1924. In 1928 he became the Iowa member of the Democratic National 
Committee, which position he resigned in 1929 when Qovernor Hammill 
appointed him a member of the State Board of Assessment and Beview; 
Governor Turner reappointed him in 1931 to a full six-year term. At 
the time of his death he was on a trip east investigating the operation 
of sale tax laws in other states. To his profession and to all his publie 
activities he brought great devotion and high ability. 

Frank A. Bonebright was bom in Webster City, Iowa, April 16, 
1868, and died in the city of his birth March 5, 1934. His parents were 
Thomas Blackwell Bonebright and Sarah Jane (Brewer) Bonebright, 
honored pioneer residents of Webster City, the father, a member of the 
Spirit Lake Belief Expedition in 1857, the mother a daughter of Wilson 
Brewer, founder and promoter of the town of Newcastle, now Webster 
City. Frank obtained a common school education and during his earlier 
manhood followed farming. Later he was in the employ of Webster City 
and became an expert electrician. For the ten years previous to his death 
he was official weather and crop reporter for Hamilton County. During 
the last several years of his life he devoted much of his time to acquiring 
a collection of articles illustrative of the pioneer times in his locality. 
He secured the remains of the old log cabin in which he was bom and 
re-erected it in his own back yard, and assembled there the results of his 
years of collections of tools, household goods, contrivances of pioneers, 
and local prehistoric specimens. In January, 1932, he and his sister, 
Harriet M. Carmichael, gave to Webster City a substantial portion of 
the old Bonebright homestead containing the log cabin and the collected 

A8 mSTON MACBRltlE, A.M.. I.L.D. 


Thomas Huston Macbride was born in Rogersville, Tennessee, July 
31, 1848, and died in Seattle, Washington, March 27, 1934. His parents 
were Rev. James Bovard Macbride and Sarah Huston Macbride. He 
received his degree of A. B. from Monmouth College in 1869, and A. M. 
in 1873. He began his teaching career at Lenox College, Hopkinton, 
where he was professor of mathematics and modern languages from 1870 
to 1878. He went to the State University of Iowa and was assistant 
professor of natural sciences in 1878, continuing in that position until 
1884, followed that as professor of botany from 1884 to 1914, then was 
president from 1914 to 1916, and president emeritus from 1916. He was 
awarded the degree of Ph. D. by Lenox College in 1875, and LL.D. by 
Monmouth College in 1914, by Coe College in 1915, and by the University 
of Iowa in 1928. He was a member of the American Forestry Associa- 
tion, National Conservation Association, Paleontological Society, Iowa 
Academy of Science, Botany Society of America, Iowa Park and Forestry 
Association, American Society for the Advancement of Science, and 
many other scientific organizations. Among his many writings were 
chapters in the Iowa Geological Survey, Popular Science Monthly, Science 
and other magazines. He was also the author of Botany (a text book), 
1895; Slime Moulds, 1890; On the Campus, 1916; In Cabins and Sod 
Houses, 1928. He founded the Lakeside Laboratory on West Okoboji 
Lake which is used each summer by students of the University in part 
of their work in botany and zoology. Dr. Macbride was a man of exten- 
sive knowledge in many lines, mathematics, languages and geology, but 
achieved his greatest distinction as a botanist. He was a national 
authority on fungi and slime moulds. The esthetic side of his nature 
largely dominated. He dearly loved the beautiful in nature, literature 
and art. He was one of the earliest conservationists of Iowa. His 
personal qualities endeared him to a host of friends. 

WiLLABD G. Fletcher was born in New York state February 9, 1855, 
and died in Williamsburg, Iowa, October 25, 1932. His parents were 
George and Ellen McAlpine Fletcher. The family removed to Iowa City, 
Iowa, in 1857 and to Williamsburg in 1858. Willard worked on a farm, 
attended public school, attended the State University of Iowa one year 
and taught school two years at Onawa, Monona County. In 1876 he 
entered the drug business in Williamsburg. In the early 1880 's he spent 
some time at Glenwood and at Shenandoah, but in 1884 returned to 
Williamsburg and re-entered the drug business in which he continued for 
over forty years, attaining business success. He was one of the organizers 
of the town of Williamsburg in 1885, and was a member of the first town 
council. He was a member of the local school board for over thirty years, 
was a member of the Iowa County Board of Supervisors for a few years, 
during which the present Court House was built, was elected representative 
in 1910, running as a Democrat, and served in the Thirty-fourth General 
Assembly. He was one of the organizers of the Farmers Savings Bank 
of Williamsburg, was on its board of directors for years, and was its 
president the last five years of his life. 


Herbert Grant Campbeu^ was born at Hale, Jones County, Iowa, 
December 15, 1868, and died in Des Moines April 8, 1934. Burial was 
in Graceland Cemetery, Sioux City. His parents were John H. and 
Sarah A. (Pike) Campbell. His early education was received at Hale. 
He was graduated from £p worth Seminary, Ep worth, in 1891, and 
received a Ph. D. degree from Cornell College, Mount Vernon, in 1896. 
He was made a deacon in the Methodist Episcopal church in 1897 and 
an elder in 1900, and served as pastor of the Methodist church at Akron, 
Iowa, in 1897-99, and at Sheldon in 1899-1901. He obtained an M. A. 
degree from Columbia University, New York, in 1902. From 1902 to 
1903 he studied in Union Theological Seminary. In 1904 he became vice 
president of Momingside College, Sioux City, and professor of philosophy, 
and held these positions until 1907 when he assumed the duties of 
instructor of philosophy and psychology, which he retained until his death* 
In 1910 and 1911 he studied in Berlin and Heidelberg University, 
Germany. From 1914 he and his wife. Pearl E. (Boeder) CampbeU, 
during each summer except during the World War conducted tours 
through Europe. During the World War he served in France with the 
Y. M. C. A. He was a firm believer in cooperation between nations, the 
League of Nations, the World Court, and any other agencies to promote 
peace. At the time of his death he was on his way home from attending 
at Grinnell a meeting of International Belations clubs. By his will he 
left a bequest of $25,000, the proceeds of which is to be used to bring 
to Sioux City each year lectures by the ablest thinkers available in the 
world, admission to the lectures to be free. 

Lester W. Lewis was born at Lodi, DeKalb County, Illinois, August 
8, 1860, and died in Seattle, Washington, April 5, 1933. Burial was in 
Seattle. His parents were Seth and CeUna (Woodworth) Lewis. He 
attended public school, was graduated from high school in Chicago in 
1877, and from Wheatou College, Wheaton, Illinois, in 1882. His father 
removed to Seymour, Iowa, in 1882 where he engaged in banking and 
other business lines, and Lester W. assisted as a bank clerk. In 1884 he 
established the Lone Tree PresSj a local newspaper, and edited it for ten 
years as a side line to his banking work. In 1887 he was elected repre- 
sentative from Wayne County, was re-elected in 1889, and served in the 
Twenty-second and Twenty-third general assemblies. In 1891 he was 
elected senator from the Wayne-Lucas District and served in the Twenty- 
fourth and Twenty-fifth assemblies. In the Twenty-fifth he was chair- 
man of the Appropriations Committee of the Senate. In 1894 he removed 
to Clarinda where he engaged in banking. In 1901 he was elected senator 
from the Page-Fremont District and served in the Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, 
and Thirty-first general assemblies, being continued over through the 
Thirty-first because of the then new biennial election law. Mr. Lewis 
rendered excellent service as a legislator, being a man of good judgment, 
industry and integrity. In 1907 he removed to Seattle, Washington, 
where for several years he was engaged as a banker and an organizer 
of banks. 


Albert G. Hotchkiss was born in Binghampton, New York, Noyem- 
ber 21, 1842, and died in Adel, Iowa, March 4, 1934. His parents were 
William and Sarah (Gilbert) Hotchkiss. He was reared on a farm and 
aided in farm work until fourteen years old when he became a clerk in 
a dry goods store, which vocation he followed until in 1862, when he 
enlisted in Ciompany H, One Hundred and Sixty-eighth New York Volun- 
teers, and remained with it fourteen months, or until the expiration of 
the term of his enlistment. In September, 1864, he enlisted in Company 
M, First New York Veteran Cavalry, and remained with it until the end 
of the war. In 1867 he removed to a farm in Dallas County, Iowa, near 
Adel. His abilities and interest in public matters attracted the publie 
so that in 1873 the Republican party nominated him for clerk of the 
District Court. He was elected and continued to serve in that position 
six years. In the meantime he became interested in the DaUoB Cowity 
News published at Adel, and in 1879 purchased an interest in it, and 
became its editor, a position he continued to hold until his retirement 
in 1925. He was elected senator in 1895 and served in the Twenty-sixth, 
Twenty-sixth Extra, and Twenty-seventh general assemblies. He served 
as postmaster at Adel two terms, one under President Benjamin Harrison 
and one under President Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Hotchkiss displayed 
rare ability as a public speaker, as a newspaper editor and as a legislator, 
and was held in high regard in his own community and in the state. 

Ernest W. Caldwell was born in Curwinsville, Pennsylvania, June 
13, 1846, and died in Sioux City, Iowa, October 31, 1932. Burial was in 
Floyd Cemetery, Sioux City. He came with his father in the latter 's 
removal to Boonesboro, Iowa, in 1856. In 1857, when only eleven years 
old, he began work in a local printing office. In 1864 he enlisted in 
Company H, Forty-fourth Iowa Infantry and served until the regiment 
was mustered out. Soon after the war he became a printer in Omaha, 
but in 1869 aided in establishing the first daily paper in Sioux City, the 
Evening Times, From 1870 to 1878 he was on the staff of the Sioux City 
Daily Journal. From 1878 to 1896 he was a citizen of South Dakota, 
first as editor of the Sioux Falls Press, was postmaster at Sioux Falls 
from 1883 to 1885, was territorial auditor and insurance commissioner 
from 1885 to 1887, was a member of the Constitutional Convention of 
South Dakota in 1889, and held other important publie positions. In 
1896 he returned to Sioux City and renewed his editorial connection with 
the Journal which was maintained until his retirement in 1919. He was 
mayor of Sioux City from 1902 to 1904. He was a man of wide informa- 
tion, able and popular as a writer, and radiated humor and good will, 
being known far and wide as "Happy CaL'' 


William £. Haugeb was born in Washington, Tazewell County, Illi- 
nois, March 9, 1866, and died in Long Beach, California, September 1, 
1933. Burial was in West View Cemetery, La Porte City, Iowa. His 
parents, Bev. John S. and Harriet (Lint) Hanger, removed their family 
to Waterloo, Iowa, in April, 1866, and two years later to a farm near 
La Porte City. William E. was graduated from the La Porte City High 
School in 1883, taught common school one year, received the degree of 
B. A. from Cornell College in 1888, and of M. A. in 1891. He was super- 
intendent of the schools of La Porte City for two years, and was principal 
of Waterloo Commercial College for two years. He served as chairman 
of the Bepublican County Central Committee of Black Hawk County for 
a time. In 1895 he was elected representative and was re-elected in 1897 
and served in the Twenty-sixth, Twenty-sixth Extra, and Twenty-seventh 
general assemblies. He was temporary speaker of the House of the 
Twenty-seventh previous to its regular organization. In 1899 he was 
admitted to the bar and successfully practiced law in La Porte City 
during a number of years. He was an accomplished public speaker and 
lecturer. The last seven years of his life were spent in Long Beach. 

CuFTORD B. Paul was born at Onslow, Jones County, Iowa, June 9, 
1877, and died in Anamosa May 22, 1933. Burial was in Biverside 
Cemetery, Anamosa. His parents were John T. and Isabella (Wherry) 
Paul. He received his education in rural public schools, in Wyoming 
High School, and in Lenox College, Hopkinton, from which he was 
graduated in 1898. He was a teacher in the schools of Coggon, Linn 
County, for a year and in 1899 was elected county superintendent of 
schools in Jones County and served in that position for seven years. He 
became active in the Iowa State Teachers' Association, was a member 
of the Educational Council, and was president of the County Super- 
intendents' Association. He was elected representative in 1906 and 
served in the Thirty-second General Assembly. He read law in the office 
of Judge Benjamin H. Miller, obtained his degree from the Law School 
of the State University of Iowa and was admitted to the bar in 1908, 
becoming a partner of Judge Miller. He served eight years as coimty 
attorney of Jones County, 1925 to 1933. In 1930 he was elected presi- 
dent of the State Association of County Attorneys. He had a fine 
personality and was a general favorite among all classes wherever known. 

Annals of Iowa 

Vol. XIX, No. 6 Dis Momss, Iowa, Ootobkb, 1934 Third Series 



Of especial interest to lowans is the career of George Collier 
Remey, a native of Burlington, the first rear admiral of the 
United States Navy bom west of the Mississippi River. 

On his father's side Admiral Remey was descended from 
Abram Remy, a Huguenot refugee to this country, landing 
at Jamestown, Virginia, in 1700. 

On his mother's side Admiral Remey descended from the 
Pilgrim Father, John Howland. Nathan Howland who served 
in the last French and Colonial War and was an ofScer in 
the Revolution was his great-grandfather. Admiral Remey 's 
parents, William Butler Remey and Eliza Howland, were mar- 
ried in St. Charles, Mo., and migrated to Burlington the same 
year, 1837. Three of their sons performed distinguished serv- 
ice in the United States Navy. The second son. Colonel Wil- 
liam Butler Remey, U. S. M. C, was first judge advocate gen- 
eral of the Navy, which post he filled from 1880 to 1892. The 
third son, Edward Wallace Remey, was lieutenant U. S. N. 
who was lost from his ship while a young man. 

Admiral Remey 's career was one of all-around achievement, 
in times of peace as in times of war. He served this country 
in four wars. He was a midshipman aboard the U. S. S. Hart- 
ford in Chinese waters at the outbreak of the Civil War. It 
was several months before news of the opening up of hostilities 
between the states reached China and several months later 
the Hartford reached home. He had various details one of 
which was the command of a vessel off the Charleston blockade 
where he had various encounters capturing blockade runners 
bringing munitions of war from Europe to the Conferedates. 
Remey commanded one of the attacking parties on the attack 


on Fort Sumpter. He was captured by the Confederates and 
was in prison thirteen months in Columbia jail in South Caro- 
lina, later being transferred to Libby Prison in Richmond 
where he was held for several weeks before his exchange was 

In 1873 in the town of Burlington George Collier Remey, 
then a commander, married Mary Josephine Mason, the 
daughter of Charles Mason, the first chief justice of Iowa. 
They were blessed with a family of six children. 

In the years following the Civil War Remey had frequent 
duty in Washington, intermingled with sea duty. He was 
on the staflf of Admiral Gherardi from 1880 to 1882 and wit- 
nessed the bombardment of Alexandria, Egypt, by the British 
squadron in the latter year. 

Remey commanded the base of naval operations at Key 
West during the Spanish- American War, and two years later 
he took command of the United States squadrons in the Far 
East, at that time the largest squadron that the United States 
Navy had ever mobilized. During his duty there as comman- 
der in chief in the Far East he engaged in putting down the 
insurrection in the Philippines and took part in quelling the 
Boxer uprising in China. 

Admiral Remey 's entire career was one of eflBciency and 
service so well carried out that there never was any question 
or criticism brought against him. When the problem of adopt- 
ing modern methods of gunnery came up in our Navy in the 
early 1900 's and the feeling was very bitter in the service be- 
tween those on one hand who thought the old methods suf- 
ficient, and the progressives on the other hand led by Admiral 
Sims, who reaUzed that our gunnery needed improvement to 
keep us abreast of the European navies. Admiral Remey en- 
dorsed Sim's recommendations. This was the beginning of 
the modern improved gunnery in our Navy. 

Although Admiral Remey was removed by eight genera- 
tions from his pioneer French ancestors he was the French 
gentleman in type, strikingly handsome with a politeness and 
charm that won the hearts of all who knew him. He was broad 
and universal in his religious sympathies as is noted in a foun- 
dation which he created in the name of his wife for the poor 


of the Diocese of Washington, stating in the writ of gift that 
its benefits were to be distributed to the needy regardless of 
creed, nationality or race. The appreciation in which he was 
held in the service is summed up in the inscription on a loving 
cup presented to him on the completion of his last cruise, which 
reads as follows : 





APRIL 19, 1900 TO MARCH 1, 1902 








(The facts that George Collier Bemey was born and reared in Iowa, 
that he was appointed to the Naval Academy at Annapolis, that he re- 
turned to Iowa and married the daughter of Chief Justice Charles Mason, 
and that he was the first man from Iowa to attain the rank of rear 
admiral warrant us in presenting the foregoing brief biography and 
character sketch. He was born in Burlington, Iowa, August 10, 1841, died 
at his home in Washington, D. C, February 10, 1928, and was buried 
in Arlington National Cemetery. The vast accumulation of Admiral 
Bemey 's letters, papers, art objects and other mementos have recently 
been deposited in the collections of the Historical, Memorial and Art 
Department of Iowa at Des Moines. — E. B. H.) 

Somewhat of His Life and Lettebs 

By F. I. Hebbiott 

Trofe99wr in Drake University 


Part III — Correspondence — 1863-1865 


In the letters which follow, beginning with Captain Howe's 
of June 26, 1864, dated at Devall's Bluff, Arkansas, and dos- 
ing with Mrs. Howe's written approximately six months later 
at Newton, Iowa, we have many glimpses of the kaleidescopic 
events of that momentous year. They deal, as those previously 
presented, mainly with their intimate personal concerns, do- 
mestic difiSculties, business plans, relations with acquaintances, 
neighbors and relatives, but incidentally the writers disclose 
more or less of their feelings and opinions about events and 
personalities in the national theatre of the Civil War and 
their immediate local reactions. 

It was in the six months covered by these letters that Cap- 
tain Howe 's health broke down. The months of July, August, 
September and October almost proved fatal to him. Amidst 
the relentless heat, the lack of pure water, forced in the many 
hurried marches to camp in low swampy regions along the 
rivers and streams between Devall's Bluff and Little Bock, 
and compelled to breathe air and drink water polluted with 
miasmic poisons Captain Howe and his men struggled with 
ague, dysentery, fever and typhus. Captain Howe was sev- 
eral times incapacitated and finally succumbed and after a 
a period in the hospital was invalided home with meager 
chances for recovery. 

In the previous letters we have displayed the variable feel- 
ings of the correspondents in the first days after the distur- 
bance of their domestic routine and severance of their home 
ties — ^they deal with efforts at new adjustments on Mrs. 


Howe's part and with Captain Howe's new relations and 
first flush impressions. The letters now presented are more 
serious — the horrors of the incessant bloody strife weights the 
pen of the wife struggling with her anxious feelings, and de- 
spite a natural optimism of temperament, discouragement and 
weariness, due to ill health, show in the husband's letters. 

Captain Howe's letters, as previously indicated, remain 
astonishingly free from personal animadversion upon asso- 
ciates or casuals. But Mrs. Howe, amidst her trials and har- 
assing aggravations, anon dips her pen in acidulated ink and 
with much reason. In the military crisis of 1864 when Presi- 
dent Lincoln was calling for men to fill up the armies of 
Grant, Sherman and Thomas in the grand closing in move- 
ments of tliat year, enlistments were slow. As Mrs. Howe heard 
the neighbors discuss the course of things and listened to 
sundry lusty patriots, the **Home Guards" in Newton, and 
thought of her husband's trials and dangers and those endured 
by neighbors, whose husbands and sons were also on the distant 
firing lines cynical feelings surged up in her heart and biting 
comments got into her letters. As they were intended for her 
husband's eye only, I have struck out all names of those ad- 
versely referred to, lest living descendants or other relatives 
suffer needless irritation or injury. 

Many a passage in the letters of the period covered might 
be noted or quoted for their general or local interest. Captain 
Howe displays the same serene, steady confidence in the wis- 
dom of the course of President Lincoln in the conduct of the 
war, and his dissent from and disgust with much of the cap- 
tious popular criticisms of the nation's chief are clear and 
emphatic. At no time during his trying intermittent, pro- 
gressive illness which finally brought him to the ground did 
he manifest in his letters any irritation at the treatment he 
was accorded by those in authority over him. The effects of 
his illness, however, were clearly indicated in the discourage- 
ment that appears more and more in his letters home when 
speaking about the financial prospects of the family when he 
contemplates his return, or considers the possible effects of 
his growing weakness from the fevers which sapped his 


Mrs. Howe's ceaseless devotion to her family and her im- 
perturbable confidence in her absent soldier husband shine 
steadily and more brightly in these letters and because of the 
fact that the word from the front about him was more and 
more discouraging, she was kept in a constant state of dread. 
The test of courage and faith are the periods of constant trial 
and trouble when dark clouds are roundabout. Those who 
can stand upright and staunch through the long days with 
their hours of weary waiting are of the earth's elect. The 
following passage from Mrs. Howe's letter of October 16, 
1864, gives us an earnest of her evenly balanced soul : 

You speak quite often, my dear, of our being "poor folks" after 
your return as though that had some new, undefinable terror for us. 
. . . . Why my dear haven't we always been suchf To be sure we 
never seemed to half believe it, neither will we now, but the facts will 
be the same as ever. There is no terror to me in any future that in- 
cludes my husband and children in one family with myself. There is 
now no difficulty in all men finding such employment as pleases them 
but no doublt after the war when all the soldiers return there wiU be 
more competition but we shall surely find a way to make a comfortable 
and also respectable living among civilized people. I do not fear it, my 
dear, and do not let any thoughts of this kind trouble you. If only God 
in his goodness will bring us together an unbroken family again then 
surely must all our life be a thanksgiving song. 

One must be obtuse who can read those lines with indiffer- 
ence. Such devotion, such love and trust, and buoyant con- 
fidence are not the accompaniment of a frivolous soul nor the 
complements of a shallow person ; and such a nature, we may 

.... does not come with houses or with gold. 
With place, with honour and a flattering crew. 


The movements of Captain Howe's Company L between 
June 26, 1864, and December 1 ranged over at least seven 
counties in central Arkansas between the White and Arkansas 
rivers.^" His letters mention expeditions or marches to Searcy, 

the county seat town of White County on the north and to 

112 The counties were Arkansas, Jefferson, Lonoke, Monroe, Prairie, Pn- 
laski, and White. 


Austin on the north middle line of Lonoke County, the former 
fifty miles north of DevaU's BluflP, to Clarendon in Monroe 
County, and St. Charles on the White River in Arkansas 
County about forty miles to the south and east of Devall's 
Bluff. The letters here reproduced were written for the most 
part at Devall's Bluff, where the company was apparently en- 
camped when not on scouting expeditions. 

Devall's Bluff, Ark., 
Jane 26th, 1864. 
My Dear Wife: 

We are here again after several marches having been sent to aid in 
opening White River which the rebels had blockaded at Clarendon 15 
miles below, bat a boat up this morning shows the river clear and also 
brought two letters from you. We were too late to go on the expedi- 
tion to do the work of clearing the river, though a hundred or so of the 
Ninth convalescents &c who were in camp got there in time. We were 
on the way from Searcy to our camp in hot haste having learned that 
Shelby^^^ had come southward when a message came that we were all 
wanted here as the rebs had sunk a gunboat at St. Charles &c. We 
stopped 2 hours in camp after 25 miles march on a hot day and then 
came in the night here 18 miles further. The men feel disappointed about 
the matter as they bore the march in hopes of a fight, and there is a 
camp rumor that the few who came from camp have distinguished them- 
selves. For one I am willing to wait my time and meanwhile do such 
duty as I am called on for. My company has had a very hard time hav- 
ing been scouting 12 days, but company E has been out 10 days longer. 
I never fail to go when L goes, and though we have had no chance to 
get much glory yet the Bushwhackers have learned that the ' * Oray Horse 
Company" as they call us are not to be trifled with. On this last scout 
my men were recognized by that title and I learn that my own self 
had been noticed by them while in the bushes, but I cannot get a fight 
out of them. 

Company B on this trip had a brisk skirmish that I wrote you about 
but maybe the rebs got the letter from near Austin. Do not be alarmed 
if the river should be closed and you have to wait to hear from me, 
as this is liable to happen at any time. We do not expect to stay long 
but cannot tell an hour ahead where we will be, and of course I cannot 
even guess where we will be when you try to make that visit you speak 
of in the fall. If we are at Little Bock or here it may do. I hope to get 
money but cannot even guess. While on the trip we lived partly on the 
inhabitants who are learning what war really means and will not I think 
be in a hurry to begin it again. There is but little union feeling in this 
country but a good deal of submission and contrary to my former 

113 General Joseph O. Shelby. 


opinion the people exeept the rich are a servile people, and will be 
conquered either by na or the Gnerrillas, thej claim to be neutral. 

The man Kennedy shot in Jaaper Conntj was the father of Milton 
Lee one of my soldiers. Let me know the facts as they appear to the 

Linnie's letter was easily read and she most write again when yon 
have time to wait for her. 

Hurrah for Lincoln and Johnson. 

Your Husband, 

O. C. Howe. 

I will write as soon as I can again. 

DuvaU's Bluff, Ark., July 10, 1864. 
My Dear Wife: 

A fleet of boats with gunboat convoy is expected to leave soon and 
of course a mail will go, and I only write at such times. The river is all 
the time exposed to the incursions of squads of rebels and steamboats 
are often fired into but generally without damage. 

I visited Little Bock and returned yesterday, saw Capt's. Campbell, 
Bennett, Cozad, and Thompson, and Col. Garrett and Maj. Smith. Judge 
Edmundson and many other Newton men.^^^ They all appeared in fair 
health and it was a good visit. 

On going I found the rebs had tinkered with the track at Ashley's 
Station so that the interruption I wrote of in my last was caused by 
them. One fireman was killed by the engine falling on him and the 
engineer badly hurt. We found the track not meddled with on either 
trip but between trips they attempted to burn the bridge at my old 
station. Ft. Miner, but the guard there beat them off. The rebs burnt 
the house of a Union man near, and some Ohio boys have severely re- 
taliated by burning several dwellings. One was of a notorious Bush- 
wacker who carries a hair rope for the purpose of hanging such soldiers 
as they capture. Two of the Ohio 22' were found dead, one had been 
shot and then both hung. This is their reason given for burning the 
building and I do not blame them. 

A captain of the Ohio 22' served the Bushwackers a pretty trick. 
He came with a party through Hickory Plains some 20 miles northwest 
of here, and commenced recruiting for Shelby, representing that he had 
captured a lot of Fed uniforms and arms and was going down to take 
Brownsville and then return to Shelby's command. Fourteen volun- 
teered, nearly if not quite all had the Amnesty oath in their pockets. 
They had been good peaceable, neutral citizens when I was there, but 

11* Captain Frank T. Campbell, Co. B, Fortieth la. Inf.. editor Free Pretn, 
later lieutenant governor of Iowa, 1878-82 ; J. W. Sennet, captain of Co. E. 
Fortieth la. Inf., attorney ; Felix W. Coaad, captain of Co. I). Fortieth la. 
Inf. ; probably William Thompson, captain in Co. E, First la. Cav.. colonel 
and brigadier general ; John A. Garrett, colonel of the Fortieth la. Inf. : 8. G. 
Smith, major Fortieth la. Inf. ; David Edmundson, sheriff of Jasper County, 
la., lS4e-48, and county judge, 1858-62. 


on enlisting were quite commnnicatiTe to their captain and told him all 
about the Bushwacking and were exalting over the dismay the Yanks 
would feel when thej had entered their lines by means of the nniforms 
and were boasting of their bloody intentions to kill the Tanks, when 
some of the citizens whom they passed told them of the deceit. They 
are held as prisoners of war, but ought to be executed for taking arms 
after taking the oath, but I expected they would be released and sent 
home to Bushwack and so am much pleased at their detention. 

The rebs are always lurking about our posts taking stragglers, four 
soldiers (none of the 9th) were found murdered in a field near here 
a few days ago killed while blackberrying. 

How I hate to be cooped up here when so much might be done if I 
could be turned loose with a few men outside the lines, and my success 
in horse hunting etc. ought to let me out some, but none can go without 
such limitations and restriction as prevent doing anything. It would 
be so easy for me to lie in wait for the marauders while a few should 
be apparently straggling that I wish much to try it and the first el- 
cuse I have by being sent on any errand will do so. 

The soldiers of course know nothing of the plans of the commanders 
but we feel disheartened at what might be done by small parties even 
if we are too weak for any general attempt (as I think we are) in this 

Shelby has in my opinion recruited and conscripted at least 1500 or 
2000 men, north of here and within reach of us, but been unmolested 
except when he took the advance and attacking part. 

A fleet is expected today, with letters, news, and money for us all, 
we are anxious about Grant and Sherman. As to politics I care only 
that our country be sustained by a united north even if they differ in 
the way of doing it, but northern traitors and fools will perhaps write 
and do much hurt. Lincoln has the heart of the army and will have 
their vote unless some new matter changes everything. 

You seem to be in good health now, do you think the climate there 
healthy enough? I do not admire the south quite well enough to live 
in [the] way we would be compelled to here and the beautiful northwest 
lias too much danger to incline me to risk you and the children at 
Spirit Lake, and much as I loved that place and long for it now I do 
not know as I should live there with its dangers, all are gone we care 
for but P's^^^ family. Newton is the next to home of any place and I 
am longing for a look at my little home there though it has neither 
house or land. I am not going to save much of pay as it will take so 
much to support us, but we can I hope buy a home of some kind, and I 
would prefer a farm even 6 or 10 miles from Newton to living there en- 
tirely unless some good business offers, but perhaps my thoughts of 
Newton are all colored by thinking of the four in it that make any 
place so dear. 

ii« B. F. Parmenter's family. 


Iowa soldiers never find a country that excells our incomparable state 
and "It looks like Iowa" is the extreme of praise for a fine country, 
but its equal in beauty, fertility, and natural resources I have not seen. 
Only cotton cannot be grown, and cotton is riches if not King. My old 
notion that wool as a staple will be grown in that treeless northwest 
so as to enrich thousands is renewed but it is not for me to try it. The 
war has put off that experiment at least 20 years.^^^ 

I am glad to hear you arc satisfied with Linnie's advancement as I 
fear she will be discouraged. I have no doubt of her active mind being 
all we used to think it if she is not mentally stunted, and her erratic 
way of thinking around a matter then approaching with startling direct- 
ness is her father's. That combination of the slow and active is only 
natural. Her knowledge of mathematics will all come right. Don't you 
recollect I was something at that, and don't you also know that my 
dullness at [reckoning] always vexed youf It is so with her, but don't 
by all means increase that little evil by discouragement. 

I wish much to see Catherine and Maria but must wait for another 
visit and more peaceable times. My love to all and all to you. 

O. C. Howe. 

July 13 2y2 o'clock a.m. no boat has left since writing and I have 
been busy as ofiicer of the day and am now up and write this while 
the Co. are getting ready for two day's scout. You shall hear from me 
whenever a mail goes. 


From middle July, 1864, for the next eight months the 
country's common thought was centered on the movements 
of Grant 's and Sherman 's armies. The battles waged by Grant 
in his great enveloping movement about Richmond were ap- 
palling in their frightful losses of life and the daring advances 
of Sherman 's columns towards Atlanta, while steadily success- 
ful, were accompanied with heavy toll of precious lives, to 
say nothing of the increasing popular dread that he was mak- 
ing a risky, suicidal movement into the heart of the Con- 
federacy. Captain Howe's and Mrs. Howe's letters reflect 
the common feelings of the people of the North and West. 
Captain Howe, after the manner of your true soldier, thinks 
mainly of the movements of the armies in the mass and his 
confidence in the grand maneuvers and objectives of those two 
famous generals, and not at all of the losses of treasure and 
man power ; while Mrs. Howe, like all good women, thinks of 

116 The national census for 1930 states that Iowa had 1,131,000 sheep, ex- 
ceeding Minnesota's quota, and but a few thousand less than Missouri had. 


the horrors of the conflict, of the fields littered with the killed 
and wounded, and of the stricken homes, the desolate wives 
and orphaned children — ^yet she steels her heart with the hope 
that the end will soon come and righteousness will again pre- 
vail in high places. 

DuvaU'8 Bluff, Ark., 
July 19th, 1864.