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10^  mmum 


3  1833  01744  4396 


GENEALOGY 
979.4 
H624E 
1915-191? 


Organized  November  1,  1663  lncori>orated  February  12,  1691 

PARTS  I.  and  II.  VOL.  X. 


ANNUAL  PUBLICATIONS 


I. 


Historical  Society 


SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 


1915-1916 


LOS  ANGELES,  CAL. 


Orsonized  November  1,  1863  Incorporated  February  12,  1891 

PARTS  I.  and  II.  VOL.  X. 


ANNUAL  PUBLICATIONS 


II W I      ^ 


Historical  Society 

OF 

SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 


1915-1916 


McBride  Printing  Company 
LOS  ANGELES.  CAL. 


CONTENTS         ,  ^^^^, 


Officers  of  the  Historical   Society,   1916,  1917 4 

Aspects  of  the  Study  of  History Rockwell  D.   Hunt 5 

Thirty-three  Years  of  Histoi-y  Activities J.   M.  Guinn 16 

A  History  of  Los  Angeles  Journalism Julia  Norton  MeCorkle 24 

A  Presbyterian  Settlement  in  Southern  California 

James  Main  Dixon 44 

The  Passing  of  the  Rancho   J.  M.  Guinn.  ...     46 

The  Great  Los  Angeles  Real  Estate  Boom  of  1887 Joseph  Netz 54 

Gifts  Made  to  the  City  of  Los  Angeles  by  Individuals 

Arthur    Chapman 69 

James  Harmon  Hoose,  A.M.,  PhD.,  LL.D Tully  C.  Knoles 75 

A  List  of  Newspapers  in  the  Los  Angeles  City  Library 

C.  C.  Baker....     80 

California's   First  American   School  and  its   Teacher 

Mary  M.  Bowman ....  86 

The  Lost  Islands  of  San  Pedro  Bay J.  M.  Guinn 95 

Brownies  in  Their  Home  Land James  Main  Dixon.  ...  101 

The  Title  of  a  Mexican  Land  Grant George  Butler  Griffin 107 

John  Bidwell's  Arrival  in  California Robert   G.   Cleland....  110 

Meeting  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of  the  American  Historical 

Association   Rockwell  D.   Hunt 114 

Commodore  Stockton's  Report J.  M.  Guinn 116 

A  Letter  of  Don  Antonio  F.  Coronel  to  Father  J.  Adam  on  the 
Pounding  of  the  Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  Building  of 
the  Church  of  our  Lady  of  the  Angels,  with  a  Translation 
and  Corrections   George  Butler  Griffin 124 

A  Review  of  Newmark's  "Sixty  Years  in  Southern  California" 

J.   M.   Guinn 128 

REPORTS— 

Secretary's  Report  for  Years  1915-16 J.  M.  Guinn 131 

Treasurer's  Report  for  Years  1915-16 M.  C.  Bettinger 132 


Officers  of  the  Historical  Society 
1916 


Rockwell  D.  Hunt President 

Robert  G.   Clelakd First  Vice-President 

Roy  Malcom    Second  \'ice- President 

M.  C.  Bettinger Treasurer 

James  M.  Guinn Secretary  and  Curator 

BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt        George  F.  Bovard 
J.  M.  Guinn  C.  C.   Baker 

Robert  G.  Cleland         Roy  Malcom 
M.  C.  Bettinger 


OFFICERS  (ELECT) 

1917 

Rockwell    D.    Hunt President 

Robert  G.  Cleland First  \'ice-President 

Waldemar  C.  Westergaaro Second  Vice-President 

M.   C.   Bettinger Treasurer 

James  M.  Guinn St-cretary  and  Curator 

BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt        George  F.  Bovard 
James  M.  Guinn  M.  C.  Bettinger 

Robert  G.  Cleland         Roy  Malcom 

Waldemar  C.  Westergaard 


ASPECTS  OF  THE  STUDY  OF  HISTORY 

ROCKWELL    D.    HUNT 


It  is  my  pleasant  task  to  bring  to  your  attention  and  urge  upon 
your  consideration  a  branch  of  human  study — department  of  know- 
ledge— which  while  not  highly  conducive  to  material  ends,  is  yet 
most  highly  practical  in  its  nature  and  admirably  suited  to  widen, 
deepen  and  project  the  life.    The  subject  is  History. 

And  first  of  all,  let  us  endeavor,  with  such  care  as  we  may  in 
a  few  moments,  to  reach  a  just  conception  of  history:  for  on  the 
answer  to  the  oft-recurring  question,  what  is  history?  obviously 
depend  its  real  importance  and  value. 

The  original  Greek  conception  of  historia  was  that  of  research, 
or  investigation.  Not  the  rigidly  scientific  method  of  research 
employed  by  historical  critics  today,  but  an  investigation  into  and 
a  setting  forth  of  the  great  deeds  of  illustrious  men,  often  with 
distinct  bias.  "Show  me,"  Savage  Landor  makes  one  of  his  heroes 
say,  "how  great  projects  were  executed,  great  advantages  gained, 
and  great  calamities  averted.  Show  me  the  generals  and  the  states- 
men who  stood  foremost,  that  I  may  bend  to  them  in  reverence. 
Let  the  books  of  the  treasury  lie  closed  as  religiously  as  the  Sibyl's. 
Leave  weights  and  measures  in  the  market  place ;  commerce  in  the 
harbor ;  the  arts  in  the  lights  they  love ;  philosophy  in  the  shade. 
Place  History  on  her  rightful  throne,  and  at  the  sides  of  her — 
Eloquence  and  War.'"  The  Greeks  "did  not  regard  history  as  the 
simple  narration  of  what  had  happened  in  the  past,  but  rather  (to 
use  the  words  of  Professor  H.  Morse  Stephens)  as  a  certain  arrange- 
ment of  a  narrative  of  events  so  as  to  bring  out  certain  ideas.'" 
Some  of  the  most  conspicuous  merits  of  Herodotus,  as  his  simplicity 
and  credulous  good  faith,  would  today,  I  fear,  go  far  to  condemn 
a  writer  in  the  eyes  of  historical  criticism.  It  would  be  a  doubtful 
compliment  to  a  diligent  historian  to  tell  him  he  is  a  capital  story 
teller.  So  Thucydides,  the  first  of  the  philosophic  historians,  owes 
his  brilliancy  not  so  much  to  an  accurate  and  impartial  account  of 
the  age  of  which  he  wrote  as  to  the  faultlessly  constructed  speeches 
he  put  into  his  characters'  mouths,  but  which  in  truth  they  never 
delivered. 


6  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Modern  conceptions  of  history  are  very  numerous  and  widely 
different  in  scope ;  yet  in  all  there  is  somewhat  of  common  ground. 
In  a  comprehensive  view  these  will  for  most  part  be  found  to  be  but 
different  aspects  of  the  one  great  truth.  History  is  biography,  we 
are  told  by  Carlyle  with  oft-repeated  emphasis.  It  is  best  under- 
stood from  personalities.  "The  function  of  the  historian,"  says 
Froude,  "is  to  discover  and  make  known  great  men."  Emerson 
explains  all  history  from  the  individual:  "All  public  facts  are  to 
be  generalized.  Then  at  once  History  becomes  fluid  and  true.  Biog- 
raphy deep  and  sublime."  So  President  Wheeler  postulates,  in  his 
Alexander  the  Great,  "History  and  Biography  blend." 

One  step  removed  from  this  aspect  of  the  biographies  of  heroes 
is  the  poet-philosopher's  view  that  history  is  a  great  epic.  "He 
(Carlyle)  says  it  is  a  part  of  his  creed  that  history  is  poetry,  could 
we  but  tell  it  right."  The  only  poetry  there  is  is  history.  "All 
history  is  an  imprisoned  Epic,  nay  an  imprisoned  Psalm  and  Pro- 
phecy." Is  there  not  then  more  of  essential  truth  in  the  Homeric 
poem  or  the  Shakespearean  drama  than  in  the  jejune  annals  of  the 
early  chroniclers?  "History  has  its  foreground;  and  it  is  prin- 
cipally in  the  management  of  the  perspective  that  one  artist  differs 
from  another."'  Macaulay  here  states  an  important  partial-truth : 
and  he  is  the  consummate  artist  in  the  arrangement  of  glittering 
perspective. 

But  history,  or  the  writing  of  history,  is  no  longer  to  be  con- 
sidered only  as  an  art.  History  is  a  science.  Indeed,  recent  thought 
has  so  magnified  the  critical  and  rigidly  scientific,  frequently  at  the 
expense  of  the  artistic  and  even  the  literary,  that  we  are  in  danger 
of  not  being  able  soon  to  recover  fully  our  sense  of  the  beautiful 
and  the  picturesque  in  historical  writing.  Under  the  exhortation 
to  leave  off  "fine  writing"  and  rhetorical  antithesis  and  account 
for  everything  in  the  calm,  judicial  spirit  with  scientific  accuracy, 
are  we  not  in  danger  of  compromising  the  beauty,  the  attractiveness, 
the  truth  itself,  of  history?  of  making  of  real  heroes  mere  colossal 
machines  or  veriest  puppets?  History  viewed  as  science  "is  an 
attempt  to  interpret  human  life  and  human  character  by  the  record, 
however  imperfect,  of  men's  actions  and  their  thoughts.'"  Can  any 
science  be  more  interesting  or  more  dignified?  But,  after  all,  his- 
tory cannot  be  claimed  as  an  exact  science.  While  we  apply  to 
historical  construction  a  certain  scientific  methodologj',  it  must  be 
remembered  that  "Every  historical  image  contains  a  large  part  of 
fancy.'"  Adopting  the  words  of  Langlois  and  Seignobos:  "The 
realities  of  the  past  are  things  which  we  do  not  observe,  and  which 


Macaul.ay.  Kssays.  I,  129. 

Atkinson,   History  and  the  Study  of  History,   42-43. 

L«anglols  and  Seignobos,  Introd.  to  Study  of  History,   22! 


ASPECTS    OF    THE    STUDY    OF    HISTORY  / 

w€  can  only  know  in  virtue  of  their  resemblance  to  the  realities  of 
the  present.'"  Their  study  involves  "an  application  of  the  descrip- 
tive sciences  which  deal  with  humanity,  descriptive  psychology,  so- 
ciology or  social  science ;  but  all  these  sciences  are  still  but  imper- 
fectly established,  and  their  defects  retard  the  establishment  of  a 
science  of  history."  The  biologic  concept  of  society,  so  recently 
urged  in  many  quarters,  has  suffered  many  and  serious  reverses. 
The  methods  of  the  physical  and  biological  sciences,  resting  upon 
objective  observation,  cannot  be  bodily  super-imposed  upon  historical 
study,  which  clearly  demands  the  subjective  method  in  dealing  with 
a  developing  social  consciousness.  Thomas  Buckle,  in  his  erudite 
history  of  civilization,  made  a  heroic  effort  to  reduce  history  to  the 
status  of  a  natural  science.  Everything,  including  the  actions  of 
men,  was  to  be  governed  by  strict  law  fully  discoverable.  The 
writings  of  Buckle  teach  a  sort  of  historic  fatalism,  "reducing  almost 
to  nothing  the  action  of  individualities."^  His  efforts  necessarily 
failed :  it  is  safe  to  say  his  exact  science  of  history  has  never  yet 
been  established.  I  know  of  no  more  significant  commentar)'  on 
this  aspect  of  the  subject  than  Professor  H.  Morse  Stephens'  Presi- 
dential Address  before  the  American  Historical  Association,  Decem- 
ber, 1915,  in  which  he  confesses,  with  evident  sadness,  that  "as 
student  and  teacher  of  history  he  has  come  to  realize  more  and 
more  the  futility  of  pretended  impartiality ;  and  at  the  last  he  has 
yielded  to  the  conviction  that  the  first  duty  of  the  historical  scholar 
is  to  grasp  the  fact  that  his  limitations  as  a  human  being  must  ever 
debar  him,  even  if  the  most  complete  material  lies  ready  to  his  hand, 
from  attempting  more  than  a  personal  interpretation  of  some  part 
or  period  of  the  past.'" 

At  the  opposite  pole  from  the  itltra-scientihc  stand  such  writers 
as  Carlyle,  Creasy  and  Lecky.  "The  older  one  becomes,"  said 
Lecky,  "the  more  clearly  one  sees  that  King  Hazard  fashions  three- 
fourths  of  the  events  in  this  miserable  world."  "Pascal  tells  us," 
he  quotes,  "that  if  Cleopatra's  nose  had  been  shorter,  the  whole 
face  of  the  world  might  have  been  changed."  "Arietta's  pretty  feet, 
twinkling  in  the  brook,"  wrote  Creasy,  "made  her  the  mother  of 
William  the  Conqueror.  Had  she  not  thus  fascinated  Duke  Robert, 
the  Liberal  of  Normandy,  Harold  would  not  have  fallen  at  Hast- 
ings, no  Anglo-Norman  dynasty  could  have  arisen,  no  British 
Empire.'" 

I  must  forego  further  illustration  of  the  fortuitous  and  pictur- 
esque to  remark  that  history  is  concerned  with  the  truth  about  man. 

1.  Op.  at.,  224. 

».  Lecky.   Political  VaJue  of  History.    26. 

3.  Am.  Hist.  Review,  Jan..  1916,   225. 

4.  Decisive   Battles,   ch.  VIII. 


O  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Down  to  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  history  was  reckoned 
a  branch  of  Hterature.  It  is  only  in  the  last  generation  that  the 
cardinal  aim  of  historical  writing  has  been  generally  discerned 
as  knowledge,  or  truth  pure  and  simple.  It  cannot  now  be  too 
strongly  emphasized  that  the  first  and  most  essential  criterion  of 
historical  writing  is  its  truthfulness."  But,  interposes  Macaulay, 
"perfectly  and  absolutely  true  it  cannot  be ;  for  to  be  perfectly  and 
absolutely  true,  it  ought  to  record  all  the  slightest  particulars  of 
the  slightest  actions.  If  history  were  written  thus,  the  Bodleian 
library  would  not  contain  the  occurrences  of  a  single  week," — and, 
he  might  have  added,  the  world  would  presently  be  filled  with  literary 
lumber.  Hence  we  should  qualify  our  statement  and  observe  that 
history  is  concerned  with  the  important.  "The  trivial  must  be  elim- 
inated. It  is  only  the  important,  vital,  enduring  facts  and  ideas  that 
go  to  make  up  history.""  The  various  peoples  and  states  are  to 
be  studied  comparatively.  Professor  Freeman  has  laid  great  em- 
phasis on  the  comparative  method.  "My  position,  then,"  said  he, 
"is  that  in  all  our  studies  of  history  and  language  ...  we  must 
cast  away  all  distinctions  of  'ancient'  and  'modern,'  of  'dead'  and 
'living,'  and  must  boldly  grapple  with  the  great  fact  of  the  unity 
of  history.'"  The  best  text-book  writers  of  today  are  coming  to 
accept  the  truth  uttered  long  since  by  him  when  he  pointed  out,  "We 
are  learning  that  European  history,  from  its  first  glimmerings  to 
our  own  day,  is  one  unbroken  drama,  no  part  of  which  can  be 
rightly  understood  without  reference  to  the  other  parts  which  come 
before  and  after  it."  It  was  Thomas  Arnold  who  first  taught  that 
the  political  history  of  the  world  should  be  read  as  inter-related 
parts  of  a  great  unity.  Ancient  and  modern,  religious  and  political, 
are  rolled  together  into  the  one  long  record  of  a  related,  unified 
Humanity. 

We  observe,  also,  in  seeking  data  for  a  definition  of  history, 
with  Professor  Johnston,  that  "Man  is  the  first  postulate  of  history. 
He  is  the  beginning  and  the  end  of  it.  He  enacts  it ;  he  tells  it ;  he 
accepts  it  as  a  message  or  gospel  for  guidance  and  self-realization."* 
History,  then,  in  its  broad  acceptation  of  the  study  of  developing 
man — primitive  man,  man  in  civil  society,  man  in  politics  and  in 
the  church,  man  wherever  he  touches  men — is  the  most  con'prehen- 
sivc  and  difiicult.  as  well  as  the  most  attractive  of  all  sciences.  The 
historian  must  employ  as  handmaids  to  his  study  many  other  sci- 
ences. Indeed,  there  is  no  department  of  knowledge  with  which 
the   perfect    historian    must   not   be    familiar.      Because    History's 

1.  Cf.,  .Tohnston.  A,  H.  A.  1S93,  p.  49:  Langlols  and  Selgnobos.  303. 

2.  .TobDSon,  op.  (it.,  50. 

3.  T'nity  of  History.   303. 
4  Op  Hf.,47. 


ASPECTS    OF    THE    STUDY    OF    HISTORY  y 

horizon  is  so  extended,  the  perfect  historian  is  yet  lo  seek.  "The 
perfect  historian,"  wrote  Macaulay,  "is  he  in  whose  work  the  char- 
acter and  spirit  of  the  age  is  exhibited  in  miniature.  He  relates  no 
fact,  he  attributes  no  expression  to  his  character  which  is  not 
authenticated  by  sufficient  testimony.  But  by  judicious  selection,  re- 
jection and  arrangement,  he  gives  to  truth  those  attractions  which 
have  been  usurped  by  fiction.  .  .  .  He  shows  us  the  court,  the 
camp  and  the  senate.  But  he  shows  us  also  the  nation.  Man  will 
not  merely  be  described  but  will  be  made  intimately  known  to  us. 
A  historian  such  as  we  have  been  attempting  to  describe  would 
indeed  be  an  intellectual  prodigy.  In  his  mind  powers  scarcely 
compatible  with  each  other  must  be  tempered  into  an  exquisite  har- 
mony. We  shall  sooner  see  another  Shakespeare  or  another  Homer." 
Let  us  not  be  dismayed  if  we  fall  short  of  Macaulay's  unattainable 
ideal ! 

Before  attempting  finally  to  define  history,  it  will  be  well  to 
mention  one  or  two  misconceptions  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  them. 
And  first,  chronology  is  not  history.  It  should  be  a  solace  and  a 
spur  as  well  to  the  plodding  youth  to  remember  that  learning 
history  does  not  consist  solely  in  the  learning  of  dates.  "Let  us 
suppose,"  says  Atkinson,  "that  you  have  got  painfully  into  your 
memories,  in  their  proper  order,  all  the  kings  of  England  and 
Europe,  and  all  the  battles,  .  .  .  and  all  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pendium. You  have  no  more  got  history  than  a  man  has  got  a 
house  who  has  simply  put  up  the  frame  of  it."  Insight  is  rather 
to  be  sought  than  information.  The  well-crammed  cranium,  with- 
out penetration  and  creative  power,  is  imbecile.  Annals,  chronicles, 
and  memoirs  abound  in  the  materials  of  history,  but  alone  they 
do  not  constitute  it. 

Another  misconception  is  that  history  is  constituted  of  mere 
costume,  or  picturesque  narrative.  While  there  are  many  things 
in  history  that  are  picturesque,  history  itself  must  rest  on  the  firm 
basis  of  important,  ascertained  facts  and  phenomena.  Well  selected 
fiction  is  an  invaluable  accessory  to  historical  reading;  but  the 
chances  are  that  he  deceives  himself  who  thinks  that  he  reads  real 
history  in  the  novel.  The  vivacious  descriptions  of  mediaeval  chiv- 
alry in  the  novels  of  Sir  Walter  Scott,  while  possessing  elements  of 
truth  and  human  interest,  fail  to  disclose  the  prosaic  dullness  and 
hateful  countenance  of  much  of  feudal  society. 

What,  then,  is  history?  Is  it  the  book  I  hold  in  my  hand — 
that  is,  a  more  or  less  complete  narration  and  personal  interpretation 
of  the  life  of  people:  or  is  it  the  actual  events  and  characters  that 
have  been  imperfectly  portrayed  in  the  printed  page ;  or  is  it  the 
unfolding  process  of  knowledge,  the  gradual  emergence  and  course 
of  social   self-consciousness,   which   comprehends   events   and   char- 


10  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

acters  and  renders  the  book  both  possible  and  useful?  In  some 
proper  sense  it  is  all  these  if  not  still  more  than  these.  History  is 
a  harmonious  combination,  or  synthesis,  in  due  subordination,  of 
the  several  partial  conceptions  and  various  aspects. 

It  must  be  remarked  here,  however,  as  is  clearly  hinted  in  the 
above  questions,  that  history  has  its  subjective  and  its  objective 
side;  that  is  to  say,  the  empirical  perception  and  apprehension  by 
men  of  their  related  experience  and  social  growth,  and  the  events 
themselves — the  overt  acts — that  mark  the  advancing  subjective 
stages.  Let  me  try  to  illustrate  by  means  of  the  American  Dec- 
laration of  Independence.  Certain  forces,  including  geographical 
separation  from  the  mother  country,  geographical  unity  over-seas, 
substantial  ethnical  unity  and  identity  of  interests  "conspired,  at 
last,  to  awaken  the  consciousness  of  the  people  of  the  thirteen  colo- 
nies to  the  fact  that  they  had  attained  the  natural  conditions  of  a 
sovereignty — a  state.'"  Here  was  the  subjective  reality,  an  emerging 
social  self-consciousness.  "The  revolution,"  as  Professor  Burgess 
points  out.  "was  an  accomplished  fact  before  the  declaration  of 
1776.  and  so  was  independence.  The  act  of  the  Fourth  of  July  was 
a  notification  to  the  world  of  faits  accomplis.  .  .  .  The  signi- 
ficance of  the  proclamation  was  this:  a  people  testified  thereby  the 
consciousness  of  the  fact  that  they  had  become,  in  the  progressive 
development  of  history,  one  whole,  separate  and  adult  nation,  and 
that  they  were  determined  to  defend  this  natural  status  against 
the  now  no  longer  natural  supremacy  of  a  foreign  state.'"  Finally, 
a  contemporaneous  or  subsequent  narrative  of  the  subjective  and 
objective  phases  of  our  great  Declaration  by  a  student  of  national 
life  furnishes  us  with  a  third  concept  of  histor}',  namely,'  historical 
writing.  Perfectly  and  absolutely  accurate  historical  writing  cannot 
be:  even  if  we  should  grant  that  every  detail  of  every  event  may 
be  recorded  with  absolute  fidelity,  the  narration  would  still  be  essen- 
tially untrue  if  it  failed  to  reveal  the  Zeitgeist,  to  body  forth  the 
living  atmosphere  of  time  and  place. 

At  this  point  one  is  tempted  to  indulge  in  some  speculation  on 
the  philosophy  of  history,  but  it  is  emphatically  true  that  a  little 
philosophy  is  a  dangerous  thing.  There  is  at  least  much  truth  in 
Ilegcl's  dictum  of  human  development  conceived  as  a  great  process 
of  self-realization.  Subjectively,  then,  history  is  the  progress  in 
the  larger  consciousness  of  freedom :  it  becomes  an  active,  self- 
conscious  process  of  knowledge,  ascertaining  the  world-life  of  hu- 
manity. Correcting  the  deductions  of  Hegel  by  the  inductions  of 
Spencer,  we  have  the  data  of  the  evolution  of  society.  In  the 
noble  words  of  Droysen :  "History  is  humanity  becoming  and  being 


Burgess.    Political    Science. 


ASPECTS    OF    THE    STUDY    OF    HISTORY  11 

conscious  concerning  itself.  The  epochs  of  History  are  not  tho 
life  periods  of  this  T  of  Humanity ;  .  .  .  but  they  are  stages  of 
that  ego's  self-knowledge,  its  knowledge  of  the  world  and  of  God." 
Again :  "To  apprehend  the  moral  world  historically  means  to  ap- 
prehend it  according  to  its  development  and  growth,  according  to 
the  causal  succession  of  its  movements." 

We  are  only  beginning  to  recognize  the  stupendous  force  of 
the  fact  of  human  sociality.  No  man  liveth  to  himself  alone.  "In 
plain  prose,"  wrote  Professor  Small,  nearly  twenty  years  ago,  "our 
lives,  ourselves,  are  atoms  of  the  life  of  humanity  that  has  been 
working  to  form  us  through  all  the  ages.'"  In  the  most  recent  text- 
book of  sociology  we  read:  "One's  life  is  not  his  own,  but  is  his 
share  in  the  inheritance  which  comes  down  from  a  long  social 
past,  in  turn  to  be  transmitted,  improved  or  degraded,  to  his  suc- 
cessors.'" 

Society  is  just  now  becoming  intelligent  about  itself.  After  un- 
told centuries  of  association  by  men,  the  social  mind  becomes  a 
concrete,  if  not  organic  reality,  social  consciousness  emerges.  Long 
after  the  dawning  of  the  social  consciousness,  however,  comes  the 
social  self-consciousness,  which  enables  society  to  contemplate  itself 
as  an  objectified  reality  and  entity,  and  to  set  before  itself  the 
attainment  of  definite  social  aims.  Without  pursuing  the  thought 
further,  it  is  sufficient  to  suggest  that  the  solution  of  the  problem 
of  social  teleology  lies  in  the  fact,  as  pointed  out  by  Small,  that, 
"The  necessary  working  basis  of  social  improvement  today  is  ac- 
cordingly the  body  of  judgments  lodged  in  the  minds  of  living 
men  about  the  things  that  are  essentially  desirable."  It  follows  that, 
"There  can  be  no  very  stable  theories  of  social  action  until  there 
are  convincing  standards  of  social  aim."^ 

Having  at  length  gained  some  conception  of  history  itself,  let 
us  inquire,  what  is  there  attractive  about  history?  Wherein  lies 
its  peculiar  value?  Can  the  busy  youth  of  today  really  learn  any- 
thing about  history  ?  It  must  be  obvious  that  one  cannot  in  a  single 
paper  fully  answer  these  and  numerous  questions  that  suggest  them- 
selves. My  main  purpose,  therefore,  is  now  to  set  forth  rapidly 
several  practical  considerations  with  the  hope  that  they  may  suggest 
avenues  of  thought,  and  leave  their  more  complete  discussion  and 
elaboration  to  others. 

I  hold  that  no  study  is  in  itself  more  attractive  than  history, 
or  selected  portions  of  history.  Fact  is  always  preferred  to  fiction, 
provided  it  is  equally  interesting.  Even  little  children  are  delighted 
to  learn   that  heroes  were  real,  live  men  instead  of  make-believes, 

1.     Am.    Journ.   of   SooioloCT,    Sept.,    '97,    p.    150. 
J.     Hayes.   Introd.   to  Sociology,   355. 
3.      Op.  at.,  170. 


12  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

and  history  is  the  record  of  the  doings  of  humanity.  Young  men 
study  physics,  mathematics,  manual  training,  and  the  like:  but  in 
such  a  list  of  subjects  something  is  wanting  to  the  complete  rational 
education.  "It  is  the  play  of  Hamlet  without  the  Prince  of  Den- 
mark," says  Frederic  Harrison. 

"The  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man."  "Whilst  man  is  want- 
ing, all  the  rest  remains  vague,  and  incomplete,  and  aimless."  The 
one  subject,  the  first  postulate  of  history,  is  tiuin.  The  paleolithic 
ax  is  a  historical  source,  for  it  tells  us  of  primitive  man :  the 
metropolitan  newspaper  is  the  greatest  commentary  on  today's  hu- 
manity. History  is  man's  telegraph  of  the  ages:  its  records  bring 
us  into  converse  with  the  nations  of  remotest  past.  With  sound 
reason  and  telling  force  did  the  Committee  of  Seven  on  the  Study 
of  History  in  the  Schools  affirm:  "If  it  is  desirable  that  the  High 
School  pupil  should  know  the  physical  world,  that  he  should  know 
the  habits  of  ants  and  bees,  the  laws  of  floral  growth,  the  simple 
reactions  in  the  chemical  retort,  it  is  certainly  even  more  desirable 
that  he  should  be  led  to  see  the  steps  in  the  development  of  the 
human  race,  and  should  have  some  dim  perception  of  his  own  place, 
and  of  his  country's  place,  in  the  great  movements  of  men."' 

The  present  is  indissolubly  bound  to  the  past,  which  it  cannot, 
even  by  the  most  colossal  effort,  throw  entirely  off.  History  is 
essential  to  progress.  "Suppose  ...  a  man  to  be  interested 
in  any  study  whatever,"  to  quote  once  more  Mr.  Harrison,  "either 
in  promoting  general  education,  or  eager  to  acquire  knowledge  for 
himself.  He  will  find,  at  every  step  he  takes,  that  he  is  appealing 
to  the  authority  of  the  pa-^t.  is  using  the  ideas  of  former  ages,  or 
carrying  out  principles  established  by  ancient  but  not  forgotten 
thinkers.  If  he  studies  geometry,  he  will  find  that  the  first  text- 
book put  into  his  hand  was  written  by  a  Greek  2000  years  ago.  If 
he  takes  up  a  grammar,  he  will  be  only  repeating  rules  taught  by 
Roman  school-masters  or  professors.  Or  is  he  interested  in  art? 
He  will  find  the  same  thing  in  a  far  greater  degree  .  .  .  the 
moment  he  begins  to  act,  to  live  or  to  think,  he  must  use  the  ma- 
terials presented  to  him.  and  ...  he  can  as  little  free  himself 
from  the  influence  of  former  generations  as  he  can  free  himself 
from  his  pcr.sona!  identity :  unlearn  all  that  he  has  learned ;  cease 
to  be  what  his  previous  life  has  made  him.  and  blot  out  of  his 
memory  all  recollection  whatever.'"  Let  one  despise  history  as  he 
will,  he  cannot  escape  it,  he  cannot  utterly  ignore  it:  let  him  be 
separated  from  mankind  as  was  Robinson  Crusoe :  still  he  carries 
with  him — it  may  be  unconsciously — somewhat  of  history's  rich 
legacy.     If  it  were  pxDSsible  for  one  to  render  himself  wholly  in- 


ASPECTS    OF    THE    STUDY    OF    HISTORY  13 

dependent  of  the  past  and  of  the  present  human  environment,  he 
would  be  httle  more  than  primitive  man. 

History  is  absokitely  fundamental.  Attention  to  its  lessons 
makes  men  wisely  conservative :  wise  conservatism  leads  to  enduring 
progress.  To  be  specific,  note  the  ideal  for  legislators  set  by  that 
eminent  sociologist,  the  late  Lester  F.  Ward :  "History  furnishes 
the  statesman  an  additional  basis  for  legislation  ...  No  man 
should  consider  himself  qualified  to  legislate  for  a  people  who  is 
not  conversant  with  the  history  of  modern  nations  at  least,  with 
their  various  systems  of  finance,  revenue,  taxation,  public  works, 
education,  land  surveying,  patent  and  copyright  law,  military  and 
naval  equipment,  general  jurisprudence  and  constitutional,  statute, 
and  unwritten  law.  It  will,  of  course,  be  said  that  few  legislators 
are  thus  informed,  and  this  is  true,  but  these  few  will  be  the  ones 
who  will  do  most  to  shape  the  action  of  the  State  and  will  furnish 
examples  to  all  who  aspire  to  play  a  leading  part  in  the  political 
drama.'"  It  is  by  a  proper  interpretation  of  history  that  man 
throws  himself  into  the  stream  of  previous  human  endeavor  and 
assists  to  carry  on  the  work  of  the  ages. 

At  this  point  may  I  quote  the  calm  judgment  of  a  thoughtful 
and  suggestive  writer  as  to  the  value  of  history  to  young  men, 
Professor  Wm.  P.  Atkinson,  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of  Tech- 
nology: "In  my  serious  judgment  no  study  is  half  so  valuable  to 
young  men  engaged  in  the  active  pursuits  of  real  life,  as  the  real 
study  of  History,  and  all  the  preparatory  and  collateral  work  which 
a  real  study  of  History  implies.  I  say  a  real  study  of  History ;  for 
I  do  not  mean  by  it  that  petty  memorizing  of  miserable  compendiums, 
the  'moths  of  history,'  as  Bacon  long  ago  called  them,  which  goes 
on  in  schools ;  nor  do  I  mean  .  .  .  that  pottering  over  the  mere 
gossip  of  the  past,  that  perusal  of  volume  upon  volume  of  'memoirs 
of  the  unmemorable,'  which  passes  for  History  with  antiquarians. 
.  .  .  By  the  study  of  History  I  mean  that  robust  and  manly 
grappling  with  the  real  problems  of  the  Past  which  will  make  you 
more  thoughtful,  more  useful,  more  far-seeing  and  wide-seeing  men 
in  the  Present.  .  .  .  History  is  the  record  of  the  life  of  the 
past.  It  shows  how  the  men  of  the  past  solved  the  ethical,  religious, 
social,  economic,  political  problems  in  their  day  and  generation. 
The  purpose  of  the  wise  man's  studies  is  to  learn  how  to  solve  his 
own  life  problem."" 

Mr.  Atkinson's  statement  is  cogent  and  comprehensive.  It 
presumes  collateral  study  of  certain  theoretical  subjects.  Thus,  says 
Professor  Seeley,  "industrial  facts  cannot  be  understood  without 
political  economy,  nor  military  facts  without  military  science,  nor 


14  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

legal  facts  without  legal  science,  nor  constitutional  and  legislative 
development  without  political  science.  I  have  gone  further  and 
laid  it  down  that  these  theoretical  subjects  are  the  real  object  for 
which  historical  facts  are  collected  and  authenticated.'" 

But  we  must  not  imagine  that  we  can  vitalize  the  past  unless 
we  can  appreciate  the  history  that  is  being  enacted  all  about  us. 
I  have  elsewhere  said :  "Local  history  is  of  value  as  furnishing, 
as  it  were,  a  first  horizon  or  circumference  to  the  young,  expanding 
mind.  As  all  knowledge  proceeds  from  the  known  to  the  unknown, 
so  the  activities  of  other  peoples  in  by-gone  ages  are  made  real  to 
the  pupil  by  process  of  ever-widening  circumferences,  in  each  case 
the  point  of  departure  being  the  here  and  the  noiv."  History  lies 
all  about  us  and  is  daily  in  the  making;  much  real  history  may 
be  learned  without  reference  to  the  ponderous  and  musty  tomes 
of  the  library  shelves. 

But  history  is  pre-eminently  a  knowledge  of  man's  achievement 
in  many  ages,  acquired  through  many  books ;  and  good  books  are 
the  delight  of  an  awakened  intellect.  It  was  the  poet  Southey  who 
once  affirmed  that  the  greatest  pleasure  in  the  world,  next  to 
domestic  happiness,  is  that  which  is  felt  on  opening  a  box  of 
new  books.  Erasmus,  that  most  zealous  disciple  of  the  New  Learn- 
ing, on  one  occasion  wrote:  "I  have  given  up  my  whole  soul  to 
Greek  learning,  and  as  soon  as  I  get  any  money  I  shall  buy  Greek 
books, — and  then  I  shall  buy  some  clothes.'"  "Consider  what  you 
have  in  the  smallest  chosen  library,"  says  Emerson.  "A  company 
of  the  wisest  and  wittiest  men  that  could  be  picked  out  of  all 
countries  in  a  thousand  years  have  set  in  order  the  results  of  their 
learning  and  wisdom."  Have  a  passion  for  books ;  treat  good  books 
as  you  would  treat  best  friends.  Bacon  has  finely  called  them  "ships 
of  thought,"  "voyaging  through  the  sea  of  time  and  carrying  their 
precious  freight  so  safely  from  generation  to  generation.'"  Hear 
Cicero's  beautiful  expression  of  History :  "The  witness  of  past  ages, 
the  light  of  truth,  the  life  of  memory,  the  guide  of  life,  and  the 
messenger  of  antiquity." 

The  history  of  the  races  and  of  mankind  is  worthy  of  study 
for  its  own  sake — for  its  very  truth — as  a  means  of  culture.  It 
should  be  studied,  again,  because  through  its  pursuit  the  imagin- 
ation is'  rationally  cultivated.  A  cultivated  imagination,  which  is 
akin  to  philosophical  insight  and  poetic  instinct,  is  in  some  measure 
essential  in  commercial  life,  in  social  betterment,  and  in  the  in- 
terpretation of  history  itself  and  a  just  application  of  its  truths  to 
existing  conditions.     Let  no  student  be  guilty  of  asserting,  "I  hate 

1.  In  Hairs  Methods,   199. 

2.  Green.    Short  History,    306. 

3.  In  Atkinson,  op.  cit.,  64. 


ASPECTS    OF    THE    STUDY    OF    HISTORY  15 

history."  Such  a  one  has  never  well  considered  what  it  is  he 
hates.  He  hates  he  knows  not  what;  for  surely  he  could  never 
with  seriousness  assert :  "I  hate  all  the  good  and  the  great  of  all 
ages;  I  hate  the  illustrious  law-giver,  the  wise  reformer,  the  con- 
quering hero ;  I  hate  the  train  of  antecedents  which  have  opened 
up  this  new  world  of  freedom  and  cradled  me  in  constitutional  and 
religious  liberty ; — all  these  I  steadfastly  hate,  and  renounce  all 
desire  to  know  of  them." 

Let  us  then  turn  to  history  for  its  true  and  enobling  lessons, 
not  with  selfish  desire  or  mercenary  purpose.  With  Harrison :  "Let 
this  be  our  test  of  what  history  is  and  what  it  is  not,  that  it  teaches 
us  something  of  the  advance  of  human  progress,  that  it  tells  us 
of  some  of  those  mighty  spirits  who  have  left  their  mark  on  all 
time,  that  it  shows  us  the  nations  of  the  earth  woven  together  in 
one  purpose,  or  is  lit  up  with  those  great  ideas  and  those  great 
purposes  which  have  kindled  the  conscience  of  mankind.'"  The 
intellectual,  the  aesthetic,  the  social,  and  the  ethical  meet  and  com- 
bine in  history :  "Its  most  precious  lessons  are  moral  ones.  It 
expands  the  range  of  our  own  vision  and  teaches  us  in  judging 
the  true  interests  of  nations  to  look  beyond  the  immediate  future." 
So  writes  Lecky.'  "History,  indeed,"  said  E.  F.  Coudert,  "is  of  no 
use  and  preaches  in  a  desert  if  its  ghastly  record  bears  with  it  no 
fruit  in  the  way  of  lesson  or  of  sermon."' 

As  students,  as  teachers,  as  men  in  society,  I  would  exhort 
you  to  study  history  with  earnest  purpose.  Make  the  test  and 
prove  that  it  is  attractive,  vitalizing,  energizing,  moral.  Then  may 
you  sing  with  Emerson,  the  poet,  the  historian,  the  philosopher: 

"I  am  owner  of  the  sphere. 
Of  the  seven  stars  and  the  solar  year. 
Of  Caesar's  hand  and  Plato's  brain, 
Of  Lord  Christ's  heart,  and  Shakespeare's  strain." 


Op.  cit.,  10. 

Pol.   Value   of   History,    52. 

Forum,    July,    1S94. 


THIRTY-THREE   YEARS    OF   HISTORY   ACTIVITIES 

BY  J.    M.  GUINN 

Read  at  the  meeting  of  the  Pacific  Branch  of  the  American  Histori- 
cal Association,  San  Diego,  December  2,  1916. 

Local  historical  societies  are  growing  in  importance  as  the 
cities  and  districts  in  which  they  are  located  age  in  years  and  in- 
crease in  population. 

The  trials,  tribulations  and  successes  of  one  of  these  that  has 
survived  a  third  of  a  century  and  bids  fair  to  be  the  chronicler  of 
events  in  its  particular  field  for  centuries  to  come  may  be  interesting 
and  valuable  to  historians  ambitious  to  become  the  founders  of 
similar  institutions.  The  first  local  historical  society  founded  in 
California  that  has  become  a  permanent  institution  and  is  also  the 
oldest  historical  society  in  any  State  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains 
was  organized  in  Los  Angeles  thirty-three  years  ago. 

On  the  evening  of  November  1,  1883,  a  little  coterie  of  repre- 
sentative men  met  in  a  room  in  old  Temple  Block  to  form  a  historical 
society.  Their  names  are  as  follows:  Col.  J.  J.  Warner,  Don  An- 
tonio F.  Coronel,  ex-Governor  John  G.  Downey,  Gen.  John  Mans- 
field, Col.  E.  W.  Jones,  Prof.  Ira  Moore,  Prof.  Marcus  Baker, 
James  M.  Guinn,  C.  N.  Wilson,  John  B.  Niles,  Henry  D.  Barrows, 
Noah  Levering,  August  Kohler,  George  Hansen  and  A.  J.  Bradfield. 
At  an  adjourned  meeting  the  following  were  added  to  the  roll  of 
founders :  Dr.  J.  P.  Widney,  Gen.  Volney  E.  Howard.  J.  Q.  A. 
Stanley,  Edwin  Baxter,  George  Butler  Griffin,  Horatio  N.  Rust 
and  J.  W.  Redway.  Of  these  twenty-two  founders  but  three  are 
living:  Col.  E.  W.  Jones,  Dr.  J.  P.  Widney  and  J.  M.  Guinn.  Only 
one  of  them,  J.  M.  Guinn,  is  now  a  member  of  the  Society.  Some 
of  these  men  were  new-comers,  others  were  pioneers  whose  residence 
in  the  city  covered  periods  of  thirty,  forty  and  fifty  years.  These 
had  seen  it  grow  from  a  little  Mexican  pueblo  to  a  flourishing 
American  city :  had  witnessed  its  transition  from  the  inchoate  and 
revolutionary  domination  of  Mexico  to  the  stable  rule  of  the  United 
States. 

The  object  for  which  these  men  had  met  was  clearly  stated  in 
the  call,  but  the  scope,  the  purpose  and  the  province  of  an  historical 
society  were  not  very  clear  to  them.  There  were  those  in  that 
assemblage  who  doubted  whether  a  society  purely  historical  could 


THIRTY-THREE    YEARS    OF    HISTORY    ACTIVITIES  17 

be  maintained.  There  was  not  enough  material  in  the  city's  history 
to  arouse  and  to  sustain  an  interest  in  the  Society's  proceedings. 
These  argued  that  it  would  be  better  to  organize  a  Society,  dual 
in  its  purpose,  part  historical  and  part  scientific.  A  few  weeks 
later  when  a  constitution  was  evolved,  among  the  objects  for  which 
the  Society  was  created  were  "the  discussion  of  historical  subjects, 
the  reading  of  such  papers  and  the  trial  of  such  scientific  experi- 
ments as  shall  be  determined  by  the  General  Committee."  The 
Society  was  christened  "The  Historical  Society  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia." The  author  of  the  constitution  and  the  sponsor  for  the 
name  was  an  enthusiastic  State  divisionist.  He  had  hopes  that 
when  the  illusory  State  of  Southern  California  materialized  into  a 
commonwealth,  our  organization  would  become  its  State  historical 
society.  Tliis  General  Committee  deserves  a  passing  notice.  It 
was  an  autocratic  decemvirate — a  body  of  ten — that  supervised  the 
afTairs  of  the  Society.  It  decided  who  should  become  members,  what 
papers  should  be  read,  what  experiments  tried  and  who  should  be 
admitted  to  the  Society's  meetings.  It  never  tried  a  scientific  ex- 
periment and  censored  but  one  paper,  and  that  raised  the  wrath 
of  its  author  above  the  boiling  point  and  an  explosion  followed  that 
eventually  censored,  by  an  amendment  to  the  constitution,  the  Gen- 
eral Committee  out  of  existence. 

The  formation  of  our  Society  came  at  an  opportune  time  in  the 
city's  history.  Two  years  before — to  be  exact,  September  4,  1881 — 
the  city  had  celebrated  with  considerable  pomp  and  parade  the  hun- 
dredth anniversary  of  its  founding.  Before  our  Society,  at  its 
organization,  stretched  away  back  a  century  of  ungleaned  history. 
The  only  attempt  to  write  a  history  of  the  city,  up  to  that  time, 
was  the  centennial  histor}^  of  the  City  and  County,  written  by  J.  J. 
Warner,  Benjamin  Hayes  and  J.  P.  Widney  in  1876.  It  was  a 
fairly  good  history  what  there  was  of  it.  It  condensed  the  story  of 
a  century  into  seventy-two  pages. 

That  centennial  celebration  was  a  quaint  mixture  of  the  past 
and  the  present,  a  curious  blending  of  the  new  with  the  old.  In 
the  procession  rode  the  graceful  cabellero  on  his  suver-mounted 
saddle.  Following  the  horsemen,  came  fashionable  coupes  and  fam- 
ily carriages.  Then  came  the  weather-stained  and  travel-battered 
emigrant  wagons  of  '49  and  the  early  'SO's  fitted  out  with  all  the 
impedimenta  that  belonged  to  a  trip  the  "plains  across"  even  to  the 
frowsy  headed  children  peeping  out  from  under  the  wagon  covers, 
but  they  were  home  products  of  a  recent  date.  The  automobile  was 
not  in  evidence. 

In  a  creaking  old  wooden-wheeled  carreta,  the  last  of  its  kind, 
rode  Benita,  an  ancient  Indian  lady  reputed  to  be  115  years  old. 
She  was  the  belle  of  Yangna,  the  Indian  Village  down  by  the  river, 


18  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

when  Los  Angeles  was  born.  She  had  witnessed  the  ceremonial 
founding  of  the  little  pueblo  by  Governor  Felipe  de  Neve  and  the 
priests  of  San  Gabriel,  just  a  century  before.  No  doubt  she  had 
dumbly  wondered  what  it  all  meant.  She  had  lived  to  realize  that 
it  meant  the  extinction  of  her  people.  She  and  her  century-old 
companion  who  rode  by  her  side  were  the  last  of  their  race. 

Our  Society  early  in  its  life  was  inspired  with  an  ambition  to 
purify  history  of  the  myth  and  fiction  with  which  it  is  adulterated. 
In  the  first  year  of  its  existence  it  provided  its  Secretary  with  a 
"Historical  Tablet,  in  which  shall  be  recorded  the  corrections  of 
Apocryphal  History,  both  local  and  general."  Our  Secretarj',  then 
George  Butler  Griffin,  was  a  stickler  for  pure  history.  After  a 
number  of  attempts  to  purify  our  local  history  of  the  numerous 
fictions  incorporated  into  it  he  gave  up  in  despair. 

The  particular  bete  noir  that  annoyed  us  at  that  time  was  the 
alleged  Fremont  Headquarters — an  old  adobe  house  on  South  Main 
Street,  two  miles  below  the  then  business  center.  Periodically  its 
picture  appeared  in  the  local  pictorial  papers  and  it  even  crossed  the 
continent  and  showed  up  in  Eastern  illustrated  journals.  Its  ap- 
pearance was  usually  accompanied  by  a  historical  context  more  or 
less  erroneous  according  to  the  space  the  author  had  at  his  command. 
It  was  then  occupied  by  a  Chinese  laundry.  The  Mongolian  pro- 
prietor frequently  exhausted  all  the  expletives  in  the  Chinese  vo- 
cabulary on  the  .souvenir  hunters  who  were  carrying  away  his  dom- 
ocile  piecemeal  for  historical  relics.  The  march  of  improvement 
finally  overtook  the  old  adobe  and  trampled  it  into  dust. 

This  in  brief  is  its  history:  It  w^as  built  five  or  six  years  after 
Fremont  and  his  batallion  were  out  of  the  service  of  the  United 
States.  In  1856  when  Fremont  was  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
a  part)-  opened  a  saloon  in  the  building  and  named  his  resort  "Fre- 
mont's Headquarters."  In  the  three  decades  of  our  Society's  ex- 
istence some  of  us  have  tried  to  exorcise  other  of  these  phan- 
toms of  illusory  history,  but,  like  Banquo's  ghost,  they  would 
not  down  at  our  bidding.  A  company  of  real  estate  promoters 
once  offered  to  build  a  hall  for  our  Society  inclosing  the  old  adobe, 
provided  we  would  indorse  the  scheme  and  help  them  to  sell  stock. 
The  hall  was  not  built. 

Although  a  transformation  had  been  steadily  going  on  in  its 
civic  and  social  conditions,  Los  Angeles  at  the  beginning  of  its 
second  century  still  retained  .some  of  its  old  pueblo  customs.  The 
Mayor  had  taken  the  place  of  the  Alcalde  and  the  Court  of  First 
Instance  had  become  the  Police  Court:  the  Mayor  still  acted  as 
Judge,  and  Monday,  as  of  old,  was  judgment  day. 

The  fire  department  had  recently  been  re-constructed.  The 
bucket  brigade  and  the  old  hand  brake  machine  had  given  place 


THIRTV-THREE    YEARS    OF    HISTORY    ACTIVITIES  19 

to  a  Steam  fire  engine,  and  a  bell  had  been  substituted  for  the  old 
alarm  system  which  consisted  of  three  revolver  shots  fired  in  quick 
succession,  a  pause  and  three  more.  The  alarmist  kept  banging 
away  until  the  machine  came  or  his  amunition  gave  out.  Hearing 
the  alarm  the  fire  laddies  rallied  at  the  fire  house,  harnessed  them- 
selves to  the  machine  and  trotted  off  in  the  direction  of  the  alarm ; 
they  always  reached  the  fire  in  time  at  least  to  play  on  the  ruins. 

There  was  one  institution  that  had  come  down  to  us  from  the 
Spanish  founders  of  the  pueblo  that  was  still  in  full  force  and 
effect,  and  that  was  the  zanja.  or  open  ditch  system  of  water  dis- 
tribution for  irrigation.  The  first  communal  work  that  the  pob- 
ladores  did  after  the  ceremony  of  the  founding  was  over  was  the 
construction  of  the  Zanja  Madre  or  Mother  ditch. 

For  a  century  the  maternal  zanja  and  her  brood  of  branches 
had  watered  the  arable  lands  within  the  city  limits  and  even  beyond. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  second  century  the  zanja  system  was  still 
in  its  prime  and  was  one  of  the  city's  most  prized  possessions ;  and 
well  it  might  be;  it  had  cost  a  royal  patrimony  in  pueblo  lands. 
One  brief  illustration  must  suffice.  Branching  off  from  the  Zanja 
Madre  near  First  and  Los  Angeles  Streets,  Zanja  No.  6  paralleled 
Main  to  near  Fifth  Street,  then  it  angled  in  an  open  channel  across 
Main,  Fort  (now-  Broadway),  Olive  and  Hill,  now  all  business 
streets.  It  debouched  into  Central  Park  at  Fifth  Street;  from 
there  it  meandered  away  out  to  Adams  Street,  where  it  watered  the 
orange  groves  and  vineyards  of  that  rural  suburb,  now  the  center 
of  the  city's  aristocracy. 

Where  now  the  alternate  jam  and  rush  of  street  cars,  automo- 
biles and  motor-cycles  vex  the  traffic  officers  and  keep  the  pedes- 
trians at  the  crossing  in  constant  fear  and  dread,  then  the  bare- 
footed school  boy  on  a  hot  summer's  day  bathed  his  feet  in  the 
flowing  waters  of  the  zanja.  That  zanja  was  not  an  important  one 
as  zanjas  ranked  in  those  days,  yet  in  the  light  of  present  land 
values  it  ranks  as  the  most  costly  improvement  the  city  ever  made. 

A  few  years  before,  the  City  Council  had  given  two  of  our 
enterprising  citizens  a  body  of  city  land  approximating  one  hundred 
acres  extending  from  Main  to  Grasshopper  (now  Figueroa)  Streets, 
and  lying  between  Seventh  and  Ninth  Streets,  for  the  construction 
of  that  zanja.  That  land  is  now  in  the  heart  of  the  new  business 
section  and  is  rapidly  rising  in  value.  At  a  conservative  estimate 
it  is  worth  fifty  million  dollars.  The  city  authorities  at  that  time 
considered  they  had  received  full  value  for  the  few  acres  they  had 
given  away  from  the  royal  patrimony  of  twenty-seven  thousand  acres 
of  pueblo  lands  that  we  had  inherited  from  Mexico  or  rather,  to 
be  historically  correct,  we  had  wrested  from  her  by  force.  Had 
they  foreseen  that  posterity  would  plant  business  blocks  where  they 


20  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

planted  trees  and  grow  sky  scrapers  where  they  grew  grain,  they 
might  have  found  some  other  means  of  paying  for  that  ditch  and 
thus  escaped  the  waihngs  and  raihngs  of  ungrateful  posterity  over 
a  lost  patrimony. 

The  zanja  system  once  so  important  has  disappeared  from  our 
city  as  completely  as  if  it  had  never  existed.  There  is  no  trace 
on  our  modern  city  maps  of  the  course  of  the  Zanja  Madre  and 
her  branches.  No  ordinance  in  our  Civic  Code  metes  out  punish- 
ment to  the  culprit  who  pollutes  her  waters.  No  autocratic  zanjero 
defies  Jupiter  Pluvius,  God  of  rain,  when  he  withholds  the  refreshing 
showers.  Gone,  all  gone  and  forgotten,  and  yet  there  was  a  time 
when  the  zanja  system  was  the  municipality's  most  valued  possession. 

I  have  wandered  off  into  this  digression  to  show  that  there  are 
fields  of  local  history  ungleaned,  untouched,  and  to  assure  our  local 
historians  that  the  fear  of  some  of  our  founders  that  there  was 
not  history  enough  in  our  city's  past  to  keep  their  pens  busy  is 
unfounded.  Had  our  Society  done  nothing  more  than  record  the 
wonderful  growth  and  development  of  Southern  California,  the 
founding  of  its  many  cities  and  towns,  the  passing  of  systems  and 
customs  and  the  changing  of  conditions  that  have  taken  place  in 
the  past  thirty-three  years,  it  would  deserve  well  of  its  constituents. 

It  has  seen  the  City  of  Los  Angeles  expand  in  area  from  twenty- 
seven  square  miles  to  three  hundred,  and  to  grow  in  population  from 
fourteen  thousand  to  half  a  million.  When  our  Society  was  bom, 
Pasadena,  now  a  city  of  millionaires,  had  a  post-office  and  a  cross- 
roads grocer}',  these  and  nothing  more  in  the  shape  of  a  city. 

Long  Beach,  that  seaside  metropolis  of  marvelous  growth,  was 
then  a  burg  of  a  few  board  houses  and  was  struggling  along  under 
the  name  of  Willmore  City.  It  was  trying  to  attract  inhabitants  by 
promising  to  be  very,  very  good  and  to  exclude  forever  from  its 
domain  intoxicating  drinks.  Its  promises  were  regarded  as  pipe 
dreams.  How  could  a  city  live  and  thrive  without  stimulants? 
There  was  not  then  a  temperance  city  in  the  State. 

Our  Society  has  directed  its  activities  and  most  of  its  means 
to  the  collection  and  publication  of  historical  papers.  In  its  thirty- 
three  years  it  has  issued  thirty-two  annuals,  aggregating  about  three 
thousand  pages.  We  have  published  nine  volumes  and  have  the 
tenth  ready  for  the  press.  We  have  expended  about  $4,000  in  pub- 
lication. Of  the  three  himdred  monograph  papers  published,  the 
principal  subjects  treated  upon  are  history  and  biography,  but  the 
contributors  occasionally  wander  i'nto  other  fields  of  literature.  Nor 
are  the  subjects  confined  to  the  district  from  which  we  take  our 
Southern  California  name,  but  include  the  whole  State  and  historj- 
in  general.     Wc  have  done  the  work  of  a  State  historical  society 


THIRTY-THREE    YEARS    OF    HISTORY    ACTIVITIES  21 

without  the  State  aid  that  always  goes  to  such  societies.  We  have 
never  received  a  nickle  from  State,  County  or  City. 

Our  books  have  a  wide  circulation.  We  have  distributed  about 
10,000  copies.  Besides  their  distribution  among  members,  they  have 
gone  into  England,  France,  Germany,  Austria,  Sweden,  Italy  and 
Spain.  They  have  crossed  the  wide  Pacific  to  Australia  and  New 
Zealand.  They  may  be  found  in  the  libraries  of  historical  societies 
and  universities  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

Our  exchange  list  in  the  United  States  includes  many  of  the 
leading  historical  societies,  universities  and  scientific  associations. 
Through  exchange  we  are  constantly  adding  to  our  library,  which 
now  numbers  over  five  thousand  titles.  Our  publications  are  used 
for  reference  in  the  teaching  of  local  history  which  has  recently 
been  introduced  in  the  Course  of  Study  in  our  Los  Angeles  City 
schools. 

In  our  earlier  years  we  had  ambitions  that  were  never  realized, 
and  schemes  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  Society  that  failed.  The 
original  by-laws  of  the  Society  provided  for  Standing  Committees 
in  History,  Geolog}',  Heterology,  Conchology,  Botany,  Genealogy 
and  Heraldry,  Minerology,  Entomology  and  Archaeology.  These 
Committees  were  supposed  to  report  annually  on  the  work  done  in 
their  several  fields.  Four  reports  were  published  in  the  Annuals 
of  1890  and  1891.  The  chairman  of  the  Meteorology  Committee 
proved  that  the  growing  of  trees  will  not  increase  the  rainfall,  and 
he  of  the  Geological  Committee  put  out  the  internal  fires  and  cooled 
the  molten  mass  at  the  earth's  center.  The  Chairman  of  the  Gene- 
alogy and  Heraldry  Committee  showed  the  great  value  of  knowing 
who  were  your  forbears  and  what  titles  might  be  hanging  on  your 
family  tree.  A  bluff  member  of  the  Committee  made  one  more  to  the 
point.  He  said  the  Committee  had  found  no  scions  of  royalty  in 
Los  Angeles  and  the  only  titled  gents  were  Kentucky  Colonels. 
His  report  was  considered  an  insult  to  the  numerous  generals  and 
judges  who  out-ranked  the  colonels.  An  amendment  to  the  By-Laws 
put  the  Committees  in  the  discard. 

Another  of  our  activities  that  failed  was  an  effort  to  secure 
files  of  all  the  newspapers  published  in  Southern  California.  We 
entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  proprietors  of  the  papers  to 
exchange  publications,  we  to  give  copies  of  our  annuals  for  files  of 
their  papers.  We  soon  had  daily  and  weekly  papers  from  Inyo 
County  to  San  Diego  and  from  Arizona  to  the  sea  coast  coming 
regularly.  Our  object  was  to  bind  these  in  volumes  and  thus  secure 
histories  of  all  the  cities  and  towns  of  the  Southland.  The  papers 
kept  coming,  but  the  money  to  bind  them  did  not  materialize.  They 
stacked  to  the  ceiling  and  weighed  tons  on  the  floors  of  the  room 
where  they  were  stored.    Five  times  I  superintended  the  removal  of 


22  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CAUFORNIA 

this  mass  of  papers,  then  I  donated  them  to  the  Public  Library.  A 
new  librarian  turned  them  back  upon  us. 

About  four  years  ago  I  dumped  them  into  the  basement  of  the 
Museum  of  History.  There,  with  the  boxed  remains  of  saber- 
toothed  tigers,  giant  sloths,  mastodons  and  other  antediluvians  that 
have  come  over  from  the  scientific  department  of  the  Museum  they 
rest  in  peace.  Some  of  these  papers  would  be  valuable  as  curios. 
They  contain  the  ancient  history  of  some  of  the  cities  of  the  boom 
that  perished  and  left  no  ruins.  They  existed  on  paper  only  or  in 
the  imagination  of  their  promoters.  Our  efforts  to  secure  a  library 
of  newspaper  files  reacted  on  the  files  of  our  own  publications.  Our 
exchange  exhausted  our  supply  of  our  annuals  from  1885  to  1890, 
which  compose  our  first  volume.  In  the  twenty-five  years  that  I 
have  acted  as  Secretary  and  Curator  I  have  had  numerous  requests 
for  that  first  volume.  An  eastern  university  has  a  standing  oflfer 
of  $3.00  for  one  of  these  annuals,  a  pamphlet  of  43  pages,  to  complete 
its  file  of  our  publications. 

Of  the  historical  value  of  our  publications  it  is  not  for  me 
to  make  an  estimate.  Our  aim  is  to  publish  original  matter  in 
preference  to  learned  disquisitions  of  historical  questions.  Of  the 
nineteen  documents  from  the  Sutro  Collection  translated  by  George 
Butler  Griffin,  a  former  president,  and  composing  \'ol.  II  of  our  pub- 
lications, seventeen  had  never  before  been  printed.  They  are  copies 
of  original  historical  material  obtained  from  the  Archivo  General 
de  Indies  at  Seville,  Spain,  by  Mr.  Sutro. 

We  made  three  efforts  to  secure  a  hall  of  our  own  before  we 
succeeded.  The  first  was  in  1892.  We  joined  with  the  Trus- 
tees of  the  Public  Library  and  induced  the  City  Council  to  call 
a  bond  election  to  vote  a  bond  issue  of  $50,000  to  build  a  librarj' 
building  in  Central  Park,  we  to  have  rooms  in  it.  The  election 
was  called.  Then  the  oratorical  freaks  that  at  that  time  aired  their 
eloquence  in  that  free  forum.  Central  Park,  the  Silurians  who  could 
see  no  necessity  for  such  a  building  and  the  men  afraid  of  taxes  all 
rose  up  and  went  to  the  polls  and  voted  down. our  scheme. 

Our  next  effort  was  in  1905.  A  bill  was  introduced  into  the 
Legislature  appropriating  8125,000  to  erect  a  building  in  Los  An- 
geles to  be  used  jointly  by  the  newly  created  Appellate  Court  and 
the  Historical  Society.  It  passed  both  houses  of  the  Legislature 
and  went  to  the  Governor  (Pardee).  We  kept  the  telegraph  wires 
hot  with  appeals  for  his  signature  to  the  bill,  but  he  finally  vetoed  it. 
Our  third  effort  was  in  conjunction  with  the  County  Supervisors. 
The  Museum  of  History,  Science  and  Art  located  in  Exposition  Park 
was  completed  in  1912,  and  our  library  and  collection  moved  into 
it.  We  have  one  wing  of  the  building  50  by  100  feef,  with  a  main 
floor,  a  balcony  and  a  basement.     The  basement  is  filled  with  our 


THIRTY-THREE    YEARS    OF    HISTORY    ACTIVITIES  23 

boxed  newspapers  and  the  caged  remains  of  Silurians  from  the 
Brea  pits,  west  of  the  city,  but  they  are  not  dangerous.  They  do 
not  vote  like  those  that  killed  our  library  scheme  long  ago. 

By  not  having  a  permanent  place  for  our  collections,  we  lost 
a  golden  opportunity  to  secure  a  valuable  collection  of  curios,  his-> 
torical  relics  and  Spanish  manuscripts  which  were  more  plentiful 
and  more  easily  obtained  in  our  earlier  years  than  now.  To  six 
different  places  we  moved  our  collection  while  in  the  Court  House 
and  County  building.  Its  last  resting  place  before  it  went  to  the 
Museum  of  History  was  a  dark  basement  under  the  Bridge  of 
Sighs,  a  causeway  that  leads  from  the  jail  to  the  Hall  of  Justice, 
over  which  criminals  pass  to  judgment. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  life  and  activities  of  one  historical  so- 
ciety, from  infancy  to  mature  years.  What  its  future  may  be,  the 
founders  leave  to  the  rising  generation — that  intangible  thing  that  is 
forever  rising  but  seems  never  to  get  up. 

The  life  of  a  society  is  very  similar  to  that  of  an  individual. 
It  begins  with  a  struggle  for  existence  and  keeps  it  up  through 
life.  It  has  its  successes  and  its  failures ;  its  trials  and  its  triumph ; 
its  ambitions  that  are  not  always  realized ;  and  its  hopes  that  do  not 
materialize ;  its  life  may  be  three  score  and  ten,  or  more,  or  it  may 
be  the  ten  or  less  with  the  scores  left  off.  Infantile  paralysis  is  often 
as  fatal  to  societies  as  to  individuals. 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM 

BY   JULIA   NORTON    MCCORKLE 

This  paper  aims  to  give  a  brief  survey  of  the  history  of  Los 
Angeles  journalism  from  its  beginning  in  1851  to  the  present  date. 
For  the  history  of  the  earlier  publications  I  am  very  greatly  indebted 
to  Mr.  J.  M.  Guinn's  History  of  Los  Angeles  and  his  paper  on  the 
Los  Angeles  Star  in  Vol.  5  of  the  Historical  Society's  documents. 
For  the  history  of  the  intermediate  years,  material  has  been  gathered 
largely  from  the  city  and  newspaper  directories.  For  the  history  of 
the  present-day  journals,  the  directories  have  also  been  used  and 
other  information  has  been  gained  through  interviews  with  editors 
and  publishers  of  papers,  and  through  files  and  current  issues  of 
papers. 

A  history  of  Los  Angeles  publications  is  largely  a  graveyard 
record.  Probably  there  is  no  profession  which  suffers  so  much  as 
journalism  from  brilliant  and  promising  beginnings,  steady  downhill 
career,  and  hurried  and  ignominious  endings.  The  spirit  of  risk, 
which  is  a  necessary  qualification  for  the  newspaper  man,  seems  to 
lead  naturally  to  journalistic  ventures. 

Los  Angeles  has  her  literary  graveyard.  That  she  also  has 
a  large  number  of  living  and  flourishing  publications  is  an  indication 
of  the  size  of  her  journalistic  burying-ground. 

Newspaper  publication  has  a  later  date  for  its  beginning  in 
Southern  California  than  in  other  parts  of  the  state,  owing  to  the 
fact  that  Southern  California  was  largely  a  ranch  and  cattle  country, 
with  little  population  outside  of  the  native  Spanish-speaking  Cali- 
fornians.  No  newspapers  were  published  in  any  part  of  California 
while  the  state  was  under  Spanish  and  Mexican  control.  On  August 
15,  1846,  thirty-eight  days  after  Commodore  Sloat  took  possession 
of  the  territory  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  the  first  California 
newspaper.  The  Californian,  v\-as  published  by  Semple  and  Colton  in 
Monterey.  The  gold  discovery  in  1848  brought  crowds  of  Easterners 
to  the  Western  coast.  Their  coming  gave  impetus  to  California 
journalism,  and  by  1850  all  the  leading  mining  towns  had  established 
newspapers. 

Late  in  the  year  1850,  the  first  suggestion  for  a  newspaper  in 
Southern  California  was  made  to  the  city  council  of  Los  Angeles. 
At  a  meeting  of  that  body  held  October  16,  1850,  Theodore  Foster 
presented  a  petition  proposing  to  establish  a  newspaper  in  r>os 
Angeles  and  asking  for  the  grant  of  a  lot  for  his  printing  establish- 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  25 

ment.  His  original  choice  of  a  site  "situated  at  the  northerly  corner 
of  the  jail"  shows  that  he  was  strongly  endowed  with  the  journalistic 
sense  and  thoroughly  awake  to  the  chief  source  of  news.  Foster 
was  not  given  this  exact  location,  although  he  was  granted  a  lot 
by  the  City  Council. 

The  records  of  the  City  Council  for  October  30,  1850,  contain 
this  entry :  "Theodore  Foster  gave  notice  that  he  had  selected  a 
lot  back  of  Johnson's  and  fronting  the  canal  as  the  one  where  he 
intended  establishing  his  printing  house:  and  the  Council  resolved 
that  he  be  granted  forty  varas  each  way."  The  site  of  Foster's 
printing  office  was  opposite  the  Bell  block,  which  stood  on  the 
southeast  corner  of  Aliso  and  Los  Angeles  Streets. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  May,  1851,  appeared  the  first  issue  of  the 
first  newspaper  ever  published  in  Southern  California,  La  Estrella 
de  Los  Angeles,  or  the  Los  Angeles  Star.  Foster  had  dropped  out 
of  the  enterprise  before  this  date.  The  two  English  pages  were 
edited  by  John  A.  Lewis  and  the  two  Spanish  ones  by  Manuel 
Clemente  Rojo.  The  Star  was  a  four-page,  five-column  paper  12x18 
inches  in  size.  Subscribers  paid  in  advance  at  the  rate  of  ten  dollars 
a  year.  The  price  of  advertising  was  two  dollars  per  square  for 
the  first  insertion  :  one  dollar  for  each  subsequent  insertion.  The 
circulation  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  and  fifty  copies. 

The  individual  history  of  any  of  these  early  publications  is  a 
record  of  numerous  changes  both  in  the  editorial  and  in  the  man- 
agerial administration.  During  the  twenty-eight  years  between  its 
origin  and  final  publication,  the  Star  was  not  published  for  four 
years,  suffered  an  alteration  of  name  when  it  changed  from  a  weekly 
to  a  daily,  and  experienced  sixteen  or  seventeen  changes  in  the  per- 
sonnel of  its  officers. 

By  August  1,  1853,  less  than  two  and  a  half  years  since  its 
first  issue,  the  paper  was  completely  out  of  the  hands  of  its  original 
owners.  In  December,  1855,  the  Spanish  department  was  transferred 
to  El  Clamor  Publico,  which  had  begun  publication  June  8,  1855. 
Between  October  1, 1864,  and  May  16,  1868,  the  paper  was  suspended, 
the  press  and  type  being  sold  to  Gen.  Phineas  Banning,  who  used 
it  in  the  publication  of  the  Wilmington  Journal.  June  1,  1870,  the 
Daily  Star  began  publication,  the  second  daily  in  Los  Angeles. 
During  the  last  fifteen  months  of  its  existence,  the  Star  had  several 
different  managers  and  editors,  and  represented  three  or  four  parties. 
Early  in  1879  it  was  attached  by  the  sheriff  for  debt.  The  plant 
and  files  were  stored  away  and  later  destroyed  by  fire. 

How  many  papers  were  published  for  at  least  a  brief  time 
during  these  early  years  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain  with  any 
exactitude.  The  following  papers  have  found  a  place  in  Los  Angeles 
histories : 


26  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

The  Southern  Californian,  a  weekly  publication  with  one  Spanish 
page,  had  a  short  life  of  only  three  years,  being  published  from 
July  20,  1854,  to  1857. 

El  Clamor  Publico,  the  first  paper  in  Los  Angeles  entirely 
printed  in  Spanish  and  the  first  Republican  paper  of  the  city,  was 
the  organ  of  the  better  class  of  native  Californians  of  the  South 
between  the  dates  June  8,  1855,  and  December  3,  1859,  when  it 
suspended  publication  for  want  of  support. 

The  Southern  Vineyard,  a  four-page  weekly  devoted  to  general 
news,  began  publication  in  1858,  using  the  press  and  materials  of 
the  Southern  Californian,  which  had  been  discontinued  the  previous 
year.  For  a  while  it  was  published  as  a  semi-weekly,  and  in  the 
two  years  of  its  life  veered  from  a  mildly  Democratic  interest  to  an 
equally  mild  Republican  one.    It  was  discontinued  in  1860. 

The  Christian  Church,  a  monthly  devoted  to  religious  subjects, 
was  printed  in  English  and  Spanish  at  El  Clamor  office  during  a 
few  months  of  1859,  after  which  it  was  discontinued  for  lack  of 
support. 

January  18,  1860,  the  Semi-Weekly  Southern  Nezvs  began  pub- 
lication. It  seems  to  have  had  a  very  successful  career.  It  was 
twice  enlarged  before  October  8,  1862,  when  its  name  was  changed 
to  the  Los  Angeles  Semi-Weekly  Kezi-s.  With  the  issue  of  January 
12,  1863,  it  became  the  l^s  Angeles  Tri-Weckly  h'e-u's.  It  was 
three  times  enlarged  before  January  1,  1869,  when  it  was  succeeded 
by  the  Los  Angeles  Doily  Ncn's,  the  first  daily  in  Los  Angeles.  It 
was  issued  daily  e.xcept  Sunday,  at  a  subscription  price  of  twelve 
dollars  a  year.  It  was  again  enlarged  twice  before  its  final  sus- 
pension in  1873,  after  a  life  of  thirteen  years. 

Aiiiigo  Del  Pueblo,  a  Spanish  weekly,  independent  in  politics, 
began  publication  November  15,  1861,  and  in  May,  1862,  announced 
its  suspension  for  want  of  adequate  support. 

The  Los  Angeles  Chronick,  a  German  weekly  journal,  existed  from 
May  19,  1869,  to  August,  1870,  when  it  also  stopped  publication  for 
lack  of  support. 

La  Cranica,  a  Spanish  weekly,  was  established  May  4,  1872. 
With  the  issue  of  February  1,  1873,  it  became  a  semi-weekly;  was 
t\\  ice  enlarged  :  and  in  1892  was  sold,  changing  its  name  to  Las  Dos 
Republicas. 

The  Sued  Californische  Post,  first  issued  July  25,  1874,  by 
Conrad  Jacoby,  seems  to  have  filled  a  definite  want.  In  1880  it  was 
the  only  German  paper  published  in  Southern  California.  After  a 
life  of  forty  years  it  was  discontinued  in  August,  1914,  only  because 
the  Germania  Dail\  began  publication. 

The  School-Master,  established  in  1876,  and  edited  by  Dr.  W.  T. 
Lucky,  superintendent  of  city  schools,  was  the  organ  of  the  public 


A   HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  ^/ 

schools  of  the  county.  The  resignation  and  removal  of  Dr.  Lucky 
from  the  state  caused  its  discontinuance  at  the  end  of  its  second 
year. 

The  Evening  Republican  was  founded  in  June,  1876.  During  most 
of  its  existence  a  weekly  edition  also  was  published.  In  September, 
1878,  the  daily  was  discontinued  for  lack  of  support,  and  a  few 
months  later,  in  January,  1879,  the  weekly  ceased  publication. 

L'Union,  a  French  weekly,  democratic  in  politics,  existed  from 
August,  1876,  until  March,  1880. 

The  Daily  and  IVcekly  Journal  began  life  June  23,  1879,  as  an 
evening  paper,  but  later  in  the  season  changed  to  a  morning  issue. 
It  was  a  Republican  paper.  Its  history  after  September,  1879,  is 
uncertain,  but  it  has  no  connection  with  a  present  Republican  paper 
called  the  Los  Angeles  Daily  Journal. 

The  Los  Angeles  Daily  Commercial,  first  issued  in  1879,  was  a 
Republican  paper,  devoted  mainly  to  the  interests  of  the  Pacific 
Coast.     The  date  that  publication  ceased  cannot  be  determined. 

The  papers  whose  history  has  been  thus  briefly  outlined  are 
those  started  during  the  first  thirty  years  of  Los  Angeles  journalism, 
i.e.,  between  1850  and  1880,  and  now  no  longer  existent.  A  brief 
historical  account  follows  of  those  papers  and  magazines  of  the 
first  three  decades  which  are  still  published. 

The  Wilmington  Journal,  the  first  newspaper  published  in  Los 
Angeles  County  outside  of  the  city,  used  the  old  press  of  the  Star, 
sold  to  Phineas  Banning  in  1864.  It  existed  between  1864  and 
1868,  and  ceased  publication  when  the  prosperity  of  Wilmington, 
during  war  times  the  liveliest  town  on  the  coast,  declined,  following 
the  removal  of  troops.  The  date  that  re-publication  commenced  is 
not  certain,  but  a  paper  of  that  name  is  now  published  at  Wilmington. 

The  Los  Angeles  Express,  the  oldest  daily  now  published  in 
Los  Angeles,  is  nearing  the  half-century  mark.  It  was  founded 
March  27,  1871,  by  an  association  of  practical  printers.  It  was 
Republican  in  politics.  Lender  the  editorship  of  Col.  James  J.  Ayers 
from  1876  to  1882,  it  was  independent  with  a  democratic  bearing  in 
national  politics.  In  1886  The  Evening  Express  Company  was  in- 
corporated. In  1900  E.  T.  Earl  bought  the  Express  and  erected  a 
three-story  brick  building  on  Fifth  Street,  between  Broadway  and 
Spring.  The  Express,  together  with  a  morning  paper  called  the 
Tribune,  which  began  publication  in  1911,  is  now  published  by  the 
Express-Tribune  Company  on  Hill  Street,  between  Seventh  and 
Eighth. 

The  Los  Angeles  Weekly  Mirror,  a  small  four-page  sheet  started 
February  1,  1873,  was  published  Saturdays  and  distributed  free. 
One  of  its  two  founders,  Jesse  Yarnell,  had  been  a  member  of  the 
association  which  founded  the  Express  in  1871.     In  1875  the  paper 


28  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

was  enlarged  and  its  subscription  price  placed  at  one  dollar  a  year. 
In  August,  1880,  the  subscription  price  was  raised  to  two  dollars. 
In  December,  1881,  when  the  Daily  Times  was  started,  the  Mirror 
became  practically  its  weekly  edition,  but  retained  its  original  name 
for  a  while. 

The  Daily  and  IVeckly  Herald,  which  began  publication  October 
3,  1873,  was  sold  in  August,  1874,  to  a  stock  company  whose  mem- 
bership was  largely  made  up  of  grangers.  It  was  edited  and  man- 
aged by  J.  M.  Bassett  in  the  interest  of,  and  as  an  organ  of,  the 
Grange.  With  the  decline  of  the  patrons  their  organ  was  sold  in 
October,  1876,  to  Joseph  D.  Lynch,  who  had,  the  previous  year, 
bought  a  half  partnership  in  the  Los  Angeles  Express.  He  retired 
from  active  interest  in  the  Express  and  took  editorial  charge  of  the 
Herald.  The  Express  was  virtually  an  evening  edition  of  the 
Herald,  under  the  editorship  of  Col.  Jaines  J.  Avers,  who  in  the 
fall  of  1886  bought  a  half  interest  in  the  Herald.  Lynch  and  Avers 
were  Old-time  newspaper  men  and  they  made  the  Herald  the  leading 
Democratic  journal  of  Southern  California,  if  not  of  the  state.  In 
October.  1894,  Lynch  and  Ayers  sold  the  paper  to  a  syndicate  of 
leading  Democratic  politicians.  After  various  changes  it  was  sold 
July  7,  1900,  to  a  syndicate  composed  largely  of  men  interested  in 
the  petroleum  industry'.  Publication  was  conducted,  as  formerly, 
under  the  Herald  Publishing  Company,  but  the  new  manager  changed 
the  politics  from  Democratic  to  Republican.  The  paper  was  enlarged 
and  greatly  improved  in  typographical  appearance.  Its  motto  was, 
"No  enemies  to  punish — no  special  friends  to  serve."  In  1904  it 
was  again  sold  to  a  syndicate.  It  is  now  under  the  control  of  William 
Randolph  Hearst. 

In  September,  1877,  the  first  number  of  the  Southern  California 
Horticulturist  was  issued  by  the  Southern  California  Horticultural 
Society.  It  was  free  to  all  members  of  the  society,  but  had.  for 
others,  a  subscription  price  of  two  dollars.  In  January,  1880,  Carter 
and  Rice  obtained  control  and  issued  it  under  the  name  Semi-Tropic 
California  and  Southern  California  Horticulturist.  It  managed  to 
exist  under  this  burdensome  name  for  three  issues.  Then,  when 
Carter  had  retired,  Rice  changed  its  name  to  the  Rural  Californian, 
by  which  name  it  was  known  until  1914.  when  it  consolidated  with 
the  California  Cultivator,  which  had  begun  publication  in  1889. 

L'Union  Nouvclle,  a  French  Democratic  weekly,  was  started 
June  1,  1879.  by  P.  Ganee.  the  original  editor  of  L'Union.  It  is 
still  published  as  a  weekly,  but  now  is  independent  in  politics. 

In  1880,  more  than  half  of  the  publications  started  had  come 
to  a  close,  most  of  them  for  acknowledged  lack  of  support.  None 
of  the  six  papers  of  the  first  decade  still  existed.  Many  of  the  later 
ones  had  ceased  publication,  some  of  them  after  less  than  a  year 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  29 

of  life.  A  great  deal  is  heard  in  these  days  about  the  power  of  the 
press,  but  any  review  of  former  journalism  emphasizes  the  utter 
powerlessness  of  the  press  which  cannot  gain  a  hearing — the  abso- 
lute financial  dependence  of  most  publications. 

Since  1880  there  has  been  scarcely  a  year  in  which  several 
periodicals  have  not  been  courageously  started,  many  of  them  to 
pass  into  oblivion  after  a  very  short  life.  Since  1880,  a  little  over 
thirty-five  years  ago,  have  been  started  four  of  the  six  leading  daily 
papers  of  Los  Angeles,  besides  most  of  the  successful  magazines  now 
published  in  the  city. 

The  Times,  an  independent  Republican  paper  established  in 
1881,  is  edited  by  Gen.  Harrison  Gray  Otis.  Since  the  printers' 
strike  in  1890,  it  has  vigorously  opposed  union  labor,  an  opposition 
which  resulted  October  1,  1910,  in  the  dynamiting  of  the  Times 
Building.  The  publication  of  the  paper,  however,  was  not  sus- 
pended, for  with  the  use  of  an  old  press  stored  in  another  building, 
an  edition  was  issued  the  next  morning. 

The  Los  Angeles  Record,  one  of  the  Scripps-McRae  chain  of 
papers,  independent  of  advertising,  is  an  evening  paper  started  in 
1895. 

The  Los  Angeles  Examiner,  a  morning  daily  published  by 
William  Randolph  Hearst,  was  started  in  December,  1903,  at  the 
inducement  of  the  labor  unions,  who  felt  the  support  of  only  one 
paper,  the  Record,  insufficient.  "The  Typographical  LTnion,  with 
the  support  of  labor  in  general,  made  financial  pledges  and  promised 
a  definite  circulation  to  Mr.  W.  R.  Hearst  to  establish  a  morning 
newspaper  in  the  city  supporting  their  interests."  The  labor  policy 
of  the  paper  was  definitely  stated  in  the  first  issue.  Within  a  few- 
months,  however,  this  radical  support  of  labor  ceased. 

The  Los  Angeles  Tribune,  a  morning  daily  affiliated  with  the 
evening  Express,  began  publication  in  1911. 

There  are  now  published  in  Los  Angeles  one  hundred  and 
twenty-one  papers,  iournah  and  magazines,  concerning  which  definite 
data  can  be  supplied.  These  are  tabulated  below  according  to  fre- 
quency of  publication,  according  to  object  or  material  handled,  and 
according  to  age. 

FREQUENCY   OF   PUBLICATION 

Daily   12 

Weekly 50 

Semi-monthly  3 

Monthly    48 

Bi-monthly    3 

Five  times  a  year 1 


HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORXIA 

Quarterly    2 

Annual    1 

Unclassified 1 

Total 121 

PURPOSE 

Religions  and  cults 13 

Finance,  trade,  professional 23 

Foreign   18 

Suburban    13 

Political 8 

Club  and  fraternal 10 

Sports    8 

Agricultural    4 

Photoplays    2 

Literary 2 

Art  and  music 2 

Miscellaneous 18 

Total 121 

FOREIGN 

Spanish    7 

Las  Buenas  Nuesas  (Bi-M). 

El  Correo  Mexicano  (W). 

El  Eco  de  Mexico  (W). 

El  Mcnsajcro  Cristiano  (M). 

El  Mexicano  (Q). 

La  Pluma  Raja  (W). 

La  Prensa  (W). 
Japanese    2 

L.  A.  Morning  Sun  (D). 

Rafu  Shimpo  (D). 
German 2 

Deutsche  Presse  (W). 

Germania  (D). 
Negro    2 

L.  A.  Post  (W). 

The  New  Age  (W). 
French  1 

L'Union  Nouvelle  (W). 
Italian    1 

L'ltalio  Americano  (W). 


A   HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  31 

South  Slavonian 1 

Novo  Vrijeme  (W). 
Swedish 1 

California  Veckoblad  (W). 
Yiddish    1 

Progress  (W). 

Total 18 

AGE  OF  PUBLICATION 

1850-1859  0 

1860-1869  1 

1870-1879  4 

1880-1889  8 

1890-1899  16 

1900-1909  34 

1910-1915  146 

Unclassified 12 

Total 121 

A  general  survey  of  the  whole  journalistic  situation  in  Los  An- 
geles leads  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  spite  of  the  number  of  pub- 
lications issued,  the  real  journalistic  field  is  small,  and  Los  Angeles 
is  very  far  from  being  a  publishing  city.  Nearly  all  of  the  journals 
and  magazines  are  class  publications,  published  in  the  necessarily 
narrow  interests  of  some  organization.  Los  Angeles  is  a  city  of 
cults  and  isms,  and  each  one  establishes  its  organ  for  the  dissemina- 
tion of  its  doctrines.  Besides  these  publications  of  restricted  scope, 
there  are  a  number  of  suburban  papers,  each  of  which  handles  the 
local  news  of  a  small  section  of  the  city.  There  are  several  publica- 
tions whose  object  is  literary,  but  there  is  none  which  passes  or 
aims  to  pass  beyond  purely  local  interest. 

A  great  many  of  the  journalistic  ventures  of  the  city  are  one- 
man  enterprises.  Several  of  the  publications  are  written,  almost 
without  exception,  entirely  by  the  editor. 

One  of  the  points  which  is  most  impressive,  in  a  general  survey 
of  the  field,  is  the  mushroom  character  of  the  growth  of  Los  Angeles 
publications.  Springing  up  suddenly,  the  publication  not  infrequently 
has  a  very  brief  period  of  prosperity  (at  least  on  the  surface),  then 
languishes,  and  finally  ceases  publication,  only  to  be  succeeded  in  a 
short  time  by  other  publications  with  the  same  affiliation  or  purpose. 

Los  Angeles  newspapers  rank  well  with  the  newspapers  of  other 
cities.  Los  Angeles  journals  and  magazines  are  not  such  that  they 
can  aspire  to  any  national  recognition. 


32  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

FORMER  LOS  ANGELES  PUBLICATIONS 

The  following  list  of  publications  which  are  no  longer  pub- 
lished in  Los  Angeles  does  not  claim  to  be  final.  Doubtless  there 
are  many  publications  of  short  life  which  never  found  their  way 
into  the  newspaper  directories.  Of  such  there  is  now  no  public 
record.  A  second  hindrance  to  the  absolute  accuracy  of  the  list  is 
the  impossibility  of  determining  in  some  cases  whether  publication 
was  actually  stopped  or  whether  the  magazine  was  merged  in  another 
of  different  name.  The  date  of  founding  may  be  found  to  vary  a 
year  or  so  from  the  exact  date,  since  there  is  great  discrepancy  in 
the  directories  for  the  various  years.  Still  another  hindrance  to  the 
completeness  of  the  list  is  the  inaccessibility  in  Los  Angeles  of  the 
newspaper  directories  for  certain  years. 

The  following  directories  were  available  and  were  consulted: 
Rowell's  Nczvspaper  Directory,  1887,  1892,  1893,  1896,  1900,  1903, 
1904,  1905,  1907,  1908;  Ayer's  American  Nezvspaper  Directory  and 
Annual,  1910,  1911,  1912,  1914,  1915. 

Wherever  possible  the  date  that  publication  ceased  has  been 
determined.  In  most  cases,  however,  it  has  been  necessary  to  use 
the  date  in  which  the  magazine  disappeared  from  the  directories. 

1851     Los  Angeles  Star— W— ( 1870-D) 1879 

1854  The  Southern  Californian— W 1857 

1855  El  Clamor  Publico  (1st  paper  in  Spanish) 1859 

1858  The  Southern  Vineyard— W 1850 

1859  The  Christian  Church— M 1859 

1860  The  Los  Angeles  News— Semi-W.— ( 1869-D) 1873 

1861  Amigo  del  Pueblo  (Sp.)— W 1862 

1869     Los  Angeles  Chronicle  (Ger.)— W 1870 

1872  La  Cronica  (Sp.)— W.— (1892  became  Los  Dos  Republicas) 

1874  Sued-Californische  Post — W. — (Discontinued  when  Ger- 

mania  Daily  began  publication,  August,  1914) 1914 

1876     The  School-Master  (Organ  of  County  Public  Schools) . .  1876 
1876    The  Evening  Republican— D.  &  W.— ( 1878  Daily  discon- 
tinued :  1879  Weekly  discontinued) 1879 

1876     L'Union    (Fr.)— W 1880 

1879    The  Daily  and  Weekly  Journal— Rep 

1879     Los  Angeles  Daily  Commercial — Rep.  and  devoted  mainly 

to  interests  of  Pacific  Coast 

1881     Mining  and  Metallurgical  Tournal— Semi-M. . .  .Bet.  1900-03 

1881  Pacific  Coast  Bullion— Semi-M.— Mining. ..  .Bet.  1896-1900 

1882  Advocate— W.—Ind Bet.  1890-92 

1882  Porcupine- W.— Ind Bet.  18%-1900 

1883  Censor— W Bet.   1887-92 

1884  Parish  Churchman— M.—Prot.  Episc Bet.  1890-92 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  33 

1884  Le  Progres— W. — (Official  organ  of  French  Benevolent 

Society  of  L.  A.) Bet.  1896-1900 

1885  Christian  Advocate— W.—M.  E.  South Bet.  1890-92 

1885  Trade  Journal— Semi-M.— Commercial Bet.  1887-92 

1886  So.  Cal.  Christian  Advocate— Semi-M.— M.  E..  .Bet.  1893-96 

1886     Sunday  Social  World— W.— Social Bet.  1900-03 

1886     Tribune— Morn.— Rep Bet.  1890-92 

1901     Higher  Science — M. — Science Bet.  1905-07 

1901     Pacific  Home  Journal— M Bet.  1903-04 

1901     Union  Labor  News— W.— Labor 1915 

1901  Western  Investments— AL-Finan Bet.  1905-07 

1902  Common   Sense— W.— Socialism Bet.  1907-08 

1902     The  Liberator— W.— Local   (Negro)    1914 

1902     Pictorial   American— M.— Lit Bet.  1912-14 

1902     Sociahst- W.— Socialism    Bet.  1904-05 

1902  Western  Mechanic— W.— Labor Bet.  1903-04 

1903  Humanitarian  Review— M.— Ethical  Cult Bet.   1912-14 

1903     Pacific  Sporting  News— W.— Sports Bet.  1904-05 

1903  Ye  Sou.  Cal.  Elk— M.—(  1907— Golden  Elk) . .  .Bet.  1908-10 

1903     Young  Men— W.— Y.  M.  C.  A Bet.  1907-08 

1905     Cal.  Products— M.— Fruit  Trade,  Wine Bet.   1907-08 

1905     Financier— W.—Finan Bet.    1908-10 

1905  Pacific  Fancier— M,— Poultry  and  Pet  Stock... Bet.  1910-11 

1906  National  Visitor— M.— Lit Bet.  1912-14 

1907  Am.  Journal  of  Eugenics— Bi-M.—Sociolog. . .  .Bet.  1911-12 

1907  The  Rounder— W.— Theatrical Bet.  1914-15 

1908  The  Bystander— M.— Lit.— (Consolidation  of  Little 

Devil  1905  and  Little  Classic  1907) Bet.  1912-14 

1908     Oil  and  Mining  Digest— Fortn'tly Bet.  1912-14 

1908     Oil  Industry— M.— Trade  Bet.  1912-14 

1908  Tribun—W.—Ind.—( Swedish)    Bet.  1911-12 

1909  Pacific  Ocean— W.—( Russian)    Bet.  1912-14 

1909  Southwest  Druggist— M.— Pharmaceutic Bet.  1911-12 

1910  Arroyoside  Forum— W.— Local Bet.  1912-14 

1910     Democrat— W.—Dem Bet.  1912-14 

1910     Truth— W.—R.  R.  men Bet.  191 1-12 

1910  World-Wide  Publicity— Semi-M.— Adv Bet.  1911-12 

1911  Aviation— M.— Aeronautic  Bet.  1912-14 

1911     The  Jewish  Herald— M Jan.,  1913 

1911  Pacific  Prohibitionist— W Bet.  1912-13 

1912  Jewish  Weekly  News — (Merged  June,  1913,  in  Cal. 

Criterion — discontinued)  Jan.,  1914 

1912     Municipal  News— W 1913 


34  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

FORMER    PUBLICATIONS    OF    RECENT    YEARS 

Data  Lacking 

Ancient  and  Mystic  Aryans— Stopped  1912  or  1913 
Benton's  City  Guide 
Call  of  the  West 

The  Character  Builder — Stopped   1912 
Commercial   Review 
Concrete  Era 

Daily  Commercial  Chronicle — Stopped   1915 
Daily  Market  Reporter. 

L.  A.  Real  Estate  Bulletin  and  Building  News. 
Mexico. 

The  Pacific  Eastern  Star — Merged  into  Southwestern  Free- 
mason. 
Pan-American  Progress. 

The  Program — (Theatres,  Amusements,  Sports.) 
Railway  Investment  Magazine. 
The  Tatler. 
The  Thinkograph. 
The  Weakly  Freak — (Humorous  Magazine) — Stopped  1915. 

DIRECTORY    OF    LOS    ANGELES    PUBLICATIONS 

August  1,  1915 

American  Globe — Monthly — Ind.  Protective  Financier — 1903 — Wm. 

J.  Schaefle,  Ed.    and    Pub.,    402    International    Bldg.— $1.00. 

Began  as  a  weekly,  Oct.  16,  1903— Monthly  1906. 
American    Thcosophist — Monthly  —  Theosophical  —1909  — $1.50  — 

American  Section  of  the  Theosophical  Society,  Pub.,  near  Vista 

Del  Mar  Ave. 
Arroivhead  Magazine — Monthly — R.  R. — Dec,  1904 — Free  to  Salt 

Lake  Agents,  etc. — Douglas    White,    Ed. — Indus.    Dept.    Salt 

Lake,  Pub.  610  S.  Main,  Rm.  590. 
Bah\  fiooA'— Monthly— Care  of  Infants— 1914 — $.50— Ruth  Burke 

Stephens,  Ed.— J.  H.  Freese  Co.,  Pub.— 107  N.  Spring  St. 
Bakers  and  Confectioners'  Review — Monthly— Trade— 1910 — $1.00 

Trades  Publishing  Co.   (Inc.)— 236  E.  Fourth  St. 
B'nai  B'rith  71/^.y.y^H^^r— Friday— Jewish— 1897— $1.00— V.  Harris 

and   M.   N.   A.   Cohen,  Eds.— Lionel   Edwards,   Pub.— 315   S. 

Broadway,  Rm.  531. 
Boyle    Heights   Suburban  —  Weekly  —  Local  —  1906  —  Harlan  G. 

Palmer,  Pub.— 6424  Hollywood  Blvd. 
Brain  and  Brawn — Monthly — ^June,  1912 — $1.00 — Harry  Ellington 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  35 

Brook,   N.    D.,   Ed.— Naturopathic   Pub.   Co.    (Inc.)— 130   S. 

Broadway,  Rm.  508. 
Las  Buenas  Nuezas — Bi-monthly. 
The  Builder  and  Co«fracfor— Thursday— Building— 1893 —  $3.00. 

Harry  lies,  Ed.  and  Pub. — 122  N.  Broadway. 
The  California  Cultivator  and  Rural  Calif ornian — Thursday — Agric. 

1889— $1.00— C.  B.  Messenger,  Ed.— Cultivator  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.) 

115  N.  Broadway. 
California  Druggist — Bi-monthly — Pharmaceutic  —  1891  —  $1.00  — 

F.  J.  Carter,  Ed.— Cal.  Druggist  Pub.  Co.— P.  O.  Box  176. 
California  £o^/f— Weekly— Negro— 1891— $2.00— J.  E.  Bass,  Ed.— 

814  S.  Central  Ave. 
California   Eclectic  Medical  Journal  —  Monthly — Medical — 1908 — 

$1.00—0.  C.  Welbourn,  Ed.— Cal.  Ec.  Med.  College,  Pub. 
California  Homeless  Children's  Friend — Quarterly — Philan.  1899 — 

$.50— Herbert  W.   Lewis,   Ed.— Children's  Home   Soc,   Pub., 

2414  Griffith  Ave. 
California     Independent  —  Thursday — Interdenom. — 1896 — $1.50 — 

Andrew  Park,  Ed.— Cal.  Ind.  Pub.  Co.—USyi  N.  Main  St. 
California  Medical  and  Surgical  Reporter — Monthly — 1900  $1.00 — 

A.  S.  Dodge,  M.  D.,  Ed.— Cal.  Med.  &  Surg.  Rep.  Co.,  Pub., 

707   Grant   Bldg.     Bought   L.   A.   Medical  Journal    (Rowell's 

Directory,    1907). 
California   Outlook  —  Saturday  —  Progressive  —  1906— $2.00— Cal. 

Outlook  Co.,  Pub.,  507  Lissner  Bldg. 
California   Social   Democrat  —  Saturday — Socialist — 1911 — $1.00 — 

Cal.  Soc.  Dem.  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.) — 711  San  Francisco  Bldg. 
California   Tourist  and  Hotel  Reporter — Saturday — Hotel — 1903 — 

$2.00— R.  Edward  Lewis,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  332  Mason  Bldg. 
California    Veckoblad,     (Swedish) — Friday — Independent — 1910 — 

$1.00— Alfred  Haij,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  101 K'  S.  Broadway. 
California  FoiV^-Thursday-  Prohibition— 188-1 — $1.00— Wiley  J. 

Phillips,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  145  S.  Spring  St. 
California  Woman's  Bulletin — Bi-Monthly — Women — June,  1912 — 

Harriet  H.  Barry,  Ed.— 630-1  Higgins  Bldg. 
Catholic  r!'rfm?.j—Fridav— Catholic— 1895— $2.00— Alice  J.  Stevens, 

Ed.— Tidings  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.),  H.  W.  Hellman  Bldg. 
Central  Avenue  Suburban — Weekly— Local — 121>^  N.  Broadway. 
The  Czfet'H—Friday—Labor—1901— $1.00— Union  Labor  News  Co. 

(Inc.)— Stanley  B.  Wilson,  Ed.,  203  New  High  St.     Formerly 

The  Union  Labor  News.    Official  organ  of  L.  A.  Central  Labor 

Council. 
Clubwoman  —  Monthly  —  Women's  Clubs  —  1908  —  $1 .00  —  E.  M. 

Smith,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  P.  O.  Box  1066. 
El  Correo  Mexicano — Weeklv—6\9  N.  Alameda. 


36  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Commercial  BitUetin — Friday — Grocery — 1887 — $1.50 — Preston  Mc- 

Kinney,  Ed.  and  Pub.— 311  E.  Fourth  St. 
Dailv  Doings  —  Saturday  —  Week's  Events  —  1909  —  $1.50— Daily 

'Doings  Pub.  Co.— 311  E.  Fourth  St. 
Deutsche  Presse,   (German) —Weekly— Independent— 1915— $2.50 

—Edward  Stuetz,  Pub.— 123  E.  Ninth  St. 
Eagles  /J^-nV- Monthly  —  F.  O.  of  E.  —  1904  — $1.00  — John  W. 

Stailey,  Ed. — Eagles  Aerie  Pr.  &  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.),  127  S.  Kings- 
ley  Drive. 
East  Hollvzvood  /«g;nVrr  — Friday —  Local— 1913 —$1.00— D.  B. 

Peck,  Ed.  and  Pub.— 1738  Berendo  Place. 
East  Side  />;/frrk'7.'— Friday— Local— 1909— Will  L.  Pollard,  Ed.— 

Suburban  Pub.  Co. — 313  E.  Fourth  St. —  (Issued  for  free  dis- 
tribution.) 
El  Eco  de  il/f.r/co— Weekly— 107  W^  IMarket  St. 
Empire  Builder  and  Business  Fanner — Semi-monthl}' — Agric. — 1910 

— $1.00— Oswald  Wilson,  Ed.— Empire  Pub.  Co.  —  Exchange 

Building. 
Eternal  Progress— Monthly— New  Thought— 1912— $1.50—  Chris- 
tian  D.   Larson,   Ed. — New   Literature   Pub.   Co. — 524   Union 

League  Bldg. 
£7'^rv«/an—Monthlv— Radical— 1904— $1.50  —  Luke   North.  Ed.— 

Golden  Press,  Pub.— 129  W.  Second,  Rm.  516. 
Financial  A'^k-j- Saturday— Finan.— 1913— $3.00— A.    F.    Phillips, 

Ed.— Financial  News  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.)— I.  \\\  Hellman  Bldg., 

Room  252. 
Garvansa  Eagle — Weekly — Local — March,  1915 — Chas.  E.  Stokes, 

Pub.,  122  W.  Third,  Room  107. 
Germania   (German) — Evening  except  Sunday — Ind. — 1889 — $2.09 

— Max  E.  Socha,  Ed. — Germania   Pub.   Co.,  228  Franklin   St. 

Weekly,  published  on  Friday,  until  August,  1914. 
The   Graphic  —  Saturday  —  Social   and   Political  —  1895  —  $2.50— 

Samuel  Travers  Clover,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  406  S.  Main  St..  Rm.  404. 
Grissh  Sfor- Monthly— Cal.  topics— 1907  — $1.00— Clarence   M. 

Hunt,  Ed.— Grizzly  Bear  Pub.  Co.   (Inc.)— 248  Wilcox  Bldg. 

Official  organ  of  The  Native  Sons  of  the  Golden  West  and  The 

Native  Daughters  of  the   Golden   West. 
The  Herald  of  rr((f/r—Weeklv— Church  of  God— 1913— David  L. 

Walker,  Ed.— Herald  of  Truth  Pub.  Co.— 1204  Colton  St. 
Highland   Park    //rraW— Saturday— Local— 1905 —  $1.50— C.  H. 

Randall,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  5711  Pasadena  Ave. 
Hollyzvood  Citizen— \\ee\<.\\  —  Local  —  1905  —  Harlan  G.  Palmer. 

Pub.,  6426  Hollywood  Blvd. 
Insurance  and  Investment   News  —  Semi-monthly — Insurance  and 

Finance— 1907— $2.00— Cuthbert    Powell,   Ed.— Ins.   and    Inv. 


A  HISTORY   OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  Z7 

News  (Inc.),  210  W.  Seventh  St..  Rm.  1025.    Formerly  West- 
ern Insurance  News. 
International  White  Cross  Magadne — Monthly — 191-1 — Social  and 

ReHgious— $1.00— Dr.   Geo.    H.    MacNeill,   Ed.— White   Cross 

Society,  Pub.,  3512  Arroyo  Seco  Ave.     (Moved  here  from  East 

when   headquarters  of   Society  were  moved  here.     Magazine 

founded  7  or  8  years  ago.) 
L'ltalio  .-i»(fnVa)!o— Saturday— (Ital.)— 1908— $1.00— G.  Spini,  Ed. 

and  Pub.,  646  San  Fernando  St. 
The  /^^(?rjo;na«— Saturday— Dem.  1912— $2.00— S.  A.  Conner,  Ed. 

The  Jeffersonian  Pub.  Co.,  200  New  High  St. 
King's  BHxmwj-Monthly— Evangel.— 1910— $.50— D  R.  A.  Terry, 

Ed. — Bible  Institute  of  L.  A.  (Inc.),  Pub.,  Auditorium  BIdg. 
Los  Angeles  Apparel  Gazette — Monthly — Dry  goods  and   furnish- 
ings—1908— $1.00— Preston  McKinney,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  311  E. 

Fourth. 
L.  A.  A.  C.  ilffrcxrv  — Monthly  — Sports— 1911— $2.50— W.  G. 

Bradford,  Ed.— Los  Angeles  Athletic  Club,  Pub.,  427  W.  7th. 
Los  Angeles  Churchman  and  Church  Messenger — Monthly — Epis- 

cop.— 1897— $1.00— Rev.  J.  D.  H.  Browne,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  Box 

398,  Santa  Monica,  Cal. 
Los  Angeles  Daily  Journal— Morn.  ex.  Sunday— Rep.— 1887 — $9.00 

— Warren  Wilson,  Ed. — Daily  Journal  Co.    (Inc.),  Pub.,  205 

New  High  St. 
Los  Angeles  Evening  Herald— Evg.  ex.   Sun.— 1873— $3.00— Ind. 

Herald  Company,  Pub.,  Chamber  of  Commerce  Bldg.     (See 

history  for  further  information.) 
Los   Angeles   £.raHU»cr— Morn.— Ind.— 1903— $8.00— Wm.    Ran- 
dolph Hearst,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  Eleventh  and  Broadway.     (See 

history  for  further  information.) 
Los  Angeles  E.v press— Evg.  ex.   Sun.— Ind.— 1871— $3.00— E.   T. 

Earl,  Ed.— Express-Tribune  Co.,  Pub.,  719-21  S.  Hill  St.     (See 

history  for  further  information.) 
Los  Angeles  Freemason  and  Scottish  Rite  Rei'icK' — ]\Ionthlv — Ma- 

sonic- 1896— $1.00- A.    B.   Cartwright.   Ed.— Ralph   L.   Cris- 

well  and  L.  B.  Littlefield,  Pub.,  324  S.  Spring  St.,  Rm.  323. 
Los  Angeles  Mornins;  Sun    (Japanese  Daily) — Morn.   ex.   Mon. — 

1910— $6.00— H.^Tanaka,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  348  E.  Second  St. 
Los  Angeles  iVt-jt'.?- Saturday— Ind.  (Lxjcal)- 1889— $1.00— C.  H. 

Dubois,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  2106  N.  Broadway. 
Los    Angeles    Post — Saturday — Negro — 1914 — Charles   Alexander, 

Ed.,  501  Thorpe  Bldg. 
Los  Angeles  Record— Evg.  ex.   Sun.— Ind.— 1895— $3.00— Record 

Pub.  Co.,  612  Wall  St.     (See  history  for  further  information). 


38  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Los  Ani^eles  Star — Monthly — Local — 1873 — $.25 — Geo.   T.   Hanly, 

Ed.' and  Pub.,  1304  N.  Main  St. 
Los  Angeles  ro«rjjf— Monthly— R.  R.— 1908— Gordon  Hair,  Ed. 

and  Pub. — Distrib.  on  Santa  Fe  trains,  no  subscription  price. 

112  W.  Ninth  St.,  Rm.  402. 
Los  Angeles  7n&((»f— Mom.— Ind.— 1911— $5.00— Edwin  T.  Earl, 

Ed.— Express-Tribune  Co.,  Pub.,  719-21     S.     Hill     St.     (See 

history  for  further  information.) 
Main-Moneta  Observer — Weekly — Local — 121J4  N.  Broadway. 
Master  MiHrf— Monthly— New  Thought— 1911— $1.00— Annie  Rix 

Militz,  Ed.— Master  Mind  Pub.  Co.,  649  S.  Flower  St. 
El  Mensajero  Cristiano  (Spanish) — Monthly — 1915. 
El  Mexieano — Quarterly — 1914 — Spanish-American  Institute,   Gar- 

dena. 
Moose— Friday— L.    O.    of    M.— 1911— $1.00— Charles   A.    Pattee, 

Ed.  and  Pub.,  306  N.  Grand. 
Motor  West  —  Semi-monthly  —  Motoring— 1907— $2.00— Frederick 

Pabst,  Ed.— Motor  West  Co.,  Pub.,  IMarsh-Strong  Bldg. 
The  Movie  Magazine  —  Monthly— Photoplays— 1915— $1.00— Wy- 

cliffe   A.    Hill,    Ed.— Movie   Magazine   Pub.    Co.    (Inc.),    10th 

Floor,  \'an  Nuys  Bldg. 
The  Neiv  ^^^— Saturday— Ind.  (Negro)— 1907— $1.50— New  Age 

Pub.  Co.,  787  San  Pedro  St. 
Northwest  E/i^rr/irwr— Friday— Rep.— 1906— $1.00— Suburban  Pub. 

Co.,  121K'  N.  Broadway. 
Novo  Vrijeme  (The  New  Times — South  Slavonian) — Thursday — 

1913— $1.50— The  New  Times  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.),  125  N.  Broad- 
way. 
The   Oil  /^?^  — Monthly— Petroleum— 1910— $3.00— Wm.    Nelson 

Shell,  Ed.— Oil  Age  Pub.  Co.  (Inc.),  456  S.  Spring,  Rm.  811. 
The  Oil  Bradstreet—Annua.\—Oi\  Directory— 1906— Geo.  G.  Ellis, 

Ed. — 411  S.  Main  St.,  Rm.  252.     (Next  will  contain  companies 

of  Nevada  and  Arizona  and  mining  companies.) 
Out  West  —  Monthly  —  Ut  and  Descrip.— 1910— $1..S0— Geo.  W. 

James,  Ed. — Out  West  Corporation,  Pub.,  546  S.  Los  Angeles 

St.     (Formerly  Land  of  Sunshine,  founded  1894  by  Charles  F. 

Lummis.) 
Paeific  Coast  £//^— Monthly— Elks— 1913— $1.00— T.  Newman,  Ed. 

and  Pub.,  313  W.  Third  St.,  Rm.  204. 
Pacifie  Coast  Hotel  and  Apartment  i?fforrf—Monthlv— Hotel— 1910 

—$1.00— J.  D.  Minster,  Ed.  and  Pub..  O.  T.  Johnson  Bldg. 
Paei£c  Coast  M«ji<riaK— Monthly  —  Music  — $1.50— Nov.  1911  — 

Frank  H.  Colby,  Ed.— Colby  and  Pryibil,  Pub.,  308  Blanchard 

Bldg. 


A   HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  39 

Pacific  Coast  Packer — Saturday — Fruit  and  produce  markets — 1909 

— ^1.00— Barrick  Pub.  Co.,  606  S.  Hill  St.,  Rm.  1023. 
Pacific  Coast  Tennis  i?ez'iV«'— Monthly— Tennis— 1914 — $1.50— L. 

H.  Morris,  Ed.— J.  H.  Freese  and  H.  J.  Rose,  Pub.,  107  N. 

Spring  St. 
Pacific  Fruit  [ForW- Saturday— Trade— 1895— $2.00— H.  V.  Brum- 

mel,  Ed.— Fruit  World  Pub.  Co.,  534  S.  Hill  St. 
Pacific  Kennel  Cas^'^ffr- Monthly  —  Dogs— 1914— $1.00— M.   C. 

Kneib,  Ed.  and  Pub..  115  N.  Broadway. 
Pacific  Motorcyclist — 1897 — Burger,   Ed. — Majestic  Theatre   Bldg. 

(Originally  Wheeling,  founded  1897  by  Charles  Fuller  Gates. 

In  1904  became  Pacific  Automobiling,  in  1905  Pacific  Motoring, 

and  1912  Pacific  Motorcyclist.) 
Pacific  Poultrvcraft — Monthly— Poultry  and  pigeons— 1895— $.50— 

Pacific  Poultrycraft  Co.  (Inc.),  Pub.,  108  W.  2nd,  Rm.  706. 
The   Pacific    Veteran— Weekly— Old    Soldiers— 1914— $1.00— Allie 

A.  Schultz,  Ed.— Wi.  A.  Wyatt,  Pub.,  215  Franklin  St. 
La  Pluma  Roja  (The  Red  Pen — Spanish) — Weekly — Socialistic — 

1913 — Blanca  de  Moncaleano,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  1538  San  Fernando 

St. 
La  Prensa  (Spanish)— Saturday— Ind.— 1912— $3.00^Adolfo  Car- 

rillo,  Ed. — International  Pub.  Co. — 108  Commercial  St. 
Progress  (Yiddish)— Weekly— 1915— M.  Ch.  Luner,  Ed.— The  Pro- 
gress Co..  Pub.,  114  S.  Spring  St.— $1.00. 
Rafu  Shimpo    (Japanese    Daily   News) — Daily — Nonpart. — 1905 — 

$6.00— S.  Shibuya,  Ed.— M.  Okamura,  Pub.,  230  E.  First  St. 
Raihmv  and  Steamship  Journal— Monthly— R.  R.— 1910— $2.00— 

A.'  M.  Gunsaulus,  Ed.— Railway  Men's  Pub.  Co.,  314  W.  1st. 
i?fa.yon— Monthly— Spiritualist— 1902— $1.00— Rev.    B.    F.   Austin, 

Ed.— The  Austin  Pub.  Co.,  649  S.  Flower  St. 
Rialtografs — Saturday  —  Amusements  and  Sports— 1914 — $3.00 — 

Jay  Davidson,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  Union  League  Bldg. 
San  Pedro  Daily  Nems—San  Pedro  Pub.  Co.— 254  W.  Sixth  St., 

S.  P. 
San  Pedro  Daily  Pilot— 116  W.  Seventh  St.,  S.  P. 
5cri'/'f— Monthly— Photoplays— 1914— Will  M.  Ritchey,  Ed.— Photo 

Plav  Authors  League  (Inc.),  Pub.,  604  San  Fernando  Bldg. 
.Sfarc;z%/if— Monthly— Anti-Saloon— 1897— $.50— D.    M.    Gaudier, 

Ed. — Anti-Saloon  League  of  So.  Cal.,  Pub.,  1324  Washington 

Bldg. 
Serial  Bible  Course  —  Monthly  —  Bible  Study  —  1907— $1.00— W. 

Leon  Tucker,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  308K'  W.  Second  St. 
Society  Magazine  —  Wednesday  —  Society  —  $1.00 — Edith  Francis 

Ling,  Ed.— Society  Magazine  Pub.  Co.,  Majestic  Theatre  Bldg. 
South  End  Suburban — Weekly— 121 J/^   N.  Broadway. 


40  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Southern  California  Practitioner — Monthly — Medical — 1885 — $2.00 

—Geo.  E.  Malsbary,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  1414  S.  Hope  St. 
Southern  California  Retailer's  Journal — Monthly — Grocery — 1913 — 

$1.00— So.  Cal.  Retail  Grocers'  Assn.,  Pub'.,  Wilcox  Bldg. 
Southern  California  Trolley — Monthly — Street  Ry. — So.  Cal.  Trol- 
ley Pub.  Co.,  353  Pacific  Electric'Bldg. 
Southwest  Advertiser — Weekly — Local — 121^    N.   Broadway. 
Southzvest  Contractor  and  Manufacturer — Saturday — Building  and 

Engineering— 1905— ^2.00— Southwest    Pub.    Co.    (Inc.)— 505 

Douglas  Bldg. 
Soutlnvestern  Freemason — Monthly — Masonic — 224  S.  Spring,  Rm. 

323. 
Theosophy   Magazine — Monthly  —  Theosophical  —  1912  —  Wescott 

Clough,  Bus.  Agent— Metropolitan  Bldg.,  Rm.  504 — $2.00. 
The  Times— Horn.— InA.  Rep.— 1881— $9.00— Harrison  Gray  Otis, 

Ed. — The  Times-Mirror  Co.,  Pub.,  New  Times  Bldg.,  First  and 

Broadway.    Times  Illustrated  Weekly,  established  Dec.  5,  1897. 

(See  history  for  further  information.) 
Touring  Topics'—  Monthly — Motoring— 1909— $1.00  —  Automobile 

Club  of  So.  Cal.,  Pub.,  758  S.  Olive  St. 
The  Triple  Link— FridRy-l.  O.   O.   F.—1910— $1.00— Lynch  W. 

Smith  and  Lewis  W.  Klinker,  Ed.  and  Pub..  309  Lankershim 

Bldg. 
L'Union  Nourclle  (  French)— Saturday— Ind.—lS79— $3.00— Inter- 
national Pub.  Co.,  108  Commercial  St. 
We.st  Coast  il/aeas/Hf— Monthly— Literary— 1906 — $1.00 — John  S. 

McGroarty,^Ed.— Grafton  Pub.  Co.,  223  E.  Fourth  St. 
Western  Art— 5  times  a  year — Art— 1914 — $1.00— Beatrice  de  Lack 

Krombach,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  1040  Grand  View  .\ve. 
The    Western    Co»n-arf^— Monthly— Socialist— 1913— $1.00— Frank 

E.  Wolfe,  Ed.— Llano  del  Rio  Colony,  Pub.,  203  New  High  St. 
The  Western  Empire — Monthly— Agric.  and  farming — 1898 — $.50— 

Bensel  Smythe,  Ed.— Western  Empire  Pub.  Co.,  C.  of  C.  Bldg. 
Western  FiV/rf— Monthly— Sports— 1902— $1.00— Edwin  L.  Hedder- 

Iv,  Ed. — Western  Field  (Inc.),  Pub..  American  Bank  Bldg. 
The    Western    P.v//naH— Monthly— K.    of    P.— 1914— $1.00— C.    C. 

Mungen,  Ed. — Western  Pythian  Pub.  Co.,  224  S.  Spring  St. 
Wilmington  yoi/r»a/— Saturday— Ind.— 1864 — $1.50^118  W.  Third 

St.,  Wilmington.     (See  history  for  further  information.) 

SUPPLEMENTARY  LIST  WITHOUT  DATA 

(Where  information  is  given,  it  is  that  for  1914  and  has  not 
been  verified  to  date.) 
American  Merchants'  Journal  and  Merchants'  Magazine — Monthly 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  41 

— Mercantile  —  1902  —  $1.00  —  American  Merchant  Syndicate, 

Pub.,  236  S.  Los  Angeles  St. 
American  5/)rnYMa//.f^— Tuesday— Spiritualist— 1911— $1.00— Dr.  T. 

Wilkins,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  Bond  Street  Court. 
California  Exporters'  Trade  Journal — 130  S.  Broadway,  Rm.  619. 
Central  Avenue  Advocate— 2SU  S.  Central  Ave. 
Central  Avenue  Nezvs — 4415  S.  Central  Ave. 
The  Daily  Bulletin— 118  E.  Market  St. 
Grand  Army  Advocate  and  W.  R.  C.  Magazine— Monthly— G.  A.  R. 

—1879— $1.00— W.  M.  Howell,  Ed.  and  Pub.,  309  Equitable 

Bldg. 
Home  Product  Bulletin— Wtekly — 754  S.  Los  Angeles  St. 
The  Knocker— 126  \V.  Third,  Rm.  314. 
Little  Farms  Ma^a.:nif— Monthly— Agric.  —  1911  —$1.00  —  Little 

Farms  Magazine  Publishing  Co.,  213  S.  Broadway,  Rm.  114. 
Los  Angeles  Church  Neii's—Week]y—730  S.  Grand  Ave.,  Rm.  669. 
Motion  Picture  —  Monthly  —  Photoplay  —  191 1— $1.50— J.   Arthur 

Nelson,  Ed. — Photoplay  Pub.  Co.,  Republic  Theatre  Bldg. 
New  and  Greater  Los  Angeles — 116  Temple  St. 
The  Ne7i^  Thought  Nezvs— Weekly— 649  S.  Flower  St. 
Oil  and  Mining  BnUctin—22A  S.  Spring  St.,  Rm.  300. 
Oil  City  /?(?rr!V^— Semi-Weekly— 305  Wesley  Roberts  Bldg. 
Paciiic'Commcrce—iS7  S.  Hill  St.,  Rm.  1128. 
Pacific  Spotlight— U9  W.  Third  St.,  Rm.  522— (Probably  ceased). 
Pacific  ro/(mf— Monthly— 115>4  N.  Main  St.,  Rm.  9. 
La  Patria — Weekly — 126  Commercial  St. 
Peniel  Herald— 227  S.  Main  St. 
The  Picture plaxer— 2,26  W.  Third  St.,  Rm.  319. 
Print  Shop  Talk— 333  W.  Second  St..  Rm.  424. 
Southzi'cst    Union    Jack — Weekly — British-American — 1914 — C.    L. 

Montgomery,  Ed. — 1136  W.   Thirty-fifth  St. — Canadian  Club 

and  Sons  of  St.  George,  Pub. 
Western    Raikca\    Nczi's-Thursday-R.    R.— 1910— $2.00— Thos. 

Foss,  Ed.— Railway  Men's  Pub.  Co.  of  Cal.,  207  New  High  St. 

1887  Fraternity — M — Internat.  Printer's  Protect. 

Fraternity  Bet.  1900-03 

Soiithzvest  Neivs—\N—lnA Bet.  1896-1900 

1888  Citizen— \N—lr\d.  Rep.— East  L.  A Bet.  1893-96 

Hotel  Gazette— \V Bet.  1911-12 

1889  California  Family  Ledger— W—Fktion Bet.  1896-1900 

Civic  Rez'iezi>—W— People's  Party Bet.  1896-1900 

"       El  Monitor  Mexicano—\N—{ Sp.)— Ind Bet.  1912-14 

Revista  Hispano  Americano— W—(Sp.) — 1893  became 

Revista  Latino-Americano Bet.  1896-1900 


42  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

1889  So.  Cal.  White  Ribbon— M—\X.  C.  T.  U Ret.  1896-1900 

1890  Alliance  Farmer— W— Farmers'  Alliance Bet.  1892-3 

Soiithzi'est  Nezvs—W Bet.  1896-190C 

IV  orkman—Semi-W— Labor Bet.  1892-93 

1891  Association  Record— 'M—Evangd Bet.  1892-93 

"       Baptist  Monthly Bet.  1892-93 

California— \\'—Agrk Bet.  1893-96 

"       Coi«^—W— Catholic   Bet.  1893-96 

Gospel  Union  Record— Sem\-M Bet.  1893-96 

"       Nezi'  Californian—M—Occu\Usm  Bet.  1896-1900 

Science  and  Horticulture— M-Hortk Bet.  1892-93 

Southern  California  Guide— W Bet.  1893-96 

Der  Sued-Californier—\Y—iGer.) Bet.  1893-96 

1892  California  Trade  Rericw—W—Mercan Bet.  1896-1900 

Labor  Re7'iezt'—\\'— Labor Bet.  1893-96 

Land  and  Water— WV-lrrig.,  Man.,  and  Min..Bet.  1896-1900 

Pacific  Household  Journal— M Bet.  1896-1900 

Trade— \V—Cojr^m Bet.  1893-96 

1893  East  Side  News— W— Rep Bet.  1896-1900 

Pacific  fiVW—W— Cycling Bet.  1896-1900 

1894  California  Producer— W—Uortk Bet.  1896-1900 

Capital— \y—Ut Bet   1903-(M 

L'Eco  Delia  Co/omjo— W— (Ital.) Bet.  1896-1900 

"        Epivorth  Radiator  and  University  Courier — \W — M.  E. 

Bet.  1900-03 

Investor— \\—¥\r\ar\ Bet.  1896-1900 

P/jOf  «!>— W— Anti-prohib Bet.  1900-03 

Tocsin— \N—Arr\.  Protect.  Assn Bet.  1896-1900 

1895  El  Independente—Sem\-W—{Sp.)  Bet.  1896-1900 

Medium— W—Spirhualist Bet.  1900-03 

1896  California  Poultry  Tribune — M — Poultry  industry — 

( I'^dO— Live' Stock  Tribune) ' Bet.  1910-11 

"       Californian—M Bet.  1900-03 

Le  Francais—\\—\nd.—  {¥r.)   Bet.  1900-03 

Mertz's  Mazazine—'Si—Mx Bet.  1911-12 

"       Osteopath— Q—Sc\er\X\fic    Bet.  1905-07 

Pacific  Bee  Journal— ^l-Bees Bet.  1903-04 

Pacific  Coast  Advertising— M Bet.  1905-07 

1897  Oil,  Minim;  and  Finance— W—Fman Bet.  1903-04 

Public  O-mership  Revirw—M Bet.  1903-04 

Western  Child  Life— Q—Ednc Bet.  1900-03 

1898  Los  Angeles  Mining  Reviezi^W' 1913 

Southern  California  Chopper— M— Woodcraft . . .  Bet.  1903-04 
Thoughts  of  the  Hour—W Bet.  1903-04 


A  HISTORY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  JOURNALISM  43 

1899  Belgian  FanrzVr— Semi-M— Rabbitry Bet.  1900-03 

Fclloivship—M—Vndenom Bet.  1908-10 

Southwest  Official  Guide— U—R.  R Bet.  1907-08 

1900  /.'  CornVr^-— W— (Ital.)  Bet.  1905-07 

Intcrnat.  Mining  Neivs — M — Oil,  Min.,  Finan. .  .Bet.  1904-05 
Saturday  Post—W—Ut Bet.  1907-08 


A  PRESBYTERIAN  SETTLEMENT  IN  SOUTHERN 
CALIFORNIA 

BY   JAMES    MAIN    DIXON 

Lying  in  Orange  County,  close  to  Anaheim  and  a  few  miles 
northwest  by  west  of  the  county  seat,  Santa  Ana,  there  is  a  village 
whose  name  at  once  brings  up  Presbyterian  associations.  It  is  called 
Westminster,  but  its  growth  has  not  yet  warranted  its  incorporation 
as  a  city.  Away  back  in  the  sixties  Anaheim  was  attracting  many 
settlers,  the  Polish  exile  Madam  Modjeska  and  her  husband  among 
them.  \'ery  fine  results  in  fruit  raising  were  obtained  in  these  early 
years,  when  the  flat  plain  was  rescued  from  cactus  and  brush  and 
alkali  and  grape  blights  were  not  as  yet  a  menace.  In  the  last  of 
the  sixties  a  Mr.  Webber,  a  Presbyterian  minister  originally  from 
New  Jersey,  came  from  the  shores  of  the  Golden  Gate  to  settle  in 
the  South,  and  it  struck  him  as  a  Presbyterian  minister  that  there 
was  an  opportunity  of  founding  a  God-fearing  community  in  the 
vicinity,  centering  in  a  church.  Some  ten  thousand  acres  were  se- 
cured to  the  south  of  Anaheim,  and  the  project  was  pushed  both  in 
California  and  in  the  East.  The  cultivation  of  the  grape  was  not 
to  be  encouraged,  as  leading  to  drunkenness ;  it  was  to  be  an  orchard 
and  farm  tilling  community. 

The  first  settler  on  the  place  is  still  alive  at  a  ripe  age,  Mr. 
J.  P.  Anderson,  a  Virginian  from  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  who  had 
come  west  across  the  plains,  found  Fresno  malarious  and  was 
living  in  the  neighborhood  of  Monterey.  He  was  an  active  member 
of  the  Presbyterian  church  there,  whose  minister,  Mr.  Compton, 
came  later  to  Westminster  to  succeed  Mr.  L.  P.  VN'ebber  in  the 
pastorate.  A  good  many  others  came  from  the  northern  part  of 
the  State,  and  advertising  broadcast  of  the  attractions  of  the 
place  brought  a  number  from  the  Eastern  states.  At  one  time 
there  were  as  many  as  six  Presbyterian  ministers  among  the 
residents.  The  church  flourished  in  unity  for  several  years,  until 
a  division  sprang  up,  associated  with  dissensions  in  the  choir,  and 
there  was  a  split.  The  separating  membership  included  the  oldest 
resident,  Mr.  Anderson,  who  had  begun  a  Sunday  School  very  early 
at  his  own  residence.  The  new  organization  w^as  affiliated  with  the 
Congregationalists.  Later  the  Methodists  established  a  church,  and 
the  other  two  congregations  came  together  again.    In  the  year  1914 


A  PRESBYTERIAN  SETTLEMENT  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  45 

the  church  edifice  was  burned  down  and  a  new  frame  building  has 
just  been  erected. 

There  is  a  resident  population  in  and  around  the  village  of 
about  five  hundred  souls.  A  handsome  grammar  school  of  brick 
is  a  recent  addition  to  the  attractions  of  Westminster.  It  is  a 
station  on  a  branch  line  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad.  By 
careful  draining  the  alkali  which  interfered  with  crop-raising  has 
been  got  rid  of,  and  the  community  is  prosperous.  Visiting  the 
homestead  of  Mr.  Anderson,  we  found  his  son  busy  in  the  fields, 
harvesting  beets.     There  is  a  beet-sugar  mill  in  the  neighborhood. 

At  one  time  a  good  quality  of  apple  was  raised  around  West- 
minster, but  this  is  a  thing  of  the  past.  Among  the  early  settlers  was  a 
Frenchman  who  had  a  flock  of  sheep,  but  this  kind  of  stock  did  not 
suit  the  conditions.  The  principal  products  of  the  neighborhood 
today  are  beets,  peppers,  dairy  produce,  celery,  alfalfa  and  beans. 


THE  PASSING  OF  THE  R.\NCHO 

BY  J.   M.  GUINN 

The  first  real  estate  boom — that  is,  a  rapid  rise  in  land  values — 
in  Southern  California  was  brought  about  by  a  disaster  that  destroyed 
its  leading  industry  certainly  an  anomolous  condition  in  the  history 
of  a  country. 

For  nearly  half  a  century  the  one  great  commercial  industry  of 
the  Southland  had  been  cattle  raising,  first  for  their  hides  and  tallow 
for  export,  and  later  to  supply  beef  to  the  miners  in  the  gold  fields. 
To  make  it  profitable,  the  cattle  industry  required  the  land  devoted 
to  it  to  be  held  in  large  tracts  called  ranchos,  consequently  the  settle- 
ment and  development  of  the  country  was  slow  and  real  estate  booms 
impossible. 

The  first  wild  rush  of  miners  to  the  gold  fields  stimulated  the 
cattle  industry.  The  only  source  from  whence  the  gold  hunters  could 
obtain  fresh  meat  was  the  ranchos  of  Southern  California.  The 
rapid  rise  in  cattle  values  forced  wealth  on  the  rancheros  and  they 
spent  it  lavishly.  The  importation  of  cattle  across  the  plains  from 
western  states  and  the  settlement  of  the  valleys  in  the  central  and 
northern  part  of  the  State  being  nearer  the  mines,  brought  a  decline 
in  the  prices  of  cattle  on  the  southern  ranchos.  To  compete  with 
the  northern  producers,  the  rancheros  of  the  south  had  allowed  their 
ranges  to  become  overstocked,  hoping  to  make  up  by  quantity  for 
the  decrease  in  value. 

The  famine  years  of  1863  and  1864,  when  for  two  seasons  not 
enough  rain  fell  to  start  the  green  feed,  put  an  end  to  the  industry. 
A  million  animals,  cattle  and  horses,  starved  to  death.  This  calamity 
forced  a  change  in  the  industries  of  the  Southland.  The  rancheros 
had  no  money  to  restock  their  ranges  nor  to  cultivate  them.  To  add 
to  their  misfortune,  most  of  them  were  deeply  in  debt  and  cancerous 
mortgages  were  eating  away  their  possessions. 

The  only  hope  for  the  country  lay  in  the  subdivision  of  the 
great  ranchos  and  the  distribution  of  the  land  among  small  land 
owners  who  would  cultivate  the  soil.  The  first  great  subdivision 
was  that  of  the  Stearns'  Ranchos — seven  great  ranchos  located  in 
the  San  Gabriel  and  Santa  Ana  valleys. 

Don  Abel  Stearns,  the  Rockefeller  or  Pierpont  Morgan  of  the 
old  pueblo,  in  the  flush  days  of  '49  and  the  early  50's,  when  a  cattle 
range  was  more  profitable  than  a  gold  mine,  with  that  Yankee  shrewd- 


THE  PASSING  OF  THE  RANCHO  47 

ness  that  characterized  him  in  all  his  dealings,  had  turned  his  genius 
to  the  acquisition  of  land.  By  loaning  money  on  mortgages  to  im- 
pecunious rancheros,  by  the  purchase  of  equities  in  encumbered  estates 
and  by  foreclosures,  he  had  possessed  himself  of  immense  land  hold- 
ings. When  the  famine  years  had  passed  and  the  bones  of  his  hun- 
dred thousand  cattle  lay  bleaching  on  the  sun-scorched  plains,  Stearns 
found  himself  the  owner  of  a  principality  in  land ;  greater  than  that 
of  an  English  lord ;  but  financially  on  the  verge  of  bankruptcy.  He 
was  the  owner  of  200,000  acres  of  land  mortgaged  for  $50,000.  The 
ruling  rates  of  interest  then  ranged  from  15  to  24  per  cent  per  annum. 
Without  income  from  his  acres  and  indebtedness  piling  up,  Stearns 
found  himself  not  only  on  the  very  verge  of  bankruptcy  but  just 
ready  to  topple  over  into  the  vortex  of  insolvency.  In  1864  all  of 
Stearns'  landed  possessions  were  advertised  to  be  sold  at  a  sheriff's 
sale  for  delinquent  taxes  and  the  total  amount  of  his  taxes  was 
only  about  $4,000.  The  ruling  prices  of  land  in  Southern  California 
after  the  famine  years  was  25  to  50  cents  per  acre. 

The  land  known  as  the  Stearns'  ranchos  comprised  the  following 
grants :  Los  Coyotes,  La  Habra,  San  Juan  Cajon  de  Santa  Ana,  Los 
Bolsa  y  Paredas,  La  Bolsa  Chica,  and  a  part  of  the  Los  Alamitos. 
Stearns,  with  the  assistance  of  his  old-time  friend,  Alfred  Robinson, 
succeeded  in  negotiating  the  sale  of  these  ranchos  and  the  holdings 
he  had  in  San  Bernardino  County  to  a  syndicate  of  San  Francisco 
capitalists.  The  original  members  of  the  syndicate  were  Sam  Bran- 
nan,  E.  F.  Northam  and  C.  B.  Polhemus.  Stearns  reserved  an  eighth 
interest  in  the  land.  The  price  paid  was  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents 
per  acre.  The  partners  in  the  deal  incorporated  under  the  title  of  the 
Los  Angeles  and  San  Bernardino  Land  Company.  Alfred  Robinson, 
the  author  of  the  famous  book,  "Life  in  California,"  was  made  trustee 
and  signed  all  transfers. 

These  200,000  acres  were  subdivided  and  in  1868  were  put  on 
the  market  in  tracts  of  40  acres  and  up,  on  easy  terms  at  prices 
ranging  from  $2  to  $10  per  acre.    They  were  extensively  advertised. 

The  lure  of  cheap  lands  brought  a  rush  of  immigrants  from 
central  and  northern  California  and  from  the  eastern  states,  and  our 
first  boom  was  on,  and  it  might  be  added,  that  booms  have  been  on 
again  and  oflf  again  and  gone  again  many  times  since,  but  none  of 
them  was  such  a  success  or  did  so  much  for  the  development  of  the 
country  as  that  first  one.  The  price  of  the  land  was  advanced  from 
time  to  time  as  the  country  was  settled.  When  the  land  was  all 
sold,  the  members  of  that  syndicate  or  their  heirs  cleaned  up  a 
profit  of  $2,000,000. 

The  200,000  acres  that  Stearns  parted  with  in  the  financial  gloom 
of  the  60's  for  $300,000  are  worth  today  a  hundred  millions  dollars. 
The  Laguna,  one  of  the  Stearns'  ranchos,  lying  southeast  of  and 


48  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

adjoining  Los  Angeles  City,  was  not  included  in  the  syndicate  deal 
It  was  recently  sold  for  eight  million  dollars. 

Xearly  twenty  years  before  the  subdivision  of  the  Steams' 
ranches  and  other  great  ranches,  and  the  distribution  of  the  land 
among  small  land  holders,  changed  the  character  of  the  population 
and  the  industries  of  Southern  California.  Henry  Dalton,  a  pioneer 
of  the  Mexican  era  and  a  large  land  holder,  projected  a  scheme  for 
the  distribution  of  some  of  his  landed  interests,  which,  had  it  been 
carried  out  successfully,  would  have  precipitated  the  subdivision  of 
the  large  ranches  and  hastened  their  colonization. 

Dalton  in  nearly  a  column  advertisement  in  the  Southern  Cali- 
fornian  and  an  abbreviated  one  in  the  Los  Angeles  Star  in  1855,  the 
only  newspapers  then  published  in  Los  Angeles  County,  thus  outlines 
his  scheme: 

"A  Magnificent  Real  Estate  Distribution  by  Henry  Dalton. 
Four  hundred  and  thirty-four  splendid  prizes,  consisting  of  splendid 
modern-built  private  residences  in  the  City  of  Los  Angeles ;  very 
valuable  city  and  town  lots  eligibly  situated  on  the  principal  thor- 
oughfares. Magnificent  vineyards  and  fruit  orchards  in  the  highest 
state  of  cultivation,  valuable  town  property  in  the  city  of  Benton, 
numerous  farms  on  the  Rancho  Azusa,  comprising  the  finest  agri- 
cultural lands  in  the  lower  country,  offering  the  most  attractive 
inducements  to  those  wishing  to  obtain  future  homes  in  this  the  love- 
liest portion  of  California ;  and  at  no  late  date  to  form  the  most 
valuable  section  of  country  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  together  with 
an  extensive  lot  of  improved  stock  comprising  in  part  valuable 
horses  of  the  best  blood  in  the  country,  broken  to  the  harness  and 
saddle;  also  horned  cattle  of  improved  breeds,  etc. 

"Mr.  Henry  Dalton,  proprietor  of  a  large  amount  of  the  most 
valuable  and  productive  tracts  of  land  in  the  beautiful  and  fertile 
valleys  of  the  County  of  Los  Angeles,  and  wishing  to  throw  them 
into  market  and  under  cultivation  by  the  settlement  thereon  of  an 
agricultural  community,  has  deemed  it  advisable  to  present  to  the 
public  the  above  magnificent  distribution  scheme  amounting  to 
Eighty-four  Thousand  Dollars. 

"No  other  enterprise  in  this  country  has  ever  presented  the 
attractive  features  offered  by  this  scheme,  either  in  point  of  real 
magnitude  or  intrinsic  value.  Unlike  similar  operations  which  have 
heretofore  combined  a  host  of  worthless  articles  of  no  earthly  value 
or  utility  to  the  possessor;  with  perhaps  some  half  a  dozen  capital 
jjrizes,  this  scheme  comprizes  none  but  the  most  valuable  and  desir- 
able objects,  the  least  of  which  is  well  worthy  the  attention  of  the 
public." 

Dalton  evidently  wished  to  give  the  impression  that  his  Mag- 
nificent Distribution  Scheme  was  not  to  be  classed  with  the  numerr 


THE  PASSING  OF  THE  RANCHO  49 

ous  drawings,  distributions,  raffles  and  lotteries  that  were  as  plentiful 
in  his  day  as  stock  companies  were  in  ours  before  the  blue  sky  law 
put  them  out  of  business. 

In  a  parallel  column  with  Dalton's  ad.  in  the  Californian  is  the 
advertisement  of  H.  M.  Smith  &  Co.'s  great  $100,000  prize  raffle. 
The  first  prize  was  $10,000  in  octagon-shaped  $50  gold  slugs  of 
Argonautic  days.  No  prize  in  this  raffle  was  worth  less  than  fifty 
dollars.  Unfortunately  for  the  investors  the  proprietors  forgot  to 
mention  the  number  of  prizes,  but  that  was  not  material.  Everyone 
was  after  the  slugs. 

In  another  column  of  the  Californian,  the  California  Art  Union 
was  advertising  its  monthly  drawings,  where  for  the  consideration 
of  $1.00  you  could  take  a  chance  on  a  $5,000  gold  ingot,  silver-lined 
trumpets,  Persian  shawls,  magnificent  paintings  of  the  "Descent  from 
the  Cross,"  "The  Holy  Family"  and  other  pious  pictures  done  in 
oil  by  the  young  masters.  But  the  prize  of  prizes  was  the  largest 
diamond  in  the  United  States  done  in  paste  by  experts. 

Sixty  years  ago  lotteries  were  as  thick  as  leaves  in  Valambrosa. 
Maryland  and  Louisiana  licensed  them,  and  all  the  other  States 
tolerated  them.  Even  the  churches  sometimes  took  a  hand  in  draw- 
ings that  bordered  close  on  to  lotteries,  and  justified  themselves  with 
the  plea  that  the  end  sanctified  the  means.  Even  the  Father  of  his 
Country,  it  is  said,  took  a  chance  in  a  lottery  to  raise  money  to 
build  a  wagon  road  over  the  Blue  Ridge.  He  did  not  win  the 
capital  prize.  Sixty  years  ago  there  was  no  censorship  of  the  mails. 
Everything  that  went  into  them  went  through  them. 

Dalton,  after  justifying  his  method  of  distribution,  launches 
forth  in  a  eulogy  on  the  southern  country  that  for  the  tropical 
exuberance  of  adjectives  and  richness  of  descriptive  phrase  would 
turn  our  whole  Million  Club  of  real  estate  boosters  green  with 
envy. 

He  says,  "The  well-known  and  justly-celebrated  natural  advan- 
tages of  this  section  of  country  with  its  beautiful  scenery ;  its  unsur- 
passed salubrity  of  climate,  its  unparalled  fertility  and  richness  of 
soil,  its  extensive  valleys  and  broad  and  limitless  plains,  its  beautiful 
streams  and  rich  and  varied  scenery  need  no  description  to  those 
who  have  visited  this  garden  spot  of  the  Pacific ;  situated  on  the 
shores  of  the  illimitable  expanse  of  this  mighty  waste  of  waters, 
possessing  one  of  the  finest  harbors  uix)n  the  coast  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  only  feasible  pass  through  the  mountain  barriers  on  the 
other,  through  which  the  project  of  an  interoceanic  railroad  between 
the  two  oceans  can  be  consumated,  the  future  of  this  county  is 
beyond  the  power  of  imagination  to  conceive,  and  w-hether  we  con- 
sider its  present  or  its  future,  it  presents  infinitely  superior  induce- 
ments to  all  portions  of  the  State." 


50  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

"The  catalogue,"  says  Dalton,  "will  embrace  a  large  number 
of  beautiful  and  convenient  modern  built  dwelling  houses,  city 
and  town  lots  eligibly  situated  in  the  city  of  Los  Angeles;  magni- 
ficent vineyards  and  fruit  orchards  unsurpassed  in  point  of  thrift 
and  productiveness ;  very  valuable  town  lots  in  the  town  of  Benton, 
together  with  splendid  farming  lands  adjacent  thereto  and  comprising 
a  portion  of  the  splendid  Rancho  of  Azusa,  one  of  the  finest  tracts 
in  the  lower  country,  and  on  the  direct  line  between  San  Pedro  and 
San  Gorgonio,  the  procpective  location  of  the  Great  Pacific  Railroad. 

"For  the  purpose  of  disposing  of  these  valuable  and  highly  at- 
tractive objects,  together  with  a  choice  selection  of  personal  prop- 
erty, comprising  horses,  cattle  and  other  live  stock,  a  'distribution 
scheme'  has  been  formed  on  the  plan  of  similar  associations  in  other 
portions  of  the  world,  thereby  offering  to  all  an  opportunity  of 
securing  at  a  triffling  cost  a  desirable  home  for  themselves  and 
families  where  the  remainder  of  their  days  may  be  passed  in  the 
quiet  and  peaceful  enjoyment  of  the  domestic  hearth  surrounded 
by  the  comforts  and  conveniences  that  the  richest  soil  and  most 
salubrious  and  healthy  climate  can  afiford." 

"The  whole  is  divided  in  shares  placed  by  general  desire  at 
the  low  rate  of  ONE  DOLLAR  EACH,  giving  to  the  holder  an 
interest,  by  purchase,  in  the  entire  enterprise  and  constituting  a 
membership  with  all  the  privileges  annexed  thereto,  and  the  right 
to  decide  on  the  mode  of  distribution.  The  sale  will  be  completed 
by  the  disposal  of  all  the  shares  or  by  the  first  Monday  in  May,  1855, 
and  the  property  will  await  the  order  of  the  shareholders,  through 
the  fair  and  impartial  decision  of  a  committee  chosen  by  themselves. 

"Among  other  highly  attractive  and  valuable  features  oflfered 
in  this  enterprize  are  one  of  the  most  magnificent  private  dwellings 
in  the  southern  country,  now  occupied  by  the  Hon.  Judge  Olvera, 
fronting  eighty-six  feet  on  the  Main  Plaza,  with  wings  extending 
back  ninety-five  feet,  possessing  an  open  court  within,  a  beautiful 
corridor  along  the  entire  front,  with  numerous  apartments  elegantly 
finished,  and  combining  every  convenience  pertaining  to  a  first-class 
residence.     \'alue  $11,000.* 

Dalton's  "one  of  the  most  magnificent  private  dwellings  in 
Southern  California,"  is  still  standing  and  know-n  as  the  Olvera 
house.  It  is  located  on  the  northeast  corner  of  Marchessault  and 
Olvera  Street,  fronting  on  the  Plaza.     It  is  the  last  of  the  Plaza 

•Note.— This  historic  liouse.  with  an  unwritten  history,  was  buUt  about 
eighty  years  aso  by  Don  Tlburcio  Tapaia.  For  many  years  it  was  the  residence 
of  Don  Affustin  Olvera.  Olvera  was  a  prominent  citizen  in  pueblo  days,  and 
active  In  pueblo  poUUcs.  He  was  deputado  at  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga  and  was 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  articles  of  capitulaOon  between  Col.  J.  C.  Fremont 
and  General  .\ndres  Pico.  He  was  the  first  county  Judge  in  1860.  when  the 
county  was  organized,  and  president  of   the   Court  of  Session. 


THE  PASSING  OF  THE  RANCHO  51 

fronts  that  were  once  the  homes  of  the  pueblo  aristocracy  and  ahnost 
the  last  relic  of  the  adobe  age  of  our  city. 

After  it  ceased  to  be  the  palatial  home  Dalton  describes  it,  in 
the  later  50's  and  early  60's,  when  Satan  and  his  imps  had  their 
innings  on  the  Plaza,  it  became  a  saloon  and  gambling  hell.  Nigger 
Alley,  the  Plaza's  chief  tributary  from  the  south  was  known  as  the 
wickedest  street  on  earth.  After  several  vigilence  committees  had 
regulated  the  morals  of  the  Plaza  by  hemp  and  exile,  the  old  house 
became  the  habitation  of  the  "heathen  Chinee."  When  dilapidation 
and  decay  had  reduced  it  until  it  was  unfit  for  even  Mongolians 
to  inhabit,  it  was  converted  into  a  hay  barn  and  coal  yard.  The 
spacious  hall  where  once  the  beauty  and  the  chivalry  of  the  pueblo 
whirled  through  the  dance  is  now  occupied  by  a  Mexican  restaurant 
where,  if  you  are  indifferent  to  your  surroundings,  you  can  appease 
your  hunger  at  any  price  from  cinco  centavos  (5  cents)  to  cuarta 
reales  (50  cents)  on  enchiladas  (meal  and  meat  cakes)  gallina, 
(chicken),  huertos  (eggs),  fritos  empanados  (meat  cakes),  tamales, 
tortillas  and  other  dainties  of  olden  times. 

Dalton's  second  prize  was  an  extensive  and  highly  productive 
vineyard  within  fiteen  minutes  walk  of  the  public  square  or  plaza. 
Value  $10,000. 

The  next  was  "one  very  fine  modern  built  dwelling  house,  con- 
taining nine  rooms,  with  necessary  out  buildings,  situated  on  the 
most  valuable  ground  in  the  city,  directly  opposite  the  Court  House 
lot  fronting  63  feet  on  Spring  Street  and  running  back  155  feet. 
Value  $6,000." 

The  Court  House  then  was  on  the  corner  of  Spring  and 
Franklin  or  Jail  Streets,  where  the  Phillips  block  lately  stood. 

Of  the  city  and  town  lots  rising  rapidly  in  value  there  were 
two  hundred  and  forty  elegant  ones  in  the  city  of  Benton.  It  is 
to  be  regreted  that  Dalton  did  not  give  the  price  of  lots  in  this 
prospective  metropolis  of  the  San  Gabriel  Valley,  Benton  City.  It  is 
to  be  regreted,  too,  that  he  did  not  give  the  price  per  acre  of  the 
"twenty-four  superb  forty-acre  farms  on  the  Rancho  of  Azusa"  ad- 
joining this  metropolis  and  containing  some  of  the  richest  and  most 
fertile  lands  in  the  world. 

As  a  guarantee  of  the  reality,  fairness  and  security  of  this 
magnificent  real  estate  distribution  scheme,  Dalton  referred  to  about 
all  the  cattle  kings  and  merchant  princes  of  Los  Angeles.  His  ad- 
vertisement ran  from  January  to  April  in  the  newspapers.  About 
three  weeks  before  the  drawing  was  to  be  held,  it  disappeared  from 
their  columns  without  explanation,  apology  or  editorial  comment. 
The  only  inference  we  can  draw  is  that  the  84,000  chances  in  the 
magnificent  real  estate  distribution  scheme  were  not  taken. 


bS  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

The  times  then  were  not  auspicious  for  real  estate  distributions. 
The  people  of  Southern  California  had  not  been  educated  up  to  the 
necessity  or  desirability  of  small  farms.  \\'hat  could  a  man  with 
forty  acres  do  against  his  neighbor  with  40,000?  Then  the  majority 
of  those  who  took  chances  in  distributions,  drawings,  raffles  and 
lotteries  were  not  yearning  for  land.  They  wanted  quick  returns 
on  their  investments.  Smith  &  Co.'s  $10,000  golden  slugs  had  far 
greater  attraction  for  this  class  than  Dalton's  $11,000  palatial  resi- 
dence. Even  Duncan's  art  union  pious  pictures  appealed  more  pow- 
erfully to  the  paisanos  than  Dalton  superb  40-acre  farms  with  their 
illimitable  fertility  of  soil.  A  farm  implied  work  and  work  was 
what  every  lottery  patron  was  trying  to  avoid. 

A  chance  in  the  Monte  farmer's  distribution  scheme  (ad  in  the 
Calif oniian)  in  which  the  chief  prize  was  an  elegant  $500  family 
carriage  that  had  crossed  the  plains  behind  an  ox  team  had  the 
call  in  a  lottery  drawing  over  whole  blocks  of  Dalton's  eligible  city 
lots.  Land  was  the  cheapest  and  most  undesirable  commodity  of- 
fered. 

Dalton  was  a  shrewd  business  man.  He  could  foresee  the  doom 
of  the  cattle  kings  and  the  division  of  their  domains.  To  forestall 
his  own  fate,  for  he  was  the  owner  of  myriads  of  acres,  he  inaug- 
urated this  first  subdivision  scheme.  That  it  was  a  failure  was 
due  to  the  times  and  customs.  The  Rancho  Azusa  remained  intact. 
Benton  became  a  phantom  city,  its  location  uncertain.  No  map  of  it 
was  ever  recorded.  No  house  was  ever  built  within  its  limits.  No 
inhabitants  ever  lived  in  it. 

The  Ranhco  Azusa  is  ghost-haunted  by  spectre  cities.  There 
are  at  least  three  of  these  phantoms  on  it — Benton  City,  the  city  of 
Gladstone,  and  Chicago  Park.  The  last  two  of  these  were  founded 
in  the  great  real  estate  boom  of  1887.  The  history  of  Gladstone  has 
been  well  told  by  our  fellow  member,  Mr.  C.  C.  Baker,  in  \'ol.  IX, 
publications  of  the  Historical  Society.  Chicago  Park,  a  city  of 
2289  lots,  was  located  in  the  wash  of  the  San  Gabriel  River.  That 
river  of  torrents,  once  named  the  River  of  Earthquakes,  arose  in 
its  wrath  and  converted  Chicago  Park  into  a  maratime  city  by 
washing  its  soil  and  silt  into  the  San  Pedro  Harbor,  forty  miles 
away   from   its  former  location. 

Its  eccentric  founder  fixed  the  value  of  its  lots  at  a  uniform 
price  of  $13  each.  Whether  or  not  the  choosing  of  this  ill-omened 
number  13  was  a  defy  to  Fate,  Fate  took  the  challenge  and  mis- 
fortune overtook  the  town.  Five  years  later  the  county  assessor 
was  assessing  these  lots  in  bunches  of  five  at  an  aggregate  value 
of  $1.00  for  the  bunch. 

Azusa  of  the  phantom  cities  was  not  the  only  rancho  that  Dalton 
owned.     He  had  interests  in  three  others.     The  aggregate  of  his 


THE  PASSING  OF  THE  RANCHO  53 

landed  interests  amounted  to  over  70,000  acres.  As  a  cattle  king 
he  ranked  well  up  among  the  feudal  royalty.  His  kingdom  was 
subdivided  and  distributed  among  many  owners,  but  not  by  himself. 

Litigation  and  the  "famine  years"  that  killed  the  cattle  industry 
sealed  his  doom.  His  magnificent  real  estate  distribution  scheme 
involved  him  in  a  lawsuit  for  the  trifling  value  of  one  share.  It  was 
carried  through  the  courts  and  fought  with  bitterness  for  years. 

My  story  is  a  record  of  a  phase  of  our  civilization  passed  and 
gone  forever.  The  cattle  kings — the  vaqueros,  their  vassals — the 
ranches,  their  kingdoms — and  the  lavishness  with  which  they  spent 
their  wealth,  are  but  the  dimly  remembered  tradition  of  an  age  of 
feudal  splendor  in  tinsel  settings.  It  was  a  dream  of  affluence  and 
an  awakening  to  poverty — a  flitting  glamor  of  riches  darkened  by 
the  shadows  of  want.  No  heir  of  a  cattle  king  inherits  the  kingdom 
of  his  progenitors.  The  passing  of  the  Rancho  ended  the  line  of 
succession. 


THE  GREAT  LOS  ANGELES  REAL  ESTATE  BOOM  OF  1887 

BY  JOSEPH   NETZ 

The  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  was  founded  on  September  4,  1781, 
in  conformity  to  an  order  of  Governor  Felipe  de  Neve,  of  California, 
dated  at  the  Mission  of  San  Gabriel,  August  26  of  that  year.  The  city 
was  located  around  a  plaza  275  feet  square,  just  north  and  west  of 
the  present  plaza.  The  growth  of  the  pueblo  throughout  its  early 
history  was  very  slow.  Its  people  were  unprogressive  and  means 
of  communication  and  transportation  were  very  poor. 

The  pueblo  was  proclaimed  a  city  May  23,  1835,  when  the  decree 
was  signed  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  which  declared  "that  the  town 
of  Los  Angeles,  Upper  California,  is  erected  to  a  city  and  shall  be 
for  the  future,  the  capital  of  that  country."  Its  boundaries  were 
described  as  "two  leagues  to  each  wind  from  the  center  of  the  plaza, 
100  square  miles  in  all."  The  Plaza  was  the  exact  center  of  the 
original  Spanish  grant  for  the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles,  but  the  area 
as  incorporated  into  a  city  April  4,  1850,  was  described  as  one 
Spanish  league  each  way  from  this  central  point  or  twenty-eight 
square  miles  in  all.  The  population  of  the  city  at  this  time  was  1610, 
and  the  entire  assessment  roll  for  California  south  of  Kern  County 
was  less  than  $2,300,000. 

There  were  certain  periods  in  the  early  history  of  the  city  when 
there  were  stirs  in  real  estate,  espcially  after  the  opening  of  the 
Santa  Fe  trail  and  after  the  secularization  of  the  Missions,  but  as 
late  as  1860  the  official  census  is  given  as  4399. 

The  real  commercial  awakening  of  the  country  around  about 
Los  Angeles  from  the  lethargy  and  repose  of  what  may  be  termed 
the  pastoral  period,  began  about  1866.  Up  to  this  time,  stock  raising 
had  been  the  principal  industry  of  the  large  ranches  of  Southern 
California,  wRose  owners  refused  to  subdivide  them  or  sell  them. 
The  years  1863  and  1864  were  so  dry  that  the  country  did  not 
produce  feed  enough  to  support  the  countless  head  of  cattle  and 
horses,  and  they  died  by  the  thousand.  One  hundred  thousand  head 
of  cattle  and  horses  perished  on  the  Stearns  Rancho  alone.  Mr.  Guinn' 
estimates  that  1,000,000  perished  in  the  State.  Thousands  of  living 
skeletons  were  driven  off  the  bluff  at  Point  P'irmen  into  the  ocean, 
the  air  of  the  back  country  being  so  badly  affected  by  the  odor  from 

M.    Gulnn.      Records   of   the 


THE  GREAT  LOS  ANGELES  REAL  ESTATE  BOOM  OF   1887  55 

these  dead  animals.  Land  now  became  a  drug  upon  the  market. 
Lots  worth  $2,000,000  today  in  the  very  heart  of  the  city  were  offered 
for  sale  at  $2.50  to  pay  the  taxes,  with  no  takers.  The  following 
year  no  city  taxes  were  collected.  The  drought  proved  a  blessing  in 
disguise,  for  Southern  California,  because  the  large  ranch  holders 
were  now  willing  to  sell  in  small  tracts,  and  the  Stearns  Ranchos  of 
200,000  acres  were  among  the  lirst  to  be  subdivided. 

With  the  building  of  the  municipal  railroad  to  San  Pedro,  many 
people  came  to  Los  Angeles  from  the  north.  Alany  of  these  new 
arrivals  made  their  homes  here  and  some  of  them  bought  a  part 
of  this  land  for  agricultural  purposes.  These  people  attained  a  fair 
degree  of  success  in  raising  hay,  grain,  etc.,  and  for  this  purpose 
good  agricultural  land  rose  to  $10,  20  and  as  high  as  $50  an  acre 
in  some  favored  spots.  Los  Angeles  began  to  have  a  back  country 
at  last.  Means  of  transportation  were  still  slow,  however,  and  the 
country  grew  very  slowly.  The  population  of  the  city  in  1870  was 
but  5614. 

Two  things  happened  now  which  were  very  important  in  the 
development  of  Southern  California.  One  was  the  discovery  and 
use  of  artesian  well  water  for  irrigation  purposes  and  the  other  was 
the  coming  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad.  The  former  made  the 
small  farmer  independent  of  the  rainy  season ;  the  result  of  which 
was  that  deciduous  and  citrus  fruits'  began  to  be  extensively  cul- 
tivated. The  railroad  opening  made  eastern  markets  available  for  this 
fruit  by  providing  easy  means  of  transportation.  Lands  available 
for  the  raising  of  fruit  rose  in  value  to  $150  and  $200  an  acre  for 
a  farm  of  from  ten  to  forty  acres.  Without  water  and  a  distance 
from  the  railroad  land  could  still  be  had  at  prices  ranging  from  $1 
to  $3  per  acre.  With  the  development  of  the  fruit  industry,  espe- 
cially oranges,  there  was  a  sign  of  real  progress,  for  the  population 
in  1880  was  11,183,  or  almost  double  that  of  1870.  The  oranges 
and  lemons  of  SoutTiern  California  in  competition  with  those  of  the 
entire  world  carried  off  all  the  premiums  at  the  New  Orleans  Ex- 
position in  1884  and  1885,  and  the  way  California  oranges  were  sold 
on  the  Eastern  markets  proved  that  the  premiums  were  based  on 
merit.     Thus  Southern  California  began  to  be  well  advertised. 

This  advertising  now  began  on  a  most  extensive  scale.  The 
Board  of  Trade  was  founded  in  1883  and  bent  its  energy  in  boosting 
the  good  qualities  of  this  section.  Many  beautiful  lithographs  were 
printed  and  sent  broadcast  over  the  eastern  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  newspapers  printed  beautifully  illustrated  editions  on 
various  occasions:  page  after  page  of  advertising  and  descriptive 
matter  was  sent  to  eastern  magazines,  which  were  read  all  over  the 


56  HISTORICAL  SOCIETV  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORXIA 

world.  This  advertising  and  literature'  told  in  glowing  colors  Uie 
salubrity  of  our  glorious  climate,  climate,  climate,  the  variety  of  our 
productions,  the  fertility  of  our  soil  and  the  immense  profits  to  be 
made  from  the  cultivation  of  Southern  California  semi-tropical  fruits. 
Of  course  there  were  golden  opportunities  in  the  virgin  soil  of  South- 
ern California,  but  the  promoters  went  wild  and  boosted  conditions 
above  the  normal  and  helped  to  bring  on  a  boom.  The  first  premonition 
of  the  boom  took  place  June  1,  1885,  with  the  formal  transfer  of 
the  Southern  California  Railroad  to  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific.  The 
road  came  through  the  Cajon  Pass  and  continued  to  San  Diego  by 
way  of  the  Temecula  Canon.  Bright  prospects  loomed  up  for  the 
future,  but  this  section  of  the  road  was  built  on  too  low  a  grade, 
and  a  large  section  of  railroad  through  the  canyon  was  washed 
out.  The  loss  was  only  for  the  moment,  for  the  San  Gabriel 
Valley  Railroad  being  built  to  Los  Angeles  from  San  Bernardino 
via  Pasadena  was  backed  by  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific,  which  in  the 
meantime  obtained  a  right-of-way  to  Los  Angeles  over  the  track 
of  the  Southern  Pacific  by  a  working  agreement  with  that  company. 
With  the  establishment  of  the  Santa  Fe  (the  name  was  changed  from 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific),  Los  Angeles  had  a  competing  railroad  at 
last,  and  the  Southern  Pacific  could  no  longer  discriminate  against 
the  merchants  of  Los  Angeles  in  favor  of  the  merchants  of  San 
Francisco.  The  rivalry  between  the  two  companies  became  so 
keen  that  the  Santa  Fe  precipitated  the  boom  when  it  withdrew 
from  the  Transcontinental  Traffic  Association  in  January,  1886. 
Rival  roads  began  to  fight  the  Santa  Fe,  and  by  the  first  of  May. 
1886,  hostilities  were  on  in  earnest  between  the  Southern  Pacific  and 
the  Santa  Fe.  Passenger  rates  from  Kansas  City  to  Los  Angeles 
had  been  $70 :  from  Chicago  $100 ;  from  New  York  $100.  For  three 
months  tickets  were  sold  from  Missouri  River  points  to  Los  Angeles 
as  low  as  $5,  and  for  one  day  the  fare  was  $1  for  a  ride  of  2800 
miles.  The  railroad  war  lasted  six  months.  At  the  end  of  this 
period  fares  were  raised,  but  they  were  never  raised  to  the  old 
rates.  The  result  of  this  railroad  war  was  to  precipitate  such  a 
flow  of  tentative  migration,  such  an  avalanche  rushing  madly  to 
Southern  California  as  I  believe  has  had  no  parallel. 

Previous  to  the  railroad  war  the  migration  to  Southern  Cali- 
fornia consisted  very  largely  of  merchants  and  business  men  who 
came  here  to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  Southern  California  climate  and 
kindred  advantages.  As  transportation  facilities  increased  and  hotel 
accommodations  became  more  attractive,  this  class  of  tourists  in- 
creased. The  fields  of  green  and  the  homes  of  flowers  and  fruits, 
the  balmy  air,  the  brilliant  sunshine  pouring  down  its  invigorating 
warmth  upon  the  body  and  vitalizing  the  blood,  suggested  to  these 

1.     Southern    California.    T.    S.    V.in    Dyke. 


THE  GREAT  LOS  ANGELES  REAL  ESTATE   BOOM  OF   1887  57 

people  the  value  of  the  land  as  a  home,  and  many  of  them  remained, 
while  others  returned  as  tourists  the  following  year  or  became  per- 
manent residents  of  Los  Angeles  as  soon  as  they  could  dispose  of 
their  eastern  holdings.  Five  or  ten  acres  with  its  fruits  and  flowers 
in  Southern  California  became  for  them  a  paradise  of  health  and 
beauty.  Lands  for  homes  of  this  kind  rose  to  $500,  and  in  some 
cases  as  high  as  $1000  per  acre.  The  best  business  property  in  the 
city  at  this  time  sold  for  $300  per  front  foot,  and  the  best  residence 
lots  sold  for  $2000  for  fifty  feet.  Real  estate  on  the  whole  was  still 
very  low  and  good  prices  prevailed  only  in  a  few  favored  sections. 

With  the  beginning  of  the  railroad  rate  war  immigrants  came  by 
hundreds.  Many  of  these  began  to  purchase  land  and  prices  rose 
a  little.  Later  the  people  arrived  by  thousands,  so  the  real  estate 
activity  increased ;  yet  the  increase  was  steady.  Finally  as  the  rates 
were  lowered  and  the  news  spread  abroad  of  the  fortunes  being 
made  in  the  Los  Angeles  real  estate  market,  the  immigrants  stam- 
peded to  Los  Angeles  by  tens  of  thousands,  accompanied  by  a  host  of 
boomers  who  had  been  through  a  school  of  real  estate  speculation. 
All  legitimate  buying  and  selling  of  real  estate  was  now  forgotten, 
all  standards  of  measurements  and  comparison  were  flung  aside.  A 
wild  enthusiasm  and  passion  for  speculation  broke  over  the  country 
and  for  a  brief  period  the  most  reckless  excesses  were  committed. 
All  values  were  merely  fictitious.  Los  Angeles  had  scarcely  any 
industries  at  this  time.  The  all-important  traffic  was  "science"  of 
real  estate.  "Nobody  can  make  a  mistake  who  buys  land  in  Southern 
California,'"  argued  the  boomers.  The  price  which  he  pays  for  it 
makes  little  difference,  either  in  the  city  or  in  the  country.  The 
limited  amount  of  land  and  the  constantly  increasing  demand  for  it 
sufficiently  settles  the  question  of  inflation.  The  future  prosperity 
of  Los  Angeles  cannot  now  and  never  will  be  measured.  And  so 
these  real  estate  speculators  cut  up  a  large  part  of  the  southern  sec- 
tion of  the  State  in  town  lots,  additions  to  existing  towns  and  new 
towns. 

Sixty  of  these  new  townsites  were  put  upon  the  market  during 
the  year  1887.  Twenty-five  of  them  were  located  on  the  Santa  Fe 
Railroad  between  Los  Angeles  city  and  the  city  of  San  Bernardino. 
Eight  of  them  were  located  on  the  Southern  Pacific.  The  only  limits 
to  a  city  in  many  cases  were  the  limits  of  an  adjoining  city.  They 
appeared  like  scenes  conjured  up  by  Aladdin's  lamp.  Out  on  the 
desert,  in  a  river  wash,  or  a  mud  flat,  upon  a  barren  slope  or  hillside 
and  in  the  fertile  minds  of  the  boomers  these  townsites  appeared. 
Lots  in  many  of  these  townsites  were  sold  at  a  very  low  figure; 
enough  to  put  the  price  within  the  reach  of  all,  and  thus  the  number 

1.     Southern  California,   by  T.   S.   Van   Dyke. 


58  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

of  Speculators  increaserd  by  metes  and  bounds.  Old  settlers  at  last 
caught  the  fever,  and  many  of  those  who  sold  their  property  at 
the  first  rise  in  value,  later  bought  it  back  at  a  much  higher  value. 
Thus  the  former  land  owner  who  sold  the  original  townsite  of 
Claremont  to  the  boomers  bought  back  enough  town  lots  from  the 
boomers  to  pay  for  the  cost  of  the  entire  townsite.  It  may  be  said 
that  the  fine-tooth  comb  of  the  boomer  let  no  one  escape. 

Various  schemes  were  used  to  attract  the  tenderfoot  to  a  new 
tract.  Circulars,  handbills,  booklets  and  lithographs  of  every  de- 
scription known  to  the  printers'  trade  were  utilized  by  every  specu- 
lator. The  daily  newspaper  was  used  to  its  fullest  capacity.  In  fact, 
the  Sunday  newspapers  could  not  carry  all  the  advertisements.  In 
many  cases  an  entire  page  would  contain  but  a  single  word  printed 
in  very  large  type.  After  a  week  a  descriptive  ad,  would  appear, 
saying  that  this  word  represented  the  name  of  a  wonderful  ne>y 
tract  or  townsite.  The  advertisement  would  further  inform  the 
public  that  the  new  tract  or  townsite  would  be  sold  at  auction  at 
a  certain  date  at  which  time  free  transportation  would  be  provided. 
The  following  is  an  example  of  an  advertisement  taken  from  the 
Pasadena  Daily  Union  for  November  the  first,  1887:  "Grand  ex- 
cursion and  barbecue  at  La  Manda  Park.  A  genuine  roast.  Refresh- 
ments in  a  large  tent,  free  to  all.  Band  concert  10  A.  M.  to  4  P.  M." 
The  following  appeared  in  the  Los  Angeles  Tribune  of  January  12th, 
1887:  "Grand  jubilee  auction.  Free  excursion  one  o'clock.  While 
the  brass  band  discourses  brilliant  music.  Weeks  the  New  York  Ca- 
terer will  serve  one  of  his  inimitable  and  substantial  lunches  witfi 
California  fruits  and  wines  for  desert.  Lunch  and  music  free  as 
air." 

The  boom  town  of  The  Palms  had  a  very  striking  advertisement, 
with  a  red  rising  sun  in  one  corner.  I  gather  the  following  from 
the  daily  papers  of  the  time:  "Magnolia.  Keep  your  eye  on  it.  Buy 
land  in  Los  Angeles  and  wear  diamonds.  You  will  get  fat  at  Rose- 
crans.  Before  j'ou  marry  buy  at  Rosecrans."  The  following  ap- 
peared in  the  San  Bernardino  Times  in  September,  1887:  "Of  ali 
the  booming  booms  in  the  booming  city  of  San  Bernardino,  the 
boomiest  Ixioni  is  the  boom  in  the  Heart  Tract,  the  garden  spot  of 
the  Beautiful  Base  Line.  Fourteen  prizes  aggregating  $16,000.  First 
30  lots,  $750;  remainder,  $850.  Buy  now  and  make  $100.'"  The 
brass  band  was  perhaps  the  most  popular  method  of  advertising  a 
new  tract  or  townsite  and  it  was  used  on  every  occasion.  The  brass 
band  usually  preceded  the  grand  parade  on  the  day  a  certain  tract 
was  to  be  sold  at  auction.  The  following  is  an  account  of  one  of 
these  sales  taken  from  the  Los  Angeles  Tribune,  April  24,  1887 : 

1.     See  Century  AnnaJs  of  San  Bernardino  County,   by  L,.  A.   Ingrcrsoll. 


THE  GREAT  LOS  ANGELES  REAL  ESTATE  BOOM  OF  1887  59 

"Early  risers  were  assailed  by  noises  preceeding  from  the  throats  of 
wind  instruments,  together  with  bewildering  sounds  of  trumpet  and 
cymbal.  What  was  it?  A  large  wagon,  carriage  or  omnibus  con- 
taining a  full  brass  band  and  decorated  on  all  sides  with  immense 
banners  bearing  the  inscription  'Gladstone.'  These  banners  further- 
more informed  one  that  an  excursion  to  the  town  of  Gladstone  and 
an  auction  sale  of  lots  would  take  place  that  day.  There  was  a 
howling,  raging  mob  of  dabblers  and  dealers  in  real  estate  entering 
in  a  hurry  four  cars,  each  decorated  with  a  large  Gladstone  banner 
on  either  side.  Each  car  was  loaded  with  swarms  of  people,  old 
and  young,  male  and  female,  and  not  one  of  them  was  a  respecter 
of  persons  other  than  themselves.  Their  only  object  in  living  was 
to  get  a  mortgage  on  a  seat.  When  crowded,  the  cars  unceremoniously 
pulled  out  leaving  many  persons  behind,  who  unless  they  hired  con- 
veyances bought  no  lots  in  Gladstone  yesterday.  Upon  arrival  in 
Gladstone  lunch  was  served  free  while  a  brass  band  played  music. 
After  lunch  the  auction  of  the  lots  took  place." 

Fakes,  frauds  and  stool  pigeons  of  every  sort  were  used  during 
the  excitement  of  the  later  frenzy  by  the  speculators,  which  were 
engendered  by  professional  promoters.'  One  of  the  most  notable 
examples  of  this  kind  of  promotion  was  Coronado  Beach.  The 
boomers  spent  $35,000  in  advertising  the  place  and  posted  placards 
in  every  postoffice  in  the  United  States.  When  the  day  of  the  sale 
arrived  there  was  an  immense  crowd  of  people  present,  but  there 
were  no  bidders.  At  last  one  of  the  promoters  stepped  forward, 
pointed  out  a  prominent  judge  in  the  audience  and  stated  that  the 
judge  had  made  a  bid  of  $1200  for  a  lot.  It  was  a  bluff,  but  a 
spirited  bidding  resulted  and  many  lots  were  immediately  sold.  But 
after  a  time  there  was  a  lull  in  the  bidding  and  it  looked  after  al! 
that  the  sale  would  be  a  failure.  Again  a  promoter  stepped  forward 
and  stated  that  the  company  promised  a  million  dollar  hotel  and  other 
improvements  on  the  site.  This  also  was  a  bluff,  but  the  sale  went 
on  like  wildfire,  and  before  the  day  w^as  over  $100,000  worth  of  lots 
were  sold  or  more  than  enough  to  pay  for  the  entire  beach.  After- 
wards over  $800,000  worth  of  lots  were  sold. 

There  were  few  cash  sales  during  the  boom.  Most  of  the  land 
was  bought  on  contract,  one-third  or  one-fourth  down,  balance  in 
semi-annual  payments,  was  a  common  method.  Another  method  was 
a  small  payment  down,  balance  in  small  monthly  payments.  The 
former  method  was  often  used  by  "syndicates"  who  bought  up  prop- 
erty for  subdivision.  It  was  commonly  used  in  the  sale  of  acreage. 
The  latter  method  was  used  in  the  sale  of  lots.     These  contracts 


jnt  in  "Bursting  of  a  Boom,"  by  K.  P.  VaoheU. 


60  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

were  seldom  recorded,  as  they  were  often  resold  half  a  dozen  times. 
Deeds  to  property  were  recorded  at  their  full  selling  price  value. 

The  surveying  work  in  most  of  these  townsites  and  additions 
was  carefully  done  and  a  lot  may  be  easily  located  in  one  of  these 
abandoned  townsites  after  a  period  of  twenty-eight  years."  A  notable 
exception  to  this  accurate  measurement  is  that  of  Rosecrans.  This 
townsite  was  located  on  the  southern  slope  of  Howard  Summit,  just 
opposite  to  the  present  town  of  Athens.  In  this  instance  the  surveyer 
failed  to  plumb  his  stakes.  In  other  words,  he  ran  his  chain  along 
the  slope.  Instead  of  the  purchaser  getting  a  fifty  foot  lot  as  his 
deed  states,  he  got  a  forty-nine  foot  lot.  In  some  instances  corner 
stakes  to  blocks  only  were  set  out. 

Probably  the  worst  feature  of  the  boom  was  the  dealing  in 
options.  A  man  would  take  an  option  on  a  piece  of  property  worth 
thousands  of  dollars  and  tie  it  up  for  sixty  or  ninety  days  by  the 
payment  of  a  few  dollars ;  the  owner  in  the  meantime  having  no 
recourse,  although  the  property  might  have  made  a  phenomenal 
rise  meanwhile.  These  options  were  taken  for  purely  speculative 
purposes  and  were  often  sold  half  a  dozen  times  before  the  option 
expired.  An  option  would  be  taken  on  a  piece  of  property  by  a 
boomer  who  would  then  start  a  rumor  of  some  contemplated  im- 
provement. When  the  excitement  was  at  its  height  he  usually  sold 
the  option  at  a  few  thousand  dollars  advance.  In  this  way  eastern 
speculators  coming  here  with  but  a  few  dollars  in  their  pockets 
soon  blossomed  out  as  financiers  so  successfully  that  they  virtually 
became  "millionaires  for  a  da)'.""  Three  days  after  their  arrival 
these  eastern  speculators  knew  more  about  the  country  (according 
to  their  own  opinion)  than  the  native  son,  and  could  show  the  pros- 
pective real  estate  buyer  more  ways  of  making  quick  and  easy 
money  than  men  who  had  spent  their  lives  in  the  real  estate  business 
in  Los  Angeles.  These  fellows  had  just  graduated  from  a  school 
of  real  estate  speculation  and  they  therefore  knew  all  the  fine  points  of 
the  game.  They  knew  how  to  establish  fictitious  values.  They 
knew  how  to  boost  prices.  They  knew  how  to  attract  the  purchaser 
and  make  him  feel  that  he  was  doing  him  a  favor  by  selling  him 
a  lot. 

One  of  the  first  tracts  to  be  put  upon  the  market  was  the 
Wolfskin  Orchard  Tract  east  of  San  Pedro  Street.  This  land  was 
covered  with  orange  and  walnut  trees  over  forty  years  old,  and  was 
a  famous  grove  in  the  early  days  of  Los  Angeles.  Twenty  acres 
of  land  was  given  to  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Company  who 
built  the  Arcade  Depot  on  the  tract.     The  location  of  this  depot 

1.  Eastern    people    still    claim    lots   on    some   of   the    town.«lte    abandoned    by 

the  Board  of  Supervisors  twenty-five  years  a«o. 

2.  See  "Millionaires  of  a  Day,"  by  T.  S.  Van  Dyke. 


THE  GREAT  LOS  AXGELES  REAL  ESTATE  BOOM  OF   1887  61 

boomed  the  tract,  and  the  lots  near  it  sold  as  high  as  $200  a  front  foot, 
while  those  lots  a  mile  away  in  the  river  bottom  sold  for  $500  per  lot. 

One  of  the  most  important  suburban  tracts  of  boom  days  was 
the  Electric  Railway  Homestead  Association,  Pico  Heights  Tract. 
This  Tract  consisted  of  280  acres  and  lay  between  Ninth  and  Pico 
streets  and  west  of  Vermont  Avenue.  It  was  divided  into  1210  lots. 
The  buyers  were  very  shrewd.  Mr.  J.  R.  Millard  owned  20  acres 
of  the  most  beautiful  part  of  this  land  fronting  on  Pico  Street,  and 
his  home  was  the  show  place  of  the  tract.  The  company  paid  Mr. 
Millard  a  very  high  price  for  his  land  on  condition  that  he  buy 
secretly  the  remaining  acreage.  Mr.  Millard  bought  the  remaining 
acreage  at  a  very  low  price.  Lots  were  sold  at  a  uniform  price 
of  $290;  $10  down,  $10  a  month.  The  company  graded  the  streets, 
laid  water  pipe  and  built  110  houses  ranging  in  price  from  $600 
to  $4000  as  prizes  to  induce  people  to  buy  the  lots.  These  houses 
were  built  in  what  was  called  the  Hollow  between  Ninth  and  Eleventh 
streets.  Drainage  water  from  the  western  hills  of  the  city  ran 
through  this  part  of  the  tract  digging  deep  gulches  through  the 
property  so  that  it  was  very  difficult  at  times  to  find  a  place  large 
enough  to  build  a  house.  Some  of  the  houses  looked  like  miniature 
castles  on  the  Rhine.  The  company  also  built  an  electric  road  to  the 
tract,  but  for  slowness  in  construction  I  think  this  road  holds  an 
international  record.  It  was  built  without  the  aid  of  machinery 
other  than  pick  and  shovel.  Of  course  the  road  was  a  failure.  The 
company  knew  it  would  be  a  failure,  but  the  building  of  the  road' 
served  to  sell  the  lots  and  thus  accomplished  its  purpose.  Mean- 
while prospective  buyers  were  taken  to  the  tract  in  carriages  where, 
under  the  influence  of  port  wine,  they  saw  the  beauties  of  the  tract 
and  not  the  hollow.  The  drawing  for  these  lots  took  the  form  of 
a  lottery.  Before  a  buyer  was  entitled  to  draw  a  lot  he  must  pay 
in  at  least  $100.  After  the  boom  many  of  the  lots  were  sold  for 
taxes.  A  lot  containing  a  $600  house  was  sold  for  $30,  and  another 
lot  with  a  three-room  house  near  Pico  Street  was  sold  for  $60. 

There  were  many  such  tracts  in  and  about  Los  Angeles  which 
were  put  upon  the  market  during  the  days  of  the  boom.  Some  of 
them  laid  down  wooden  curbs  and  wooden  sidewalks.  Some  were 
close  in ;  others  were  at  a  great  distance  from  the  city. 

I  shall  now  note  some  sales  and  rises  in  prices  which  were 
characteristic  of  the  period.  My  father  bought  32  acres  of  land 
at  the  corner  of  Vernon  and  Central  Avenues  in  1883  for  $12,000 
but  was  forced  to  sell  the  land  in  1885  for  $8,500.  In  1887  this 
property  was  sold  for  $40,000  for  subdivision.  In  1915  100  feet 
of  this  same  property  was  condemned  for  a  library  site  for  $25,000. 

1.     Mr.   W.   H.   Workman,   as  mayor  of  Los  Angeles,   was   the  first  conductor 


62  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Mr.  Luke  bought  88  acres  of  land  in  the  center  of  Hollywood 
in  January,  1886,  for  $100  per  acre,  but  sold  it  in  the  fall  of  that 
year  for  $110  per  acre.  In  July,  1887,  this  same  land  sold  for 
$600  per  acre.  In  1886  Mr.  Luke  refused  to  pay  $11,000  for  25 
acres  on  Seventh  Street  near  Figueroa  Street,  but  saw  the  property 
go  above  $80,000  in  1887. 

A  man  offered  $47,000  for  the  Herriford  property  at  the  corner 
of  Fourth  and  Spring  Streets  in  January,  1887:  in  February  he 
offered  $53,000  or  it;  in  April  he  offered  $70,000  and  finally  bought 
the  property  in  July  for  $84,000.  Sixth  and  Main  quoted  at  $20 
a  foot  in  1883  sold  for  $800  per  foot  in  1887.  Boyle  Heights  was 
bought  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Worfonan  in  1867  for  $5  and  $10  per  acre. 
He  developed  water  on  the  property  and  sold  some  of  it  as  high 
as  $200  an  acre  in  1876.  Later  he  presented  part  of  Hollenbeck  Park 
to  the  city.  Lots  in  the  best  part  of  Boyle  Heights  which  originally 
sold  for  $150  went  as  high  as  $10,000  during  the  boom.  Boyle 
Heights  was  boomed  by  the  location  by  the  Santa  Fe  depot,  the 
First  Street  viaduct ;  Mr.  M.  L.  Weeks  opening  up  of  East  Second 
Street,  and  his  development  of  the  adjoining  property. 

Acreage  went  skyward  in  boom  times  as  well  as  city  lots.  In 
1870  good  land  around  Santa  Ana  could  be  bought  for  $10  per  acre, 
and  good  peat  land  at  $5  per  acre.  Mr.  A.  E.  Davis  refused  to  buy 
a  ranch  in  Downey  in  1886  for  $10,000,  but  the  following  year 
one-fourth  of  the  ranch  sold  for  that  sum.  Acreage  around  Glen- 
dora  preempted  from  the  government  in  1877,  sold  for  $1000  per 
acre  in  1887,  while  land  bought  for  $2.50  to  $15  per  acre  in  1879 
sold  for  $1500  per  lot  in  1887. 

While  there  were  many  new  townsites  put  upon  the  market 
very  early,  it  was  only  when  land  began  to  rise  rapidly  in  or  near 
the  city  that  these  new  townsites  began  to  flourish.  But  it  was 
in  some  of  these  new  townsites  that  the  most  fictitious  values  were 
boosted.  Rapid  transportation  in  the  way  of  electric  or  steam  roads ; 
magnificent  hotels :  colleges  of  applied  sciences  and  manufacturing 
establishments  were  promised  for  the  new  town.  If  the  new  town- 
site  was  situated  in  a  river  wash  or  a  stony  canyon,  the  sand  and 
boulders  were  boosted  as  building  material  and  thus  became  an 
asset ;  if  the  townsite  was  situated  out  on  the  desert,  it  was  boosted 
as  a  natural  health  resort  and  was  advertised  largely  in  eastern 
magazines ;  if  the  townsite  was  situated  on  a  hillside,  the  view  was 
boosted ;  if  the  townsite  was  situated  in  a  swamp,  as  was  the  case 
of  Ballona,  a  fictitious  harbor  was  boosted.  The  location  of  many 
of  these  new  townsites  made  very  little  difference ;  the  buyers  never 
expected  to  live  in  them.  The  new  arrivals  from  the  East  bought 
a  lot  and  lay  in  wait  for  the  tourist  of  the  next  day  to  unload  on 
him  at  an  advance.     It  was  all  a  mere  matter  of  pure  speculation. 


THE  GREAT  LOS  ANGELES  REAL  ESTATE   BOOM  OF   1887  63 

Besides  all  the  townsites  looked  equally  beautiful  from  the  artist's 
lithograph  maps,  with  the  majestic  snow-clad  mountains  in  the 
background  and  a  magnificent  seven-story  tourist  hotel  surrounded 
by  orange  trees  in  the  foreground. 

It  never  dawned  upon  even  the  shrewdest,  keenest  and  most 
far-sighted  of  these  speculators,  in  the  excitement  of  the  real  estate 
frenzy,  to  stop  long  enough  to  ascertain  if  there  were  any  reason 
that  a  city  should  grow  up  where  the  boomers  had  located  a  new 
townsite,  and  it  never  dawned  upon  the  sharpest  of  them  to  look 
far  enough  into  the  matter  to  see  that  the  interests  of  commerce  and 
the  trend  of  population  gave  every  reason  why  a  new  townsite 
should  not  grow  up  there  for  at  least  many  years  to  come. 

Azusa  was  one  of  the  first  townsites  to  be  put  upon  the  market, 
and  although  this  townsite  was  situated  upon  the  poorest  part  of 
Mr.  Slauson's  ranch  and  among  the  biggest  boulders,  the  speculators 
thought  they  saw  in  it  a  rival  to  Los  Angeles.  Everything  was  done 
by  the  promoters  to  keep  the  maps  of  the  property  a  secret  until  the 
day  of  the  sale  arrived,  but  in  spite  of  odds,  lot  buyers  stood  in 
line  for  two  days  and  two  nights  waiting  for  the  hour  when  the 
sale  would  begin.  High  prices  were  offered  for  choice  places  in 
line.  The  lots  went  with  a  rush,  for  during  the  first  two  months 
$1,175,000  worth  of  lots  were  sold. 

Rosecrans  was  situated  on  a  gentle  slope  midway  between 
Los  Angeles  and  Gardena.  Three  thousand  lots  were  put  upon 
the  market  at  $50  each.  Later  the  company  constructed  a  narrow 
gauge  railroad  to  the  townsite,  built  a  hotel  and  twenty-four  prize 
houses.  With  these  improvements,  the  price  of  lots  was  advanced 
to  $240.  They  got  the  crowds,  I  know,  for  I  rode  down  there  myself 
one  Sunday  on  a  flat  car  crowded  to  its  fullest  capacity. 

St.  James,  situated  in  Orange  County,  sold  with  a  rush,  and 
on  the  opening  day  the  cash  sales  were  $8,000. 

San  Juan  by  the  Sea  was  the  first  town  whose  lots  were  sold 
by  the  aid  of  the  telephone  from  Riverside,  Santa  Ana  and  Los 
Angeles. 

The  townsite  of  Sunset  was  situated  northwest  of  the  present 
town  of  Beverly.  It  was  boomed  by  the  location  of  the  National 
Soldiers'  Home.  The  boomers  built  a  hotel  and  made  other  improve- 
ments, but  they  started  too  late,  and  in  spite  of  their  earnest  efforts 
the  town  was  a  failure.  The  beautiful  hotel  was  used  to  store 
hay  until  it  burned  down. 

Ontario  and  North  Ontario  (Magnolia)  were  boomed  about  the 
same  time.  Euclid  Avenue  running  through  these  towns  was  planned 
to  be  200  feet  wide  with  seven  high  electric  light  masts  and  water 
pipes.  An  electric  railway  was  promised,  but  a  horse  car  was 
furnished  in  which  the  horses  pulled  the  car  up  the  hill,  but  both 


64  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

the  horses  and  the  car  rode  down  the  hill  by  gravity.  \\'ater 
for  irrigation  was  developed  from  the  San  Antonio  canyon.  Chaffey 
Brothers  bought  8,000  acres  of  this  land  in  1883  for  $12  an  acre. 
With  the  development  of  water  they  promoted  a  model  colony.  They 
were  very  successful  and  exhibited  a  plan  of  the  colony  at  the  St. 
Louis  Exposition  later.  In  1886  they  sold  the  land  for  $150  an  acre ; 
also  giving  $100,000  for  the  foundation  of  an  agricultural  college. 
Magnolia  was  advertised  as  a  model  town,  as  each  deed  contained 
a  provision  for  the  none-sale  of  liquors.  Lots  were  sold  at  $100 
and  $150.    Lots  worth  $50,775  were  sold  the  first  day. 

Long  Beach  was  originally  called  Willmore  City.  Mr.  Will- 
more  planned  a  moral  town  there,  and  the  deeds  for  these  lots  also 
contained  provisions  for  the  non-sale  of  liquor.  During  the  boom 
a  syndicate  headed  by  Mr.  Pomeroy  bought  4,000  acres,  comprising 
the  best  part  of  the  location  from  Mr.^Bixby  for  $260,000.  The 
syndicate  built  a  railroad  and  called  the  town  Long  Beach.  They 
sold  over  $500,000  worth  of  lots,  from  $50  to  S250  each.  Many  of 
these  lots  were  resold  over  and  over  again.  Long  Beach  real  estate 
offices  were  the  first  places  of  business  to  open  in  the  morning,  and 
the  last  to  close  at  night.  Many  people  went  down  to  Long  Beach 
to  attend  the  Chautauqua  Assembly  and  spent  their  time  gambling 
in  city  lots.    One  man  is  reported  to  have  made  $5,000  in  two  weeks. 

Pasadena  was  originally  a  sheep  ranch  and  considered  a  very 
poor  one  at  that.  As  earlv  as  1853,  13,600  acres  were  sold  for 
$8,000,  and  in  1862,  640  acres  were  sold  for  $500,  and  262  acres 
of  the  best  part  were  sold  for  $1,000.  In  the  early  seventies  a 
large  part  of  Pasadena  was  settled  by  the  Orange  Growers  Asso- 
ciation under  the  name  of  the  Indiana  Colony.  Wilson  and  Griffin 
sold  land  there  in  the  late  70's  for  $50  an  acre,  thinking  they  robbed 
their  "Yankee"  buyers.  As  late  as  1880  Pasadena  had  but  a 
general  store  and  a  post-office  with  a  two-seated  stage  running  twice 
a  w^eek  to  Los  Angeles.  In  this  year  the  3000-acre  tract  was 
divided  into  five-acre  lots  and  sold  at  $50  and  $60  each.  The  same 
year  a  man  bought  20  acres  on  California  Street,  north  of  Marengo, 
for  $2,000.  The  best  lots  east  of  Fair  Oaks  and  south  of  Colorado 
Street  sold  for  $45,  while  the  best  corners  sold  for  $60.  In  1883 
Captain  Wakeley  bought  some  of  the  best  land  in  Pasadena  for 
$100  an  acre.  In  1885  the  Groton  Tract  at  the  corner  of  \'illa  and 
Lake  was  bought  for  $2,000,  or  $25  an  acre.  There  was  very  little 
sale  for  land  around  Altadena  because  of  the  lack  of  water.  Land 
worth  $2,500  today  was  sold  then  for  $15  per  acre.  A  man  owned 
ten  acres  at  the  northeast  corner  of  Fair  Oaks  and  Colorado 
Streets  and  in  1882  he  traded  three  acres  of  it  for  a  mule  team 
worth  about  $100.  About  this  time  Othera  bought  a  piece  of  land 
300  feet  bv  660  feet  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Fair  Oaks  and 


THE   GREAT   LOS   ANGELES   REAL  ESTATE  BOOM   OF    1887  65 

Colorado  Streets  for  $10  a  foot.  During  the  boom  this  land  sold 
for  $1,000  a  foot.  With  the  coming'  of  the  first  railroad  the  popu- 
lation of  Pasadena  doubled.  With  the  coming  of  each  successive 
railroad  its  population  doubled,  until  the  coming  of  the  Pacific 
Electric,  when  its  population  trebled. 

The  rise  in  price  of  Monrovia  lots  was  the  most  phenomenal 
of  any  boom  town.  Mr.  Munroe  cleared  away  the  sage  brush  and 
built  a  home  there  in  1885.  The  first  lots  were  put  upon  the  market 
m  May,  1886,  and  sold  from  $100  to  $150  a  piece.  Mr.  Munroe 
sold  lots  much  cheaper  than  surrounding  property  was  sold  on  condi- 
tion that  substantial  improvements  would  follow.  They  did  follow. 
In  1887  $8,000  was  ofifered  for  a  lot  bought  the  year  before  for  $150, 
while  $10,000  was  the  selling  price  of  two  other  lots.  A  lot  bought  for 
$5,400  was  sold  in  five  months  for  $12,500.  A  lot  100  feet  by  150 
feet  bought  for  $3,500  was  sold  in  thirteen  months  for  $13,500.  A 
lot  bought  for  $1,300  was  sold  in  three  weeks  for  $4,000.  Another 
lot  bought  for  $5,500  sold  ten  days  later  for  $16,000.  Acreage  which 
went  begging  in  1885  at  $300  sold  readily  in  1887  for  $3,000. 

One  of  the  biggest  failures  of  boom  days  was  the  town  of 
Gladstone.  The  following  advertisement  concerning  the  town  ran 
for  some  time  in  the  Tribune,  beginning  April  16,  1887 :  "Gladstone, 
the  heart  of  the  Azusa,  in  the  midst  of  the  choicest  orange  groves 
and  vineyards  of  that  delightful  section  and  in  the  natural  center 
of  trade  and  travel.  It  possesses  the  most  perfect  climate  in  Cali- 
fornia and  commands  a  view  of  the  entire  San  Gabriel  Valley,  one 
of  the  grandest  in  the  world.  The  purchase  of  the  town  of  Gladstone 
embraces  the  property  of  nineteen  owners  and  comprises  525  acres 
of  the  most  beautiful  land  the  sun  ever  shone  upon.  It  will  be 
laid  out  in  residence  and  business  lots  and  five  and  ten-acre  tracts, 
and  sold  at  a  fixed  schedule  of  prices,  which  will  be  reasonable  and 
liberal.  All  streets  will  be  graded  and  water  is  plentiful  and  abund- 
ant and  will  be  piped  to  every  lot.  Citrus  Avenue,  88  feet  wide, 
extends  from  the  mountains  to  Covina,  a  distance  of  nine  miles. 
The  lot  in  the  center  will  be  reserved  for  the  First  National  Bank 
of  Gladstone,  which  will  be  built  of  solid  granite.  A  newspaper 
will  be  established  at  once  and  stores  and  blocks  erected.  The 
founders  of  Gladstone  own  extensive  marble  quarries  near  at  hand 
from  which  extensive  quarries  will  come  handsome  building  stone 
in  large  quantities.  Marble  and  granite  will  be  extensively  used. 
We  own  a  valuable  water  power  furnished  from  a  fall  200  feet 
high,  which  will  be  used  in  generating  electricity  for  the  street 
lights  and  the  electric  lights  of  Gladstone.  Hinda  Villa  hotel  now 
open.  Water  supply  constant  from  the  San  Gabriel  River.  Glad- 
stone is  located  on  two  lines  of  transcontinental  railroad,  both  of 
which  cross  the  lands  of  the  company." 


66  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Gladstone  became  famous  because  its  promoter  was  a  news- 
paper man,  who  had  been  very  successful  in  the  promotion  of  "Broad 
Acres."  A  man  by  the  name  of  Hoshekel  bought  the  land  in  Glad- 
stone in  1882  at  $150  an  acre.  Mr.  Boyce  and  his  associates  con- 
tracted to  pay  $372,661  for  the  land  in  1887,  an  exorbitant  figure. 
The  lots  were  held  at  too  high  a  figure  even  for  boom  times.  The 
auction  sale  took  place  according  to  schedule,  but  few  lots  were 
sold.  The  methods  and  absurdities  were  then  exposed  by  the  Times, 
and  no  lots  were  sold  thereafter.  The  company  failed  to  m.eet 
Its  payments ;  the  mortages  were  foreclosed  and  most  of  the  houses 
were  moved  to  Azusa. 

The  boom  reached  its  climax  in  July,  1887,  when  the  real  estate 
transfers  mounted  to  $11,930,000.  From  this  time  on  there  was  a 
constant  decline  with  the  exception  of  the  month  of  September, 
but  this  was  just  the  fulfillment  of  some  contracts  already  made. 
There  were  many  causes  which  led  to  the  culmination  of  the  boom, 
and  not  the  least  of  these  was  the  attitude  of  the  banks.  When 
the  first  signs  of  inflation  began  as  far  back  as  1885,  the  banks  held 
three  and  one-half  million  dollars,  of  which  two  and  one-half  was 
loaned  out,  and  one  and  three-fourths  millions  was  carried  in  cash. 
With  the  advent  of  the  boom  the  deposits  increased  to  five  and  one- 
half  millions  in  July,  and  eight  millions  in  January,  1887.  The 
highest  point  in  the  volume  of  bank  deposits  was  reached  near  the 
end  of  1887,  when  the  amount  was  twelve  millions  of  dollars.  As 
might  be  expected,  the  loans  increased  as  the  volume  of  deposits 
increased,  but  with  a  constantly  increasing  margin  of  safety.  Where- 
as in  July,  1885,  the  loans  constituted  80  per  cent  of  the  deposits, 
in  January,  1887,  they  constituted  but  62>2  per  cent.  From  this 
time  on  the  margin  of  safety  was  constantly  increased.  No  loans 
were  made  on  outside  property  except  on  its  original  farm  value 
(improvements  were  not  taken  into  consideration)  and  later  no 
loans  were  made  on  outside  property  at  all.  Led  by  the  Farmers 
and  Merchants  Bank,  the  other  banks  became  more  and  more  con- 
servative. As  obligations  became  due  all  kinds  of  collateral  was 
offered  as  security,  but  the  rate  of  interest  constantly  rose  and 
money  became  harder  and  harder  to  obtain.  Even  on  city  property, 
except  on  its  original  value  before  the  beginning  of  inflation.  By 
July  the  loans  by  the  bank  were  43  per  cent  of  their  deposits,  and 
in  January,  1888,  the  loans  were  but  28  per  cent  of  the  deposits. 
Meanwhile  the  paid-up  capital  and  reserve  funds  of  the  banks  had 
doubled.  The  banks  loaned  no  money  on  doubtful  property  and 
were  guilty  of  no  speculation,  so  when  the  test  came  and  a  "run" 
on  the  banks  was  started,  they  were  ready  to  meet  all  obligations 
and  not  a  bank  failed. 

This  conservative  action  of  the  banks  created  a  great  scarcity 


THE   GREAT   LOS   ANGELES   REAL   ESTATE   BOOM   OF    1887  67 

in  the  money  market.  Oblig-ations  became  due,  so  every  one  became 
a  seller.  The  result  was  that  property  depreciated  in  value  very 
rapidly.  All  values  had  been  merely  fictitious.  Los  Angeles  had 
scarcely  any  industries  in  those  days.  There  were  no  paved  streets, 
no  adequate  sewerage,  no  proper  schools,  hotels,  or  lighting  facilities. 
There  could  be  no  permanent  prosperity  by  the  rich  coming  here 
and  laying  out  townsites,  and  building  hotels  without  really  pro- 
ducing anything.  The  speculators  made  the  grevious  mistake  and 
were  carried  away  with  the  idea  that  buying  and  selling  lots  and 
acreage  at  fictitious  values  would  promote  their  welfare.  This  was 
an  economic  mistake.  As  population  increases  the  country  must 
produce  more  than  it  consumes  and  send  the  surplus  abroad  if  per- 
manent prosperity  is  desired.  The  boomers  expected  a  great  rush 
of  tourists  during  the  winter  of  1887  and  1888,  but  the  tourists 
failed  to  arrive.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  tourists  became  disgusted  by 
the  filthy  conditions  existing  in  Los  Angeles  and  they  went  else- 
where to  enjoy  our  climate  and  to  spend  their  money.  January  and 
February  which  should,  under  ordinary  conditions,  have  shown  an 
increase  in  the  volume  of  business,  actually  showed  a  decrease. 
With  the  non-arrival  of  the  winter  tourists  real  estate  became  more 
and  more  a  "drug"  on  the  market.  There  was  little  money  to  be 
made  in  speculation  and  the  land  shark  (those  of  them  who  did 
not  land  in  the  penitentiary)  sought  other  feeding  grounds  in 
Washington  and  Arizona.  Many  other  good  people  thinking  that 
Los  Angeles  had  fallen  to  rise  no  more  also  left  the  city,  so  that 
the   population    which    was   conservatively   estimated    at   80,000   in 

1887,  decreased  to  50,000  in  1890. 

A  fairly  correct  idea  of  the  condition  of  things  at  the  close  of 
the  boom  may  be  gained  by  the  late  Mr.  A.  E.  Davis,  supervisor 
from  the  Fourth  Supervisorial  District  of  Los  Angeles  County,  in 
his  application  before  the  State  Board  of  Equalization  for  a  re- 
duction of  the  assessment  for  the  year  1889.  Mr.  Davis  stated: 
"The  figures  of  the  county  assessor  are  $14,000,000  less  than  in 

1888,  yet  property  is  assessed  far  above  its  value.  Everything  has 
been  wrecked  by  the  boom  and  financial  men  have  gone  down  by 
the  hundreds."  Mr.  Davis  gave  the  location  of  large  tracts  of 
alkali  lands  which  are  assessed  for  $40  to  $60  per  acre,  which  are 
suitable  only  for  the  home  of  the  horned  toad  and  jack  rabbit. 
Many  of  these  tracts,  however,  had  been  subdivided  into  town  lots 
and  sold  at  fabulous  prices,  but  were  now  abandoned  by  their  pur- 
chasers. Mr.  Davis  produced  a  document  giving  the  history  of 
sixty  paper  towns  in  all  portions  of  the  county,  comprising  79,350 
town  lots  listed  with  the  assessor,  and  these  sixty  towns  and  lots 
had  2,351  inhabitants.  These  statistics  were  compiled  by  V.  J.  Rowan, 
a  surveyor  of  the  Fourth  district,  and  he  took  only  towns  laid  out 


68  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

since  January,  1887.  Thousands  of  dollars  had  been  spent  on 
churches,  hotels,  factories  and  colleges  which  were  now  abandoned. 
Mr.  Davis  got  a  reduction  of  25  per  cent  from  the  State  Board  of 
Equalization. 

During  the  reaction  which  followed  the  boom  every  opportunity 
was  given  the  honest  and  well-meaning  investor  to  meet  his  obli- 
gations. Extensions  of  time  and  compromises  were  granted  freely. 
Those  who  were  not  too  heavily  overloaded  thus  met  their  obliga- 
tions, though  many  times  after  heavy  losses.  Very  few  cases  are 
on  record  where  a  deficiency  judgment  was  taken.  Those  who 
had  kept  aloof  from  speculation  went  right  on  as  before  the  boom. 
The  Board  of  Supervisors  vacated  the  "paper  cities"  so  that  those 
who  had  invented  recklessly  plowed  up  their  "paper  townsites,  sowed 
them  in  grain  and  used  the  hotels  as  hay  barns.  These  fellows 
were  sadder  (and  it  is  to  be  hoped)  wiser  for  their  experience,  for 
more  economic  methods  of  living  were  practiced  thereafter,  with 
greater  effort  to  develop  the  resources  of  the  country. 

For,  after  all,  the  great  real  estate  boom  of  1887  was  not 
built  wholly  on  air.  It  was  run  to  mania  to  be  sure.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  frontier  town  of  1885,  with  its  business  at 
the  Temple  Block,  was  transformed  into  a  flourishing  city  in  1889. 
From  the  climate  and  soil  of  this  country  of  ours  sprang  the  foun- 
dation structure  which  has  been  built  up  so  solidly  that  it  will 
endure.  Our  real  estate  boomers  went  a  little  bit  faster  than  the 
country,  that  was  all.  Those  investors  who  were  able  to  hold  their 
property  have  long  ago  recovered  from  any  evil  effects  of  the 
boom.  Real  estate  is  very  much  higher  today  than  the  highest 
boom  prices.  Our  intrinsic  resources  have  sustained  us  through 
the  reaction  which  followed  the  wildest  real  estate  excitement  which 
ever  attended  the  building  of  any  American  city. 

Early  in  1889  a  group  of  Chicago  capitalists  arrived  in  this 
city,  among  them  Mr.  T.  D.  Stimson,  who  built  a  splendid  block 
at  the  corner  of  Third  and  Spring  Streets.  This  restored  con- 
fidence in  the  city  and  attracted  capital  once  more.  It  was  the 
dawn  of  a  brighter  day. 


GIFTS  MADE  TO  THE  CITY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  BY 
INDIVIDUALS 

BY    ARTHUR    CHAPMAN 


INTRODUCTION 

At  the  request  of  Dr.  Dana  Bartlett,  who,  feeling-  that  there 
is  a  need  for  the  compilation  of  a  list  of  the  gifts  that  have  been 
made  to  the  city  of  Los  Angeles,  the  following  paper  has  been  at- 
tempted. The  writer,  who  is  a  student  of  the  University  of  South- 
ern California,  made  this  survey  as  an  original  problem,  working 
under  the  direction  of  Dr.  E.  S.  Bogardus,  head  of  the  Department 
of  Sociology  of  the  University  of  Southern  California. 

The  writer  followed  three  methods  of  obtaining  information. 
First,  by  personal  interviews  with  people  of  long  residence  in  Los 
Angeles  or  with  those  who  might  have  such  information ;  second, 
by  letter  to  those  who  were  more  or  less  inaccessible,  and,  third, 
by  consulting  histories  of  Los  Angeles. 

So  far  as  the  writer  knows  this  Is  the  first  survey  of  its  kind. 
One  can  understand  the  difficulties  to  a  small  degree,  at  least,  when 
it  is  realized  that  there  was  absolutely  nothing  upon  which  to  work 
or  from  which  to  start.  Also,  a  complete  list  of  the  gifts  of  various 
nature  to  the  city  is  impossible,  as  the  writer  interviewed  several 
people  who  had  made  gifts  to  the  city  but  positively  refused  to 
have  their  names  mentioned  or  any  publicity  made  whatsoever.  The 
writer  requests  that  anyone  reading  this  paper  who  has  a  knowl- 
edge of  any  gift  which  has  been  made  to  the  city  and  is  not  here 
reported,  would  communicate  with  the  writer  by  addressing  the 
Sociology  Department  of  the  University  of  Southern  California. 

CHAPTER   I 

Description  of  the  gifts  made  by  individuals  to  the  City  of 
Los  Angeles. 

Number  1 — Hollenbeck  Park  is  the  gift  of  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Hollenbeck  and  Hon.  William  H.  Workman.  Mrs.  Hollenbeck  gave 
eight  acres  of  land  and  Mr.  Workman  gave  about  eleven.  At  the 
request  of  Mr.  Workman  Tt  was  called  Hollenbeck  Park.  This 
property  was  deeded  to  the  city  in  1892. 

Number  2 — Sunset  Park,  containing  ten  acres,  was  donated  to 


70  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

the  city  by  Mrs.  Clara  R.  Shatto  in  1905.    This  park  has  been  wortti 
a  great  deal  to  the  entire  Wilshire  section. 

Number  3— Griffith  Park  is  the  gift  of  Col.  Griffith  J.  Griffith, 
and  was  made  in  1896.  This  is  the  second  largest  park  in  the  world 
and  contains  three  thousand  and  fifteen  acres.  The  largest  park  in 
the  world  is  at  Copenhagen,  Denmark,  embracing  four  thousand 
two  hundred  acres.  At  the  present  time  the  estimated  value  of 
Griffith  Park  if  subdivided  would  be  about  five  million  dollars. 

Number  4 — The  Florence  Crittenden  Home  at  No.  234  East 
Avenue  33  was  built  and  donated  to  the  city  by  Mr.  C.  T.  Johnson 
in  December,  1914.  This  was  deeded  to  the  city  with  the  condition 
attached  that  if  it  was  discontinued  as  a  Crittenden  Home  it  should 
be  used  as  an  Old  People's  Home. 

Number  5 — Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  gave  to  the  city  in  1911 
two  hundred  and  ten  thousand  dollars  for  the  purpose  of  establishing 
six  branch  libraries.  The  condition  under  which  this  money  was 
given  was  that  the  city  should  furnish  the  sites  and  appropriate 
yearly  one-tenth  of  the  amount  given,  which  would  amount  to 
twenty-one  thousand  dollars,  for  maintenance  and  upkeep.  Three 
of  these  branch  libraries  are  now  complete. 

Number  6 — Mrs.  Ida  Hancock  Ross  made  a  bequest  in  1913  of 
ten  thousand  dollars  to  be  used  for  the  furnishing  and  equipping  of  a 
room  in  the  new  City  Library,  in  memory  of  her  former  husband, 
Mr.  Hancock.  The  bequest  w^as  made  on  the  condition  that  it  be 
carried  out  in  five  years  and  if  not  done  in  this  time  the  money 
is  to  go  to  a  charitable  institution.  It  appears  now  as  if  this  gift 
will  be  lost  to  the  city,  as  the  "New  Library  Building"  will  not  be 
completed  by   1918,  nor  perhaps  even   started. 

Number  7 — Mr.  James  Slauson  and  his  mother,  Mrs.  S.  R. 
Slauson,  gave  four  hundred  dollars  in  December,  1911,  for  the 
purchase  of  books  to  be  placed  in  the  Slauson  Branch  Library. 

Number  8 — Donations  of  varying  denominations  are  made  to 
the  Playground  Commission  by  citizens.  Some  are  as  low  as  ten 
dollars.  For  the  year  ending  July  1,  1915,  the  cash  contributions 
totaled  seven  hundred  and  seventy-eight  dollars. 

Number  9 — Dr.  John  S.  Griffin  gave  a  site  at  the  end  of 
Downey  Ave.  (now  North  Broadway)  for  a  reservoir  to  be  used 
for  irrigation  purposes.  This  site  amounted  to  about  ten  acres 
and  is  not  in  use  now,  but  is  still  owned  by  the  city. 

Number  10 — A  group  of  citizens  who  called  themselves  the 
Highland  Park  Improvement  Association  gave  a  reservoir  site  to 
the  City  in  1910.  This  site  was  one  hundred  feet  square.  The 
property  is  worth  about  one  thousand  dollars. 

Number  11 — Mrs.  Ida  Wilcox  Beveridge  gave  the  City  in 
1913  a  site  for  the  housing  of  some  of  the  City's  fire  fighting  ap- 


GIFTS  MADE  TO  THE  CITY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  BY  INDIVIDUALS  71 

paratus.  The  building  was  erected  a  short  time  afterward.  The  lot 
is  worth  now  about  eighteen  thousand  dollars.  The  location  of 
the  site  is  No.  1625  Cahuenga  Boulevard. 

Number  12 — Mrs.  Beveridge  also  donated  to  Hollywood  the 
site  now  occupied  by  the  Hollywood  Branch  Library.  This  became 
the  property  of  Los  Angeles  when  Hollywood  was  annexed  to  the 
City  in  1910. 

Number  13— Mrs.  Lula  Snider  gave  to  the  City  about  one  thou- 
sand dollars  in  equity  in  a  twelve  hundred  foot  lot  at  San  Pedro, 
the  lot  to  be  used  as  a  site  for  a  fire  house. 

Number  14 — Mr.  Fred  F.  Wheeler  and  L.  W.  Andrews  con- 
structed a  number  of  circular  and  oblong  flower  beds  in  the  central 
park  of  Occidental  Boulevard  and  extending  from  Sixth  Street 
to  Third  Street.  These  flower  beds  were  given  to  the  City  on  the 
condition  that  they  be  maintained.  The  result  is  the  creation  of 
one  of  the  beauty  spots  of  Los  Angeles. 

Number  15 — Mr.  Harris  Newmark  tendered  to  the  City,  August 
25,  1882,  a  drinking  fountain,  fronting  the  junction  of  Main  and 
Spring  Streets,  for  the  free  use  of  the  public.  This  was  accepted 
by  the  City  and  served  its  purpose  for  a  number  of  years.  It 
was  torn  down  for  no  other  reason,  apparently,  than  that  few  people 
care  very  much  for  the  sentiments  of  the  past. 

Number  16— Mr.  Jacob  Weixel  on  June  1,  1875,  donated  the 
site  of  the  present  Grand  Avenue  school,  comprising  240  feet  on 
Grand  Avenue  and  165  feet  on  Eighth  Street. 

Number  17— On  December  8th,  1879,  Mr.  W.  H.  Workman 
and  wife  donated  the  site  on  which  is  now  situated  the  Breed  Street 
School.  The  site  w-as  given  on  the  consideration  that  a  building 
be  erected  and  maintained  by  the  school   board. 

Number  18 — Mr.  Elijah  Workman,  while  he  was  Councilman 
of  Los  Angeles,  which  was  from  1865  to  1869,  gave  time  and 
money  to  the  landscaping  of  Centra!  Park.  He  planted  a  number 
of  trees  from  seed  \Vhich  had  been  brought  from  the  East  and 
also  was  responsible  for  the  planting  of  a  large  number  of  shrubs 
and  plants,  so  that  today  we  see  some  of  the  results  of  Mr.  Work- 
man's labor  in  the  magnificent  trees  which  adorn  one  of  the  places 
of  beauty  in  Los  Angeles. 

Number  19 — In  1886  the  site  on  which  the  23rd  Avenue  School 
now  stands  was  donated  to  the  City.  This  was  formerly  the  Hell- 
man  Street  School.  The  site  which  is  triangular  is  162  by  342  by 
306  feet.    In  1901  the  value  of  the  property  was  $6500.' 

Number  20— In  1884  the  site  of  the  Loreto  Street  School, 
formerly  the  Highland  View,  was  donated  to  the  Citv.  The  site 
is  150  by  180  feet,  and  the  valuation  in  1901  was  $1000.' 

1.     The  names  of  the  donors  are  not  available  at  this  time. 


72  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

The  acreage  containing  the  famous  La  Brea  pits,  which  was 
given  to  Los  Angeles  County  by  G.  Allen  Hancock,  does  not  come 
within  the  scope  of  this  survey,  as  the  gift  was  made  to  the  County 
and  not  to  the  City.  The  writer  believes,  however,  that  residents 
of  the  City  will  benefit  by  this  gift  and  also  that  the  site  of  Hancock 
Park,  as  it  will  be  called,  eventually  will  be  within  the  City  limits, 
and  therefore  should  be  mentioned.  The  property  was  tendered 
to  the  County  May  1,  1916.  It  consists  of  thirty-two  acres  of  what 
is  known  as  the  Rancho  La  Brea.  This  particular  section  of  the 
ranch  contains  the  famous  pits  which  have  given  to  the  world 
"countless  skeletons  of  animals  that  lived  in  Southern  California 
many  thousands  of  centuries  before  the  advent  of  man." 

The  conditions  on  which  the  property  is  given  are  that  a  small 
museum  shall  be  erected  in  which  at  least  a  specimen  of  each  of 
the  extinct  species  is  to  be  reproduced  for  the  benefit  of  the  public ; 
that  trees,  flowers,  shrubbery  be  planted ;  that  at  no  time  shall  the 
property  be  used  for  the  development  of  oil ;  and  that  the  property 
is  to  remain  in  escrow  until  the  work  is  completed. 

CHAPTER   II 

Herewith  are  tables  showing  the  years  in  which  gifts  were  made, 
also  showing  the  number  of  gifts  according  to  purposes: 
Table  I — According  to  Years 
1875 — Weixel — Grand  Avenue  School  site. 

76-78  (Inclusive) — No  gifts. 

79 — W.   H.  Workman  and  wife — Breed  Street  School  site. 

80-81   (Inclusive)— Xo  gifts. 

82 — Harris   Newmark — fountain. 

83— No  gifts. 

84 — The  <;ite  of  the  Loreto  Street  School. 

85— No  gifts. 

86 — The  site  of  the  23rd  Avenue  School. 

87-91    (Inclusive)— No  gifts. 

92— Mrs.  Elizabeth  Hollenbeck  and  Mr.  W.  H.  Workman— 
Hollenbeck  Park. 

93-95    (Inclusive) — No  gifts. 

96— G.  J.  Griffith— Griffith  Park. 

97-1904   (Inclusive)— No  gifts. 
1905— Mrs.  Clara  R.  Shatto— Sunset  Park. 

06 — F.  F.  Wheeler — flower  beds. 

07-09  (Inclusive) — No  gifts. 

10 — Highland  Park  Improvement  .Association — reservoir. 

11 — Andrew  Carnegie — branch  libraries. 

12— No  gifts. 


GIFTS  MADE  TO  THE  CITY  OF  LOS  ANGELES  BY  INDIVIDUALS 

13 — Mrs.  Ross — bequest. 
13 — Mrs.  Beveridge — fire  house  site. 
14 — O.  T.  Johnson — Crittenden  Home. 
15 — Playground  donations. 

Table  II — According  to  Purpose 

1 — For  Library  Purposes 4 

2 — For  Park  Purposes 3 

3— For  Better  Water  Facilities 2 

4 — For  Better  Fire  Protection 2 

5 — For  School  Purposes 4 

6 — For  Public  Fountain 1 

7 — For  Beautifying  the  City 1 

8 — For  Philanthropic  Purposes 1 


CONCLUSIONS 

The  estimated  value  of  all  property  thlat  has  been  given  by 
individuals  to  the  City,  that  is  estimated  in  present  values  and  in 
a  very  conservative  way,  is  something  over  five  million  seven  hundred 
thousand  dollars.    The  number  of  donors  is  sixteen. 

In  making  this  survey  the  writer  has  observed  a  number  of 
places  concerning  which  there  is  no  question  that  gifts  would  be 
very  acceptable.  There  are  numerous  street  intersections  in  various 
parts  of  the  city  which  would  be  ideal  locations  for  drinking  foun- 
tains. In  this  land  where  water  is  almost  as  precious  as  liquid 
silver,  what  better  way  could  there  be  for  perpetuating  a  name  or 
a  memory  than  by  a  refreshing  draft?  Also  there  is  the  need  for 
numerous  homes  for  the  accommodation  of  the  unfortunate.  A 
good  many  such  homes  will  have  to  be  built  before  the  condition 
in  Los  Angeles  can  be  called  relieved  to  any  great  extent. 

A  need  which  assumes  gigantic  proportions  upon  consideration 
is  that  for  a  municipal  auditorium  where  ten  thousand  or  more 
people  can  be  accommodated  comfortably  and  which  will  be  within 
easy  access  from  most  parts  of  the  city.  We  as  a  city  are  behind 
many  cities  in  this  country  in  the  matter  of  housing  our  petty 
criminals.  Perhaps,  it  may  be  said,  if  our  jail  were  too  commodious 
we  would  have  difficulty  in  housing  the  inmates.  This,  however, 
is  no  argument  for  setting  aside  the  question  of  humanity.  We 
need  a  library  building  and  likewise  a  city  hall.  Also,  we  lack  what 
many  cities  have,  namely,  statues  located  in  various  places,  as  parks 
or  in  streets,  in  memory  of  great  men,  or  commemorating  events 
which  should  be  sacred  to  us  as  American  people. 


/4  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

J.  M.  Guinn,  Los  Angeles  and  Environs,  3  vols.,  Historic 
Record  Co.,  Los  Angeles,  1907. 

J.  M.  Guinn,  Los  Angeles  and  Environs,  3  vols.,  (revised) — 
Historic  Record  Co.,  Los  Angeles,  1915. 

Charles  Dwight  Willard,  History  of  Los  Angeles  City,  Kingsley 
— Barnes  &  Neuner  Co.,  Los  Angeles,  December,  1901. 

Southern  California — An  Illustrated  History,  Lewis  Publishing 
Co.,  Chicago.  1890. 


PERSONS    INTERVIEWED 


Mr.  O.  T.  Johnson 
Mr.  Charles  S.  Lamb 
Mr.  J.  M.  Guinn 
Mr.  L.  M.  Anderson 
Chief  Archie  J.  Ely, 

Los  Angeles  Fire  Dept. 
Mr.  Wm.  G.  Sheldon 
Mr.  Charles  L.  Wilde 
Mr.  Griffith  J.  Griffith 
Mr.  George  Dunlop 
Mr.  Fred  F.  Wheeler 
Mr.  L.  W.  Butler 
Mr.  George  Alexander 
Mr.  J.  M.  Elliott 
Mr.  Dana  Bartlett 


Mr.  Mark  Keppel 
Mr.  Kaspare  Cohn 
Mr.  M.  A.  Newmark 
Mr.  H.  M.  Rebok 
Mr.  M.  H.  Newmark 
Mr.   Lorin  Handley 
Dr.   Milbank  Johnson 
Dr.   Elbert  Wing 
Dr.  L.  M.  Powers 
Mr.  W.  M.  Bowen 
Mr.  J.  S.  Meyers 
Mr.  \\\   H.   \\^orkman. 
Mr.  E.  R.  Perry 
M.  C.  Bettinger 


JAMES  HARMON  HOOSE,  A.M.,  PH.D.,  LL.D. 

BY  TULLY  C.    KNOLES 

This  paper  is  to  deal  primarily  with  the  life  of  Dr.  Hoose 
during  his  service  in  the  University  of  Southern  California,  hence 
only  the  meager  outline  of  his  earlier  life  as  given  in  "Who's  Who 
in  America,"  1912-13  is  quoted. 

James  Harmon  Hoose  was  horn  at  Cobleskill,  New  York,  Jan- 
uary the  twenty-fourth,  1835,  of  Abram  and  Rosannah  Miller  Hoose. 
He  took  his  bachelor's  degree  from  Genesee  College,  now  Syracuse 
University,  in  1861,  he  received  from  the  same  institution  the  master's 
degree  in  1863,  and  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  1873. 
Forty  years  later  the  University  of  Southern  California  conferred 
upon  him  the  honorary  degree  LL.D. 

His  first  wife,  ncc  Hale,  lived  ten  years  after  their  marriage 
in  1861.  In  1872  he  was  married  to  Helen  Kathleen  Hubbard,  who 
with  a  son  and  a  daughter  still  survives. 

Young  Hoose  was  for  some  time  engaged  in  secondary  educa- 
tion, and  was  also  ofificial  lecturer  for  Teacher's  Institutes  in  New 
York  State. 

In  1869  he  organized  the  State  Normal  School  at  Cortland, 
New  York,  and  was  President  of  that  institution  until  1891.  H§ 
was  a  life  member  of  the  National  Educational  Association,  and  a 
member  of  the  following  organizations :  American  Historical  Asso- 
ciation ;  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science ; 
National  Council  of  Education ;  Southern  California  Teachers'  Asso- 
ciation (charter)  ;  Holland  Society  of  New  York;  and  the  Historical 
Society  of  Southern  California. 

In  1891  Dr.  Hoose  removed  from  New  York  and  settled  in 
California.  For  five  years  he  was  engaged  in  fruit  culture,  living 
in  Pasadena.  In  the  fall  of  1896  he  was  elected  Professor  of  Peda- 
gogy and  Psychology  in  the  College  of  Liberal  Arts  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Southern  California.  At  that  time  there  were  fourteen 
members  of  the  faculty  and  ninety  students  in  the  College. 

The  vigorous  personality  of  the  new  professor,  his  aggressive- 
ness, and  his  complete  devotion  to  his  work  Tmmediately  made  a 
deep  impression  upon  the  school ;  his  great  knowledge  and  wonderful 
enthusiasm  for  teaching  soon  drew  to  him  the  more  thoughtful  and 
earnest  of  the  students.  Though  about  sixty  years  of  age,  the  pro- 
fessor was  robust  in  body  and  alert  in  mind ;  his  manner,  so  different 


/6  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

{rem  that  of  the  ordinary  professor  of  the  time,  was  confusing  to 
many  in  his  classes.  He  was  master  of  the  students,  master  of  the 
subjects  which  he  taught,  and  under  all  circumstances  complete 
master  of  himself.  He  was  never  bound  by  conventions,  nor  was 
he  limited  by  text-books  or  courses. 

In  1897-8  there  were  only  eleven  members  of  the  Liberal  Arts 
faculty  and  Dr.  Hoose  was  still  in  the  list  as  Professor  of  Pedagogy 
and  Psychology,  but  his  activities  as  a  teacher  were  by  no  means 
limited  by  his  title,  for  in  the  body  of  the  year  book  w-e  find  that 
he  was  doing  all  of  the  work  in  History  and  Economics  as  well  as 
teaching  the  subjects  in  his  own  department.  By  this  time,  due  to 
the  activities  of  Dr.  Hoose,  plans  began  to  develop  for  graduate 
w-ork,  and  definite  statements  concerning  requirements  for  the  Mas- 
ter's Degree  are  given,  though  tentative  courses  had  been  mentioned 
previously. 

In  1899-00.  with  a  faculty  of  ten  members.  Dr.  Hoose  is  recorded 
as  Professor  of  History  and  Economics — no  one  is  designated  as 
Professor  of  Pedagogy  and  Psychology,  but  an  examination  of  the 
courses  of  instruction  indicates  that  he  was  teaching  all  of  the 
classes  in  these  fields.  At  this  time  the  work  in  these  departments 
was  so  difficult  for  the  students,  and  Dr.  Hoose  was  so  anxious 
to  elevate  the  standards  of  scholarship  that,  in  spite  of  the  great 
personal  popularity  of  the  Professor,  numerous  complaints  were 
made,  and  in  one  of  the  editions  of  the  Junior  Annual  there  was 
a  picture  of  the  door  of  the  History  room  with  this  legend,  "Aban- 
don 'cum  laude'  all  ye  who  enter  here." 

These  were  the  dark  years  of  the  life  of  the  University,  and 
only  the  heroic  self-sacrifice  of  the  members  of  thfi  faculties  made 
possible  the  continued  existence  of  the  Colleges. 

In  the  year  1900-01,  \Vm.  T.  Randall,  A.M.,  was  .installed  as 
Dean  of  the  College  of  Liberal  Arts,  and  the  faculty  was  increased 
to  fifteen :  the  student  body  numbered  seventy-three. 

By  this  time  Dr.  Hoose  was  being  recognized  as  an  educational 
force  in  Southern  California.  He  w^as  in  demand  as  an  institute 
instructor,  where  his  long  experience  as  an  educator  and  admin- 
istrator made  him  very  valuable.  His  striking  personality,  quaint 
sayings  and  luminous  remarks  left  their  impressions  for  good  on 
hundreds  of  teachers  who  have  helped  erect  the  splendid  educational 
system  of  Southern  California. 

In  addition  to  this  very  successful  social  and  professional  serv- 
ice, he  was  a  noted  character  in  various  summer  schools  and  as- 
semblies. His  lectures  in  these  bodies  were  never  fully  written 
out,  and  were  not  received  as  distinctively  literary  productions,  but 
they  were  exceedingly  rich  in  material,  showing  a  wide  range  of 
leading  and  a  wonderful  assimilative  power:  he  was  very  helpful 


JAMES  HARMON   HOOSE,  A.M.,  PH.D.,  L.L.D.  77 

to  those  who  were  interested  in  the  evolution  of  our  American  in- 
stitutions. His  mannerisms  deepened  the  impression  of  his  incisive 
words.  Thus  many  who  never  came  under  his  instruction  in  the 
class-room  were  stimulated  to  study  by  him. 

During-  these  years  by  his  own  class-room  work,  by  chapel  ad- 
dresses, and  by  lectures  before  fraternities  and  literary  societies,  the 
Doctor  was  aiding  continuously  in  the  work  of  elevating  the  scholar- 
ship standards,  not  only  of  the  College  of  Liberal  Arts,  but  also  of 
the  entire  University. 

The  next  issue  of  the  catalogue  ranks  Dr.  Hoose  as  Professor 
of  History  and  Philosophy,  though  he  carried  on  the  same  work  as 
formerly.  Perhaps  a  short  comparison  would  be  interesting.  He 
was  teaching  thirty-seven  hours  a  week,  or  more  than  full  time 
for  three  instructors  according  to  the  present  arrangement.  It  was 
only  possible  for  him  to  conduct  so  many  classes  by  a  large  use  of 
the  blackboard,  and  by  requiring  very  little  written  work  on  the 
part  of  the  students,  and  of  course  the  classes  were  small. 

Those  were  the  days  when  he  reached  the  zenith  of  his  power; 
many  of  the  leaders  in  the  professional  life  of  Southern  California 
at  the  present  day  received  the  impetus  which  still  determines  their 
scholastic  activities  from  the  grand  old  man  at  that  time.  He  had 
now  fully  come  into  his  own.  Before  coming  to  California  he  had 
been  dealing  with  the  problems  of  primary  education  and  school 
administration.  He  followed  this  work  for  thirty-five  years,  in  the 
life  of  an  ordinary  man,  all  of  the  working  period.  Certainly  during 
those  years  his  mind  was  more  or  less  fimily  fixed  in  its  habits,  and 
the  necessary  routine  of  professional  instruction  and  administration 
left  its  impress  indelibly  upon  him,  and  the  wonder  is  that  after  he 
had  reached  the  age  of  sixty  he  was  able  to  enter  a  new  field  and 
adapt  himself  to  the  new  demands,  and  not  only  fill  an  important 
position,  but  in  less  than  ten  years  to  become  the  Teading  member 
of  a  faculty  of  twenty-four. 

Dr.  Hoose  was  not  only  exceedingly  successful  with  under- 
graduate students,  but  he  was  carrying  a  large  share  of  the  graduate 
work.  A  simple  resume  of  his  courses  is  appalling.  In  History 
four  courses,  12  hours  per  week;  in  Economics  one  course,  3  hours 
per  week;  and  for  the  first  time  in  1902-03  one  hour  was  given  to 
Sociology,  in  Psychology  and  Philosophy,  12  hours  per  week.  In 
addition  to  these  scheduled  hours  he  was  giving  time  in  the  late 
afternoons  and  evenings  for  graduate  students.  As  if  this  were 
not  enough,  he  was  a  very  frequent  visitor  at  various  city  schools 
and  was  in  great  demand  as  a  speaker  at  Parent-Teacher  Associa- 
tions. All  of  this  was  too  much,  even  for  his  rugged  physique,  and 
just  before  the  Christmas  holidays  in  1902  a  serious  break  in  health 
called  for  a  surgical  operation  under  his  friend.  Dr.  Lockwood  of 


78  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Pasadena.  Although  the  operation  was  eminently  successful,  re- 
covery was  slow,  and  for  the  rest  of  the  academic  year  his  work 
was  taken  by  his  daughter,  now  Mrs.  Helen  Lillard  of  Ganlena,  and 
by  the  writer. 

During  the  spring  of  1903,  Dr.  George  F.  Bovard  was  elected 
President  of  the  University,  and  in  order  permanently  to  lighten 
Dr.  Hoose's  labors,  the  writer  was  appointed  an  Instructor  in  His- 
tory, teaching  in  history,  economics  and  sociology. 

This  was  the  opening  of  the  third  distinct  period  in  Dr.  Hoose's 
teaching.  His  time  was  now  devoted  to  philosophy  and  pedagogy; 
during  the  following  years  the  master  came  fully  to  himself. 

The  College  of  Liberal  Arts  was  entered  upon  an  era  of  mar- 
velous expansion :  the  seventy-three  students  of  1901  are  to  be  com- 
pared to  1115 — 202  of  them  already  receiving  the  Bachelor's  degree 
in  1914.  In  1901  there  was  a  student  in  Liberal  Arts  for  each 
1400  of  the  population  of  the  city,  in  1914  one  for  each  450  of  the 
population.  It  is  but  simple  justice  to  say  that  the  largest  single 
personal  factor  in  this  growth  was  James  Harmon  Hoose.  A  glance 
at  the  departments  which  have  developed  from  his  original  classes 
will  prove  that  statement. 

In  1906  the  Department  of  Economics  and  Sociology  was  dif- 
ferentiated from  History,  with  G.  W.  Denniston  as  its  head ;  he  was 
succeeded  in  1908  by  Dr.  Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  the  President  of  this 
Historical  Association.  During  the  past  year  the  Department  of 
Sociology  was  set  off  by  itself  with  Dr.  E.  S.  Bogardus  as  its  head; 
at  the  present  time  there  are  seven  instructors  in  Economics  and 
Sociology. 

Dr.  Hoose  remained  the  Head  of  the  History  Department  until 
1907.  At  present  there  are  six  members  of  the  history  stafif,  three 
of  whom  are  former  students  with  him  both  in  History  and  Phil- 
osophy. In  addition,  Dr.  Roy  Malcom  has  been  appointed  head  of 
the  Department  of  Political  Science. 

In  the  announcements  for  1907,  Dr.  Hoose  offered  courses  in 
Education :  so  great  was  the  call  for  w^ork  in  this  field  that  Dr. 
T.  B.  Stowell,  a  life-long  friend  of  the  subject  of  this  paper,  was  made 
the  head  of  a  new  Department.  With  him,  including  a  son-in-law 
of  Dr.  Hoose,  Prof.  J.  B.  Lillard,  are  two  lecturers  and  two  asso- 
ciate professors. 

In  Philosophy,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  Dr.  Hoose  was  aided 
by  Dr.  J.  G.  Hill  and  Prof.  F.  E.  Owen. 

Thus  from  his  original  classes  there  have  been  developed  six 
organized  departments  and  twenty  instructors.  In  1911  he  was 
appointed  Vice-chairman  of  the  Faculty,  and  in  1913  the  LTniversity 
of  Southern  California  did  itself  honor  in  conferring  the  degree  of 
Doctor  of  Laws  upon  James  Harmon  Hoose.     In  the  larger  plans 


JAMES  HARMON  HOOSE,  A.M.,  PH.D.,  L.L.D.  79 

for  the  University  there  is  inckided  a  James  Harmon  Hoose  Hall 
of  Philosophy.  His  memory  needs  not  stone  and  steel,  but  love  will 
make  its  dedication. 

This  man  was  a  great  teacher ;  he  taught  from  a  love  of  teach- 
ing. His  passion  was  for  the  development  of  the  mental  activities 
of  his  students.  Subjects  were  secondary  to  persons.  No  sacrifice 
was  too  great  for  him  to  make,  if  he  could  only  see  the  results  of 
his  activity  in  the  growth  of  his  friends. 

Words  are  inadequate  to  express  the  esteem  in  which  this  man 
of  God  is  held  in  Southern  California.  He  lived,  he  wrought,  he 
taught,  because  he  did  these  things  so  well,  others  will  do  their 
tasks  better. 


I 

A  LIST  OF  NEWSPAPERS  IX  THE  LOS  ANGELES  I 

CITY  LIBRARY  i 

Corrected  to  September  30,  1916  ! 

COMPILED  BY  C.   C.  BAKER  1 


UNITED   STATES  1 

t 

California  \ 

LOS  ANGELES :  i 

Los  Angeles  Cactus. 
Weekly. 

11  Feb.  1888—15  Dec.  1888. 
Los  Angeles  Daily  Xews. 

Dail}'  except  Sunday. 

1  Jan.  1869—31  Dec.  1869. 

Missing:  10  Way  1869. 
Daily  except  i\Ionday. 

5  Jan.  1870—11  June  1870. 
4  Jan.  1871—21  Dec.  1871. 
22  Oct.  1871—23  Nov.  1872. 

2  Jan.  1872—27  Nov.  1872. 
See  also  Los  Angeles  Semi-Weekly  Ncz>.'s,  Los  Angeles   Tri- 

Weekly  Nca's  and  Semi-Weekly  Southern  News. 
Los  Angeles  Evening  Telegram. 

Daily  except  Sundav. 

19  Aug.  1882—18  Sept.  1882. 
Los  Angeles  Examiner.** 

Daily. 

Vol.  1,  No.  1—12  Dec.  1903. 

12  Dec.  1903—30  Sept.  1916. 

Los  Angeles  Express.** 
Daily  except  Simday. 
2  Tan.  1873—31  Dec.  1878. 

Missing :  28  and  31  Dec.  1874 :  2  and  3  Tan.  1876. 


A  LIST  OF  NEWSPAPERS  IN  THE  LOS  ANGELES  CITY  LIBRARY  81 

17  Mar.  1873—27  Mar.  1875. 

Missing:  19,  22  and  24  Mar.,  11,  12,  14-18,  22,  24,  26  and 
30  Apr.,  19,  20  and  27  May,  2,  4,  7,  10,  20,  23,  27  and 
30  June,  11,  24,  26  and  30  July.  1,  5,  22  and  23  Aug., 
19  Sept.,  27  Nov.  1873  :  3  and  15  Jan.,  2i  Feb.,  14  Mar., 
14  May.  23  July,  15  and  25  Sept.,  26  Nov.  1874;  8  and 
16  Jan.,  2i  Feb.  1875. 
28  Mar.  1889—30  Sept.  1916. 
Los  Angeles  Gcnnania.** 
Largely  in  German. 
Daily  except  Saturday. 
1  July  1915—29  Sept.  1916. 
Los  Angeles  Herald.** 
Daily  except  Monday. 

Vol.  1,  No.  1—2  Oct.  1873. 
2  Oct.  1873—25  Sept.  1875. 
1  Jan.  1874—30  June  1876. 

Missing:  2  Jan.  1875. 
1  Oct.  1884—30  Sept.  1885. 
\'ery  bad  condition. 
Daily. 

1  Apr.  1889—30  Sept.  1916. 
Los  Angeles  Journal.'^* 
Official  Reporter. 
Daily  except  Sunday. 

1  Jan.  1912—30  Sept.  1916. 
Los  Angeles  Municipal  News. 

Weekly. 

17  Apr.  1912—9  Apr.  1913. 

Covering  entire  life  of  paper. 
Los  Angeles  Nczi's. 

Daily  except  Sunday. 
Vol.  1,  No.  1—2  Oct.  1905. 

2  Oct.  1905—28  Apr.  1908. 
Los  Angeles  Record.** 

Daily  except  Sunday. 
1  Jan.  1912—30  Sept.  1916. 
Los  Angeles  Semi-Weekly  Netvs. 
Tuesday  and  Friday. 
21  Nov.  1865—21  Dec.  1866. 

Los  Angeles  Tri-Weekly  Netvs  of  14  Nov.  1865  bound  with 
above. 
1  Jan.  1867—3  Jan.  1868. 

See  also  Los  Angeles  Daily  Netvs,  Los  Angeles   Tri-Weekly 
Netvs  and  Semi-Weekly  Southern  Netvs. 


82  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA  I 

Los  Angeles  Star. 
Weekly. 

1  Jan.  1859—27  Dec.  1862. 
Missing:  28  Dec.  1861. 

Duplicate  vols,  for  4  Jan.  1862—27  Dec.  1862. 
Daily  except  Monday    (excepting  7  Jan.   1873 — 6  Apr.   1873, 
which  is  Daily  except  Sunday). 

1  June  1870—31  May  1871. 

\'ol.  containing  1  Dec.  1870 — 31  May  1871,  bound  in  ; 

reverse  order. 
7  Jan.  1873—30  Dec.  1874. 
5  Jan.  1876—30  June  1876. 
Los  Angeles  Times.** 

Daily  except  Monday.  '  |i 

2  Sept.  1884—31  Dec.  1884.  |, 
12  Dec.  1885—12  Mar.  1886. 

Daily.    1  Apr.  1889—30  Sept.  1916. 

Los  Angeles  Tribune. 

Daily.     1  Apr.  1889—5  Dec.  1890. 

Los  Angeles  Tribune.** 
Daily. 

Vol.  1,  No.  1—4  July  1911.  j 

4Julyl911— 30  Sept.  1916.  I 

Los  Angeles  Tri-Weekly  Nezus.  j 

Monday,  Wednesday,  Friday.  i 

12  Jan.  1863—11  Nov.  1865.  i 

Missing:  13  Dec.  1864.  | 

Suspended  for  enlargement  7 — 16  Dec.  1863.  i 

Issue  of  14  Nov.  1865  bound  with  Los  Angeles  Semi-Weekly  I 

Neivs  for  21  Nov.  1865—21  Dec.  1866.  j 

See  also  Los  Angeles  Daily  News,  Los  Angeles  Semi-Weekly  ; 

Nezvs  and  Semi-Weekly  Southern  News.  \ 

Mexican  Herald. 
In  Spanish. 
Daily  except  Sunday. 
*Jan.  1902— Feb.  1915. 
Semi-Weekly  Southern  News. 
Wednesday  and  Friday. 
18  Jan.  1860—19  Dec.  1862. 

Missing:  6  and  8  Aug.  1862. 
Duplicate  vols,  for  18  July  1860—17  July  1861. 
5  Jan.  1866—21  Dec.  1866. 
1  Jan.  1867—3  Jan.  1868. 


A  LIST  OF  NEWSPAPERS  IN  THE  LOS  ANGELES  CITY  LIBRARY  83 

SAN  FRANCISCO : 

Alta  Californian. 
Weekly. 
7  May  1859—9  May  1863. 

Missing:  14  May  1859;  29  Nov.  1862;  11  and  25  Apr.  1863. 
See  also  under  Golden  Era. 
Golden  Era 
Weekly. 
1  Feb.'l857— 4July  1858. 

Missing:  9  and  16  Aug.  1857. 

Bound  with  above:  Alta  Californian — 31  July  1858;  Pictor- 
ial Wild  IVcst—l  Jan.  1857;  Steamer  Bulletin— 5  July, 
5  Aug.  1858. 
San  Francisco  Bulletin. 
Weekly. 
7  May  1859—11  May  1861. 

Missing:  14  May,  19  Nov.  1859;  8  and  15  Dec.  1860. 
San  Francisco  Call. 

Daily  except  Monday. 

1  Dec.  1856—13  Aug.  1865. 

Missing:  29  and  30  Nov.  1859;  30  Nov.  1860. 
Daily. 

1  Dec.  1912—17  Aug.  1913. 
San  Francisco  Chronicle.** 
Weekly. 

5  May  1855—16  May  1857. 

Missing:  12  and  19  Mav,  9  June  1855. 
Daily. 

*Sept.  1889— Nov.  1912. 
1  Dec.  1912— 30  Sept.  1916. 
San  Francisco  Examiner. 
Daily. 
1  Jan.  1892—29  Feb.  1892. 

OTHER  CALIFORNIA: 
Banning  Herald. 

Weekly. 

1  Sept!  1888—29  Nov.  1894. 
Badly  clipped. 
East  Oakland  Mail. 

Weekly. 

15  Sept.  1896—13  Mar.  1897. 
Riverside  Refle.v. 

Weekly. 

7  May  1892—29  Apr.  1893. 


84  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORXIA 

Sacramento  Union. 

Daily  except  Sunday. 

1  Feb.  1864—31  Dec.  1864. 

Missing:  29  Jan.,  1  and  5  July,  18  Aug.  1864. 
Scattering  issues  of  Weekly  Union  bound  with  above. 
Very  poor  condition. 
Semi-weekly :  Wednesday  and  Saturday. 

Sub-head:  "Semi-Wjeeklv  Record  Union." 

2  Oct.  1878—5  Mar.  18/9. 
San  Jose  Pioneer. 

Weekly. 

13  Jan.  1877—29  Dec.  1877. 
Monthly. 

15  Jan.  1897— 15  June  1901. 
\'entura  Democrat. 
Weekly. 
17  Nov.  1883—27  Aug.  1885. 

Other  United  States 

Boston  Independent  Chronicle  and  Universal  Advertiser. 

Monday  and  Thursday. 

4  Jan.  1796—29  Dec.  1796. 

Missing:  28  Jan.,  24  iMar.,  18  Apr.,  9  June,  8  Sept.  1796. 
Boston  Transcript.** 

Daily  except  Sunday. 

*Jan.  1907— June  1912. 

1  July  1912—30  Sept.  1916. 
Chicago  tribune. 

Daily. 

1  Nov.  1899—31  Dec.  1899. 

1  Jan.  1913—31  Dec.  1914. 
New  York  Post. 

Daily  except  Sunday. 

2  Jan.  1913— 30  June  1913. 
(New  York)  The  Standard. 

Weekly. 

8  Jan.  1887—29  Dec.  1888. 
New  York  Tinies.'^'* 

Daily. 

1  June  1913—30  Sept.  1916. 
New  York  Tribune. 

Daily  except  Sunday  to  6  Dec.  1879. 

Daily,  beginning  Sunday,  7  Dec.  1879. 


A  LIST  OF  NEWSPAPERS  IN  THE  LOS  ANGELES  CITY  LIBRARY        85 

1  Jan.  1872—31  Dec.  1878. 

Missing:  2  and  3  Jan.  1872;  1  Jan.  1874. 
1  May  1879—30  Apr.  1884. 

30  Apr.  1881  bound  at  beginning  instead  of  end  of  vol. 
New  York  Tribune  and  other  papers. 

The  Tribune  and  Times  are  bound;  those  following  are  not 

bound  :  all  are  placed  in  one  vol. 
New  York  Jl'eeklv  Tribune:  8  Oct..  19  and  26  Nov.  1859;  3  and 

24  Mar..  21  July.  4  Aug..  1  Sept..  24  Nov..  1.  8,  15,  22  and 

29  Dec.  1860 ;  19  Jan.  1861 ;  25  Jan.,  1  and  8  Feb.,  1-29  Mar., 
5-26  Apr.  3.  10  and  24  May.  7  and  28  June.  5-26  July.  2,  16- 

30  Aug..  6-27  Sept.,  4  Oct.,  27  Dec.  1862 ;  3  Jan.  1863. 
New  York  IVeeklv  Times:  30  Aug.,  22  Nov.,  6  Dec.  1856;  17 

Jan.  1857 ;  22  Dec.  1860. 
Toledo  Daily  Blade  :  6  Dec.  1862  :  11  Feb.  1864. 
Cleveland  Morning  Herald:  17  Oct.  1864;  12  Sept.  1865. 
Cleveland  Morning  Leader:  1  Jan.  1862;  26  May.  9  and  30  July 

1864. 
Cincinnati  Daily  Gasette :  19  and  31  July.  16  Aug..  16  Nov.  1861 ; 

27  Oct.  1863  (part). 
Fremont  (Sandusky  Co..  Ohio)  Journal:  3  Apr.  1863;  29  July 

1864;  23  June,  25  Sept.,  13  Oct.  1865. 
New  York  Herald:  15  July  1864. 

National  Intelligencer  (Washington.  D.  C.)  :  12  Mar.  1864. 
Wall  Street  Journal** 
Daily  exceot  Sunday. 
*1911— 30'Sept.  19i6. 
Washington  (D.  C.)  Post.** 
Daily. 
*July  1913— Sept.  1916. 

Foreign 

London  (England)  Times.** 

Daily  except  Sunday. 

*  1909— 1911. 

1  Jan.  1912—30  June  1914. 

*July— Dec.  1914. 

1  Jan.  1915—30  Sept.  1916. 
Mexican  Extraordinary. 

Mexico  City,  Mexico. 

In  English. 

Wjeekly. 

19  May  1856—15  Nov.  1856. 


CALIFORNIA'S  FIRST  AMERICAN  SCHOOL  AND  ITS 
TEACHER 


(ARY    M.    BOWMAN 


On  the  morning  of  April  17,  1846,  three  families  left  Green- 
bush,  111.,  one  bound  for  Oregon  and  two  for  California,  wonder- 
lands somewhere  on  the  Pacific  Coast,  just  where  and  how  far 
apart  no  one  knew.  Of  the  latter,  the  one  with  which  this  story  is 
chiefly  concerned,  consisted  of  two  members,  Dr.  Chauncey  Isaac 
Isbell  and  his  wife,  Olive  Mann  Isbell.  The  wanderlust  was  in 
their  blood;  they  were  the  children  of  pioneers  from  the  State 
of  New  York  to  what  was  then  the  extreme  western  frontier. 

Olive  Mann  was  born  August  8,  1824,  in  Ashtabula,  Ohio,  and 
was  married  to  Dr.  Isbell,  a  young  medical  graduate  of  the  Western 
Reserve  College,  in  Wadsworth,  Medina  County,  March  10,  1844. 
In  July  of  that  year  they  went  to  Greenbush,  where  the  Doctor  had 
a  lucrative  practice  in  the  two  years  following.  When  they  started 
on  their  long  overland  journey  they  were  exceptionally  well  out- 
fitted and  had  two  thousand  dollars  in  money,  a  sum  that  protected 
them  from  many  hardships  suffered  by  other  immigrants  not  so 
fortunate. 

At  the  Fort  Madison  crossing,  on  the  Mississippi,  the  little 
company  from  Greenbush  met  other  travelers  overland  bound,  mak- 
ing in  all  thirty-one  v.'agons  that  forded  the  river.  At  Mt.  Pleasant, 
Iowa,  a  settlement  of  two  or  three  log  cabins,  Charles  Imus  was 
elected  captain  of  the  company,  but  subsequently  Joseph  Aram  was 
chosen  and  by  his  name  it  is  known  in  the  annals  of  California.  In 
St.  Joe,  Mo.,  they  hired  one  of  the  Rubidoux  brothers  and  Green- 
wood as  guides,  and  in  their  re-fitting  provided  themselves  with 
an  ample  supply  of  beads  and  trinkets  to  trade  to  the  Indians.  They 
encountered  all  the  difficulties  in  crossing  the  Platte  River,  suffered 
the  tortures  of  thirst  in  the  desert  and  the  hardships  of  the  long 
journey,  as  did  those  who  followed  them  in  later  years,  now  an 
oft  told  tale.  In  crossing  the  plains  they  had  no  trouble  with  the 
Indians  beyond  a  little  petty  thieving.  Following  the  advice  of 
their  guides,  they  kept  their  promises,  treated  the  red  men  fairly  and 
the  Indian  kept  his. 

Three  other  companies  joined  them  at  Fort  Laramie.  At  Fort 
Hall  they  first  learned  of  the  war  with  Mexico.  A  panic-stricken 
man  and  wife  on  one  horse  witli  two  children  tied  on   another. 


California's  first  American  school  and  its  teacher      87 

galloped  in  to  the  Fort  one  morning  shouting  to  the  travelers  to 
turn  back  or  they  would  be  exterminated  before  they  could  cross 
the  mountains.  This  news  created  great  excitement  in  the  camp 
and  a  meeting  was  called  to  determine  what  course  to  pursue, 
whether  to  go  back  or  go  on. 

"What  shall  we  do  Olive?"  said  the  Doctor. 

"I  started  for  California  and  I  want  to  go  on,"  replied  the  plucky 
young  woman.  Her  decision  and  courage  settled  a  doubt  in  many 
other  minds,  a  few  families  turned  back,  but  most  of  the  company 
went  on.  Forty  miles  west  of  Fort  Hall  they  came  to  the  parting 
of  the  ways,  those  Oregon  bound  taking  a  direction  to  the  north- 
west and  said  the  pioneer  woman  telling  me  this  story,  "There  was 
not  a  dry  eye  in  either  company."  Across  the  plains  they  had 
almost  blazed  the  way,  there  were  only  a  few  Indian  trails  and  an 
occasional  faint  wagon  track  to  guide  them,  and  now  none  knew 
Vv'hat  perils  might  lie  ahead. 

The  Aram  company  were  two  weeks  making  roads  and  devising 
ways  to  get  their  wagons  across  the  unbroken  fastnesses  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  without  taking  them  to  pieces,  a  feat 
that  only  one  company  preceeding  them  had  accomplished.  They 
descended  at  the  head  of  Bear  River,  people  and  animals  exhausted, 
but  the  wagons  were  whole.  While  they  were  camped  on  the  river. 
Mrs.  Aram  and  Mrs.  Isbel!  hung  some  towels  on  the  bushes  to 
dry  and  on  taking  them  up  found  them  heavy  with  particles  of 
something  that  glittered  in  the  sun. 

"Olive   what  do  you  suppose  this  is?"  asked  Mrs.  Aram. 

"I  think  it  is  isinglass,"  was  the  reply. 

Two  years  later,  when  some  of  the  richest  deposits  were  found 
on  Bear  river,  they  decided  that  they  might  have  had  the  glory  of 
being  gold  discoverers  had  they  known  gold  when  they  saw  it. 

On  the  afternoon  of  October  first  the  train  of  forty  wagons 
drew  up  at  Johnson's  ranch. 

"Can  you  tell  us,"  they  asked,  "how  much  farther  we  shall 
have  to  travel  to  reach  California?" 

"You  are  in  California  now,"  said  Johnson  smiling.  It  was 
welcome  news  to  the  weary  company,  and  they  accepted  eagerly  an 
invitation  to  camp  and  rest. 

An  officer  of  Fremont's  battalion  escorted  them  to  Sutter's  Fort 
and  a  week  later  to  Santa  Clara  Mission  for  the  winter.  All  the 
able-bodied  men  enlisted  to  go  south  with  Fremont.  After  fording 
the  Salinas  River,  Dr.  Isbell  was  taken  with  what  was  called  "emi- 
grant fever"  (typhoid  pneumonia)  and  had  to  return  to  the  Mission. 

The  situation  there  grew  most  distressing.  The  rains  came 
early  and  heavy  that  year,  with  strong  southwest  winds.  In  the 
crumbling  buildings  with  broken  roofs  the  rain  fell  almost  as  fast 


88  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

inside  as  on  the  outside.  With  the  wet  weather,  poor  food  and 
poorer  housing,  most  of  the  inmates  were  taken  with  fever  and  a 
luimber  died  in  the  most  pitiful  surroundings.  Doctor  Isbell's  well- 
filled  medicine  chest,  his  wife's  knowledge  of  drugs  and  skill  in 
nursing  kept  the  death  rate  from  going  much  higher.  She  dealt  out 
on  an  average  over  one  hundred  doses  of  medicine  a  day.  Weeks 
passed  with  this  pioneer  woman  fighting  back  the  grim  messenger 
death,  snatching  an  hour  or  two  of  sleep  when  she  could,  and 
with  the  aid  of  one  other  woman,  running  bullets  while  her  patients 
slept  at  night. 

Conditions  grew  daily  more  alarming  to  these  strangers  in  a 
strange  country  among  a  people  whose  language  they  did  not  under- 
stand. Captain  Webber,  in  command  at  San  Jose,  sent  a  messenger 
to  Yerba  Buena  for  marines,  to  protect  tlie  Americans  in  the  Mis- 
sion. A  sound  of  firing  in  the  distance  was  the  first  indication  they 
had  that  help  was  approaching.  The  men  who  were  able  went  out 
to  meet  the  soldiers  and  the  women  climbed  on  the  walls  and  saw 
in  the  distance  the  one  cannon  mired  down  to  the  hubs,  oxen  and 
men  together  could  not  budge  it.  In  the  meantime  the  Californians 
were  on  horses  galloping  out  of  the  chaparral,  firing  on  the  marines 
and  back  to  cover.  Captain  Marston  rode  up  to  the  Mission  and 
asked  for  a  white  cloth  to  use  as  a  flag  of  truce,  while  they  pulled 
the  cannon  out  of  the  mud.  Mrs.  Isbell  gave  him  her  wedding 
pocket  handkerchief  to  tie  on  the  flag  staff.  On  his  return  to 
Yerba  Buena  the  gallant  captain  paid  one  dollar  a  yard  for  a  blue 
and  white  striped  calico  dress  pattern  and  sent  her  word  that  it 
was  the  best  material  that  he  could  find. 

Two  marines  were  wounded  in  the  engagement,  one  in  the 
fleshy  part  of  the  leg,  the  other  in  the  head,  but  neither  seriously. 
Their  wounds  were  dressed  by  Mrs.  Isbell  and  Mrs.  Aram  in  the 
mission.  The  cannon  was  pried  out  of  the  mud,  Captain  Marston 
and  the  twenty-five  marines  were  served  with  the  best  meal  the 
women  could  get  together,  having  prepared  the  night  before  in 
anticipation  of  their  coming.  Thus  ended  the  much  disputed  battle 
of  Santa  Clara,  as  they  saw  it. 

While  the  sick  were  convalescing,  Mrs.  Isbell  gathered  together 
all  the  children  in  the  Mission  and  started  the  English-speaking 
school  system  of  California.  It  was  probably  because  she  had  been 
a  teacher  the  year  previous  to  her  marriage  that  suggested  to  her 
mind  the  school  idea  as  a  device  for  keeping  the  youngsters,  who 
were  running  wild,  within  bounds.  She  said  it  was  more  her  desire 
to  relieve  the  ailing  sorely  tried  mothers  that  she  did  it,  than  to 
accomplish  much  in  the  way  of  education,  for  the  project  was  wholly 
a  labor  of  love. 

The  room  allowed  her  for  the  school,  about  fifteen  feet  square. 


California's  first  American  school  and  its  teacher      89 

had  been  used  for  stabling  horses,  aUve  with  flies,  flees  and  other 
specimens  of  entomology.  There  was  no  fire-place  nor  chimney,  no 
way  of  escape  for  the  smoke  from  the  fire  on  the  earthen  floor, 
except  through  a  hole  in  the  roof.  On  rainy  days  it  did  not  escape 
and  it  was  then  a  choice  of  suffering  with  the  chill  cold,  or  smoke 
burned  eyes.  The  only  books  they  had  were  those  overlooked  when 
loads  were  lightened  from  time  to  time  crossing  the  plains.  There 
was  no  blackboard  and  but  three  slates.  Four  or  five  McGuifey's 
leaders  were  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  but  spellers  were  more 
numerous.  Two  or  three  arithmetics  and  as  many  geographies  com- 
pleted the  list  of  books  in  this  pioneer  school.  When  a  child's  mem- 
ory was  infirm  on  any  particular  letter  of  the  alphabet,  the  teacher 
eked  out  the  lack  of  a  blackboard  by  printing  it  with  a  soft  pencil 
on  the  back  of  the  hand.  Sarah  Aram,  whom  Los  Angeles  knew 
and  revered  many  years  as  Mrs.  P.  C.  Cool,  told  her  teacher  late  in 
life  that  she  had  never  forgotten  the  looks  of  the  letter  E  printed 
on  her  hand.  The  children  were  seated  on  boxes  and  a  few  rude 
benches.  One  small  table  was  their  only  desk  room  for  eighteen 
or  twenty  pupils  to  take  turns  in  writing,  which  they  did  with 
quill  pens.  The  school  began  about  the  middle  of  December,  1846, 
and  continued  two  months. 

In  early  March,  when  after  a  serious  relapse,  Dr.  Isbell  was 
able  to  travel,  he  and  his  wife,  with  five  other  families  went  to 
Monterey,  expecting  to  use  their  oxen  in  helping  to  build  fortifica- 
tions, they  were  surprised  to  learn,  on  reaching  there,  that  the 
war  was  over  and  that  California  would  be  part  of  the  United 
States. 

On  the  night  of  their  arrival,  ]\Irs.  Isbell  was  awakened  from 
sleep  to  meet  a  deputation  of  gentlemen,  Thomas  O.  Larkin,  Milton 
Little  and  H.  T.  Green.  The  fame  of  the  little  school  at  the  Mission 
had  preceeded  the  teacher  and  the  gentlemen  had  come  to  ask  her 
to  teach  in  Monterey.  After  much  urging  she  gave  reluctant  con- 
sent. Confinement  in  a  school-room  was  not  appealing  after  her 
strenuous  winter  in  the  Mission  and,  beside,  she  much  preferred  to 
be  associated  with  her  husband  in  whatever  he  might  engage. 

A  room  in  the  Custom  House,  over  the  calaboose,  was  fitted  up 
and  the  school  opened  with  twenty-six  pupils,  which  soon  swelled 
to  fifty-six,  for  which  she  was  paid  by  private  subscription,  six  dol- 
lars each  for  a  term  of  three  months.  The  low  room  with  a  sloping 
roof  was  furnished  with  desks  and  benches.  The  larger  pupils  sat 
in  the  middle  of  the  room  and  at  the  ends,  the  smaller  ones  around 
the  sides,  graded  according  to  the  slope  of  the  roof.  About  half 
the  children  had  books,  some  that  were  left  from  a  vessel  in  the 
hide  and  tallow  trade,  with  Mr.  Larkin,  United  States  Consul.  Mr. 
Green  attended  to  the  business  arrangements,  Mr.  Larkin  furnished 


90  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

pencils  and  paper  free  of  charge.  The  teacher  did  not  know  Spanish 
and  but  few  of  the  pupils  could  speak  English,  but  with  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Abrago  boys,  who  had  studied  with  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell, 
and  Rev.  Walter  Colton,  who  cheerfully  lent  his  aid,  the  school 
continued  successfully  the  specified  time. 

In  the  meantime  Dr.  Isbell  and  a  partner  secured  a  two-story 
adobe  house  and  opened  the  first  American  hotel  in  Monterey,  if 
not  the  first  of  any  kind,  which  in  honor  of  the  change  of  govern- 
ment they  patriotically  named  the  Washington  I-Iouse.  If  a  register 
of  this  forerunner  of  the  palatial  hostelries  of  today  could  be  found 
it  would  be  seen  to  contain  the  signatures  of  all  the  noted  men 
of  California  at  that  time.  Dr.  Isbell  later  disposed  of  his  interest 
in  the  hotel  and  went  to  French  Camp  with  Captain  Webber  to  raise 
cattle.  This  was  several  miles  south  of  the  town  just  budding 
forth  as  Tuleburg,  later  changed  to  Stockton.  The  I  shells  took 
possession  of  their  new  log  cabin,  containing  one  large  room,  in  the 
middle  of  October,  and  were  scarcely  more  than  comfortably  settled 
in  their  first  California  home  when  Marshall  picked  up  the  fateful 
nugget  at  Sutter's  mill. 

The  Wimmer  family,  who  went  to  the  mill  to  board  the  men, 
passed  the  winter  with  the  Isbells  in  the  Mission.  The  Doctor 
ushered  a  new  little  Wimmer  into  the  world,  and  altogether  the 
families  had  kept  in  as  close  touch  as  possible  with  each  other. 
Mrs.  Wimmer  was  a  native  of  Georgia,  born  near  gold  mines.  Un- 
like most  other  Californians,  she  knew  gold  when  she  saw  it.  From 
the  beginning  of  their  residence  at  the  mill  particles  of  something 
glittering  in  the  water  brought  into  the  house  had  been  the  subject 
of  much  discussion  among  the  workmen.  Each  had  his  opinion  as 
to  what  it  might  be.  but  Mrs.  Wimmer  from  the  first  said  it  was 
gold,  only  to  be  laughed  at  by  the  men.  Every  day  when  water 
was  poured  at  the  table,  there  was  much  joking  at  what  they  called 
"Mrs.  Wimmer's  gold,"  but  despite  the  fun  at  her  expense  she  in- 
sisted that  the  sparkles  in  the  water  were  surely  gold. 

On  the  historic  morning  of  January,  1848.  Mrs.  Wimmer  was 
doing  the  family  washing  under  a  tree.  Seeing  Marshall  walking 
slowly  toward  her,  she  called : 

•'What  is  it,  Marshall?" 

"I  believe   it  is  gold,"  he  replied. 

"Bring  it  here,"  she  said,  "put  it  in  my  suds.  If  it  comes  out 
bright  it  is  gold.  If  it  turns  black  it  is  not  gold."  The  nugget  went 
into  the  suds  and  came  out  bright,  as  all  the  world  knows.  Nunilier- 
less  stories  have  been  told  of  what  occurred  at  the  mill  on  that 
epoch-making  morning.  This  is  the  account  told  to  me  August, 
1889,  with  mind  clear  and  memory  good,  by  the  woman  who  probably 
knew  as  much  al»ut  it  as  any  one  not  actually  present  and  perhaps 


California's  first  American  school  and  its  teacher      91 

remembered  it  better  than  some  who  were.  The  fortieth  anniversary 
of  the  discovery  was  celebrated  that  year  and  the  papers  were  full 
of  a  variety  of  stories  concerning  it,  which  brought  the  facts  clearly 
to  Mrs.  Isbell's  mind.  "It  is  true,"  she  said,  "that  George  Wimmer 
had  picked  up  a  small  nugget  and  showed  it  to  his  mother,  and  that 
some  of  the  men  had  found  pieces  before  Marshall  saw  his,  and  we 
old  timers  never  could  understand  why  Marshall  was  given  all  the 
honor  of  being  the  discoverer." 

Soon  after  the  gold  find  became  known.  Captain  Webber,  Doctor 
Isbell  and  four  other  men  set  out  on  a  prospecting  trip,  but  they  re- 
turned with  empty  sacks.  They  did  not  know  where  to  look  nor 
what  to  look  for,  but  they  hit  on  an  easier  plan  in  a  future  search. 
Captain  Webber  sent  a  company  of  Indians  to  explore  the  moun-> 
tains.  Chief  Jose  Jesus,  his  life-long  and  faithful  friend,  brought 
word  that  the  Indians  had  found  gold  on  what  was  afterward  called 
Webber  Creek.  They  organized  a  company,  composed  of  Charles 
Webber,  Chauncey  Isbell,  John  Laird,  John  Pyles,  Andrew  Baker, 
Charles  Frazier,  John  and  Daniel  Murphy,  Joe  Buzzell  and  one  or 
two  others,  and  named  it  the  Stockton  Mining  Company.  They 
bought  all  the  goods  in  Sutter's  Fort  and  in  Stockton  to  trade  to 
the  Indians  and  let  them  do  the  digging.  Mrs.  Isbell  gave  them  all 
the  finery  she  had  brought  to  California  in  the  way  of  buttons,  beads, 
ribbons,  lace,  surplus  handkerchiefs  and  surplus  everything  she  could 
get  along  without.     Other  wives  were  equally  self-sacrificing. 

Some  time  after  the  Company  left  for  the  mines  she  sent  to 
the  Rancheria  on  the  Calaveras  River,  for  an  Indian  to  come  to 
the  ranch  at  French  Camp  to  dig  a  well.  When  he  appeared  arrayed 
in  her  husband's  boots  and  the  new  corduroy  trousers  she  had  made 
and  he  had  put  on  the  first  time  before  leaving  home,  her  heart 
stood  still.     She  was  sure  he  had  been  murdered  by  the  Indians. 

"Where  did  you  get  those  trousers?"  she  demanded. 

"Boug'ht  them,"  he_  replied.  "Indians  getting  all  white  man's 
clothes  now." 

The  next  day  Captain  Webber  arrived  to  tell  her  of  their 
wonderful  gold  find  and  the  success  of  the  new  method  of  mining. 
The  Company  had  traded  out  their  entire  stock  of  goods  they 
took  with  them  and  had  sent  to  Yerba  Buena  for  a  new  supply. 
He  and  Doctor  Isbell  had  disposed  of  all  their  clothes  down  to  one 
undershirt  and  pair  of  drawers  and  had  been  going  barefoot.  Other 
Indians,  hearing  of  the  food  and  clothing  distribution  had  all  left 
for  the  mines  to  get  their  share. 

One  evening  the  household  at  French  Camp  was  aroused  by 
loud  knocking. 

"What  is  it,  Jose,  what  has  happened?"  said  Mrs.  Isbell,  seeing 


92  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CAI.IFORXTA 

the  Chief  and  several  other  Indians  at  the  door.  "I  came  to  tell 
you,"  he  replied,  "that  we  have  found  gold  on  the  Stanislaus." 

"Go  tell  Juan  to  saddle  horses.  We  will  go  to  see  the  Doctor." 
At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  with  a  pack  of  cooked  meat,  bread 
and  butter,  she  and  the  vaquero  were  off  and  reached  camp  before 
sunset.  More  goods  had  come  from  Verba  Buena  and  the  Indians 
were  trading  pound  for  pound,  a  pound  of  raisins,  beads,  flour  or 
what  not,  for  a  pound  of  gold  and  then  it  was  coming  in  so  fast  the 
Company  scarcely  kept  pace  with  the  traffic.  The  Indians  at  once 
demanded  the  white  woman's  clothes.  Not  being  quite  so  gold 
greedy  as  the  men,  she  refused,  but  she  remained  in  camp  a  few 
days  making  dresses  similar  to  her  own.  that  were  sold  at  regular 
rates,  pound  for  pound. 

With  the  assistance  of  a  nine-year-old  boy,  this  versatile  woman 
of  twenty-four  years  looked  after  six  hundred  head  of  cattle  beside 
horses  and  cows.  Every  male  creature  had  gone  to  the  "Diggings." 
There  was  no  one  left  in  Stockton  but  two  infirm  Indians  and  one 
squaw.  When  the  first  launch  load  of  goods  arrived  at  the  Em- 
barcadero,  for  the  mines  on  the  Stanislaus,  she  was  the  wharfinger 
who  received  them.  Every  day  she  made  a  calico  short  gown  and 
petticoat,  finished  with  a  chain  stitch  of  coarse  black  thread.  The 
Company  paid  her  two  ounces  of  gold  for  each  garment,  to  trade 
for  more  gold  to  the  Indians  at  the  usual  rate.  The  short  gown 
was  the  predecessor  of  the  modern  middy  blouse  and  not  much 
homlier.  The  stores  today  are  full  of  the  last  thing  in  house  dresses, 
and  half  the  women  in  Los  Angeles  are  pouring  the  breakfast  coffee 
in  a  down-to-date  adaptation  of  this  ancient  and  comfortable  costume. 

On  the  Doctor's  first  visit  home  from  the  mines,  he  and  a 
boy  carried  on  their  backs  eighty  pounds  of  gold,  the  roads  being 
too  deep  with  mud  to  travel  with  horses.  He  threw  the  sacks  under 
the  bed  and  opening  one  said,  "Hold  out  your  hand,  Olive."  Her 
hands  fell  to  the  table  with  the  weight  of  a  kidney-shaped  nugget 
that  sent  the  scales  down  to  seven  pounds  and  three  ounces.  This 
piece  of  gold  became  noted.  It  was  afterward  sold  in  San  Francisco 
to  some  Englishmen  who  sent  it  to  the  Bank  of  England. 

The  cabin  at  French  Camp  was  on  the  high  road  to  the  mines. 
All  travelers  stojjped  there  to  ask  for  meals,  which  at  first  were  given 
in  the  spirit  of  true  California  hospitality,  but  when  the  gold-seekers 
swelled  to  a  multitude,  mixed  with  "Sidney  Ducks"  from  Australia 
and  rough  characters  from  everywhere,  they  were  charged  one  dollar 
a  meal,  and  they  were  glad  to  get  food  at  that  price.  Her  chickens 
.■;old  at  S5.00  each,  butter  $2.00  per  pound,  eggs  $3.00  a  dozen. 
On  Christmas  day,  1849,  Mrs.  Isbell  sent  a  man  with  an  ox  team 
to  Stockton  with  two  demijohns  of  milk,  two  of  cream,  four  dozen 
chickens,  some  eggs  and  a  few  pounds  of  butter.     He  brought  back 


California's  first  American  school  and  its  teacher      93 

$500  in  gold.  Sacks  of  gold  were  sent  by  the  Company  to  French 
Camp.  The  lady  of  the  cabin  had  at  times  150  pounds  to  conceal. 
She  hid  them  under  the  bed,  under  her  punchoen  floor,  stacked  them 
in  corners  and  out-of-the-way  places,  covered  them  with  rags  and 
then  made  nests  and  set  the  hens  on  them.  When  suspicious  looking 
characters  were  at  her  table,  she  took  occasion  to  declare  with  em- 
phasis, that  people  were  very  foolish  who  kept  gold  in  the  house. 
It  should  be  taken  to  Stockton  for  safety. 

The  Doctor  by  that  time  divided  his  work  between  the  mines 
and  the  ranch,  buying  and  selling  cattle.  Colton  in  his  "Three  Years 
in  California,"  gives  a  glimpse  of  life  at  French  Camp.  He  was 
refurning  from  a  visit  to  the  mines,  and  under  date  of  November 
14,  1849,  says : 

"Three  miles  of  fast  riding  brought  us  to  a  grove  of  oak, 
now  wrapped  in  the  purple  twilight.  Along  this  we  streamed  until 
reaching  a  bold  bend,  which  circled  up  into  its  shadows,  when  the 
fagot  flame  of  the  cottage  struck  the  eye.  Our  horses  bounded  for- 
ward on  the  gallop,  knowing  as  well  as  we  that  the  weary  day  was 
now  over.  Here  we  found  my  friend,  Dr.  Isbell,  and  his  good  lady, 
who  gave  us  a  hearty  welcome.  True,  their  cabin  had  but  one  room 
in  it;  but  what  of  that?  Hearts  make  a  home  in  the  wilderness. 
Our  first  care  was  for  our  animals,  which  were  soon  watered  and 
turned  into  a  rich  meadow,  with  a  faithful  Indian  to  watch  them 
through  the  night.  Our  busy  hostess  soon  announced  supper — beef- 
steak, omelet,  hot  rolls  and  coffee  with  sugar  and  cream !  If  you 
want  to  know  how  that  supper  relished,  come  and  live  a  month  in 
the  mines  of  California.  Our  hospitable  friends  welcomed  us  to  all 
the  sleeping  comforts  which  their  cabin  afforded,  but  we  camped 
under  the  trees  and  were  soon  afloat  in  the  realm  of  dreams,  amid 
its  visioned  forms. 

"Another  day  had  dawned  fresh  and  brilliant ;  we  breakfasted 
with  our  friends,  who  ordered  up  their  horses  and  started  with  us 
for  Stockton,  twelve  miles  distant.  Our  lady  hostess  and  myself  led 
off.  She  had  crossed  the  Rocky  Mountains  into  California,  and 
was  of  course  at  home  in  the  saddle.  She  was  mounted  on  a  spirited 
animal  and  my  little  Indian  almost  blew  the  wind  out  of  him  to 
keep  up.  My  companion,  though  accomplished  in  all  the  refinements 
of  metropolitan  life  was  yet  in  love  with  the  wild  scenes  in  which 
her  lot  had  been  cast.  The  rose  of  health  blushed  in  her  cheek, 
and  the  light  of  a  salient  soul  revelled  in  her  eye.  T  would  not  ex- 
change,' she  said,  'my  cabin  for  any  palace  in  Christendom.  I  have 
all  that  I  want  here,  and  what  more  could  I  have  elsewhere?  I 
have  tried  luxury  without  health,  and  a  wild  mountain  life  with  it. 
Give  me  the  latter,  with  the  free  air,  the  dashing  streams,  the 
swinging  woods,  the  laughing  flowers  and  the  exulting  birds.'  " 


94  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

In  the  spring  of  1850,  the  Isbells  found  themselves  wealtliy,  with 
enough  and  more  to  make  them  comfortable  through  life.  The 
Doctor  wished  to  return  to  the  States.  His  wife,  much  against  her 
desires,  reluctantly  acquiesced.  They  rented  the  ranch  and  May 
1st  took  passage  at  San  Francisco  for  Panama.  In  the  autumn  the 
Doctor  returned  and  sold  his  holdings  at  French  Camp.  Many 
thrilling  experiences  awaited  them  before  they  again  saw  California 
together,  which  time  and  the  hour  forbids  my  pencil  to  touch. 


THE  LOST  ISLANDS  OF  SAN  PEDRO  BAY 

BY  J.    M.  GUINN 

When  Cabrillo  nearly  four  hundred  years  ago  sailed  into  Bahia 
de  Los  Humos  y  Fuegos  (Bay  of  Smokes  and  Fires),  now  San 
Pedro  Bay,  the  only  island  that  loomed  up  out  of  the  vast  expanse  of 
its  waters  was  that  conical  peak  since  called  Dead  Man's  Island. 

Terminal  Island,  Mormon  Island  and  other  isles,  if  noted  at 
all  by  the  mariners,  were  regarded  as  mud  flats  or  as  parts  of  the 
mainland. 

Sixty  years  later  Sebastian  Viscaino  sailed  into  Cabrillo's  Bay 
of  Smokes  and  Fires  and  left  it  as  the  Ensenada  of  San  Andres. 
Cabrera  Bueno,  compiling  a  chart  of  the  California  coast  for  ships 
engaged  in  the  Philippine  trade,  from  Viscanos'  explorations  and 
reckonings,  untangled  the  tangle  in  saints'  names  that  the  bluff  old 
sailor  had  made.  He  changed  the  name  of  the  Bay  of  San  Andres 
to  San  Pedro,  the  26th  of  November,  the  day  Viscaino  anchored  in 
it  being  St.  Peter's  day  and  not  St.  Andrew's — not  St.  Peter  the 
Apostle,  but  St.  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria.  Cabrera  Buena  marked 
on  his  chart  the  little  island  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay,  but  gave  it 
no  name.  W'hen  Spanish  navigators  were  discovering  great  islands 
and  continents,  it  was  not  worth  while  wasting  a  saint's  name, 
plentiful  as  they  were,  on  a  little  speck  like  that  conical  peak  at  San 
Pedro's  mouth. 

For  more  than  two  centuries  it  remained  nameless.  Then  some 
person  or  some  freak  of  Fate  fastened  upon  it  the  gruesome  title 
of  Dead  Man's  Island.  For  nearly  a  century  it  has  born  on  maps  and 
charts  this  ominous  cognomen.  Recently  it  has  experienced  a  great 
change.  It  has  been  transferred  from  the  War  Department  of  the 
United  States,  where  for  sixty  years  it  was  held,  to  the  Treasury 
Department,  to  be  used  hereafter  as  the  site  for  a  quarantine  station. 
It  will  be  leveled  down  and  enlarged  to  six  arces.  Its  name  has 
been  changed  to  Reservation  Point.  Presumably  the  fill  will  change 
its  present  circular  form  to  a  point ;  otherwise  it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  a  change  of  name  makes  a  point  out  of  a  circle. 

Now  that  this  ocean  landmark  that  has  guided  many  a  good 
ship  to  anchorage  before  the  days  of  free  harbors  and  light  houses, 
is  about  to  be  obliterated  in  name  and  form — lost  from  the  landscape 
and  unknown  to  future  generations,  a  brief  history  of  it  may  be 
worth  preserving. 


96  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

There  is  no  deep  tragedy  connected  with  its  naming  like  that 
of  La  Mort  Homme — Dead  Man's  Hill — that  has  been  alternately 
lost  and  won  in  the  long-drawn-out  sanguinary  battles  between 
French  and  Teutons  at  Verdun.  Its  use  as  a  cemetery  gave  it  its 
name — Dead  Alan's  Island. 

There  are  several  legends  that  purport  to  give  the  application 
of  the  name  to  the  island.  Alfred  Robinson,  author  of  "Life  in 
California,"  in  a  conclusion  to  that  book  written  forty  years  after, 
gives  a  story  of  what  he  evidently  considers  the  first  interment  on 
it — that  of  Black  Hawk,  the  last  male  survivor  of  the  San  Nicolas 
Island  Indians.     Speaking  of  the  channel  islands  he  says: 

"The  islands  were  made  attractive  and  important  from  the  vast 
numbers  of  fur  seals  and  sea  otters  found  there,  which  naturally 
called  the  attention  of  the  Russians  from  the  north,  who  almost  en- 
tirely engrossed  that  species  of  traffic  throughout  the  whole  extent 
of  the  Pacific  Coast,  from  their  possessions  in  the  north  down  to 
this  region,  which  they  frequently  visited ;  and  on  one  occasion,  in 
a  quarrel  with  the  islanders  at  St.  Nicholas,  they  inhumanly  mas- 
sacred nearly  the  whole  of  the  male  inhabitants,  an  act  which  natur- 
ally induced  the  entire  population  of  these  islands  to  seek  refuge 
and  protection  among  the  several  missionary  establishments  on  the 
mainland. 

"After  the  lapse  of  half  a  century,  a  party  of  hunters,  headed 
by  Isaac  Williams  of  Los  Angeles,  embarked  in  a  small  vessel  at 
San  Pedro  for  a  trip  among  the  islands,  for  the  purpose  of  amuse- 
ment as  vvell  as  profit,  in  the  hunting  of  sea  otter,  and  reaching 
St.  Nicholas,  they  disembarked.  Strolling  around  over  the  rocks 
on  the  seashore,  much  to  their  surprise  they  decried  a  group  of 
persons  evidently  endeavoring  to  escape  observation,  to  whom  they 
gave  chase  and  soon  overtook.  They  proved  to  be  an  aged  man 
and  three  women  who,  by  friendly  signs,  were  induced  to  accompany 
them  to  the  launch.  As  they  proceeded,  the  eldest  woman  escaped, 
darting  ofif  among  the  brush,  and  was  soon  out  of  sight. 

"The  hunters  continued  their  way  to  the  launch,  where  they 
embarked,  leaving  the  poor  runaway  alone  on  the  deserted  isle. 

"With  a  favorable  wind  they  reached  San  Pedro  the  next  day. 
There  they  entertained  their  rude  guests,  much  to  their  satisfaction, 
day  after  day  adding  to  their  comfort  and  enejoyment,  everyone  in 
the  town  seeming  inclined  to  extend  them  hospitality.  It  was  not 
long,  however,  before  they  began  to  feel  the  effects  of  their  change 
of  habits  and  diet,  which  finally  ended  in  the  death  of  the  women. 
The  old  man,  bowed  down  by  grief,  wandering  about  from  house 
to  house,  was  at  last  missed  from  the  community,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  expiration  of  several  weeks  that  he  was  found  in  San  Pedro. 
There  he  remained  for  quite  a  period,  daily,  seated  on  the  cliffs, 


THE  LOST  ISLANDS  OF  SAN   PEDRO  BAY  9/ 

gazing  out  as  if  trying  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  his  island  home.  Un- 
happily, one  day  his  body  was  seen  floating  upon  tlie  water.  It 
was  taken  ashore  and  buried  upon  the  little  island  near  the  entrance 
of  the  harbor,  now  called  Dead  Man's  Island.  It  was  supposed 
that  he  fell  asleep,  and  while  dreaming  perhaps  of  his  beloved  isle 
and  his  departed  companions,  he  fell  among  the  rocks  below  and 
died.     Such  was  the  end  of  poor  Black  Hawk." 

The  Indians  were  removed  from  San  Nicolas  Island  in  1835, 
the  year  Dana  was  on  the  California  coast.  Evidently  the  Indian 
Black  Hawk  was  not  the  first  interment  on  the  island.  (The  lone 
woman  lived  on  the  island  eighteen  years  before  she  was  rescued.) 

Dana  in  his  "Two  Years  Before  the  Mast,"  gives  this  legend  of 
what  he  seems  to  think  was  the  first  burial  on  the  island : 

"The  little  brig,  the  home  of  so  much  hardship  and  suffering, 
lay  in  the  offing,  almost  as  far  as  one  could  see,  and  the  only  other 
thing  which  broke  the  surface  of  the  great  bay  was  a  small,  desolate 
looking  island,  steep  and  conical,  of  a  clayey  soil,  and  without  the 
sign  of  vegetable  life  upon  it,  yet  which  had  a  peculiar  and  mel- 
ancholy interest  to  me,  for  on  the  top  of  it  were  buried  the  remains 
of  an  Englishman,  the  commander  of  a  small  merchant  brig,  who 
died  while  lying  in  this  port. 

"It  was  always  a  solemn  and  interesting  spot  to  me.  There  it 
stood,  desolate,  and  in  the  midst  of  desolation ;  and  there  were 
the  remains  of  one  who  died  alone  and  friendless.  Had  it  been 
a  common  burying-place  it  would  have  been  nothing.  The  single 
body  corresponded  well  with  the  solitary  character  of  everything 
around.  It  was  the  only  thing  in  California  from  which  I  could 
ever  extract  anything  like  poetry.  Then,  too,  the  man  died  far  from 
home,  without  a  friend  near  him ;  by  poison,  it  was  suspected,  and 
no  one  to  inquire  into  it ;  and  without  proper  funeral  rites ;  the 
mate  (as  I  was  told),  glad  to  have  him  out  of  the  way,  hurrying 
him  up  the  hill  and  into  the  ground  without  a  word  of  prayer." 

Of  the  legends  that  account  for  the  island's  gruesome  name,  the 
most  plausible  is  one  given  me  nearly  fifty  years  ago  by  an  old 
Califomian  who  had  been  in  the  hide  drogher  trade  before  Dana's 
day.  This  is  the  substance  of  his  story :  Away  back  in  the  early 
years  of  the  last  century  some  fishermen  found  the  body  of  an  un- 
known white  man  on  the  island.  There  was  evidence  that  the  man 
had  reached  the  island  alive  but  probably  too  weak  to  attempt  the 
crossing  of  the  narrow  channel  to  the  mainland.  He  had  evidently 
clung  to  the  desolate  island,  vainly  hoping  for  succor,  until  hunger, 
thirst  and  exposure  put  an  end  to  his  existence.  It  was  supposed 
that  he  had  fallen  overboard  at  night  from  some  vessel  engaged  in 
smuggling  and  to  have  been  carried  in  by  the  tide.    The  body  was 


98  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

buried  on  the  island  and  the  isle  was  named  by  the  Spaniards  Isla 
del  Muerto — Island  of  the  Dead  or  Isle  of  the  Corpse. 

The  American  marines  and  sailors  killed  in  the  battle  of  Do- 
mingues  Ranclio,  where  Mervine  was  defeated  by  Corrillo,  were 
buried  on  the  island.  Lieutenant  Duvall  in  his  Log  book  of  the 
Savannah  recording  their  burial  on  Dead  Man's  Island,  says:  "It 
was  so  named  by  us."  In  this  he  is  mistaken  by  twenty  to  thirty 
years.  Col.  J.  J.  Warner,  who  came  to  Los  Angeles  in  1831.  says 
it  bore  that  name  when  he  came  here. 

From  the  most  reliable  data  that  I  can  gather  there  were  in 
all  eleven  persons  buried  on  the  island,  ten  men  and  a  woman, 
namely : 

The  lost  sailor,  the  English  sea  captain,  the  Indian  Black  Hawk, 
six  of  the  Savannah  crew  in  1846,  a  passenger  on  a  Panama  steamer 
in  1851,  and  the  last,  a  Mrs.  Parker,  in  1858.  She  was  the  wife  of 
Captain  Parker  of  the  schooner  Laura  Bevan,  once  when  a  fierce 
southeaster  was  brewing  he  sailed  out  of  the  bay.  From  that  day 
to  this  nothing  has  ever  been  heard  of  the  ship  or  its  crew.  They 
lie  at  the  bottom  of  the  ocean.  The  captain's  wife  was  stopping 
at  the  Embarcadero.  She  was  slowly  dying  of  consumption.  Her 
husband's  fate  hastened  her  death.  She  was  buried  on  the  top  of 
Dead  Man's  Island. 

The  sea  has  not  given  up  its  dead,  but  the  land  has.  The  dis- 
integration of  the  island  going  on  for  years  exposed  the  coffins. 
Those  of  the  marines  were  buried  in  the  U.  S.  Cemetery  at  the 
Presidio  of  San  Francisco ;  the  others  in  the  cemetery  at  San  Pedro. 
It  may  be  asked  why  was  the  island  made  a  cemetery.  It  was 
to  prevent  desecration  of  the  graves  by  that  robber  of  the  plains— 
the  prowling  coyote.  There  were  no  permanent  residents  at  the 
landings  in  early  days. 

Rattlesnake  Island,  that  convolution  of  sand  dunes  which 
for  centuries  untold  protected  the  Slough,  now  called  the  Inner 
Harbor,  from  the  break!  break!  break!  of  old  Ocean's  waves,  lost 
its  original  name  twenty-five  years  ago,  and  is  constantly  losing 
its  original  contour  by  the  harbor  improvements  that  have  been  going 
on  for  forty-five  years. 

In  1891  it  was  purchased  from  the  Dominguez  heirs  for  $250,000 
by  the  Terminal  Company,  an  organization  of  St.  Louis  capitalists ; 
and  its  name  changed  to  Terminal  Island.  Its  purchase  precipitated 
a  Free  Harlior  war,  a  contest  that  was  waged  for  several  years 
between  Colis  Huntington,  president  of  the  Southern  Pacific  R.  R. 
Co.,  Senator  Frye  of  Maine,  Russell  Alger,  President  McKinley's 
Secretary  of  War,  and  a  coterie  of  Los  Angeles  monopolists  on  one 
side,  and  the  people  and  legislators  opposed  to  a  monopoly-owned 
harbor  on  the  other.     The  anti-monopolists  won. 


THE   LOST   ISLANDS  OF  SAK  PEDRO  BAY  99 

The  island  in  the  early  years  of  the  last  century  was  given  its 
warning  name,  Isla  del  Celubra  de  Cascabel — Isle  of  the  Snake  of 
the  Rattle — on  account  of  the  great  number  of  the  genus  crotalus 
horrida  that  inhabited  it.  The  name  was  a  danger  sign.  Whoever 
disregarded  the  warning  did  it  at  his  own  risk. 

The  natural  increase  of  the  reptile  was  occasionally  augmented 
by  immigration.  The  torrential  winter  rains  sometimes  washed  the 
rattlers  out  of  their  lairs  in  the  mountains  and  the  rushing  current 
of  the  San  Gabriel  River  brought  them  down  to  the  ocean  and 
landed  them  on  the  island.  As  this  branch  of  the  Ophidian  family 
is  not  given  to  navigation,  they  remained  on  the  island.  The  moun- 
tain rattler  was  more  aristocratic  than  the  plebeian  cascabel  of  the 
plains,  but  the  melting  pot  of  the  snake  kingdom  dissolved  the  hyphen 
and  merged  them  into  one  family. 

Mormon  Island  has  ceased  to  be  an  island.  A  fill  has  joined  it 
to  the  mainland.  It  was  named  for  the  faith  of  an  early  settler. 
His  name  has  been  lost  to  fame,  but  his  faith  has  been  pinned  to 
the  island  in  name  at  least. 

The  uncanny  names  of  the  islands  have  gone  to  join  the  south- 
easters,  the  terror  of  the  mariners  in  Dana's  day.  That  sneering 
remark  of  Senator  Frye's  uttered  during  the  Free  Harbor  contest 
as  he  read  from  the  map  of  the  Bay,  "  'Rattlesnake  Island,  Dead 
Man's  Island,'  I  should  think  it  would  scare  a  mariner  to  death  to 
come  into  such  a  place,"  has  lost  its  significance.  Senator  Stanford's 
reply  to  him  seems  to  have  been  almost  prophetic :  "You  let  us  have 
a  large  enough  appropriation  and  we  will  change  those  names  to 
something  less  horrifying." 

Forty-seven  years  ago,  October  10,  1869,  I  stood  on  the  deck 
of  the  old  Steamer  Senator  as  she  cast  anchor  in  the  Bay  out  beyond 
Dead  Man's  Island  and  took  my  first  survey  of  the  fog-enveloped 
Bay,  the  barren  island  and  the  desolate  mainland.  The  outlook  was 
not  promising  for  the  location  of  a  world  harbor  and  a  great  com- 
mercial seaport. 

Our  only  means  of  getting  ashore  at  the  only  seaport,  Wilming- 
ton, was  Banning's  little  tug,  the  Cricket.  It  was  so  small  its 
upper  deck  was  reserved  for  the  ladies,  the  men  passengers  stood 
around  the  boiler  on  the  lower  deck  and  surveyed  the  beautiful 
scenery — the  mud  flats,  the  sand  bars,  the  sea  weed  and  the  seals 
basking  on  the  banks  while  the  little  Cricket  crept  up  the  shallow 
Slough  to  Wilmington.  You  paid  a  $1.50  to  get  ashore  on  Ban- 
ning's tug  and  $2.50  more  to  get  to  Los  Angeles  city  on  Banning's 
stages.  Now  a  soulless  corporation  carries  you  over  that  route 
for  35  cents. 

The  channel  between  Isla  del  Muerto  and  Timm's  Point  had 
then  but  eighteen  inches  of  water  at  low  tide.    Now  there  are  thirty 


100  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

feet.  There  was  then  a  gap  between  Rattlesnake  Island  and  Dead 
Man's  Island  6,500  feet  wide.  In  1872  work  was  begun  to  build 
a  sea  wall  to  connect  the  two  islands.  Work  was  pushed  vigorously. 
There  were  at  one  time  six  hundred  men  employed  on  the  break- 
water and  encamped  on  Rattlesnake  Island.  Seven  pile  drivers  were 
kept  constantly  at  work.  The  isle  of  the  cascabel  was  a  lively  place. 
The  object  of  builling  the  wall  was  to  break  the  force  of  the 
waves  and  stop  the  inflow  of  sand  and  silt  from  the  ocean.  It  was 
claimed  that  the  outflow  through  the  narrow  inlet  between  Isla  del 
Muerto  and  mainland  would  deepen  the  channel  by  cutting  away  the 
bar.  The  scheme  was  a  success :  where  fifty  years  ago  men  waded 
at  low  tide  across  the  shallow  inlet  now  great  ocean  steamers  cross 
it  to  the  inner  harbor  unimpeded.  The  dead  men  are  removed  and 
the  rattlesnakes  exterminated.  The  two  islands  have  lost  their  un- 
canny names  as  well  as  their  island  contour.  Gone  are  they  to 
join  Cabrillo's  Bahia  de  los  Humos  y  Fuegos  and  \'iscaino's  En- 
senada  de  San  Andres  in  the  Lexicon  of  the  Forgotten. 


BROWNIES  IN  THEIR  HOME  LAND 

BY   JAMES    MAIN    DIXON 

During  the  past  twenty-five  years  the  Brownies  have  become 
domesticated  in  American  homes,  and  no  term  is  more  familiar  in 
our  households  and  in  our  general  conversation.  Indeed,  the  very 
mention  of  of  a  "brownie"  is  oddly  bright  and  vivid.  And  yet  none 
of  our  parents  knew  of  these  quaint  creatures,  except  such  as  came 
from  the  northern  part  of  the  British  Isles,  which  are,  or  were, 
haunted  by  brownies  from  Johnny  Groats  to  the  Solway  Firth. 

Brownies  belong  to  Fairyland  and  come  under  the  general  term 
"fairy,"  and  yet  they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  ordinary  fairies. 
These  other  ethereal  beings  were  mostly  freakish,  mischievous  or 
spiteful,  but  the  brownies,  while  easily  offended,  were  hard-working 
little  folks  who  liked  nothing  better  than  to  do  a  good  turn  for 
people.  There  is  a  plodding  seriousness  in  the  brownie  that  make 
him  the  friend  of  the  humble  cottager  and  his  wife,  whose  labors  he 
loved  to  lighten. 

Readers  of  Scott  will  remember  that  a  reference  is  made  in 
"Rob  Roy"  to  a  race  of  beings  whom  it  was  thought  well  for  people 
to  conciliate,  because  of  their  jxjwer  to  aid  or  harm.  When  Osbald- 
istone  was  traveling  with  Bailie  Nicol  Jarvie  in  the  Highland  country 
north  of  Glasgow,  the  good  magistrate,  who  had  Highland  blood 
in  his  veins,  and  was  superstitious,  expressed  his  awe  of  these  beings. 
"If  I  could  trust  the  tale  of  my  companion,"  remarks  Osbaldistone, 
"which,  while  he  professed  to  believe  every  word  of  it,  he  told  under 
his  breath,  and  with  an  air  of  something  like  intimidation,  this  hill 
so  regularly  formed,  so  richly  verdant,  and  garlanded  with  such  a 
beautiful  variety  of  ancient  trees  and  thriving  copsewood,  was  held 
by  the  neighborhood  to  contain  within  its  unseen  caverns  the  palaces 
of  the  fairies,  a  race  of  airy  beings  who  formed  an  intermediate  class 
between  men  and  demons,  and  who,  if  not  positively  malignant  to 
humanity,  were  yet  to  be  avoided  and  feared  on  account  of  their 
capricious,  vindictive  and  irritable  disposition."  "They  call  them." 
said  Mr.  Jarvie,  in  a  whisper,  "Daoine  Schie,  which  signifies,  as  I 
understand,  men  of  peace ;  meaning  thereby  to  make  their  good-will. 
And  we  may  e'en  as  well  call  them  that  too,  Mr.  Osbaldistone.  for 
there's  no  good  in  speaking  ill  of  the  laird  within  his  own  bounds." 

The  fairies  are  generally  feminine,  while  the  brownies,  gnomes, 
or  "men  of  peace,"  are  masculine.     They  are  supposed  to  eat  and 


102  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

drink  like  human  beings,  and  to  be  fond  of  the  crumbs  that  fall  from 
the  table,  which  they  come  and  gather  when  all  is  still.  Old  people 
in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland  dislike  to  see  crumbs  of  bread  or  drops 
of  milk  removed  from  the  floor  after  meals,  "for,"  say  they,  "let 
them  be,  let  them  be,  many  are  the  needy  mouths  awaiting  them." 
On  one  occasion,  says  Mr.  E.  C.  Watson  in  a  recent  discussion  of 
Highland  mythology,  the  tenant  of  Staoligearry  was  losing  his  cattle 
through  mischance.  As  he  sat  on  a  rock  musing  over  his  losses,  he 
heard  a  gnome  mother  singing  to  her  boy : 

"Hush,  thou  dearie,  hush,  thou  pet, 
Hush,  thou  darling  of  the  rapid  feet, 
When  Macmhuirich's  board  is  set. 
My  darling  will  get  corn  and  cream." 

Macmhuirich  then  went  home,  and  though  he  never  entered 
his  kitchen  before,  he  went  on  that  day.  His  baking  woman  was 
making  bread,  and  bits  of  dough  and  grains  of  meal  were  falling 
from  her  in  the  process.  She  took  no  notice  of  these  till  a  piece 
fell  from  the  bannock  on  her  palm,  and  then  she  stooped  down  and 
lifted  it.  Noticing  the  act,  Macmhuirich  went  over  and  tapped  her 
on  the  head  with  a  switch,  remarking,  "Leave  it  alone,  maiden,  many 
a  needful  mouth  is  waiting  for  it.  And  as  long  as  thou  shalt  stand 
in  my  house  never  again  remove  the  fragments  of  food  from  the 
floor,  for  they  belong  of  right  to  the  gnomes  of  the  rocks.  And 
as  long  as  Macmhuirich  lived  he  went  daily  to  the  knoll  with  an 
offering  of  crumbs  of  bread  and  drops  of  milk ;  nor  ever  again  did  he 
lose  any  of  his  cattle  or  horses  or  sheep. 

The  quaint  people,  while  friendly  to  the  native  inhabitants  of  a 
glen,  disliked  strangers,  and  travelers  were  expected  to  sing  a  pro- 
pitiatory song  before  entering  the  glen.  The  gnomes  liked  to  be 
flattered,  and  were  easily  propitiated.  Often  they  floated  around 
like  midges,  and  would  quickly  gather  or  disperse  according  to  their 
whims. 

It  is  now  usual  for  scholars  to  refer  all  such  stories  to  the 
continued  existence,  among  the  Celtic  inhabitants  of  North  Britain, 
of  a  race  of  Finnish  people,  Svartalfer,  small  and  dark,  who  occupied 
underground  dwellings.  Their  skins  were  tawny,  their  locks  were 
brown,  and  they  wore  a  brown  mantle  reaching  to  the  knee,  as  well 
as  a  hood  of  brown.  Their  favorite  haunts  were  hollowed  trees, 
dismantled  castles,  caves  and  correis — i.  e.,  hollows  in  a  hill.  Partly 
men  and  partly  beings  of  another  world,  they  made  voyages  in  the 
air,  emitting  music  of  various  sorts.  Sometimes  it  sounded  like  the 
silvery  tones  of  a  harp ;  sometimes  like  the  grinding  of  a  mill ; 
sometimes  it  resembled  the  crowing  of  a  cock.  Although  naturally 
indolent,  they  could  busy  themselves  on  occasion,  and  discharge  ac- 


BROWNIES    IN    THEIR    HOME    LAND  103 

tive  and  useful  labors  like  Robin  Goodfellow.  Their  favorite  timq 
for  working  was  at  night;  and  they  liked  to  be  let  alone.  Nor 
would  they  accept  any  recompense;  indeed,  they  gave  up  their  labors 
when  thanks  were  offered.  They  were  fond  of  devoting  themselves 
to  some  particular  family,  and  would  continue  faithful  as  long  as 
their  susceptibilities  were  not  hurt.  On  one  occasion  a  brownie 
undertook  to  gather  the  sheep  into  the  bight  or  fold  by  an  early 
hour,  and  he  worked  so  diligently  at  the  task  that  he  had  every 
single  sheep  on  the  hill  within  the  enclosure,  and  a  number  of  hares 
as  well!  When  congratulated  on  his  success,  he  exclaimed:  "Con- 
found  these  wee  gray  ones ;  they  cost  me  more  trouble  than  all  the 
rest  of  them." 

Stories  of  brownies  can  be  gathered  from  Johnnie  Groats  and 
the  Orkneys  to  the  Mull  of  Galloway.  When  working  together  they 
were  quite  jealous  of  one  another.  The  blacksmith  of  Glammis  in 
Perthshire  was  helped  at  night  by  two  brownies  who  worked  at  his 
forge.  One  of  the  brownies  wore  a  red  cowl,  the  other  wore  a 
blue.  In  the  morning  on  entering  the  smithy  he  was  so  pleased 
with  their  activity  that  he  exclaimed : 

"Weel  chappit  (well  struck)  Red  Cloak: 
But  better  chappit  Blue." 
Whereupon  they  answered  saucily  : 
"Chap  wha  we  like  to, 
We'll  chap  nae  mair  to  you ;" 

and  disappeared,  never  to  return. 

Alexander  Laing  in  his  ballad,  "The  Brownie  of  Fearnden,"  tells 
the  story  of  a  serviceable  gnome,  who  was  worth  a  troop  of  servants 
to  a  farmer  on  Norinside : 

He  had  ane  servant  dwelling  near, 

Worth  all  his  maids  and  men; 
And  who  was  this  if  ye  would  speir  (ask)  ? 

The  Brownie  of  Fearnden. 

When  there  was  com  to  thresh  or  dig  lit  (clean). 

Or  barn  or  byre  to  clean. 
He  had  ane  busy  hour  at  night. 

Atween  the  twal  and  ane ; 

And  though  the  snow  was  never  sa  deep. 

And  never  sa  wet  the  rain. 
He  ran  an  errant  in  a  whip. 

The  Brownie  of  Fearnden. 

It  chanced  that  the  goodwife  of  the  house  was  in  the  pangs  of 


104  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

labor  and  urgently  needed  the  services  of  a  midwife;  but  the  night 
was  dark  and  stormy,  and  not  one  of  the  nine  or  ten  servants  would 
venture  down  the  glen;  for  they  feared  the  capricious  brownie. 
Meanwhile  he  heard  the  commotion  and  determined  to  aid  the  good 
woman  in  her  extremity ;  so 

He  ofif  and  mounted  the  riding  mare, 

And  through  the  wind  and  rain ; 
And  soon  was  at  the  skilly  wife's, 

Who  lived  over  the  den. 

Rousing  the  woman,  he  told  her  to  get  ready  without  delay,  as 
her  services  were  needed: 

"O  rise!  O  rise!  and  hap  you  well 

To  keep  you  from  the  rain." 
"Where  do  they  want  me?"  quoth  the  wife, 

"If  we  be  near  the  den." 

When  both   were  mounted  on  the  mare, 
And  riding  up  the  glen  ; 
"O  wot  ye,  laddie,"  quoth  the  wife, 
"If  we  be  near  the  den?" 

"Are  we  come  near  the  den?"  she  said, 

"Just  whisht,  ye  fool,"  quoth  he, 
"For  worse  than  ye  have  in  your  arms 

This  night  ye  will  not  see." 

They  soon  were  landed  at  the  door, 
The  wife  he  handed  down — 
"I've  left  the  house  but  one  half-hour. — 
I  am  a  clever  loon !" 
His  companion,  glancing  at  his  broad  feet  and  mysterious  eyes, 
began  to  question  him,  but  he  cut  her  short,  telling  her  to 
"Mind  the  wife,  and  mind  the  wean. 
And  see  that  all  goes  right; 
And  I   will  take  you  home  again 
Before  the  morning  light. 

"And  if  they  speir   (ask)   who  brought  you  here. 
Cause  they  were  scant  of  men — 
Even  tell  them  that  you  rode  behind 
The  Brownie  of  Fearnden." 

Many  of  the  words  in  this  ballad  of  Mr.  Laing's  are  rendere3 
into  the  standard  forms,  so  as  not  to  perplex  readers,     .^nother  old 


BROWNIES    IN    THEIR    HOME    LAND  105 

ballad  which  deals  with  the  Brownies  is  "Niken  Drum." 

The  remarkable  accomplishments  of  industrious  neighbors,  which 
were  a  matter  of  some  envy  to  the  lazier  inhabitants,  were  often 
conveniently  credited  to  the  work  of  the  ubiquitous  brownies.  This 
was  the  case  at  least  in  the  Western  isles,  among  the  cotters  of  the 
Hebrides. 

The  brownies  were  known  and  appreciated,  also,  as  far  south 
as  the  English  border.  For  three  centuries  a  brownie  had  served 
faithfully  the  family  of  Leithen  Hall  in  Dumfriesshire.  It  happened 
the  laird  died  when  the  next  heir  was  abroad  and  that  a  time 
elapsed  before  the  latter  came  to  claim  his  own.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  the  family  brownie  came  and  proffered  his  services.  As  he 
seemed  rough  and  uncouth,  the  new  master  ordered  for  him  a  suit 
of  clothes.  This  was  taken  as  a  piece  of  officiousness  by  the  over- 
sensitive brownie,  and  he  left  the  place  in  displeasure,  exclaiming 
as  he  departed : 

Ca',  cuttie,  ca' ! 

All  the  luck  of  Leithen  Ha' 

Gangs  wi'  me  to  Brodbeck  Ha'! 

In  a  few  years  the  prophecy  came  true.  Leithen  Hall  was  re- 
duced to  a  ruin,  and  Brodbeck  Hall  began  to  flourish. 

Further  back  on  the  English  border  there  was  a  brownie  called 
the  "Cowie,"  who  was  attached  to  the  Elliots  of  Gowanberry  Tower 
in  Roxburghshire.  Between  sunset  and  sunrise  he  would  carry  in 
the  peats,  smear  the  sheep,  and  stack  the  cut  grain.  He  might  also 
be  overheard  in  the  Tower  as  he  busily  chopped  or  sawed  the 
wood,  turned  the  quern,  or  spun  at  the  wheel.  When  his  voice  was 
heard  in  the  tones  of  lamentation,  a  death  might  be  expected  in 
the  family.  The  last  of  the  Gowanberry  Elliots,  Adam  by  name,  in 
returning  home,  fell  from  his  horse  as  he  crossed  a  stream  and, 
although  he  was  able  to  drag  himself  out  of  the  water,  yet  he  died 
in  a  neighboring  churchyard.  For  some  days  before  his  death  the 
voice  of  the  Cowie  had  come  wailing  to  the  Tower,  and  on  the 
fatal  night  it  rose  to  a  shriek.    Then  he  left  the  place  forever. 

In  the  far-off  isles  of  Orkney,  where  the  winter  nights  are  so 
long  and  the  summer  nights  so  short,  the  brownies  used  to  be  much 
in  evidence.  Very  few  families,  indeed,  were  without  a  household 
brownie,  who  helped  with  the  household  chores,  and  received  offer- 
ings of  milk  or  ale.  Milk  was  sprinkled  at  every  corner  and  ale 
was  poured  into  a  hollowed  stone,  which  got  the  name  of  the 
"Brownie's  stone."  In  harvesting  they  had  stacks  known  as  "brown- 
ie's stacks,"  which  were  not  put  up  in  the  usual  fashion,  but  resisted 
the  storm  and  would  not  turn  over.  Near  Noltland  Castle,  once  the 
residence  of  the  Balfours  of  Westray  Island,  there  lived  a  brownie 


106  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

who  was  devoted  to  the  Balfour  family.  Later  when  the  castle 
was  abandoned,  the  brownie  and  his  friends  celebrated  births  and 
marriages  in  the  family  by  a  kind  of  spectral  illumination. 

In  Wilson's  "Tales  of  the  Borders,"  which  have  fascinated  so 
many,  young  and  old,  interested  in  legend  and  romance,  the  brownies 
are  called  "men  of  peace."  Marion  Comrie,  the  heroine  of  "The 
Outlaw,  or  the  Maiden  of  Lednick,"  lived  in  west  Perthshire,  not 
far  from  the  sources  of  the  Fay  River.  In  her  neighborhood  was 
a  famous  pool,  called  in  Gaelic  "The  Devil's  Cauldron."  It  lay  in 
a  picturesque  hollow  below  a  cataract,  and  beside  it  the  "brownies," 
elves  or  "men  of  peace,"  used  to  keep  their  revels.  These  daona  shigh 
lived  in  the  adjoining  caverns,  and  had  to  be  propitiated  by  visitors 
who  intruded  upon  their  domains. 

How  came  the  brownie  culture  to  take  root  in  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic?  It  happened  in  this  wise.  One  of  the  many  Scottish  set- 
tlements in  Canada  is  to  be  found  at  Granby.  near  Quebec.  During 
the  long  winter  evenings  the  old  people  of  the  place  loved  to  relate 
the  legends  and  traditions  of  the  gray  mother  country  to  the  young 
folks.  Among  them  was  a  boy  called  Palmer  Cox,  upon  whom  these 
JKshals,  or  tales  of  elf-land,  made  a  great  impression.  He  left  his 
home  when  a  lad  of  seventeen,  and  finally  drifted  from  the  East  to 
California,  where  he  had  a  desk  in  a  railroad  ofifice  in  San  Francisco. 
Always  fond  of  art,  he  gave  up  business  to  engage  in  its  pursuit, 
but  failed  to  make  a  living;  and  then  he  wrote  for  the  newspapers 
and  the  monthly  magazines.  While  in  San  FrancLsco  he  was  a 
member  of  the  famous  sketching  club,  in  which  Benoni  Irwin  was  a 
leader. 

His  literary  and  art  work  made  a  good  blend,  and  he  was 
encouraged  to  go  East  and  find  a  wider  market  for  his  talents.  His 
animal  pictures  and  descriptions  found  favor  with  the  leaders  of 
Little  Folks.  Wide  Aivake  and  St.  Nicholas,  but  yet  he  felt  that  he 
had  not  yet  realized  his  possibilities.  It  was  only  when  the  memory 
of  the  brownie  stories  came  to  him,  as  by  an  inspiration,  that  he 
felt  satisfied.  From  the  beginning  the  brownie  stories  and  illustra- 
tions were  a  marked  success,  and  soon  the  little  creatures  had  the 
national  reputation  they  enjoy  today. 


THE  TITLE  OF  A  MEXICAN  LAND  GRANT 

TRANSLATED  BY  GEORGE  BUTLER  GRIFFIN 

The  Historical  Society  of  Southern  Cahfornia  has  published 
several  valuable  papers  on  Spanish  and  Mexican  land  grants  in 
California,  but  the  form  of  deed  or  title  by  which  these  were  con- 
veyed from  the  public  domain  to  private  ownership  does  not  appear 
in  any  of  these  papers. 

In  the  archives  of  our  Society  we  have  a  fac-simile  of  the 
original  title  deed  of  Josefa  Cota,  widow  of  Antonio  Alaria  Nieto, 
to  the  Santa  Gertrudis  Rancho.  It  was  signed  by  Governor  Jose 
Figueroa  and  his  Secretary,  Agustin  V.  Zamarano,  at  Monterey,  the 
capital,  22  May,  1834.  After  the  United  States  acquired  California 
all  land  titles  had  to  be  authenticated  by  the  Surveyor  General  of 
California  and  confirmed  by  the  United  States  Board  of  Land  Com- 
missioners. The  document  was  translated  by  George  Butler  Griffin, 
deceased,  a  former  president  of  the  Society. 

This  form  of  conveyance  was  used  by  Governor  Figueroa  and 
some  of  his  successors,  between  May,  1833,  and  May,  1836,  and 
the  grants  were  recorded  in  a  book  as  noted  in  this  fac-simile.  Sub- 
sequent to  that  time  there  was  no  record  in  a  book  but  a  brief 
memorandum  of  the  grant;  the  expediente  or  title  was,  however, 
still  filed  in  the  office  of  the  Governor. 

The  Territorial  Deputation  or  Local  Legislature,  afterward, 
when  the  territory  was  created  into  a  Department,  called  the  De- 
partmental Assembly,  was  supposed  to  approve  the  grant  after  the 
Governor  had  signed  it,  but  this  was  not  always  done  and  some- 
times when  done  no  report  was  filed  with  the  Governor's  Secretary, 
the  custodian  of  the  records.  Under  Mexican  domination,  possession 
was  ten  points  of  the  law,  titles  were  rarely  contested.  Under 
American  rule  the  careless  methods  of  conveyance  by  the  former 
government  let  loose  a  Pandora  box  of  evils  in  the  shape  of  litiga- 
tion that  ruined  many  a  ranchero. 

J.  M.  GuiNN,  Editor. 

TRANSLATION  OF  THE  TITLE 

Jose  Figueroa,  Brigadier  General  of  the  National  Mexican 
Armies,  Commandante  General,  Inspector  and  Superior  Political 
Chief  of  Upper  California:  Inasmuch  as  Dona  Josefa  Goto,  widow 
of   Don   Antonio   Maria   Nieto,   has   established   her   right   to   the 


108  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

estate  of  Manuel  Nieto,  deceased,  and  taking  into  consideration  her 
ancient  and  pacific  possession  of  the  place  known  as  Santa  Gertrudis, 
adjoining  the  Mission  of  San  Gabriel  and  lying  between  Los  Coyotes 
and  the  hills,  there  having  been  had  previously  the  formalities  and 
examination  in  the  premises  as  required  by  the  laws  and  regulations. 
By  virtue  of  the  powers  conferred  upon  me,  by  the  decree  of  27th 
of  July  of  the  past  year,  in  the  name  of  the  Mexican  nation,  I  have 
seen  fit  to  declare  the  title  to  said  place  to  be  vested  in  her  and  that 
she  be  placed  in  peaceable  possession  thereof,  by  these  letters  in 
conformity  with  the  laws  and  subject  to  the  following  conditions: 

First,  That  she  shall  obey  the  laws  which  may  be  established 
by  the  regulations  about  to  be  made  for  the  distribution  of  vacant 
lands ;  and  that  meanwhile  neither  the  beneficiary  nor  her  heirs  shall 
subdivide  or  alienate  said  lands,  nor  subject  the  same  to  the  effect 
of  any  lease,  charge,  loan,  mortgage  or  other  lien,  not  even  though 
it  be  for  pious  uses  as  mortmain  property. 

Second,  She  may  fence  it,  without  prejudice  to  existing  rights 
of  way,  roads  and  easements.  She  shall  enjoy  freely  and  exclusively 
in  cultivation  most  agreeable  to  her,  but  within  one  year  at  farthest 
she  must  build  a  house  and  this  must  be  inhabited. 

Third,  She  may  immediately  solicit  from  the  proper  judge  judicial 
possession  under  this  order  and  he  shall  run  the  boundary  lines  at 
the  extremities  of  which  he  shall  place  besides  the  customary  bounds 
fruit  trees  or  useful  forest  trees. 

Fourth,  The  said  land  comprises  five  sitios  de  grande  mayor,* 
a  little  more  or  less  as  shown  in  the  map  accompanying  the  papers 
in  the  case.  The  judge  giving  possession  will  cause  the  land  to  be 
measured  in  accordance  with  the  ordinance  in  order  that  the  boun- 
daries be  designated,  the  overplus  that  may  result  remaining  national 
property. 

Fifth,  If  she  should  violate  any  of  these  conditions  she  shall 
lose  her  right  to  the  land  and  it  shall  be  open  to  pre-emption  by  any 
other  person. 

Consequently,  I  order  that  these  presents  being  her  patent,  it 
being  legal  and  binding,  entry  shall  be  made  in  the  proper  books 
and  that  it  be  given  to  the  beneficiary  for  her  security  and  for  other 
ends. 

Given  at  Monterey,  22  May,  1834. 

Jose  Figueroa. 
Agustin  V.  Zamarano,  Secretary. 

Entered  in  the  book  of  entries  of  land  patents  at  folio  thirty, 
number  twenty-eight,  in  the  Secretary's  office  under  my  charge. 

Monterey,  22  May,  1834.  Zamarano. 

(rubica) 

*Five  leagues  in  full. 


THE  TITLE  OF  A   MEXICAN   LAND  GRANT  109 

This  final  signature  and  its  rubica  authenticated  the  document 
itself  and  the  fact  of  its  being  of  record. 

George  Butler  Griffin. 

Authentication  of  the  title  by  the  Surveyor  General  of  Cali- 
fornia. 

Office  of  the  Surveyor  General  of  the  United  States  for  Cali- 
fornia : 

I,  Samuel  D.  King,  Surveyor  General  of  the  United  States  for 
the  State  of  California  and  as  such  now  having  in  my  office  and 
under  my  charge  and  custody,  a  portion  of  the  archives  of  the 
former  Spanish  and  Mexican  Territory  or  Department  of  Upper 
California,  do  hereby  certify  that  the  two  preceeding  and  hereunto 
summarized  pages  of  tracing  paper  numbered  one  and  two  and  each 
of  which  is  verified  by  my  initials  (S.  D.  K.),  exhibit  true  and 
accurate  copies  of  two  pages  of  an  unbound  Book  entitled,  "Titulos 
now  on  file  and  forming  part  of  the  said  archives  of  my  office. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  signed  my  name  officially 
and  affixed  my  private  seal,  not  having  a  seal  of  office,  at  the  city 
of  San  Francisco,  California,  this  tenth  day  of  January,  A.  D.  1852. 

Saml.  D.  King, 

Sur.  Gen.  Cal. 


JOHN  BIDWELL'S  ARRIVAL  IN  CALIFORNIA 

BY  DR.  ROBERT  G.  CLELAND 

It  is  sometimes  necessary  to  remind  casual  readers  of  California 
history  that  the  "Forty-niners"  were  not  the  first  Americans  to  cross 
the  Sierra  Nevada  Mountains  in  search  of  new  homes  and  fortunes. 
A  very  considerable  number  of  adventurous  spirits — hunters,  trap- 
pers, restless  wanderers  of  every  sort,  or  more  permanent  settlers 
— antedated  the  pioneers  of  the  gold  rush  by  five,  ten,  or  even  a  score 
of  years  in  braving  the  perils  of  the  transcontinental  journey  to 
establish  themselves  in  the  Mexican  province  on  the  Pacific.  Fore- 
most among  these  "pre-Forty-niners,"  both  in  character  and  later 
influence  upon  the  history  of  the  State,  stands  John  Bidwell,  "Cali- 
fornia's true  nobleman,""  and  pioneer  of  pioneers. 

Bidwell  was  born  in  Chautauqua  County.  New  York,  in  the  year 
1819.  When  he  was  ten  years  of  age  his  parents  moved  to  Erie 
County,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  boy,  John,  thus  began  a  series  of 
migrations  that  eventually  carried  him  across  the  continent  to  Cali- 
fornia. After  two  years  the  Bidwells  left  Pennsylvania  for  Ohio, 
settling  in  Ashtabula  County,  where  they  lived  for  three  years  before 
removing  to  their  next  place  of  residence  m  Darke  County.  In  1839 
John  Bidwell  left  Ohio  for  Iowa ;  and  a  short  time  afterwards  se- 
cured a  claim  of  160  acres  in  what  was  then  known  as  the  Platte 
Purchase  in  Missouri.  This  claim  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose. 
He  then  determined  to  seek  his  fortune  in  Texas,  but  became  in- 
terested in  California  through  the  representations  of  one  of  the 
Rubidouxs,  a  man  well  known  as  trapper  and  explorer  in  the  western 
country.' 

Bidwell  was  not  the  only  Missourian  to  feel  the  lure  of  the 
new  land,  but  of  the  500  residents  of  Platte  County  who  pledged 
themselves  to  make  the  journey  thither,  he  alone  kept  the  agree- 
ment. He  was  able,  however,  to  find  others  to  take  the  place  of 
his  fickle  fellow  enthusiasts,  and  a  party  of  some  sixty-nine  persons, 
including  fifteen  women  and  children,  with  John  Bartleson  as 
captain,  set  out  from  the  Kansas  River,  near  Independence,  for  Cali- 
fornia, on  May  19,  1841.     The  company  was  fortunate  in  having 

1.  Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  A  California  Calendar  of  Pioneer  Princes,   Publications 

of  the   Society.   Vol.   IX,    Parts  I,   II,   pp.    73-,S5. 

2.  For  an   amusing  incident   in   Bidwell's   account  of   Rubidoux  AcUvities  in 

Missouri,   see  Cleland,   American    Interest   in   California.   lS35-lS4i;,   South- 
western  Historical   Quarterly,    Vol.    XVIII.    No.    1,    p.    25. 


JOHN   BIDWELLS  ARRIVAL  IN  CALIFORNIA  HI 

available  at  the  outset  the  skill  and  experience  of  Father  de  Smet 
and  Captain  Fitzpatrick,  who  were  en  route  to  the  Flathead  Indians. 
The  leadership  of  these  guides  was  invaluable  to  the  emigrants  until 
the  division  of  the  company. 

The  route  lay  at  first  in  a  general  northerly  direction  until  the 
company  reached  the  Platte  River.  This  they  followed  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  North  and  South  Forks.  After  spending  two  days  on 
the  latter  seeking  a  ford,  the  party  continued  their  journey  overland 
to  the  northern  branch,  which  they  followed  to  Fort  Laramie.  As- 
cending the  Sweetwater  to  its  source,  they  at  last  came,  by  way  of 
the  Big  Sandy,  Green  and  Bear  Rivers,  to  Cache  Valley,  Utah.  Here 
the  company  divided,  some  going  to  Oregon,  and  the  remainder, 
among  whom  was  Bidwell,  pushing  westward  to  California.  This 
part  of  the  journey  was  particularly  discouraging  and  arduous.  But 
after  determined  efforts,  some  ill-feeling  and  the  abandonment  of  aU 
their  wagons  and  much  equipment,  the  company  came  to  the  south 
fork  of  the  Humboldt  River  without  loss  of  life.  This  was  on  Sep- 
tember 23rd.  Thirteen  days  later  they  came  to  the  vicinity  of 
Humboldt  sink.  Then  crossing  to  Walker  River,  which  they  called 
the  Balm,  and  ascending  this  to  its  source,  the  fatigued  travelers 
reached  the  hardest  portion  of  their  journey,  the  passage  of  the 
Sierra  Nevadas.  Two  weeks  of  severest  toil  and  no  small  amount 
of  suffering  brought  them  to  the  Stanislaus  River  and  the  end  of 
their  privations.' 

Bidwell  has  left  us  two  accounts  of  the  experiences  and  diffi- 
culties of  the  expedition,  both  of  which  ought  to  be  rendered  more 
accessible  to  the  reading  public'.  The  extract  printed  herewith  is 
taken  from  the  manuscript  narrative.  It  describes  but  one  incident 
out  of  many,  the  arrival  of  the  company  in  the  Stanislaus  Valley 
and  serves  merely  as  an  indication  of  the  character  of  the  entire 
account. 


"As  we  approached  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  the  Coast  Range 
Mountains,  or  that  portion  of  which  Mt.  Diablo  is  the  northern 
terminus,  rose  to  view  in  the  blue  distance,  but  we  had  no  knowl- 

1.  This  sketch  of  Bidwell's  route  has  been  taken  from  his  own  narrative  and 

from  H.  H.  Bancroft,  History  of  Caifornia  (San  Francisco.  A.  F.  Ban- 
croft &  Company,   1886.)   TV,   pp.   269-272. 

2.  The    two    accounts    are    as    follows:      California    1841-8;    An    Immigrant's 

Recollections  of  a  Trip  Across  the  Plains,  and  of  Men  and  Events  In 
Early  Days,  Including  the  Bear  Flag  Revolution,  by  Hon.  John  Bidwell 
of  Chico.  Written  at  the  autlior's  dictation  by  S.  S.  Boynton  for  the 
Bancroft  Library,  1S77,  pp.  233.  This  manuscript  was  courteously  made 
available  for  my  use  by  Mr.  H.  I.  Priestley,  Asst.  Curator  of  the 
Bancroft  Library  of  the  University  of  California.  Bidwell's  other  ac- 
count is  in  printed  form,  a  rare  pamphlet  of  32  pages,  published  some- 
where  in  Missouri,   probably  in   the   year   1843.   and  entitled,   A   Journey 


112  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

edge  of  any  intervening  valley.  Our  traveling  had  been  so  cir- 
cuitous, so  irregular  and  indirect  that  it  was  impossible  for  any 
one  to  say  where  we  were  or  how  far  we  had  yet  to  travel.  It  was 
the  opinion  of  most,  if  not  all,  that  we  were  not  yet  within  five 
hundred  miles  of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  That  the  blue  range  bounding 
the  western  horizon  was  simply  the  beginning  of  other  and  perhaps 
greater  ranges  beyond. 

■'Then  came  a  time  of  great  discouragement,  some  saying  if 
California  lay  beyond  other  ranges  of  mountains  that  we  could 
never  live  to  get  there.  The  line  of  our  route  passed  through  what 
is  now  known  as  Tuolumne  County,  probably  very  near  the  present 
town  of  Sonora.  For  some  reason  we  had  no  glimpse  of  the  great  val- 
ley we  were  approaching  until  about  noon  of  the  day  we  reached  it. 
All  began  then  to  quicken  their  pace,  those  who  had  the  most  strength 
and  the  best  animals  traveled  fastest.  Night  found  us  scattered  on  a 
line  four  miles  in  length.  Every  one  traveled  as  long  as  he  could 
see,  and  then  lay  down  to  sleep.  There  was  absolutely  nothing 
for  the  horses  to  eat.  Fire  had  left  the  valley  black  and  desolate. 
We  had  killed  a  second  mule  and  the  meat  still  held  out.  At  night 
we  would  unsaddle  our  animals  and  turn  them  loose.  There  was 
nothing  for  them  to  eat  and  not  even  a  bush  to  tie  them  to. 

"When  morning  came  the  foremost  of  the  party  waited  for  the 
others  to  come  up.  They  had  found  water  in  a  stagnant  pond,  but 
what  was  better,  they  had  killed  a  fat  coyote  and  with  us  it  was  any- 
thing but  mule  meat.  As  for  myself,  I  was  unfortunate,  being  among 
those  in  the  rear  and  not  aware  of  the  feast  in  the  advance.  I  did 
not  reach  it  in  time  to  get  any  of  the  coyote  ex'cept  the  lights  and 
the  windpipe.  Longing  for  fat  meat  and  willing  to  eat  anything 
but  poor  mule  meat  and  seeing  a  little  fat  on  the  wind-pipe  of  the 
coyote,  I  threw  it  on  the  coals  to  warm  it  and  greedily  devoured  it. 

"But  halcyon  days  were  at  hand.  We  turned  directly  to  the 
north  to  reach  what  seemed  to  be  the  nearest  timber.  This  was  at 
a  distance  of  ten  miles  or  so,  which  in  our  weakened  condition  it 
took  us  nearly  all  day  to  travel.  It  brought  us  to  the  Stanislaus 
River  at  a  point  not  far  from  the  foothills.  Here  the  rich  alluvial 
bottom  was  more  than  a  mile  wide,  it  had  been  burned  over,  but  the 
new  grass  was  starting  up  and  growing  luxuriously  but  sparsely, 
like  thinly  sown  grain.  But  what  gladdened  our  eyes  most  was  the 
abundance  of  game  in  sight,  principally  antelope.  Before  dark  we 
had  killed  two  of  them  and  two  sand-hill  cranes,  and  besides  there 
was  an  abundance  of  ripe  and  luscious  wild  grapes.  Still  we  had 
no  idea  that  we  were  yet  in  California,  but  supposed  we  had  yet 
to  cross  the  range  of  mountains  to  the  west.  It  was  determined 
to  stay  one  day  to  hunt  game  and  to  rest  for  a  new  start. 

"The  eve  of  the  next  day  found  us  surrounded  bv  abundance, 


JOHX   BIDWELL's  arrival   in   CALIFORNIA  113 

thirteen  deer  and  antelope  had  been  killed.  It  was  about  the  first  of 
November.  There  was  no  time  to  delay  if  we  were  going  to  reach 
California  that  fall.     .     .     . 

"On  the  day  we  had  stopped  to  hunt  two  men  had  been  sent 
ahead  to  see  if  signs  of  settlements  could  be  found.  They  were 
gone  two  days  and  returned  bringing  news  that  they  had  fallen  in 
with  an  Indian  who  conducted  them  across  the  valley  to  the  foot 
of  Mount  Diablo  to  the  ranch  of  Dr.  Marsh.  This  settled  the 
question  that  we  had  actually  arrived  in  California  and  were  not 
far  from  San  Francisco  Bay.  It  was  an  occasion  of  great  joy  and 
gladness.  We  were  not  only  near  our  journey's  end  but  the  men 
knew  just  where  to  go,  instead  of  uncertainty  all  seemed  certainty. 
Dr.  Marsh  knew  that  we  were  coming,  but  it  would  take  us  two 
or  three  days  yet  to  reach  his  place,  which  we  did  on  the  evening 
of  the  4th  of  November,  1841.  He  seemed  delighted  to  see  us  and 
was  very  communicative  and  even  enthusiastic.  Some  of  our  party 
had  known  his  acquaintances  in  Missouri  and  all  had  a  great  deal 
to  say.  We  camped  near  his  house  under  the  large  spreading  oaks. 
The  country  was  nearly  destitute  of  grass,  and  the  cause  of  it  we 
learned  to  be  the  unprecedentedly  dry  season.  He  killed  a  hog  for 
us,  which  was  very  acceptable.  Although  no  grain  had  been  raised 
and  was  consequently  scarce,  yet  he  managed  to  have  a  few  tortillas 
made  and  distributed  among  us. 

"In  return  for  the  kindness  extended  to  us.  we  opened  our 
treasures,  consisting  of  cans  of  powder,  butcher  knives,  lead  and 
various  other  useful  articles  and  made  the  Doctor  what  we  con- 
sidered liberal  presents  in  return.  I  remember  one  of  the  party 
presented  him  with  a  case  of  surgical  instruments.  As  for  money,  we 
had  little  or  none." 


MEETING  OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST  BRANCH  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 

(San  Diego,  December  1-2,  1916) 

BY  ROCKWELL  D.   HUNT 

The  Thirteenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of 
the  American  Historical  Association  (the  second  in  Southern  Cali- 
fornia) was  held  in  San  Diego,  Friday  and  Saturday,  December  1 
and  2,  1916.  That  a  point  so  far  south  as  San  Diego  should  have 
been  selected  for  this  meeting  is  explained  largely  by  the  attractions 
of  the  Panama-California  Exposition;  and  that  the  meeting  should 
have  proved  so  successful  is  to  be  credited  in  generous  measure  to  the 
local  committe  on  arrangements,  headed  by  Professor  W.  F.  Bliss 
of  the  State  Normal  School  at  San  Diego. 

The  attendance  at  the  several  sessions  was  large  and  unusually 
representative.  Among  those  coming  long  distances  and  participat- 
ing in  the  program  were  Professor  Levi  E.  Young,  University  of 
Utah ;  Professor  Joseph  Schafer,  University  of  Oregon ;  and  Pro- 
fessor Jeanne  E.  Wier,  University  of  Nevada.  The  Historical 
Society  of  Southern  California  was  well  represented  by  a  strong 
delegation  of  members. 

At  the  opening  session,  held  in  the  Auditorium  of  the  U.  S. 
Grant  Hotel,  three  papers  were  presented,  as  follows:  (1)  "The 
United  States  in  the  Caribbean,"  by  Professor  Waldemar  C.  Wester- 
gaard  of  Pomona  College;  (2)  "What  is  Nationality?"  by  Professor 
Tully  C.  Knoles  of  the  University  of  Southern  California; 
(3)  "Town  and  Municipal  Government  in  the  Early  Days  of  Utah, 
by  Professor  Levi  E.  Young  of  the  University  of  Utah.  Each  paper 
called  forth  lively  and  interesting  discussion. 

The  Saturday  sessions  were  held  on  the  Exposition  Grounds- 
In  the  forenoon  our  honored  Secretary  and  Curator,  Mr.  James  M. 
Guinn,  read  his  paper,  "Thirty-three  Years  of  Historical  Activity," 
and  Mr.  Owen  C.  Coy,  Secretary  and  Archivist  of  the  Commission, 
presented  a  comprehensive  report  on  "The  Work  of  the  California 
Historical  Survey  Commission."  FoUowinof  the  business  session 
interesting  tours  were  conducted  by  Mrs.  Margaret  V.  Allen,  Curator 
of  the  San  Diego  Pioneer  Society,  and  Doctor  Edgar  L.  Hevvett, 
Director  of  the  School  of  American  Archaeology. 

At  the  teachers'  session  the  following  topics  were  presented  and 


MEETING  OF  THE  PACIFIC  COAST  BRANCH  115 

discussed:  (1)  "Motivation  of  History  in  the  Elementary  Schools," 
by  Superintendent  W.  L.  Stephens  of  Long  Beach;  (2)  "The  De- 
velopment of  Initiative  in  the  High  School  Student  of  History," 
by  Miss  Sara  L.  Dole  of  Manual  Arts  High  School,  Los  Angeles ; 
(3)  "Research  Work  for  the  Junior  College  Student,"  by  Dr.  Fred- 
eric W.  Sanders  of  Hollywood  Junior  College;  (4)  "History  Teach- 
ing in  the  Secondary  School  from  the  Standpoint  of  the  College  and 
University,"  by  Professor  Ephriam  D.  Adams  of  Stanford  University 
(presented  by  Dr.  E.  B.  Krehbiel). 

The  central  social  event  of  the  San  Diego  Meeting  was  the 
Annual  Dinner,  at  the  U.  S.  Grant  Hotel,  at  which  our  distinguished 
leader  and  genial  friend.  Professor  Henry  Morse  Stephens  of  the 
University  of  California  presided  as  toastmaster.  The  President's 
address  was  presented  by  Professor  Joseph  Schafer  of  Oregon,  and 
called  forth  much  favorable  comment.  Impromptu  speeches  were 
called  for  and  appropriate  responses  given  by  members  singled  out 
by  the  toastmaster.  The  dinner  was  very  well  attended,  undoubtedly 
breaking  the  record  for  women  members  present. 

Professor  Edward  B.  Krehbiel,  of  Stanford  University,  was 
elected  President  of  the  Branch  for  the  ensuing  year.  Our  local 
representative  on  the  Council  is  Professor  Tully  C.  Knoles  of  the 
University  of  Southern  California. 


COADIODORE   STOCKTON'S    REPORT 

The  following  document  is  a  complete  copy  of  Commodore 
Stockton's  report  of  the  battles  fought  in  the  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles 
the  8th  and  9th  of  January.  1847.  It  was  copied  direct  from  V.  S. 
Senate  Documents  originally  in  possession  of  Senator  Benton  who 
gave  them  to  Col.  J.  C.  Fremont,  and  at  the  time  the  report  was 
copied  they  were  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Jessie  Benton  Fremont. 

The  report  was  copied  by  Olof  Ellison,  a  magazine  writer,  who 
presented  it  to  the  Historical  Society  February  6,  1893.  It  is  pub- 
lished here  to  aid  students  of  our  local  history.  It  is  difficult  for 
them  to  obtain  access  to  early  U.  S.  Documents. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  there  was  a  company  of  native 
Californians  in  Stockton's  army,  and  Flores'  attack  on  Stockton's 
column  with  a  band  of  wild  mares  was  a  military  movement  new 
to  the  Americans.  Stockton  greatly  exaggerates  the  loss  of  the 
Californians.  Their  actual  loss  in  the  two  battles,  San  Gabriel  river 
and  La  IMesa  was  three  killed  and  ten  or  twelve  wounded.  The 
killed  were  Ignacio  Sepulveda,  Francisco  Rubio  and  El  Guaynonco, 
a  Yaqui  Indian. 

The  battle  of  San  Gabriel  river  was  fought  on  the  bluff  of  the 
old  San  Gabriel  river  nearly  opposite  the  Pio  Pico  house.  The 
ford  where  Stockton's  army  crossed  was  formerly  known  as  the 
Pico  Crossing.  The  new  San  Gabriel  river  did  not  exist  at  that 
time.     It  was  made  in  the  great  flood  of  1868. 

The  Californians  call  this  engagement  the  battle  of  Paso  de 
Bartolo,  which  is  much  the  better  name.  The  battle  of  the  plains 
of  the  La  Mesa  was  fought  at  a  ravine,  the  Canada  de  Los  Alisos, 
near  the  southeastern  corner  of  Los  Angeles  city.  The  Californians 
call  it  the  battle  of  La  Mesa,  which  is  certainly  a  better  name  than 
that  given  it  by  Stockton.     The  battle  of  the   Plain  or  the  Plain. 

J.  M.  GuiNN,  Editor. 

UNITED  ST.\TES   FRIG.VfE    CONGRESS. 

Harbor  of  San  Diego,  February  5.  1847. 
Sir:— 

I  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  on  the  11th  of  January  by  my 
aid-de-camp.  Lieutenant  Gray,  informing  you  of  the  victories  gained, 
on  the  8th  and  9th  of  January,  over  the  insurgent  army  by  the  forces 
under  my  command ;  that  the  insurrection  had  been  put  down,  and 


COMMODORE    STOCKTOX's    REPORT  117 

peace  and  tranquility  restored  tliroughout  the  territory ;  that  we 
had  again  taken  possession  of  the  Cuidad  de  Los  Angeles;  that 
our  flag  was  once  more  flying  in  all  parts  of  California;  and  that 
the  civil  government,  formed  by  me  last  September,  was  in  successful 
operation. 

I  now  proceed  (as  it  is  my  duty  to  do)  to  give  you  a  more 
detailed  and  circumstantial  account  of  the  battles  of  the  8th  and 
9th,  as  well  as  of  the  preparations  which  preceded  them.  We  came 
to  San  Diego  with  the  Congress  alone,  her  resources  having  been 
almost  exhausted  in  a  previous  campaign.  The  town  was  besieged 
by  the  insurgents,  and  there  were  no  stores  or  provisions  of  any 
kind  in  it,  and  we  were  reduced  to  one-fourth  allowance  of  bread. 
We  had  to  build  a  fort  to  mount  our  artillery — to  make  our  saddles 
and  bridles  and  harness :  we  had,  in  truth,  to  make  our  army,  with 
all  its  necessary  appendages,  out  of  the  mechanics  and  sailors  of 
this  ship,  and  to  take  our  horses  and  beef  cattle  from  the  enemy. 

The  industry,  perseverance  and  hard  work,  as  well  as  enterprise 
and  courage  necessary  for  such  operations,  do  not  need  my  poor 
commendation. 

We  commenced  our  march  on  the  29th  of  December,  with  Cap- 
tain Turner's  company  of  1st  dragoons,  dismounted,  aided  by  Lieu- 
tenant Davidson ;  six  pieces  of  artillery,  under  Lieutenant  R.  L. 
Tilghman  and  Passed  Midshipman  William  H.  Thompson ;  Captain 
Gillespie's  squadron  of  mounted  riflemen,  acting  as  the  advance,  the 
rear  and  vanguards ;  the  marines  of  the  Congress  and  Portsmouth, 
under  Captain  J.  Zeillin,  adjutant  of  the  battalion;  the  musketeers 
of  the  Congress,  Savannah,  Cyane  and  Portsmouth,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  William  B.  Renshaw,  Passed  Midshipman  John  Guest, 
Acting  Lieutenants  B.  F.  B.  Hunter  and  Edward  Higgins,  aided  by 
Midshipman  George  E.  Morgan,  J.  Van  Ness  Philip.  Theodore  Lee, 
Albert  AUmand,  B.  F.  Wells,  Edward  C.  Grafton,  Robert  C.  Duvall 
and  Phillip  H.  Haywood,  and  William  Simmons,  commodore's  clerk ; 
the  carbineers  of  the  Congress  and  Cyane,  under  the  orders  of  Passed 
Midshipman  J.  M.  Duncan  and  J.  Fenwick  Stenson.  and  Sailmaker 
Reed,  aided  by  Midshipman  Joseph  Parich  and  Edmund  Shepherd 
— in  all  a  strength  of  about  six  hundred  men.  Brigadier  General 
Kearny  commanding  the  division,  and  Lieutenant  S.  C.  Rowan,  from 
the  ship  Cyane,  major  of  brigade;  Captain  \V.  H.  Emory,  of  the 
topographical  engineers,  acting  adjutant  general;  Lieutenant  George 
Minor,  of  the  Savannah,  quartermaster,  in  charge  of  the  transporta- 
tion, aided  by  Mr.  Daniel  Fisher.  Mr.  Speiden,  the  purser  of  the 
Congress,  performed  the  duties  of  commissary,  aided  by  Mr.  John 
Bidwell.  Mr.  Southwick,  carpenter  of  the  Congress,  acted  as  chief 
engineer  at  the  head  of  the  sappers  and  miners.  Dr.  John  S.  Griffin, 
of  the  army,  Dr.  Andrew  A.  Henderson,  of  the  Portsmouth,  and 


118  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

Dr.  Charles  Eversfield,  of  the  Congress,  attended  the  troops.  Lieu- 
tenant A.  F.  V.  Gray  and  Captain  Miguel  de  Pedrovena,  aids-de- 
camp to  the  commander-in-chief. 

Our  men  were  badly  clothed,  and  their  shoes  generally  made 
by  themselves  out  of  canvass.  It  was  very  cold,  and  the  roads 
heavy.  Our  animals  were  all  poor  and  weak,  some  of  them  giving 
out  daily,  which  gave  much  hard  work  to  the  men  in  dragging  the 
heavy  carts,  loaded  with  ammunition  and  provisions,  through  deep 
sand  and  up  steep  ascents,  and  the  prospect  before  us  was  far  from 
being  that  which  we  might  have  desired;  but  nothing  could  break 
down  the  fine  spirits  of  those  under  my  command,  or  cool  their 
readiness  and  ardor  to  perform  their  duty ;  and  they  went  through 
the  whole  march  of  one  hundred  and  forty-five  miles  with  alacrity 
and  cheerfulness. 

During  the  day  of  our  march  to  the  Coyotes,  we  learned  that 
some  of  the  enemy  were  in  our  rear  following  us ;  and  as  we 
approached  the  Coyotes  several  of  them  made  their  appearance  in 
front  of  the  house  upon  the  hill,  and  waved  their  lances  in  angry 
defiance;  but  on  the  approach  of  the  advance  guard,  they  rode  off 
and  left  us  to  encamp  on  the  hill  near  the  house  without  molestation. 

Being  quite  satisfied  that  we  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
enemy,  during  the  night  a  confidential  person  was  sent  to  ascertain, 
if  possible,  their  position ;  he  returned  and  informed  me  that  the 
enemy  were  in  force  between  us  and  the  "Rio  San  Gabriel,"  and  I 
was  satisfied  that  the  enemy  intended  at  last  to  make  a  stand  against 
us,  and  to  fight  us  on  the  8th  day  of  January.  The  day  suited  me. 
Before  moving  that  morning,  the  arms  were  fired  and  reloaded, 
and  each  officer  and  man  was  assigned  his  position  for  the  fight, 
and  was  reminded  that  it  was  the  8th  day  of  January  and  the 
anniversary  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans. 

We  marched  at  nine  o'clock.  Immediately  on  reaching  the 
plain  we  formed  a  square,  our  baggage  packs,  spare  oxen  and  beef 
cattle,  in  the  center.  The  advance  guard  under  Captain  Hensley, 
company  C,  first  dragoons,  under  Captain  Turner,  and  company  D, 
musketeers  of  the  Cyane,  under  acting  Lieutenant  Higgins,  occupied 
the  center,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery  on  each  flank  under  Lieuten- 
ant Tilghman.  The  right  flank  composed  of  marines,  company  C. 
musketeers  of  the  Portsmouth,  Acting  Lieutenant  Hunter ;  company 
C,  carbineers,  Passed  Midshipman  Duncan ;  company  A,  carbineers 
of  the  Cyane,  Acting  Master  Stenson :  and  company  A,  carbineers 
of  the  Congress,  Sailmaker  Peco ;  the  whole  under  command  of 
Captain  Zeilin.  The  left  flank  composed  of  company  B,  musketeers 
of  the  Savannah,  company  A,  musketeers  of  the  Congress,  under 
Acting  Master  Guest;  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Renshaw.    The  rear  composed  of  two  pieces  of  Artillery,  under  Act- 


COMMODORE  STOCKTOn's  REPORT  119 

ing  Master  Wm.  H.  Thompson.  The  guard  of  the  day,  forty-nine 
strong,  under  Midshipman  Haywood;  one  company  mounted  rifle- 
men, under  Lieutenant  Renshaw ;  and  Captain  Santiago  E.  Ar- 
guello's  company  of  Californians,  under  Lieutenant  Luis  Arguello ; 
the  whole  under  the  command  of  Captain  Gillespie.  When  within 
about  two  miles  of  the  "Rio  San  Gabriel,"  the  enemy  appeared  in 
sight  upon  the  hills  on  the  opposite  side;  they  were  six  hundred  in 
number,  in  three  divisions,  their  right  about  two  miles  down  the  river. 
As  we  approached,  our  column  closed  up  and  moved  steadily  on 
toward  the  ford,  when,  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  river,  a 
halt  was  ordered  and  dispositions  made  to  meet  the  enemy. 

A  detachment  of  marines,  under  Lieutenant  H.  B.  Watson,  was 
sent  to  strengthen  the  left  flank  of  the  square.  A  party  of  the 
enemy,  one  hundred  and  fifty  strong,  had  now  crossed  the  river 
and  made  several  ineffectual  attempts  to  drive  a  band  of  wild  mares 
upon  the  advance  party.  Wb  now  moved  forward  to  the  ford  in 
broken  files ;  Ca]5tain  Hensley's  command  was  ordered  to  dismount, 
and,  acting  as  skirmishers,  it  deployed  to  the  front  and  crossed  the 
stream  (which  was  about  fifty  yards  in  width),  driving  before  them 
a  party  of  the  enemy  which  had  attempted  to  annoy  us.  The  enemy 
had  now  taken  their  position  upon  the  heights,  distant  six  hundred 
yards  from  the  river,  and  about  fifty  feet  above  its  level ;  their  centre 
or  main  body,  about  two  hundred  strong,  was  stationed  imme- 
diately in  front  of  the  ford,  upon  which  they  opened  a  fire  from 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  throwing  round  and  grape  shot  without  efifect. 
Their  right  and  left  wings  were  separated  from  the  main  body  about 
three  hundred  yards.  Our  column  halted  upon  the  edge  of  the 
stream  :  at  this  time  the  guns  were  unlimbered  to  return  the  enemy's 
fire,  but  were  ordered  again  to  be  limbered  and  not  a  gun  to  be 
fired  until  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  was  gained.  The  two 
9-pounders,  dragged  by  officers  as  well  as  men  and  mules,  soon 
reached  the  opposite  bank,  when  they  were  immediately  placed  in 
battery.  The  column  now  followed  in  order  under  a  most  galling 
fire  from  the  enemy,  and  became  warmly  engaged  on  the  opposite 
bank,  their  round  shot  and  grape  falling  thickly  amongst  us  as  we 
approached  the  stream,  without  doing  any  injury,  our  men  marching 
steadily  forward.  The  dragoons  and  Cyane's  musketeers  occupying 
the  centre,  soon  crossed  and  formed  upon  a  bank  about  four  feet 
above  the  stream.  The  left  advancing  at  the  same  time,  soon  occu- 
pied its  position  across  the  river. 

The  rear  was  longer  in  getting  across  the  water;  the  sand  being 
deep,  its  passage  was  delayed  by  the  baggage  carts ;  however,  in  a 
few  moments  the  passage  of  the  whole  force  was  effected  with  only 
one  man  killed  and  one  wounded,  notwithstanding  the  enemy  kept 
up  an  incessant  fire  from  the  heights. 


120  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

On  taking-  a  position  on  a  low  bank,  the  right  flank,  under  Cap- 
tain Zeilin,  was  ordered  to  deploy  to  the  right;  two  guns  from  the 
rear  was  immediately  brought  to  the  right;  the  four-pounder,  under 
Acting  Master  Thompson,  supported  by  the  rifllemen  under  Lieu- 
tenant Renshaw.  The  left  flank  deployed  into  line  in  open  order. 
During  this  time  our  artillery  began  to  tell  upon  the  enemy,  who 
cotinued  their  fire  without  interruption.  The  nine-pounders,  stand- 
ing in  plain  view  upon  the  bank,  were  discharged  with  such  pre- 
cision that  it  soon  became  too  warm  for  the  enemy  to  remain  upon 
the  brow  of  their  heights ;  eventually  a  shot  told  upon  their  nine- 
pounder,  knocked  the  gun  from  its  trail,  astounding  the  enemy  so 
much  that  they  left  it  for  four  or  five  minutes.  Some  twenty  of  them 
now  advanced,  and  hastily  fastening  ropes  to  it,  dragged  the  gun 
to  the  rear.  Captain  Hensley's  skirmishers  now  advanced  and  took 
the  hill  upon  the  right,  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  retreating  before 
them.  The  six-pounder  from  the  rear  had  now  come  up ;  Captain 
Hensley  was  ordered  to  support  it.  and  returned  from  the  liill.  This 
movement  being  observed,  the  enemy's  left  made  an  attempt  to 
charge  the  two  guns,  but  the  right  flank  of  the  marines,  under  Cap- 
tain Zeilin,  being  quickly  thrown  back,  showed  too  steady  a  front 
for  the  courage  of  the  Californians  to  engage,  who  wheeled  to  the 
left  and  dashed  to  the  rear  across  the  river.  At  this  time  the  enemy 
were  observed  collecting  on  our  left,  and  making  preparations  to 
charge  our  left  flank.  General  Kearny  was  now  ordered  to  form 
a  square  with  the  troops  on  the  right  flank,  upon  which  the  left 
flank,  in  case  of  being  worsted,  might  rally.  The  right  wing  of 
the  enemy  now  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  charge  our  left, 
but  finding  so  warm  a  reception  from  the  musketeers  of  the  Savannah 
and  Congress,  under  Lieutenant  Renshaw  and  Acting  Master  Guest, 
as  also  the  small  party  of  marines,  under  Lieutenant  H.  B.  Watson, 
they  changed  their  purpose  and  retired,  when  a  discharge  of  artillery 
told  upon  their  ranks.  The  guards  of  the  day,  under  Alidshipman 
Haywood,  protected  the  animals  in  the  rear,  awaiting  with  patience 
for  the  enemy  to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  open  fire. 

The  disposition  for  charging  the  heights  were  now  made.  The 
troops  having  been  brought  into  line,  the  command  forward  being 
given,  on  they  went  (the  artillery  in  battery)  charging  the  heights 
which  the  enemy's  centre  contested  for  a  few  moments;  then  broke 
in  retreat ;  their  right  wing  charging  upon  the  rear,  under  Captain 
Gillespie,  encumbered  with  packs,  baggage,  horses,  and  c£\ttle,  but 
receiving  a  well-directed  fire  from  the  guards,  which  hurled  some 
of  them  from  tlieir  saddles,  they  fled  at  full  speed  across  the  river 
we  had  just  left.  The  other  portion  of  their  forces  retreated  behind 
their  artillery,  which  had  taken  position  in  a  ravine,  and  again  opened 
its  fire  upon  our  centre ;  our  artillery  was  immediately  thrown  for- 


COMMODORE  STOCKTOx's  REPORT  121 

ward — the  troops  being  ordered  to  lay  down  to  avoid  the  enemy's 
cannon  balls  which  passed  directly  over  their  heads. 

The  fire  from  our  artillery  was  incessant,  and  so  accurate  that 
the  enemy  were  from  time  to  time  driven  from  their  guns,  until  they 
finally  retreated. 

We  were  now  in  possession  of  the  heights,  where,  a  short  time 
before,  the  insurgents  had  so  vauntingly  taken  strong  position ;  and 
the  band  played  "Hail  Columbia"  and  "Yankee  Doodle,"  announced 
another  glorious  victory  on  the  8th  day  of  January. 

Our  loss  in  this  action  was  ascertained  to  be  two  killed  and 
nine  wounded.  The  enemy's  loss  we  could  not  ascertain  with  any 
certainty,  as  they  carried  away  both  killed  and  wounded  upon  their 
horses. 

We  moved  down  the  heights  until  they  brought  us  near  the 
river,  where  we  encamped,  having  our  cattle,  horses  and  mules  un- 
der the  bank,  safely  protected.  Tattoo  was  beat  at  an  early  hour, 
and  the  camp  retired  to  rest.  At  about  12  o'clock,  the  pickets  having 
been  fired  upon,  the  camp  was  soon  under  arms  in  the  most  perfect 
order.  Finding  the  enemy  made  no  further  demonstrations,  after 
remaining  under  arms  a  short  time,  we  again  sought  our  blankets, 
and  nothing  disturbed  our  repose,  until  the  sounding  of  the  re- 
veille on  the  9th  told  us  to  be  stirring. 

At  daylight  Captain  Zeilin  was  dispatched  with  a  party  of 
thirty  marines  to  a  rancho  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from 
camp,  to  ascertain  if  there  were  any  persons  concealed  about  it, 
oi-  whether  there  was  any  barley  or  provisions  to  be  found  there; 
finding  none,  he  returned  with  his  party  about  sunrise,  without 
meeting  any  of  the  enemy. 

At  9  o'clock  our  column  commenced  its  march,  taking  a  direct 
course  over  the  plain  of  the  Mesa,  toward  Cuidad  de  los  Angeles. 
We  advanced  some  six  miles  when  the  enemy  appeared  in  front, 
deployed  in  open  order,  their  line  extending  nearly  across  the  road. 
Approaching  a  ravine  to  the  left  of  their  line  in  front,  the  enemy 
opened  a  fire  from  their  artillery,  masked  upon  the  edge  of  the 
bank,  but  with  no  other  efifect  than  killing  an  ox  and  mule  in  the 
center  of  the  square.  Our  artillery  soon  returned  the  fire  while 
still  continuing  the  march ;  the  enemy  now  brought  up  two  other 
pieces  of  artillery ;  our  column  halted ;  our  artillery  on  the  two 
flanks  was  now  placed  in  battery.  The  six-pounder  under  Acting 
Master  Thompson,  upon  the  right  flank,  in  the  rear,  now  opened 
its  fire  upon  the  enemy's  nine-pounder,  the  shot  telling  upon  it  and 
cutting  away  the  fixtures  about  the  gun  at  every  fire.  The  enemy 
in  front  and  upon  the  right  was  now  distant  about  six  hundred 
yards :  the  nine-pounders,  one  of  them  in  charge  of  Mr.  Southwick, 


122  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

soon  made  it  so  warm  for  their  artillery  in  front  that  the  enemy 
bore  it  off  to  the  rear. 

A  reenforcement  now  joined  them,  and  soon  after  down  thej 
came  upon  us,  charging  upon  the  left  flank,  front  and  rear.  A 
shower  of  lead  from  the  musketry  under  Renshaw  and  Guest  and 
Passed  Midshipman  Duncan's  carbineers  (who  had  today  taken  post 
on  the  left  flank)  being  well  delivered,  at  a  distance  of  eighty  yards, 
did  so  much  havoc  that  their  courage  failed  and  caused  them  to 
draw  off  more  to  the  rear,  which  had  until  this  moment  stood  firm 
without  firing  a  shot.  The  four-pounder  now  poured  forth  a  charge 
of  grape  upon  a  party  of  the  enemy  about  thirty  yards  distant, 
hurhng  four  from  their  saddles,  and  they  again  retired. 

The  Californians  now  retreated,  and  we  pursued  our  march 
along  the  mesa  and  crossed  the  Rio  San  Fernando  (Rio  Los  Angeles) 
about  three  miles  below  the  town,  where  we  encamped  for  the  night. 

During  the  day  we  lost  but  one  killed  and  five  wounded,  not- 
withstanding the  shot  from  the  enemy,  both  round  and  grape,  and 
from  the  carbines  of  the  horsemen,  fell  thick  among  our  men  who 
undauntingly  pursued  their  march  forward.  On  the  10th  our  tents 
were  struck  at  an  early  hour,  but  the  morning  being  cold  and  the 
town  being  distant  but  three  miles,  our  march  was  delayed  until 
about  10  o'clock. 

We  entered  the  city  of  the  Angels,  our  band  playing  as  we 
marched  up  the  principal  street  to  the  square,  our  progress  being 
slightly  molested  by  a  few  drunken  fellows  who  remained  about 
the  town.  The  riflemen,  having  been  sent  to  the  heights  command- 
ing the  town,  were  soon  followed  by  Lieutenant  Tilghman,  with 
two  pieces  of  artillery,  supported  by  the  marines  under  Captain  Zeilin, 
the  enemy,  in  small  force,  retiring  out  of  sight  upon  their  approach. 

Captain  Gillespie,  having  received  the  order,  now  hoisted  the 
same  flag  upon  the  government  house  of  the  country  which  he 
hauled  down  when  he  retreated  from  the  city  in  September  last. 

Enclosed  I  send  the  report  of  our  killed  and  wounded.  Our 
loss  was  three  killed  and  fourteen  wounded ;  that  of  the  enemy 
between  seventy  and  eighty,  besides  many  horses. 

My  narrative  is  done.  Our  friends  and  the  territory  have 
been  rescued.  I  will  only  add  that  we  had,  of  course,  to  simplify 
military  tactics  for  our  own  use.  We  had,  therefore,  but  five  or- 
ders, viz :  form  line — form  square — fire — repel  charge — charge.  The 
celerity  and  accuracy  with  which  they  could  perform  these  evolutions 
were  remarkable,  and  bade  defiance  even  to  the  rapid  movements  of 
Californian  cavalry. 

I  have  thus  truly  exhibited  to  you,  sir,  sailors  (who  were  prin- 
cipally anned  with  boarding  pikes,  carbines  and  pistols,  having  no 
more  than  about  two  hundred  bayonets  in  the  whole  division),  vie- 


COMMODORE  STOCKTON'S   REPORT  123 

tbrious  over  an  equal  number  of  the  best  horsemen  in  the  world, 
well  mounted  and  well  armed  with  carbines  and  pistols  and  lances. 
I  have  nothing  to  bestow  on  these  officers  and  men  for  their  hero- 
ism except  my  poor  commendation,  which  I  most  sincerely  give  to 
them,  individually  and  collectively.  I  must  therefore  recommend 
them  to  you  for  the  greatest  reward  a  patriot  may  claim — the  ap- 
probation of  their  country. 

Faithfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

R.  F.  Stockton, 
Commander-in-chief. 
To  the  Hon.  George  Bancroft, 

Secretary  of  the  Naz'y.  Washington,  D.  C. 


A  LETTER  OF  DON  ANTONIO  F.  CORONEL  TO  FATHER 
J.  ADAM  ON  THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  PUEBLO  OF 
LOS  ANGELES  AND  THE  BUILDING  OF  THE 
CHURCH  OF  OUR  LADY  OF  THE  AN- 
GELS, WITH  A  TRANSLATION 
AND  CORRECTIONS 

BY  GEORGE  BUTLER  GRIFFEN 

■]o  Rev.  Father  J.  Adam— 

The  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Angeles  was  founded  on 
4th  of  September,  1781,  by  twelve  settlers  with  their  families,  com- 
prising forty-six  persons.  The  land  set  apart  to  these  settlers  by 
Jose  Argiiello  and  two  witnesses — Feliz  and  Cota — was  situated 
north  of  the  actual  church  of  our  Lady  of  Angels,  between  the  streets 
called  now  upper  Main,  Marchessault  and  Buenavista,  forming  a 
square  called  "plaza  real"  [royal  square,  or  principal  square. — G.  B. 
G.]  The  east  side  of  said  square  was  reserved  for  public  buildings 
and  the  chapel.  For  the  solemnities  of  the  day  a  temporary  shelter 
of  boughs  was  erected.  There  a  solemn  mass  was  said  by  the 
minister  of  San  Gabriel,  with  the  aid  of  the  choristers  and  mu- 
sicians of  said  mission.  There  was  a  salvo  of  carabines,  and  a 
procession,  with  a  cross,  candlesticks  and  the  standard  with  the 
image  of  Our  Lady  of  Angels,  which  the  women  carried.  This 
procession  made  a  circuit  of  the  plaza,  the  priest  blessing  the  plaza 
and  the  building  lots  distributed. 

In  1782  the  government  commissioned  Moraga  to  give  the  set- 
tlers formal  possession,  and  at  this  time  there  were  some  huts  of  poles 
wattled  with  mud  and  thatched  with  straw. 

By  December,  1784  [I  think  it  is.— G.  B.  G.]  there  had  been 
built  a  chapel  of  adobe,  some  25  feet  wide  and  30  long,  thatched 
with  straw.  By  1789  it  was  roofed  with  brea.  On  the  southern 
side  of  this  chapel  was  built  a  little  room  which  served  for  a  sa- 
cristy, and  where  the  priest  took  his  chocolate  after  mass.  Between 
the  years  1812  and  1815  were  constructed  the  actual  church  of  Our 
Lady  of  Angels,  the  cemetery  alongside  of  it,  and  a  little  later  the 
priest's  residence,  consisting  of  three  rooms,  and  a  kitchen,  and  a 
back  yard  surrounded  by  an  adobe  wall. 

For  many  years  there  was  no  parish  priest,  and  the  father  of 


A    LETTER   OF    DON    ANTONIO    F.    CORONEL  125 

the  mission  of  San  Gabriel  held  religious  services  from  time  to  time, 
and  he  had  charge  of  the  registers  of  weddings,  baptisms  and  in- 
terments. The  appointment  of  the  first  parish  priest  of  the  church 
should  be  of  record  in  the  archives  of  this  diocese. 

I  suppose  you  are  aware  that  all  the  first  missions  were  founded 
by  the  construction  of  a  palisade  about  a  square,  strongly  built  in 
order  to  serve  as  a  rampart  against  the  attacks  of  Indians.  Within 
this  palisade  were  built  the  church,  or  chapel,  a  domicile  for  the 
fathers,  barracks  for  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  and  their  families, 
granaries,  corrales  and  rooms  for  the  artisans — all  this  of  poles, 
mud  and  straw.  Later  these  establishments  were  made  on  a  grand 
scale,  requiring  years  for  construction.  Generally  these  were  erected 
in  diiiferent  places  from  those  occupied  by  the  first  establishment ; 
for  this  reason -there  are  various  places  called  "misioii  vieja"  [old 
mission. — G.  B.  G.]. 

I  suppose  also  that  you  will  not  forget,  in  your  historic  rela- 
tion, to  enhance  the  merits  and  sacrifices  of  the  first  fathers,  found- 
ers of  these  missions,  of  the  morals  and  civilization  of  this  country, 
and  that,  according  to  the  best  historians,  there  were,  at  this  epoch, 
no  mission  establishments  which  had  the  rapid,  great  and  marked 
progress  of  those  of  California.  And  that  to  the  efforts  of  that 
great  man,  Fray  Junipero  Serra,  it  is  owing  that  Spain  should  not 
lose  this  country.     [I  translate  literally  this  passage. — G.  B.  G.] 

In  the  historic  registers  of  this  diocese  should  be  found  the 
names  of  the  fathers  who  founded  the  missions  and  those  who 
succeeded  them.  I  believe  it  will  be  well  to  mention  them,  in  order 
that  posterity  may  know  them  and  venerate  their  services. 

A.   F.   C. 

Angeles,  9th  April.   1889.  [.\ntonio  F.  Coronel.] 

The  corner-stone  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Angeles,  on 
the  plaza,  was  laid,  with  all  solemnity,  in  the  year  1818,  and  the 
work  of  construction  commenced.  The  work  in  said  church  was 
completed  in  the  year  1821.  The  father  founder,  who  said  the 
first  mass,  was  called  Joaquin  Noe.  The  architect  who  superin- 
tended the  work,  was  named  Antonio  Ramires ;  he  was  the  architect 
of  various  missions. 

A.   F.   C. 

Angeles.  11th  April,  1889.  [Antonio  F.  Coronel.] 

COMMENTARY 

Mr.  Coronel  is  undoubtedly  mistaken  in  the  date  he  assigns  to 
Alferez  Jose  Argiiello's  putting  the  settlers  of  Los  Angeles  in  pos- 
session. Argiiello's  commission  from  Governor  Fages  bears  date 
14th  August,  1786.     He  accepted  the  commission  on  the  4th  Sep- 


126  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

tember,  1786 — on  the  same  day  appointing  Corporal  Vicente  Felix 
and  Private  Roque  de  Cota  as  legal  witnesses.  On  the  18th  Sep- 
tember, 1786,  he  reported  that  the  task  had  been  completed. 

In  December,  1782,  Alferez  Jose  Joaquin  Moraga  was  com- 
missioned to  put  the  settlers  of  San  Jose  formally  in  possession, 
though  he  did  not  act  till  May,  1783.  Moraga  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  founding  of  Los  Angeles. 

The  corners,  not  the  sides,  of  the  plaza  were  on  the  lines  of 
the  cardinal  points.  The  public  buildings  were  at  the  southwest 
corner,  and  probably  the  chapel  also.  There  does  not  seem  to  be 
any  good  authority  for  the  location  of  the  plaza,  as  given  by  Mr. 
Coronel. 

By  the  end  of  1784  the  huts  of  the  pueblo  had  been  replaced 
by  houses  of  adobe,  the  necessary  public  buildings  had  been  erected, 
and  the  chapel  had  been  begun.  As  to  when  it  was  finished,  the 
records  to  which  Mr.  Bancroft  had  access  are  entirely  silent ;  and 
I  suggest  that  Bishop  Mora  be  applied  to  for  permission  to  examine 
the  archives  of  the  diocese.  At  the  same  time  I  doubt  whether 
any  additional  information  will  be  obtained. 

Mr.  Coronel  gives  two  dates  for  the  construction  of  the  actual 
church  of  Our  Lady  of  Angeles — "between  the  years  1812  and  1815," 
and  "in  the  year  1818."  Documents  prove  that  permission  to  erect 
a  new  chapel  was  obtained  in  1811.  The  corner-stone  was  laid  in 
August,  1814,  by  Father  Luis  Gily  Taboada  of  San  Gabriel.  No 
further  work  appears  to  have  been  done,  and  in  January,  1818, 
Governor  Sola  ordered  the  site  to  be  changed.  The  walls  of  the 
chapel — it  does  not  appear  whether  on  the  old  site  or  the  new — 
were  raised  to  the  arches  of  the  windows  before  1821.  Down  to 
the  end  of  1820  there  was  no  chaplain,  and  the  friars  of  San 
Gabriel  always  complained  that  they  could  not  attend  to  both  mission 
and  pueblo.  In  the  fall  of  1821  the  work  on  the  chapel  was  sus- 
pended, and  the  building  was  not  finished  until  1822  or  1823.  The 
church  was  dedicated  8th  December,  1822.  In  1830  Capt.  Fitch 
furnished  the  bell,  as  a  sort  of  penance. 

There  is  no  record  of  a  priest  named  Joaquin  Noe.  Probably 
Mr.  Coronel  refers  to  Father  Joaquin  Pascual  Xuez,  who  was  a 
missionary  at  San  Gabriel  from  March,  1814,  until  his  death  there, 
26th  December,  1821. 

An  architect,  or,  more  properly,  a  master  builder,  probably  was 
employed  in  the  construction  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady  of  Angeles ; 
but  at  the  missions  the  fathers  were  sole  directors  of  all  work,  and 
acted  as  architects.  Joaquin  Antonio  Ramirez  came  to  California 
before  1800;  he  was  a  carpenter;  and  probably  the  man  employed 
at  Los  Angeles. 

Mr.  Coronel  came  to  California  in  1834,  at  the  age  of  17.     It 


A    LETTER    OF    DON    ANTONIO    F.    CORONEL  127 

is  probable  that  he  heard  from  persons  who  had  been  present  during 
the  events  of  1781  and  1786  the  relation  of  what  took  place  then. 
It  is  evident  that  the  memories  of  these  persons  were  not  faithful 
in  the  matter  of  dates — as  is  quite  common  among-  unlettered  persons 
of  advanced  age.  But  they  would  be  very  worthy  of  credence  when 
they  spoke  of  the  ceremonies  attending  the  founding  of  the  pueblo. 
Therefore,  this  paper  of  Mr.  Coronel's  is  valuable.  I  wish  the  docu- 
ment were  of  greater  length. 

Geo.  Butler  Griffins. 
Angeles,  9th  November,  1890. 


A  REVIEW  OF 
"SIXTY  YEARS  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA" 

BY  J.    M.   GUINN 

The  Historical  Society  of  Southern  California  has  received  from 
Mr.  M.  H.  Newmark  the  donation  of  a  volume  entitled  "Sixty 
Years  in  Southern  California,  1853-1913,"  written  by  his  father, 
Harris  Newmark,  deceased.  Harris  Newmark  was  born  in  Loe- 
bau,  West  Prussia,  the  5th  of  July,  1834.  At  the  age  of  nineteen 
he  left  his  native  country  for  California,  to  which  an  elder  brother 
had  preceeded  him  two  years  before.  His  destination  was  Los  An- 
geles, where  he  arrived  October  21st,  1853. 

A  boy  without  a  knowledge  of  the  English  language  and  ignor- 
ant of  the  customs  of  the  country,  he  began  the  struggle  to  make 
his  way  in  the  world.  By  industry,  economy  and  perseverance  he 
succeeded,  and  before  retiring  from  business  laid  the  foundation  of 
one  of  the  largest  wholesale  houses  in  California. 

His  book  may  be  styled  a  personal  history  of  Los  Angeles  City. 
It  is  largely  devoted  to  the  history  of  the  men  who  laid  the  founda- 
tions for  the  city's  greatness  and  devoted  their  energies  to  its  up- 
building. 

Every  old-timer  who  did  something  toward  civic  betterment 
gets  a  mention,  not  a  fulsome  biography,  but  just  a  pleasant  intro- 
duction to  the  public  and  a  few  words  of  commendation. 

The  story  of  events  in  the  city's  history  is  told  in  chapters 
with  significant  titles,  such  as  "The  Rush  for  Gold ;"  "The  Deluge 
of  1861;"  "Rumblings  of  War;"  "The  Last  of  the  Vigilantes;" 
"Coming  of  the  Iron  Horse ;"  "The  Chinese  Massacre ;"  "The  Wool 
Craze;"  "The  Great  Boom  of  1887;"  and  other  incidents  and  trage- 
dies in  the  city's  life  that  have  transpired  in  the  sixty  years  of  Mr. 
Newmark's  residence  in  it,  and  to  most  of  which  he  was  an  eye 
witness.  These  are  described  clearly  and  forcibly  in  a  plain  matter- 
of-fact  style,  without  any  attempt  at  dramatic  effects.  His  descrip- 
tions have  the  merit  of  being  first  hand — from  life  and  not  from 
books. 

The  book  is  illustrated  with  pictures  of  pioneers,  views  of  the 
city  at  different  stages  of  its  growth,  and  cuts  of  historic  houses. 
It  will  be  a  valuable  accession  to  the  libraries  of  all  who  take  an 
interest  in  the  study  of  the  history  of  our  city.  The  thanks  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Southern  California  are  hereby  tendered  the 
editors,  Messrs.  Maurice  H.  Newmark  and  Marco  R.  Newmark,  for 
this  valuable  book,  "Sixtv  Years  in  Southern  California." 


GOVERNOR  PICO'S  PROTEST  AGAINST  THE  ACTION  OF 
THE  BEAR  FLAG  PARTY 

The  following  letter  of  Governor  Pio  Pico  to  Thomas  O. 
Larkin,  United  States  Consul,  Monterey,  is  self-explanatory.  So 
far  as  known  it  has  never  before  appeared  in  print. 

"The  undersigned  Constitutional  Governor  of  the  Department 
of  California,  is  very  sorry  to  say  to  Don  Tomas  O.  Larkin<  consul 
of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  that  he  is  greatly  astonished 
to  learn  from  official  communications  from  the  Comandante  Gen- 
eral of  this  Department  and  Prefecture  of  the  2nd  District,  that  a 
great  number  (multitude)  of  North  American  foreigners  have  in- 
vaded the  frontier,  encamping  in  the  Plaza  of  Sonoma,  traitorously 
arresting  the  Comandante-Militar,  Don  Guadalupe  Vallejo,  Lieut. 
Col.  Don  \'lctor  Prudon,  Capt.  Salvador  Vallejo  and  Don  Jacobo  P. 
Leese,  also  stealing  the  private  property  of  these  individuals.  The 
writer  cannot  do  less  than  inform  the  L^nited  States  Consul  that 
such  extraordinary  and  alarming  operations  have  caused  him  the 
greatest  indignation. 

The  Departmental  Governor  has  not,  up  to  this  time,  had  any 
direct  word  that  would  cause  him  to  know  of  a  declaration  of  war 
between  Mexico  and  the  LTnited  States,  and  without  such  informa- 
tion he  considers  the  acts  committed  in  Sonoma  to  be  the  greatest 
atrocity  and  infamy  conceivable,  for  nothing  equal  to  it  can  be 
witnessed  even  among  barbarians.  Personal  rights  have  been  at- 
tacked, well-established  social  contracts  broken,  the  sacred  soil  of 
another  nation  profaned  and,  in  short,  the  leader  of  the  multitude 
of  foreigners,  William  B.  Ide,  by  insulting  libel,  urged  them  to  a 
separation  from  the  Mexican  LTnion.  This  war-like  act  inflames  the 
heart  of  the  undersigned  and  leads  him  to  suspect  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Lmited  States  has  a  part  in  it,  which  must  increase  his 
indignation. 

The  Senor  Consul  Don  Tomas  O.  Larkin  will  permit  the  writer 
to  say  frankly  that  his  Excellency  has  witnessed  with  extraordinary 
indifference  this  invasion  of  the  Department,  because  in  spite  of 
noting  the  general  movement  of  all  the  inhabitants  to  the  defense  of 
their  fatherland  and  liberty,  he  has  not  taken  steps  to  cause  the 
invaders  to  withdraw  from  their  vile  purposes  and  avoid  the  mis- 
fortunes that  might  be  caused,  as  a  result  of  the  hostile  provocation ; 
misfortunes  the  responsibility  for  which  the  Departmental  Govern- 


130  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY    OF    SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA 

ment  places  on  the  chief  actors,  before  God  and  the  entire  world. 
Such  a  sinister  attitude  as  was  observed  on  this  occasion  deeply 
compromises  the  honor  of  the  United  States  and  should  it  have 
upon  it  such  a  stain  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  will  be  ineradicable 
in  the  eternal  memory  of  all  nations  and  will  cause  their  scorn. 

The  writer  believes  that  the  United  States  Consul  will  agree 
with  him  that  the  act  committed  by  the  band  of  .Ajnerican  foreigner.-^ 
has  the  color  of  a  real  and  atrocious  robbery.  The  Consul  will  also 
agree  that  subjects  of  his  nation  violating  this  part  of  the  Mexican 
Republic,  by  his  disdainful  neglect  to  prevent  fata!  consequences, 
more  and  more  compromises  both  nations.  The  undersigned  Gov- 
ernor, incited  by  his  duty,  feels  himself  obliged  to  recommend  to 
the  Senor  Consul  Don  Tomas  O.  Larkin,  that  he  clear  up  the  event 
that  befell  in  Sonoma  ;  to  exact  from  him  a  complete  satisfaction, 
hoping  he  will  take  such  steps  as  may  be  necessary  to  avoid  in  the 
future  disastrous  consequences  and  finally  to  protest  solemnly  in 
the  name  of  the  Departmental  Government  and  of  the  Supreme 
Government  of  the  nation,  as  he  does ;  and  formally  to  oppose  all 
aggression,  defending  as  far  as  necessary  its  independence,  liberty 
and  ancient  rights  :  repeating  that  he  holds  responsible  both  the  chief 
instigators  and  the  representative  of  the  United  States  to  this  De- 
partment for  such  abuses  as  they  do  not  prevent. 

The  writer  expects  from  the  good  sense  of  the  Senor  Consul 
of  the  United  States  in  Monterey,  a  recognition  of  the  justice  of 
the  representations  here  made  and  that  the  answer  to  this  letter 
(which  he  begs  may  come  soon)  will  correspond  to  his  friendly 
wishes.  The  writer  has  the  honor  to  assure  the  Senor  Consul  Don 
Tomas  O.  Larkin,  of  the  sincerity  of  his  esteem." 

God  and  Liberty, 

Pio  Pico. 

Senor  Consul  of  the  United  States. 

Don  Tomas  O.  Larkin. 
Santa  Barbara,  June  29  of  1846. 


Secretary's  Report  for  years  1915-^16 

To  the  officers  and  inembers  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Southern 
California,  I  beg  leave  to  submit  the  folloiving  reports: 

1915 

Number  of  meetings  held   8 

Number  of  papers  read 12 

Number  of  new  members  elected 4 

Number  of  members  died   3 

Number  of  members   withdrawn    1 

Number  of  members  belonging   71 


Hon.  Cameron  Erskine  Thorn  died  February  2,  1915. 
Mr.  Valentine  Alott  Porter  died  February  24,  1915. 
Dr.  James  Harmon  Hoose  died  August  21,  1915. 


1916 

Number  of  meetings  held    9 

Number  of  papers  read 16 

Number  of  new  members  elected    23 

Number  of  members  died   1 

Number  of  members  belonging  93 

Mr.  A.  C.  Vroman  of  Pasadena  died  July  24,  1916. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

J.  M.  GuiNN,  Secretary. 


Treasurer's  Report  for  Years  1915^16, 
1915 

Receipts 

Dec.    8,  1914.     On  hand $128.82 

Dec.    6,  1915.     Received  for  Dues  and  Membership  Fees 

to  date 131.25 

Total $260.07 

Disbursements 

Dec.    9,  1914.     To  J.  M.  Guinn,  Secretary,  for  postage $     4.96 

Dec.  10,  1914.     To  M.  C.  Bettinger,  Treasurer,  stamped 

envelopes    4.68 

May  25,  1915.     To  J.  M.  Guinn,  Secretary,  Postage 5.45 

Nov.  22,  1915.     To  McBride  Printing  Co.,  Printing  Annual  157.70 
Nov.  22,  1915.     To  J.  M.  Guinn,  Secretary,  Postage  on 

Annual    6.50 

Dec.    6,  1915.     Balance  on  hand 80.78 

Total $260.07 

1916 

Receipts 

Dec.    6,  1915.     Balance  on  hand $  80.78 

Dec.    5,  1916.     Membership  fees  and  dues  to  date  204.00    $284.78 

Disbursements 
Dec.    7,  1915.     Jas.  M.  Guinn,  Postage, 

Express,  etc 4.20 

Mar.  10,  1916.     M.   C.   Bettinger,  stamped 

envelopes    2.00 

Apr.  20,  1916.     M.  C.  Bettinger,  (McBride 

Printing  Co.)    7.50 

June  13,  1916.     Jas.  M.  Guinn,  Postage,  Parcel 

Post,   Express,  envelopes. 

notices   7.90 

Dec.    5,  1916.     M.   C.   Bettinger,  Stamped 

envelopes    2.00 

Dec.    5,1916.     M.  C.  Bettinger  Clerical  help.  ..  .       2.50        26.10 

Dec.    5,1916.     Balance  on  hand $258.68 

M.  C.  Bettinger. 

Treasurer. 


OrganUed  November  1.  1883  Incorporated  February  12,  1891 

PART  III.  VOL.  X. 


ANNUAL  PUBLICATIONS 


Historical  Society 


SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 


1917 


LOS  ANGELES.  CAL. 


Organized  November  I,  1883  Incorporated  February  12,  1891 

PART  III.  VOL.  X. 


ANNUAL  PUBLICATIONS 


III.    I 


Historical  Society 

OF 

SOUTHERN  CALIFORNL\ 


1917 


McBride  Printing  Company 
LOS  ANGELES.  CAL. 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Officers  of  the  Historical  Society,  1917-191S 4 

What  Is  Nationality Tully  C.  Knoles,  A.  M.  5 

Don  Enrique  Dalton  of  the  Azusa C.  C.  Baker  17 

The  Dispensing  of  Justice  Under  the  Mexican  Regime. .  .C.  C.  Baker  36 

Some  Early  History  of  Owens  River  Valley J.  JI.  Guinn,  A.  M.  41 

John  Bidwell:    A  Prince  among  Pioneers. .  .Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  Ph.  D.  48 

Thomas  R.  Bard  and  the  Beginning  of  the  Oil  Industry  in  South- 
ern California Waldemar  Westergaard,  Ph.  D.  57 

Larkin's  Description  of  California Robert  G.  Cleland,  Ph.  D.  70 

California  State  Division  Controversy Mary  M.  Bowman  75 

Deposition   of   Archibald    H.   Gillespie    concerning   Mission   San 

Diego  in  1S46 (Furnished  by  Mary  M.  Bowman)  79 

The  Work  of  a  Southern  California  Historian E^va  E.  Murray  82 

"De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla" Dr.  H.  W.  Mills  86 

Secretary's  Report  for  the  Year  1917 J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  175 

Treasurer's  Report  for  the  Year  1917 M.  C.  Bettinger  177 


Officers  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Southern  California 


1917 

OFFICERS 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt President 

Robert  G.  Cleland First  \'ice-President 

Waldemar  Westergaard Second  \'ice-President 

M.  C.  Bettixger Treasurer 

James  M.  Guinn Secretary  and  Curator 

BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt  George  F.  Bovard 

James  M.  Guinn  M.  C.  Bettinger 

Robert  G.  Cleland  Roy  Malcom 

Waldemar  Westergaard 

OFFICERS  (ELECT) 

1918 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt President 

Mrs.  Lucy  M.  Gains First  Vice-President 

Waldemar  Westergaard Second  Vice-President 

M.  C.  Bettinger Treasurer 

James  M.  Guinn Secretary  and  Curator 


BOARD  OF  DIRECTORS 

Rockwell  D.  Hunt  George  F.  Bovard 

James  M.  Guinn  M.  C.  Bettinger 

Mrs.  Lucy  AL  Gains  Roy  Malcom 

Waldemar  Westergaard 


WHAT  IS  NATIONALITY? 

BY  TULLY  C.  KNOLES,  A.  M. 

In  text  books,  general  historical  works,  magazine  articles,  and' 
in  addresses  before  historical  societies  and  other  learned  bodies  the 
term  "Nationality"  is  often  met,  and  it  is  used  with  various  contents. 

With  this  same  heading  there  is  an  illuminating  article  in  the 
"Unpopular  Review,"  January-AIarch,  1916,  by  Preston  W.  Slosson, 
lecturer  in  Columbia  University,  in  which  the  author  sums  up  an 
excursion  into  this  field  of  thought  in  the  following  words :  "It  is 
clear,  then,  that  no  one  objective  test  of  nationality  will  cover  all 
cases.  Race,  language,  religion,  physical  unity,  political  govern- 
ment, memories  of  the  past,  and  a  common  fund  of  ideas  may  con- 
tribute to  a  patriotic  sentiment,  but  they  should  never  be  confused 
with  it." 

In  the  Presidential  Address  before  the  American  Historical  So- 
ciety at  the  December,  1915  meeting,  our  own  honored  Dr.  Henry 
Morse  Stephens  on  the  subject  "History  and  Nationality"  made 
reference  to  an  article  published  by  him  in  the  "Contemporary  Re- 
view," London,  1887,  on  "Alodern  Historians  and  Their  Influence 
Upon  Small  Nationalities."  Dr.  Stephens  paid  tribute  to  the  his- 
torians of  the  nineteenth  century  who  not  only  recorded  historical 
facts  but  who  so  wrote  as  to  lead  the  people  for  whom  they  wrote 
to  appreciate  the  possibility  of  national  unity,  and  the  terra  nationality 
is  used  in  this  connection. 

There  is  no  question  but  that  originally  the  word  nation  meant  a 
group  of  men  and  women  more  or  less  closely  related  through  inter- 
marriage who  had  acquiesced  or  had  cooperated  in  the  establishment 
of  a  government  which  was  more  or  less  truly  a  structural  expres- 
sion of  their  pyschology ;  and  wherever  these  governments  over 
such  groups  have  persisted  for  a  lengthened  term  there  has  been  a 
reaction  not  only  from  the  group  mind  to  the  form  of  government, 
but  the  government  in  its  turn  has  reacted  upon  the  group  mind,  as 
for  instance  in  Japan,  an  eclectic  system  of  government  is  coming 
to  be  a  national  expression,  but  by  the  broadest  stretch  of  conven- 
tiality  it  could  not  be  called  an  expression  of  nationality. 

The  waves  of  Celtic  and  Teutonic  invasions  hurled  themselves 
across  Europe  and  into  the  Roman  Empire.  Out  of  the  confusion 
came  the  eastern  and  western  empires,  and  within  them  came  the 
beginnings  of  the  modern  European  nations,  kindreds,  and  the  marck 
system  played  its  part  in  laying  the  foundations  of  this  national 
system.  Without  any  question  for  hundreds  of  years  the  nation  and 
the  nationality  were  one. 


6  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

But  with  the  rise  of  the  European  state  system,  the  embodiment 
of  which  was  not  the  nation,  but  the  prince,  when  peoples  in  their 
homogeneity  were  not  considered  as  necessary  parts  of  the  state, 
where  neither  physiography  nor  ethnology  was  an  essential  study 
for  the  builder  of  governmental  structures,  the  content  of  the  word 
nation  underwent  a  great  change,  and  no  longer  was  blood  relation- 
ship connoted  in  the  term.  It  took  new  content  from  the  new  state 
system. 

President  Lowell  says,  '"The  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution  was 
in  its  essence  humanitarian.  It  disregarded  the  narrow  distinctions 
of  race  and  country,  proclaimed  the  universal  brotherhood  of  man, 
and  offered  to  all  the  world  the  blessings  of  its  creed.  Yet  the  po- 
litical movements  to  which  it  gave  rise  have  brought  about  an  in- 
crease of  race  feeling  so  great  that  people  of  different  blood  can  no 
longer  live  peaceably  together  under  the  same  government,  and  the 
various  branches  of  a  race  are  unhappy  until  they  are  covered  by  a 
single  flag.  Race,  in  other  words,  has  become  a  recognized  basis  of 
nationality ;  and  this  has  produced  in  Europe  two  new  states,  and 
loosened  the  bonds  of  two  old  ones.  Within  a  generation  ties  of 
blood  have  united  Italy  and  Germany,  while  England  has  debated 
a  plan  for  a  partial  separation  between  Saxons  and  Celts,  and  Austria 
has  become  very  seriously  disintegrated  under  the  strain  of  racial 
antipathies." 

Napoleon,  instead  of  being  the  "child  of  the  Revolution,"  was 
its  "Nemesis,"  and  in  the  Preface  to  Vol.  XI  of  the  Cambridge 
Modern  History  series,  we  read,  "The  effects  produced  by  the  French 
Revolution  and  the  reign  of  the  First  Napoleon  in  the  domain  of 
political  ideas,  especially  in  regard  to  nations  of  self  government 
and  the  spirit  of  nationality,  were  indeed  immense  and  enduring." 
But  Metternich  dominated  the  Congress  of  Vienna  and  a  recrud- 
escence of  the  old  European  "state  system"  was  the  inevitable  result. 

The  reaction  set  in  in  1848,  and  for  about  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury we  have  what  the  historians  almost  invariably  call  the  period 
of  the  "rise  of  nationalities,"  meaning  the  growth  of  a  new  "state 
system"  on  a  national  basis. 

Hazen  says,  "the  unification  of  Germany  was  completed  in  the 
Franco-German  war.  The  unification,  however,  was  no  by-product 
of  a  war,  no  astounding  improvisation  of  a  genius  in  politics  and 
diplomacy.  The  foundations  had  been  laid  before,  and  the  super- 
structure had  been  slowly  and  painfully  built  up.  Many  forces  had 
been  cooperating,  as  we  have  seen,  and  had  at  last  converged  toward 
this  triumphant  issue.  Most  effective  of  all  was  the  passion  for  na- 
tionality, which  gave  the  nineteenth  century  such  elevation  of  emo- 
tion everywhere." 

A  study  of  the  structure  of  the  German  Empire,  however,  re- 
veals two  difficulties.    In  the  first  place  it  is  a  unit  of  units  of  na- 


WHAT  IS  NATIONALITY  / 

tionality,  and  in  the  second'  place  it  does  not  begin  to  cover  what 
may  with  propriety  be  called  German  nationality. 

There  is  another  meaning  often  given  to  the  term  "nationality," — 
the  legitimate  and  natural  outcome  of  family,  tribal,  and  racial  or- 
ganization. This  definition  would  be  received  without  question  did 
we  have  many  instances  of  such  development.  Of  the  modern  Euro- 
pean nations,  France  is  most  typical.  Many  families  and  tribes  en- 
tered into  the  composition  of  the  French  people:  Celts,  Romans, 
Teutons  in  large  numbers ;  but  amalgamation,  though  of  course  not 
perfect,  had  its  influence,  and  as  pointed  out  by  Dr.  Stephens,  Henri 
Martin  declares  "that  the  'esprit  gaulois'  illustrates  the  fact  that  the 
French  national  character  persisted  through  the  settlement  of  Ger- 
man Franks  and  Scandinavians." 

Certainly  France  from  the  time  of  the  Battle  of  Bouvines  began 
to  have  a  consciousness  of  self  which  expressed  itself  in  a  national 
structure  of  government  and  in  national  patriotism:  it  was  a  con- 
sciousness of  self  as  a  nationality.  This  was  not  lost  even  during 
the  iconoclastic  days  of  the  Revolution,  and  in  the  passion  for  the 
"Rights  of  Man." 

In  only  lesser  degrees  may  one  speak  of  England  and  Spain  as 
illustrations  of  the  growth  of  nationality  out  of  the  amalgamation 
of  more  or  less  closely  related  groups. 

The  case  of  Belgium  is  peculiarly  interesting  and  peculiarly  illum- 
inating at  this  point ;  although  cut  into  two  divisions,  Flemings  and 
Walloons,  no  one  could  for  a  moment  hesitate  to  speak  of  a  strong 
national  bond,  a  determined  sense  of  national  honor,  and  a  superb 
national  patriotism,  a  nationalism,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  speak 
accurately  of  a  Belgian  nationality  until  there  has  been  a  breaking 
down  of  the  wall  of  partition  between  the  kindreds.  Switzerland 
is  another  case,  as  pointed  out  by  President  Lowell,  this  little  country 
may  be  called  the  "ethnological  as  well  as  the  geographical  center 
of  Europe,  the  place  where  the  rivers  take  their  rise,  and  the  races 
meet  together." 

These  remarkable  hill  people,  freedom  loving,  industrious,  thus 
sharply  divided  in  blood  and  in  speech,  are  also  sharply  divided  in 
religion,  and  yet  curiously  enough  are  nationalistic  to  a  degree.  Al- 
though of  necessity  the  government  is  not  highly  centralized,  and 
although  the  situation  is  somewhat  modified  by  the  fact  that  Switzer- 
land is  a  neutral  state,  the  Swiss  are  exceedingly  patriotic,  their 
passion  is  for  nationalism,  an  appreciation  of  the  fact  of  political 
national  freedom,  and  an  appreciation  of  the  blessings  of  self  gov- 
ernment ;  it  is  very  noticeable  that  the  local  forms  of  government 
are  wisely  limited  by  a  rather  conservative  Federal  Council.  Again 
there  is  very  little  immigration  and  the  people  are  decidedly  sta- 
tionary, and  it  is  not  likely  that  the  present  divisions  will  be  very 
seriously  changed  for  many  years,  if  at  all. 


8  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Quite  the  reverse  from  that  of  Switzerland  in  many  ways  is  the 
status  of  unhappy  Poland.  The  history  of  patriotism  cannot  be 
written  without  having  the  Poles  in  mind ;  their  story  comes  to  us 
in  poetry  and  in  music,  and  the  virility  of  the  nationality  is  no- 
where better  illustrated  than  by  the  fact  that  in  spite  of  three  parti- 
tions, and  that  which  has  aptly  been  called  the  murder  of  Poland, 
the  sense  of  nationality  is  as  strong  today  as  ever.  The  attempts 
of  Prussia,  Russia,  and  Austria  to  denationalize  Poland  succeeded; 
the  recent  declaration  to  erect  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  is  an  admis- 
sion that  the  Pole  in  his  home  life  and  emotional  life  has  kept  the 
fountains  of  his  political  thought  life  Polish. 

One  of  the  strange  chapters  of  human  history  is  that  of  the  per- 
sistent nationality  of  the  Jew.  Through  dispersion  and  other  perse- 
cutions, national  political  state  life  has  been  denied  him.  Yet  he  is 
found  everywhere,  in  all  nations ;  persecuted  in  most  places,  pam- 
pered in  none.  There  is  no  advancing  nation  which  has  not  had 
the  advantage  of  his  business  acumen ;  there  have  been  no  great 
wars  fought  since  the  Crusades  which  he  has  not,  in  part,  financed ; 
he  is  found  in  all  strata  of  society ;  he  is  in  industry,  in  agriculture. 
in  commerce ;  in  all  of  the  arts  and  professions ;  in  politics  and  in 
statesmanship;  every  nation  which  deals  at  all  fairly  with  him  as 
an  individual  knows  his  value  as  a  citizen  and  as  a  soldier,  and  yet 
he  seldom  forgets  tliat  he  is  a  Jew ;  as  a  rule  he  marries  within  the 
narrow  group  of  his  own  nationality. 

Other  illustrations  might  be  given  of  the  persistence  of  types  of 
nationalities  after  political  exigencies  have  robbed  the  people  of 
their  state  life,  but  enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  instead  of 
the  nineteenth  century  being  the  century  of  the  growth  of  nation- 
ality it  was  the  century  of  the  growth  of  nationalism. 

Too  much,  possibly,  cannot  be  said  of  the  effect  of  historical 
writers  upon  the  change  in  the  national  system.  It  was  great  and 
far  reaching.  But  Treitschke,  a  Saxon  of  Czech  descent,  had  a 
dream  of  national  unity,  and  he  and  his  school  well  performed  the 
task  of  arousing  in  the  Prussians  the  passion  for  unifying  the  Ger- 
man speaking  peoples;  but  Bismarck  the  statesman  saw  the  futility 
of  the  attempt  to  incorporate  Austria  with  its  numerous  national- 
ities into  a  great  German  state ;  the  dream  of  Treitschke  has  not  yet 
been  realized, — it  probably  never  will  be  realized. 

In  recent  years  we  have  heard  much  of  Pan-Slavism, — this  is 
only  another  indication  of  a  by-product  of  the  growth  of  a  passion 
for  national  state  organization  to  be  based'  upon  blood  relationship, 
even  though  that  organization  should  call  for  the  complete  re- 
arrangement of  historic  institutions  and  governments. 

In  the  development  of  the  European  states  as  nations  the  his- 
torian has  done  his  part ;  but  his  part  was  not  all.  There  is  a  "dollar 
diplomacy"  where  the  dollar  is  not  the  coin  current ;  and  the  at- 


WHAT  IS  NATIONALITY  9 

tempt  to  force  economic  growth  for  the  profit  of  the  nation,  and 
to  produce  local  cultural  units,  and  to  make  these  seem  to  be  the 
expression  of  nationality,  are  activities  far  reaching  in  their  results, 
and  perhaps  in  the  subtlety  of  their  application  more  potent  in  pro- 
ducing national  patriotism. 

Each  European  power  in  the  present  conflict  is  fighting  for  a 
national  existence,  and  each  sees  the  good  of  humanity  in  its  indi- 
vidual success. 

To  contend  for  the  mere  definition  of  words  is  not  the  object 
of  this  paper.  Definitions  are  never  final  until  words  are  no  longer 
used,  or  when  thinkers  are  no  longer  active ;  but  two  great  thoughts 
are  pushed  into  the  forefront  by  the  discussion. 

(1)  The  nineteenth  century  was  the  century  of  the  expansion 
of  nations  usually  upon  the  basis  of  nationality,  though  not  wholly 
so,  even  in  the  Old  World ;  and  the  inevitable  result  of  that  expan- 
sian  was  a  world  war.  To  quote  Dr.  Stephens  again,  "National  pa- 
triotism became  the  national  creed.  It  filtered  through  the  entire 
educational  system  of  modern  states.  However  excellent  patriot- 
ism may  be  in  itself,  it  has  had  some  startling  effects  when  based 
upon  nationalist  histories.  The  idea  of  a  common  Christianity  bind- 
ing all  Christian  peoples  together  in  one  religion  has  disappeared: 
the  belief  in  the  brotherhood  of  man  has  no  chance.  .  .  .  Hymns 
of  hate  are  the  inevitable  outcome  of  national  patriotism  based  upon 
national  histories.  Family  blood  feuds,  the  vendettas  of  the  Corsi- 
cans  and  the  Kentucky  mountaineers  are  considered  proofs  of  a 
backward  civilization,  but  national  hatreds  are  encouraged  as  mani- 
festations of  national  patriotism." 

(2)  The  United  States,  in  its  evolution  thus  far,  has  not  been 
developed  as  the  European  states  have  been.  The  stage  was  set  for 
the  building  of  a  New  England,  a  New  France,  a  New  Spain,  a  New 
Netherlands,  a  New  Sweden.  Each  of  the  old  world  powers  desired 
to  plant  its  own  people,  institutions  of  society  and  government,  and 
the  character  of,  the  peoples  would  have  undergone  very  slight 
change ;  and  the  old  world  system  would  have  produced  old  world 
problems ;  but  it  was  not  so  to  be  with  any  of  them  save  with  Spain : 
the  conditions  of  Spanish  life  led  to  the  search  for  bullion.  New 
Spain  became  a  fact,  but  revolutions  came,  and  Spanish-America  is 
more  a  force  to  be  reckoned  with  in  the  twentieth  century  than  in 
the  nineteenth. 

The  forces  of  French  life  in  the  seventeenth  century  were  centri- 
petal ;  the  forces  of  English  life  in  the  same  century  were  centri- 
fugal ;  instead  of  the  unity  of  religion  and  society,  and  the  perfection 
of  absolutism  which  France  knew.  England  was  painfully  conscious 
of  schisms,  lines  of  social  cleavage  and  the  struggle  between  abso- 
lutism and  democracy,  and  out  of  these  conditions  America  set 
out  on  a  period  of  growth  dominated  by  England ;  and  when  the 


10  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

star  of  the  British  Empire  was  in  the  ascendancy  France  as  a  posi- 
tive force  was  withdrawn. 

The  gifted'  President  of  the  University  of  California  has  said 
that  the  American  Revokition  was  Hke  a  great  plow  running  from 
the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  Mississippi  river  and  return,  throwing  the 
loyalists  and  foreigners  to  the  north  and  south ;  and  into  the  fur- 
row ran  the  stream  of  European  migration,  not  tribal,  but  often 
family  and  most  frequently  individual  in  its  character,  and  there 
was  begun  that  long  procession  of  immigrants  at  first  almost  en- 
tirely from  the  British  Empire,  and  then  in  increasing  numbers  from 
the  other  northern  European  nations,  and  more  recently  from  south- 
ern and  eastern  Europe,  until  by  the  report  of  the  Thirteenth  Census 
of  the  United  States  35.2%  of  the  population  of  the  country  was 
either  foreign  born  or  of  foreign  parentage.  This  foreign  white 
stock  is  distributed  as  follows  by  country  of  origin — Germany  25.7 
Ireland  14.0;  England  7.2;  Scotland  2.0;  Wales  .8;  Canada  8.6 
Russia  and  Finland  8.5  ;  Austria  6.2 ;  Hungary  2.2 ;  Sweden  4.2 
Norway  3.0;  Denmark  1.2;  Italy  6.5;  all  others  9.9. 

In  the  decade  1900-1910  persons  having  Ireland  and  Wales  as 
countries  of  origin  actually  decreased,  while  all  other  countries 
showed  an  increase  in  our  population  from  4%,  in  the  case  of  Ger- 
many, to  188.3%  in  the  case  of  Italy,  204.7%  in  the  case  of  Russia 
and  Finland,  and  220.5%  in  the  case  of  Hungary. 

There  are  no  statistics  available  showing  directly  the  number  of 
intermarriages  between  persons  born  in  the  several  foreign  coun- 
tries and  native  Americans,  but  there  are  in  our  country  5,981.536 
children  of  such  marriages,  one  for  every  15  of  the  entire  population. 

In  this  same  decade  there  was  an  increase  of  11.5%  in  the  num- 
ber of  those  whose  parents  were  both  foreigners,  but  of  different 
nationalities,  in  number  1,177,092,  or  one  in  seventy. 

With  the  exception  of  the  Old  South  every  area  of  the  United 
States  is  directly  affected  by  this  infusion  of  new  blood,  and  the 
urban  population  of  the  South  is  feeling  the  effect. 

These  figures,  let  me  remind  you  again,  are  only  for  white  stock 
— they  take  no  account  of  negroes  and  orientals  who  have  acquired 
citizenship  by  birth.  And  according  to  a  late  report  from  the  County 
Board  of  Health  in  Los  Angeles  County  one-fourth  of  all  the  births 
in  the  rural  sections  of  that  county  were  of  Japanese. 

Thus  it  is  clear  that  during  the  entire  history  of  our  land  we 
have  been  reversing  the  European  method  of  nation  building.  Con- 
fessedly Europe  has  sought  and  produced  types,  and  these  types, 
more  or  less  true  to  their  nature,  have  produced'  nations  based  either 
upon  nationalism  or  nationality.  Dr.  B.  I.  Wheeler  speaks  of  the 
coming  "Genus  Homo  Americanus,"  and  Israel  Zangwill  speaks  of 
the  "melting  pot,"  as  if  the  elements  would  some  day  be  fused  into 
the  "American";  rather  we  have  been  breaknig  down  types, — the 


WHAT  IS  NATIONALITY  11 

American  is  not.  lie  is  becoming,  and  by  the  same  tokens  he  will 
always  be  becoming. 

In  addition  to  this,  which  even  a  casual  examination  of  the 
country  of  origin  of  our  population,  makes  evident,  there  is  the  fur- 
ther fact  that  our  people,  unlike  the  inhabitants  of  Switzerland, 
are  moving  from  place  to  place,  and  naturalization  is  national  and 
not  local.  No  tariff  walls  between  the  states  and  no  inter-state 
immigration  laws  tend  to  localize  population,  and  the  natural  tend- 
ency of  the  immigrants  to  dwell  near  their  own  kind,  aided  to  a 
great  degree  by  urban  and  industrial  conditions,  is  being  overcome 
by  the  spirit  of  freedom  here  engendered,  by  the  school  system,  by 
social  workers,  and  above  all  by  the  passion  to  become  American 
rapidly  developed  in  the  children  of  the  first,  and  more  in  the  sec- 
ond generation. 

In  the  County  of  Los  Angeles  during  a  series  of  investigations 
conducted  by  one  of  my  classes  it  was  found  that  1400  persons  se- 
cured marriage  licenses  during  a  certain  period:  350  of  them  were 
native  Californians,  including  a  large  number  of  Mexicans,  and 
1050  were  from  every  state  in  the  Union  and  from  twenty-three  for- 
eign countries. 

Mrs.  Bertha  Hirsch-Baruch,  a  prominent  Jewish  social  worker, 
told  me  that  the  Jewish  leaders  here  in  America  were  confronted  by 
the  very  serious  problem  of  the  defection  of  their  youth.  That  which 
oppression,  persecution,  and  attempted  extermination  has  not  been 
able  to  accomplish  in  other  countries  is  being  here  successfully  done, 
not  by  design  or  especially  by  desire,  but  by  the  very  freedom  from 
interference  which  the  nationality  has  sought  for  its  perpetuity,  and 
in  an  increasing  degree  Jewish  blood  is  being  mingled  with  blood 
otherwise  antagonistic. 

Stanislaus  Burek,  a  descendent  of  the  old  Polish  kings,  says  that 
the  Pole  who  clings  to  his  nationality  under  political  denationaliza- 
tion is  losing  it  rapidly  in  migration  to  America  and  in  intermarriage 
with  other  peoples  here. 

During  the  past  two  years  the  "hyphen"  has  been  receiving  con- 
sideration :  and  there  are  indications  that  assimilation  has  not  been 
accomplished  by  undirected  efforts  as  rapidly  as  necessary.  But 
the  schools  are  grappling  with  the  problem  and  in  some  great  indus- 
trial cities  co-operation  between  the  school  systems  and  the  great 
captains  of  industry  is  sought  to  make  it  not  only  possible,  but  neces- 
sary for  the  foreigner  to  become  Americanized. 

Immigration  is  now  almost  entirely  due  to  attractive  forces,  and 
we  cannot  look  for  the  development  of  blood  relationship  for  many 
generations,  if  at  all.  And  until  that  time  comes  there  will  be  no 
nationality  in  the  United  States :  and  from  a  world-viewpoint,  this 
development  of  a  great  nation  during  the  nineteenth  century  on  a 
basis   diametrically  opposite   to   that   attributed   to    Europe   by  the 


12  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

most  of  her  historians  is  an  experiment  which  must  utterly  fail,  be- 
cause it  violates  the  essential  principles  of  national  life,  or  it  must 
succeed  because  it  represents  the  next  word  in  the  evolution  of  na- 
tional institutions,  namely,  comparative  freedom  of  movement  into, 
within  or  from  the  country,  absolute  freedom  in  the  choice  of  natural- 
ization, a  real  democracy  based  not  on  likeness,  but  on  unlikeness. 
If  Goethe's  statement,  "Above  the  nations  is  humanity,"  is  to  be  any- 
thing more  than  a  phrase,  perhaps  the  American  intermediate  stage 
points  out  the  way  to  government  "to,  for,  and  by  all  of  the  people." 

To  quote  from  Slosson:  "The  popular  will  is  nationality.  .  .  . 
America  is  a  nation  of  those  wlio  willed  to  be  Americans."  With 
the  second  statement  we  heartily  agree.  Again  he  says:  "If  we 
wished  to  determine  the  nationality  of  an  Alsatian  ...  I  think 
we  should  give  the  man  himself  a  gun  and  ask  him  which  country 
he  would  rather  fight  for,  France  or  Germany?  When  he  answers 
you,  you  will  have  solved  the  problem  of  his  nationality."  With 
this  we  cannot  agree ;  were  a  similar  test  made  in  our  own  country, 
men  from  every  race,  color,  nation,  condition  and  nationality  would 
respond  for  this  nation,  but  their  nationality  would  not  be  changed 
by  their  will. 

Drawn  thus  from  all  the  world,  of  every  blood,  here  are  men  and 
women  who  know  this  nation,  who  love  these  institutions,  who  so 
appreciate  the  blessings  of  a  government  in  which  they  may  have  a 
voice  that  they  are  willing  to  forget  all  other  political  ties  and 
submerge  the  results  of  hereditary  influence  into  a  new  nationalism, 
— these  are  Americans,  irrespective  of  their  nationality. 


RUSSIA  AND  JAPAN 

BY  JAMES   MAIN  DIXON,  L.  H.  D. 

During  the  past  few  eventful  years,  the  unexpected  has  come  to 
pass  in  the  relations  between  the  Japanese  and  Russian  empires. 
Almost  to  the  close  of  the  ]\leiji  era  seven  years  ago,  Russia  of  all 
foreign  powers  was  regarded  by  Japan  with  the  most  distrust.  The 
long  period  of  Japanese  seclusion  began  at  a  time  when  Portugal 
and  Spain,  the  great  maritime  powers  of  the  sixteenth  century,  were 
united  under  one  ruler,  and  were  a  menace  to  the  whole  world. 
They  occupied  the  Spice  islands  and  the  Philippines,  and  had  even 
crept  up  to  Formosa ;  when  the  Japanese,  who  had  hitherto  traded 
freely  over  the  waters  of  the  Far  East,  took  fright,  and  closed  their 
country  hermetically  to  the  outer  world  except  for  the  one  port  of 
Nagasaki,  where  the  purely  commercial  Dutch  were  allowed  to 
introduce  one  ship  yearly.  Before  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  had 
passed,  however,  Spain  and  Portugal  had  ceased  to  be  a  menace  to 
any  one.  And  then  a  new  great  power  began  to  show  itself  on  the 
northern  shores  of  the  island  empire.  The  Muscovite  was  pressing 
eastward  through  Siberia,  and,  by  the  time  of  Napoleon,  vessels 
carrying  the  blue  St.  Anldrew's  cross  had  begun  to  appear  at  the 
ports  of  the  northern  island  of  Yezo.  Except  for  the  small  lordship 
of  Alatsumae  at  the  extreme  southwest  corner,  and  some  fishing  vil- 
lages on  the  coast  nearby,  this  island  had  been  neglected,  and  left 
to  the  unprogressive  Ainu  natives.  In  the  year  1814,  members  of 
a  Russian  crew  who  landed  at  Kunajiri,  one  of  the  Kuriles  close  to 
Yezo.  were  seized  by  Japanese  officials,  and  succeeded  in  escaping 
only  by  the  shrewdness  of  one  of  their  number.  This  was  but  one 
of  a  series  of  incidents  heralding  future  trouble.  Finally  a  modus 
Vivendi  was  arrived  at,  when  a  boundary  between  the  two  coun- 
tries was  fixed  in  Sakhalin,  giving  Japan  the  southern  half.  When 
diplomatic  relations  were  finally  established  between  the  two  em- 
pires, and  Russia  had  her  embassy  at  Tokyo,  the  astute  Baron  Rosen 
induced  the  Japanese  government  to  trade  off  this  lower  half  of 
Sakhalin  for  the  Kuriles  islands — a  bargain  that  was  very  soon  re- 
garded as  one-sided. 

Japan  has  always  treated  this  northern  island  of  Yezo  as  a  fron- 
tier, in  no  case  to  be  open  to  foreign  intrusion  of  any  kind,  and  to 
be  colonized  by  her  veterans.  As  it  happened,  however,  the  destined 
war  with  Russia  was  to  break  out  through  trouble  in  another  quar- 
ter, the  Yalu  frontier  of  Korea,  by  this  time  a  tributary  state  of 
Japan.  Meanwhile  an  unfortunate  occurrence  had  made  the  rela- 
tions between  the  two  empires  more  critical,  the  attempted  assassina- 


14  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

tion  of  the  then  Czarevitch,  when  on  a  visit  to  Japan,  by  a  pohtical 
fanatic.  This  occurred  in  the  close  of  1891,  near  the  western  capital, 
Kyoto,  and  so  embarrassed  the  Emperor  that  he  took  a  journey  in 
person  to  express  his  regrets  to  the  wounded  prince.  Within  twelve 
years  the  two  empires  were  at  war. 

The  occasion  was  Russian  aggression  in  Korea,  which  in  its 
helplessness  was  sure  to  fall  either  to  the  island  power  on  the  east 
pressing  westward,  or  to  the  continental  power  on  the  west  pressing 
to  the  open  sea.  It  is  wrong  to  regard  Japanese  claims  over  Korea 
as  a  modern  development.  Her  great  military  genius,  Hideyoshi, 
had  overrun  the  peninsula  and  dared  the  forces  of  her  Chinese  ally. 
In  more  recent  times,  flagrant  insults  to  her  representatives  in  Korea, 
which  at  the  time  had  to  be  borne  patiently  by  the  Tokyo  govern- 
ment, so  incensed  the  most  popular  statesman-warrior  in  Japan,  the 
great  Saigo,  that  he  and  his  clansmen  broke  out  in  rebellion.  The 
Satsuma  revolt  was  put  down,  and  Saigo  lost  his  life;  but  sixteen 
years  later,  the  Tokyo  government,  which  had  bided  its  time,  declared 
war  against  China  because  of  trouble  in  Korea.  At  its  close,  the 
fruits  of  victory  were  snatched  from  her  by  the  interference  of  Rus- 
sia, Germany  and  France,  which  combined  to  advise  her  not  to  in- 
sist on  the  retention  of  Port  Arthur.  Germany  somewhat  brusquely 
assumed  the  lead  in  this  dictation,  an  attitude  that  was  bitterly  re- 
sented, and  helped  to  throw  Japan  into  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain. 
She  could  understand  why  Russia  would  object  to  her  occupation 
of  this  important  stronghold,  and  why  her  ally  France  should  ac- 
quiesce ;  but  the  interference  of  Germany  seemed  gratuitous.  Here 
we  have  the  first  indication  of  a  possible  rapprochement  with  Petro- 
grad,  after  the  inevitable  war.  It  resembled  the  Kruger  telegram 
which  preceded  by  some  years  the  Boer  war.  \\'ar  in  each  case  was 
destined  to  come,  but  after  it  was  over  the  combatants  shook  hands 
and  are  now  friends  together,  allied  against  the  intrusive  third  party. 

There  were  other  elements  which  were  likely  to  bring  the  Rus- 
sian and  Japanese  peoples  together.  The  Greek  Church  has  been 
working  for  many  years  in  the  northern  part  of  the  main  island  and 
in  the  capital.  Indeed,  in  the  country  around  Sendai  it  was — and  per- 
haps is — by  no  means  uncommon  to  see  a  Japanese  clad  in  the  Russian 
frock,  marking  one  who  had  been  converted  by  the  labors  of  the  de- 
voted Russian  fathers.  At  their  head  was  Father  Nicolai,  later  arch- 
bishop, a  remarkable  personality,  by  far  the  ablest  nineteenth  century 
Christian  missionary  in  the  Far  East.  The  domed  cathedral  which  he 
built  in  the  capital  was  thronged  in  his  time  with  enthusiastic  worship- 
pers. Its  position  on  a  hill  near  the  imperial  palace  and  overlooking  it, 
gave  some  umbrage  to  sensitive  patriots,  but  the  archbishop's  per- 
sonality overcame  objections.  When,  in  the  days  immeditely  suc- 
ceeding Commodore  Perry's  visit  and  treaty,  Nicolai  was  at  Hako- 
date, learning  the  language  and  seeking  an  entrance  into  the  in- 


RUSSIA  AND  JAPAN  15 

terior,  he  had  as  instructor  Joseph  H.  Neesima,  then  anxious  to 
leave  Japan  and  discover  the  secret  of  western  greatness.  Neesima 
came  to  this  country  on  a  trading  vessel  by  way  of  Shanghai  and 
Manila,  and  was  educated  at  Amherst  and  Andover.  Returning 
to  his  native  country,  he  was  instrumental  in  the  founding  of  the 
Doshisha  University,  which  under  Congregational  auspices  has 
grown  to  be  the  leading  private  institution  of  higher  learning  in  the 
country.  The  ablest  of  the  Christian  converts,  he  owed  his  power 
in  considerable  measure  to  his  association  with  Nicholai.  Dying 
when  at  his  prime  half  a  century  ago,  he  is  still  remembered  with 
affection  by  his  countrymen  here  and  at  home.  He  forms  an  inter- 
esting bond  between  religious  Russia  and  our  United  States. 

Twelve  years  ago  the  three  countries  came  into  close  diplomatic 
relations,  at  the  close  of  the  Russo-Japanese  War,  when  peace  was 
signed  at  Kittery  Bay  in  New  Hampshire  between  the  belligerents, 
through  the  good  offices  of  President  Roosevelt.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  these  negotiations,  carried  to  a  successful  issue,  began  a  period 
of  coolness  between  this  country  and  Japan.  The  Japanese  envoy, 
Baron  Komura,  returned  to  Tokyo  under  the  stigma  of  diplomatic 
defeat,  and  met  a  storm  of  unpopularity.  The  Japanese  people  Jiad 
fully  believed  that  a  substantial  indemnity,  such  as  had  been  exacted 
from  China  a  decade  before,  would  be  imposed  upon  defeated  Russia. 
His  fellow-countrymen  had  nearly  beggared  themselves  in  the  strug- 
gle, and  were  grievously  disappointed  when  Komura  came  back 
empty-handed.  Komura  and  his  friends,  however,  were  determined 
to  play  a  long  game.  They  meant  to  use  Russia  as  a  friend  or  a  tool, 
as  the  case  might  be,  for  the  exploitation  of  defenseless  China.  The 
war  had  begun  over  concessions  in  Korea  granted  to  high  Russian 
officials,  which  would  undoubtedly  have  led  the  way  to  a  final  ap- 
propriation of  the  peninsula.  Why  should  not  Japan  play  the  same 
game,  and  exploit  China  as  others — oace  her  own  dictators — had 
shown  the  way?  She  had  convinced  Russia  that  as  an  enemy  she 
was  altogether  too  formidable;  but  as  friends  and  associates  they 
might  arrive  at  a  profitable  understanding.  The  war  had  left  no 
bitter  sting  behind  it.  Russian  prisoners  had  been  treated  with  re- 
markable courtesy  and  kindliness  in  Japanese  prison  camps.  An  act 
of  international  courtesy  was  gracefully  performed  when  the  Jap- 
anese government  raised  a  monument  at  Port  Arthur  to  its  heroic 
Russian  defenders.  A  military  mission  from  Petrograd,  headed  by 
General  Gerngros,  who  had  fought  against  the  Japanese  in  Man- 
churia, and  which  was  accompanied  by  the  Archimandrite  Mission 
from  Peking,  represented  the  Czar  at  the  formal  dedication. 

There  occurred  also  a  tragedy  at  Harbin  which  offset  the  ugly 
attempt  on  the  Czarovitch's  life  nearly  twenty  years  before.  The 
foremost  figure  in  Japanese  councils,  the  veteran  Prince  Ito,  while 
the  guest  of  Russia  and  guarded  by  a  Russian  escort,  was  assassin- 


16  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY   OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

ated  by  a  Korean  fanatic.  He  had  come  to  meet  the  Russian  Min- 
ister of  Finance,  and  settle  upon  a  mutually  satisfactory  policy  in 
Manchuria  and  elsewhere.  Russian  officals  arrested  the  assassin, 
and  Kokovtseff  accompanied  the  body  of  the  dead  statesman  to 
Chiang-chun,  the  limits  of  "Russian"  territory.  Here  the  remains 
were  handed  over  to  his  countrymen,  China  being  wholly  ignored  in 
the  matter.  It  was  a  striking  confirmation  of  Russian  and  Japanese 
railway  "zone  sovereignty."  Thenceforward  the  two  imperial  na- 
tions were  to  act  together  in  establishing  a  grip  on  China  that  would 
mean  the  death  of  the  Open  Door  policy  to  which  the  United  States 
had  pledged  herself.  Just  a  year  ago  a  new  convention  was  made  with 
Russia,  summarized  by  the  Foreign  Office  at  Tokyo  under  two 
heads.  The  first  was  an  agreement  on  the  part  of  the  Mikado's 
government  that  it  would  not  participate  in  any  political  arrange- 
ment or  combination  against  Russia,  which  assumed  the  same  obli- 
gations; the  second,  that  if  the  special  interests  of  either  were 
threatened  in  Far  Eastern  territory,  that  it  would  confer  at  once  for 
mutual  support  and  cooperation.  The  Great  War  has  hurried  things 
up  to  this  point :  how  far  the  recent  revolution  at  Petrograd  will 
leave  Japan  isolated  still  remains  a  problem. 


DON  ExN'RIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA 


Henry  Dalton,  or  Don  Enrique  Dalton  as  he  was  called  in  pioneer 
days,  was  born  in  the  city  of  London,  England,  October  8,  1803,  the 
son  of  Winnall  Trobally  and  Anna  Dalton.  Henry  and  his  brother 
George  came  to  the  United  States,  both  being  Los  Angeles  County 
pioneers.  Another  brother,  John,  died  of  fever  at  Panama  on  his 
way  to  California. 

The  Dalton  family  claims  descent  from  Sir  Walter  de  Alton  of 
the  time  of  the  Conqueror.  A  large  estate  was  claimed  by  the  family 
during  the  late  eighteenth  century,  and  in  lengthy  chancery  pro- 
ceedings it  was  proved  that  the  recognized  heir  had  taken  passage 
for  America  in  a  sailing  ship  of  which  nothing  was  ever  after  heard. 
The  inability  to  prove  the  death  of  this  heir  without  issue  caused 
the  estate  to  revert  to  the  crown. 

Henry  Dalton  was  early  apprenticed'  to  an  elder  brother,  a  mer- 
chant tailor,  and  became  a  member  of  the  Tailors'  Guild,  one  of  the 
successors  of  those  early  craft  guilds  which  had  exerted  such  an  in- 
fluence in  the  city  of  London.  Such  occupation  must  have  seemed 
prosaic  to  him,  for  he  was  of  an  adventurous  spirit,  as  he  later  proved. 
Other  fields  seemed  to  offer  him  greater  opportunities,  and  he  left 
England  for  Peru  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  Only  once,  in  1832,  did 
he  revisit  England.  During  this  visit  his  elder  brother  pointed  out 
to  him  Mctoria,  then  Duchess  of  Kent,  remarking,  "There  goes  our 
future  queen."  However,  the  land  of  his  nativity  was  always  the 
land  of  his  allegiance,  for  Henry  Dalton  died,  as  he  had  lived,  a  sub- 
ject of  Great  Britain. 

In  the  city  of  Lima,  Peru,  Dalton  lived  for  about  twenty-five 
years,  building  up  an  extensive  general  merchandising  trade.  He 
was  also  for  a  time  British  consular  agent  at  Lima.  His  chief  asso- 
ciate was  James  Bowman,  later  a  San  Francisco  merchant.  They 
owned  several  ships  trading  up  the  west  coast.  It  may  readily  be 
supposed  that  information  brought  by  these  ships  caused  Dalton  to 
come  to  investigate  California's  possibilities. 

Dalton  came  to  California  as  super  cargo  of  the  Mexican  brig 
"Soledad,"  of  105  tons,  from  Mazatlan,  which  was  on  the  coast  from 
October  to  December,  1843.^ 

Settling  in  Los  Angeles,  he  bought  in  1844,  from  Rafael  Guirado, 
father-in-law  of  Gov.  Downey,  for  $400,  part  cash  and  part  merchan- 
dise, a  lot  fronting  about  300  feet  each  on  Main  and  Spring  Streets, 

1.    Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Cal.,  2:773;  4:400,   568. 


18  HISTORICAL  SOCIETV  OF  SOUTHERX   CALIFORNIA 

with  its  northern  Hne  at  what  is  now  Court  Street.  On  the  Alain 
Street  front  of  this  property  he  built  an  adobe  store,  where  he  dis- 
posed of  cargoes  arriving  for  him  at  San  Pedro  to  the  rancheros  in 
exchange,  principally,  for  hides,  tallow,  wine  and  some  grain.  In 
later  years  the  varied  products  of  his  ranchos  were  sold  through  this 
store.  It  was  conducted  by  Dalton,  through  a  manager,  until  1860, 
when  John  MacDonald,  then  manager,  died  through  having  taken  an 
overdose  of  laudanum  while  grieving  over  the  death  of  a  favorite 
daughter.  The  accounts  of  the  store,  admirably  kept,  for  the  most 
part,  by  Dalton  himself,  carry  the  names  of  all  the  early  prominent 
men  of  the  county. 

On  the  Spring  Street  front  of  the  Guiardo  lot  Dalton  built  the 
first  wooden  residence  in  the  pueblo.  From  its  three  gables  it  was 
known  as  "La  casa  de  trcs  picas"  and  "The  Three  Sisters."  It  was 
panelled  inside  with  mahogany,  was  one  and  a  half  stories  high,  and 
was  one  of  the  pretentious  buildings  of  the  town. 

Dalton  owned  several  other  tracts  in  Los  Angeles.  One.  of  about 
thirteen  acres,  lay  on  both  sides  of  the  river  south  of  Aliso  Street. 
Another  was  granted  him  by  the  Ayuntamiento  in  November,  1845, 
and  was  known  as  "Dalton's  100  vara  lot."  It  extended  from  Main 
to  Spring  on  both  sides  of  Third  Street.  In  later  years  a  portion  of 
an  old  adobe  house  on  this  lot  was  rented  as  a  tonsorial  emporium  by 
a  barber  named  "Nigger  Pete."  Still  another  tract  was  bought  by 
Dalton  in  1854  from  Ygnacio  Maria  Alvarado  and  the  Nieto  heirs, 
fronting  150  feet  on  Main  Street  and  stretching  east  to  the  old  Zanja, 
for  $2400.  On  this  lot  Dalton  built,  in  1857,  the  first  two-story  brick 
residence  in  the  pueblo,  costing  $7000.  Adjoining  this  residence  was 
an  adobe  building  used  as  a  warehouse  by  Dalton,  and  occupied  dur- 
ing part  of  1862  as  quarters  by  Co.  I,  Fourth  U.  S.  Infantry.  St. 
Vibiana's  Cathedral  is  now  located  on  this  last  tract. 

Dalton  early  aspired  to  become  a  ranchero,  tut  in  this  he  seemed 
doomed'  to  disappointment,  since  on  August  14,  1844,  the  Depart- 
mental Government  of  the  Californias  forbade  the  authorization  or 
legalization  of  sales  of  lands  by  the  proper  authorities.  Unusual 
circumstances,  however,  caused  a  special  arrangement  to  be  made 
which  favored  Dalton. 

The  first  phase  of  the  revolution  of  1844  against  Gov.  Michel- 
torena  had  closed  with  the  Treaty  of  Santa  Teresa.  The  governor, 
however,  was  preparing  for  eventualities.  Early  in  December,  1844, 
he  sent  orders  to  Los  Angeles  that  Andres  Pico,  with  Pio  Pico  and 
Jose  A.  Carrillo,  should  organize  a  force  to  assist  him  in  "suffocating 
a  rebellion."-  The  pueblo  was  penniless,  but  these  officers  knew  of 
one  means  of  raising  money.  Luis  Arenas  owed  the  "national  treas- 
ury" a  thousand  dollars,  which  he  could  pay  only  if  the  sale  of  his 

2.     L.  A.  Co.  Deeds,  4:355-359. 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  19 

lands  was  authorized.  The  Picos  and  Carrillo  signed  a  document 
in  which  they  stated  that  by  the  special  powers  given  them  by  the 
governor  they  granted  extraordinary  permission  for  the  authoriza- 
tion of  the  sale  of  Arenas'  land,  '"these  being  the  only  means  we  de- 
pend upon  in  order  to  equip  the  number  of  men  now  ready  to  enlist 
under  the  aforesaid  chief."  This  document  was  signed  December 
24,  1844,  and  on  the  same  day  Alcalde  Manuel  Requena  authorized 
the  sale.  The  deed  from  Arenas  to  Dalton,  dated  December  19th, 
was  witnessed  by  Juan  Bandini,  Abel  Stearns  and  Juan  Manso,  and 
was  signed  also  by,  or  for.  Ygnacio  Palomares  and  Ricardo  Vejar, 
associate  owners  of  the  San  Jose,  as  evidence  of  their  satisfaction 
with  the  sale.  Under  this  deed  Arenas  transferred  to  Dalton  a  one- 
third  interest  in  the  Ranchos  San  Jose  and  San  Jose  Addition,  the 
entire  Rancho  Azusa,  700  head  of  stock,  and  all  farming  implements 
on  the  ranchos,  for  $7000,  which,  according  to  custom,  he  declared 
was  all  they  were  worth. 

In  recording  the  history  of  the  rebellion,  early  in  1845,  which 
was  finally  successful  against  Gov.  Micheltorena,  Bancroft  states^ 
tiiat  Dalton  was  a  member  of  the  company  of  foreigners  formed  to 
assist  the  rebels.  This  must  be  in  error.  Nowhere  in  the  Dalton 
papers  is  there  mention  of  such  service,  and  Mr.  W.  A.  Dalton  states 
he  knows  nothing  of  such  service  by  his  father. 

There  was  a  general  form  of  proceedure  in  the  obtaining  of  land 
grants  under  Mexican  rule.  The  person  desiring  the  grant  forward- 
ed his  petition  for  a  named  or  described  tract  usually  to  the  gover- 
nor. The  petition  was  referred  by  the  governor  in  earlier  times  to 
the  Ayuntamiento  of  the  pueblo  nearest  the  land.  A  committee  of 
the  Ayuntamiento  held  hearings,  duly  announced,  at  which  any  ad- 
verse claims  might  be  shown.  The  report  of  this  committee,  ap- 
proved by  the  Ayuntamiento,  then  went  to  the  governor.  In  later 
years,  the  governor  referred  the  petition  to  the  prefect  of  the  district 
in  which  the  land  was  located,  and  the  prefect  himself,  or  by  a 
deputized  alcalde,  held  hearings  on  adverse  claims,  and  reported  to 
the  governor.  A  report  was  also  obtained  for  the  governor  from 
the  administrator  of  any  mission  which  might  be  supposed  to  claim 
the  land.  If  the  governor  then  approved  the  grant,  the  papers  were 
laid  before  the  Departmental  Assembly,  and  if  their  approval  was 
given  the  grant  became  a  reality.  The  papers  came  then  to  the 
Ayuntamiento  with  instructions  to  give  the  grantee  possession.  A 
duly  authorized  alcalde,  with  several  assistants,  then  went  to  the 
land,  located  the  boundaries  by  means  of  selected  landmarks,  physi- 
cal features,  marked  trees  and  rock  heaps,  and  recorded  these  marks 
in  a  written  instrument  known  as  the  act  of  juridical  possession. 

3.     Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Cal.,  2:774;  4:495. 


20  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

The  complete  papers  in  the  case  were  known  as  the  cxpediente,  and 
formed  the  grantee's  title  to  the  land. 

These  grants  were  made  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  settlers  on 
the  land,  and  a  general  condition  of  the  grants  required  the  erection 
and  occupation  of  a  residence  within  one  year.  To  retain  settlers, 
grantees  were  prohibited  from  alienating  their  lands.  A  grantee 
could  fence  his  land  if  he  did  so  "without  prejudice  to  anybody,  or 
interfering  with  crossings  or  roads."  Grants  were  also  made  with 
the  condition  that  the  grantee  should  not  enjoin  persons  from  cut- 
ting timber  "so  long  as  it  is  done  according  to  the  laws  of  wood 
cutting  in  the  forests." 

On  March  24,  1837,  Ygnacio  Palomares  and  Ricardo  \^ejar  pe- 
titioned for  the  grant  of  "the  place  known  as  San  Jose."  They  were 
described  in  the  report  of  the  committee  of  the  Ayuntamiento  as 
native  Mexicans  who  had  rendered  personal  services  to  the  govern- 
ment and  had  sufficient  cattle  to  cover  the  land  requested.  Juan  B. 
Alvarado,  governor  ad  interim,  approved  the  grant  April  15,  1837. 
Juridical  possession  was  given  by  Alcalde  Don  Jose  Sepulveda,  father 
of  the  late  Judge  Ygnacio  Sepulveda,  August  3,  1837. 

Some  time  in  1838  Gov.  Alvarado  wrote  Palomares  stating  that 
if  he  and  Vejar  would  admit  Luis  Arenas  as  an  equal  partner  in  the 
San  Jose  an  additional  league  of  land  would  be  granted  the  three. 
Palomares  and  ^'ejar  agreed  to  this  proposition,  and  they,  together 
with  Arenas,  signed  the  petition  for  the  new  grant  December  16, 
1839.  When  this  petition  was  referred  to  Juan  Bandini,  then  ad- 
ministrator of  Mission  San  Gabriel,  he  very  tersely  stated  that  the 
land  "has  belonged  and  now  belongs  to  San  Gabriel  ]\lission."  The 
effect  of  this  statement  was  doubtless  overcome  by  the  statement 
of  the  prefect  of  the  district  that  this  as  well  as  other  land  claimed 
by  the  Mission  was  not  occupied  by  it.  On  March  14.  1840,  Gov. 
Alvarado  approved  the  grant  to  Palomares,  \'ejar  and  Arenas,  in 
common,  of  the  old  San  Jose,  and  of  an  additional  league,  henceforth 
called  the  San  Jose  Addition.  Juridical  possession,  with  reference 
to  the  Addition,  was  given  May  7,  1840.  by  Alcalde  Don  Felipe  Lugo. 

On  August  14,  1841,  Arenas  again  petitioned  for  a  grant,  this 
time  for  land  lying  west  of  the  San  Jose  Addition,  called  "El  Susa" 
or  The  Azusa.  This  petition  raised  the  ire  of  Padre  Thomas  Es- 
tenega  of  Mission  San  Gabriel.  He  stated  the  land  belonged  to  the 
Mission.  Further  he  would  not  report,  but  he  gave  out  a  significant 
hint  that,  with  the  approaching  visitation  of  the  bishop,  not  only 
would  the  further  granting  of  mission  lands  be  stopped,  but  grants 
already  made  would  be  revoked.  This  half-threat  availed  nothing. 
The  land  was  reported  vacant,  and  on  November  8,  1841,  the  grant 
was  approved  by  Manuel  Jimeno,  "senior  member  of  the  most  ex- 
cellent departmental  junta."  Juridical  possession  was  given  April  26, 


I 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  21 

1842,  by  either  Alcalde  Don  Ygnacio  Alvarado  or  Don  Felipe  Lugo, 
— which  one  is  not  certain. 

One  official  declared  that  Arenas  desired  the  Azusa  "for  the 
purpose  of  squaring  his  land,  and  it  does  not  afford  any  other  ad- 
vantage." This  reputation  may  have  come  because  of  the  unsavory 
derivation  of  the  name.  Here  was  a  rancheria  of  those  Indians  nom- 
inally attached  to  Mission  San  Gabriel,  called  in  the  Shoshonean 
Asuicsagna,  and  in  the  Serrano  dialect  Ashukshavit,  meaning,  lit- 
erally, skunk  place.*  It  was  doubtless  so  named  from  the  fact  that 
skunks  infested  the  hill  which  in  pioneer  days  was  occupied  by  the 
adobe  dwelling  and  extensive  ranch  buildings,  displaced  now  by 
Citrus  Union  High  School  in  the  present  Azusa. 

Knowledge  of  the  extent  and  boundaries  of  these  ranchos  as  given 
in  the  acts  of  juridical  possession  is  necessary  to  an  understanding 
of  the  subsequent  litigation.  The  grant  of  the  San  Jose  was  by 
boundary,  no  quantity  of  land  being  mentioned.  The  boundaries 
were  the  "mountains  of  San  Gabriel"  on  the  north,  the  Arroyo  San 
Antonio  on  the  east,  and  the  Lomas  de  Santa  Ana  and  La  Puente 
on  the  south  and  southwest.  Going  east  along  the  foothills  from  the 
San  Gabriel  Canon,  the  lesser  canons  are,  in  order,  the  Big  Dalton 
(formerly  called  both  Boca  Negra  and  San  Jose),  the  San  Dimas 
and  the  San  Antonio.  At  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Dalton  Canon  a  tree 
was  selected  as  a  landmark,  and  in  it  "was  placed  the  head  of  a  beef 
and  some  of  its  limbs  chopped."  This  tree  was  known  as  the  Sepul- 
veda  Oak,  after  the  alcalde.  This  was  the  true  northwest  corner  of 
the  rancho.  At  its  southwest  corner,  on  the  old  San  Bernardino 
road,  was  another  landmark.  El  Encino  de  la  Tinaja,  or  the  Tinaja 
Oak,  the  common  corner  of  the  San  Jose,  the  Addition  and  La 
Puente,  and  long  one  of  the  well  known  landmarks  of  the  county. 

The  Addition  joined  the  San  Jose  on  the  west.  At  its  northwest 
corner  was  the  Loma  de  San  Felipe,  St.  Phillip's  Hill,  mentioned  as 
"a  small  red  hill,"  and  so  named  because  possession  was  given  on 
St.  Phillip's  Day.  It  stands  at  the  head  of  the  present  Citrus  Ave- 
nue, just  north  of  the  Pacific  Electric  tracks.  The  Addition  was 
one  of  those  grants  later  called  floating  grants,  that  is,  grants  of  a 
specified  area  inside  given  boundaries  enclosing  a  greater  area.  The 
Azusa,  like  the  Addition,  was  for  one  league  in  specified  exteriors. 
The  boundaries  given  were  "the  sierra"  on  the  north,  the  River  of 
Azusa,  or  San  Gabriel,  and  the  land  of  Andres  Duarte  on  the  west, 
the  road  to  San  Jose,  now  called  the  old  San  Bernardino  road,  on 
the  south,  and  the  San  Jose  Addition  on  the  east.  San  Felipe  Hill 
was  a  common  corner  of  the  Azusa  and  the  Addition,  from  which 
it  will  be  seen  the  three  ranchos  were  continuous.  The  "road  to  San 
Jose  was  a  common  boundary  of  the  Azusa  and  La  Puente. 


4.     Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arcli.  Ethn.  Vol.  12,  No.  2,  p.  35. 


22  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

When  \'ejar  signified  his  satisfaction  with  the  sale  of  Arenas' 
interest  in  the  ranclios  to  DaUon,  he  also  asked  that  the  San  Jose 
and  Addition  be  partitioned  between  the  three  owners.  Proposals 
were  evidently  made  in  the  matter  by  the  interested  parties,  for  V'ejar 
and  Dalton  on  November  16,  1845,  petitioned  Alcalde  \'icente  San- 
chez for  a  conciliation  with  Palomares  on  the  partition.  The  record 
of  the  proceedings  is  not  complete,  but  it  appears  Palomares  made 
certain  conditions  which  were,  at  least  partially,  not  agreeable  to 
Dalton.  On  January  19,  1846,  Alcalde  Juan  Gallardo  gave  notice 
that  he  would  make  the  partition,  and  on  February  11th,  with  An- 
tonio F.  Coronel  as  his  assistant,  the  partition  was  made  on  the 
premises.  The  alcalde  states  that  "all  were  satisfied  except  Don 
Ygnacio  Palomares,  who  in  a  disrespectful  manner  left,  saying  he 
was  not  satisfied."  Whatever  may  be  said  of  Palomares'  dissatis- 
faction, it  at  least  is  true  that  the  partition  was  respected  till  Amer- 
ican officials  disregarded  it.  A  survey  and  map  according  to  this 
partition  were  made  by  Jaspar  O'Farrell,  and  the  map  is  of  record. 

The  original  grantees  of  these  ranchos,  Palomares,  Vejar  and 
Arenas,  were  related.  Palomares.  a  member  of  that  family  prominent 
since  Spanish  times,  was  an  alcalde  of  Los  Angeles.  His  daughter 
Teresa  married  Ricardo  Vejar,  while  his  sister  Josef  a  married,  as 
her  second  husband,  Luis  Arenas.  Vejar,  though  grantee  of  a  prin- 
cipality, died  poor  at  Spadra.  Arenas,  a  native  of  Hermosillo,  So- 
nora,  came  to  Los  Angeles  in  1834,  where  he  held  several  offices, 
including  that  of  alcalde.  He  was  seized  by  the  "gold  fever"  in  later 
years  and  went  north  to  the  mines.  He  acquired  some  gold  by  "dig- 
ging," but  more  by  gambling.  It  is  said  he  would  wager  his  gold 
by  the  hatful.  An  affidavit  with  his  signature,  dated  October  15, 
1852,  is  of  record.'*    He  died  poor  at  San  Jose. 

Early  in  1845  Dalton  petitioned  for  the  grant  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisquito.  The  grant  was  approved  by  Pio  Pico,  governor  ad  interim, 
May  26,  1845,  but  not  by  the  Departmental  Assembly  till  June  9,  1846. 
This  rancho  contained  two  leagues,  and  was  bounded  on  the  east  by 
the  San  Gabriel  River,  across  which  lay  the  Azusa.  Bancroft  states'^ 
that  Padre  Tomas  Estenega  was  reprimanded  for  the  sale  to  Dalton 
in  1845  of  San  Gabriel  Mission  lands  for  $400.  The  lands  are  not 
located,  but  that  they  formed  a  part  of  the  San  Francisquito  seems 
improbable. 

The  petition  of  Dalton  for  lands  lying  north  of  Azusa  was  made 
March  12,  1845.  The  committee  of  the  Ayuntamiento  reported  fa- 
vorably that  he  be  granted  "the  mountains  and  canons  of  Azusa 
stream  and  Boca  Negra,  excepting  San  Dimas."  Why  the  grant  was 
never  made  does  not  appear. 

5.  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Cal., 
coast  in  1S47,  but  I  have  no 

6.  Ibid.,    4:548,    637. 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  23 

Dal'ton  was  administrator  of  Mission  San  Gabriel  in  1846.'  On 
June  10th,  he  handed  his  resignation  to  the  governor,  mentioning 
the  four  months  of  his  charge  and  submittting  a  statement  of  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Alission,  and  of  its  accounts,  showing  a  balance  due  him 
of  over  $200.  He  states  that  "although  he  has  incurred  some  ex- 
pense he  has  claimed  nothing  for  his  own  services  nor  his  own  de- 
pendents." One  of  the  largest  items  in  his  bill  is  for  "clothes,  soap, 
money,  etc.,  distributed  to  the  Indians."  The  pressure  of  the  credit- 
ors of  the  Mission  caused  Gov.  Pico  to  appoint  Antonio  Cat  and 
Perfecto  Hugo  Reid  commissioners  to  audit  the  claims  against  the 
establishment.  The  result  was  that  on  June  8,  1846,  Pico  approved 
the  grant  of  the  remaining  ^Mission  estate  to  Reid  and  Wm.  Work- 
man on  condition  that  they  should  pay  all  debts  against  the  estab- 
lishment, support  the  padre  and  pay  the  expenses  of  worship.  Reid's 
interest  passed  to  Aaron  Pollard  of  San  Francisco  April  1,  1852, 
under  foreclosure  proceedings.  In  1854  Dalton  began  suit  to  collect 
his  claim  from  Workman  and  Pollard,  but  the  whole  matter  came 
to  nothing  when  the  United  States  refused  to  recognize  the  validity 
of  the  grant  by  Pico. 

At  this  time  began  the  "passage  of  arms"  which  ultimately  re- 
sulted in  the  loss  of  CaHfornia  by  Mexico  to  the  United  States.  In 
common  with  all  rancheros,  Dalton  was  required  to  furnish  an  armed 
and  mounted  man  for  the  army.  This  man  was  armed  with  lance 
and  "machete"  made  by  the  blacksmith  at  Azusa.  His  further  equip- 
ment was  doubtless  similar  to  that  of  a  man  previously  sent  from 
the  rancho,  as  described  in  the  notes  of  the  mayordomo  of  the  Azusa : 
"Received  a  circular  that  numbered  a  man  from  every  farm  to  go 
out  on  the  campaign.  Was  obliged  to  get  a  man  to  go  for  the  farm. 
Gave  said  man  three  horses,  as  the  bando  (circular)  said,  to  go  on; 
likewise  $30  in  goods  and  one  fancga  of  corn  meal  for  his  journey." 
In  December,  1846,  when  Gen.  Jose  Maria  Flores  began  prepara- 
tions for  his  last  attempt  to  save  California  to  Mexico  he  obtained 
his  supplies  from  Dalton.  Flores  made  affidavit  in  1851  that  he 
had  appointed  Don  Francisco  Figueroa  his  paymaster,  and  that  Fig- 
ueroa  "issued  a  certificate  of  the  value  of  sixty  odd  thousand  pesos 
in  favor  of  Don  Enrique  Dalton,  on  account  of  money,  merchandise, 
powder,  armaments  and  food  which  he  granted  by  way  of  assistance 
to  the  troops  under  my  command."  This  "assistance"  was,  however, 
a  forced  loan.  Bancroft  states*  that,  in  order  to  further  the  payment 
of  the  certificates  issued  by  Figueroa,  Flores  planned  to  send  to 
Mexico  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  battle  of  the  Chino  Rancho,  Sep- 
tember 26  and  27,  1846,  in  order  to  "show  results"  to  the  central 
government,  but  the  project  failed.    A  quantity  of  hides  and  tallow 


24  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

in  a  warehouse  at  San  Pedro  belonging  to  Dalton  were  also  destroyed 
by  Mexican  troops.  These  items  formed  the  basis  of  a  claim  by 
Dalton  against  the  Mexican  government.  Otherwfse  the  change  of 
regime  came  quietly  to  him. 

Dalton  purchased,  May  29,  1847,  for  $2000,  from  Perfecto  Hugo 
Reid,  the  great  Rancho  Santa  Anita,  containing  three  square  leagues. 
The  grant  to  Reid  was  approved  by  Gov.  Pio  Pico,  and,  later,  by  the 
Departmental  Assembly,  May  7,  1845.  There  is  a  myth  to  the  effect 
that  Dalton  secured  the  rancho  for  forty  yards  of  calico,  but  it  should 
be  remembered  that  Reid  was  a  Scotchman !  The  Santa  Anita  ad- 
joined the  San  Francisquito  on  the  north,  thereby  making  the  Dalton 
ranches  a  continuous  property. 

On  July  31,  1847,  Henry  Dalton  was  baptized  at  IMission  San 
Gabriel,  Perfecto  Hugo  Reid  standing  with  him.^  This  ceremony 
doubtless  shortly  preceded  his  marriage  to  ^laria  Guadalupe  Zam- 
orano,  daughter  of  Augustin  Vicente  Zamorano,  and  his  wife,  form- 
erly Maria  Luisa  Arguello,  two  family  names  prominent  in  Cali- 
fornia history.  Senora  Dalton  was  born  in  Monterey,  December  18, 
1832.  Her  beauty  is  often  mentioned.  I  have  the  word  of  a  pioneer, 
a  squatter  at  Azusa,  who  knew  her  after  middle  age,  who  spoke  of 
her  fine  appearance.  A  bell  given  by  a  priest  to  Senora  Dalton  at  her 
wedding  is  now  in  the  possession  of  her  son  Joseph  at  Azusa.  To 
the  great  ranch  house  on  Azusa  Hill  the  young  bride  came. 

The  status  of  the  land  grant  owners  was  recognized  as  a  vital 
question  in  the  peace  negotiations  at  the  close  of  the  Mexican  War. 
The  tenth  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  covered  this 
point,  but  it  was  stricken  out  on  the  passage  of  the  treaty  by  the 
United  States  Senate.  Its  place  was  taken,  however,  by  a  clause 
in  the  protocol  signed  at  Queretaro,  May  26,  1848,  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  Mexico  and  the  United  States.  This  iclause  stated  that 
the  United  States  recognized  existing  legitimate  titles  of  all  prop- 
erty, and  did  not  desire  to  annul  the  Mexican  grants  of  land.  It  was 
recognized  that  national  legislation  must  be  enacted  for  the  purpose 
of  confirming  titles  and  definitely  locating  the  boundaries  of  the 
grants.  This  was  provided  for  in  the  act  of  Congress,  approved 
March  3,  1851,  known  as  the  "Act  to  Ascertain  and  Settle  the  Private 
Land  Claims  in  the  State  of  California."  For  the  confirmation  of 
titles  of  the  grants,  this  act  created  a  "Board  of  Land  Commission- 
ers," to  which  claimants  were  to  submit  all  evidence  on  which  their 
claims  were  founded.  From  the  Board's  decision  either  party,  the 
claimant  or  the  United  States,  might  appeal,  first  to  the  L^nited  States 
District  Court,  and  next,  and  finally,  to  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court.  Claimants  in  southern  California  were  handicapped  by  their 
distance  from  the  tribunals  and  other  authorities  before  whom  their 

9.     Sugranes,  The  Old  San  Gabriel  MissioTi,  102. 


DON  EXRIQVE  DALTOX  OF  THE  AZUSA  25 

claims  must  be  laid.  The  Board  sat  in  Los  Angeles  only  for  a  time 
in  September  and  October,  1852,  and  for  the  remainder  of  its  exist- 
ence in  San  Francisco.  A  United  States  District  Court  was  created 
for  southern  California,  and  for  a  time  this  convened  in  Los  Angeles, 
but  it,  too,  was  removed.  Even  the  district  land  office  was  for  a 
time  closed  in  Los  Angeles,  and  during  this  time  records  invaluable 
in  the  prosecution  of  claims  must  be  consulted  in  San  Francisco. 
After  the  validity  of  the  grant  was  confirmed,  its  boundaries  must 
be  located.  The  act  provided  for  these  surveys  by  creating  a  sur- 
veyor-general for  California,  located  in  San  Francisco,  whose  deputy 
surveyors  made  all  surveys  of  confirmed  grants.  From  such  sur- 
veys any  claimant  might  appeal  to  the  Commissioner  of  the  General 
Land  Office,  and,  finally,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  After 
the  final  decision  on  the  survey  the  patent  issued. 

Li  this  entire  proceedure  it  will  be  noted  that  the  United  States 
compelled  the  claimant  to  fight  for  his  rights,  opposing  him  at  every 
point.  Two  judicial  opinions  are  quoted  to  illuminate  the  proceedure. 
"Parties  to  a  decree  of  confirmation  are  not  at  liberty  to  question 
its  correctness  or  ask  for  any  modification."  "From  the  action  of 
the  Surveyor-General,  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office  and 
Secretary  of  the  Literior,  there  is  no  appeal.  .  .  .  The  action 
of  the  Department  is  final,  however  much  injustice  it  may  do  the 
grantees."  These  are  the  word's  which  brought  despair  to  more 
than  one  claimant  whose  title,  though  valid  in  1848,  was  denied 
after  years  of  costly  litigation. 

Before  the  Board  of  Land  Commissioners,  sitting  in  Los  Angeles, 
Dalton  filed  the  claims  to  his  five  ranches  on  September  10,  14  and 

29,  1852.  Dalton's  subsequent  connection  with  the  Santa  Anita  and 
San  Francisquito  was  comparatively  short,  and  the  litigation  over 
them  less  protracted,  so  they  may  be  quickly  disposed  of. 

The  claim  for  the  Santa  Anita  was  approved  by  both  the  Board 
and  the  District  Court,  from  which  no  appeal  was  taken.    On  May 

30,  1854,  Dalton  sold  the  now  famous  rancho,  together  with  thirteen 
acres  lying  on  both  side  of  Los  Angeles  River,  in  the  present  Los 
Angeles,  to  Joseph  A.  Rowe  of  San  Francisco,  for  $40,000.  Rowe 
was  a  circus  man  and  desired  the  land  for  winter  quarters.  The 
proceeds  of  the  sale  were  invested  by  Dalton  in  a  dock  in  San  Fran- 
cisco, in  which  his  former  Peruvian  partner,  James  Bowman,  was 
also  interested.  The  patent  for  the  Santa  Anita,  covering  13,319 
acres,  was  signed  by  President  Johnson,  August  9,  1866. 

Dalton's  title  to  the  San  Francisquito  was  upheld  by  the  Board, 
but  this  decision  was  reversed  by  the  District  Court.  On  appeal  to 
the  Supreme  Court,  however,  Dalton  won  his  case.  During  the  sub- 
sequent survey  the  southern  boundary  of  the  rancho  was  in  dispute. 
This  was  given  in  the  act  of  juridical  possession  as  "the  road  from 
Mission  San  Gabriel  to  La  Puente,"  but  between  the  time  of  the 


26  HISTORICAL   SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

grant  and  the  survey  the  old  road  fell  into  disuse  and  a  new  one 
took  its  place.  At  the  junction  of  the  two  roads  a  large  post  long 
bore  Dalton's  brand.  Dalton  carried  his  point,  the  old  road  was 
accepted  as  the  boundary,  and  President  Johnson  signed  the  patent 
May  30,  1867,  covering  8893  acres.  Dalton  showed  his  business 
ability  and  appreciation  of  conditions  brought  about  by  the  influx  of 
people,  by  having  the  San  Francisquito  surveyed  and  put  on  the 
market  in  small  tracts,  selling  for  a  cash  payment  and  the  balance 
of  the  purchase  price  on  time.  He  sold  a  third  of  the  ranch  to  John 
O.  Wheeler,  clerk  of  the  United  States  District  Court,  and  the  rest 
went  to  actual  settlers.  The  town  variously  called  Lexington,  "Lick- 
skillick"  and  El  Monte  formed  on  the  southern  part,  on  the  Over- 
land Mail  and  Los  Angeles — San  Bernardino  stage  routes.  Here, 
too,  was  the  Willow  Grove  Hotel,  then  a  well  known  hostelry.  Ira 
Thompson,  its  urbane  proprietor,  informed  the  public  that  he  had 
"laid  off  the  grounds  in  a  handsome  manner,  there  being  a  large 
grove  where  visitors  can  enjoy  the  cool  and  refreshing  breeze  even 
in  the  hottest  days."  The  last  tract  in  the  rancho  was  sold  in  July, 
1875,  by  Dalton  to  W.  S.  and  A.  B.  Chapman.  The  proceeds  of 
these  sales  were  generally  used  as  they  were  paid'  Dalton  for  costs 
of  litigation. 

Dalton's  claims  for  the  Azusa  and  his  portion  of  the  San  Jose  and 
Addition  were  approved  by  both  the  Board  and  the  United  States 
District  Court,  and  notice  being  given  by  the  L^nited  States  Attorney 
General  that  no  appeal  was  contemplated,  the  District  Court  made 
its  approval  final  June  4,  1857.  A  significant  feature  of  these  de- 
cisions is  that  the  Board  approved  the  claims  of  Palomares,  \'ejar 
and  Dalton,  granting  to  each  the  portion  allotted  under  the  partition 
of  Alcalde  Gallardo  as  shown  on  the  O'Farrell  map,  whereas  the 
District  Court  disregarded  this  partition  and  confirmed  to  each  an 
undivided  one-third  of  the  San  Jose  and  Addition,  making  them 
tenants  in  common. 

The  validity  of  the  grants  having  been  upheld,  the  surveys  were 
now  in  order.  That  these  were  costly  items  may  be  shown  by  a  letter 
received  at  a  later  time  by  Dalton,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  the 
Surveyor-General  was  ready  to  appoint  a  deputy  to  commence  a 
survey  on  the  deposit  of  $367  in  gold  coin.  In  October  and  Novem- 
ber, 1858,  Henry  Hancock  ran  his  survey  of  the  San  Jose,  Addition 
and  Azusa.  He  testified  that  he  paid  no  attention  to  the  O'Farrell 
map,  and  he  would  not  consult  the  witnesses  by  whom  Dalton  ex- 
pected to  prove  location  of  landmarks.  Angry  words  passed  between 
them.  These  things  make  of  pointed  value  the  words  of  Bancroft, 
who   said,'"  speaking  of  the  surveyors,  that  their  "judgment   was 

10.     Bancroft.  Hist,  of  Cal.,  6:548. 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  27 

often  more  or  less  influenced  by  the  guidance  of  interested  parties." 
These  parties,  it  appears,  came  later. 

The  striking  errors  of  Hancock's  survey  were  many.  For  the 
northwestern  corner  of  San  Jose,  he  took,  not  the  Sepulveda  Oak, 
but  one  about  three  miles  southeast,  on  the  recently  surveyed  San 
Bernardino  Base  Line.  This  tree  became  known  as  the  Botello  Oak, 
from  Narcisso  Botello,  who  declared  it  to  be  the  true  corner.  Botello 
had  been  an  instrumental  witness  at  the  juridical  possession.  The 
tree  had  been  marked  by  Col.  Henry  Washington  at  the  survey  of 
the  Base  Line,  and  carried  two  marks,  one  on  the  east,  one  on  the 
west  side,  to  designate  an  east  and  west  line.  San  Felipe  Hill,  a 
true  corner  common  to  the  Azusa  and  the  Addition,  was  taken  as  a 
landmark  for  the  former,  but  not  for  the  Addition.  Instead,  there- 
fore, of  the  western  line  of  the  Addition  being  also  the  eastern  line 
of  the  Azusa  the  two  did  not  touch  at  any  point.  In  fact,  at  its 
closest  approach  to  the  Azusa,  the  Addition  lacked  five-twelfths  of 
a  mile  of  touching  it.  The  southern  line  of  the  Azusa  was  given  as 
the  road  to  San  Jose,  now  the  old  San  Bernardino  road,  but  Han- 
cock ran  the  line  parallel  to,  but  one  and  three-quarters  miles  from, 
this  road,  excluding  some  of  the  finest  land  while  including  in  its 
place  parts  of  the  bed  of  the  river  not  to  this  day  under  cultivation. 
This  last  error  is  the  most  glaring  because  Hancock  himself  ran  the 
survey  of  the  La  Puente,  placing  its  northern  line  on  the  old  San 
Bernardino  road.  In  the  act  of  juridical  possession  of  the  La  Puente 
its  boundaries  are  mentioned  thus  :  "The  land  adjoins  and  is  bounded 
by  the  lands  known  by  the  names  Rancho  de  San  Jose,  de  Los 
Nogales,  de  Zusa,  de  Don  Juan  Perez,  de  Los  Coyotes  and  Rio  de 
San  Gabriel."  Hancock  thus  excluded  about  18,000  acres  from  the 
three  grants.  Much  of  this  land  was  actually  under  tillage,  some 
fenced,  and  a  portion  formed  Dalton's  rodeo  ground.  It  should  be 
recalled  that  Arenas,  in  petitioning  for  the  Azusa,  stated  that  he 
wished  it  to  be  next  to  the  west  of  the  Addition  "that  my  field  estates 
may  without  interruption  be  extended." 

Shortly  after  the  Hancock  survey  squatters  appeared  on  both 
the  south  and  east  lines  of  the  circumscribed  Azusa.  They  filed 
homestead  and  pre-emption  claims,  declaring  the  land  to  be  govern- 
ment land.  A  large  proportion  of  these  had  been  employed  by  Dal- 
ton,  or  had  been  his  tenants,  and  some  had  been  befriended  by  him 
in  trouble.  Many  came  only  to  clear  and  sell  the  timber  on  the  land, 
and  hundreds  of  cords  were  taken  off  in  this  way.  Their  houses 
were  mostly  mere  shacks,  and  they  cultivated  little  till  much  later 
years.  Dalton  endeavored  to  be  rid  of  the  squatters  through  eject- 
ment proceedings,  but  he  was  given  no  help  in  this  by  the  author- 
ities. Before  the  adjudication  of  Dalton's  claims,  the  squatters  were 
but  trespassers  and  the  failure  to  give  Dalton  relief  by  ejectment  is 
peculiar,  especially  in  the  light  of  a  known  incident  which  was  re- 


28  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

lated  by  a  pioneer.  This  pioneer  stated  that  he  and  a  friend,  having 
word  from  an  attorney  that  land  titles  were  not  good,  squatted  on 
land  claimed  by  the  late  "Lucky"  Baldwin.  The  next  day  they  were 
ejected  by  the  United  States  marshall.  Why  was  not  Dalton  so  gro- 
tected  ?  A  small  settlement  sprang  up  at  a  place  known  as  the  Azusa 
Four  Corners,  near  the  present  Irwindale. 

Dalton  at  once  appealed  to  the  Surveyor-General  for  a  new  sur- 
vey, submitting  his  evidence  of  the  errors  in  the  Hancock  survey. 
His  contest  for  a  new  survey  was  fought  by  the  squatters,  not  with 
great  power  at  first,  but  always  with  increasing  power  due  to  in- 
creasing numbers  and  means.  The  squatters  at  first  fought  on  the 
principle  that  the  lands  excluded  from  the  survey  were  public  lands 
and  subject  to  immediate  entry.  After  a  few  years  they  claimed 
that  for  some  time  Dalton  had  not  been  in  possession  of  the  land, 
and  had  therefore  renounced  claim  to  all  outside  the  survey.  Later 
still,  they  claimed  Dalton  had  a'ctually  removed  his  fences  from  the 
excluded  portions.  Dalton  proved  by  contemporary  entries  in  his 
diary  that  this  fence  was  burned  September  19,  1867,  in  a  fire  which 
for  five  days  swept  the  rancho,  and  that  the  squatters  took  advan- 
tage of  it  to  enter  new  parts. 

Finally,  in  1868,  Dalton  secured  a  resurvey,  which  was  made  by 
G.  H.  Thompson  in  August  of  that  year.  This  survey  gave  the 
boundaries  practically  according  to  the  O'Farrell  survey.  The  squat- 
ters protested  this  survey,  claiming  the  Hancock  as  the  true  survey. 
The  fight  was  carried  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  who,  on  Sep- 
tember 20,  1872,  approved  the  Hancock  Survey,  with  a  few  trivial 
exceptions  which  were  corrected  in  surveys  run  in  1874  and  1875 
and  then  approved.  In  a  later  judicial  decision  it  was  said  of  this 
survey  litigation  that  "the  action  of  the  department  in  this  case  is 
extraordinary,  but  it  is  final."  Dalton  saw  hope  for  relief  in  another 
direction,  so  he  accepted  his  patents,  which  were  signed  by  President 
Grant;  that  for  the  San  Jose,  dated  January  20,  1875,  for  22.340 
acres;  for  the  Addition,  dated  December  4,  1875,  for  4430  acres, 
Dalton  receiving  one-third  of  each  of  these ;  and  that  for  the  Azusa, 
dated  i\Iay  29,  1876,  for  4431  a'cres.  Twenty-four  years  had  elapsed 
between  the  filing  of  Dalton's  claim  and  the  issuance  of  the  patents 
to  cover  it. 

The  hope  for  relief  from  his  land  troubles  which  Dalton,  in  com- 
mon with  many  other  land  grant  claimants,  had  seen,  had  come  from 
the  Act  of  Congress,  approved  July  23,  1866,  known  as  "An  Act  to 
Quiet  Land  Titles  in  the  State  of  California."  It  provided  that  bona 
fide  purchasers,  for  a  valuable  consideration,  of  lands  of  ]\Iexican 
grantees  or  assigns  included  in  grants  rejected  by  the  United  States, 
or  of  lands  excluded  from  the  final  survey  of  a  grant,  could  pur- 
chase such  lands  from  the  United  States,  upon  first  making  proof  of 
the  facts,  at  the  minimum  price  established  by  law,  provided  they 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  29 

continued  in  possession  and  use  of  the  same,  with  no  vaHd  adverse 
right  except  that  of  the  United  States,  and  provided  they  asked  for 
a  survey  of  such  lands  within  ten  months  of  the  passage  of  this  act. 

Under  this  act,  on  August  16,  1878,  Dalton  filed  with  the  Regis- 
ter and  Receiver  of  the  United  States  District  Land  Office  at  Los 
Angeles,  his  application  for  a  total  of  18,500  acres  excluded  from 
the  surveys  of  the  three  ranches,  and  on  January  28,  1879,  a  decision 
denying  his  application  was  given.  The  decision  was  to  the  effect 
that  Dalton  having  purchased  of  a  Mexican  grantee  became  in  fact 
a  Mexican  grantee,  and  as  such  was  outside  the  effect  of  the  act. 
Such  a  decision,  had  it  become  of  general  application,  would  have 
virtually  repealed  the  effect  of  the  a'ct.  It  was  almost  an  insult  to 
man's  credulity,  and  would  have  been  ludicrous  had  its  effect  not 
been  so  disastrous.  Appeal  was  taken  from  this  decision  by  Dalton 
to  the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  whose  decision  of 
April  14,  1880,  was  in  Dalton's  favor. 

The  squatters  appealed  to  the  final  judge,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  The  arguments  are  illuminating.  The  chief  contest  was 
regarding  possession,  the  squatters  denying  Dalton's  possession  for 
years.  IDalton  claimed  no  one  had  the  right  of  settlement,  but  the 
lands  were  forcibly  held.  It  was  claimed  no  crops  were  grown  on 
parts  by  Dalton,  but  he  claimed  that  not  tillage  but  use  was  con- 
templated by  the  act,  else  grazing  would  not  be  use.  The  squatters 
claimed  the  case  res  ad  judicata  with  the  issuance  of  the  patents,  and 
Dalton  answered  that  he  was  not  applying  for  more  land  to  be  in- 
cluded in  the  patent,  but  to  purchase  under  a  remedial  act.  Under 
an  Act  of  Congress,  approved  June  27,  1866,  the  consolidation  and 
revision  of  the  United  States  Statutes  was  provided  for,  under  com- 
missioners whose  compensation  for  three  years  was  provided.  A 
later  act,  approved  May  4,  1870,  revived  the  previous  statute,  author- 
izing a  continuation  of  the  revision  for  a  period  not  longer  than 
three  years  from  the  time  the  act  took  effect.  The  report  of  the 
commissioners  was,  therefore,  due  not  later  than  May  4,  1873,  and 
as  there  was  no  session  of  Congress  between  March  4th  and  Decem- 
ber 1st,  1873,  the  revision  covered  all  laws  in  force  December  1, 
1873.    The  bill  adopting  the  revision  became  a  law  June  22,  1874. 

From  this  revision  the  remedial  land  law  of  1866  was  omitted, 
and  the  squatters  claimed  the  law  was  thus  repealed,  whereas  Dal- 
ton claimed  the  commissioners  had  no  power  to  repeal  any  law.  The 
commissioners,  too,  in  submitting  their  report,  specifically  stated  that 
they  had  omitted  laws  of  limited  application,  temporary  and  local  in 
nature.  The  squatters  claimed  Dalton  had  not  given  Arenas  a  "val- 
uable consideration"  since  he  paid  only  fifty  cents  an  acre.  Arenas 
was.  however,  very  anxious  to  sell.  One  claim  of  the  squatters  was 
ludicrous,  even  to  one  indulging  in  the  wildest  flights  of  fancy.  This 
was  that  the  squatters'  improvements  were  of  a  value  of  from  $250,- 


30  HISTORICAL  SOCIETV  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

OOO  to  $300,000.  A  tenth  of  that  sum  would  doubtless  have  been 
a  highly  exaggerated  figure,  if  the  tales  of  the  pioneer  squatters 
themselves  are  to  be  believed.  The  usual  amount  of  vituperation 
and  abuse  was  heaped  on  Dalton  by  attorneys  for  the  squatters. 
They  asked,  "Does  the  law  license  him,  an  unnaturalized  English- 
man, to  rob  his  neighbors,  who  are  Amerifcan  citizens?"  It  was 
stated  that  a  certain  survey  was  made  by  Col.  Henry  Washington, 
"the  pioneer  surveyor  of  California,  and  a  relative  of  Gen.  George 
Washington,  the  first  president  of  the  United  States,"  as  if  that 
were  proof  of  anything.  Dalton  was  said  to  claim  land  in  forty  sec- 
tions and  five  townships,  as  though  mere  extent  militated  against 
validity.  Dalton  was  described  as  the  "beneficiary  of  two  govern- 
ments," but  the  attorney  must  have  been  of  keen  vision  to  discover 
wherein  the  land  litigation  with  the  United  States  was  beneficial  to 
Dalton. 

There  is  an  entry  in  Dalton's  diary  of  May  28.  1881,  reading: 
"At  midnight  Henry  brought  news  that  the  case  in  Washington  had 
been  decided  in  favor  of  the  squatters."  The  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior held  that  Dalton's  possession  had  not  been  continuous.  Though 
he  was  not  given  protection  in  the  ejectment  of  the  squatters  from 
lands  under  disputed  title,  the  very  residence  of  these  squatters  cost 
him  his  lands.  He  lost  absolutely  all  in  twenty-nine  years  of  litiga- 
tion to  obtain  a  title  which  was  guaranteed  to  him  by  treaty.  The 
The  Azusa  had  passed  to  other  hands.  After  thirty-four  years  in 
the  homestead  on  Azusa  Hill,  he  left  it  on  January  10,  1881,  to  spend 
the  remainder  of  his  years  in  an  adobe  house  built  in  1862  near  the 
northern  end  of  the  present  Azusa  Avenue,  and  still  standing  till 
about  1913. 

Such  conditions  can  not  be  viewed  with  complacency.  They  seem 
to  have  been  due  generally  to  two  main  causes,  a  mistaken  idea  of 
land  values,  and  the  political  value  of  numbers  of  votes.  The  emi- 
grants from  the  east  could  think  only  of  California's  gold,  and  large 
land  holders  appeared  to  them  in  the  light  of  monopolists.  That  the 
political  power  of  votes  was  a  factor  is  well  shown  by  an  incident 
in  Los  Angeles  County.  In  the  fall  elections  of  1873.  the  late  Judge 
Ygnacio  Sepulveda  and  Andred  Glassell,  of  the  firm  of  Glassell, 
Chapman  and  Smith,  were  candidates  for  district  judge.  In  the 
interest  of  Glassell,  George  H.  Smith,  of  this  firm,  signed  and'  is- 
sued a  statement  to  the  voters  of  Azusa,  stating  that  neither  Glassell, 
Chapman,  nor  the  firm,  were  then  attorneys  or  friends  of  Dalton, 
that  they  had  never  favored  Dalton  in  water  questions,  nor  had  ever 
given  an  opinion  contrary  to  the  squatters'  rights.  "In  its  applica- 
tion and  practical  results"  the  entire  system  of  land  grant  confirma- 
tion was  said  by  Bancroft  to  "merit  only  condemnation."^^     His 

11.     Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Cal..  6:575. 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  31 

words  in  further  condemnation  of  the  system  will  bear  repetition:'''^ 
"The  United  States  promised  full  protection  of  all  property  rights, 
and  in  theory  they  admitted  the  obligation  to  confirm  not  only  legal 
but  inchoate  equitable  titles ;  practically,  by  the  system  adopted, 
they  declared  that  every  title  should  be  deemecl  invalid  until  the  holder 
had  defended  it,  at  his  own  expense,  through  from  two  to  six  fiery 
ordeals  against  a  powerful  opponent,  who  had  no  costs  to  pay  and 
no  real  interest  at  stake.  It  was  in  no  sense  the  protection  promised 
by  the  treaty  to  finally  confirm  a  title  after  a  struggle  of  eight  to 
twenty-five  years,  when  half  or  all  the  estate  had  passed  from  the 
possession  of  the  original  claimant ;  it  was  simply  confiscation."'^ 

In  connection  with  the  land  litigation  between  Dalton  and  the 
squatters  was  carried  on  one  of  the  bitterest  fights  over  irrigating 
water  in  the  history  of  the  state.  This  is  of  such  length  and  intricacy 
as  to  merit  a  separate  paper.  I  have  always  held  it  secondary  to 
the  land  litigation,  on  the  grounds  that  without  squatters  there  would 
have  been  no  water  fight,  as  it  is  only  in  comparatively  recent  years 
that  the  water  Dalton  claimed  has  supplied  any  other  than  the  land 
he  claimed. 

The  course  of  Dalton's  finances  is  strewn  with  mortgages  due 
to  the  absolute  necessity  of  obtaining  money  to  prosecute  the  liti- 
gation. The  Azusa  was  first  mortgaged  on  March  11,  1852,  and 
it  was  never  free  from  encumbrance  from  this  date  till  it  was  lost 
to  him  by  foreclosure.  The  San  Jose  after  May  11,  1855,  and  the 
Addition  after  June  1,  1869,  shared  the  same  fate.  Interest  was 
often  at  two,  three  and  four  per  cent,  per  month,  sometimes  payable 
monthly  or  quarterly  in  advance.  In  order  to  save  something  from 
loss,  Mrs.  Dalton.  in  1862.  during  Dalton's  absence,  declared  a  state 
homestead  exemption  of  500  acres,  but  in  1867  this  too  was  en- 
cumbered, and  continued  so.  Dalton  early  borrowed  money  from 
Francois  L.  A.  Pioche,  the  San  Francisco  capitalist,  and  Pioche  bar- 
gained to  finance  the  entire  land  litigation.  But  Pioche  committed 
suicide  May  2,  1872,  leaving  an  estate  which  was  involved  in  per- 
haps the  most  costly  and  intricate  probate  litigation  in  the  state's 
history,  and  in  which  all  Dalton's  property  was  involved.  To  ex- 
tricate his  property  a  trust  was  created  for  all  the  Dalton  ranches, 
with  Lewis  Wolfskill  as  trustee  and  agent  for  Dalton.  Some  years 
afterward  Wolfskill  became  insolvent,  and  Dalton's  property  again 
became  entangled  in  what  the  judge  who  heard  the  case  called  the 
most  complicated  case  regarding  accounting  that  he  had  ever  known. 
Money  could  not  be  raised  to  concentrate  the  indebtedness  in  one 
party,  the  land  litigation  went  against  Dalton  and  no  more  new  land 
could  be  brought  under  mortgage,  and  finally  the  mortgages  came 

12.  Bancroft.  Hist,  of  Cal.,  G:57G,  577. 

13.  Ibid.,  6:529-581,  for  an  excellent  exposition  of   the  entire  system  of  land 
grant  confirmation. 


32  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

due  and  were  foreclosed.  The  Pioche  Estate  and  the  Los  Angeles 
County  Bank  held  the  mortgages.  After  the  foreclosures  the  three 
properties,  Azusa,  San  Jose  and  Addition  were  concentrated  in  the 
hands  of  J.  S.  Slauson.  Dalton's  property  in  Los  Angeles  had  been 
sold  or  lost  piecemeal  before  this. 

Dalton  hoped  to  re-establish  himself  financially  by  securing  pay- 
ment of  his  claim  against  the  Mexican  government,  or  by  taking 
advantage  of  a  speculative  turn  in  the  real  estate  market. 

The  claim  against  Mexico  was  based,  as  before  noted,  on  sup- 
plies furnished  Gen.  Flores  and  property  confiscated  by  the  Alexican 
army  in  1846  and  1847.  In  1849  Dalton  went  to  Mexico,  by  boat 
to  San  Bias,  chartering  the  vessel  to  await  his  return.  He  attempt- 
ed, with  the  aid  of  the  British  minister,  to  effect  a  settlement,  but 
to  no  avail.  He  left  the  claim  in  the  hands  of  an  agent  and  returned 
home  after  a  nine  months'  absence.  In  later  years  he  made  three 
more  trips  to  Mexico  in  the  interest  of  his  claim,  one  of  a  year  in 
1857  and  1858,  another  of  two  years  from  1861  to  1863,  and  the 
last  also  of  two  years,  from  July,  1873.  to  July,  1875.  These  trips 
were  by  vessel,  usually  to  Acapulco,  thence  by  stage  to  the  capital. 
On  one  trip  bandits  "held  up"  the  stage  four  times.  Dalton's  claim 
was  always  recognized  by  the  Mexican  government  as  valid,  and  the 
government  of  Gen.  Comonfort,  in  1857,  actually  issued  bonds  to 
cover  the  claim,  but  the  bonds  were  later  cancelled.  During  his 
third  visit  to  Mexico,  in  1861-63,  Dalton  received  for  $50,000,  as  part 
settlement  of  his  claim,  the  claims  of  the  Alexican  government 
against  the  estates  of  the  ex-]\Iarquis  de  San  ^liguel  de  Aguayo,^'' 
a  Spanish  general  in  the  Mexican  war  of  independence,  whose  estates 
were  probably  confiscated,  including  the  haciendas  of  Parras,  Patos, 
Bonanzas  and  Villa  del  Rosario.  During  the  wars  of  the  Empire, 
which  followed,  the  trustee  of  this  estate,  Sanchez  Navarro,  was 
an  active  imperialist,  and  on  the  triumph  of  Juarez  the  estate  was 
confiscated  without  regard  to  Dalton's  right.  In  exchange  for  his 
interest  in  the  estate,  Dalton,  in  1873,  received  $30,000  in  bonds, 
which  realized  $900,  $7500  in  treasury  notes  (which  were  not  paid) 
and  $12,500  in  what  might  be  called  land  scrip,  redeemable  in  chui-ch 
property.  For  the  last  Dalton  received,  in  March.  1874,  the  Con- 
vent of  Santa  Teresa  at  Queretaro.  Later  he  sold  the  convent  to 
the  Bishop  of  Queretaro  for  $15,000,  part  cash,  the  balance  in 
monthly  installments,  whi'ch  were  completed  shortly  before  Dalton's 
death.  From  this  convent  several  oil  paintings  were  brought  home 
by  Dalton.  In  1892  Dalton's  estate  received  bonds  from  the  Mex- 
ican government  of  the  face  value  of  $54,825,  actual  value  of  $20,559, 
to  balance  the  claim.  Thus  it  is  again  disproved  that  Dalton  was 
"the  beneficiary  of  two  govermnents." 

14.     Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Mex.,  4:432. 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  33 

There  are  two  interesting  facts  regarding  Dalton's  stay  in  Mex- 
ico in  1863.  He  was  in  Mexico  City  on  June  10th,  when  the  French 
army  entered  the  city  and  began  what  ended  in  tragedy.  Seventeen 
days  later  Dalton  was  granted  a  concession  to  mine  and  export 
gypsum  from  the  barren  island  of  San  Marcos,  opposite  the  Bay 
of  Mulege,  Lower  California.  He  was  to  receive  a  grant  of  land 
200  meters  square  and  pay  a  yearly  rental  of  twenty  pesos.  The 
notPce  of  concession  is  signed  by  Jesus  Teran,i''  minister  of  Justice 
and  of  Public  Works  and  Instruction  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  whither 
Juarez  had  moved  his  capital  as  the  French  neared  Mexico  City. 
The  gypsum  was  probably  to  be  sold  as  a  commercial  fertilizer;  it 
is  particularly  effective  in  the  eradication  of  alkali.  This  is  another 
instance  showing  DaUon's  wide  practical  knowledge. 

In  1851  the  town  of  Benton  was  laid  out  by  Dalton  to  the  south 
of  Azusa  Hill.  The  lots  in  this  proposed  city,  as  well  as  the  resi- 
dence on  Spring  Street,  "La  casa  de  tres  picas,"  and  lots  in  Los  An- 
geles, were  prizes  in  a  lottery  financed  by  Dalton  and  known  as 
the  "Great  Southern  Distribution  of  Real  Estate  and  Personal  Prop- 
erty." The  drawings  in  this  lottery  were  never  held — why  is  not 
known — and  Benton  became  only  a  memory. 

Dalton  in  1876  signed  an  agreement  to  sell  the  Azusa  to  Gen. 
Boschke  for  $100,000,  but  the  sale  did  not  materialize.  Smith's 
Island,  in  San  Pedro  hart)or,  was  formerly  known  as  Boschke's 
Island,  after  the  general. 

On  July  25,  1878,  were  signed  the  articles  of  incorporation  of 
the  Mound  City  Land  and  Water  Association.  This  company  had 
already  bought  from  Dalton  the  Azusa,  San  Jose  and  Addition  for 
$140,000,  $10,000  of  which  had  been  paid,  partly  in  stock.  Mound 
City  was  to  be  built  near  the  western  edge  of  the  present  Azusa, 
and'  a  few  buildings  were  actually  erected  here.  The  balance  of  the 
ranches  were  to  be  sold  as  small  farms.  Had  this  company  been 
able  to  make  its  payments  Dalton  would  have  been  saved.  But  the 
incorporators  had  no  capital,  the  prices  they  asked  for  farms  were 
prohibitive  and  there  were  therefore  no  sales,  and  they  and  Dalton 
both  lost  out  completely  when  their  prospective  city  failed  to  develop. 

When  a  new  suit  over  water  rights  at  Azusa  was  about  to  be 
instituted  in  January  1884,  an  application  was  made  to  the  court 
to  perpetuate  the  testimony  of  Dalton  by  obtaining  a  deposition  from 
him.  Dalton  was  described  as  "old,  sick  and  infirm,  and  in  a  dying 
condition."  The  deposition  was  taken  on  January  12th,  at  the  home 
of  Frank  Sabichi  in  Los  Angeles,  where  Dalton  passed  his  last 
days.  He  was  asked,  "Were  you  formerly  the  owner  of  said  ranch 
(the  Azusa)  ?"  His  answer  was  characteristic  of  him:  "I  purchased 
it  in  1844  in  December,  and  ought  to  own  it  at  the  present  day." 

15.     Bancroft,   Hist,   of  Mexico,   6;71,   72. 


34  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY   OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

He  died  January  21st,  in  his  eighty-first  year.  Of  a  family  of  eleven 
children,  his  brother  George  alone  survived  him.  j\Irs.  Dalton  sur- 
vived her  husband  thirty  years,  dying  September  1,  1914.  To  this 
union  were  born  eleven  children,  four  of  whom  died  in  infancy.  Of 
the  others  \\'innall  Augustin  married,  and  is  living  in  Tucson,  Ari- 
zona ;  Luisa  married  Lewis  Wolfskill,  and  died  in  1887 ;  Soyla  mar- 
ried William  Cardwell,  and  lives  at  Azusa ;  Henry  married,  and  lives 
at  Caborca,  Mexico ;  Elena  married  J.  L.  Plummer,  and  lives  at  San 
Fernando,  this  county;  Valentine  married,  and  is  dead;  and  Joseph 
married,  and  lives  at  Azusa. 

In  Dalton's  will,  dated  January  8,  1884,  claims  against  both  the 
Mexican  and  United  States  governments  are  listed.  The  claim 
against  the  United  States  was  for  damages  for  loss  of  his  prop- 
erty. In  the  probate  proceedings  this  claim  was  described  as  "of  no 
commercial  value."  The  efforts  of  every  broad-minded,  far-seeing 
pioneer,  and  such  was  Henry  Dalton,  are  of  commercial  value,  how- 
ever, and  later  generations  do  profit  by  them. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  the  writer  will  not  be  accused  of  having  suc- 
cumbed to  that  malady  termed  by  ilacaulay  the  "Lues  Boswelliana, 
or  disease  of  admiration."  If  one  attempting  an  historical  narra- 
tion is  carried  away  by  the  magic  carpet  he  has  attempted  to  weave 
for  the  transport  of  others  to  an  ideal  land  in  which  wrongs  may 
be  righted  on  proper  exposition,  let  it  be  charged  to  a  desire  to  see 
justice  extended  to  those  who  seem  to  have  had  little  of  it  shown 
them  while  here. 

***** 

Though  Henry  Dalton  was  a  prominent  pioneer  and  one  of  the 
largest  land  holders  in  the  county,  very  little  has  been  written  of  him. 
The  newspaper  accounts  are  generally  of  no  value,  containing  what 
were  perhaps  the  results  of  the  wildest  flights  of  the  reporter's  fancy. 
It  is  peculiar  that  these  myths  have  gained  such  acceptance.  My 
most  valuable  source  has  been  Henry  Dalton's  papers,  which  were 
placed  at  my  disposal  through  the  kindness  of  his  children.  The 
most  important  of  these  are  the  volumes  containing  his  diary,  called 
by  him  "Daily  Occurrences  at  The  Azusa."  This  diary  covers  part 
of  the  year  1845,  and,  unbroken,  from  October,  1856,  to  September, 
1883.  'Each  day  an  entry  was  made,  by  Dalton  when  he  was  on  the 
rancho,  in  his  absence  by  the  mayordomo,  by  Mrs.  Dalton,  or  by 
W.  A.  Dalton,  the  oldest  son.  The  entries  are  in  both  Spanish  and 
English,  and  cover  in  detail  all  the  varied  activities  of  the  rancho 
and  its  owner.  Dalton's  correspondence,  comprising  lx)th  letters 
received  by  him  and  copies  of  letters  he  wrote,  is  valuable.  There 
are  also  numbers  of  legal  papers ;  of  these  the  most  valuable  for  my 
purpose  were  briefs  on  cases  in  the  United  States  courts,  since  I 
have  been  unable  to  consult  the  court  records  in  San  Francisco.  An- 
other most  valuable  source  has  been  the  correspondence  of  Mr.  Win- 


DON  ENRIQUE  DALTON  OF  THE  AZUSA  35 

nail  Augustin  Dalton,  of  Tucson,  Arizona,  born  June  14,  1850,  the 
oldest  child  of  Henry  Dalton  that  survived  infancy.  Mr.  Dalton's 
intimate  personal  acquaintance  with  the  details  of  his  father's  life 
and  fortunes  and  with  the  ranchos  themselves,  combined  with  a 
remarkable  and  accurate  memory,  make  him  a  veritable  treasure  to 
one  attempting  to  write  this  history.  My  last  chief  source  has  been 
the  county  records,  and  when  it  is  known  that  Henry  Dalton  re- 
ceived five  patents  from  the  United  States,  was  a  party  to  118  deeds 
and  36  real  estate  mortgages,  besides  numerous  miscellaneous  docu- 
ments, and  figures  in  sixty  cases  in  the  various  county  courts,  the 
value  of  this  source  may  be  readily  appreciated. 


THE  DISPENSING  OF  JUSTICE  UNDER  THE  MEXICAN 
REGIME 

BY  C.  C.  BAKER 

In  the  days  of  the  Mexican  regime  justice  was  obtained  with 
little  of  the  formal  and  bitter  litigation,  lengthy  and  costly  suits  and 
lawyers'  altercations  of  our  present  age.  Such  things  were  at  vari- 
ance with  the  easy-going,  somewhat  patriarchal  and  proudly  digni- 
fied attitude  of  the  alcaldes  and  ayuntamientos.  There  were  times 
when  the  pride  of  the  alcaldes  and  their  associates,  or  sudden  bursts 
of  popular  indignation,  caused  a  temporary  change  in  the  'course  of 
justice,  but  these  were  few. 

Formal  suit  might  be  brought  before  the  alcalde  of  the  pueblo, 
but  often  a  dispute  was  put  in  the  way  of  being  settled  by  a  petition 
presented  to  the  Ayuntamiento,  where  the  matter  was  heard  at  length. 
From  the  minutes  of  the  meetings  of  the  Ayuntamiento  of  Los  An- 
geles, and  the  very  abbreviated  records  of  proceedings  in  the  al- 
calde's court,  both  contained  in  the  old  Los  Angeles  City  Archives 
now  in  the  City  Hall,  the  following  are  taken : 

When  Luis  Arenas  was  first  alcalde  of  the  pueblo,  three  of  the 
Yorba  brothers,  Tomas,  Bernardo  and  Teodocio,  appeared  before 
him,  July  10,  1838,  and  stated  that  their  brother  Antonio  wished  to 
deprive  them  of  their  rights  as  part  owners  of  the  Rancho  Sanitago 
de  Santa  Ana.  Arenas  states  that  after  due  consideration,  "I  ad- 
vised them  how  to  act  in  a  brotherly  manner  and  they  all  agreed 
they  had  a  mutual  right  to  said  place."  Frantisco  Farias  had  evi- 
dently caused  trouble  between  the  brothers.  For  that  reason  Arenas 
ordered  that  as  soon  as  he  harvested  a  crop  which  he  had  planted  on 
the  Santiago  he  should  leave  the  rancho  and  reside  in  the  pueblo. 
Surely  Arenas  was  a  prototype  of  the  present  day  "golden  rule" 
justice. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Ayuntamiento  on  February  19,  1833,  the 
alcalde  stated  that  \'icente  Sanchez,  then  at  liberty  under  bond,  had 
committed  many  offenses,  in  particular  that  he  had  repeatedly  es- 
tablished in  the  public  saloons  what  were  known  as  "prohibited 
games."  These  had  recently  been  listed  in  an  ordinance,  and  were 
"albures,  monte,  banking  games,  dice,  etc."  Sanchez  was  cited  to 
appear  before  the  Ayuntamiento,  but,  instead,  he  passed  its  meeting 
place  flourishing  a  revolver  and  raising  a  general  disturbance.  The 
alcalde  was  forthwith  directed  to  imprison  Sanchez,  who  was  re- 
manded to  the  governor  with  the  request  that  he  be  banished  from 
Los  Angeles.  Sanchez,  evidently  penitent,  appeared  before  the 
Ayuntamiento  each  of  the  two  succeeding  days  and  requested  revo- 


THE  DISPENSING  OF  JUSTICE  UNDER  THE  MEXICAN  REGIME         37 

cation  of  the  sentence.  He  was  refused,  whereat  "he  had  the  au- 
dacity to  remark  that  he  challenged  the  jurisdiction"  of  the  Ayun- 
tamiento  in  his  case.  The  governor  evidently  gave  Sanchez  unre- 
stricted liberty,  for  at  the  meeting  of  August  12th,  a  member  of  the 
Ayuntamiento,  Felipe  Lugo,  brought  up  "the  affront  received  by 
this  corporation"  from  Sanchez  "last  February"  and  showed  the 
"dire  consequences"  that  would  follow  if  it  were  unpunished  and 
"the  ridicule  to  which  this  corporation  would  be  subjected."  It  will 
be  seen  that  "the  corporation"  took  its  dignity  as  a  serious  matter. 
They  decided  on  the  governor's  arrival  to  renew  their  request  for 
Sanchez's  banishment.  Consequently  when  Gov.  Jose  Figueroa  pre- 
sided at  tiieir  meeting  of  September  6th,  they  placed  their  request 
before  him.  The  governor  told  them  they  could  not  discuss  or  de- 
cide regarding  Sanchez  as  they  would  then  be  both  judge  and  com- 
plaining witness,  since  they  were  interested  in  their  own  honor.  He 
suggested  an  attorney  be  appointed  to  bring  the  matter  before  a 
judge,  but  there  is  no  further  mention  of  the  case.  It  would  be  in- 
teresting to  know  if  this  was  the  Vicente  Sanchez  who  was  alcalde 
in  1845. 

An  amusing  case  came  before  Alcalde  Manuel  Dominguez  on 
July  1,  1839.  Justo  Morillo  sued  Jose  Sepulveda  for  taking  a  piece 
of  lumber  from  the  beach  at  La  Bolsa  and  commencing  work  there- 
on. The  case  having  been  "properly  ventilated,"  the  alcalde  de- 
cided that  the  lumber  belonged  to  both  parties  and  that  each  should 
have  half,  but  Sepulveda  was  to  deliver  Morillo's  half  "at  the  door 
of  the  latter's  house  in  compensation  for  his  having  done  the  work 
of  sawing  the  same."  One  can  not  but  admire  the  ability  of  the 
alcalde  to  remain  absolutely  neutral  and  to  balance  so  nicely  the 
labors  of  the  two  litigants. 

In  a  petition  presented  to  the  Ayuntamiento  in  July,  1845,  Jose 
de  Arnaz  recited  that  the  wall  between  his  place  and  that  of  Don 
Santiago  McKinley  was  contrary  to  all  police  regulations  as  it  formed 
an  imperfect  angle,  obstructed  the  view,  projected  into  the  street, 
and  was  injurious  to  public  health  as  garbage  was  dumped  there. 
Therefore  he  prayed  that  it  be  cut  to  conform  with  the  adjoining 
property.  The  report  of  a  committee,  approved  by  the  Ayuntamiento, 
found  that  the  wall  obstructed  the  view  and  should  be  cut  ba'ck. 
Four  months'  time  was  deemed  sufficient  to  do  the  work! 

This  lack  of  a  desire  to  unduly  rush  matters  is  shown  also  in  an 
alcalde's  entry  of  January  4,  1833.  Encarnacion  Urquidez  was  noti- 
fied that  his  son  Guillermo  had  been  fined  fifteen  pesos  for  wound- 
ing Guadalupe  Rendon,  and  that  the  fine  must  be  paid  in  two  and 
a  half  months.  On  February  18th  there  is  a  further  note:  "Paid  on 
account,  five  pesos."  Fines  on  the  installment  plan  are  surely  the 
height  of  leniency ! 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Ayuntamiento,  September  9,  1836,  a  peti- 


38  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

tion  from  Ygnacio  Palomares  and  Ricardo  Vejar  was  read  asking 
that  Luciano  and  Rita  \'aldez  be  ordered  to  leave  the  Ranclio  Rodeo 
de  las  Aguas.  The  petitioners  stated  that  as  owners  of  the  rancho 
they  had  the  right  to  refuse  to  allow  trespassing.  Documents  sub- 
stantiating their  claims  of  ownership  were  submitted,  but  they  do 
not  appear  in  the  record.  The  matter  was  referred  to  a  committee 
composed  of  Antonio  Maria  Oslo,  Jose  Herrera  and  Bacilio  A'aldez. 
It  seems  peculiar  that  this  Valdez  should  have  been  placed  on  a 
committee  to  investigate  a  matter  in  which  those  who  were  probably 
his  relatives  were  interested.  This  committee  submitted  a  report 
which  said,  in  part,  that  it  "abstains  from  giving  its  opinion  as  to 
who  has  the  preference  or  the  best  right  to  the  rancho,  but  it  does 
state  that  the  place  mentioned  is  too  small  even  for  one  person  and 
consequently  a  misunderstanding  between  these  parties  will  always 
exist."  In  their  opinion  the  claimants  should  petition  the  depart- 
mental government  to  settle  the  matter,  and  this  the  Ayuntamiento 
approved.  The  further  course  of  the  claimants  is  not  known  from 
these  records,  but  it  is  true  that  on  ^larch  24,  1837,  Palomares  and 
Vejar  petitioned  for  the  San  Jose,  which  was  later  granted  to  them, 
while  Rita  \'aldez  was  the  successful  claimant  under  the  United 
States  laws  for  the  Rodeo  de  las  Aguas.  This  rancho,  as  patented, 
contained  4449  acres ;  so  it  may  be  seen  what  area  the  committee 
deemed  "too  small  even  for  one  person." 

An  instance  of  popular  indignation  at  the  law's  delay  of  those 
days  is  given  in  the  punishment  of  Gervacio  Alipaz,  the  murderer, 
and  Maria  del  Rosario  Villa,  his  accomplice,  for  the  murder  of 
Domingo  Feliz.  A  meeting  was  held  at  the  home  of  Juan  Temple 
and  an  organization  effected  called  the  "Defenders  of  Public  Safety," 
with  Victor  Prudon  as  president  and  iNIanuel  Arzaga  as  secretary. 
A  .petition  was  signed  by  fifty-five  residents,  among  whom  were 
Prudon.  William  Wolfskill,  Samuel  Prentice,  G.  S.  (sic)  W'arner 
and  Samuel  Carpenter.  The  petition  was  remarkable.  It  was  head- 
ed by  that  famous  rule  in  the  Roman  Twelve  Tables,  "Sahis  popidi 
sitprcma  lex  esto"  (Let  the  welfare  of  the  people  be  the  supreme 
law),  which  was  quoted,  with  due  reference,  from  Montesquieu's 
"Spirit  of  the  Law."  The  petition  states  that  crime  is  increasing 
due  to  the  excessive  delay  in  punishment,  since  capital  punishment 
could  not  be  inflicted  until  confirmed  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  ■Mex- 
ico City,  and  states  that  a  solemn  example  must  be  given  to  check 
crime.  They  ask  that  the  guilty  pair  be  at  once  punished.  "The 
blood  of  the  murderers  must  be  shed  to-day  or  ours  will.  It  will  be 
published  throughout  the  world  that  the  judges  in  Los  Angeles  tol- 
erate murders,  but  that  there  are  virtuous  citizens  who  sacrifice  their, 
lives  in  order  to  assure  those  of  their  countrymen.  A  committee 
wull  deliver  to  the  first  alcalde  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  that  he 
may  decide  whatever  he  deems  most  convenient  and  one  hour's  time 


THE  DISPEXSIXG  OF  JUSTICE  UNDER  THE  MEXICAN  REGIME         39 

will  be  given  him  in  which  to  do  so.  If  in  thaf  time  no  answer  has 
been  received,  then  the  judges  will  be  responsible  before  God  and 
the  public  for  what  might  follow.     Death  to  the  murderer !" 

This  petition  was  duly  handed  to  the  alcalde,  who  at  once  called 
an  extraordinary  session  of  the  Ayuntamiento,  April  7,  1836.  While 
deliberating  they  noticed  numbers  of  armed  men  opposite  their  meet- 
ing house  and  sent  a  committee  to  ascertain  their  desires.  They 
stated  they  wished  their  petition  granted.  Prudon  was  asked  to 
come  before  the  Ayuntamiento,  but  he  refused.  The  Ayuntamiento 
had  no  armed  men  to  oppose  these  citizens,  who  they  admitted  were 
the  best  of  the  town  as  well  as  the  majority  of  the  citizens  therein; 
so  they  told  Prudon  they  could  not,  grant  his  demands  and  then  ad- 
journed. After  the  hour  noted  in  the  petition  had  elapsed  the  al- 
calde was  notifed  that  an  immediate  answer  must  be  had  or  extra- 
ordinary measures  would  be  taken.  Next  came  a  note  demanding 
the  keys  to  obtain  possession  of  the  prisoners,  but  these  were,  of 
course,  denied.  Last  came  a  note,  signed,  as  were  the  others,  by 
Prudon,  stating  that  "The  dead  bodies  of  Gervacio  Alipaz  and  Maria 
del  Rosario  Villa  are  at  your  disposal  for  burial."  The  vigilance 
committees  of  American  times  had,  therefore,  a  precedent  from 
much  earlier  times. 

An  idea  may  be  gained  of  what  was  then  thought  to  be  a  large 
town  from  the  proposal  of  Alcalde  Jose  A.  Carrillo  to  the  Ayun- 
tamiento, September  7,  1833,  that  in  view  of  the  large  population  of 
the  pueblo,  then  "exceeding  1500,"  an  additional  alcalde  be  elected. 
It  is  interesting,  too,  to  note  the  hours  for  court  sessions,  which 
were  fixed  by  the  Ayuntamiento,  January  30,  1835,  at  from  ten  to 
twelve  and'  three  to  five,  except  Saturdays  and  Holidays,  "unless  it 
be  upon  criminal  matters." 

A  most  interesting  case  was  that  of  the  petition  of  \'icente 
Sanchez  of  Rancho  La  Cienega,  Jose  Sepulveda  of  San  Joaquin, 
Tomas  Talamantes  of  La  Ballona,  Anastacio  Abila  of  Tajauta,  and 
seven  others,  to  the  Ayuntamiento,  February  8,  1828,  asking  for  the 
dismissal  of  Antonio  Maria  Lugo  from  his  office  of  Judge  of  the 
Plains,  where  he  had  charge  of  the  rodeos  of  stock.  Testimony 
of  each  petitioner  was  taken  in  writing,  as  usual,  by  the  Alcalde,  Jose 
A.  Carrillo,  and  each  petitioner  signed  his  statement  with  the  Alcalde. 
The  petitioners  stated  that  Lugo  had  held  the  office  over  two  years, 
which  could  not  be  done  except  through  re-election ;  that  he  had  too 
much  property  of  his  own  to  be  able  to  give  proper  attention  to 
public  affairs;  and  that  he  allowed  his  sons  to  substitute  in  his 
office,  which  was  declared  illegal.  The  main  grievance  was  that  in 
many  specified  cases  Lugo,  though  notifed  of  cattle  having  been 
killed  or  stolen,  would  make  no  attempt  to  hunt  the  malefactor.  It 
was  also  stated  that  in  the  rodeos  he  distributed  the  young  calves 
wrongly,  sometimes  giving  them   to   those  who  owned  no  cattle. 


40  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Lugo  was  described  as  overbearing  and  demanding  much  deference. 
He  was  said  to  have  run  his  horse  into  one  man  who  would  not  doff 
his  hat  to  him.  A  dispute  arose  at  Anastacio  Abila's,  and  Lugo  was 
credited  with  saying  if  it  occurred  again  he  would  chastise  Abila, 
and  if  the  alcalde  interfered  he  would  chastise  him,  too.  At  one  time 
Lugo  beat  a  son  of  Cresencio  \'aldez,  and  but  for  two  chairs  would 
have  beat  him  more.  A  chair  has  been  the  downfall  of  more  than 
one  good  man !  To  these  accusations  Lugo  returned  a  haughty  an- 
swer. He  said  the  witnesses  testified  "a'ccording  to  their  strayed 
ideas" ;  that  his  character  and  reputation  were  unstained.  The  Val- 
dez  boy  had  been  placed  by  his  father  in  Lugo's  care;  he  showed  no 
respect,  and  it  was  necessary  to  teach  him  good  manners.  He  sar- 
castically remarked:  "I  have  not  the  power  when  the  farmer  is  asleep 
to  prevent  his  property  from  being  stolen.  These  individuals  are 
impudent  enough  to  desire  that  the  Judge  of  the  Plains  go  around 
when  the  cows  give  birth  to  their  young  ones  so  that  in  the  distri- 
bution I  may  be  able  to  discern  the  cow  to  which  a  certain  calf  be- 
longs." He  finally  remarks :  "H  you  find  it  proper  to  oust  me  from 
the  office  of  Judge  of  the  Plains,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  do  not  hesi- 
tate in  so  doing."  \\1iat  the  ultimate  outcome  was  does  not  appear, 
for  any  further  record  is  missing. 

The  old  caballeros  in  official  life  had  a  love  of  ceremonial  which 
would  not  brook  transgression  of  certain  traditional  forms.  The 
conduct  of  their  official  business,  the  courteous  but  roundabout  man- 
ner of  address  and  even  of  retort,  the  highly  formal  official  written 
communications,  are  relics  of  a  time  when  official  dignity  was  touched 
almost  with  austerity,  and  there  was  ample  time  to  be  courteous  in 
a'ction  and  speech,  even  when  issuing  pronunciamentos  and  organ- 
izing rebellions.  That  ample  opportunity  for  the  development  and 
display  of  these  traits  was  afforded  by  a  judicial  or  deliberative  body 
is  exemplified  in  the  instances  just  cited.  Further  exemplification 
is  given  in  one  of  the  regulations  for  the  conduct  of  business  by  the 
Ayuntamiento,  which  reads :  "No  personalities  or  loud  sounding 
terms  shall  be  tolerated  in  any  discussion,  but  a  dignified  reference 
to  the  matter  treated  shall  be  had  without  offending  any  person." 
To  the  uninitiated  there  seems  a  touch  of  hj'pocrisy  in  such  unbend- 
ing subjection  to  form.  But  this  is  to  misunderstand  a  people, 
trained"  from  infancy  in  their  church  to  a  love  of  ceremonial,  sur- 
rounded by  social  customs  and  forms  which  made  natural  a  courte- 
ous expression  and  manner,  and  using  a  language  traditionally  one 
of  music,  teaching  suavity  and  grace  of  expression.  It  was  these 
conditions  and  characteristics  which  gave  to  their  manner  of  dis- 
pensing justice  a  form  which,  because  of  its  constant  circumlocu- 
tion, seems  almost  personal  and  social  instead  of  official. 


SOME  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  OWENS  RIVER  VALLEY 

BY  J.    M.  GUINN 

Since  its  connection  to  Los  Angeles  by  the  Aqueduct,  Owens 
River  Valley  has  become  almost  an  appendage  of  our  city.  Of  the 
thousands  of  people  who  use  the  water  brought  two  hundred  miles 
through  the  Owens  River  Aqueduct  very  few  know  anything  of  the 
early  history  of  the  river,  the  valley  or  the  lake.  Who  discovei«d 
the  valley?  who  named  the  lake  and  the  river?  and  for  whom  were 
they  named?  are  questions  that  would  puzzle  many  of  our  local  his- 
torians and  confound  the  mass  of  its  water  users. 

Fremont,  the  Pathfinder,  named  the  lake,  and  the  river  takes  its 
name  from  the  lake.  He  named  it  for  Richard  Owens,  one  of  his 
most  trusted  guides  and  Indian  fighters.  Fremont's  exploring  ex- 
peditions were  not  complete  without  Alexis  Godey,  Kit  Carson  and 
Dick  Owens. 

In  August,  1845,  Fremont's  third  exploring  expedition  arrived 
at  Bent's  Fort  on  the  Arkansas  River.  Godey  was  with  him,  but  the 
other  two  were  not.  Fremont  sent  a  message  to  Carson,  who,  with 
his  friends,  Owens,  had  established  a  stock  rancho  on  the  Cimarron 
river.  Carson  sold  out  his  range  and  cattle  at  a  sacrifice  and,  with 
Owens,  joined  the  expedition.  Fremont  says:  "I  received  them 
with  great  satisfaction." 

Owens  was  the  senior  captain  of  Fremont's  battalion  when  it 
marched  down  the  coast  from  Monterey  in  1846,  to  capture  Los 
Angeles.  When  Fremont  was  made  governor  of  California  by 
Stockton,  Captain  Richard  Owens  was  given  command  of  the  bat- 
talion and  was  mustered  out  with  it  at  San  Gabriel  April  19th,  1847. 

When  the  Aqueduct  scheme  was  first  agitated  a  noted  writer  of 
California  history — city  librarian  at  that  time — was  asked  to  give 
some  information  in  regard  to  the  man  for  whom  the  river  was 
named.  He  replied :  "The  resources  of  the  city  library  have  been 
exhausted,  but  nothing  has  been  found  to  give  the  desired  informa- 
tion." The  Aqueduct  has  made  the  name  of  Owens  as  familiar  as 
that  of  Fremont. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  1845,  Fremont's  exploring  expe- 
dition had  reached  Walker's  lake.  Here  it  was  divided  into  two 
bodies.  Fremont,  with  fifteen  men,  started  for  Sutter's  Fort  to  pur- 
chase supplies.  The  main  body  of  the  explorers,  numbering  about 
fifty  men,  under  command  of  Theodore  Talbot,  after  remaining  at 
the  lake  to  recruit  their  horses,  under  the  guidance  of  Walker,  re- 
sumed their  march  southward.  Travelling  along  the  eastern  base 
of  the  mountains,  on  the  18th  of  December  they  came  to  the  head- 


42  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

waters  of  a  river  and,  following  it  down,  they  found  that  it  emptied 
into  a  lake.  Fremont,  after  the  two  divisions  came  together,  review- 
ing the  discoveries  made,  says:  "To  one  of  the  lakes  I  gave  Owens' 
name."  He  gave  the  names  of  several  of  his  band  to  rivers,  creeks 
and  lakes  that  the  expedition  discovered,  but  only  Owens  and  Kern 
remain.    Kern  river  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  the  Rio  Bravo. 

Owens  River  Valley  remained  a  terra  incognita  for  nearly  two 
decades  after  Fremont's  explorers  passed  through  it.  The  Indians 
who  lived  on  the  headwaters  of  the  tributaries  of  the  San  Joaquin 
river  and  ranged  over  the  desert  to  the  settlements  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia were  inveterate  horse-thieves.  After  the  secularization  of  the 
missions  many  of  the  neophytes  became  renegades  and  joined  the 
mountain  Indians.  These  renegades  knew  the  country  well  and  were 
expert  vaqueros.  They  led  raids  upon  the  rancheros'  bands  of  horses 
and  ran  them  off  to  their  mountain  strongholds,  not  for  riding,  but 
to  kill  them  for  eating. 

Fremont,  on  his  journey  to  Sutter's  Fort,  ran  into  one  of  their 
strongholds,  where  the  ground  for  acres  was  whitene_d  with  the 
bones  of  the  horses  they  had  slaughtered.  His  party  was  attacked 
by  them.  Owens,  with  his  long  rifle,  brought  down  their  chief. 
The  Indians  stole  horses  in  preference  to  cattle,  because  cattle  could 
not  be  driven  fast  enough  to  escape  pursuit. 

The  United  States  government  in  1854  established  Fort  Tejon 
at  the  head  of  the  San  Joaquin  valley  in  the  Tehachapi  range  to 
check  the  raids  of  these  Indian  horse-thieves.  The  Sebastian  Indian 
reservation  had  been  established  in  a  valley  near  the  fort  in  1853. 
It  was  part  of  the  duty  of  the  soldiers  to  keep  the  Indians  on  the 
reservation,  but  they  would  stray  away  and  go  back  to  their  old 
tricks.  The  depredations  of  these  Indians  caused  great  loss  to  the 
rancheros.  The  Santa  Barbara  Gazette  estimates  the  loss  of  stock 
to  the  farmers  of  the  southern  counties  from  1850  to  1854  at  $600,000. 

Owens  River  \'alley  was  supposed  to  be  one  of  the  retreats  of 
the  Horse  Thief  Indians,  the  name  by  which  these  mountain  and 
desert  Indians  were  generally  designated.  In  July,  1859,  a  military 
expedition  was  organized  at  Fort  Tejon  to  explore  the  valley,  in- 
vestigate the  character  of  the  Indians  who  inhabited  it  and  recover 
stolen  stock  if  any  was  found  in  the  possession  of  the  Indians.  A 
correspondent  signing  himself  "Quis"  accompanied  the  expedition. 
His  letter  was  published  in  the  Los  Angeles  Star  of  August  27,  1850. 
It  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  only  description  extant  of  the  valley  and 
the  Indians  who  inhabited  it  before  the  white  men  took  possession 
of  the  land  and  killed  off  the  Indians.  The  editor  of  the  Star  throws 
out  these  headlines:  "Military  Expedition  to  Owens  Lake";  "No 
Stock  in  the  \'alley" ;  "Indians  Peaceable  and  Reliable" ;  "Discovery 
of  a  New  Route  to  Salt  Lake."     I  copy  the  portion  of  the  letter 


SOME  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  OWENS  RIVER  VALLEY  43 

descriptive  of  the  route  to  the  lake  and  what  the  correspondent  teUs 
of  the  valley  and  the  Indians  inhabiting  it : 

Tejon,  August,  1859. 

"Sir:  I  had  the  pleasure  of  accompanying  the  expedition  dis- 
patched from  Fort  Tejon  by  the  commandant,  Lt.  Col.  Beall,  con- 
sisting of  Company  B  and  a  detachment  of  Company  K,  First  Drag- 
oons, in  command  of  Captain  Davidson,  assisted  by  Lieutenant  Chap- 
man, to  visit  the  country  and  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  Owens  lake 
and  river.  The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  expedition  were  supplied' 
with  thirty  days'  rations  and  commenced  their  march  on  the  21st 
of  July,  with  instructions  to  proceed  to  the  country  in  the  vicinity 
of  Owens  lake  and  recover  certain  parcels  of  stock  that  had  been 
stolen  from  the  vicinity  of  Los  Angeles  from  time  to  time,  if  found 
in  possession  of  the  Indians  of  that  valley ;  meting  out  proper  pun- 
ishment for  their  offenses  ;  making  a  map  of  the  route  and  country, 
with  notes  of  the  reconnoissance.  One  wagon  and  a  howitzer  were 
the  only  incumbrances,  in  addition  to  the  pack  train,  to  retard  their 
movements. 

"The  route  selected  was  through  Walker's  basin  and  the  Kern 
river  mines  ;  up  the  south  fork  of  Kern  river,  through  Walker's  pass  ; 
thence  along  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Sierra  Nevadas  to  Owens  lake. 
The  distance  from  Fort  Tejon  to  the  desert  by  way  of  W^alker's 
pass  is  about  one  hundred  and  seventeen  miles,  with  good  camps 
at  convenient  distances,  and,  with  the  exception  of  ascent  in  Walker's 
basin,  the  road  is  quite  good  for  wagons.  Along  the  edge  of  the 
desert  to  the  lake,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  thirty  miles,  water 
and  grass  exist  at  convenient  distances. 

"Arriving  at  the  foot  of  the  lake,  we  found  a  fine  meadow  of 
eight  hundred  or  one  thousand  acres,  well  supplied  with  fine  water. 
This  constitutes  the  only  desirable  spot  on  the  confines  of  the  lake, 
as  there  are  not  five  acres  of  grass  at  any  one  other  spot  on  its 
borders. 

"This  lake  is  emphatically  a  "saline  lake,"  as  its  waters  contain 
salts  to  near  the  point  of  saturation,  producing  a  density  sufficient 
to  support  the  human  body  on  its  surface.  From  a  casual  examina- 
tion, I  am  of  the  opinion  that  those  salts  consist  principally  of  the 
bi-borate  of  soda  (borax)  and  the  chloride  of  sodium  (common 
salt).  LTpon  the  surface  of  this  lake  swam  myriads  of  small  flies, 
of  a  species  with  which  I  am  not  familiar,  where  they  deposit  their 
eggs,  the  larvae  of  which  constitutes  an  important  part  of  the  food 
of  the  Indians  of  that  region.  The  constant  winds  from  the  desert 
drive  the  larvae  in  large  quantities  upon  the  shore  of  the  lake, 
where  they  are  easily  collected  by  the  squaws.  Besides  Owens  (or 
as  the  Indians  call  it  Wakopee)  river  there  are  some  four  small 
brooks  emptying  their  waters  into  the  lake. 

"For  some  distance  along  the  river,  after  leaving  the  lake,  but 


44  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

little  desirable  land  is  found,  except  that  supplied  with  water  by 
little  rivulets  flowing-  from  the  mountains.  Twenty-seven  miles 
from  the  head  of  the  lake  is  Pine  creek,  with  a  large  body  of 
meadow  land  and  the  first  timber  we  encountered  growing  in  the 
valley,  save  a  few  small  cottonwoods.  Beautiful  streams  of  clear, 
cold  water  come  gushing  fresh  from  the  snows  of  the  Sierras  at 
intervals  of  one  to  ten  miles,  irrigating  beautiful  and  fertile  por- 
tions of  the  valley  for  the  following  sixty-two  miles  from  Pine 
creek,  principal  among  which  are  Clark's  and  Dragon  forks,  either 
of  which  supply  nearly  as  much  water  at  this  season  of  the  year  as 
does  the  Kern  river. 

"Large  tracts  of  land  are  here  irrigated  by  the  natives  to  secure 
the  growth  of  grass  seeds  and  grass  nuts — a  small  tuberous  root 
of  fine  taste  and  nutritious  qualities  which  grows  here  in  great 
abundance.  Their  ditches  for  irrigation  are  in  some  cases  carried 
for  miles,  displaying  as  much  accuracy  and  judgment  as  if  laid  out 
by  an  engineer,  and  distributing  the  water  with  great  regularity 
over  their  grounds,  and  this  too  without  the  aid  of  a  single  agri- 
cultural implement.  They  are  totally  ignorant  of  agriculture  and 
depend  entirely  on  the  natural  resources  of  the  country  for  food 
and  clothing. 

"One  of  the  greatest  aqueous  curiosities  of  the  trip  was  a  single 
spring,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  'Mammoth,'  from  which 
runs  a  stream  of  water,  with  a  fair  current,  fifteen  or  twenty  feet 
wide  and  about  two  and  a  half  feet  deep. 

"Although  from  some  distance  below  the  lake  we  encountered 
the  temporary  abodes  of  the  Indians,  yet  in  no  instance  were  the 
troops  enabled  to  get  sight  of  a  single  one,  they  having  fled  before 
our  approach  (as  we  afterwards  learned),  having  been  told  that 
they  would  be  killed,  until  we  reached  Pine  creek,  when  the  inter- 
preter found  a  poor  woman  attempting  to  escape  with  her  crippled 
child.  She  having  been  assured  that  the  people  would  not  be  injured 
soon  became  the  means  of  reassuring  the  Indians,  after  which  there 
was  but  little  difficulty  in  communicating  with  them. 

"To  our  surprise  we  saw  but  very  few  horses  among  them,  and 
that  too  on  the  upper  portion  of  Owens  river,  and  these  evidently 
were  obtained  from  the  Walker  river  Indians.  They  informed  Cap- 
tain Davidson  that  some  four  or  five  Indians,  in  years  past,  were 
in  the  habit  of  stealing  horses  for  the  purpose  of  eating  them,  but 
esteeming  it  wrong  they  some  five  years  since  punished  some  of  the 
party  with  death  and  the  rest  had  died  from  natural  causes;  since 
when  none  had  been  stolen  by  their  people.  They  told  us  where 
we  could  find  the  tones  of  the  animals  thus  destroyed,  and  most 
certainly  the  appearance  corroborated  their  statement,  for  there 
were  no  bones  of  more  recent  date  than  four  or  five  years. 

"The  Wakopee  or  Owens  river  Indians  appear  to  be  both  morally 


SOME  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  OWENS  RIVER  VALLEY  45 

and  physically  superior  to  any  of  their  race  in  California,  for  in 
point  of  probity  and  honesty  I  certainly  have  never  met  their  equal, 
and  as  to  their  physical  condition,  I  saw  none  sick  or  infirm,  save 
the  child  already  alluded  to — although  they  will  number  twelve  hun- 
dred or  fifteen  hundred  souls. 

"To  illustrate  their  ideas  of  truthfulness:  An  Indian  boy  who 
was  anxious  to  return  with  Captain  Davidson,  after  descending  the 
river  fifty  or  sixty  miles,  met  his  elder  brother  and,  being  somewhat 
unwell  and  perhaps  a  little  homesick,  asked  his  brother's  advice 
in  regard'  to  turning  back.  'Have  you  promised  to  go?'  said  he. 
'Yes.'  'Well,  then,  do  not  ask  me ;  if  you  have  promised  to  go,  you 
shall  go.' 

"Whilst  talking  to  their  head  men,  who  had  assembled  for  that 
purpose.  Captain  Davidson  informed  them  that  so  long  as  they  were 
peaceful  and  honest  the  government  would  protect  them  in  the  en- 
joyment of  their  rights.  Their  reply  was  that  such  had  always  been 
their  conduct  and  should  ever  be — that  they  had  depended  on  their 
ovvn  unaided  resources — that  they  had  at  all  times  treated  the  whites 
in  a  friendly  manner,  and  intended  to  do  so  in  the  future.  He  fur- 
ther informed  them  that  should  they  become  dishonest  and  resort 
to  murder  and  robbery,  they  would  be  punished  with  the  sword. 
The  old  captain  or  head  man  turned  with  a  smile  to  the  interpreter 
and  said :  'Tell  him  that  we  fear  it  not,  that  what  I  have  said  I  have 
said.     I  have  lain  my  heart  at  his  feet ;  let  him  look  at  it.' 

"Unsophisticated  and  uncontaminated  by  free  intercourse  with 
whites  or  vicious  Indians,  a  lack  of  chastity  is  said  to  be  a  thing 
almost  unheard  of  among  them.  The  limited  opportunities  for  ob- 
servation favored  the  opinion  that  such  was  the  case.  In  conversa- 
tion with  L.  Anderson,  the  companion  of  the  old  guide  and  traveller, 
Captain  Walker,  this  opinion  is  fully  confirmed." 

The  correspondent  draws  an  attractive  picture  of  the  valley  be- 
fore the  hand  of  civilized  man  had  changed  it.  The  natives,  from  his 
account,  were  certainly  good  Indians.  In  less  than  three  years  from 
the  time  the  expedition  visited  this  Arcadian  vale  of  primitive  con- 
tentment and  peace,  it  had  been  changed  to  the  theater  of  savage 
warfare  and  massacre.  Gold  and  silver  mines  had  been  discovered 
on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Sierra  Madre  mountains  in  the  Esmaralda, 
Mono  Lake  and  Owens  Valley  districts,  and  a  miners'  rush  was  on. 
Settlers  had  taken  possession  of  the  Indians'  land  and  the  red  men, 
who  a  few  years  before  had  punished  their  own  people  with  death 
for  stealing  horses  from  the  white  men,  were  themselves  killed  for 
resisting  the  theft  of  their  lands  by  the  white  men. 

The  Owens  valley  Indians  proved  to  be  good  fighters.  The  Los 
Angeles  Star  of  April  26,  1862,  under  the  head  of  "Indian  Depreda- 
tions— Battle  With  the  Indians — Nine  Lives  Lost"  gives  this  among 
other  items  of  the  Indian  war  in  the  valley :  "A  party  of  citizens,  sixty 


46  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

in  number,  had  a  fight  with  the  Indians  of  Owens  River  \'alley  on 
the  5th  inst.,  in  which  they  were  defeated  with  the  loss  of  three  men 
killed,  viz:  Mr.  Pleasants,  Mr.  Morrison  and  ]\Ir.  Scott,  the  last 
named  the  sheriff  of  Mono  county.  The  citizens  made  good  their 
retreat  under  cover  of  night,  going  down  the  valley,  and  joined 
Lt.  Col.  Evans'  command  the  following  day. 

"On  the  9th  instant  Lt.  Col.  Evans'  command,  with  fifty  dragoons 
from  Fort  Churchilf  and  some  thirty  citizens,  attacked  the  Indians, 
who  were  posted  on  a  very  steep  hill,  and  were  repulsed  with  the 
loss  of  Colonel  Mayfield,  who  commanded  the  company  of  citizens ; 
Sergeant  McKenzie,  and  a  private,  name  unknown.  *     *     * 

"Previous  to  the  first  fight  the  bodies  of  two  men  were  found 
on  the  road  near  the  scene  of  the  fight  murdered,  and  four  men 
who,  on  the  road  coming  south,  were  attacked  and  barely  escaped 
with  their  lives  to  Aurora,  two  of  the  party  being  badly  wounded." 

The  editor  of  the  Star  presages  further  disaster  to  the  white 
people  of  the  valley.  In  his  presentment  of  evil  to  come  he  gives  us 
a  glimpse  of  the  wonderful  changes  that  had  taken  place  in  the  valley 
and  the  surrounding  country  in  three  years,  all  brought  about  by 
one  of  those  cyclones  of  human  energy,  an  old-time  miners'  "giid 
rush." 

"The  whole  of  Owens  valley,  with  the  different  mining  camps 
in  that  vicinity,  together  with  the  improvements  of  the  settlers  of 
the  Owens  valley  and  the  valuable  machinery  in  the  mines,  is  entirely 
exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  Indians.  Within  sixty  or  eighty  miles 
of  Owens  lake  there  is  an  immigration  of  about  fifty  large  wagons 
going  to  Aurora,  I\Iono  county,  loaded  with  valuable  goods  and  ma- 
chinery, which  can  reach  their  destination  by  no  other  route  than 
through  Owens  valley ;  besides,  there  are  on  the  road  a  great  many 
thousand  head  of  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs  for  the  same  destination." 

A  military  camp  was  established  in  the  valley  and  United 
States  troops  stationed  there  until  Indian  depredations  ceased.  The 
Indian  war  in  Owens  valley  ended  as  all  wars  between  savage  and 
civilized  man  end — in  the  subjugation  and  extermination  of  the  sav- 
age. It  is  simply  the  enforcement  of  one  of  Nature's  inexorable 
laws :   "The  survival  of  the  fittest." 

One  of  the  most  violent  earthquakes  known  in  the  history  of 
California  had  its  center  of  action  near  Owens  lake.  It  occurred  at 
2  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  March  26,  1872.  It  shook  up  all  of 
Southern  California  and  hustled  thousands  of  its  inhabitants  in  un- 
dress uniform  into  the  streets  on  a  frosty  morning.  In  proportion 
to  the  population  of  Owens  valley  at  that  time  the  loss  of  life  was  as 
great  as  in  the  San  Francisco  earthquake  of  1906.  The  greatest 
loss  of  life  was  at  the  town  of  Lone  Pine.  Nearly  all  the  buildings 
were  of  cobblestone  and  adobe.    Everv  one  of  these  was  dashed  into 


SOME  EARLY  HISTORY  OF  OWENS  RIVER  VALLEY  47 

a  heap  of  ruins  at  the  first  shock  of  the  earthquake.  More  than 
sixty  persons  were  killed  or  wounded.  Several  were  killed  at  other 
towns  and  settlements  in  the  valley. 

The  earthquake  performed  some  queer  freaks.  At  a  point  about 
seven  miles  north  of  Lone  Pine  the  bed  of  the  river  sank,  forming  a 
lake  of  several  hundred  acres.  At  another  point  the  land  sank  on 
the  west  side  of  the  river.  The  river  left  its  old  channel  and  formed 
a  new  one  two  miles  east  of  its  former  one.  The  queerest  freak  the 
temblor  performed  was  the  moving  of  a  division  line  between  two 
ranches.  The  boundary  was  marked  by  a  straight  line  of  trees  that 
crossed  the  main  road  in  an  unbroken  line.  The  earthquake  moved  the 
line  of  trees  on  the  west  side  of  the  road  16  feet  further  north,  giving 
one  of  the  ranchers  that  much  of  his  neighbor's  land.  The  trees 
continued  to  grow  as  if  earthquakes  agreed  with  them.  Whether 
the  man  whose  land  was  conveyed  to  his  neighbor  by  a  deed  of  the 
temblor  sued  to  recover  I  do  not  know. 

Had  he  done  so  he  might  have  fared  as  the  plaintiff  did  in  the 
famous  land  suit  that  Mark  Twain  tells  of  in  "Roughing  It,"  the 
case  of  Hyde  against  Morgan.  Mark  lays  the  scene  of  the  story 
in  Nevada,  but  the  story  was  originated  in  California  years  before 
Mark  came  west. 

A  man  owned  a  ranch  on  the  side  of  a  mountain ;  another  agri- 
culturist owned  one  in  the  valley  below.  A  cloudburst  came  along 
and  slid  the  mountain  ranch  down  on  the  valley  farm  and  with  it 
came  the  mountain  farmer,  still  holding  possession  of  his  land.  The 
valley  agriculturist  sued  to  recover  possession  of  his  holdings.  The 
judge  was  ignorant  of  law,  but  had  a  large  bump  of  reverence.  He 
gave  his  decision  in  favor  of  the  mountain  man.  The  valley  land 
owner  loudly  protested  against  the  injustice.  The  judge,  assuming 
all  the  dignity  he  could  command,  said:  "That  land  was  sent  down 
the  mountain  by  a  decree  of  the  Almighty,  and  this  court,  if  she 
knows  herself,  and  she  thinks  she  does,  is  not  going  to  buck  against 
the  decrees  of  the  Almighty." 


JOHN  BIDWELL:  A  PRINCE  AMONG  PIONEERS 

BY  ROCKWELL  D.   HUNT,  PH.  D. 

Here  was  a  Roman,  indeed,  from  whose  life  the  immortal  Cicero, 
were  he  again  writing  on  old  age,  might  have  gleaned  many  a  sug- 
gestion, might  have  drawn  deep  inspiration.  In  his  death  we  wit- 
nessed the  passing  of  a  prince  among  pioneers. 

John  Bidwell  was  born  in  Chautauqua  County,  New  York,  Au- 
gust 5,  1819,  and  died  April  4,  1900.  His  ancestors  for  some  gen- 
erations had  been  New  England  farmers  of  sturdy  stock.  At  the 
age  of  ten  his  parents,  Abraham  and  Clarissa  Griggs  Bidwell,  re- 
moved to  Ashtabula  County,  Ohio,  and  in  1834  to  the  western  part  of 
that  state.  Returning  two  years  later  to  Ashtabula,  John  entered  the 
Kingsville  Academy,  which  proved  to  be  the  last  school  he  ever  at- 
tended. Young  Bidwell  enjoyed  comparatively  meager  opportunities 
for  acquiring  an  education,  but  he  very  early  displayed  a  spirit  of 
earnestness  and  application  in  his  studies,  formed  the  life  habit  of 
turning  circumstance  and  experience  into  educative  forces,  and 
throughout  his  eventful  life  he  always  evin'ced  the  liveliest  interest 
in  educational  matters.  He  recalled  the  first  school  he  ever  attended, 
how  he  trudged  along  the  pathway  with  snow  on  either  side  as  high 
as  his  head,  and  how  the  schoolmaster,  a  Mr.  Poor,  went  out  to  cut 
a  piece  of  clear  ice  into  a  lens  to  illustrate  the  concentration  of  light 
rays. 

Despite  numerous  disadvantages  it  is  clear  that  he  received  an 
education  far  in  advance  of  the  average  frontiersman.  Besides  all 
the  common  branches  he  attempted  Latin,  reading  as  far  as  the 
'"Aeneid"  of  Virgil.  He  was  accounted  very  good  in  arithmetic  and 
grammar.  Lack  of  funds  compelled  him  to  discontinue  his  studies. 
The  opportunity  arising  in  1838,  he  engaged  in  teaching  near  his 
father's  home :  his  examination  as  teacher  was  so  eminently  success- 
ful that  it  was  subject  for  approving  comment  throughout  that 
vicinity. 

In  his  twentieth  year,  early  in  1839,  John  Bidwell  reached  an  im- 
portant decision.  He  had  strong  aspirations  for  a  college  educa- 
tion, but  he  also  had  intense  longings  for  travel — and  seventy-five 
dollars  cash  in  his  podket.  He  therefore  decided  that  he  would  see 
something  of  the  great  Western  prairies,  and  then  return  to  enter 
college.  That  decision  cost  the  young  man  a  college  education  ;  but 
it  proved  the  commencement  of  a  career  almost  unprecedented  in 
character — romantic,  thrilling,  unique.  It  made  John  Bidwell  a  path- 
finder. How  he  delighted  to  live  over  again  the  alluring  past !  For 
hours  at  a  time  would  he  entertain  and  instruct  in  his  deliberate. 


JOHN  BIDWELL,  A  PRINCE  AMONG  PIONEERS  49 

inimitable  way,  with  some  segment  from  tlie  large  circle  of  his  ex- 
perience, those  who  came  to  enjoy  his  matchless  hospitality  at  lovely 
Rancho  Chico,  Butte  County,  California.  For  one  of  my  generation 
to  hear  him  dwell  upon  the  old  California  regime  was  veritably  like 
listening  to  a  voice  out  of  the  past:  other  days  were  given  a  voice, 
history  became  audible. 

For  nearly  three-score  years  was  John  Bidwell  a  resident  of  Cali- 
fornia. Long  before  the  "Days  of  Gold,"  even  before  Fremont's 
first  expedition  to  the  coast,  Bidwell,  with  about  thirty  others,  after 
a  thrillingly  interesting  trip  fraught  with  perilous  incidents  and  haz- 
ardous escapes,  reached  California  November  4,  1841,  the  first  white 
immigrants  known  to  cross  the  heart  of  the  Sierra  Nevada.  The 
original  Bartleson  party  numbered  sixty-nine  persons  all  told,  of 
whom  M.  O.  Nye  of  Oregon  and  John  Bidwell  of  California  were 
the  latest  survivors. 

General  Bidwell  witnessed  much  belonging  to  each  of  the  great 
stages  in  California  development.  He  stood  unique  as  the  living 
embodiment  of  the  several  distinct  regimes,  or  "ages,"  of  our  great 
Pacific  Commonwealth,  having  rendered  distinguished  service  in 
each  regime. 

Once  in  California  he  almost  immediately  became  prominent, 
especially  in  the  employ  of  Captain  Sutter;  as  an  adopted  son  of 
Mexico  he  early  acquired  such  facility  in  the  Spanish  language  as 
to  do  much  official  translating;  he  surveyed  many  extensive  land 
grants,  and  was  conspicuous  in  the  Micheltorena  war  of  1845.  He 
it  was  that  drew  up  the  concise  document  which  Lieutenant  Gilles- 
pie accepted  as  the  fundamental  law  of  the  Bear  Flag  Republic ; 
in  the  war  of  the  American  Conquest  he  received  from  Commodore 
Stockton  the  commission  of  quartermaster,  with  the  rank  of  major; 
he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  first  Constitutional  Convention, 
but  being  detained  at  the  mines,  was  unable  to  serve. 

John  Bidwell  as  a  Pioneer  represented  the  best  elements  of  a 
select  body  of  men  today  virtually  without  a  living  representative. 
The  passing  of  an  honored  '49er  has  come  to  inspire  reverence  and 
pathos ;  the  ranks  of  the  Pioneers  of  the  Golden  West,  bound  by 
cords  of  affection  as  genuine  as  earth  can  know,  are  being  decimated 
yearly, — the  inroads,  made  by  Death,  are  ever  deeper  and'  wider. 
But  yonder  at  Chito  stood,  after  eighty  rounded  years  of  fruitful 
life  and  endeavor,  our  distinguished  fellow-citizen,  bridging  the 
years  with  his  memory ;  and  out  of  the  abundance  of  his  own  obser- 
vation and  experience  he  instructed  the  '49er  in  the  romance,  the 
picturesqueness  of  early  California. 

While  manifesting  deep  interest  in  contemporaneous  affairs  and 
rejoicing  at  the  tokens  of  our  national  and  local  advancement  and  de- 
velopment, ever  deeply  solicitous  for  the  common  weal,  it  is  not 
strange  that  the  mind  of  Bidwell  should  have  loved  best  to  dwell  upon 


50  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

the  Stirring  theme  of  early  days.  With  fine  accuracy  and  wonderful 
comprehensiveness  did  he  recount  the  details  of  a  now-long-past 
a'ctivity  in  state  building.  He  recalled  the  names  not  only  of  the 
earliest  Americans  in  California,  but  also  of  the  chief  Spanish  fam- 
ilies, from  San  Diego  to  Sonoma.  As  an  illustration  of  the  retentive 
power  of  his  mind  he  could,  at  the  age  of  eighty,  readily  name  about 
one  hundred  (nearly  all)  of  the  leading  foreigners  who  had  found 
their  way  into  California  before  his  entrance,  together  with  their 
respective  locations,  based  upon  modern  county  divisions.  He  could 
name  and  locate  with  great  exactness  every  county  in  our  state. 
Who  can  fathom  the  satisfaction  of  such  an  old  age?  In  one  of  Bid- 
well's  last  speeches,  made  on  the  occasion  of  the  San  Jose  Golden 
Jubilee,  he  said,  "I  never  found  time  to  loaf.  ...  I  suppose  it 
is  natural  for  everybody  to  grow  old  in  time,  but  we  need  not  let 
our  minds  grow  old."  But  now  he  is  dead :  he  died  at  his  work 
— but  doubtless  in  the  fullness  of  time.  His  mind  was  never  per- 
mitted to  reach  senility. 

General  Bidwell  was  the  recognized  "Father  of  Chico,"  and  his 
fellow-townsmen  were  ever  proud  to  do  him  honor :  upon  the  an- 
nouncement of  his  death  all  the  flags  of  bereaved  Chico  were  set  at 
half-mast  and  business  houses  were  draped  in  mourning.  His  rancho 
included  the  town  site,  and  the  survey  was  made  under  his  immediate 
direction. 

Here  must  be  mentioned  his  proverbial  generosity  and  unbounded 
public  spirit.  One  morning  I  learned  that  Bidwell  had  given  the 
delightful  Plaza  to  the  town  of  Chico.  At  the  dinner  table  I  re- 
marked my  discovery  that  the  General  had  not  received  a  very  large 
price  for  the  square  known  as  the  plaza.  "Oh,"  said  he,  "I  never 
charged  for  anything  that  the  public  wanted — so  far  as  I  know."  It 
was  his  intention  to  give  to  each  church  a  building  site  of  one-quarter 
of  a  block,  and  he  did  give  sites  to  at  least  four  denominations,  ag- 
gregating in  value  many  thousands  of  dollars.  Among  his  numerous 
benefactions  must  be  mentioned  those  of  eight  acres  of  valuable  land, 
beautifully  located,  donated  in  1887  as  a  site  for  the  now  well-known 
Normal  School  of  Northern  California,  and  an  extensive  tract  of 
choice  land  for  a  United  States  Forestry  Station.  Since  his  death 
his  public  spirit  and  generosity  have  been  continued'  by  his  widow, 
Mrs.  Annie  E.  K.  Bidwell. 

Bidwell's  noble  estate,  the  Rancho  Chico,  was  considered  one  of 
the  most  valuable  properties  in  California.  It  was  at  one  time  worth 
perhaps  $2,000,000.  but  it  did  not  escape  the  general  shrinkage  of 
land  values  of  the  '90s.  Extending  from  the  Sacramento  River  on 
the  western  boundary  eastward  fifteen  miles,  it  contained  some 
23,000  acres,  and  was  devoted  to  the  raising  of  grain,  vegetables, 
fruit  and  all  kinds  of  livestock.  Here,  delightfully  situated  on  the 
Arroyo  del  Chico,  is  the  spacious  Bidwell  mansion  with  its  broad 


JOHN  BIDWFXL,  A  PRINCE  AMONG  PIONEERS  51 

verandas,  surrounded  by  such  lovely  grounds  as  few  can  boast  even 
in  favored  California.  This  was,  these  many  years,  the  home  of  Gen- 
eral and  Mrs.  Bidwell.  Here  many  thousands  of  persons  of  high 
estate  and  low  have  gratefully  enjoyed  the  unbounded  hospitality  of 
the  Bid'well's.  Hither  have  come  illustrious  visitors,  including  Presi- 
dent and  Mrs.  Hayes,  General  Sherman,  Senator  Stanford,  and  emi- 
nent scientists  like  Dr.  Asa  Gray,  Sir  Joseph  Hooker  and  Professor 
Parry.  No  less  welcome  than  these  have  been  others  of  low  estate, 
even  the  proteges  from  the  Chico  rancheria. 

Within  the  mansion  Mrs.  Annie  Bidwell,  the  vivacious,  charming 
companion  of  the  General,  presided  with  admirable  grace,  gentle- 
ness and  refinement.     Airs.  Bidwell  is  the  daughter  of  Hon.  Joseph 

C.  G.  Kennedy,  formerly  a  most  prominent  citizen  of  Washington, 

D.  C.,  and  a  high  authority  on  many  subjects.  She  had  moved  in 
the  highest  circles  of  society  in  the  National  Capital,  but  did  not  deem 
even  the  degraded  Chico  Indians  beneath  her  notice.  For  more  than 
thirty  years  she  was  their  faithful  and  efficient  pastor  and  teacher. 
The  truly  marvelous  transformation  in  their  individual  and  collective 
life  as  the  result  of  her  ministry  is  an  object  lesson  that  cannot  fail 
to  be  deeply  impressive  to  every  serious  visitor  at  the  rancheria. 

Mrs.  Bidwell  has  been  called,  and  rightly  so,  "one  of  the  noble 
women  of  the  age."  Deeply  religious  in  character,  the  work  that 
has  been  nearest  her  heart,  second  perhaps  to  her  missionary  labors 
for  the  Indians,  is  in  the  great  cause  of  temperance.  As  an  honored 
member  of  the  Women's  Christian  Temperance  Union,  her  zeal  has 
been  unremitting  and  her  good  works  have  made  her  name  familiar 
throughout  the  country.  \Vith  half  an  eye  the  guest  at  the  home 
could  discover  the  great  depth  of  affection  and  esteem  in  which 
husband  and  wife  held  each  other.  On  one  occasion  I  ventured  to 
remark  to  the  General  upon  the  charming  qualities  of  his  wife :  with 
evident  satisfaction  and  pleasure  he  responded  quickly  and  gener- 
ously. "Professor,  I  have  the  very  best  wife  in  the  world, — but  one ; 
and  that  is  your  own."  In  public  life  and  private  Mrs.  Bidwell  has 
been  the  indispensable  help-meet  to  her  husband. 

There  was  never  a  time  when  Bidwell  considered  himself  wealthy. 
He  had  no  passion  for  being  rich.  Had  acquisitiveness  been  his 
ruling  passion  he  could  have  accumulated  millions.  Up  to  1867  he 
incurred  no  financial  obligations ;  but  on  going  to  Washington  as  a 
member  of  Congress  he  left  his  business  affairs  in  the  hands  of  other 
men,  and  through  a  combination  of  unfortunate  expenditures  and 
losses  his  debts  began. 

The  "hard  times"  of  the  '90s  came  upon  him  in  an  evil  hour  and 
found  him  laboring  under  heavy  financial  obligations.  Perhaps  he 
was  generous  to  a  fault:  within  a  short  time  he  spent  upwards  of 
$50,000  in  making  and  improving  mountain  roads.  Besides  his  large 
benefactions  to  the  public,  he  has  helped  scores  of  individuals,  all 


52  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

gratuitously,  but  to  his  own  financial  detriment.  As  there  were  so 
many  worthy  causes  appealing  to  him  in  later  years  and  so  many 
individual  requests  for  assistance,  it  was  a  grief  to  the  aged  General 
that  he  could  not  open  his  hands  as  lavishly  as  in  the  days  that  had 
gone  by. 

If  Mr.  Bidwell  did  not  acquire  great  wealth,  he  acquired  what  was 
vastly  better  than  wealth.  As  the  eventful  years  passed  over  his 
head,  each  dropped  into  his  mind  an  invisible  resource  and  into  his 
heart  a  mellowing  richness,  which  combined  with  large  native  endow- 
ment in  the  perfection  of  a  character  at  once  lofty,  heroic,  gentle, 
noble.  He  was  a  great  lover  of  nature.  The  petals  of  the  tiniest  flower 
and  the  huge  geological  formations  alike  attracted  his  attention  and 
admiration.  He  mastered  the  scientific  nomenclature  of  the  very 
numerous  and  interesting  flora  of  his  ranch,  if  not  of  the  entire 
region,  and  was  quick  to  notice  any  new  plant,  which,  more  than 
likely,  he  would  preserve  for  a  botanist. 

As  General  and  Mrs.  Bidwell  set  out  upon  one  of  their  regular 
mountain  trips, — "Now,  Annie,  we  must  see  how  many  plants  we 
can  name  today,"  he  would  say ;  and  if  the  season  at  all  favored,  he 
would  have  named  botanically  some  four-score  before  nightfall.  Mrs. 
Bidwell,  though  possessed  of  quick  mind  and  retentive  memory,  con- 
fessed her  husband's  superiority  in  this  recreation,  as  also  in  the 
ready  quotation  of  apt  verses.  This  venerable  man  had  stored  his 
mind  with  a  wealth  of  poetry,  particularly  the  classic  poetry  of  nature, 
that  seemed  fairly  astonishing  to  one  who  knew  something  of  the 
business  cares  and  manifold  responsibilities  that  weighed  upon  him. 
How  beautiful  to  find  here  and  there  a  man  who  does  not  live  by 
bread  alone !  Younger  persons  in  the  presence  of  this  great  soul 
were  inspired  to  reach  out  for  broader  living. 

The  beautiful  in  art  and  nature  appealed  strongly  to  him :  but 
he  was  also  at  eighty  a  docile  student  of  science.  Himself  a  good 
surveyor  and  an  enthusiastic  lover  of  engineering,  he  betrayed 
marked  susceptibility  to  the  fascinations  of  astronomy  and  geology. 
The  only  book  he  brought  with  him  across  the  plains  in  '41 — no  won- 
der he  prized  it  so  highly  ! — is  Burritt's  "Geography  of  the  Heavens," 
published  in  1839.  He  delighted  in  the  discussion  of  new  scientific 
theories,  always  alert  to  add  to  his  intellectual  stock,  for  the  pleasures 
of  the  intellect  were  to  him  an  indispensable  element  of  life. 

Bidwell  was  a  member  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Chico  since 
1868,  having  been  converted  in  Washington  and  there  joining  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church  on  probation.  He  never  was  a  stickler 
for  dogma  or  creed  :  but  stood  upon  the  broad  platform  of  Protestant 
Christianity.  As  a  Christian  he  was  large-hearted  and  broad-minded, 
modest,  unassuming,  humble,  benevolent,  charitable,  broadly  hu- 
manitarian. For  nearly  twenty  years  he  taught  a  young  men's  Bible 
class  in  Sunday  School,  giving  much  attention  to  the  work,  always 


JOHN  BIDWELL,  A  PRIXCE  AMONG  PIONEERS  53 

committing  carefully  to  memory  the  entire  lesson  for  the  day. 

He  believed  profoundly  in  the  ruling  of  an  all-wise  Providence 
in  the  affairs  of  men,  and  recognized  the  hand  of  a  merciful  Father 
in  his  own  life,  as  in  the  life  of  his  beloved  country.  That  the  fab- 
ulous wealth  of  Californian  gold  should  be  kept  from  the  world's 
view  until  the  territory  had  become  an  integral  part  of  our  national 
domain  and  then  that  it  should  be  poured  forth  so  lavishly  to  the 
strengthening  and  preservation  of  our  national  credit  during  the 
dark  days  of  the  rebellion  he  deemed  clearly  providential.  Shortly 
before  his  death,  writing  me  of  his  experience  in  a  frightful  runaway, 
from  which  he  escaped  without  a  broken  bone,  he  declared :  "The 
wonder  is  that  all  my  bones  were  not  broken.  Only  a  merciful  dis- 
pensation of  Providence  saved  me."  His  was  a  simple,  sincere  faith, 
with  no  suggestion  of  cant,  deeply  inwrought  in  his  life,  a  most  real 
part  of  himself. 

One  who  had  seen  Rancho  Chi'co  would  very  naturally  expect 
its  owner  to  be  deeply  absorbed  in  agricultural  pursuits :  and  indeed 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  California  is  greatly  indebted  for  its 
marvelous  advances  in  agriculture  to  John  Bidwell.  Not  only  was 
he  diligent  in  securing  the  best  of  farm  products  on  his  estate,  but 
with  true  public  spirit  he  was  constant  in  his  endeavor  to  develop 
the  agricultural  interests  of  the  Commonwealth.  For  many  years  he 
was  the  chief  patron  of  our  State  Agricultural  Fairs.  His  very  ex- 
tensive exhibits  were  always  promptly  in  place,  and  many  are  the 
premiums  his  products  have  taken.  For  a  long  time  with  charac- 
teristic generosity  he  made  it  a  practice  never  to  accept  medals  and 
premiums :  later  he  accepted  them  for  his  wife,  who  now  has  a  splen- 
did collection  of  gold  and  silver  medals  taken  by  Bidwell  grain,  cat- 
tle, fruits,  flour,  etc.  One  beautiful  medal  I  remember  to  have  seen 
was  taken  at  the  Paris  International  Exposition  in  1878  for  the  best 
wheat  in  the  world. 

\\'hen  it  became  apparent  to  him  that  the  principal  feature  of 
these  fairs  was  nothing  other  than  betting  on  horse-races  with  con- 
commitant  evils,  Bidwell's  high  sense  of  morality  w'ould  not  permit 
him  longer  to  countenance  them ;  hence  he  withdrew  his  moral  sup- 
port and  discontinued  his  extensive  exhibits.  Previous  to  1875  he 
had  been  frequently  honored  in  being  asked  to  deliver  the  annual 
address  before  the  State  Agriculutral  Society. 

But  General  Bidwell  was  not  wholly  wrapped  up  in  agricultural 
pursuits :  he  was  also  a  politician,  and  as  such  he  saw  much  of  public 
life.  If  ultimate  right  were  always  determined  by  a  majority  of 
human  votes,  then  one  might  almost  say  that  Bidwell  was  not  a  suc- 
cessful politician.  The  disappointment  that  came  to  him  through 
the  machinations  of  his  opponents,  and  the  abuse  that  was  heaped 
upon  him  because  of  his  unswerving  allegiance  to  strict  moral  prin- 
ciples would  make  of  a  smaller  nature  a  thorough  pessimist.     Yet 


54  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

he  never  lost  faith  in  humanity  nor  in  the  final  triumph  of  right: 
serene  and  sweet  in  old  age,  his  was  the  life  of  victory  until  death — 
victory  and  self-conquest. 

His  political  career  was  long  and  full  of  interest,  as  the  briefest 
resume  will  show.  After  rendering  conspicuous  public  service  under 
the  Mexican  and  the  earliest  American  regime  in  California,  he  was 
in  1849  elected  a  member  of  the  First  Constitutional  Convention, 
though  he  did  not  serve,  and  the  same  year  chosen  State  Senator 
in  the  first  California  Legislature,  where  he  served'  one  year.  Re- 
fusing to  vote  for  Fremont  in  1856,  he  went  as  a  delegate  from 
California  to  the  famous  Charleston  convention  of  1860.  Of  all  the 
Pacific  Coast  delegates,  he  alone  stood  loyal  to  the  Union  in  that 
hour  of  crisis, — "the  black  sheep  of  the  flock,"  as  he  facetiously  re- 
marked. In  1863  he  received  from  Governor  Stanford  the  appoint- 
ment to  command  the  Fifth  Brigade,  California  Militia,  which  com- 
mand he  held  to  the  end  of  the  war.  In  1864  he  served  as  a  dele- 
gate in  the  National  Republican  Convention  at  Baltimore,  which 
renominated  Lincoln  ;  and  at  its  conclusion  he  served  on  the  com- 
mittee of  one  member  from  each  State  to  inform  the  President  of 
his  renomination.  On  that  occasion,  he  afterwards  affirmed,  Lincoln, 
usually  careworn  in  appearance,  looked  like  a  veritable  chief. 

In  the  same  year  Bidwell  was  returned  to  Congress  by  the  Re- 
publicans of  his  district.  In  Congress  his  principal  services  were 
rendered  as  chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Agriculture.  In 
1867  he  declined  a  renomination  to  Congress,  the  people  of  Cali- 
fornia desiring  his  nomination  for  Governor;  but  rejecting  the  over- 
tures of  the  railroad  company,  his  nomination  on  the  Republican 
ticket  was  defeated.  In  1875  he  was  nominated  for  Governor  by 
the  Non-Partisan  and  Anti-Monopoly  party,  but  meeting  with  the 
violent  opposition  of  the  railroad  forces  he  was  defeated,  with  the 
result  that  the  Democrats  elected  Governor  Irwin.  For  many  years 
Bidwell  was  very  pronounced  in  his  views  against  monopolies :  he 
was  even  more  widely  known  because  of  his  radical  views  on  the 
temperance  question.  He  had  always  opposed  the  use  of  alcoholic 
beverages  and  was  known  as  a  teetotler  even  in  the  "early  days." 

Since  1876  he  was  a  prominent  Prohibitionist.  Strangely  enough 
it  was  a  clergyman  who  had  presuaded  Mr.  Bidwell  to  make  wine, 
about  1863.  urging  a  pure  article  that  might  be  generally  adopted 
as  communion  wine.  On  his  return  from  Washington,  having  no- 
ticed the  deception  practiced  by  his  wine-maker  and  perceiving  a 
tendency  antagonistic  to  his  temperance  principles,  he  promptly 
decided  to  stop  the  whole  business  and  purposed  breaking  in  the 
heads  of  the  barrels  with  an  ax.  In  1867  he  uprooted  all  his  wine- 
bearing  vines,  planting  raisin  and  other  choice  varieties.  This  act 
was  used  as  a  club  to  prevent  his  nomination  for  Governor  that  year. 
George  C.  Gorham,  who  secured  the  nomination,  said  in  his  perora- 


JOHN  BIDWELL,  A  PRINCE  AMONG  PIONEERS  55 

tion,  "Let  the  grape-vine  stand !"  Doubtless  Biclwell's  fearless  utter- 
ances on  the  temperance  question  in  the  exciting  campaign  of  1875 
had  much  to  do  with  his  defeat,  since  they  were  displeasing  to  many 
of  his  own  party  and,  as  they  protested, — wholly  gratuitous. 

In  1890  he  was  the  Prohibitionist  nominee  for  Governor  of  Cali- 
fornia. Two  years  later,  much  against  his  personal  wish,  he  was 
nominated  in  the  National  Prohibition  Convention  in  Cincinnati  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  He  made  a  dignified  campaign, 
though  in  poor  health,  receiving  the  largest  vote  that  had  ever  been 
polled  for  that  party. 

He  professed  himself  to  have  been  an  "incorrigible"  Democrat 
till  the  war  of  the  Rebellion  broke  out ;  then  for  more  than  a  decade 
an  "incorrigible'"  Republican;  later  an  avowed  Prohibitionist. 
Through  all  he  adhered  to  his  temperance  principles,  and  maintained 
his  hatred  for  monopolies.  The  question  of  temperance  he  deemed 
at  least  as  important  as  had  been  the  slavery  question.  The  initiative 
and  the  referendum  will  come,  as  he  thought,  then  the  question  of 
prohibition  can  be  voted  on  as  a  separate  issue,  the  women  doubtless 
participating.  He  believed  proportional  representation  to  be  just, 
and  looked  for  the  adoption  of  its  principle.  He  earnestly  advocated 
the  union  of  all  reform  forces,  during  recent  years  especially,  upon 
a  common  platform. 

Bidwell  was  pronounced  in  his  opposition  to  the  gold  standard 
for  the  United  States.  The  general  shrinkage  of  land  values  he  be- 
lieved was  due  to  the  gold  standard  "crime."  Bimetallism  by  inter- 
national agreement  was  favored,  but  in  default  of  suitable  arrange- 
ment he  held  that  we  should  adopt  the  double  standard  for  our  great 
country  alone.  On  the  tariff  question  his  attitude  underwent  some 
change.  For  many  years  inclined  in  favor  of  protection,  he  latterly 
confessed  inclinations  toward  free  trade.  He  desired  protection, 
but  would  not  secure  it  by  taxing  the  poor.  He  did  not  see  that 
the  advantages  of  the  tariff  are  certainly  to  endure  indefinitely. 
Retaliation  will  be  practiced  by  other  nations  toward  us:  "If  we 
tax  other  nations  they  will  tax  us :  they  are  bound  to  do  it."  Taxes 
should  fall  exactly  where  the  ability  exists  to  pay.  A  uniform  in- 
come tax,  after  exempting,  say  $600,  is  both  just  and  equitable. 

As  to  questions  of  war,  while  General  Bidwell  had  seen  much 
active  service  both  in  the  ranks  and  in  command,  he  did  not  possess 
a  bellicose  nature.  He  knew  well  the  perils  of  the  battlefield  and 
the  hardships  of  prison  life,  and  recognized  that  war  is  an  abnormal 
state.  In  the  excitement  of  our  strife  at  arms — the  Spanish-Amer- 
ican War — he  expressed  himself  as  desiring  the  war  to  'cease  before 
our  people  should  forget  and  lose  their  taste  for  the  peaceful  pur- 
suits of  agriculture,  manufacture  and  commerce.  The  destiny  of 
our  great  Republic  lies  with  Jehovah,  the  Omnipotent.  Let  us  hail 
with  delight  the  tokens  of  universal  peace ;  but  be  not  impatient  be- 


56  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

cause  we  may  not  in  our  generation  see  the  grand  consummation. 

Even  in  his  old  age  the  bearing  of  John  Bidwell  was  that  of  a 
soldier.  His  carriage  was  always  dignified,  his  manner  command- 
ing. He  possessed  a  remarkable  physique.  As  a  young  man  he 
stood  full  six  feet  in  height,  possessed  a  powerful  frame  and  won- 
derful endurance.  Yet  he  cared  little  for  wrestling  and  kindred 
sports,  and  made  no  pretensions  as  a  hunter. 

In  his  declining  years,  while  in  a  reminiscent  mood,  recalling  the 
thrilling  scenes  of  other  days,  his  face  became  suffused  with  an  in- 
tensity of  emotion  that  seemed  to  give  access  to  his  ver>-  soul ;  while 
his  flowing  beard,  only  partly  whitened  with  age,  seemed  to  lend 
added  authority  to  his  deliberate  speech  and  careful  diction.  Physical 
exercise  became  a  necessity  to  his  health.  His  chief  forms  of  exer- 
cise were  riding  and,  particularly,  walking.  But  since  walking  on 
level  ground  merely  for  e.xercise  was  exceedingly  monotonous  and 
irksome  to  him,  he  was  found  much  in  the  mountains  at  his  favorite 
occupation, — the  occupation  in  which  he  was  engaged  when  the 
death  stroke  fell — namely,  road  building. 

Here  is  an  outcropping  of  his  old  instinct  of  leaving  the  smooth- 
trodden  path  for  the  unknown.  At  laying  out  and  improving  moun- 
tain roads  he  was  an  expert :  to  this  pursuit  he  gave  years  of  effort 
and  a  fortune  of  money:  but  the  public  has  learned  to  appreciate  his 
work  for  good  roads:  and  the  very  pursuit,  so  healthful  and  con- 
genial, without  doubt  extended  the  General's  life.  Years  ago  it  had 
become  the  fixed  practice — indeed  they  found  it  a  necessity — for 
General  and  Mrs.  Bidwell  to  enjoy  each  summer  an  extended  out- 
ing in  the  high  Sierras.  Fortunate  was  the  guest  who  was  favored 
with  an  invitation  to  accompany  them,  for  they  were  model  campers. 

John  Bid'well  was  thoroughly  approachable,  though  at  times 
seemingly  formal ;  as  modest  as  Washington,  though  by  no  means 
lacking  in  personality;  a  serious,  refined.  Christian  gentleman, 
though  possessing  a  deep  fund  of  quiet  humor.  Of  him,  all  nature 
might  stand  up  and  say— HE  WAS  A  MAN. 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  THE  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  OIL 
INDUSTRY  IN  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

BY  WALDEMAR  WESTERGAARD,   PH.  D. 

The  Anglo-Saxons  and  their  brother  Teutons  have  been  a  re- 
markably tenacious  and  aggressive  race.  Human  history,  from  the 
decline  of  the  Roman  Empire  to  the  present  day,  is  concerned  to  a 
considerable  extent  with  the  advance  of  the  Germanic  peoples  into 
the  far  corners  of  the  earth.  Whether  from  motives  economic,  po- 
litical, religious,  or  by  methods  that  were  peaceful  or  warlike,  they 
have  penetrated  into  the  world's  remotest  regions,  and  for  good  or 
evil  there  secured  for  themselves  their  "place  in  the  sun."  It  is  not 
necessary  here  to  consider  whether  Anglo-Saxon,  or  indeed'  Teu- 
tonic civilization,  using  the  term  in  its  broadest  sense,  is  superior 
to  that  of  the  Latin  or  the  Slav,  but  what  is  the  proper  concern  of 
the  student  of  the  history  of  races  is  to  observe  where  he  may  the 
interplay  of  forces  where  cultures  so  peculiarly  dissimilar  come  in 
contact  with  one  another. 

The  Pacific  Coast  affords  numerous  opportunities  for  the  study 
of  all  three  civilizations  in  their  mutual  interactions.  On  this  coast 
met — sometimes  in  friendship,  sometimes  in  enmity — Spanish,  Rus- 
sian and  English-speaking  pioneers,  in  the  days  when  this  repre- 
sented the  outermost  reaches  of  their  pioneering  activities.  The 
Spaniard — or  Hispano-American — with  his  generous  hospitality,  his 
religious  zeal,  his  love  of  color  and  display,  his  fondness  for  the 
vicarious  athletics  of  the  cock-pit  or  the  bull-ring,  has  been  prac- 
tically submerged  under  the  irresistible  tide  of  Anglo-Saxon  com- 
mercial enterprise.  The  ranchos  exist  scarcely  more  than  in  name, 
the  mission  ruins  are  the  mecca  of  curious  tourists ;  a  crumbling 
adobe  wall  mutely  but  ineffectually  lifts  its  protest  against  the  on- 
slaught of  time — and  the  Anglo-Saxon ;  our  McGroartys  and  Helen 
Hunt  Jacksons  idealize  California's  Spanish  past  in  plays  and  novels, 
but  the  Anglo-Saxon  remains  in  firm  possession  of  the  Spaniard's 
"lost  provinces." 

It  is  not  always  possible  to  study  individual  instances  of  this 
interplay  of  Spaniard  and  Anglo-Saxon,  but  an  opportunity  to  ob- 
serve certain  of  the  phenomena  associated  with  the  super-imposing 
of  Anglo-Saxon  upon  Spanish  civilization  may  be  had  by  the  perusal 
of  the  correspondence  of  the  late  U.  S.  Senator  Thomas  Robert 
Bard  of  Hueneme.  Ventura  County,  California.  This  correspondence 
has  been  preserved  fairly  completely  since  about  1867  up  to  Mr. 
Bard's  death  in  1915,  and  is  now  lodged  in  modern  fire-proof 
vaults  belonging  to  the  Bard  family,  through  whose  courtesy  they 


58  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

were  placed  at  the  writer's  disposal  while  he  was  employed  by  the 
California  Historical   Survey  Commission. 

The  rise  of  Thomas  R.  Bard  from  a  position  of  comparative  ob- 
scurity to  one  of  leadership  in  the  political  and  economic  life  of  the 
West,  forms  an  episode  that  is  as  interesting  as  it  is  typical.  Com- 
ing to  the  Coast  as  the  western  agent  of  a  Pennsylvania  capitalist  just 
as  the  Civil  War  was  drawing  to  a  close,  Bard  lived  to  become  the 
proprietor  of  a  vertitable  barony  in  agricultural,  grazing  and  mineral 
lands ;  he  attained  the  distinction  of  becoming  the  first  president  of 
the  Union  Oil  Company,  one  of  the  powerful  corporations  of  the  great 
West  today ;  and  after  a  memorable  legislative  deadlock,  he  was 
chosen  to  represent  the  commonwealth  of  California  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  He  saw  California  when  it  looked  much  as  Dana 
described  it  in  "Two  Years  Before  the  Mast,"  and  lived  to  see  the 
day  when  the  ranches  were  subdivided  and  most  of  what  they  stood 
for  had  disappeared, — the  day  of  the  railway  and  the  automobile, 
of  the  factory  and  the  scientifically  managed  farm.  When  Bard 
laid  down  his  life  labors,  the  frontier  had  long  since  disappeared 
and  the  state  with  the  life  of  which  he  had  been  so  closely  identified 
had  entered  upon  an  era  of  intensive  development.  In  these  move- 
ments he  had  played  a  large  and  increasingly  important  part. 

When  Bard  came  to  California  late  in  1864,  he  came  as  the  agent 
of  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War  in  Lincoln's  cabinet, 
and  later  president  of  the  Pennsylvania  Railway.  Scott's  repre- 
sentative was  a  young  man  of  twenty-four,  who  had  seen  service 
during  the  war  as  a  telegrapher  and  had  come  to  Scott's  notice  while 
in  charge  of  a  branch  of  the  government  transportation  service. 
Oil  had  been  found  in  the  county  of  Santa  Barbara  and  traces  in 
Humboldt  county,  just  before  the  Civil  War  had  begun  and  but 
shortly  after  the  great  discoveries  of  the  Pennsylvania  oil  fields. 
The  boom  in  California  oil  lands  was  on  in  1864  when  Scott  de- 
cided to  send  Bard  west  to  look  after  the  tracts  of  oil  land — some 
277,000  acres  in  extent — that  the  Pennsylvania  capitalist  had  ac- 
quired in  Humboldt  and  Santa  Barbara  counties.  Bard's  formal 
schooling  had  been  received  at  Chambersburg  Academy,  which  he 
left  in  1858,  at  the  age  of  seventeen.  For  a  time  thereafter  he  studied 
law  in  the  office  of  Hon.  George  Chambers,  a  study  that  must  have 
been  congenial  if  one  may  be  allowed  to  judge  from  the  brief-like, 
logical  character  of  his  JDUsiness  letters.  Certainly  his  clarity  of 
style  and  conservatism  of  statement,  his  comprehensive  grasp  of  de- 
tail and  faculty  for  constructive  imagination,  would  have  made  him 
an  ornament  to  the  bar,  had  he  chosen  to  enter  that  field  of  endeavor. 
At  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  he  was  serving  his  apprenticeship  in 
business  through  his  connection  with  the  firm  of  Zeller  and  Com- 
pany, a  forwarding  and  commission  house  at  Hagerstown,  Mary- 
land.   From  there  he  went  into  the  employ  of  the  Cumberland  \'alley 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  EEGIXMXG  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY  59 

Railroad,  part  of  the  time  as  telegraplier,  where  he  remained  until 
August,  1864.  During  the  Confederate  invasion  of  Alaryland  and 
Pennsylvania  he  saw  active  field  service  as  a  volunteer  scout. 

On  his  arrival  in  California,  Bard  at  once  proceeded  to  those 
holdings  of  the  California  and  Philadelphia  Petroleum  Company, 
through  which  Scott  operated,  which  were  located  in  the  southern 
part  of  Santa  Barbara  county,  in  the  region  that  was  afterwards 
formed  into  Ventura  county.  The  Humboldt  River  region  has  never 
realized  the  hopes  of  its  promoters  of  oil,  though  the  name  of  Pe- 
trolia  remains  as  a  symbol  of  its  former  visions. 

The  proper  care  of  such  immense  interests  as  those  held  by  Scott 
required  that  Bard,  as  the  representative  on  the  ground,  was  obliged 
to  take  a  deep  and  discerning  interest  in  the  local  political  situation. 
To  investors  in  a  speculative  enterprise  such  as  this,  the  tax  rate 
was  naturally  a  problem  of  grave  moment.  With  American  and 
Mexican  (or  Spanish)  interests  at  loggerheads  with  each  other,  it  was 
no  easy  matter  to  fix  upon  a  tax  rate  that  would  be  mutually  satis- 
factory. Under  these  circumstances  the  election  of  supervisors  was 
bound  to  be  the  storm  center  of  county  politics.  Here  the  Spanish 
element,  the  De  la  Guerras,  the  Camarillos,  the  Covarrubias,  mar- 
shalled their  forces  to  stem  the  tide  against  the  Americans.  The  re- 
sult of  the  election  of  1867  is  shown  in  the  following  quotation  from 
a  letter  written  by  Bard  to  Scott  on  September  6: 

"In  the  election  which  came  off  on  the  4th  Inst.  I  was  elected 
county  supervisor,  &  can  assure  you  that  hereafter,  you  can  rely 
on   equitable  assessments  &  equalization  of  taxes,   so   far  as  your 

properties  are  concerned —    I   am   told  the  family,  who 

are  the  worst  enemies  to  American  interests,  spent  a  large  sum  of 
money  to  defeat  me  &  the  other  American  candidates.  The  issue 
in  this  county  is  Spanish  element  against  Americans — &  has  resulted 
favorably  to  us —     .     .     ." 

Bard's  position  as  supervisor  placed  him  where  he  was  able  to 
watch  closely  the  various  maneuvers  to  subdivide  counties  or  to 
rearrange  their  boundaries  for  special  reasons.  In  the  year  he  was 
elected  supervisor,  he  reported  to  Scott  the  plan  of  Banning 
(Phineas?)  of  Los  Angeles  to  make  the  Santa  Clara  river  the  divid- 
ing line  between  Los  Angeles  and  Santa  Barbara  counties.  This 
plan,  which  was  mixed  up  with  the  scheme  to  divide  Santa  Barbara 
county,  was  projected,  according  to  Bard's  view,  in  order  to  add  a 
considerable  territory  to  the  taxable  area  of  Los  Angeles  county, 
where  bonds  were  to  be  floated  to  finance  the  building  of  a  railroad 
from  Los  Angeles  to  San  Pedro.  The  Santa  Barbara  county  di- 
vision scheme  would  not  down,  despite  the  hopes  and  labors  of  the 
leaders  of  the  northern  end  of  the  county.  In  the  spring  of  1870, 
Attorney  Fernald  of  Santa  Barbara  wrote  Bard  that  it  was  "kilt 
entirely."    "I  have  got,"  he  continued,  "D.  O.  Mills,  Patterson,  Cap- 


60  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

tain  Johnson  and  others  to  see  that  it  is  kept  'kilt'  &  Pacheco's 
solemn  assurance  in  writing  that  the  thing  is  "no  more.'  So  rest 
easy.     .     .     ." 

But  the  rest  of  the  advocates  of  the  status  quo  was  broken  never- 
theless. In  the  fall  election  (1870),  the  advocates  of  division  won 
out,  and  in  due  time  the  legislature  sanctioned  the  creation  of  the 
County  of  Ventura  out  of  the  southern  end  of  Santa  Barbara  county. 
In  the  archives  of  the  County  Clerk  of  Ventura  county  is  a  little 
paper-covered  note  book  written  in  Bard's  best  "copper-plate"'  hand, 
and  containing  the  record  of  the  proceedings  by  which  the  division 
took  place.  Bard  was  secretary  of  the  board  of  commissioners  that 
undertook  the  task  of  establishing  the  government  of  the  new  county 
and  of  effecting  an  equitable  separation  with  the  old  county. 

Mr.  Bard  was  too  busy  a  man  to  be  a  diarist. — at  least  in  the 
Pepysian  sense, — and  there  is  little  in  his  correspondence  to  throw 
light  on  the  social  conditions  in  which  he  found  himself.  In  August, 
1867,  a  few  months  after  a  sensational  strike  of  oil  at  "well  no.  6" 
in  the  Ojai  valley,  he  wrote  to  J.  P.  Green,  an  associate  with  Scott 
in  his  enterprises,  that  he  had  only  one  man  on  whom  he  might 
safely  rely,  a  man  who  was  in  charge  of  No.  6  and,  he  says,  "the 
inventor  of  the  expansive  reamer  which  we  are  now  using  [in  con- 
nection with  drilling  operations]."  "Mechanics,  particularly  ma- 
chinists [and]  forgers  in  California,"  he  added,  "are  generally  like 
spoiled  children,  hard  to  manage,  unreliable  &  disposed  to  wander 
from  place  to  place —  Except  in  S.  Francisco,  employers  cannot  feel 
independent,  &  it  is  expensive  &  difficult  to  employ  him  (  ?)  if  the 
employee  is  objectionable." 

The  spiritual  condition  of  the  community  is  commented"  upon  in 
a  letter  written  during  the  same  summer:' 

"]\Ir.  Williams  visits  us  tomorrow  for  the  last  time.  He  thinks 
this  end  of  Santa  Barbara  County  the  worst  place  he  has  ever  seen 
&  believes  his  preaching  is  seed  sown  in  barren  ground —  Our  men 
do  not  attend  his  services  &  he  has  discontinued  his  services  here, 
but  has  made  his  home  with  us —  I  am  sure  (  ?)  he  has  cause  for 
his  discouragement  but  [sic]  believe  he  is  fully  warranted  in  his 
course  adopted  by  the  circumstances." 

Colonel  Scott's  holdings  were  so  extensive,  and  the  demand  for 
grazing  and'  agricultural  land  so  insistent,  that  he  decided  on  Bard's 
suggestion  to  subdivide  some  of  the  larger  ranches,  as  La  Colonia, 
Ojai,  and  San  Francisco,  reserving  the  oil  rights  where  the  pros- 
pects for  oil  seemed  favorable.  In  broaching  his  subdivision  plan, 
in  a  letter  of  J.  P.  Green,  Bard  mentions  the  colonizing  program  of 
a  Mr.  Higgins  who  had  brought  a  considerable  number  of  colonists 

1.     Bard  to  J.  B.  Church.  24  July,  1S67. 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  BEGINNING  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY  61 

to  that  region  to  settle  on  160  acre  tracts,  though  there  was  con- 
siderable demand  for  larger  parcels  of  300  to  1000  acres. 

"This  increase  of  population  brought  here  by  Mr.  Higgins,"  con- 
tinues Bard,  "will  do  much  to  induce  further  immigration —  Be- 
sides this,  a  mill  of  considerable  capacity  will  be  built,  on  that  prop- 
erty, which  alone  will  offer  inducements  for  parties  to  cultivate 
wheat  &  save  us  the  mortification  of  being  dependent  upon  S.  Fran- 
cisco for  breadstuffs —  I  agree  with  you  in  the  opinion  that  this 
will  be  the  largest  wine-producing  country  in  the  world,  &  for  this 
purpose  all  of  the  properties  which  I  designate  as  agricultural  lands, 
whether  capable  of  'being  irrigated  or  not,  are  well  adapted;  as  well 
as  being  capable  of  being  made  largely  productive  of  walnuts,  al- 
monds, fruits  &  trees — &  silk.  .  .  ."  No  hint  here  of  the  revo- 
lution that  the  lima  bean  was  to  bring  about  in  this  region. 

It  was  not  only  with  the  Spanish  element  that  Bard  had  to 
deal.  Questions  of  titles  to  land  were  naturally  among  the  most 
perplexing  that  came  before  the  courts  in  these  days  of  transition. 
If  these  were  days  when  corporations  and  men  of  great  means  were 
successful  applicants  for  government  favors,  they  were  also  days 
when  these  were  subject  to  all  manner  of  attempts  to  take  advan- 
tage of  them,  and  when  men  with  money  at  their  disposal  were 
obliged  to  observe  extreme  caution.  A  firm  of  Santa  Barbara  law- 
yers, whose  names  would  sound  very  familiar  to  a  present-day  in- 
habitant of  that  city,  sent  the  following  urgent  appeal : 

"In  justice  to  ourselves  we  write  to  say  that  we  will  expect  a 
handsome  retainer  in  the  business  of  Mr.  Scott.  .  .  .  You  under- 
stand that  office  business  amounts  to  nothing  here,  &  that  we  are 
dependent  for  what  we  make  upon  counsel  fees.  .  .  .  We  take 
these  liberties,  as  we  consider  you  our  friends,  and  we  know  you 
are  rich,  at  the  same  time  being  keenly  aware  that  we  are  not  in 
a  sufficiently  robust  condition  to  live  upon  hope.     .     .     ." 

In  a  later  letter  one  of  them  wrote :  "I  have  reformed  since  you 
left — have  given  up  'cock-tails'  and  pursue  with  diligence  my  calling." 

It  is  only  just  to  say  that  Mr.  Bard  did  put  a  good  deal  of  busi- 
ness in  their  way,  and  that  he  and  they  became  very  firm  friends, — 
proof  enough  that  they  must  have  given  value  received, — and  stayed 
on  the  water-wagon.  The  sort  of  tangles  that  they  were  called  upon 
at  this  period  to  straighten  out  were  those  arising  out  of  the  at- 
tempts of  squatters  to  settle  in  the  areas  where  any  shadow  of  doubt 
existed  as  to  the  validity  of  the  title.  Against  these  efforts  to  secure 
a  foothold  on  the  Scott  properties  Bard  labored  energetically  and 
successfully.  More  than  once  he  carried  his  life  in  his  hands;  but 
he  stood  his  ground,  held  the  squatters  to  definite  contracts,  and 
eventually  won  the  respect  of  the  men  who  had  opposed  him. 

How  Mr.  Bard  began  to  acquire  holdings  of  his  own,  how  he 
struggled  to  learn  the  secrets  of  the  heavy  California  oils  and  to 


6i  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

find  a  market  for  the  wonderful  and  varied  products  that  the  oil 
was  capable  of  producing,  and  finally  amalgamated  them  into  the 
Union  Oil  Company  by  combining  the  Hardison  &  Stewart  inter- 
ests with  his  own,  and  how  he  finally  left  the  Union  Oil  Company 
to  the  Stewarts  and  Hardisons  and  thereby  just  missed  becoming  a 
multi-millionaire, — that,  in  the  phrase  of  Kipling,  is  another  story. 


LETTERS  BY  THOMAS  R.  BARD 

San  Buena  \'entura,  Cal.,  August  4th,  1867. 

John  P.  Green.  Esq., 

238  South  Third  St..  Philadelphia. 
Dear  Sir: 

...  I  select  from  your  list  of  properties  owned  by  Mr.  Scott, 
those  in  which  his  interest  is  held  "in  fee,"  and  classify  them  as  fol- 
lows for  the  sake  of  reference — 

1st — Ranches  adapted  only  for  Grazing — "Simi"  &  "Los  Posas" 
2d — Agricultural    Land's — "La    Colonia,"    "Calleguas,"    &    "S. 
Pedro" 

3d — Ranchos  though  regarded  as  grazing  lands,  yet  contain  con- 
siderable area  of  valuable  farming  tracts — "Ojai,"  "Canada  Larga," 
"San  Francisco" — &  "Conejo" 

4th — Lands  of  a  speculative  value — 

Blocks  in  the  town  of  San  Buena  Ventura 
400  acres  in  Los  Angeles — 
1200  "       "  Humboldt 
Part  of  La  Colonia  for  town  site  &c — 
The  demand  for  grazing  lands  at  present  is  limited  but  is  im- 
proving with  the  advancement  in  prices  for  cattle  and  sheep —   The 
Rancheros  (natives)  have  never  fully  recovered  from  the  devastat- 
ing effects  of  the  drought  of  1863  ( ?)  &  have  been  obliged  to  sell 
off  their  stock  nearly  as  rapidly  as  their  herds  increased —  The  con- 
sequence is  there  was  much  land  lying  idle  &  owners  have  rented  at 
low  rates,  in  many  cases  equal  to  6%  on  valuation  at  25c.  per  acre — 
But  [the]  country  has  lately  been  filled  with  stock  brought  [from] 
the  north  &  I  am  satisfied  we  can  make  good  sales  in  a  short  time.  .  . 
The  conditions  which  govern    the    value    of  and  regulate  the 
chances  of  selling  tracts  of  this  description,  are  as  follows — 

1  Titles  must  be  perfect  to  insure  sales  at  all — to  farmers  &c 

2  The  land  must  be  susceptible  of  irrigation  by  artificial  sup- 
plies of  water,  or  else 

3.     They  must  be  moist  naturally,  or 

4  If  they  cannot  be  irrigated,  they  must  be  of  a  certain  charac- 
ter of  land,  especially  adapted  for  wheat,  or  grapes  &  trees — 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  BEGIX.VING  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY  63 

5     Distance  from,  &  accessibility  to,  stiipping  point 

The  question  of  irrigation  is  one  of  the  greatest  importance,  and 
it  will  take  a  long  time  to  eradicate  from  the  minds  of  many  farm- 
ers, the  prevailing  belief  that  the  land  cannot  safely  be  cultivated 
without  artificial  supplies  of  water  &  until  the  experience  of  those 
who  possess  the  necessary  means  &  the  courage  to  hazard  their  money 
in  the  risk  of  getting  no  returns,  by  experiments,  shall  have  proved 
the  fallacy  of  their  opinions,  much  of  the  land  which  otherwise  might 
be  devoted  to  grape  culture  &c,  will  be  unsalable  for  agricultural 
purposes — ' 

.  .  .  Colonia  &  San  Pedro  are  the  finest  properties  in  the  county, 
need  no  irrigation,  although  susceptible  of  it,  are  especally  adapted 
to  the  production  of  trees,  vines,  ...  &  grain  (?).  I  would  have 
sold  almost  half  of  it  in  quantities  to  suit  applicants  if  there  had 
been  a  segregation  &  if  I  had  such  authority  from  ^lessrs.  Scott  & 
W'yeth. 

"Calleguas"  is  not  susceptible  to  irrigation,  is  more  remote  from 
shipping  point  and  town,  but  is  valuable  for  its  adaptability  for 
grape  culture — 

"Canada  Larga"  contains  2000  or  3000  acres  of  fine  lands  in  the 
valley  of  the  Rio  de  S.  B.  Ventura — most  of  which  is  capable  of  being 
irrigated  from  the  janjon  or  ditch  made  by  the  Padres — all  of  which 
ought  to  sell  at  $10  &  $12  per  acre —  This  Rancho  ought  not  to  be 
sold  entire  under  any  circumstances,  but  should  be  divided  into  two 
natural  divisions,  one  of  which  is  solely  grazing  land  of  best  descrip- 
tion &  the  other  of  which,  is  all  farming  lands  A —  No  1 — 

Ojai  and  San  Francisco — can  also  be  divided  advantageously — ■ 
Ojai  contains  a  tract  of  beautiful  white  oak  wheat  land — consisting 
of  (  ?)  excellent  vine  lands  in  one  body — while  the  balance  is  merely 
good  pasturage —  Very  little  land  on  Ojai  can  be  irrigated  but 
that  is  not  needed  for  wheat — &  for  this  purpose  and  reason,  it 
ought  to  be  sold  in  quantities  of  50O  to  1000  acres,  which  in  this 
state  where  agriculture  is  brought  to  perfection,  are  considered  mod- 
erate sized  farms — &  machinery  for  agricultural  purposes  is  used 
to  a  great  extent — 

We  shall  have  several  classes  of  applicants 

1st — Those  who  want  whole  tracts  for  speculative  purposes;  that 
is  for  colonisation — but  it  is  not  preferable  to  become  colonisers  our- 
selves &  while  disposing  of  such  tracts,  avail  ourselves  of  the  many 
opportunities  that  we  will  thus  meet,  to  sell  to  other  ranchos  to  the 
best  advantage,  &  reap  also  the  profits  that  the  speculator  would 
otherwise  derive. 

2nd — Rancheros — or  Grazers — 

1.  Here  Mr.  Bard  proposed  a  plan  of  offering  lands  through  advertisements 
in  San  Francisco  papers  for  private  sale,  that  the  extent  of  the  demand  might 
be  ascertained. 


64  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

To  whom  we  can  offer  Simi,  Los  Posas — or  Conejo  or  parts 
of  Ojai,  S.  Francisco  &  Canada  Larga 

[3d  was  apparently  omitted.] 

4th — Others  who  wish  to  connect  with  grazing,  the  occupation 
of  vintages  &  farmer,  whom  we  could  suit  splendidly  in  Ojai,  Can- 
ada Larga — S.  Francisco,  or  Conejo — 

5th — Farmers  of  moderate  means  who  want  tracts  of  300  to  1000 
acres  at  "fair  prices  &  on  good  terms"  we  will  locate  on  Ojai,  Canada 
Larga  &  S.  Francisco  &  Conejo — 

6th — Farmers,  Vintagers  &c  of  small  means  who  want  160  acres 
or  less,  on  long  payments  or  very  small  lots  of  40  acres  etc  for  cash — 

It  would  be  preferable  to  sell  "S.  Francisco"  &  "Conejo"  zvhole, 
if  possible  to  do  so,  without  loss  to  Mr.  Scott.  I  think  Del  Valle 
the  last  owner  of  the  San  Francisco  wants  to  repurchase  it,  but  will 
not  offer  its  value —  He  is  contented,  as  he  well  may  be,  as  he  re- 
served the  finest  piece  of  land  on  it  &  his  cattle  &  horses  range  at 
will  over  the  whole  ranch — without  cost  to  him  the  taxes  being  paid 
by  the  Co — 

I  hope  Mr.  Scott  will  consent  to  cut  up  "La  Colonia"  in  small 
tracts,  as  I  propose —  It  seems  to  me  it  is  the  best  plan  that  can 
be  adopted —  I  am  informed  by  Mr.  Higgins,  the  colonizer  of  the 
Rancho  Santa  Paula,  that  he  has  sold  one  half  of  that  property  in 
lots  of  160  acres  &  will  not  sell  any  more  at  present,  holding  the 
balance  for  expected  enhancement  of  value —  He  says  he  could 
have  sold  (if  not  confined  by  his  agreement  with  the  ower  to  sales 
of  160  acres  only),  large  quantities  to  parties  who  wanted  300  to  1000 
acres  &  that  these  parties  would  have  more  readily  have  (sic)  taken 
farms  on  "Colonia,"  if  it  was  in  condition  for  selling  in  that  way — - 

This  increase  of  population  brought  here  by  Mr.  Higgins  will  do 
much  to  induce  further  immigration —  Besides  this,  a  mill  of  con- 
siderable capacity  will  be  built,  on  that  property,  which  alone  will 
offer  inducements  for  parties  to  cultivate  wheat  &  save  us  the  morti- 
fication of  being  dependent  upon  S.  Francisco  for  breadstuffs —  I 
agree  with  you  in  the  opinion  that  this  will  be  the  largest  wine  pro- 
ducing country  in  the  world  &  for  this  purpose  all  of  the  properties 
which  I  designate  as  agricultural  lands,  whether  capable  of  being 
irrigated  or  not,  are  well  adapted ;  as  well  as  being  capable  of  being 
made  largely  productive  of  walnuts,  almonds,  fruits  &  trees — &  silk — 

The  vineyard  on  Ojai  is  doing  remarkably  well  under  the  cir- 
cumstances—  The  ground  was  ploughed  hurriedly  &  the  vines  and 
cuttings  were  planted  very  late —  Besides  these  disadvantages,  be- 
fore our  fences  were  completed  the  wild  cattle  and  horses  from  the 
adjoining  ranch  frequently  entered  and  ate  off  the  buds  and  leaves — 
We  have  not  put  a  drop  of  water  on  the  land,  but  kept  it  well  weeded 
&  yet  the  vines  are  doing  well,  bearing  a  few  grapes  &  show  a  loss 
of  only  5% —  If  they  live  only  until  October,  they  will  be  safe —  I 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  BEGINNING  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY 


65 


am  convinced  (sic)  in  good  soil,  no  water  is  needed  in  summer,  but 
is  really  an  injury  after  the  first  year —  Vintagers  at  Los  Angeles 
have  come  to  this  conclusion  &  many  will  discontinue  irrigaton. 

The  gentlemen  to  whom  I  rented  Canada  Larga,  bought  a  ranch 
in  San  Luis  Obispo  Co —  &  gave  up  his  arrangement  with  [us?], 
hence  there  will  be  no  interference  with  sale  of  that  property  on  that 
account     .     .     . 

I  am  sorry  to  say  our  oil  prospects  are  not  very  promising  at  pres- 
ent, though  I  do  not  by  any  means  despair  of  succeeding  ultimately. 

Please  remember  me  to  Mr.  Barclay  and  Mr.  Lesley —  I  will 
write  to  Mr.  Scott  by  next  steamer — 

Respectfully  Yours  &c. 

Thomas  R.  Bard. 

San  Buena  Ventura,  Cal,  Sept.  30,  1867. 
Hon.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Dear  Sir: 

"La  Colonia"  [rancho]  has  been  surveyed  &  has  [tak?]en  in 
"San  Pedro" —  It  contains  about  47500  acres  or  nearly  ten  leagues, 
&  its  lines  leave  two  triangular  tracts  between  "Los  Posas"  &  "Cal- 
leguas";  &  between  it  &  "Calleguas"  &  "Guadalasca" — which  of 
course  are  public  lands —  The  following  sketch  will  show  the  lo- 
cations : 


66  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

I  have  paid  jour  pro-rata  of  expenses  of  final  survey  of  Colonia, 
amounting  to  $553.57,  for  which  I  hold  Surveyor  Genl's  receipt — 
This  will  cover  all  expenses  that  may  occur  in  the  Surveyor  Genl's 
office  for  final  official  survey  of  La  Colonia —  The  survey  cannot 
be  approved  till  expiration  of  90  days,  for  which  time  it  is  open 
for  appeal—  All  of  the  ozcners,  I  believe,  are  satisfied  with  the 
survey — 

The  "padre"  at  San  Buena  Ventura,  sets  up  a  claim  on  the  part 
of  the  Church,  for  2000  acres,  within  our  lines,  but  has  no  title  to 
an  acre  of  it — 

Parties  claiming  under  the  San  Pedro  will  doubtless  file  protest 
against  the  survey,  &  may  delay  the  partition. 

I  have  been  over  the  property  &  am  surprized  to  find  so  much 
waste  land  upon  it —  On  the  north  east  part  of  the  rancho,  is  a  large 
tract  of  "alkali"  soil — which  is  valueless —  Along  the  sea  line  there 
is  much  loss  in  sand  and  marshes — &  following  the  river,  a  belt  of 
low,  sandy  land  averaging  one  half  mile  wide —  In  the  whole  tract 
there  is  at  least  a  total  area  of  [7]  500  acres,  which  would  be  un- 
salable, were  the  lands  opened  for  colonization — 

I  wish  you  could  take  advantage  of  the  present  large  demand  for 
lands —  Large  numbers  of  well-to-do  farmers  from  the  north  have 
come  here,  since  their  harvests  were  cared  for,  to  purchase  lands — 
They  are  generally  much  pleased  with  the  country  &  anxious  to  buy 
— but  want  farms  of  100  to  1000  acres,  with  unquestioned  title,  guar- 
antee deeds  &  immediate  possession — 

A  number  of  them  have  called  upon  me  &  propose  to  buy  your 
interest  in  Colonia  as  it  is,  by  combining  among  themselves —  Mr. 
Pringle  has  told  them  that  you  would  probably  sell  for  $100,000 — 
I  refused  to  entertain  any  proposition  based  on  those  terms — but 
named  $3.50  per  acre,  aggregating  aljout  $119,000,  Gold  to  be  paid 
upon  execution  of  conveyance — by  quit  claim  deed— as  our  terms — 

They  wanted  the  refusal  of  60  days,  which  I  declined  to  give — 
They  have  returned  to  their  homes  &  will  inform  me  as  soon  as 
possible,  whether  or  not  they  will  take  the  property  at  our  figures — 

Since  the  proposition  was  made  I  have  learned  more  concerning 
the  circumstances  which  affect  the  value  of  the  lands  here  &  now 
think,  that  we  can  easily  realize  the  sum  of  $175,000  from  the  sale 
of  our  interest  in  "La  Colonia,"  as  soon  as  it  is  in  condition  for  sell- 
ing in  small  quantities —  At  present  we  could  sell  at  $6  to  $8  per 
acre — &  next  year  at  $8  to  $10— 


!ARD  AND  BEGINNING  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY 


The  least  possible  calculation  to  be  made  would  be  as  follows- 
In  the  whole  rancho  there  are,  say,     47,500  acres 
Deduct  for  waste  land—  7, SCO     '" 


Salable  land—  40,000     " 

Of  which  your  ownership  to  fotir- 

sevenths  is  indisputable,  which  is  22,857  " 
1st  year  sales  of  10,000  acres  @  $  6  —60,000 
2nd  year  sales  of  5,000  acres  @  $  8  —40,000 
5,000  acres  @  $10  —50,000 
3rd  year  sales  of  1,000  acres  @  $12.50—12,500 
1,857  acres  @  $  5  —  9,285 
4/7  of  7,500  waste  lands  4,300  acres  @  $1—  4,300 


Total  sales  $176,085 

This  I  consider  a  safe  estimate  &  am  confident  that  the  property 
can  be  sold  for  the  sum  mentioned,  in  three  years,  as  easily  as  it  could 
be  sold  now  for  $100,000— 

It  is  important  to  keep  the  attention  of  the  northern  farmers  at- 
tracted here  until  we  are  ready  to  sell — &  if  possible  to  give  them 
some  early  assurances  of  our  intention  to  sell  in  quantities  to  suit — 
at  fair  rates —  I  shall  hear  from  many  of  them,  &  will  in  my  an- 
swer to  their  inquiries,  hold  out  inducements  to  the  first  purchasers, 
who  will,  at  once,  become  settlers —  At  $6,  cash,  we  will  obtain  pur- 
chasers, who  will  be  able  to  cultivate  &  improve  the  land  at  once, 
thus  enhancing  the  value  of  the  balance —  As  Mr.  Higgins  is  selling 
"Sta.  Paula,"  $io  per  acre  in  lO  years — he  will  have  his  lands  occu- 
pied by  poor  men,  who  have  to  depend  upon  the  returns  of  their 
labor,  to  pay  for  their  land — &  will  be  unable  to  improve  the  proper- 
ty as  it  should  be — 

Men  of  means  will  prefer  to  pay  $6  cash  for  farms  on  Colonia, 
than  $10  in  10  years  for  lands  on  "Sta.  Paula" — 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Huse  lately  received  says —  "If  the  'Colonia' 
were  divided  &  cut  up  into  farms,  a  great  portion  of  it  would  readily 
sell  for  $6,  $8  &  $10  per  acre."  All  the  available  land  around  Sta. 
Barbara  has  been  sold  at  prices  ranging  from  $10  to  $20  per  acre, 
or  is  held  for  higher  prices —  Higgins  has  been  offering  lately  @ 
$10  to  $15  payable  in  cash  &  3  years — &  has  buyers — for  reserved 
lots— 

My  proposition  to  sell  Colonia  @  $119,000,  is  not  binding  in  any 
way,  but  was  intended  merely  as  a  "feeler"  to  keep  the  party  {sic} 
from  buying  elsewhere — until  we  can  sell  them  the  quantity  they 
want —  They  will  pay  $6  per  acre  in  farms  rather  than  $3.50  for 
the  whole —  .  .  .  Very  respectfully 

Your  obt.  servant — 

Thomas  R.  Bard — 


68  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

San  Buena  Ventura,  Cala.  13  October  1867. 
Hon.  Thos.  A.  Scott,  Philadelphia. 

Dear  Sir, 

...  In  Upson's  official  map,  of  this  state,  issued  from  the  Surv. 
Genl's  office,  "La  Colonia"  is  put  down  as  part  of  the  lands  covered 
by  the  Mission  Grant — 

The  original  grantee  of  that  title  is  an  old  Spaniard,  our  nearest 
neighbor  who  says,  that  the  grant  was  intended  to  cover  the  lands 
known  by  the  name  of  "La  Colonia."  He  says  in  137  [1837?] 
Alta  California  revolted  &  set  up  a  provisional  government  with 
"Alvarado"  as  Governor,  &  that  during  this  administration  Alvarado 
as  Governor,  granted  the  Colonia  to  eight  citizens,  under  which 
title  we  hold —  In  the  following  year  the  difficulties  ceased,  and 
Alvarado  was  appointed  Governor  of  Alta  California,  by  the  [Mex- 
ican?] Govt,  under  which  regime,  he  made  the  "I\Iission"  grant, 
which  gave  to  the  grantee,  the  land's,  that  were  uncovered  by  former 
grants,  a^id  the  lands  now  covered  by  the  "Colonia."  The  grantee 
of  the  Mission  title  donated  to  the  Church,  a  part  of  the  lands  claimed 
under  La  Colonia,  &  on  this  donation  is  founded  the  title  set  up  by 
the  "Padre"— for  2000  acres  ( ?)  — 

I  write  to  Mr.  Green  as  usual  reporting  our  operations  on  Ojai 
&c.    I  have  had  no  recent  advices  from  him — 

Respectfully  yours  &c, 

Thomas  R.  Bard. 


Extracts  from  a  letter  of  Bard  to  Thomas  A.  Scott,  probably  writ- 
ten early  in  1868  at  San  Buena  Ventura,  Cal. : 

[Bard  requested  funds  of  $19,500  for  purchase  of  various  inter- 
ests in  La  Colonia  lands  &  to  settle  pending  litigation.  The  reasons 
he  had  in  mind  were  stated  by  him  as  follows:] 

.  .  .  No  other  property  will  so  readily  sell  or  attract  to  it  a  good 
settlement  of  substantial  farmers,  and  none  will  so  certaintly  con- 
duce to  make  the  settlement  permanent  and  successful  as  "La 
Colonia."  It  is  really  a  hazardous  experiment  for  us,  to  sell  off  any 
other  rancho,  in  farms,  until  we  have  disposed  of  "Colonia" —  There 
is  danger  that  farmers  will  be  unsuccessful  on  the  higher  dry  lands — 
&  one  year's  failure  would  work  us  a  great  injury —  We  can  sell 
"Colonia"  readily  at  $10  per  acre,  to  start  with  &  will  get  $20  or 
$25  per  acre  for  one  half  of  it — I  think —  A  successful  colony  once 
established  would  enhance  the  value  of  your  lands  here  to  over  one 
million  dollars — ! 

Higgins'  colony  on  the  "Santa  Paulo"  Ranch,  are  apprehensive 
that  their  crops  will  fail,  notwithstanding  a  favorable  winter  season — 
They  complain  that  [the]  soil  dries  out  very  rapidly —  Should  they 
fail,  the  fact  would  be  known  all  over  the  state  and  might  injure 


THOMAS  R.  BARD  AND  BEGINNING  OF  THE  OIL  INDUSTRY  69 

US  very  much —  An  immense  immigration  will  flow  here  this  year, 
and  we  ought  to  be  ready  for  it.  The  more  people  we  induce  to 
stay  here  this  year,  the  better  are  our  prospects  for  the  future. 

In  the  matter  of  "Calleguas"  I  would  recommend  to  you  to  re- 
tain that  interest  &  compel  the  other  .  .  .  interest  to  sell  to  you. 
It  can  be  done,  without  much  trouble. 

An  effort  has  been  made  by  the  people  in  this  end  of  our  county 
to  effect  a  partition  of  the  county,  but  will  fail —  Senator  Banning 
of  Los  Angeles  County  will  probably  urge  the  Legislature  to  make 
the  Santa  Clara  River  the  boundary  between  that  &  this  County, 
with  the  object  of  securing  all  the  taxable  territory  possible,  for  aid- 
ing them  to  pay  the  great  debt  that  Co.  has  assumed  for  building  a 
Rail  Road  from  San  Pedro  to  Los  Angeles,  amtg  to  $150,000.  I 
am  afraid  that  Banning's  influence  will  carry  the  measure  through — 
But  I  have  taken  all  steps  within  my  power  to  defeat  this  measure — 
Some  of  the  people  of  this  County,  fearing  a  separation  or  parti- 
tion of  this  county,  will  aid  Banning's  measure,  on  the  principle 
[sic]  that  a  part  of  the  Santa  Clara  River  Valley  is  better  than  none. 
Banning's  scheme,  would  give  to  Los  Angeles  County  the  Ranches, 
"Simi,"  "Las  Posas,"  "Colonia,"  "Calleguas,"  and  "S.  Francisco." 

.  .  .  Banning  is  the  great  forwarder  &  stage  proprietor  of  Los 
Angeles  County — and  possibly  his  scheme  to  grab  us  up  for  that 
county,  is  concocted  for  his  own  personal  aggrandizement — 

Looking  at  these  facts,  I  have  induced  the  Board  of  Supervisors 
of  our  County  to  do  [some] thing  towards  securing  the  Clear  Creek 
trade,  establishing  a  County  Road  up  the  Valley  of  Santa  Clara 
River,  to  intersect  the  road  from  Los  Angeles  to  "Clear  Creek,"  and 
to  provide  for  maintenance — 

In  a  financial  view,  the  talked  of  roads  from  Santa  Barbara, 
over  the  mountains  to  Clear  Creek  &  Owens  River,  are  utterly  im- 
practicable—  The  "Santa  Clara  River"  is  the  only  natural  outlet, 
in  the  Southern  Country  for  that  trade.  The  route  can  be  put  in 
good  condition  [for]  $5000  to  $8000 —  A  wharf  at  Hueneme  will 
divert  the  trade  over  it — 

...  I  hope  to  hear  soon  of  Mr.  Green's  arrival. 

Yours  truly  &c  Thomas  R.  Bard — 


LARKIN'S  DESCRIPTION  OF  CALIFORNIA 

BY  ROBERT  G.  CLELAND,  PH.  D. 

The  collection  of  Larkin  papers  from  which  the  following  ex- 
tracts were  taken  is  preserved  in  the  Bancroft  Library  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  California.  There  are  several  thousand  manuscripts  of 
different  lengths  and  varying  degrees  of  importance.  Altogether 
they  constitute  the  most  valuable  source  of  California  history,  just 
prior  to  the  American  occupation,  now  extant.  While  H.  H.  Ban- 
croft refers  to  many  of  these  documents  and  makes  extensive  use 
of  some,  there  is  much  virgin  material  in  the  collection  awaiting 
the  historical  student  and  the  light  of  publication. 

Larkin's  "Description  of  California,"  an  official  document,  was 
written  for  the  special  benefit  of  President  Polk  and  addressed  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan.  Parts  of  it  were  confiden- 
tial, but  other  portions  were  undoubtedly  designed  for  newspaper 
publication.  Larkin's  intimate  knowledge  of  California  affairs 
makes  this  account  both  interesting  and  authoritative.  In  the  orig- 
inal it  consisted  of  seven  parts  as  follows: 

1.  General  account  of  the  province. 

2.  Political  state  of  the  country,  1845  and  1846. 

3.  Commerce. 

4.  Notes  on  personal  character  (a  brief  account  of  individual 
inhabitants  and  their  attitude  toward  the  United  States.) 

5.  Maritime  statistics. 

6.  Governmental,  military  and  miscellaneous  affairs  (chiefly  sta- 
tistics). 

7.  A  map  of  the  coast — "for  the  Secretary's  use,  showing  the 
road's  in  the  interior  from  one  mission  to  another,  and  when  occa- 
sion may  demand  it,  to  point  out  any  particular  part  of  this  country 
by  land  or  sea." 

All  of  the  divisions  here  mentioned,  except  the  seventh,  are  to  be 
found  in  the  collection.  Except  for  some  changes  in  punctuation 
and  minor  grammatical  constructions,  I  have  made  no  alteration 
of  the  original. 

GENERAL  ACCOUNT 

LTpper  California  is  situated  between  the  32nd  and  42nd  degrees 
of  North  Latitude,  and  the  part  which  borders  on  the  Pacific  is 
between  the  117th  and  123rd'  degrees  of  West  Longitude:  its 
boundaries  on  the  east  have  been  considered  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
although  the  part  that  has  hitherto  been  settled  is  a  very  narrow 


LARKIN's  description  of   CALIFORNIA  71 

Strip  of  land  on   the  shores  of  the   Pacific  not  exceeding  twenty 
leagues  in  width. 

The  first  mission  settled  was  San  Diego  (in)  the  Southwest  of 
Upper  California,  which  took  place  in  1769;  San  Carlos  de  Mon- 
terey was  settled  one  or  two  years  afterwards,  and  gradually  the 
rest,  amounting  in  all  to  twenty-one :  the  last,  San  Francisco  Solano, 
was  established  in  1822.  Some  of  these  missions  were  built  much 
larger  than  others,  yet  they  were  nearly  all  upon  the  same  plan,  viz : 
the  principal  side  of  a  large  sc^uare  was  occupied  by  the  Church,  a 
suite  (sic)  of  apartments  for  the  habitation  of  the  Priests,  apart- 
ments for  travellers,  and  a  guard  house ;  the  other  three  sides  of  the 
square  consisted  of  granaries,  work  shops  of  all  kinds  (carpenters, 
weavers,  blacksmiths,  etc.,  etc.),  cellars,  wine  presses,  separate  apart- 
ments for  the  Indian  boys  and  girls,  etc. ;  and  a  short  distance  from 
them  were  the  habitations  of  the  Indians :  in  each  mission  there  was 
a  large  garden  and  orchard,  and  in  those  capable  of  producing  grapes, 
extensive  vineyards.  Besides  the  missions  there  were  four  Pre- 
sidios, (towns)  San  Francisco,  Monterey,  San  Diego,  Santa  Bar- 
bara; two  villages,  the  Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles,  and  the  Pueblo  de 
San  Jose;  likewise  a  hamlet  called  Villa  de  Bonaficia  (  ?).  The  gar- 
rison of  each  Presidio  was  composed  of  about  eighty  cavalry,  with 
a  very  few  infantry  and  artillery.  The  commandante  of  each  Pre- 
sidio was  the  captain  of  the  respective  company  of  cavalry  and  form- 
erly decided  all  disputes,  for  before  the  year  1822  there  were  no 
Alcaldes  or  any  other  civil  authorities.^  The  residence  of  the  Gov- 
ernor (who  up  to  1822  was  generally  a  captain  or  a  colonel  sent 
from  Mexico),  was  in  Monterey.  Formerly  all  the  land  in  the  coun- 
try belonged  to  the  different  missions,  for  although  they  were  sit- 
uated at  an  average  distance  of  about  fourteen  leagues  from  each 
other,  their  respective  boundaries  always  joined.  In  the  year  1825 
the  missions  might  be  considered  at  the  height  of  their  prosperity. 
At  that  time  they  counted  from  2000  to  3000  Indians  each,  and  from 
6000  to  100,000  head  of  black  cattle,  an  equal  number  of  sheep, 
and  such  immense  herds  of  horses  that  large  numbers  were  killed 
in  order  to  avoid  the  destruction  of  pasturage.  Before  the  year  1822 
the  only  trade  of  the  Missions  was  with  vessels  from  San  Bias  and 
Callao  to  purchase  tallow.-  In  the  year  1822  an  English  house,  estab- 
lished in  Lima  through  their  agent  (W.  E.  Hartnell  of  Monterey), 
made  a  contract  with  the  greater  part  of  the  ^Missions  to  receive  all 
the  hides  at  $1  apiece,  tallow  and  grease  at  3  $  an  aroba  (of  25 
pounds)  that  they  could  produce.  In  the  same  year  an  American 
ship  arrived  from  Boston  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  future  trade 
which,  since  that  day,  has  been  carried  on  almost  exclusively  by  the 

1.  Literally  this  was  incorrect,  but  for  all  practical  purposes  Larkin's  state- 
ment holds  g-ood. 

2.  Larkin  does  not  take  into  account  the  illicit  trade  frequently  carried  on  by 
the  mission  authorities  with  the  fur  traders  before  this  date. 


/Z  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

New  Englanders.^  The  present  export  (1846)  amounts  to  about 
80,000  hides,  60,000  arobas  of  tallow,  10,000  fanagas  of  wheat, 
1,000,000  feet  of  lumber,  some  staves  and  shingles,  10,000  $  of  soap, 
20,0000  $  of  beaver,  land  and  sea  otter  skins,  1000  barrels  Aguardi- 
ente and  wine,  200  ounces  of  gold  worth  17  $  an  ounce.*  The  mis- 
sions now  are  almost  entirely  destroyed;  some  that  had  formerly 
from  2000  to  3000  Indians  have  now  not  above  100;  others  none; 
but  few  missions  have  any  cattle.  About  the  year  1835  a  law  was 
made  to  take  away  the  management  of  the  temporalities  of  the  mis- 
sions from  the  Priests  and  give  it  to  the  secular  administration,  who 
in  a  very  short  time  managed  to  completely  ruin  the  establishment 
without  in  general  benefitting  themselves,  even  taking  the  tile  off 
the  roofs  of  the  houses.  The  land  has  in  great  degree  been  divided 
out  among  private  individuals.  Although  the  Mission  cattle  have 
disappeared,  there  are  as  many  if  not  more  hides  shipped  from  Cali- 
fornia at  this  period  as  there  were  (sic)  when  the  missions  were  in 
their  prosperity,  arising  from  the  increase  on  private  farms. 

Exclusive  of  countless  wild  Indians  and  some  neophytes,  Cali- 
fornia has  perhaps  some  fifteen  thousand  inhabitants,  descendants 
of  Spanish  and  Mexican  fathers,  mostly  from  native  mothers.  The 
baptized  Indians,  now  released  by  the  demolishing  of  the  Missions, 
are  engaged  by  the  Inhabitants  as  servants,  while  many  of  the  In- 
habitants are  hired  by  each  other  to  do  the  more  superior  work  of  the 
farms.  The  Indians  who  were  taught  by  the  Spanish  Padres  the 
different  mechanical  arts  are  now  dead  and  no  more  of  their  tribe 
will  ever  take  their  place.''  Foreigners  are  now  doing  all  the  work 
of  this  class  in  California.  The  farms  now  occupied  are  owned  by 
Mexicans,  Californians,  naturalized  foreigners,  who  became  so  by 
signing  a  simple  memorial  (some  even  by  proxy),  stating  that  such 
was  their  wish,  when  a  letter  of  citizenship  was  immediately  filled 
up  for  the  Petitioner  without  any  form,  oatli,  or  ceremony  on  his 
part.  The  farms  are  given  to  any  petitioner  (who  is  a  citizen)  from 
one  to  eleven  square  leagues  as  he  may  ask  for  it  with  little  or  no 
expense. 

The  land  joining  the  sea  coast  is  principally  taken  up.  also  that 
immediately  on  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  and  a  few  on  the  River 
Sacramento,  but  more  on  the  San  Joaquin  River.  Taking  the  whole 
extent  of  the  country  but  a  small  portion  is  divided  into  ranches 
having  owners.  A  part  of  the  Mission  lands  still  belongs  to  Govern- 
ment and  all  other  unclaimed  lands.  Some  few  farms  are  being 
vacated  by  the  Californians  from  fear  of  further  depredations  of 
the  wild  Indians,  who  yearly  steal  thousands  of  horses  even  out  of 

3.  For  the  best  account  of  this  trade  yet  published,   see   Theodore  Gray.  The 
Hide  and  Tallow  Trade  in  Alta  California,  The  Grizzly  Bear,  July.  1917. 

4.  The  export  of  $3400  of  grold  in  1S46  is  an  item  of  more  than  passing  interest 
Most  of  this  doubtless  came  from  San  Fernando. 

5.  This  loss  of  skilled  artisans  was  one  of  the  important  minor  evils  that  fol- 
lowed  the  secularization   of  tlie  missions. 


LARKIN  S  DESCRIPTION  OF   CALIFORNIA  72, 

the  enclosed  yards  near  their  dwelling  houses.  They  are  now  (almost 
every  week)  committing  depredations  of  this  kind.  The  whites  but 
seldom  follow  them  to  regain  their  property.  The  Indians  are  losing 
all  fear  of  the  inhabitants  and  with  their  arrows  have  shot  several 
of  them  during  the  years  1845  and  1846. 

There  are  from  one  thousand  to  twelve  hundred  foreigners  (in- 
cluding their  families)  in  California,  a  majority  of  them  residing 
around  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  and  on  the  Sacramento  River,  and 
one-third  of  the  men  are  citizens  of  this  country. 

Many  of  them  never  expect  to  speak  the  prevailing  language  of 
the  country,  so  that  at  tliis  early  period  a  knowledge  of  the  English 
language  is  to  a  merchant  of  more  importance  than  the  Spanish. 
In  1832  there  were  in  the  whole  department  some  two  or  three  hun- 
dred foreigners ;  there  are  now  some  eight  or  ten  who  have  resided 
here  twenty-five  years.  They  were  sailors,  now  farmers,  entrapped 
from  their  vessels  by  the  former  Spanish  government.® 

The  first  arrival  of  American  settlers  on  the  Sacramento  River 
has  been  since  1840.  Three-fourths  of  the  full  number  of  foreigners 
in  this  country  are  Americans.  Of  the  remaining  fourth  the  sub- 
jects of  Great  Britain  predominate.  Of  this  fourth  the  majority 
are  in  expectation  of  being  under  the  Government  of  the  U.  States. 
Probably  all  are  willing  in  preference  to  remaining  as  they  are  now. 
For  the  last  five  years  the  largest  proportion  of  the  emigrants  have 
arrived  at  New  Helvetia  (Capt.  Sutter's  establishment),^  excepting 
a  few  of  them  from  Oregon.  They  leave  Independence,  Missouri, 
which  is  the  starting  pDint,  every  April  or  May,  arriving  at  the  Pa- 
cific in  September  or  October.  Soon  after  their  arrival  at  New 
Helvetia  they  scatter  over  the  River  Sacramento  and  the  Bay  of  San 
Francisco,  asking  for  farms  from  the  Government  or  settling  on 
private  grants  by  the  owner's  consent.  Some  have  arrived'  at  the 
Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles  (town  of  the  Angels),  near  San  Pedro,  via 
"Santa  Fee,"  some  of  whom  had  married  at  the  latter  place.  A  few 
arrived  by  water  from  Valparaiso,  Callao,  and  the  Sandwich  Islands. 
A  person  travelling  from  San  Diego  to  San  Francisco,  or  Bodega, 
can  stop  at  a  foreigner's  farm  house  almost  every  few  hours  and 
travel  without  any  knowledge  of  the  Spanish  language. 

Among  the  emigrants  from  Independence  there  are  several  Ger- 
man families  who  have  resided  in  the  U.  States  (farmers,  mechan- 
ics, laborers),  others  are  young  men  from  the  New  England  or  Mid- 
dle States  who  left  home  seeking  a  fortune  in  the  Western  States, 
thence  here.  The  emigration  in  1845  amounted  to  from  four  to  five 
hundred ;  from  U.  States  newspaper  reports  of  1845  from  one  to  two 
thousand  are  expected  to  arrive  this  August  to  October. 

6.  Probably  Larkin  knew  what  he  meant  by  the  word,  "entrapped."    I  do  not. 

7.  Established  in  1839.    The  objective  of  most  overland  emigrant  parties  from 
1S42  to  1846. 


/4  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Emigrants  leaving  Independence  for  the  Pacific  should  furnish 
themselves  (if  a  family  of  five  or  six  persons)  with  one  good  wagon^ 
four  or  five  yoke  of  oxen,  three  or  four  cows,  three  horses,  and  to 
each  grown  person  250  lbs.  of  flour,  150  lbs.  of  bacon,  30  lbs.  of 
coffee,  50  lbs.  sugar,  20  lbs.  of  rice,  two  good  blankets,  and  a  few- 
cooking  utensils.  Every  male  person  over  fourteen  years  of  age 
should  have  one  good  rifle,  10  pounds  of  powder,  30  pounds  lead, 
2000  percussion  caps  and  a  good  horse.  On  arriving  on  the  banks 
of  the  Sacramento  and  finding  a  convenient  piece  of  land  that  the 
emigrant  can  occupy,  he  should  begin  sowing  wheat  from  December 
to  February ;  Beans,  peas  and  corn  in  April  or  May,  and  should  also 
procure  for  himself  cows  two  years  old,  worth  from  4  $  to  5  $ ;  young 
bulls  at  2  $  or  3  $;  thirty  or  forty  mares  at  5  or  6  $;  a  stallion  at 
15  $  or  20  $;  and  a  few  sheep  at  2  $  each.  One  hundred  young 
cows  will  produce  from  seventy  to  ninety  calves  between  the  second 
and  twelfth  months ;  from  one  thousand  to  fifteen  hundred  dollars 
in  cash  will  start  an  enterprising  man  in  breeding  animals  for  a  Cali- 
fornia farm.* 

In  a  few  years  the  settler  may  find  purchasers  for  produce  from 
among  the  emgirants  and  throughout  the  country.  In  time  he  will 
find  a  market  in  the  Sandwich  Islands,  North  West  Coast,  San 
Bias,  Mazatland,  and  elsewhere.  Wheat  produces  from  forty  to  fifty 
fold  under  the  most  imperfect  cultivation.  The  Spanish  Padres 
for  many  years  obtained  one  hundred  fold  at  some  of  the  missions. 
One  hundred  and  eighty  fold  was  once  gathered  at  the  mission  of 
San  Jose.  Wild  oats  and  mustard  cover  the  country,  the  former 
from  three  to  four  feet  high,  the  latter  so  Tiigh  and  compact  that 
it  is  almost  impossible  for  a  traveller  to  find  his  horses  when  they 
stray  among  it.  Rye  and  Buckwheat  have  not  been  proved.  Hemp 
was  raised  by  the  former  Padres.  Cotton  has  been  proved  to  ad- 
vantage, but  no  quantity  has  been  planted.  Every  kind  of  vege- 
table yet  planted  has  produced  well.  Apples,  pears,  quinces  and 
peaches  are  common  all  over  California.  In  parts  of  the  country 
there  are  limes,  oranges,  almonds,  figs  and  walnuts.  Plums  and 
cherries  have  not  been  introduced.  Grapes  of  the  very  best  quality 
in  the  greatest  abundance  in  different  sections  of  the  country.  Lati- 
tude south  of  34  degrees  produces  the  best.  With  imperfect  means 
good  wine  could  be  produced  and  distilled.  The  climate  of  California 
is  surpassed  by  no  other.  The  lowest  rate  of  the  thermometer  in 
the  shade  at  Monterey  in  1845  was  44  degrees,  the  highest  86  de- 
grees ;  from  60  to  70  is  the  common  rate  throughout  the  year. 

The  account  then  took  up  the  Political  State  of  California.  Lar- 
kin's  treatment  is  exceedingly  interesting,  but  too  long  for  presenta- 
tion at  this  time. 


CALIFORNIA  STATE  DIVISION  CONTROVERSY 
(Documents  furnished  by  Alary  M.  Bowman) 

I.    PETITION  TO  CONGRESS  AGAINST  FORCING  STATEHOOD  OX 
SOUTH   CALIFORNIA,   MARCH   3,    1850 

Note — Statehood  for  California,  without  a  preliminary  form  of  Territorial 
government,  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the  citizens  of  the  southern  part  of 
the  country.  March  3rd,  1S50.  at  a  public  meeting  in  Los  Angeles,  of  which  Don 
Manuel  Requena  was  chairman  and  Don  Augustin  Olvero,  secretary,  a  petition 
to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  was  drawn  up,— plausible,  sensible  and 
almost  pathetic  in  its  appeal  against  the  efforts  of  the  north  to  force  statehood 
upon   them   without   their   consent.      The   protestants    say; 

"We  your  petitioners,  citizens  of  South  California,  present  our- 
selves before  your  honorable  body,  with  our  solemn  protestation 
against  the  admission  of  California,  as  a  state,  into  the  Confederacy. 
We  have  to  announce  to  your  honorable  body  that  the  people  of 
South  California  have  been  opposed  to  the  state  formation  and  that 
our  delegates,  at  the  last  convention,  voted  faithfully  to  their  prin- 
ciples in  favor  of  the  Territory,  but,  unfortunately,  remained  in  the 
minority.  We  now  take  the  only  step  remaining  to  American  citi- 
zens to  protest  and  solicitate.  The  reasons  that  lead  us  to  this  re- 
solve are  plain  and  clear : 

"First — The  short  time  which  has  passed  since  the  treaty  of  Quere- 
taro  and  the  formation  of  the  state  did  not  permit  the  old  inhabitants 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  American  institutions ;  the  whole  of 
this  important  subject  has  been  hurried  in  such  a  way  that  often  the 
most  intelligent  of  the  Spanish  race  did  not  understand  what  they 
were  called  upon  to  do.  It  was,  and  it  still  is,  our  conviction  that 
a  Territorial  government  was  not  only  more  proper  to  remove  these 
evils,  but  preferable  in  every  sense.  The  unsettled  state  of  this  peo- 
ple is  such  that  it  requires  a  plainer  and  more  economical  govern- 
ment, because  a  great  many  of  the  inhabitants  do  not  intend  to  live 
here. 

"Second — The  expenses  of  the  state  are,  of  course,  very  consid- 
erable ;  this  has  been  foreseen  by  your  petitioners  and  the  opinions 
laid  down  by  others  have  confirmed  our  convictions  on  the  subject. 
We  can  not  state  to  your  honorable  body  what  will  be  the  amount 
necessary  to  maintain  the  state  of  California,  but  we  have  been  as- 
sured that  this  amount  will  be  enormous.  For  the  purpose  of  cover- 
ing this,  the  government  must  recur  to  ruinous  contributions,  and, 
though  California  is  a  land  of  gold,  few  will  be  those  who  contribute 
in  proportion  to  the  emergency. 

If  any  tax  be  laid  on  lands,  as  is  customary  in  other  countries, 
it  would  cause  the  utter  ruin  of  all  the  proprietors  of  the  south. 


76  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

We  hope  that  your  honorable  body  will  take  our  memorial  into  con- 
sideration, because  the  admission  of  California,  as  a  state,  into  the 
Union  would  be  very  prejuditial  to  a  portion  of  the  American 
citizens. 

Third — The  great  extent  of  land  embraced  within  the  limits  of 
this  state  is  another  reason  for  our  opposition.  The  strength  of  this 
argument  appears  more  clearly  by  comparing  the  different  resources 
of  this  large  area  of  land.  The  north  is  rich  in  its  mines  and  com- 
merce, but  the  south  being  a  land  of  agriculture  and  pasture,  will 
have  for  a  long  time  but  a  limited  population.  The  north,  beside  its 
mineral  advantages,  has  a  numerous  population ;  they  do  not  increase 
the  revenue,  while  they  would  have  an  almost  exclusive  influence 
on  the  political  and  judicial  state  of  the  country.  This  is  a  very 
great  evil  and  causes  the  stronger  often  to  oppress  the  weaker. 

"The  extension  of  California  being  from  the  32nd  to  42nd  de- 
gree of  latitude,  the  seat  of  government  is  very  remote  from  its  ex- 
tremities, and  this  'causes  great  inconvenience  to  its  administration. 
It  appears  by  the  information  given  to  your  honorable  body  that 
this  state  contains  100,000  square  miles,  sufficient  for  the  foundation 
of  three  states,  and,  though  some  parts  of  it  are  barren  and  moun- 
tainous, there  still  remains  sufficient  fertile  land  for  the  foundation 
of  two  states  of  moderate  dimensions.  Your  petitioners  entreat  your 
honorable  body  to  divide  South  California  from  the  north,  by  draw- 
ing a  line  of  division  from  the  Pacific,  so  as  to  include  the  district  of 
San  Luis  Obispo,  establishing  said  part  of  the  country  as  a  Territory, 
with  the  name  of  Central  California,  governed  and  protected  like 
the  other  territories  of  the  Union.  We  hope  that  your  honorable 
body  will  take  our  petition  into  consideration  and  grant  this  favor 
to — we  may  say — the  finest  part  of  the  American  Union.  Such  a 
measure  would  give  general  satisfaction  to  this  people,  increase  agri- 
culture and  commerce,  develop  its  resources  in  every  quarter,  and 
the  whole  would  present  the  picture  of  a  united  and  happy  country." 

This  appeal  was  not  heard,  or  at  least  not  heeded ;  consequently 
the  movement  for  state  division  in  1851  was  very  earnest  and  de- 
termined. Lieutenant  Halleck  advised  against  it.  He  wrote  to 
Don  Pablo  de  la  Guerra :  "For  God's  sake  don't  commit  yourself 
to  the  state  separation.  California  will  rue  the  day  she  ever  seriously 
enters  into  the  question,  or  I  am  no  prophet."  Alfred  Robinson, 
who  had  known  the  Californians  since  1829,  and  married  one  of 
them,  wrote  from  Boston  that  if  he  were  in  Santa  Barbara  he  would 
do  all  he  could  to  bring  it  about,  for  then  the  Californians  would 
have  a  better  government. 


CALIFORNIA   STATE   DIVISION    CONTROVERSY  // 

11.     CALL  FOR  A   CONVENTION   TO  DIVIDE  THE 
STATE  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1851 

City  of  Los  Angeles,  September  15th,  1851. 

"At  a  special  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Los  Angeles  County,  held 
on  the  12th  inst,  the  undersigned'  were  appointed  a  committee  to 
draft  an  address  in  relation  to  the  convention  recommended  to  be 
held  in  this  city  on  the  second  Monday  (10th  day)  in  November, 
with  a  view  of  effecting  the  speedy  formation  of  a  Territorial  Gov- 
ernment for  the  Southern  counties  of  California.  The  time  was 
fixed  in  the  belief  that  thus  an  ample  opportunity  would  be  given 
to  secure  a  full  representation  from  all  the  counties  deeming  them- 
selves interested;  and  the  place  is  thought  to  be  as  nearly  central 
to  the  whole  proposed  territory  as  can  be  obtained  or  will  be  gener- 
ally desired,  while  it  is  easy  of  access  from  all  points,  and  presents 
other  advantages  for  the  purpose,  not  among  the  least  of  which  is 
that  of  having  a  newspaper  printed  in  English  and  Spanish.  Other 
places  and  an  earlier  date  have  been  suggested  at  some  of  the  pre- 
liminary meetings,  but  we  trust  that  the  friends  of  the  great  measure 
at  issue  will  not  be  disconcerted  by  this  circumstance,  as  the  delay 
seems  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  establish  a  perfect  concert  of 
action  among  them  and  to  mature  well  the  means  of  ultimate  success. 

"It  is  our  aim  to  set  forth  in  detail  the  grounds  of  this  momentous 
enterprise  in  which  the  southern  'counties  are  engaged  with  an  en- 
tire unanimity.  Such  a  movement  cannot  be  mistaken  for  the  tem- 
porary ebullition  of  party  excitement,  that  may  be  counteracted  and 
checked  by  another  party  antagonism ;  nor  need  it  be  supposed  that 
the  enthusiasm  everywhere  displayed  in  its  behalf  is  to  die  away 
with  its  first  efforts.  NO !  The  manifestations  of  the  Public  Will 
already  made  are  truly  the  voice  of  one  people,  feeling  deeply  in 
their  inmost  heart  a  common  evil  that  is  attributable  to  one  sole 
cause  and  has  no  other  remedy  than  the  one  now  sought  and 
which  must  continue  to  be  prayed  and  struggled  for  by  all 
peaceable  and  constitutional  means,  until  Justice  shall  triumph  in 
its  glorious  accomplishment.  There  is  little  to  please  in  the  reflec- 
tion ;  nevertheless  it  is  the  plain  truth  that  whatever  of  good  the  ex- 
periment of  a  state  government  may  have  otherwise  led  to  in  Cali- 
fornia for  us,  the  southern  counties,  it  has  proved  only  a  splendid 
failure.  The  bitter  fruits  of  it  no  county  has  felt  more  keenly  than 
Los  Angeles.  With  all  her  immense  and  varied  and  natural  re- 
sources, her  political,  social  and  pecuniary  condition  at  this  moment 
is  deplorable  in  the  extreme ;  her  industries  paralyzed  under  the  in- 
supportable burden  of  taxation ;  her  port  almost  forsaken  by  com- 
merce;  her  surplus  products  of  no  value  on  account  of  the  enormous 
price  of  freights ;  her  capital  flying  to  other  climes ;  a  sense  of  the 
utter  insecurity  of  property  pervading  all  classes  and  everything 


78  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

tending  to  fasten  upon  her,  in  the  guise  of  legislation,  a  state  of 
actual  oppression  which  will  soon  exhaust  the  energies  of  a  popula- 
tion that  deserves  a  better  fate. 

"As  with  Los  Angeles,  so  it  is  in  various  degrees  with  our  sister 
counties.  She  is  the  greatest  sufferer,  only  because  she  has  more  to 
be  despoiled  of.  What  our  section  wants  for  its  prosperity  is  ]\Iili- 
tary  Protection,  a  simple  and  cheap  government,  and  equal  laws 
adapted  to  the  character  of  the  people.  A  prey  to  incessant  Indian 
depredations  from  without  and  destitute  of  internal  protection  for 
our  lives  and  property,  under  laws  applicable  to  our  wants,  and  the 
character  of  the  population,  and  withal  a  continued  and  ruinous 
taxation  impending  over  us,  our  future  is  gloomy  indeed  as  a  com- 
munity if  we  shall  fail  in  this  appeal  to  our  brethren  of  the  north 
for  the  only  redress  consonant  with  our  national  interests — a  sep- 
aration, friendly  and  peaceful,  but  still  complete,  leaving  the  north 
and  the  south,  respectively,  to  fulfill  their  grand  destinies  under 
systems  of  laws  suited  to  each.  A  melancholy  experience,  now  of 
sufficient  duration,  coming  home  to  every  man  in  the  south,  has 
produced  widespread  conviction  in  which  the  present  movement 
originated. 

"We  claim  for  it  the  purest  motives  w'hich  Patriotism  and  Philan- 
thropy dictates.  We  rely  on  the  inherent  pow-ers  of  truth,  when  the 
facts  shall  be  laid  before  our  brethren  of  the  north,  through  the 
convention,  to  achieve  the  result  that  we  are  seeking,  always  in 
good  faith  and  kindness  tow-ard  them,  but  from  a  stern  necessity 
we  are  driven  to,  in  the  pursuit  of  our  happiness  and  safety. 

"In  the  name  of  these  we  have  the  honor  to  represent,  we  re- 
spectfully and  earnestly  ask  you,  sir,  and  every  citizen  of  the  state, 
to  give  this  subject  the  consideration  which  its  importance  demands, 
and  we  cordially  invite  all  who  are  favorable  to  the  end  contemplated 
to  use  whatever  exertions  they  can  in  order  that  a  proper  representa- 
tion may  be  had  of  their  respective  counties. 

"The  time  has  arrived  for  prompt,  firm  and  decisive  action.  Let 
each  friend  of  the  cause  faithfully  do  his  duty  and  we  promise  a 
fortunate  consummation  of  our  dearest  wishes.  True  to  ourselves, 
we  shall  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  the  Legislature  of  California, 
nor  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

"We  are  respectfully  your  obedient  servants. 

(Signed)         Augustin  Olvera. 
Pig  Pico, 
Benj.  Hayes, 
J.  Lancaster  Brent, 
Lewis  Grainger, 
John  O.  Wheeler. 
Jose  Antonio  Carrili.o, 

Committee." 


DEPOSITION  OF  ARCHIBALD  H.  GILLESPIE 

CONCERNING  MISSION  SAN  DIEGO 

(Furnished  by  Mary  M.  Bowman) 

State  of  California, 

City  and  County  of  San  Francisco,  ,?,? : 

Heirs  of  the  Estate  of  Santiago  Arguello 
vs. 

The  United  States. 

Mission  San  Diego. 

The  undersigned,  Archibald  H.  Gillespie,  of  the  city  and  county 
of  San  Francisco,  in  the  state  of  California,  being  duly  and  solemnly 
sworn,  declares  that  during  the  war  between  the  United  States  and 
^le.xico  he  was  a  First  Lieutenant  of  the  United  States  JMarine  Corps 
on  special  service,  under  orders  of  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
James  K.  Polk,  and  organized  the  California  Battalion  of  Mounted 
Riflemen,  from  the  foreign  settlers  assembled  at  the  Alission  of  So- 
noma, July  5th,  1846,  and  was  Adjutant  and  Inspector,  with  the 
rank  of  Captain,  of  the  volunteer  forces  of  California,  mustered 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States;  that  on  the  31st  day  of  July, 
1846,  this  deponent  landed  with  a  portion  of  the  aforesaid  Battalion, 
under  Alajor  J.  C.  Fremont,  and  took  possession  of  the  town  and 
district  of  San  Diego  in  the  Territory  of  California,  in  the  name 
of  the  United  States ;  that  in  the  second  week  of  August,  1846,  this 
deponent  was  left  in  command  of  said  district  of  San  Diego  and 
became  well  acquainted  with  the  Mission  of  San  Diego  and  its  sur- 
roundings, had  the  friendship  of  Padre  Don  Vicente  Olivas,  who 
was  and  had  been  in  charge  of  the  church  property  of  the  said  mis- 
sion for  many  years,  and  frequently  visited  him  in  the  company  of 
Dr.  Edward  Gilchrist,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  on  duty  with  the 
land  forces ;  on  one  of  these  visits,  in  the  month  of  August,  1846, 
to  the  aforesaid  Padre,  Don  Vicente  Olivas,  this  deponent  was 
shown  about  the  mission  aforesaid  and  inspected  its  buildings  and 
surrounding  grounds,  then  in  possession  of  the  United  States,  when 
the  following  described  property  was  exhibited,  viz: 

A  large  square  of  houses  and  corral,  or  stable  yard,  including 
a  house  for  the  Padres  (or  priests)  ;  a  house  for  the  servants  and 
working  people,  several  store  houses  and  offices;  a  large  church -or 
chapel  with  ancient  and  rich  adornments. 

Separate  from  the  aforesaid  square  were  several  outhouses  for 
manufacturing  purposes  and  victualing  places  for  the  Indians.  In 
the  store  houses  were  many  pipes  of  wine  and  brandy  and'  several 


OU  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERX  CALIFORNIA 

casks  of  olives,  all  the  products  of  the  aforesaid  mission,  in  good 
order  and  of  fine  quality.  There  were  also  farming  utensils  and 
many  agricultural  implements,  as  well  as  a  variety  of  tools  for  me- 
chanics. In  the  outhouses  were  quantities  of  wheat,  corn,  barley  to 
a  considerable  amount,  and  in  one  of  them  were  several  weaving 
looms  for  making  blankets. 

There  were  two  orchards  and  gardens,  containing  vines  and  vari- 
ous kinds  of  fruit  trees ;  the  pear  and  olive  trees,  which  were  numer- 
ous, were  in  good  condition  and  fine  preservation.  These  orchards 
were  enclosed  by  good  fences. 

And  this  deponent  further  declares  that  the  aforesaid  Padre, 
Don  Vicente  Olivas,  stated  to  this  deponent,  and  in  which  statement 
this  deponent  has  the  most  implicit  trust  and  confidence,  that  there 
were  upon  this  mission  lands  over  400  head  of  cattle,  of  which  some 
300  had  been  given  to  him,  the  said  Padre,  Don  Vicente  Olivas,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Church  and  the  remainder  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  mission. 

There  were  also  a  considerable  number  of  wild  horses,  mares 
and  colts,  exact  number  not  remembered,  but  certainly  over  200  in 
all,  a  portion  of  which  had  been  given  to  the  Padre,  Don  Vicente 
Olivas,  aforesaid.  There  were  also  several  hundred  head  of  sheep, 
number  not  recollected,  but  over  500.  of  which  this  deponent  drove 
into  the  Garrison  and  town  of  San  Diego  over  350  sheep.  There 
were  also  a  few  tame  farm  horses  and  jackasses  in  use  about  the 
mission. 

And  this  deponent  further  testifies  and  declares  that  whilst  Mili- 
tary Comandante  of  the  Southern  Department  of  the  then  Territory 
of  California,  and  at  that  time  having  his  headquarters  at  San  Diego, 
as  aforesaid,  to-wit :  In  the  months  of  November  and  December, 
A.  D.  1846,  this  deponent  frequently  visited  the  aforesaid  Mission 
of  San  Diego  and  at  various  times  occupied  it  with  troops  of  the 
United  States  forces,  operating  in  the  southern  portion  of  the  then 
Territory  of  California,  under  command  of  Robert  F.  Stockton, 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  United  States  forces  on  the  Pacific  Coast, 
at  which  time  such  articles  of  subsistence  or  means  of  transportation 
actually  necessary  for  the  use  of  said  troops  were  freely  taken.  And 
also  this  deponent  declares  that  of  his  own  knowledge  the  aforesaid 
mission  was  occupied  by  troops  of  the  United  States,  under  com- 
mand of  Brigadier-General  Stephen  W.  Kearny,  in  February,  1847, 
and  from  reports  of  officers  of  the  United  States  Regular  Army,  in 
service  in  San  Diego,  its  buildings  and  grounds  were  occupied  and 
held  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States  for  a  long  time  after  the 
close  of  the  war  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  in  one  con- 
tinued occupation  from  the  first  day  of  August,  1846. 

And  this  deponent  further  declares  and  testifies  that  during  the 
month  of  August,  1846,  he  became  acquainted  with  and  knew  one 


DEPOSITION  OF  ARCHIBALD  H.  GILLESPIE  81 

Don  Santiago  Arguello,  an  old  and  retired  officer  of  the  Mexican 
service,  who  placed  in  this  deponent's  hands,  as  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  United  States  of  the  District  of  San  Diego,  the  neces- 
sary papers  and  documents  in  relation  to  his  right  and  proprietor- 
ship of  the  aforesaid  Alission  of  San  Diego,  and  the  said  Don  San- 
tiago Arguello  stated  and  confirmed  to  this  aforesaid  deponent  that 
which  is  hereinbefore  described  in  relation  to  such  property. 

And  this  deponent  further  declares  that  he  knows  that  much  of 
the  perishable  property  of  the  aforesaid  Mission  of  San  Diego,  here- 
inbefore described,  was  appropriated  and  made  use  of  by  the  said 
United  States  troops,  soldiers  of  the  Regular  Army  and  Volunteers, 
also  by  the  Sailors  and  Marines  of  the  United  States  Navy,  under 
command  of  Commodore  Robert  F.  Stockton  and  Brigadier-General 
Stephen  W.  Kearny,  Commander-in-Chief  in  the  years  1846-1847, 
and  afterward  under  Col.  R.  B.  Mason,  United  States  Army,  Pro- 
visional Governor  of  the  Territory  of  California,  the  exact  amount 
it  is  impossible  to  state,  but  this  deponent  declares  that  the  amount 
of  property  used,  lost  and  destroyed  during  the  occupation  of  the 
aforesaid  Mission  of  San  Diego,  by  the  United  States  forces,  was 
to  such  a  degree  to  deprive  the  said  Don  Santiago  Arguello  of  the 
entire  perishable  property  and  from  all  occupation  and  uses  of  the 
said  houses,  tenements  and  gardens  or  adjacent  grounds  of  the  afore- 
said mission  thereunto  belonging. 

And  this  deponent  further  declares  that  all  the  herds  of  stock 
and  horses,  mules,  oxen,  beef  cattle  and  sheep  used  by  the  United 
States  forces  on  duty  in  the  aforesaid  District  of  San  Diego  and 
around  about  said  mission,  were  pastured,  fed  and  kept  upon  the 
lands  of  the  aforesaid  mission,  to  the  number  of  several  thousand, 
certainly  over  5000  head  of  stock  of  all  kinds,  from  the  first  day 
of  August,  A.  D.  1846,  to  May  15th,  1847,  and  subsequently  when 
the  aforesaid  District  and  Mission  of  San  Diego  was  held  and  occu- 
pied by  the  troops  of  the  United  States  Army  and  the  United  States 
Boundary  Commission,  whose  herds  of  horses,  mules,  beef  cattle 
were  pastured,  fed  and  kept  on  the  lands  of  the  aforesaid  mission,  at 
different  times  and  periods  up  to  the  year  1851,  and  the  lands  of 
said  mission  were  used  by  the  United  States  to  a  later  date,  long  sub- 
sequent, the  precise  time  this  deponent  cannot  state,  and  for  which 
occupation  and  use  the  aforesaid  Don  Santiago  Arguello  did  not 
receive  any  compensation  nor  pay. 

(Signed)        Archibald  H.  Gillespie. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  February  25th,  1868,  before  me, 

W.  H.  Chevers,  Notary  Public. 


THE  WORK  OF  A  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  HISTORIAN 

BY  ELVA  E.   MURRAY 

Mr.  James  M.  Guinn,  one  of  the  twenty-two  men  who  founded 
the  Historical  Society  of  Southern  Cahfornia,  November  1,  1883, 
is  the  only  one  of  the  founders  now  connected  with  the  Society. 
To  Mr.  Guinn  the  Society  is  indebted  not  only  for  his  long  and 
untiring  efforts  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  organization,  but  for  a 
vast  number  of  valuable  contributions  to  its  annual  publications, 
while  Southern  California  has  found  in  him  one  of  its  foremost 
historians. 

A  delightful  visit  one  afternoon  with  Mr.  Guinn,  at  his  home 
in  Highland  Park,  revealed  a  number  of  interesting  facts  concern- 
ing his  long  and  active  life. 

Mr.  Guinn  is  not  a  native  son,  but  was  born  in  Ohio,  on  Novem- 
ber 27,  1834.  At  nineteen  years  of  age  he  was  teaching  school,  and 
after  two  years  of  alternate  teaching  and  farming,  he  entered  Anti- 
och  College,  whose  president  was  at  that  time  Horace  Mann. 

When  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  Mr.  Guinn  had  been  a  student 
at  Oberlin  College  for  four  years.  Fourteen  members  of  his  class 
responded  to  the  first  call  of  President  Lincoln  and  went  to  the 
front  as  Company  C  of  the  Seventh  Ohio  \'olunteers.  He  was  with 
his  regiment  in  every  campaign,  was  in  five  great  battles  and  was 
one  of  six  who  came  out  uninjured  at  the  battle  of  Cedar  Moun- 
tain. But  the  war  had,  to  a  certain  extent,  impaired  his  health,  for 
when  the  Governor  of  Ohio  promoted  him  to  a  Captaincy  in  a  new 
regiment  in  1864,  he  had  to  decline  the  honor.  Instead,  he  came  to 
California,  by  way  of  Panama,  and  engaged  in  teaching  school  in 
Alameda  County. 

The  next  three  years  Mr.  Guinn  spent  in  gold  mining  in  Idaho, 
and,  after  going  back  to  Ohio,  came  to  Southern  California,  where 
he  has  since  resided. 

In  1869  he  became  principal  of  the  school  in  the  pioneer  settle- 
ment of  Anaheim,  and  held  this  position  for  twelve  years.  During 
most  of  this  time  he  was  also  a  member  of  the  County  Board  of 
Education. 

During  his  principalship  in  Anaheim  he  was  married  to  Miss 
Dapsileia  Marquis,  a  teacher  in  his  own  school,  and  the  daughter 
of  a  Presbyterian  minister,  who  was  also  a  pioneer  of  California. 

In  1870  he  assisted  in  organizing  the  first  Teachers'  Institute 
ever  held  in  this  county.  (At  that  time  Orange  and  Los  Angeles 
counties  were  not  separated.) 

In  1875  he  was  nominee  of  the  "anti-monopoly  wing"  of  the  Re- 


THE  WORK  OF   A  SOUTHERN    CALIFORNIA  HISTORIAN  83 

publican  Party  for  the  office  of  State  Superintendent  of  Public  In- 
struction, but  for  the  sake  of  harmony  within  the  party,  withdrew 
just  prior  to  the  election  in  favor  of  Prof.  Ezra  Carr,  the  nominee 
of  the  Republican  Party,  who  was  elected. 

Mr.  Guinn's  connection  with  the  Los  Angeles  city  school  sys- 
tem began  in  1881,  when  he  was  appointed  superintendent  of  the 
city  schools.  This  office  he  held  until  1883,  when  he  engaged  in 
the  mercantile  business  for  a  time.  In  1904  he  was  elected  to  the 
Non-Partisan  Board  of  Education,  and  for  ten  years  was  a  mem- 
ber of  this  body,  serving  as  president  for  one  year. 

Mr.  Guinn  is  probably  best  known  as  a  historian,  and  especially 
is  he  an  authority  on  the  history  of  this  city  and  Southern  California 
in  general.  He  has  written  three  large  volumes  on  local  history,  one 
of  which  is  "The  Historical  and  Biographical  Record  of  Southern 
California,"  published  in  1915.  This  work  contains  a  history  of 
California  from  its  earliest  settlement  through  the  first  years  of  the 
twentieth  century.  It  also  contains  biographies  of  well-known  citi- 
zens of  the  past  and  present.  It  also  bears  the  title  of  "Los  An- 
geles and  Environs." 

The  book  of  which  Mr.  Guinn  is  himself  most  proud  was  pub- 
lished in  1907  and  bears  the  title,  "A  History  of  California,  and  an 
Extended  History  of  Its  Southern  Coast  Counties." 

As  a  founder  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Southern  California 
and  as  an  active  member,  he  has  furthered  his  reputation  as  a  his- 
torian. On  November  1,  1883,  Mr.  Guinn  was  one  of  twenty-two 
men  to  found  this  organization.  Today  but  three  are  living.  Col. 
E.  W.  Jones,  Dr.  J.  P.  Widney  and  Mr.  J.  M.  Guinn,  who  is  the 
only  charter  member  now  connected  with  the  Society. 

Throughout  the  entire  history  of  the  Society  he  has  been  one  of 
its  most  active  members.  From  1883  to  1890  he  was  treasurer 
of  the  organization,  from  1890-1891  he  was  president,  from  1892 
until  the  present  time  he  has  been  secretary  and  curator,  and  during 
the  entire  history  of  the  organization  he  has  served  on  the  Board 
of  Directors. 

Not  only  has  Mr.  Guinn  been  active  in  the  Society  as  an  officer, 
but  he  has  been  the  most  frequent  contributor  to  its  annual  publica- 
tion. His  first  article  appeared  in  the  publication  of  1888,  and  since 
that  time  nearly  one  hundred  contributions  have  appeared,  five  of 
which  appeared  in  the  last  issue. 

A  partial  list,  grouped  according  to  the  different  phases  of  Cali- 
fornia history,  is  as  follows : 

Before  the  Conquest — "California  Under  the  Rule  of  Spain  and 
"Mexico" ;  "Pioneer  Courts  and'  Judges  of  California" ;  "The  Pass- 
ing of  the  Old  Pueblo ;"  "Los  Angeles  in  the  Adobe  Age" ;  "The  Old 
Pueblo  Archives." 


84  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

Conquest  of  California — "Capture  of  Alonterey,  October  19, 
1842" ;  "The  Siege  and  Capture  of  Los  Angeles,  September,  1846" ; 
"Captain  Jedediah  Smith,  The  Pathfinder  of  the  Sierras";  "Fort 
Moore." 

Early  Days  in  California — "In  the  Days  of  '49"  ;  "Early  Postal 
Service  of  California" ;  "Pioneer  Railroads  of  Southern  Cahfornia"; 
"Los  Angeles  in  the  Later  '60s  and  Early  70s";  "The  Sonoran 
Migration." 

History  of  Industries  in  California — "From  Cattle  Range  to 
Orange  Grove";  "Some  Early  California  Industries  that  Failed"; 
"The  Gold  Placers  of  Los  Angeles  County." 

Histories  of  the  Ranchos — "The  Passing  of  the  Rancho" ; 
"History  of  the  Cahuenga  Valley  and  the  Rancho  La  Brae" :  "Passing 
of  the  Cattle  Barons  of  California" ;  "The  Romance  of  Rancho 
Realty." 

California  Schools — "Beginnings  of  the  Los  Angeles  School 
System" ;  "Pioneer  School  Superintendents  of  Los  Angeles" ;  "Old 
Time  Schools  and  School  Masters  of  Los  Angeles";  "A  Plea  for 
Local  History  Teaching  in  the  Schools." 

Los  Angeles  History — "The  Story  of  a  Plaza" ;  "The  Old  High- 
ways of  Los  Angeles" ;  "Pioneer  Ads  and  Advertisers" ;  "The 
Pioneer  Directory  of  Los  Angeles" ;  "Historic  Seaports  of  Los 
Angeles" ;  "La  Estrella,  The  Pioneer  Newspaper  of  Los  Angeles" ; 
"The  True  History  of  Central  Park" ;  "The  Passing  of  Historic 
Street  Names" ;  "How  the  Area  of  Los  Angeles  City  Was  Expand- 
ed":  "From  Pueblo  to  Ciudad  (From  Town  to  City)." 

Miscellaneous  Group  of  Incidents  of  Interest  that  are  not  Record- 
ed Elsewhere  and  that  Might  Otherwise  be  Lost — "How  California 
Escaped'  State  Division" ;  "The  Poetry  of  the  Argonauts" ;  "The 
Lost  Islands  of  San  Pedro  Bay" :  "The  Lost  Mines  of  Santa  Cata- 
lina  Island" ;  "The  Great  Real  Estate  Boom  of  1887" ;  "The  Pony 
Express" ;  "El  Caiion  Perdido" ;  "Some  California  Place  Name»" ; 
"Las  Salinas" ;  "A  Forgotten  Landmark" ;  "The  Myth  of  Gold 
Lake" ;  "Some  Historic  Fads  and  Fakes" :  "Thirty-three  Years  of 
History  Activities" ;  "Camel  Caravans  of  the  American  Deserts." 

In  addition  to  these  papers  and  the  three  histories,  viz:  A  His- 
tory of  Los  Angeles  County,  A  History  of  California  To  Its  Di- 
vision Into  Counties,  with  an  extended  history  of  the  Southern 
Coast  Counties,  and  A  History  of  Los  Angeles  and  Environs,  Mr. 
Guinn  has  written  a  number  of  historical  sketches  for  newspapers 
and  magazines  and  has  also  delivered  a  number  of  addresses  on  his- 
torical subjects  and  kindred  topics. 

He  is  now  in  the  forty-ninth  year  of  his  continuous  residence 
in  Los  Angeles  County.  He  has  watched  its  wonderful  growth  and 
made  frequent  note  for  publication  of  its  rapid  development.  He 
has  witnessed  the  city's  increase  in  population  from  five  thousand 


THE  WORK  OF   A  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA  HISTORIAN  85 

to  half  a  million.  His  long  residence  in  Southern  California  and  a 
careful  study  of  the  history  and  resources  of  its  counties  has  made 
him  an  authority  on  its  history. 

Mr.  Guinn  has  been  a  member  of  the  American  Historical  Asso- 
ciation for  twenty-five  years.  He  was  president  of  the  Pacific 
Branch  of  that  Association  in  1913.  He  is  also  a  member  of  the 
California  Historical  Survey  Commission.  He  was  appointed  by 
Governor  Johnson  in  1915  as  the  representative  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia. 

The  three  histories  were  issued  in  quarto  form  and  range  from 
four  hundred  to  five  hundred  pages  per  volume.  They  were  sold  by 
subscription.  In  the  preparation  of  these  books,  Mr.  Guinn  read 
thousands  of  pages  of  the  old  archives  of  the  early  periods.  Very 
few  historians  have  consulted  these.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  his 
fugitive  sketches  have  not  been  collected  into  book  form.  They  are 
worth  preserving  in  durable  shape  and  they  illustrate  some  phases  of 
early  pueblo  life  little  known. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA" 

BY  DR.    H.   W.    MILLS 

(Fragmentary  notes  on  the  life  histories  of  the  two  George 
Millers,  father  and  son,  the  former  of  whom  started  for  California 
in  1846.) 

Gentlemen:  When  invited  to  read  a  paper  before  this  Society, 
it  seemed  advisable  to  select  a  subject  of  local  interest  embodying, 
if  possible,  original  documents  not  previously  published,  having  some 
bearing  on  the  earlier  days  of  California's  American  history. 

I  have  lived  in  California  for  only  fourteen  years,  but  it  has 
been  my  good  fortune  to  have  been  intimately  acquainted  for  prac- 
tically all  of  that  time  with  George  Miller,  the  younger,  the  Geoige 
Miller  who  arrived  in  California  in  1861,  widely  known  among  all 
of  the  old-timers  as  perhaps  the  finest  shot,  and  undoubtedly  the 
finest  tracker, — Indians  not  excluded — among  a  generation  of  men 
who  in  the  nature  of  things  were  almost  all  experts  at  both  pursuits. 

Those  who  read  the  following  notes  will,  I  think,  admit  the 
propriety  of  my  title,  "Dc  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla"—A  Chip  of  the  Old 
Block, — for  the  indomitable  energ}-,  self-confidence,  self-reliance  in 
his  own  line,  and  courage  that  will  not  be  denied,  and  does  not  know 
the  word  "can't,"  which  characterized  the  elder  ]\Iiller,  have  been 
reflected  in  the  whole  life  of  the  younger  in  full  measure.  To  these 
traits  the  success  of  the  father  may  be  attributed,  and,  though  in 
his  latter  days  the  fruits  of  his  energy  were  lost  to  his  family,  owing 
to  his  weird  habit  of  giving  away  his  substance  to  strangers  from 
motives  which  to  us  seem  to  resemble  to  a  marked  degree  those 
which  actuated  Don  Quixote,  yet,  in  his  prime  of  life,  he  undoubtedly 
"made  good,"  in  the  language  of  the  country,  and  his  son,  who  is 
still  with  us,  having  no  such  pseudo-religious  vagaries  of  opinion  as 
to  what  constitutes  "duty,"  made  good  also.  Not  mistaking  the 
shadow  for  the  substance,  and  realizing  that  "charity  begins  at 
home,"  he  hung  on  to  that  which  literally  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow 
he  had  acquired  to  such  good  purpose  that  he  who — to  use  his  own 
expression — was  "his  own  man  at  twelve,"  is  now  more  than  com- 
fortably well-off,  being  among  other  things  the  possessor  of  one  of 
the  finest  orange  groves  in  the  finest  orange  country  in  the  world, 
at  Highland,  California. 

Both  believed  in  the  old  saying  that  "God  helps  those  who  help 
themselves" ;  both  were  deeply  and  sincerely  religious,  with  this  dif- 
ference,— that  while  the  older  man  habitually  swore  by  the  "God  of 
Moses,"  the  younger,  a  Knight  Templar,  makes  his  appeal  to  the 
"Great  Architect  of  the  Universe." 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  87 

When,  in  1841,  the  Patriarch  Miller  started  with  his  patriarchal 
family  of  several  wives  and  many  children  and  a  numerous  retinue 
of  camp  followers  for  California,  he  kept  a  log,  and  kept  it  with  that 
exactitude  of  detail  and  truth  which  characterized  his  every  act. 
This  log  was  destined  for  his  little  "spiritual  son"  (by  his  second 
contemporaneous  wife)  George,  Jr. 

Years  passed — years  of  almost  constant  toil  and  danger ;  the  old 
man  died.  The  clan,  after  vicissitudes,  which  included  a  ship-wreck 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  ultimately  entered  the  promised  land,  and 
with  the  clan  came  its  much  diminished  impedimenta,  including  the 
old  trunk — a  sturdy  trunk  it  was — which  contained  the  log. 

Now  comes  the  sad  part  of  the  story.  A  prophet  is  not  without 
honor  save  in  his  own  country  and  among  his  own  kindred,  and  the 
same  dictum  applies  to  the  prophet's  literary  productions. 

George,  Jr.,  was  a  baby — an  uncommonly  husky,  self-reliant  and 
sturdy  boy,  incidentally, — but  too  young  to  be  interested  in  family 
documents  ?  By  no  means.  Being  of  a  prosaic  and  practical  turn  of 
into  the  keeping  of  a  female  relative.  The  keeper  of  the  archives 
forgot  in  the  course  of  many  years  its  very  existence  until,  in  the 
year  1916,  the  log  was  brought  to  her  memory  by  the  fact  that  the 
mice  ate  through  the  seventy-six-year-old  trunk  and  disturbed  her 
sleep  by  rummaging  in  the  documents  contained  therein  during  the 
starry  night. 

Did  she  instantly  take  measures  to  protect  and  preserve  these 
documents.  By  no  means.  Being  of  a  prosaic  and  practical  turn  of 
mind,  she  instantly  consigned  the  trunk  and  its  contents  to  the  rub- 
bish heap,  and  applied  a  match, — casually,  some  days  later,  inform- 
ing George,  Jr.,  of  what  she  had  done. 

George,  who  had  never  heard  of  the  log,  but  who  entertained 
profound  respect  for  his  father's  memory,  was  greatly  shocked  and 
at  once  essayed  to  rescue  the  partially  destroyed  and  tattered  rem- 
nants of  what  was  left  of  his  father's  bequest. 

From  this  fragmentary  salvage  I  have  transcribed  what  follows ; 
— many  gaps  occur ; — the  pages  are  yellow  with  age,  and  whole  seg- 
ments have  gone  by  the  lx)ard ;  frequently  a  portion  of  a  page  is 
torn  off,  and  other  parts  are  so  charred  as  to  be  utterly  unde- 
cipherable. Nevertheless,  what  remains  is  of  such  historic  interest 
that  I  have  thought  it  worthy  to  be  brought  to  light  before  the  His- 
torical Society. 

The  elder  Miller,  it  is  true,  never  reached  California — he  died 
en  route  in  Illinois  in  1856.  Nevertheless,  he  was  one  of  those 
brave  old  pioneers  whose  Mecca  was  California,  and  his  clan  did 
complete  the  pilgrimage  on  which  he  started.  And  his  sons,  and 
his  son's  children,  aye,  and  his  great-great  grandchildren,  are  with 
us  in  California  today. 


OS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

THE  LIFE  OF  GEORGE  MILLER,  WRITTEN  BY  HIMSELF 

I  was  born  in  the  County  of  Orange,  State  of  Virginia.  My 
father's  name  was  John,  who  was  the  son  of  Leonard  Miller,  and 
my  mother's  name  was  Margaret  Pfeiffer.  I,  therefore,  was  born 
of  John  and  Margaret  in  the  said  state  and  county,  near  Stanards- 
ville,  on  the  25th  day  of  November,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety-four. 

About  1798,  my  father  moved  across  the  Blue  Ridge  Mountain 
into  the  the  County  of  Augusta,  Virginia.  About  the  first  of  No- 
vember, 1805,  we  started  to  move  to  Kentucky.  We  stopped  part 
of  the  winter  and  spring  in  Haw^kins  County,  Tennessee,  on  the 
Holston  River,  and  about  the  first  of  March,  1806,  we  resumed  our 
journey  and  arrived  in  Madison  County,  Kentucky,  in  time  to  make 
a  crop  of  corn  and  oats. 

In  the  spring  of  1808,  we  moved  about  one  hundred  miles  into 
Boone  County,  Kentucky,  where  my  father  owned  3417  acres  of 
land.  The  country  was  new  and  the  few  settlers  were  kind  and 
hospitable. 

My  oldest  sister,  Catharine,  married  John  Ferrell  a  year  or  two 
after  I  was  born.  They  came  with  us  to  Kentucky,  and.  about 
the  time  my  father  began  to  make  a  settlement  of  his  land,  my  only 
surviving  brother,  Lewis  Miller,  married  Elizabeth  Yates,  and  my 
sister  Elizabeth  m.arried  Elijah  Anderson,  and  my  sister  Mary  mar- 
ried James  Baxter  Daniel,  leaving  four  younger  children,  viz. :  Sarah, 
myself,  Margaret,  and  Aim,  the  youngest,  unmarried.  My  mother 
had  five  children  die  in  infancy — three  boys  and  two  girls.  My 
father  apportioned  land  to  all  the  married  children  of  his  house. 

My  father  was  addicted  to  occasional  intemperate  drinking,  which 
very  much  impaired  his  health. 

In  the  year  1810,  my  sister  who  married  Mr.  Daniel  moved  back 
to  Virginia  to  live  with  an  aunt  of  his.  And  my  brother  Lewis 
moved  back  to  Madison  County,  Kentucky,  where  he  had  married. 

Nothing  worthy  to  be  recorded  transpired  until  the  winter  of 
1811  and  spring  of  1812,  when  we  had  at  sundry  times  severe  shocks 
of  earthquakes. 

There  was  much  talk  of  war  about  this  time  between  the  United 
States  and  England ;  preparations  w-ere  being  made  by  both  nations. 
General  Wm.  H.  Harrison  had  a  hard-fought  battle  with  some  com- 
bined Indian  tribes  on  Tippecanoe  River,  near  the  Wabash  River, 
in  the  Territory  of  Indiana.  In  the  month  of  June  war  was  for- 
mally declared  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America 
against  England  and  all  her  dominions.  The  war  was  conducted 
with  varied  success. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1813,  I  went  to  my  brother's  in  Madison 
County,  Kentucky.    I  remained  with  him  until  after  harvest,  when. 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  89 

at  the  persuasion  of  my  brother,  I  entered  into  a  contract  with  Mr. 
John  Grugett  to  learn  the  house-joiner's  and  carpenter's  trade,  in 
the  town  of  Richmond,  the  county  seat.  I  was  not  satisfied  to  re- 
main with  Mr.  Grugett  on  account  of  his  incompetency  in  the 
knowledge  of  the  art  of  building,  and,  the  village  being  too  small 
to  admit  of  many  fine  buildings,  I  therefore  went  to  Lexington, 
Lafayette  County,  Kentucky,  (perhaps  the  best  inland  city  in  the 
United  States).  I  arrived  in  Lexington  in  April,  1814,  and  worked 
with  Mr.  Ater  and  Mr.  Welch,  who  instructed  me  in  all  the  mys- 
teries of  the  trade  of  joiner  and  carpenter,  until  the  spring  of  1815, 
when  my  father's  health  had  so  rapidly  declined  that  he  sent  for 
me.  My  father  lived  about  fifteen  miles  from  Cincinnati.  In  a  few 
days  after  my  arrival  my  father  began  to  mend  and  we  had  hopes 
of  his  recovery.  I  stayed  and  attended  to  the  cutting  of  the  small 
grain,  and  then  went  to  Cincinnati  and  worked  at  my  trade  as  a 
journeyman.  I  got  the  best  wages.  In  the  month  of  August 
my  father  died,  and,  after  attending  his  funeral,  I  continued  work- 
ing at  my  trade  in  Cincinnati. 

In  the  fall  of  that  year  I  made  arrangements  to  go  on  a  cam- 
paign to  Canada,  but  it  so  turned'  out  that  I  did  not  go,  and  the 
news  of  peace  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs  so  that  many  were 
leaving  for  the  eastern  cities.  I  arranged  my  mother's  affairs,  and 
on  the  7th  of  January,  1816,  I  left  Cincinnati  on  a  flat  boat  for 
the  city  of  New  Orleans.  Our  boat  froze  up  at  North  Bend,  twenty 
miles  below  Cincinnati,  where  we  lay  three  weeks,  until  the  ice  broke 
up,  and  we  floated  again  on  the  mighty  waters.  A  few  days  after 
the  middle  of  February  we  arrived  safely  at  New  Orleans. 

On  the  4th  of  March  I  sailed  on  the  fine  ship  Balize,  bound  to 
Baltimore.  We  had  very  boisterous  weather,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  9th  of  April  that  we  arrived  in  Baltimore.  The  next  morning 
after  my  arrival  I  obtained  work  at  the  highest  rate  of  wages. 

In  the  month  of  November  I  went  to  visit  my  sister — the  one 
who  had  married  Mr.  Daniel — in  Orange  County,  \^irginia.  I  also 
visited  some  of  my  cousins  and  uncles  in  Augusta  and  Rocking- 
ham counties,  and  worked  a  short  time  at  my  trade  in  Charlotteville. 

In  the  spring  of  1817  I  returned  to  Baltimore,  where  I  worked 
a  short  time  at  my  trade.  At  that  time  Mr.  Joseph  Glasscock  and 
myself  undertook  and  went  to  build  a  fine  house  for  Wm.  C. 
Mitchell  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahanock  River,  in  Lancaster 
County,  Virginia.  Here  I  labored  very  hard ;  we  got  the  house 
enclosed  and  a  great  deal  of  the  inside  work  done,  when,  in  the 
month  of  August,  I  was  violently  attacked  with  a  disease  of  a  com- 
plicated form  which  developed  into  third-day  ague  and  fever.  I 
was  advised  by  my  physician  to  go  to  the  mountains  where  my  re- 
lations lived,  if  I  wished  to  regain  my  health.  I  accordingly  brought 
my  business  to  a  close  at  a  great  sacrifice  to  my  pecuniary  interest. 


90  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

and  in  the  month  of  October,  1817,  I  was  accompanied  by  Dr. 
Lemoine,  Colonel  Ball  and  Mr.  Mitchell,  who  took  some  men  and  a 
boat  and  put  me  on  board  a  schooner  bound  for  Fredericksburg, 
Virginia,  situated  at  the  head  of  the  tidewater  (and  navigation)  on 
the  Rappahanock  River,  where  I  arrived  safely  on  the  evening  of 
the  second  day.  Some  incidents  on  this  voyage  took  place  that  have 
ever  since  caused  me  to  believe  that  the  captain  and  mate  of  the 
vessel  (who  were  brothers)  formed  a  design  to  take  my  life,  be- 
lieving, as  I  supposed,  that  I  had  a  great  deal  of  money,  but,  by 
my  decisive  and  prompt  action,  their  design  was  baffled.  When  I 
arrived  at  the  inn  kept  by  Mr.  Young,  after  refreshing  myself,  I 
related  the  whole  matter  to  my  host.  He  thought  their  conduct 
very  suspicious,  but  did  not  think  that  they  had  carried  matters  far 
enough  to  convict  them  of  an  actual  attempt  to  take  my  life.  Mr. 
Young  said  we  would  keep  the  matter  to  ourselves  and  he  would 
keep  a  lookout  for  them,  and  report  to  me  if  anything  occurred  that 
he  could  have  knowledge  of;  that  they  were  bad  men,  and  that  the 
circumstances  of  my  affair  could  be  brought  in  as  corroborating 
testimony  of  their  guilt. 

I  stayed  part  of  two  days  and  one  night  with  ]\Ir.  Young,  and, 
although  my  health  had  been  much  injured  by  my  recent  anxiety 
and  fatigue,  I  hired  a  horse  and  gig  and  a  man  to  take  me  out  a 
distance  of  35  miles  to  the  home  of  my  sister  in  Orange  County^ — 
the  one  who  had  married  Mr.  Daniel.  I  did  not  get  there  the  first 
day  and  not  until  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  following  day. 
I  found  them  all  well  and  glad  to  see  me.  I  made  a  stay  of  three 
weeks  at  my  sister's,  and  my  health  mended  very  much.  But  I  still 
had  an  ague  every  third  day,  but  not  so  severely  but  what  I  could 
go  about  after  a  few  hours. 

About  the  first  of  November,  1817,  I  went  to  Charlotteville,  Al- 
bemarle County,  Virginia,  the  proposed  site,  at  that  time,  of  the 
Central  College.  But  before  the  erection  of  the  college  buildings 
had  begun,  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  changed  it  into  the  Univer- 
sity, and  applied  the  literary  fund  to  its  endowment  and  the  erection 
of  its  buildings,  which  were  on  a  very  large  scale.  I  was  employed 
until  1820  in  the  erection  of  these  buildings.  The  first  year  of  my 
labor  on  the  university  was  very  arduous,  for  I  did  not  get  clear  of 
the  ague  until  the  latter  part  of  the  August  following. 

I  will  now  take  a  brief  view  of  some  of  the  religious  notions  of 
my  father  and  mother.  They  belonged  to  no  religious  sect.  They 
believed  that  the  Scriptures  were  mainly  true,  but  that  there  was  no 
sect  that  followed  the  pattern  of  the  Scriptures.  They  believed 
nothing  of  baptism  but  immersion.  But  they  had  most  of  their 
children  sprinkled  in  infancy,  because  of  the  established  church  of 
the  vicinity.  My  own  religious  bias  was  in  favor  of  the  Baptists, 
and  my  investigations  of  the  religious  opinions  of  the  sect,  and  all 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  91 

my  reading  of  the  Scriptures,  were  undertaken  with  a  view  of 
strengthening  myself  in  my  religious  bias.  I  had  early  serious  re- 
ligious impressions,  beginning  at  eleven  years  old,  and  onwards 
up  to  this  time,  when  I  partially  came  to  the  conclusion  that  I  was 
a  reprobate  and  consequently  could  not  be  saved.  About  this  time 
I  grew  careless  about  religious  matters,  rather  trying  to  make  myself 
out  an  infidel,  which  I  could  not  fairly  make  out,  but  finally  set- 
tled down  in  a  belief  in  universal  salvation,  in  grades  according  to 
men's  works. 

In  the  fall  of  1819  and  winter  of  the  same  year  I  visited  my 
mother  and  relatives  in  Kentucky.  I  brought  my  youngest  sister, 
Ann,  back  with  me  and  left  her  with  my  sister  in  Orange  County. 
I  made  provision  for  my  mother's  comfort  before  I  left  Kentucky. 

About  this  time  I  had  advanced  to  the  highest  degree  in  ancient 
Free  Masonry.  I  never  took  the  delight  in  the  institution  that  some 
seemed  to  take.  Aly  impressions  were  that  it  was  corrupt,  not  carry- 
ing out  in  practice  its  professions.  In  fine,  I  believed  it  was  like 
the  religious  sects  then  extant,  corrupt  in  proportion  to  the  wicked- 
ness and  corruptions  of  the  great  mass  of  people  all  over  the  world. 

[Gap  in  manuscript.] 

At  a  blessing  meeting  held  at  the  house  of  Joseph  Smith,  Sr., 
in  Nauvoo,  Hancock  County,  Illinois,  the  4th  day  of  July,  1840, 
the  following  blessing  was  given  by  the  Spirit,  and  pronounced  by 
Joseph  Smith,  Sr.,  Patriarch  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of 
Latter  Day  Saints,  upon  the  head  of  George  Miller,  son  of  John 
and  Margaret,  born  on  the  25th  day  of  November,  1794,  in  Orange 
County,  \'irginia : 

"Brother  Miller,  in  the  name  of  the  Redeemer  of  the  world,  the 
Holy  One  of  Israel,  I  lay  my  hands  upon  thy  head,  by  the  power 
of  the  Holy  Priesthood,  as  a  Father  in  Israel,  to  bless  thee,  and  I 
bless  thee  with  a  Father's  blessing,  and  I  say  unto  thee,  thou  art 
of  the  household  of  faith,  and  heir  to  all  spiritual  blessings  of  thy 
fathers,  even  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  and  this  blessing  shall  be 
upon  thy  posterity  after  thee,  and  thou  shalt  be  a  Patriarch  in  thy 
family.  I  pray  that  thy  latter  days  may  be  thy  best  days,  for  thou 
hast  seen  much  affliction,  and  hast  been  tempted  and  tried,  but 
the  Lord  has  delivered  thee  out  of  all  thy  troubles.  Thou  hast  had 
a  desire  to  do  good,  and  to  serve  God,  but  didst  not  know  the  way, 
and  hast  joined  thyself  to  a  harlot,  but  the  Lord  has  now  opened  thy 
eyes,  that  thou  canst  see,  and  discern  between  those  that  serve  God, 
and  those  that  serve  Him  not.  Thou  art  of  the  blood  of  Joseph, 
and  confirmed  in  his  covenant,  even  in  Ephraim,  and  if  thou  art 
faithful  thou  mayst  become  mighty,  and  be  one  of  the  horns  of 
Joseph,  to  push  the  people  together.  Thy  name  is  written  on  high, 
and  registered  in  the  Lamb's  Book  of  Life,  and  numbered  with  the 
blessed  of  Abraham's  posterity ;  thy  tongue  shall  be  loosed,  and  thou 


92  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

shalt  be  able  to  confound  all  gainsayers,  and  thou  shalt  go  forth  even 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  proclaim  the  gospel  with  power ;  thou 
mayst  convert  many  of  thy  former  faith;  multitudes  will  gather 
round  thee,  and  be  astonished  at  thy  doctrine,  and  thou  shalt  be 
esteemed  as  an  angel,  ajid  the  glory  of  God  shall  be  manifested  in 
thee ;  thy  face  shall  shine  as  the  face  of  Moses  of  old,  and  thou 
shalt  have  great  power ;  therefore,  be  faithful  and  live  to  God,  for 
great  things  await  thee  and  mighty  things  are  before  thee.  Thy 
heart  is  right  in  the  sight  of  God,  for  thou  desirest  to  do  his  will, 
and  if  thou  shouldst  step  aside  it  is  not  intentionally,  but  for  want 
of  wisdom.  Thou  shalt  have  the  riches  of  the  land  as  well  as  the 
riches  of  Eternity.  Thou  shall  see  the  Nephites,  that  remain  in 
the  flesh.  The  heavens  shall  be  opened  and  thou  shalt  behold  great 
things  and  the  veil  shall  be  rent,  and  thou  shalt  be  permitted  to  look 
within  the  veil  and  behold  that  which  thou  wilt  not  be  able  to  utter ; 
thy  life  shall  be  long;  thou  mayst  tarry  until  the  winding  up  scene, 
and  then  be  numbered  with  the  hundred-and-forty-and-four-thou- 
sand  that  stand  upon  Mount  Zion :  thou  shalt  have  many  blessings, 
that  I  cannot  speak  at  this  time ;  the  lame  shall  leap  as  an  hart,  the 
blind  shall  see,  the  deaf  hear,  and  the  poor  rejoice  in  the  Holy  One 
of  Israel  through  thy  instrumentality ;  thou  shalt  be  useful,  and  shalt 
bring  in  thy  thousands,  through  thy  ministry,  and  great  things  shall 
appear  to  thee,  and  marvelous  things  be  done  at  thy  command,  for 
thou  art  of  the  blood  of  Ephraim ;  thou  art  a  pure  Ephragmite,  and 
thou  shalt  have  power  over  sickness,  and  death,  and  the  power  of 
the  Holy  Ghost  shall  rest  upon  thee.  If  thou  art  faithful,  not  one 
of  the  least  of  these  promises  shall  fail,  for  I  seal  them  by  the 
power  of  the  Priesthood,  by  my  office  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ, 
and  seal  thee  against  the  power  of  the  destroyer,  against  the  devil 
and  all  evil  spirits,  and  every  abomination  and  wickedness,  and  I 
seal  thee  up  to  Eternal  life,  in  the  Celestial  Glory  of  God.  Even 
so.    Amen.  Joseph  Smith,  Sr., 

"Patriarch  of  the  Church.'"^ 


On  Thursday,  the  13th  day  of  October,  1842,  I  had  an  evening 
meeting  at  the  court  house,  which  was  attended  by  the  members  of 
the  ban  and  a  great  many  of  the  citizens.  I  think  much  prejudice 
was  broken  down  and  I  was  courteously  treated  by  all.  On  the 
Tuesday  night  following,  I  had  another  meeting  and  made  a  favor- 
able impression,  especially  on  Mr.  Charles  Seidel.  who  is  going  to 
locate  in  Nauvoo  as  a  merchant.  I  had  daily  combats  with  one  or 
another,  refuting  the  slanders  against  the  Church  of  Christ  and  its 
official  members,  and  exposing  the  errors  of  sectarian  religion. 


This  document  is  not  in  the  writing  of  Bishop  Miller. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  93 

On  the  14th,  15th,  16th,  17th,  18th,  19th,  20th,  21st,  22nd,  23rd, 
24th,  and  25th  of  October,  I  was  kept  in  great  suspense  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  our  boats,  and  on  the  last  named  day,  my  wife  having 
recovered  her  health  measurably,  I  left  on  a  raft,  or  rather  rafts, 
from  the  St.  Croix  Mills,  with  the  object  of  getting  intelligence  as 
to  our  boat,  which  I  expected  to  meet  daily.  The  raft's  crew  con- 
sisted of  some  thirty-four  or  -five  men,  rather  rough  characters,  al- 
though among  them  were  some  men  of  intelligence,  all  being  highly 
prejudiced.  I  was  necessarily  compelled  to  defend  the  truth,  and 
made  such  a  favorable  impression  on  the  minds  of  those  men  that 
during  the  eight  days  I  was  with  them  they  treated  me  with  the 
respect  and  kindness  of  a  brother,  and  on  Wednesday,  the  2nd  day 
of  November,  when  I  met  the  boat,  they  parted  with  me  with  seem- 
ing regret.  This  day  I  found  on  board  our  boat  Brother  Henry  W. 
Miller  and  family.  Sister  Gaylord  and  family,  Hiram  Mikesel  and 
family,  my  son  Joshua,  Brother  Henry  Thompson,  Octavus  Pawkit, 
and  Thomas  Jenkins.  After  the  salutations  caused  by  our  meeting 
were  over,  we  prosecuted  our  journey  and  encamped  a  short  dis- 
tance below  the  village  of  Fulton,  Illinois. 

November  3rd :  We  made  an  early  start,  traveled  about  sixteen 
miles,  and  encamped  on  an  island  four  miles  below  Savannah. 

Friday,  November  4th :  We  made  an  early  start — came  about 
fifteen  miles,  and  took  up  our  camp  for  the  night  below  the  village 
of  Beloit. 

Saturday,  November  5th:  This  day  we  had  a  strong  head  of 
wind  with  cold  rain,  but  made  near  fifteen  miles  on  our  journey. 
We  took  up  our  camp  for  the  night  seventeen  miles  below  Dubuque. 

Sunday,  November  6th :  This  morning  we  had  a  good  sailing 
wind.  We  reached  Dubuque  about  one  o'clock  P.  M.  We  were 
detained  getting  on  board  supplies  of  provisions,  etc.,  to  serve  our 
company  through  the  winter,  during  which  time  the  wind  veered 
so  that  we  could  sail  no  further,  and  were  compelled  to  cross  the 
river  to  get  a  safe  harbor  for  the  night.  We  made  about  two  miles 
further,  and  reached  a  harbor  after  dark,  and  took  up  camp  for 
the  night. 

Monday,  November  7th:  Made  an  early  start — had  a  strong 
head  wind  to  contend  with,  and  cold  rain — made  ten  miles  on  our 
journey,  and  encamped  at  Parson's  Landing. 

Tuesday,  November  8th:  We  had  a  strong  head  wind  this  moi-n- 
ing,  .together  with  snow.  Bought  some  potatoes  and  got  them  on 
board.  In  consequence  of  the  bad  weather  is  was  thought  by  some 
of  our  hands  impracticable  to  travel,  but  we  finally  agreed  on  a 
start  about  nine  o'clock;  we  had  some  difficulty  by  reason  of  get- 
ting fast  on  a  rock.    Some  of  us  got  into  the  water  about  four  feet 


94  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

deep  to  help  get  the  boat  off.  The  shore  on  which  we  towed  the 
boat  was  rough  and  stony — the  precipices  in  many  places  jutting 
into  the  river  so  that  we  were  obliged  to  wade  in  the  water  near 
mid-depth.  We  came  about  four  miles  on  this  day  and  encamped 
in  the  afternoon  for  the  night. 

Wednesday,  November  9th:  Had  a  strong  head  wind  with  a 
little  snow.  Made  an  early  start;  contended  against  the  elements 
all  day;  made  eleven  miles  on  our  journey  and  encamped  for  the 
night  about  four  miles  below  Cassoille. 

Thursday,  November  lOth:  Had  as  usual  a  strong  head  wind; 
traveled  about  eight  miles  this  day  with  much  labor. 

Friday,  November  llth:  We  still  had  a  strong,  cold  head  wind. 
Contended  strongly  against  the  elements  all  day.  Encamped  for 
the  night  about  twelve  miles  below  Prairie  Du  Chien. 

Saturday,  November  llth:  Brother  Henry  Miller  started  before 
daylight  for  the  Prairie  on  foot  to  get  my  family  and  other  things 
ready  by  the  time  we  should  reach  there.  We  started  early ;  after  we 
had  traveled  a  few  miles  a  fair  wind  blew  up.  We  set  sail  and 
reached  the  Prairie  a  little  after  noon.  Got  my  family  on  board  and 
prosecuted  our  journey  about  three  miles  further.  The  wind  ceased 
and  we  took  up  encampment  for  the  night.  During  the  last  night 
the  wind  blew  up  favorably.  We,  however,  did  not  take  advantage 
of  it,  as  so  many  of  the  men  needed  rest. 

Sunday,  November  I3th:  We  spread  our  canvas  to  the  breeze 
bright  and  early,  having  all  day  a  favoring  gale.  We  made  this  day 
about  thirty-three  miles, — encamped  for  the  night  near  Chapala 
Bluff — took  up  camp  on  an  island  on  the  Wisconsin  side  of  the 
river,  not  thinking  it  safe  to  sail  at  night.  Snow  fell  during  the 
night  about  an  inch  deep. 

Monday,  November  I4th:  We  started  early — the  wind  blowing 
hard,  but  not  favorably  for  sailing  up  stream.  \\'e  sailed,  towed  and 
poled  alternately,  as  the  circumstances  compelled  us,  until  about 
noon,  just  below  Winnashuk,  when  the  wind  determined  fairly  in 
the  north,  blowing  a  gale,  bleak  and  cold.  Here  we  came  to  a  halt, 
the  water  being  too  deep  to  pole,  and  the  bank  too  brushy  and  steep 
to  tow.  Here  we  met  Mr.  Anderson  and  others  from  Black  River 
going  to  Prairie  Du  Chien.  We  heard  from  our  friends  there, 
which  very  much  comforted  us,  hearing  that  they  were  in  health 
and  had  food  to  sustain  them.  We,  however,  got  on  about  three  or 
four  miles  further  by  extreme  exertion.  Encamped  for  the  night 
on  an  island,  snow  falling  some  two  inches  during  the  night. 

Tuesday,  November  \Sth :  We  started  early,  used  every  effort 
possible  during  the  day,  and  encamped  on  an  island  about  eleven 
miles  below  Prairie  La  Crosse. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  95 

Wednesday,  November  I6th:  We  started  from  our  encampment 
in  the  midst  of  a  snowfall,  but  it  soon  ceased  partially.  This  day 
we  exerted  all  our  physical  powers  against  the  wind,  snow  and  deep 
water  with  rough  banks.  Gained  about  three  miles  and  encamped 
on  the  head  of  an  island.    The  snow  continued  to  fall  all  night. 

Thursday,  November  \7th:  We  found  the  snow  floating  so  thick 
in  the  river  "that  it  was  impossible  to  prosecute  our  journey  by  means 
of  water  transportation ;  therefore,  we  thought  it  best  to  gain  a  land- 
ing on  the  mainland  on  the  Wisconsin  side,  which  we  did,  as  we 
supposed,  by  noon,  about  seven  miles  below  Prairie  La  Crosse,  near 
the  mouth  of  Black  River.  During  the  remainder  of  this  day  we 
made  a  harbor  for  our  boat  and  pitched  our  tents, — clearing  away  the 
snow  and  making  ourselves  as  comfortable  as  possible  under  ex- 
isting circumstances. 

Friday,  November  I8th:  The  snow  continued  to  fall  during  the 
past  night  and  through  this  day.  Consequently  we  remained  in  our 
quarters,  consulting  upon  measures  to  be  adopted  to  get  ourselves 
and  effects  to  our  place  of  destination.  Upon  my  proposing  to  make 
sleds  and  to  send  two  men  up  to  the  mills  for  four  or  five  yoke  of 
oxen  to  haul  us  and  our  household  effects  up,  some  sparring  took 
place  between  Brother  Henry  Miller  and  myself,  he  assuming  a  dic- 
tatorial air,  treating  my  opinion  with  great  contempt,  assuming  to 
himself  the  whole  authority  of  directing  the  operations  of  the  expe- 
dition according  to  the  counsel  of  his  own  will.  He  stated  that  he 
had  received  instructions  from  the  Temple  Committee  to  let  me  have 
no  control  or  direction  in  the  matters  of  the  expedition  whatever, 
as  they  would  hold  him  alone  responsible,  and  that  I  had  no  right 
to  direct  or  advise  any  of  the  operations  of  the  expedition ;  that  my 
duties  were  to  make  examinations  of  the  country  and  report  to  the 
authorities  of  the  church.  I  told  him  I  had  at  least  a  right  to  be 
heard  in  counsel  in  the  direction  of  the  affairs  so  far  as  the  Nauvoo 
House  Association  was  concerned,  and  would  claim  the  right  of  a 
voice  in  the  control  of  its  affairs.  He  said  he  was  willing  to  hear  the 
opinions  of  others,  but  would  do  as  he  pleased,  unless  the  opinions 
of  others  agreed  with  his.  I  rebuked  him  for  the  spirit  he  evidenced, 
and  expressed  my  feelings  that  I  was  willing  to  hear  the  opinions  of 
all  and  act  upon  our  united  wisdom. 

Saturday,  November  I9th :  Octavus  Pawkit,  Brother  Henry  Mil- 
ler and  myself  went  up  to  Prairie  La  Crosse.  The  snow  was  about 
eighteen  inches  deep,  and  we  discovered  that  we  were  not  on  the 
mainland  as  we  supposed,  but  separated  by  a  small  slough,  which 
we  crossed  on  the  ice.  We  saw  Mr.  Miller  of  the  firm  of  Miller  & 
Merrick,  and  learned  that  we  could  get  storage  with  them  for  our 
provisions,  etc.  The  others  of  our  company  were  engaged  in  pre- 
paring to  make  sleds  as  agreed  upon  and  had  got  a  pair  of  runners 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  97 

Started  for  the  mills,  reaching  them  about  ten  o'clock,  and  found  our 
friends  well.  This  day  we  finished  a  sled  that  was  in  the  making, 
and  sent  up  the  river  five  miles  for  the  oxen  and  some  meal  to  feed 
them  on  our  journey. 

Thursday,  November  24th :  We  got  our  oxen,  five  yoke,  to  the 
sled  about  noon.  Brother  Pavvkit  having  injured  his  knee,  it  was 
not  thought  advisable  for  him  to  go  with  the  teams.  While  I  went 
down  to  Mr.  Douglas'  on  foot,  Brothers  Reuben  Oaks  and  Mecham 
Curtis  went  with  the  teams  to  get  hay  for  our  journey,  and,  while 
they  were  on  their  way,  they  met  with  an  accident  to  their  sled,  and 
consequently  lay  out  without  fire,  but  reached  the  home  of  Mr. 
Douglas  a  little  after  breakfast,  having  received  no  material  injury 
from  their  exposure  to  the  night  air.  I  had  much  uneasiness  on 
their  account. 

Friday.  November  25th  :  We  left  the  house  of  the  Messrs.  Doug- 
las, with  the  elder  Air.  Douglas  for  a  pilot.  We  traveled  seven 
miles  to  a  cabin  at  the  mouth  of  Tryans  Run,  where  they  were 
building  a  mill.    Here  we  were  also  hospitably  entertained. 

Saturday,  November  26th :  We  made  an  early  start — crossed 
Black  River  on  the  ice — got  within  fourteen  miles  of  Prairie  La 
Crosse  and  took  up  camp  for  the  night.  This  night  was  intensely 
cold  and  we  suffered  very  much,  especially  Mr.  Douglas. 

Sunday,  November  27th :  We  made  an  early  start — had  a  little 
difficulty  in  crossing  two  creeks.  We  reached  Miller  &  Merrick's 
about  dark,  where  we  were  kindly  entertained,  and  learned  that  the 
company  with  the  boat  had  got  the  boat  about  a  mile  further  up  the 
river  to  a  trading  house,  where  they  had  stored,  or  arranged  to  store, 
our  provisions,  excepting  seven  barrels  of  flour  and  pork,  which 
they  had  hand-sledded  to  Miller  &  Merrick's  on  the  ice.  The  river 
being  closed,  they  had  also  hand-sledded  our  household  effects  to 
the  mainland  above  the  mouth  of  the  slough,  three  and  one-half 
miles  below  Miller  &  Merrick's,  where  they  had  encamped.  Brother 
Gaylord  and  family  to  take  care  of  them. 

Monday,  November  28th:  We  went  down  to  the  camp  before 
breakfast,  but  I  myself  also  went  down  to  the  trading  house  where 
the  remainder  of  our  company  had  quartered,  and  ascertained  that 
they  had  only  had  time  to  finish  the  one  sled  that  was  on  hand  when 
I  left  them  to  go  after  the  teams.  The  company  divided  their  labor 
— some  were  put  to  making  a  sled,  and  others  to  hand-sledding  the 
families  and  their  beds  up  to  the  camp.  The  traders  very  kindly 
assisted  us,  as  well  as  extending  other  hospitalities  towards  us,  with- 
out making  a  charge.  I  was  exonerated  from  labor  this  day  in  con- 
sequence of  my  having  walked  all  the  way  up  to  the  mills  and  back 
again,  breasting,  as  it  were,  the  snow,  finding  it  necessary  to  walk 
before  the  oxen  in  order  to  make  the  cattle  manageable  to  the  drivers. 


98  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

I,  therefore,  changed  my  raiment  and  returned  thanks  in  my  heart 
to  God,  our  Heavenly  Father,  for  the  strength  He  had  given  me  for 
the  performance  of  the  labors  I  had  just  passed  through. 

Tuesday,  November  29th:  During  the  last  night  the  snowstorm 
almost  overwhelmed  us,  still  continuing  to  fall  all  day.  About  noon 
we  put  all  the  families  in  a  large  covered  wagon  box,  which  we 
brought  down  from  the  mills,  and  on  the  three  remaining  sleds  put 
all  our  household  goods,  and  set  out  through  the  snowstorm.  We 
traveled  about  seven  miles  and  encamped  about  dark  at  a  large 
spring,  where  we  had  water  for  ourselves  and  cattle,  five  of  us  hav- 
ing walked  all  this  day  before  the  cattle  in  order  to  break  the  road. 

IVcducsday,  Norcmbcr  30tli:  The  snow  continued  falling  all 
night,  making  it  this  morning  two  feet  deep  where  it  was  not  drifted. 
We  were  out  of  hay,  and  so  Mr.  Douglas,  Brothers  Henry  Wilier, 
Thompson.  Curtis,  Gaylord  and  Jenkins  went  back  one  and  one-half 
miles  to  IMiller  &  Merrick's  hay  stacks,  and  brought  up  great  back- 
loads  of  hay,  while  the  others  prepared  for  a  start.  When  they  ar- 
rived with  the  hay  we  set  out  on  our  journey.  There  being  no  traces 
of  the  track  visible,  five  of  us  walked  ahead,  breaking  the  way,  to 
enable  the  oxen  to  get  on  with  the  sleds,  and  it  was  with  the  most 
intense  labor  that  we  traveled  about  four  miles  and  encamped  on  the 
bank  of  a  small  lake.  One  of  the  sleds  which  was  brought  up  at 
night  having  broken  and  turned  over,  we  held  a  council  and  de- 
cided to  leave  one  of  our  sleds  and  nearly  half  of  our  goods.  Brother 
Gaylord  and  family  volunteered  to  stay  and  take  care  of  them  until 
we  could  return  for  them. 

Thursday.  December  \st,  1842:  We  put  all  our  oxen  to  two  sleds, 
leaving  Brother  Gaylord  and  family  in  the  camp  to  take  care  of  our 
goods,  and  set  out  breaking  the  road.  We  had  to  make  a  bridge 
over  the  creek,  which  we  accomplished,  and  got  the  two  ox  sleds 
over  safely.  Brother  Miller  and  Mr.  Douglas  remained  to  mind 
the  horse  sled  that  was  broken  the  evening  before.  \Yt  traveled 
about  six  miles  with  much  difficulty  and  pitched  our  tent  for  the 
night.  Being  short  of  hay,  we  cut  brouse  for  the  cattle.  In  a  short 
time  the  horse  sled  came  up. 

Friday.  December  2nd:  We  started  early,  going  ahead  as  usual 
to  break  the  road.  We  crossed  a  mountain,  and,  having  left  some 
hay  on  our  way  down,  about  a  mile  off  our  route,  where  we  intended 
to  cross  a  creek,  we  sent  Brother  Curtis  to  look  after  the  hay  and 
the  rest  of  us  made  camp,  and  looked  for  a  place  to  cross  the  creek 
in  the  morning.  By  the  time  that  Brother  Curtis  returned  we  ascer- 
tained that  we  should  have  two  creeks  to  cross. 

Saturday,  December  3rd:  We  made  a  daybreak  start,  crossed  the 
creeks  safely,  and  after  crossing  a  mountain  we  found  the  snow  only 
about  fifteen  inches  deep,  which  was  a  great  relief  to  both  men  and 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  99 

oxen.  Our  old  track  also  became  visible,  and'  both  men  and  oxen 
seemed  to  cheer  up.  We  reached  the  cabin  of  Mr.  Douglas  at  the 
mouth  of  Tryan's  Run  about  noon.  Here  we  got  the  assistance  of 
the  younger  Mr.  Douglas,  with  a  sled  and  two  yoke  of  oxen,  and 
reached  the  hospitable  roof  of  Messrs.  Douglas  about  dark,  where 
we  were  kindly  entertained,  having  a  good  supper  which  they  had 
prepared  and  which  was  indeed  a  great  treat  to  us. 

Sunday,  December  4tli :  The  elder  Mr.  Douglas,  who  had  been 
with  us  through  our  troubles,  was  taken  ill  during  the  night,  but 
most  energetically  insisted  on  going  through  with  us  to  our  mills. 
Brother  Thompson  and  myself  left  by  daylight  to  get  to  our  mills  in 
time  to  prepare  a  good  dinner  by  the  time  the  teams  should  get  up 
with  the  families,  which  was  about  two  o'clock. 

Monday,  December  5th :  This  day  we  prepared  our  cabins  for  the 
families. 

Tuesday,  December  6th:  I  took  up  a  new  trade — that  of  shoe- 
making,  in  order  to  fit  out  the  men  who  are  to  return  with  the  teams 
to  bring  up  Brother  Gaylord  and  family  and  the  household  effects 
left  with  him.     I  worked  nearly  all  night. 

Wednesday,  December  7th :  Early  this  morning  Brothers  Henry 
Miller,  Reuben  Oaks  and  Robert  Egbert  left  with  two  sleds  and 
five  yoke  of  oxen  to  bring  up  the  rear. 

Thursday,  December  8th:  Most  of  the  men  went  up  to  a  shanty 
five  miles  up  the  river  to  cut  logs.  Those  who  did  not  go  up  the 
river,  excepting  Hiram  Mikesel,  who  has  a  boil  on  his  breast,  are 
engaged  in  cutting  coal  and  getting  wood.  Brother  Abram  Mon- 
seer  and  myself  are  closely  engaged  in  making  clothes  and  shoes  for 
the  men  and  mending  boots. 

Friday  and  Saturday,  December  9tli  and  lOth:  We  continued 
our  several  employments.  Brother  Monseer  and  myself  working  the 
greater  portion  of  every  night  for  the  purpose  of  getting  our  com- 
pany clothed  and  shod. 

Sunday.  December  Wth:  All  of  those  who  were  not  down  with 
the  teams  assembled  together  and  had  a  comfortable  meeting,  enjoy- 
ing a  good  degree  of  the  Spirit  during  our  exercises,  and  having  our 
strength  renewed. 

Monday,  December  \2th :  We  all  continued  as  before  in  our  sev- 
eral employments.  This  evening,  quite  unexpectedly,  the  teams  re- 
turned with  Brother  Gaylord  and  family  and  our  effects.  All  were 
well,  to  our  great  joy  and  satisfaction. 

Tuesday,  December  13th:  We  continued  our  several  employ- 
ments. All  those  coming  up  with  the  teams  helped  with  the  labor, 
except  Brother  Henry  Miller,  who  is  making  himself  some  bedsteads. 

Wednesday.  December  I4th :  This  day  I  was  engaged  in  writing 


100  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

Up  this  memorandum  and  all  the  others.  I  will  here  remark  that  the 
women  folk  of  our  company  have  been  as  busily  engaged  as  any  of 
us,  in  making,  washing  and  mending  the  clothes  for  the  men,  whom 
we  found  very  bare  of  clothing  on  our  arrival  here.  No  one  ate  idle 
bread.  At  seven  o'clock  P.  M.  I  began  to  work  at  night  as  usual 
at  shoe-making  for  those  in  need  of  shoes. 

Thursday,  December  IStli :  We  were  all  engaged  as  before  dur- 
ing the  day. 

Friday  and  Saturday,  December  \6th  and  I7th :  We  were  like- 
wise engaged. 

Sunday,  December  ISth:  We  held  a  meeting  today.  All  those 
who  were  cutting  saw-logs  up  the  river  came  in  last  evening  to  at- 
tend. Brother  Henry  Miller  spoke  for  two  hours,  and  I  made  some 
remarks  in  conclusion.  Two  or  three  of  our  neighbors  came  in  dur- 
ing the  service. 

Monday,  December  \9th  :  Nine  of  us,  including  Brothers  Henry 
Miller,  Cunningham,  Pawkit,  Thompson,  Gaylord,  Adams,  Monseer 
and  Thorn,  went  up  to  Spaulding's  Alills  at  the  falls  of  Black  River. 
The  residue  of  our  company  were  engaged  in  setting  a  coal  kiln 
and  banking  logs  at  our  upper  shanty.  Those  of  us  who  went  up  to 
the  falls  arrived  at  Mr.  Spaulding's  mills  early  in  the  afternoon.  We 
made  some  examinations  of  the  premises  and  held  a  council  in  re- 
gard to  making  a  bargain  with  Mr.  Spaulding  for  half  of  his  mills, 
as  before  agreed  upon. 

Tuesday,  December  20th :  We  looked  at  the  machinery  and  the 
surrounding  country  and  came  to  the  house  in  the  evening  to  make 
out  the  writings,  but,  because  of  a  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of 
Mr.  Spaulding,  the  negotiation  was  broken  off. 

Wednesday,  December  2\st :  Early  this  morning  part  of  our  com- 
pany returned  to  assist  those  who  remained  below  in  their  labors. 
Brothers  Miller,  Gaylord,  Pawkit,  Thompson,  Cunningham  and  my- 
self went  up  to  McClean's  Falls  to  examine  them  preparatory  to 
building  our  mills  on  them.  Mr.  Spaulding,  finding  out  that  we 
would  not  be  trifled  with,  made  further  overtures  to  sell  us  half  the 
mills  at  the  falls,  but  we  plainly  told  him  that  we  had  no  further  pro- 
posals to  make,  but  would  return  in  the  evening,  and  that,  if  he  ac- 
ceded to  them,  we  would  then  draw  up  the  necessary  writings.  We 
went  up  to  McClean's  Falls — found  an  excellent  site  for  a  mill,  and 
came  to  the  conclusion  to  build  forthwith  if  Spaulding  did  not  agree 
to  our  proposal.  On  our  return  he  made  us  a  proposal,  during  the 
evening,  to  sell  the  whole  mills,  but  did  not  state  the  price. 

Thursday,  December  22nd:  We  arose  early  and  Mr.  Spaulding 
made  a  definite  proposal.    We  struck  a  bargain  with  him  and  made 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  101 

the  writings.  We  left  for  home  about  one  o'clock  and  arrived  there 
after  dark,  say  six  o'clock.    This  night  was  intensely  cold. 

Friday,  December  23rd :  This  morning  the  thermometer,  at  sun- 
rise, was  24  degrees  below  zero ;  during  the  latter  part  of  the  night 
some  one  of  the  company,  who  examined  the  thermometer,  stated 
that  it  was  as  low  as  28  degrees  below  zero.  This  day  we  were  pre- 
paring to  move  up  to  the  falls,  gathering  our  effects  from  the 
shanties  above. 

Saturday,  December  24th :  This  day  is  more  pleasant  than  yester- 
terday.  the  weather  still  gradually  moderating.  We  are  all  busy  pre- 
paring for  Christmas  and  getting  ready  to  move  up  to  the  mills  at 
the  falls. 

Sunday,  December  25th :  This  day  we  were  all  together,  and  had 
our  exercises,  greatly  to  our  edification.  Some  of  our  neighbors  came 
in  during  our  service,  behaved  themselves  respectfully  and  found  no 
fault. 

Monday,  December  26th :  Some  16  or  17  of  the  men,  residents  of 
this  country,  came  in  for  the  purpose  of  eating  a  Christmas  dinner 
with  us,  which  we  had  previously  prepared  to  give  to  all  who  would 
call  on  us.  We  had  an  excellent  dinner.  Our  guests  seemed  to  be 
much  pleased  with  the  entertainment.  They  all  seemed  to  venerate 
us,  expressing  the  kindest  feelings  toward  us. 

Tuesday,  December  27th:  This  day  we  held  a  council  and  de- 
termined to  send  Brother  Elijah  Cunningham  to  Nauvoo  for  twenty 
additional  men  to  assist  us  in  our  labors.  We  partly  loaded  our 
sleds  preparatory  to  moving  on  the  morrow.  This  day  was  mild 
and  beautiful — thawing  all  day. 

Wednesday,  December  28th:  At  some  time  in  the  night  snow  be- 
gan to  fall.-  We,  however,  made  an  early  start  for  the  falls,  all  ex- 
cept Brother  Cunningham,  who  started  for  Nauvoo,  and  Mr.  Curtis, 
who  started  with  a  horse  and  train  to  Prairie  La  Crosse  to  bring  up 
flour,  and  Brother  Gaylord  and  family,  who  remained  to  take  care 
of  our  place  and  stock,  and  Brother  Thomas  Jenkins,  who  remained 
to  finish  burning  a  coal  kiln.  The  snow  continued  falling  all  day, 
and  we  had  to  travel  on  the  ice  with  three  sleds.  One  of  the  teams 
broke  through  the  ice,  but  we  got  them  loose  from  the  sled  and  pulled 
the  sled  back  without  breaking  in.  We  then  got  the  oxen  out  with- 
out injury.  We  then  continued  on  our  journey  through  the  snow- 
storm about  ten  miles  to  Messrs.  Wood  and  Morrison's  shanty — they 
kindly  entertained  us  for  the  night.  Six  of  our  men  not  having 
room  in  the  shanty,  went  two  and  one-half  miles  further  up  the 
river  to  Mr.  O'Neal's. 

Thursday,  December  29th:  The  snow  had  fallen  during  the  past 
day  and  niglit  about  eight  inches.  We  made  a  daybreak  start,  left 
the  ice  at  Mr.  O'Neal's,  and  went  overland  to  our  mills  at  the  falls. 


102  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

We  arrived  here  about  noon,  cooked  and  ate  our  breakfast,  and  com- 
menced repairing  our  shanties  for  the  families,  and  the  stables  for 
the  cattle. 

Friday,  December  30tli:  We  were  all  busily  engaged  as  yester- 
day, except  Brothers  Egbert  and  Oaks,  who  went  back  with  the 
teams  to  bring  up  more  of  our  effects.  This  day  Brother  Curtis  re- 
turned the  horse  because  it  was  refractory  and  refused  to  work. 

Saturday,  December  3lst:  We  continued  fitting  up  and  getting 
saw  logs  preparatory  to  running  the  mill,  which  we  are  to  get  pos- 
session of  ne.xt  Monday  morning,  together  with  three  yoke  of  oxen, 
hay,  oats,  potatoes,  etc. 

Sunday,  January  \st,  1843  :  This  day  we  had  previously  set  apart 
for  fasting  and  prayer  and  for  returning  thanks  for  the  manifold 
blessings  received  since  we  left  Nauvoo,  but  many  of  the  inhabitants 
came  in  from  Black  River,  expecting  to  hear  preaching,  and  we  then 
changed  our  plans.  Brother  Henry  Miller  spoke  on  the  first  prin- 
ciles  of  the  Gospel,  in  the  forenoon,  and  the  afternoon  we  spent  as 
before  contemplated. 

Monday,  January  2nd:  This  day  we  sent  Brother  Meacham  Cur- 
tis to  make  timber  claims,  as  we  discovered  a  disposition  in  the  people 
to  make  claims  with  a  view  to  speculate  at  our  expense.  The  rest  of 
us  were  engaged  in  various  employments,  cutting  and  hauling  saw 
logs,  hay,  etc.,  sawing  and  preparing  places  to  pile  lumber  and  also 
repairing  the  stables.  The  cold  is  increasing,  the  thermometer  rang- 
ing at,  and  below,  zero. 

Tuesday,  January  3rd:  This  morning  the  mercury  is  at  22  de- 
grees below  zero.  All  of  us  were  engaged  as  before.  The  pitman 
of  our  saw  mill  broke  today. 

JVednesday,  January  4th:  I  proposed  to  make  a  move  to  get  all 
the  logs  that  we  could  with  part  of  the  hands  to  stock  the  mills,  and 
four  or  five  of  us  set  to  work  and  put  the  two  mills  that  have  been 
sawing  in  thorough  repair,  they  having  been  so  badly  constructed,  in 
the  application  of  water,  that  they  had  never  paid  the  expense  of 
running  them.  We  also  proposed  to  complete  the  third  mill,  which 
was  already  in  a  state  of  forwardness,  but  Brother  Henry  Miller  op- 
posed me  so  arbitrarily  that  I  gave  way.  Nevertheless,  Brother  Paw- 
kit  and  I  began  to  get  timber  to  complete  the  mill  partly  erected.  The 
others  were  engaged  as  yesterday,  except  one  man,  who  started  on 
a  new  pitman  for  the  mill.    Weather  moderating. 

Thursday,  January  5th:  This  day  we  were  severally  engaged  as 
yesterday.  Two  men,  however,  worked  on  the  pitman  and  got  it  in, 
but  the  mill  would  scarcely  saw  at  all.  AA^e  had  Mr.  Avery  commence 
work  with  us  today.  Brother  Abraham  Monseer  and  myself  are  en- 
gaged of  evenings  tailoring  and  shoe-making.  It  does  not  freeze  at 
all  today. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  103 

Friday,  January  6th:  This  day  grew  a  little  colder.  We  were 
engaged  as  before,  except  four  of  us,  who  are  at  work  in  putting  all 
three  mills  in  thorough  repair.    We  also  keep  one  man  sawing. 

Saturday,  January  7th :  We  are  engaged  in  the  same  work  as  yes- 
terday.   The  mercury  stands  below  zero. 

Sunday,  January  Sth  :  The  mercury  this  morning  was  22  degrees 
below  zero,  but  gradually  moderated  during  the  day.  Several  of  the 
neighbors  came  in  and  also  two  Indian  traders,  and  requested  to  hear 
our  religious  tenets.  I  asked  several  of  our  elders  to  preach,  but  they 
declined,  intimating  a  desire  that  I  should  speak,  which  I  accordingly 
did.  Those  who  came  to  hear  seemed  to  be  well  satisfied,  having  no 
objections  to  raise. 

Monday,  January  9th:  This  day  the  weather  is  quite  moderate. 
We  sent  three  sleds  to  our  hay  meadow,  eight  miles  below  here ;  one 
of  them  went  to  the  lower  mills  to  bring  up  some  of  our  effects.  This 
evening  we  sold  our  lower  mills  to  Mr.  Spaulding.  Two  of  the  sleds 
returned  about  dark. 

Tuesday,  January  lOth:  I  drew  the  writings  in  regard  to  the  sale 
we  made  yesterday.  This  morning  some  of  us  made  preparations  to 
send  up  a  team  and  five  or  si.x  men  to  ^IcClean's  Falls  to  cut  and 
bank  logs,  the  weather  being  very  pleasant.  The  remaining  teams 
returned. 

Wednesday,  January  llth:  A  light  snow  fell  last  night.  Our 
teams  went  up  to  McClean's  Falls  with  the  hay  and  to  take  up  the 
tools,  etc.,  for  the  men  to  work  with. 

Thursday,  January  12th:  The  mercury  stood  at  22  degrees  below  • 
zero,  but  moderated  during  the  day.    Our  teams  returned  from  Mc- 
Clean's  Falls  and  we  prepared  to  move  Mr.  Spaulding  down,  and  to 
bring  Brother  Gaylord  and  the  remaining  effects  from  the  lower  mills. 

Friday,  January  13th  :  A  pleasant  day.  We  sent  our  teams  to  the 
lower  mills  with  Mr.  Spaulding  and  his  household  goods.  Those  of 
us  who  are  not  otherwise  engaged  are  at  work  on  the  mills. 

Saturday,  January  14th :  A  pleasant  day.  Our  teams  returned, 
bringing  Brother  Gaylord,  his  family  and  effects.  All  were  glad  to 
see  them,  as  they  are  greatly  devoted  to  the  upbuilding  of  the  cause. 

Sunday,  January  15th:   This  is  another  pleasant  day. 

Monday,  January  16th :  A  cloudy,  gloomy  day — temperature  42 
degrees.  We  sent  two  teams  down  the  river  to  our  hay  meadow  to 
sled  up  some  hay  on  the  ice,  for  fear  lest  the  ice  should  get  bad,  as 
appearances  indicate  a  thaw.    The  sleds  returned  after  dark. 

Tuesday,  January  17th:  The  weather  continued  soft.  We  in- 
tended to  have  sent  the  hay  brought  up  yesterday  to  McClean's  Falls, 
but  the  ice  became  so  rotten  that  it  was  impracticable.  We  therefore 
moved  the  hay  and  let  our  teams  rest,  as  they  are  much  reduced  in 


104  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

consequence  of  the  constant  hard  usage  and  through  our  not  having 
grain  to  feed  them.  The  Indian  traders  with  whom  we  stored  our 
provisions  came  up  this  evening  with  trains  and  went  on  up  to  the 
forks  to  trade  with  the  Indians. 

Wednesday,  January  18th:  This  is  a  warm,  cloudy  day,  with  oc- 
casional light  rain  or  mist.    The  teamsters  assisted  about  the  mills. 

Thursday,  January  I9th:  The  weather  continued  as  yesterday 
and  the  men  were  severally  employed  as  before. 

Friday,  January  20th:  This  was  a  rainy  day,  and  we  continued 
our  several  employments. 

Saturday,  January  21st:  This  morning  was  clear,  but  warm,  with 
some  wind ;  it,  however,  soon  clouded  over  and  became  a  little  cooler. 
We  all  worked  on  the  tail  race,  which  had  become  filled  with  stones 
falling  in  by  the  abrasion  of  the  water,  and  also  put  the  flutter  wheel 
of  our  new  mill  into  its  place. 

Sunday,  January  22nd:  This  morning  was  cloudy  again. 

Monday,  January  23rd:  The  sun  rose  on  us  this  morning  in  all 
his  splendor,  the  mercury  standing  at  32.  Yesterday  the  head-gate 
gave  way,  letting  the  water  in  on  the  works  of  our  new  mill,  the  river 
having  risen  over  two  feet.  We  fixed  in  a  temporary  head-gate  and 
partially  repaired  the  water-gate,  which  was  badly  made  and  out  of 
repair.  We  put  one  team  and  sled  to  hauling  logs,  and  started  the 
small  mill  to  sawing.  This  has  been  frozen  up  ever  since  we  bought 
the  mills.  We  find  it  a  poor  concern,  but  will,  however,  run  it  until 
we  get  time  to  overhaul  it.  Two  hands  are  engaged  in  piling  lumber 
and  working  on  the  railroad.  The  weather  continued  clear  and  warm. 

Tuesday,  January  24th:  Another  clear  day.  Brother  Pawkit 
came  down  from  ^Mc'Clean's  Falls,  having  injured  a  cross-cut  saw  by 
falling  a  tree  on  it.  He  came  down  to  have  it  repaired.  He  informed 
us  that  the  team  at  McClean's  Falls  had  run  out  of  hay,  and  that 
the  ice  on  the  river,  where  it  has  not  broken  up,  is  not  sufficient  to 
bear  the  oxen,  they  being  on  the  opposite  side  from,  and  10  miles 
above,  our  house,  and  that  there  was  no  road  by  which  we  might  haul 
hay  to  them  at  the  falls.  We  shall,  therefore,  have  to  bring  them 
down  and  swim  them  across  at  the  falls  to  the  side  of  the  hay,  until 
we  can  do  better. 

Wednesday,  January  25th  :  A  pleasant,  clear  day. 

Thursday,  January  26th :  This  morning  we  found  a  great  change 
in  the  weather,  rain  and  hail  falling,  accompanied  by  wind.  Conse- 
quently we  thought  it  most  prudent  to  keep  our  oxen  stabled,  and  not 
expose  them  to  the  weather.    Light  snow  continued  to  fall  all  day. 

Friday,  January  27th:  Snow  kept  lightly  falling  all  day.  Our 
teams  hauled  hay,  assisted  by  the  team  that  returned  from  McClean's 
Falls,  as  our  meadows  are  about  a  mile  off,  and  we  feared  there 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  105 

might  be  a  deep  snow  and  thought  that  we  should  get  the  hay  before- 
hand. 

Saturday.  January  28tli :  It  cleared  off  during  the  night  and  we 
had  another  very  pleasant  day.  Our  men  up  at  AlcCiean's  Falls  have 
consumed  the  pork  and  potatoes  they  took  with  them — so  we  are 
informed  by  those  who  came  down  this  evening. 

Sunday,  January  29th :  A  very  pleasant,  clear  day.  Six  or  seven 
of  us  took  a  walk  northwest  from  the  mills  with  a  view  of  seeing  the 
face  of  the  country.  There  being  but  little  snow,  the  walking  was 
good.  We  therefore  rambled  about  five  miles — found  the  face  of  the 
country  broken,  with  the  exception  of  coves  and  valleys  of  excel- 
lent farming  land.  On  our  return  we  passed  a  plain  or  barrens  of 
one  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  acres,  of  rather  a  thin  quality  of 
land,  only  part  of  it  being  susceptible  of  advantageous  cultivation. 
It  would  probably  sustain  a  population  of  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand. 

Monday,  January  30th  :  This  morning  is  cloudy,  it  having  snowed 
a  little  during  the  night.  Snow  fell  occasionally  all  day.  We  sent 
a  supply  of  provisions  to  our  men  at  McClean's  Falls. 

Tuesday,  January  3lst:  The  wind  this  morning  is  blowing  from 
the  north  and,  although  it  is  much  colder  than  yesterday,  some  snow 
is  falling.  The  cold  and  wind  increased  all  day,  with  snow,  making 
it  the  most  disagreeable  day  we  have  had  this  winter. 

Wednesday,  February  \st:  This  morning  is  clear  and  cold,  the 
mercury  standing  at,  or  about,  zero  all  day. 

Thursday,  February  2nd:  This  morning  light  snow  was  falling, 
which  continued  until  about  noon,  when  the  clouds  dispersed  and  the 
remainder  of  the  day  was  clear  and  pleasant.  Part  of  the  men  began 
repairing  the  dam  of  the  small  mill,  which  was  erected  over  a  brook 
and  was  so  injured  by  the  winter  frost  that  it  became  necessary  to 
make  many  repairs  on  it  before  letting  the  water  in  from  the  river, 
which  we  are  nearly  ready  to  do,  it  being  necessary  to  keep  up  a 
head,  the  brook  not  being  sufficient. 
[Gap  here  from  1843  to  1846.] 

1846 
After  many  plans  had  been  proposed  for  the  sake  of  order  in  trav- 
eling, finally,  on  the  6th  day  of  February,  1846,  as  many  families 
started  west  for  California  as  could  conveniently  ferry  their  wagons 
and  effects  over  the  Mississippi  River,  and  I  amongst  others.  We 
went  eight  miles  out  into  Iowa  and  camped  on  a  stream  called  Sugar 
Creek,  orders  having  been  issued  by  Brigham  Young  for  all  hands, 
that  could  be  ready  to  start  west,  to  be  moving.  We  remained  in  this 
camp  until  the  4th  day  of  March,  when  orders  were  again  issued  to 
move  forward.  We  went  on  sixteen  miles  further  and  camped  be- 
tween Farmington  and  Bonaparte  on  the  Des  Moines  River.    While 


106  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

we  were  camped  on  Sugar  Creek  there  was  hardly  a  night  without  a 
council,  and  quite  as  many  changes  of  plans  as  councils.  At  one  of 
these  councils  (which  were  usually  held  at  night)  Howard  Eagan 
came  to  my  tent  and  called  me  aside  for  a  private  talk.  He  asked  me 
if  I  was  going  to  cross  the  bridge  to  the  council  tent  that  night.  I 
told  him  I  was.  He  then  told  me  that  he  had  a  private  matter  to  com- 
inunicate,  and  did  not  want  me  to  tell  who  had  informed  me,  that 
orders  had  been  issued  by  Hosea  Stout  to  all  the  sentinels  that  if  I 
crossed  the  bridge  they  were  to  kill  me  and  throw  me  over  the  rail- 
ing into  the  creek.  I  immediately  started  to  the  council,  and  the  sen- 
tinel on  the  bridge  hailed  me.  I  told  him  that  I  was  the  person  that 
he  had  orders  to  kill  and  throw  into  the  creek.  At  the  instant,  setting 
my  foot  forward  and  taking  him  by  the  arms,  I  threw  him  his 
length  on  the  floor  of  the  bridge.  Then,  passing  on  into  the  council 
tent,  I  demanded  of  Brigham  Young  what  kind  of  order  had  been 
given  the  guard  to  kill  me  and  have  me  thrown  over  the  bridge  into 
Sugar  Creek.  He  said  he  did  not  know  that  any  such  order  had 
been  given.  We  had  Stout  and  some  of  the  guards  sent  for.  They 
appeared  before  the  council,  and  upon  examination  stated  that  Stout 
had  given  the  order  to  kill  me.  Stout  said  that,  on  mustering  and 
changing  the  guard,  he  had,  by  way  of  a  joke,  said  to  the  guard, 
"Let  all  those  who  pass  the  bridge  to  council  go  unmolested,  except 
Bishop  Miller ;  kill  him  and  throw  him  over  the  bridge."  He  sup- 
posed all  had  understood  it  as  an  idle  joke,  as  he  had  spoken  at  his 
usual  tone  of  voice,  and  in  a  public  way.  The  guards  said  they  did 
not  know  whether  Stout  had  been  joking  or  not,  but  could  not  think 
he  was  in  earnest.  It  seemed  to  them  a  very  strange  order.  They 
were  inclined  to  think  he  was  joking. 

We  had  repeated  delays,  from  causes  that  I  could  not  understand. 
One  day  orders  would  be  issued  to  go  ahead,  and  the  next  day  or- 
ders would  be  issued  to  stop  and  lie  by  in  camp.  On  one  particular 
occasion,  the  two  brothers,  O.  and  P.  P.  Pratt,  and  a  company  of 
others  and  myself,  had  gone  on  ahead  about  eight  miles,  where  we 
lay  in  camp  a  day  or  so,  awaiting  the  coming  up  of  Young,  Kim- 
ball and  Richards,  as  they  had  already  assumed  supreme  authority, 
when  a  messenger  arrived  with  orders  from  Brigham  to  return  forth- 
with to  their  camps  and  give  an  account  of  ourselves,  or  they  would 
cut  us  off  from  the  church  for  disobedience.  We  got  on  our  horses 
and  rode  back.  I  remonstrated  at  their  high-handed  measure.  They 
said  they  had  sent  for  us  to  have  us  in  their  council.  And  in  like 
manner  our  time  was  consumed,  without  our  making  much  progress 
on  our  journey,  and  it  was  not  until  the  13th  day  of  June  that  we 
arrived  at  Council  Bluffs,  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  miles  from  the  city  of  Nauvoo,  by  my  computation. 

Here  another  round  of  delay  took  place,  and  it  was  not  until  the 
6th  of  July  that  we  crossed  the  Missouri  River,  and  only  a  minor 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  107 

part  of  the  camp  at  that.  About  this  time  a  deputation  of  officers 
came  up  from  Fort  Leavenworth,  with  orders  from  General  Kearny 
that  we  could  not  be  permitted  to  leave  the  United  States  with  the 
bad  feelings  we  entertained  against  the  general  government,  and  go 
to  California,  unless  we  furnished  a  battalion  of  soldiers  to  operate 
with  the  United  States  against  Mexico  in  the  present  war;  and,  if 
we  refused  compliance,  we  were  to  be  forthwith  dispersed  in  the 
States.  Brigham  called  a  council ;  I  did  not  attend.  The  result 
of  their  deliberations  was  that  they  should  enlist  a  battalion  for  one 
year's  term  of  service,  the  men  to  be  then  mustered  out  of  service, 
with  permission  to  retain  their  arms,  and  they  stipulated  that  such 
mustering  out  of  service  should  take  place  at  San  Francisco.  About 
this  time  the  Sioux  Indians  attacked  the  Pawnee  Loup  Indian  Vil- 
lage, and  burned  and  sacked  it,  the  Pawnees  being  on  their  summer 
hunt,  and  no  one  being  at  the  village  but  the  missionaries,  farmers, 
etc.  They  took  alarm  and  sent  a  dispatch  to  the  Bluffs  for  teams 
to  bring  them  and  their  effects  down  to  the  Bluffs.  I  made  a 
bargain  with  them  to  haul  them  and  their  effects  down,  and  forth- 
with started  (the  distance  being  120  miles),  with  thirty-two  wagons, 
and  the  families  thereto  belonging,  intending  to  unload  the  wagons 
and  camp  out,  and  let  the  teams  return  with  the  missionaries  to  the 
Bluffs. 

[Manuscript  damaged.] 

We  started  on  this  expedition  on  the  9th  day  of  July,  and  on  the 
18th  we  arrived  at  the  mission  station.  On  the  22nd  of  July,  we 
sent  them  to  Council  Bluffs.  We  received  in  payment  for  hauling 
the  effects  of  the  missionaries  their  standing  crop  of  wheat,  oats  and 
garden  vegetables,  together  with  a  lot  of  old  corn,  which  was  all 
better  for  us  than  money.  While  the  teams  were  gone  with  the  mis- 
sionaries' goods,  we  harvested  and  threshed  our  grain,  shelled  the 
corn  and  sacked  it,  all  ready  for  a  move  on  the  return  of  our  teams. 
One  morning,  before  the  dew  dried  off  so  that  we  could  proceed  to 
threshing,  we  saw  persons  walking  in  the  distance,  and,  by  the  aid 
of  a  glass,  distinctly  ascertained  that  the  objects  were  eight  Indians 
approaching.  They  came  up  without  any  hesitancy,  and  when  I  inter- 
rogated them  through  James  Emmit,  who  acted  as  interpreter,  we 
ascertained  that  they  consisted  of  the  principal  chief  of  the  Ponca 
Indians  and  seven  chiefs  or  braves,  who  had  come  to  offer  assurances 
of  peace  to  the  Pawnees,  lest  they  might  think  that  the  Poncas  had 
taken  part  in  the  burning  and  sacking  of  the  Pawnee  village.  We 
pitched  a  tent  for  them,  and  extended  our  hospitality  toward  them. 

On  the  return  of  our  wagons  from  the  Bluffs,  a  large  number  of 
wagons  came  up  from  the  Bluffs,  which  increased  our  whole  number 
to  two  hundred  and  four,  and  persons  to  six  hundred,  with  written 
orders  from  Brigham  Young  to  start  forthwith  for  California.  I 
had  sent  men  to  the  Bluffs  to  bring  up  two  cannon,  si.x  pounders, 


108  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

that  had  not  yet  returned,  but,  nevertheless,  I  began  crossing  the 
River  Platte,  as  our  road  lay  on  the  south  side  of  the  Loup  Fork,  on 
which  we  were  then  camped.  On  the  8th  of  August,  our  men  that 
we  had  sent  for  the  cannon  got  back,  bringing  another  letter  from 
Brigham  Young  directing  me  to  stop  short  where  I  was ;  to  or- 
ganize a  high  council  of  twelve,  and  preside  over  them  in  their  delib- 
erations,— the  said  council  to  manage  all  matters  relating  to  my 
camp,  as  it  was  called,  both  spiritual  and  temporal, — and  bidding  us 
go  into  winter  quarters,  some  at  the  place  where  we  then  were,  and 
the  others  at  Grand  Island  on  the  South  Platte. 

Our  Ponca  Indian  chief  was  yet  with  us.  We  informed  him  of 
the  purport  of  the  orders  we  had  received  from  our  big  captain, 
and  he  told  us  that  it  would  not  do  at  all ;  that  our  big  captain  knew 
nothing  about  Indian  customs :  that  the  Pawnees  wintered  their 
horses  at  Grand  Island,  and  that  our  immense  herd  would  eat  up 
all  the  feed  before  winter  would  be  half  gone,  and  when  the  Pawnees 
came  in  from  their  summer  hunt  they  would  kill  all  our  cattle  and 
drive  us  away;  that  it  was  wholly  impracticable  to  winter  in  the 
places  designated  by  our  big  captain.  But  he  said  that  if  we  would 
go  with  him  to  his  village  on  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Loquocore 
or  Running-water  River,  there  were  rushes  abundant  to  winter  all 
our  cattle,  and  to  spare ;  that  it  was  his  country  and  he  had  the  grant- 
ing of  privileges  and  there  was  none  to  object,  and  he  could  ride  to 
it  on  his  pony  in  two  days.  We  held  a  council  in  regard  to  what 
should  be  done  in  our  present  circumstances,  and  unanimously  agreed 
to  go  with  the  Ponca  chief  to  his  village.  He  had  already  agreed 
to  act  as  pilot.  W^e  had,  in  the  meantime,  recrossed  the  Platte  River, 
and  on  the  13th  of  August  started  for  the  Ponca  village.  We  saw 
and  killed  a  number  of  buffalo  on  our  route,  and,  without  loss  or 
accident,  arrived  on  the  23rd  of  August  at  the  Ponca  village  and 
found  everything  truly  represented  by  the  Indian  chief. 

The  excitement  and"  surprise  were  very  great  in  the  Ponca  camp 
at  our  approach.  They  were  riding  and  running  in  every  direc- 
tion, twenty  or  thirty  riding  toward  us.  We  were  no  doubt  a  great 
curiosity  to  them — two  hundred  wagons  and  a  vast  herd  of  cattle. 
On  nearing  us  they  recognized  their  chief,  who  spoke  to  them,  and 
all  was  calm.  The  chief  was  quite  sick  at  this  time ;  however,  he 
called  a  council  of  all  his  chiefs  and  braves  and  made  a  long  speech 
to  them,  after  which  he  told  us  the  land  was  before  us  and  we  were 
to  build  ourselves  lodges  and  feel  ourselves  at  home.  We  made 
them  some  presents  and  then  prepared  for  setting  about  making 
shanties  for  the  winter.  The  name  of  this  chief  is  Tea-Nuga-Numpa, 
signifying,  or  rather  interpreted,  "Buffalo-Bulls-Two." 

We  were  now,  as  we  supposed,  at  home,  but  very  serious  results 
sometimes  grow  out  of  very  little  things.  The  old  chief  continued 
sick  and,  as  part  of  our  wagons  were  moving  up  to  the  place  of 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  109 

our  shanties,  we  passed  through  the  Indian  camp,  and  all  the  In- 
dians came  with  a  rush,  with  arms  in  hand,  upon  us,  threatening 
destruction,  saying  that  their  chief  was  dying  and  we  must  have 
poisoned  him.  I  ordered  a  halt  and  went  into  the  chief's  lodge  and 
found  him  just  recovering  from  a  fainting  fit.  He  extended  his 
hand  to  me  and  began  to  speak,  saying  he  was  about  to  die  and  that 
his  brother  would  succeed  him  as  principal  chief  and  he  must  talk  to 
him  and  the  lesser  chiefs  and  cause  them  to  carry  out  his  promises 
to  us.  They  forthwith  assembled  around  him — it  was  now  getting 
dark — and  the  venerable  chief  began  his  death-bed  talk,  which  lasted 
over  an  hour.  He  presented  me  before  them,  stating  that  I  was 
his  friend  and  brother,  and  it  was  for  them  to  treat  me  as  such. 
By  the  time  this  talk  had  ended,  the  darkness  was  such  that  we 
could  not  travel,  and  the  old  chief's  brother  advised  us  to  camp 
right  where  our  wagons  stood,  and  sent  some  of  his  young  men  to 
assist  us  in  camping.  The  old  chief  seemed  better  in  the  morning, 
and  we  all  moved  up  to  the  place  of  our  shanties.  This  day  the 
great  Tea-Nuga-Numpa  died,  and  the  mourning  was  indeed  very 
great  for  this  truly  great  man.  Their  custom  for  interring  their 
dead  is  for  each  mourner  to  cut  up  a  large  sod  and  lay  them  in  a 
conical  form  around  the  body  of  the  deceased,  and  the  size  of  the 
mound  is  always  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  mourners.  On  this 
occasion  all  turned  out,  from  the  least  to  the  greatest.  Their  cries 
were  very  great  and  sore. 

All  seemed  to  go  on  well  with  us  for  a  time,  until  the  Indians 
left  on  their  winter's  hunt.  A  short  time  after  they  had  gone,  all 
of  our  horses  were  stolen,  with  the  exception  of  those  belonging  to 
James  Emmit.  A  council  was  called  to  deliberate  on  the  course 
best  to  be  pursued  in  regard  to  the  stolen  horses.  Nearly  all  were 
in  favor  of  raising  men  and  pursuing  the  Indians  and  retaking  our 
horses.  I  alone  opposed  the  measure,  on  the  ground  that  the  Poncas 
had  most  likely  taken  our  horses  and  that  it  was  not  advisable  to 
break  friendship  with  our  Ponca  friends  as  we  were  in  their  country, 
and  that  if  they  had  not  taken  them,  as  their  chief  had  promised  us 
protection,  they  might  undertake  to  recover  our  horses  for  us,  and 
that  if  the  brethren  would  leave  the  matter  to  me,  I  would  recover 
the  horses :  and  in  case  of  failure,  if  I  could  not  satisfy  them,  I  would 
be  responsible  to  them  for  their  lost  horses.  My  offer  was  agreed  to, 
and  James  Emmit  and  myself  set  out  to  find  the  Ponca  camp.  We 
proceeded  up  the  Loquocore  River  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles,  and  came  up  with  them.  They  manifested  great  pleasure  in 
seeing  us.  On  approaching  the  camp  we  discovered  some  of  our 
horses  running  out  among  the  Indian  horses.  It  was  but  a  short 
time  after  taking  care  of  the  animals  we  had  ridden  that  we  were 
invited  to  partake  of  a  feast  at  the  lodge  of  the  principal  chiefs,  and 
so  on  in  quick  succession  until  we  had  eaten  four  feasts,  prepared 


110  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

at  the  lodges  of  the  chiefs,  and  at  night  we  were  conducted  to  the 
lodge  of  the  principal  chief,  who  (after  the  usual  ceremony  of  smok- 
ing) said  that  if  we  had  anything  to  say,  we  should  then  talk. 

I  accordingly  began  my  speech  by  inquiring  how  they  had  suc- 
ceeded in  their  hunt.  The  chief  replied  that,  considering  the  lack  of 
horses  to  ride  in  the  chase,  they  were  making  a  very  good  hunt,  and, 
if  we  would  send  up  four  wagons,  he  would  load  them  with  meat. 
I  told  him  that  we  had  nothing  but  ox  teams  and  they  would  not  be 
able  to  make  the  trip.  If  we  took  them  from  the  rushes,  they  would 
starve,  as  they  could  not  eat  the  cottonwood  bark  as  the  horses  did. 
Then  I  thanked  him  for  his  kind  offer  and  told  him  that  I  was  very 
sorry  that  they  had  not  horses  sufficient  for  a  successful  winter's 
hunt,  but  that  we  were  so  poor  we  could  not  help  him  or  we  would 
gladly  do  it;  that  we  had  but  eighteen  horses,  and  I  supposed  that 
on  account  of  their  great  lack  of  horses  his  men  had  taken  them,  as 
I  had  seen  the  horses  among  theirs;  but  for  us  who  were  chiefs  it 
would  not  do  to  break  friendship  on  account  of  our  men  doing 
wrong;  that  if  I  were  rich  I  would  give  him  the  horses,  but,  as  I 
was  poor,  I  could  not  do  it,  as  they  all  belonged  to  my  men.  I  told 
him  further  that  I  knew  the  Indians  could  take  better  care  of  the 
horses  than  we  could  and  I  was  glad  they  had  them ;  that  they  need- 
ed them  on  their  hunt,  and  could  return"  them  in  the  spring  in  better 
plight  than  if  we  were  to  keep  them  ourselves. 

At  this  time  the  chief  arose  and  smote  on  his  breast,  saying  his 
heart  was  sick,  that  my  tongue  was  not  forked,  that  I  looked  good 
to  him,  just  as  I  did  when  he  first  saw  me ;  that  his  whole  heart  was 
sick  to  think  that  his  men  had  taken  the  horses  of  so  good  a  man. 
Then  turning  to  the  interpreter  he  said  a  few  words  and'  then  went 
out.  and.  in  a  few  minutes,  I  heard  the  war-chief  going  through  their 
camp,  among  the  lodges,  making  a  loud  and  long  harangue.  After 
he  had  cbne,  a  silence  prevailed,  and  the  chief,  coming  up  to  me,  said, 
"\\'alk  outside."  Then,  presenting  the  horses,  he  said,  "They  are  all 
here."  I  told  him  I  did  not  want  the  horses,  I  would  lend'  them  to 
him  until  spring,  and  they  might  then  return  the  horses,  or  buffalo 
robes  at  their  option.  After  this  we  smoked,  and  the  chief  allotted 
us  our  lodging  for  the  night.  We  lay  down  and  had  a  comfortable 
night's  rest.  Next  day,  after  feasting  abundantly  on  the  best  of  fat 
venison  and  buffalo  meat,  and  receiving  many  assurances  of  good 
will,  we  set  out  on  our  journey  home,  loaded'  with  all  the  meat  we 
could  carry. 

In  the  course  of  the  winter  we  sent  down  eighteen  wagons  to 
Missouri  for  provisions  (a  distance  of  330  miles),  as  we  were  appre- 
hensive that  we  might  be  short  before  we  should  get  in  our  next 
year's  supply. 

I  saw  dai'y  manifestations  of  Brigham  Young's  jealousy  and 
hatred  toward  me,  as  indicated  by  the  letters  he  wrote  up  to  our 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  111 

camp,  to  sundry  individuals,  warning  them  not  to  let  me  prejudice 
their  minds  against  the  authorities  of  the  church.  Part  of  the  teams 
we  sent  down  to  Missouri,  having  stayed  longer  than  I  had  antici- 
pated, and  Brigham  Young  having  sent  an  express  to  me  to  meet 
them  in  council  at  winter  quarters,  and  bring  James  Emmit  with  me 
(as  he  had  also  in  Joseph  Smith's  life-time  been  organized  into  the 
council  of  the  fifty  Princes  of  the  Kingdom),  and  not  to  fail  in 
coming,  as  important  matters  were  to  be  taken  up  in  the  said  coun- 
cil for  their  deliberation  and  action,  I,  at  the  receiving  of  the  mes- 
sage, thought  I  should  not  go.  But  my  son  Joshua  not  having  yet 
returned  from  Missouri,  where  he  had  gone  with  others  to  purchase 
grain,  I  altered  my  mind  and  concluded  to  go,  and,  after  the  coun- 
seUing  should  have  ended,  help  my  son  home  to  Ponca  village.  I 
had  been  down  to  winter  quarters  and  returned  only  a  short  time 
before  this,  and  had  the  journey  to  perform  on  foot  (a  distance  of 
180  miles),  and  to  go  a  second  time  seemed  rather  a  task.  However, 
Emmit  and  I  set  off,  and  hunted  and  killed  our  food  on  the  way. 
The  excellencies  of  this  man  Emmit  as  a  skilful  hunter  and  pioneer 
cannot  be  too  highly  spoken  of;  he  was  perhaps  never  excelled,  even 
by  the  renowned  Daniel  Boone.  When  we  arrived  at  the  winter 
quarters  the  council  convened,  but  their  deliberations  amounted  to 
nothing.  However  I  was  not  wholly  overlooked  in  their  delibera- 
tions. Brigham  Young,  Kimball  and  Richards  proposed  that  I  should 
come  down  to  winter  quarters,  bringing  with  me  part  of  my  family, 
and  take  my  place  with  Bishop  Whitney  in  managing  the  fiscal  con- 
cerns of  the  Church,  and  that  I  should  be  supported  out  of  the  rev- 
enues of  the  Church :  which,  however,  was  not  done.  This  council, 
originally  consisting  of  fifty-three  members,  of  whom  some  twenty 
had  gone  on  missions,  or  were  by  deaths  and  other  means  absent, 
was  now  swelled  to  a  great  crowd  under  Brigham's  reign.  It  ad- 
journed Sunday  and  I  proceeded  on  my  way  down  into  Missouri  on 
foot  to  meet  my  son.  I  went  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  before  I 
met  him.  The  weather  was  intensely  cold  and  my  son  got  his  feet 
badly  frost-bitten.  When  we  got  to  winter  quarters  (about  the  28th 
of  January.  1846),  I  had  presented  to  me  a  revelation,  given  through 
Brigham  Young,  in  regard  to  the  journeying  of  the  Saints  west, 
and  Young  intimated  to  me  that  a  First  Presidency  would  be  or- 
ganized. I  was  greatly  disgusted  at  the  bad  composition  and  folly 
of  this  revelation,  as  also  at  the  intimation  that  a  First  Presidency 
would  be  organized — so  disgusted  that  I  was,  from  this  time,  de- 
termined to  go  with  them  no  longer,  and  to  look  out  a  place 
where  I  might  support  my  family,  and  remain  until  the  true  Shep- 
herd of  God's  flock  should  show  himself  to  lead  the  Church  and 
the  Kingdom  of  God.  The  trio,  namely.  Young,  Kimball  and  Rich- 
ards, sent  up  to  Ponca  village  E.  T.  Benson  and  others  to  teach 
the  revelation  received  by  Brigham  Young,  and  assist  in  bringing 


112  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

me  and  part  of  my  family  to  the  winter  quarters  at  Council  Bluffs, 
according  to  the  decree  of  Brigham  Young  and  his  council.  I  must 
confess  that  I  was  broken  down  in  spirit  on  account  of  the  usurpa- 
tion of  those  arrogant  apostles  and  their  oppressive  measures. 


LETTERS  OF  GEORGE  MILLER 

Saint  James,  June  23,  1855. 
Dear  Brother: 

In  accordance  with  your  request,  I  now  proceed  to  write  you 
a  series  of  letters,  narrating  some  incidents  of  my  life  and  experi- 
ences since  I  have  been  a  member  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of 
Latter  Day  Saints. 

In  the  early  part  of  November,  1838,  the  wolves  being  unusually 
destructive  to  my  flock  of  sheep,  to  avoid  the  perplexity  of  having 
them  daily  killed,  I  resolved  in  my  mind  that  I  would  reserve  of  my 
flock  for  family  use  a  sufficiency,  and  take  the  residue  (amounting 
to  a  little  over  five  hundred)  into  the  adjoining  state  of  Alissouri — 
I  was  then  living  in  McDonough  County,  Illinois,  about  five  or  six 
miles  east  by  north  of  the  village  of  Macomb — and  there  find  a 
market  for  them.  While  I  was  ferrying  my  sheep  over  the  Missis- 
sippi at  the  town  of  Quincy,  Illinois,  I  met  with  a  young  man  on 
the  ferry-boat  who  had  been  into  the  town  to  get  himself  armed  and 
equipped  for  the  purpose  of  entering  the  Mormon  war,  as  he  was 
pleased  to  call  it.  This  declaration  of  the  ignorant  young  man  was 
indeed  news  to  me.  I  had  heard  through  the  medium  of  the  news- 
papers that  a  set  of  religionists  had  recently  sprung  up  in  north- 
eastern Ohio,  but  had  never  taken  interest  enough  in  the  matter  to 
read  an  entire  article,  thinking  it  all  humbug. 

When  I  got  to  Mr.  Merrill's,  six  miles  from  Quincy,  who  lived  in 
Marion  County,  Missouri, — being  a  Campbellite  preacher  and  tav- 
ern-keeper— I  put  my  sheep  up  for  the  night  and  found  a  crowd 
collected  there  and  much  excitement  and  confusion  prevailing.  This 
was  the  night  of  the  8th  of  November.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that 
I  heard  much  good  said  of  the  Mormons  in  this  clamorous  collec- 
tion of  ignorant,  enthusiastic  beings,  and,  although  I  entered  into 
the  discussion  of  every  topic,  I  gained  very  little  knowledge  of  the 
causes  of  the  Mormon  war,  as  it  was  called. 

Early  the  next  morning,  after  my  past  night's  confusion,  I  put 
my  sheep-drove  in  motion  and  made  nearly  twenty  miles  on  my  way 
west,  all  the  way  trying  the  chances  of  selling  my  sheep,  but  found 
no  buyers  on  account  of  the  war  excitement;  there  being  none  but 
the  old  superannuated  men,  females  and  negroes  left  at  home,  and 
they  all  excused  themselves  from  buying  sheep  on  the  ground  of 
having  used  all  their  ready  money  to  arm  and  equip  those  who  at  the 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  113 

governor's  proclamation  had  responded  to  the  call  to  drive  out  every 
Alormon  beyond  the  limits  of  the  state,  or  exterminate  them. 

I  stayed  the  night  of  this  day  at  the  house  of  an  old  aristocrat, 
a  native  of  Mrginia  (and,  of  course,  of  one  of  the  first  families), 
possessed  of  more  pride  of  family  than  sound  judgment,  or  general 
information.  I  had  many  warm  arguments  with  him  on  free  relig- 
ious tolerance  and  the  Mormon  war,  which,  as  I  now  considered  it, 
was  nothing  more  or  less  than  a  religious  persecution  incited  by  the 
fear  that  owing  to  their  increasing  numbers  they  might  in  a  short 
period  give  political  character  to  the  state,  if  not  nipped  in  the  bud. 
I  became  convinced  during  the  arguments  against  the  Mormons  by 
the  old  egotist  (my  host)  and  his  disclosures  of  the  cause  of  the 
Mormon  war,  that  it  was,  as  I  supposed,  a  religious  persecution,  an 
ungodly  crusade  against  an  unoffending,  innocent  people;  and  I 
ever  after  treated  it  as  such,  while  I  remained  in  Missouri  selling 
my  sheep. 

I  did  not  return  home  until  the  first  of  December,  and  before  I 
left  the  state  the  war  was  ended. 

On  my  way  home  I  was  detained  a  week  by  the  ice  running  in 
the  Mississippi,  cutting  off  the  communication  between  the  adjoin- 
ing states,  and,  the  old  preacher  Merrill's  being  the  nearest  house  of 
entertainment,  there  was  a  general  resort  to  this  house  by  all  trans- 
ient men  that  were  waiting  to  cross  the  river. 

The  house  was  very  crowded  by  men  from  Kentucky,  Iowa  and 
Illinois,  all  prejudiced  more  or  less  against  the  Mormons,  except 
Judge  Holman  of  Kentucky,  who  was  on  his  return  home  from  emi- 
grating the  Pottawattamie  Indians,  as  principal  agent  to  emigrate 
them  west  of  the  Missouri  River. 

He  informed  us  that  he  had  gone  and  returned  through  the  far 
west,  and  the  firm  conviction  of  his  mind  was  that  it  was  a  re- 
ligious persecution  and  political  jealousy  of  the  growing  strength 
of  the  Alormons. 

Judge  Holman  and  myself  had  to  contend  against  the  crowd,  who 
were  headed  by  our  host,  Preacher  Merrill.  Our  arguments — or 
rather  quarrels  on  the  part  of  our  opponents — were  very  bitter;  all 
were  more  or  less  excited.  Holman  was  a  host  to  contend  with, 
and  bore  down  all  opposition,  and  we  really  succeeded  in  silencing 
the  crowd  before  the  end  of  our  six  days'  and  nights'  discussion. 

By  the  time  I  got  home  the  advance  guard  of  the  Mormons  ex- 
pelled from  Missouri  began  to  cross  the  Mississippi  River  in  a  poor 
and  apparently  distressed  condition. 

During  the  course  of  this  winter  I  found  my  health  very  much 
declining,  and  was  advised  by  Dr.  Wm.  F.  Barrett,  who  is  now 
president  of  the  Medical  College  of  Missouri,  to  suspend  all  man- 
ner of  manual  labor  and  take  moderate  home  exercise,  and  he  pre- 


114  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

scribed  for  me  and  prepared  the  medicine  for  me  to  take.  The  prin- 
cipal ingredient  was  blue  mass. 

I  had  already  entered  my  sons  and  two  nephews  as  pupils  at  the 
McDonough  College,  located  in  IMacomb,  and  concluded  to  rent  my 
farm,  teams  and  other  stock,  and  move  into  the  village  and  board 
my  sons  instead  of  hiring  their  board.  I  had  three  hundred  acres 
of  tillable  land,  between  five  and  eight  thousand  bushels  of  grain 
that  I  had  no  market  for,  a  large  quantity  of  bacon  and  lard,  about 
two  hundred  and  fifty  head  of  hogs,  and  about  one  hundred  head 
of  cattle,  together  with  sheep  and  poultry,  and  fourteen  well  selected 
horses,  well  suited  for  the  saddle  or  harness;  also  three  yearling 
colts. 

The  incumbrance  of  this  amount  of  personal  property  was  great- 
ly in  the  way  of  my  resolution  to  move  into  the  village.  I  was  not 
long  in  determining  what  to  do.  With  the  abundance  about  me,  I 
immediately  resolved  to  seek  out  some  poor  Mormon  families  and 
establish  them  as  farmers  on  my  homestead,  as  I  was  well  supplied 
with  house-room.  My  dwelling  had  eight  rooms  besides  the  cellar, 
and  I  had  another  good  house  that  would  accommodate  two  small 
families. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  March  I  went  down  to  Quincy,  Illi- 
nois, to  put  my  plan  into  effect.  I  saw  many  families  that  had  come 
out  of  Missouri,  all  more  or  less  destitute.  But  I  had  a  friend  in 
Quincy,  the  Honorable  Archibald  Williams,  whose  advice  I  wished 
to  obtain  in  regard  to  suitable  persons  to  take  charge  of  my  farm 
and  property.  Upon  arrival  in  Quincy,  I  waited  on  my  friend  Wil- 
liams, who  informed  me  that  he  had,  in  one  of  his  houses,  the  families 
of  Joseph  Smithson,  Samuel  H.  Smith,  Don  Carlos  Smith,  Jenkins 
Salisbury,  and  a  Brother  Henr>'  Hait.  He  said  they  were  all  des-ti- 
tute,  and  he  thought  gentlemen,  and  would  suit  my  purpose,  and 
that  he  had  warm  prejudices  in  favor  of  them  and  Mormons  in 
general. 

I  waited  on  the  venerable  Patriarch,  and  those  under  his  roof. 
He  received  me  with  great  cordiality ;  and,  after  I  had  disclosed  my 
business,  he  frankly  said  that  his  sons  would  take  charge  of  my 
farm  and  effects,  and  praised  God  that  I  had  been  sent  in  answer 
to  his  prayers. 

He  called  the  whole  household  together  in  council,  whereupon  it 
was  decided  that  Samuel  and  Don  Carlos  would  accompany  me 
home,  to  see  the  premises  and  consummate  the  bargain.  But,  the 
distance  being  sixty  miles,  and  they  being  afoot,  it  was  concluded 
that  I  should  start  home  that  afternoon  and  get  home  the  next  day, 
and  that  they  would  try  to  be  at  my  house  the  night  following. 

The  old  Patriarch,  during  our  interview,  gave  me  a  rather  de- 
tailed account  of  the  persecution  through  which  the  Saints  had  passed 
since  the  organization  of  the  Church  in  April,  1830,  up  to  the  ex- 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  115 

pulsion  of  the  Saints  from  Missouri,  and  their  unparalleled  suffer- 
ings, with  the  circumstance  of  his  son,  the  Prophet  and  Seer,  re- 
maining in  prison  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  But  his  confidence 
in  God  was  unshaken  that  He  would  deliver  him  from  his  enemies, 
and  restore  him  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church.  The  manner  and 
language  used  in  narrating  the  above,  and  his  allusion  to  the  ignor- 
ance of  mankind  in  regard  to  God  and  Godliness,  and  the  period 
which  had  arrived  at  hand  for  the  ushering  in  (according  to  the 
words  spoken  by  the  Holy  Prophets)  of  the  dispensation  of  the  ful- 
ness of  times,  and  the  coming  forth  of  the  book  of  Mormon,  pur- 
suant to  the  accomplishing  of  God's  work  for  the  Salvation  of  man- 
kind :  bringing  them  a  glorious  period,  when  all  should  know  Him 
from  the  least  to  the  greatest, — all  this  was  really  most  thrilling,  and 
made  an  impression  on  my  mind  which  cannot  be  forgotten ;  indeed, 
I  was  almost  persuaded  to  be  a  Mormon. 

I  arrived  at  home,  and  the  Brothers  Smith  came  as  was  agreed 
upon,  and  in  a  few  days  they  took  possession  of  my  farm  and  stock, 
which  was  ample  for  the  comfort  of  many  families.  I  told  the  brothers 
Smith,  Halt  and  Salisbury  to  inform  all  the  destitute  Mormons  that 
they  were  to  come  and  get  provisions  to  subsist  upon,  as  eight  thou- 
sand bushels  of  grain  would  feed  many  persons  if  used  for  bread- 
stuffs  alone,  and  it  could  be  had  without  money  or  price. 

The  stock  of  grain,  etc.,  on  hand,  and  that  produced  on  the  farm 
this  year,  were  all  used  for  the  benefit  of  the  Saints  in  the  course 
of  this  year. 

Notwithstanding  the  influence  of  the  course  of  medicine  I  was 
under,  my  health  was  still  rapidly  declining. 

All  seemed  to  move  on  smoothly  with  me  and  my  tenants,  but 
there  was  an  occasional  freak  of  persecution  against  me  for  intro- 
ducing Mormons  into  the  neighborhood.  In  the  meantime,  I  had 
read  the  book  of  Mormon,  and  was  somewhat  perplexed  (as  I  was 
really  a  believer  in  the  work,  although  I  had  not  as  yet  heard  a  ser- 
mon) at  the  frec|uent  occurrence  of  the  words,  "Had  not  ought," 
and  such  like  provincialisms.  However,  I  became  reconciled  in  re- 
gard to  these  errors  as  I  was  daily  growing  in  faith. 

About  this  time  we  heard  that  the  Prophet,  Joseph  Smith,  had 
escaped  from  prison,  and  had  arrived  in  Illinois,  and  was  making 
an  effort  to  reach  the  village  of  Commerce,  at  the  head  of  the  Lower 
Rapids  of  the  Mississippi  River.  I  had  great  anxiety  to  see  him, 
and  Don  Carlos  informed  me  that,  as  soon  as  the  contemplated  pur- 
chase had  been  made,  and  the  place  fixed  for  the  gathering  of  the 
Saints,  Joseph  would  be  at  my  place  to  pay  them  a  visit.  I  thereupon 
put  my  patience  into  requisition  to  await  the  appointed  time. 

As  I  was  in  the  habit  of  riding  out  every  fair  day,  on  a  bland, 
bright  morning  I  prevailed  on  my  wife  to  indulge  in  the  luxury  of  a 
ride  on  horseback  to  visit  our  tenants  of  the  farm.     On  our  return 


116  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

home,  as  we  were  leisurely  riding  along,  I  perceived  a  carriage  con- 
taining a  number  of  persons  meeting  us,  and,  as  we  neared  it,  the 
appearance  of  a  large  man.  sitting  in  front  driving,  seemed  fa- 
miliar to  me,  as  if  I  had  always  known  him,  and  suddenly  the 
thought  burst  into  my  mind  that  it  was  none  other  than  the  Prophet, 
Joseph  Smith.  Indeed  my  whole  frame  was  in  a  tremor  at  the 
thought,  and  my  heart  seemed  as  if  it  were  coming  up  into  my 
mouth.  Getting  in  speaking  distance,  he  suddenly  reined  up  his 
horses,  as  if  making  ready  to  speak.  I  was  much  agitated  as  the 
words  came  from  his  mouth,  "Sir.  can  you  tell  me  the  way  to  the 
farm  of  a  Mr.  Miller,  living  somewhere  in  the  direction  I  am  going?" 
Instead  of  answering  him  directly,  my  reply  was,  "I  presume,  sir, 
that  you  are  Joseph  Smith,  Jr.,  the  Mormon  Prophet."  "I  am.  sir," 
he  replied,  adding,  "I  also  presume  that  you  are  the  Mr.  Miller 
whose  farm  I  inquired  for."  "I  am,  sir."  He  then  introduced  me 
to  his  wife  and  family,  and  thus  a  formal  (or  rather  an  informal) 
introduction  passed  between  us  and  our  families. 

In  our  short  interview  certain  things  were  said  in  regard  to  our 
belief,  that  on  our  approach  we  each  thought  that  the  other  was  an 
old  acquaintance.  I  solicited  him  to  preach.  He  excused  himself, 
not  feeling  able  to  sermonize.  He  said  that,  having  just  escaped 
from  prison,  he  felt  like  a  bird  escaped  from  a  cage,  and  was  more 
disposed  to  reconnoitre  the  county  and  visit  his  people  and  friends. 
Upon  my  urging  the  matter  of  his  preaching,  he  suddenly  turned 
to  me,  saying  that  he  did  think  of  several  of  the  Elders  preaching 
for  me,  but  that  he  was  now  resolved  on  doing  it  himself;  that  it 
had  been  whispered  that  a  Samaritan  had  passed  by  and  bound  up 
the  wounds  of  his  bleeding  friends,  adding  that  he  would  do  the  best 
he  could  in  the  way  of  preaching.  Accordingly  the  time  and  place 
were  fi.x-ed  u]K)n.  and  I  went  to  notify  the  people  of  the  appointment 
of  the  Mormon  Prophet  to  preach. 

The  day  arrived  and  the  house  and  door-yard  were  filled  with 
people  apparently  anxious  to  hear,  as  I  then  thought  and  do  yet, 
more  for  the  purpose  of  fault  finding  than  as  seekers  after  truth. 
He  took  for  his  text  that  chapter  in  the  writings  of  Luke  where  a 
certain  man  journeying  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho  fell  among  thieves, 
and  was  ministered  to  by  a  Samaritan.  He  took  an  extensive  lati- 
tude while  treating  this  text,  and  took  up  a  long  time,  and,  notwith- 
standing that  it  was  a  rainy  day,  those  outside  the  house  stood  in 
the  rain,  sheltered  by  umbrellas,  until  the  service  was  over.  I  had 
no  remaining  doubts  left  in  regard  to  the  truth  of  the  Prophet, 
Joseph  Smith,  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  as  taught  by  the  Latter 
Day  Saints.  An  arrangement  was  then  agreed  upon  that  I  should 
circulate  notice  of  an  appointment  for  a  two  days'  meeting,  to  be 
held  in  the  Court  House,  on  Saturday  and  Sunday,  some  weeks 
from  that  time,  and  Joseph  was  to  send  two  Elders  to  preach  in  this 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  117 

Stronghold  of  Presbyterianism  and  Methodism.  Some  days  before 
the  appointed  time  of  preaching  in  the  Court  House  in  the  village  of 
IMacomb,  near  the  20th  of  January,  1839,  keeping  up  the  habit  of  rid- 
ing out  every  day  for  the  benefit  of  my  health,  I  harnessed  up  my  car- 
riage horses  and  brought  out  the  carriage,  proposing  to  my  wife  to 
take  our  little  daughter  Mary,  who  was  of  the  age  to  be  interesting  as 
a  little  prattler,  for  a  ride  to  the  farm,  see  our  Mormon  friends  and 
dine  with  my  sister,  who  lived  adjoining  my  farm,  on  a  farm  I  had 
given  her  and  her  husband.  This  we  did.  On  leaving  our  brother- 
in-law's,  in  the  act  of  handing  our  little  daughter  to  her  mother  in 
the  carriage,  and  putting  up  the  step,  I  fell  as  if  I  had  been  shot 
down,  with  no  more  use  of  my  body  from  my  hips  to  the  tips  of  my 
toes  than  if  I  had  not  such  parts.  I  would,  however,  persist  in  go- 
ing home,  and  was  accordingly  bolstered  up  in  the  carriage  and  got 
home  at  night,  or  rather  sundown,  with  nnich  difficulty.  Th/ee 
doctors  were  called  in,  and  upon  consultation  they  opened  the  veins 
in  both  my  arms  and  took  one-half  pint  of  blood  every  three-quarters 
of  an  hour.  They  pronounced  my  disease  Tic  Douloureux,  and 
told  me  frankly  that,  if  I  had  any  matters  to  arrange  in  regard  to 
my  estate,  I  had  better  be  quick  about  it,  as  I  could  not  live.  On 
that  afternoon,  Elder  Taylor  and  Elder  Rigdon  arrived  at  my  house 
for  the  purpose  of  filling  the  before  mentioned  appointment.  They 
questioned  me  in  regard  to  my  faith  and  told  me  I  need  not  lie  in 
bed  another  minute  on  account  of  my  sickness,  and  I  was  instantly 
healed  and  had  the  use  of  my  limbs. 


St.  James,  June  26th,  1855. 
Dear  Brother: 

At  the  writing  of  my  article,  bearing  date  22nd  inst,,  my  health 
was  so  miserably  wretched  that  I  apprehended  some  doubts  in  my 
mind  whether  I  should  really  be  able  to  continue  the  writing  of  the 
series  of  letters  I  had  at  that  time  intended. 

In  the  fall  season  of  1839,  I  got  my  affairs  so  arranged  that  I 
moved  to  Commerce,  or  rather  across  the  Mississippi  into  Iowa, 
where  I  had  a  tract  of  land  and  house  to  shelter  my  family.  This 
place  of  my  farm  in  Iowa  was  nearly  opposite  fa  little  below)  the 
present  remains  of  the  City  of  Nauvoo,  then  Commerce.  Here  I 
established  a  small  woodyard  for  steamers  plying  on  the  Mississippi, 
and  remained  here  with  my  family  until  the  first  of  September,  1840, 
when  I  was  solicited  by  the  prophet  Joseph  to  move  into  the  City  of 
Nauvoo,  which  was  now  growing  up  like  a  mushroom  (as  it  were, 
by  magic).  A  little  prior  to  this  time  I  was  called  and  ordained 
a  High  Priest  under  the  hands  of  Joseph,  Hyrum  and  Bishop  Knight. 

We  bought  a  steamer  about  this  time  of  the  United  States,  re- 


118  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

modeled  her,  named  her  Nanvoo,  and  put  her  on  the  trade.  A 
requisition  was  made  by  the  governor  of  Mississippi  upon  Governor 
Carlin  of  Illinois  for  Joseph  Smith  as  a  fugitive  from  justice.  Joseph, 
to  keep  out  of  the  way  of  the  officers  of  the  law,  went  two  trips 
on  the  steamer  that  was  then  plying  on  the  upper  Mississippi 
River.  I  was  also  on  the  steamer  Nauvoo  until  the  close  of  naviga- 
tion, which  was  earlier  than  usual,  taking  place  in  November,  at 
which  time  I  moved  into  Nauvoo. 

I  was  requested  by  Joseph  to  rouse  up  some  Elders  and  go  into 
Iowa  and  the  region  around  about  Nauvoo  and  preach  the  gospel, 
this  portion  of  the  country  having  been  neglected  on  account  of  the 
Apostles  and  many  of  the  Elders  during  the  fall  previous  being 
sent  to  England  and  the  Eastern  States  on  missions.  This  was  a 
great  task  for  me  on  account  of  my  diffidence  and  lack  of  confidence 
in  myself. 

I,  however,  was  faithful  to  my  calling  and  the  appointment  of 
my  mission,  and  our  labors  were  blessed.  The  Legislature  had 
granted  us  a  city  charter  and  other  charters  also,  embracing  powers 
and  privileges  so  broad  that  our  enemies  had  their  jealousy,  either 
real  or  ideal,  aroused  to  the  highest  possible  degree  on  account  of 
the  great  power  granted  by  the  Legislature  to  the  Mormons.  But 
my  opinion  was  then,  and  is  yet,  that  the  main  ground  of  fear  was 
the  act  to  organize  a  military  force  called  the  Nauvoo  Legion,  as, 
according  to  the  provisions  of  the  act  to  organize  the  Militia  of  Illi- 
nois, this  dreaded  Nauvoo  Legion  would  draw  State  arms,  and,  if 
they  should  wish  to  expel  the  Monnons  from  Illinois  as  they  had 
from  Ohio  and  Missouri,  these  State  arms  might  be  somewhat  in 
the  way  of  the  undertaking ;  as  our  increasing  numbers  had  already 
excited  the  fears  of  the  knowing  ones  in  regard  to  our  political  as 
also  our  numerical  strength. 

Joseph  Smith  had  already  begun  to  make  preparations  to  build 
a  temple,  and  had  suggested  the  propriety  to  me  of  building  a  house 
suitable  for  a  tavern  or  hotel  answering  to  the  growing  importance 
of  the  city. 

Whilst  I  was  out  on  my  mission,  on  the  19th  of  January,  1841, 
Joseph  Smith  received  the  revelation  appointing  me  to  the  office  of 
Bishop,  to  organize  an  association  to  build  the  Nauvoo  House;  also 
the  revelation  to  build  a  temple.  Alpheus  Cutler,  Reynolds  Cahoon 
and  Elias  Higby  were  appointed  a  building  committee  to  superin- 
tend the  building  of  the  temple. 

In  this  commandment  I  was  made  one  of  the  committee  of  the 
Nauvoo  House  Association,  and  named  by  Joseph  as  its  president. 
In  the  month  of  February  I  was  ordained  and  set  apart  in  the 
Bishoprick,  to  which  I  was  called  in  the  revelation :  and  also  to  my 
calling  as  president  of  the  Nauvoo  House  Association.  I  imme- 
diately entered  on  the  duties  of  the  stupendous  work  before  me, 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  119 

and  a  scene  of  activity  peculiarly  complicated  and  diversified  in 
every  feature,  involving  responsibilities  and  manifold  labors  hitherto 
unknown  to  me. 

Early  this  spring  the  English  emigrants  (late  converts  of  the 
Apostles  and  the  Elders  in  the  Vineyard)  began  to  come  in,  in  ap- 
parent poverty  and  in  considerable  numbers.  Besides  those,  they 
were  crowding  in  from  the  States,  all  poor ;  as  the  rich  did  not  gen- 
erally respond  to  the  proclamation  of  the  Prophet  to  come  with 
their  effects,  and  assist  in  building  the  temple  and  Nauvoo  House. 
The  poor  had  to  be  cared  for,  and  labor  created  that  they  might  at 
least  earn  part  of  their  subsistence,  there  not  being  one  in  ten  per- 
sons that  could  set  themselves  to  work  to  earn  those  indispensable 
things  for  the  comfort  of  their  families. 

My  brethren  of  the  conimittee  of  the  Nauvoo  House  Association, 
and  the  committee  of  the  temple,  all  bore  a  part  in  the  employment 
of  laborers,  and  the  providing  of  food  for  them,  but  I  had  a  burden 
aside  from  theirs  that  rested  heavily  upon  me,  growing  out  of  my 
Bishoprick.  The  poor,  the  blind,  the  lame,  the  widows  and  the 
fatherless  all  looked  to  me  for  their  daily  wants ;  and,  but  for  the 
fact  of  some  private  property  I  had  on  hand,  they  must  have  starved, 
for  I  could  not  possibly  by  soliciting  gratuitous  contributions  to  bury 
the  dead  obtain  them,  let  alone  feeding  the  living.  I  was  here  thrown 
into  straits  unlooked  for;  no  tithing  in  store;  the  rich  amongst  us 
pretended  to  be  too  poor  to  barely  feed  themselves  and  nurse  their 
speculations,  which  they  were  all  more  or  less  engaged  in,  and  those 
that  were  really  poor  could  not  help  themselves. 

I  was  now  in  the  midst  of  a  sickly  season,  filled  with  anxiety 
for  the  suffering,  with  multiplied  labors  crowding  upon  me,  and 
hundreds  of  mouths  to  feed.  My  days  were  filled  with  trial  and 
care,  and  my  nights  were  not  spent  with  the  giddy  and  mirthful,  but 
with  sleepless  anxiety  in  waiting  on  the  suffering  poor  and  sick  of 
the  city.  Perhaps  I  am  saying  too  much.  But  I  praise  the  God  of 
Heaven  that  he  gave  me  shoulders  to  bear,  and  patience  to  endure, 
the  burdens  placed  upon  me. 

In  a  conference  of  the  building  committees,  Joseph  and  Hyrum 
Smith  presiding,  called  at  my  suggestion,  to  deliberate  on  the  best 
plan  of  operations  for  procuring  lumber  for  the  building  of  the 
temple  and  Nauvoo  House,  the  result  of  our  deliberations  was  that 
we  should  buy  a  mill  in  the  Pineries  of  the  firm  of  Cram  and  Kirtz, 
situated  on  Black  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Mississippi,  which  they 
were  holding  for  sale  at  fifteen  hundred  dollars.  Cram  and  Kirtz 
were  sent  for — their  residence  being  twenty  miles  off.  They  came. 
The  bargain  was  made  upon  the  representation  of  Cram  and  Kirtz. 
And  Peter  Hawes  of  the  Nauvoo  House  Committee,  and  Alpheus 
Cutler  of  the  Temple  Committee,  were  appointed  to  take  immediate 
possession  of  the  mill,  and  take  a  company  of  laborers,  with  nine 


120  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORXIA 

months'  provision  and  clothing,  and  enter  into  the  lumbering  busi- 
ness for  the  joint  benefit  of  both  buildings,  each  furnishing  an  equal 
proportion  of  the  accruing  expense.  The  outfit  was  provided  for  a 
large  company  (I  do  not  remember  the  precise  number),  and  they 
all  forthwith  set  out  on  their  undertaking. 

The  remainder  of  the  summer  and  fall  was  taken  up  in  pro- 
viding the  means  for  feeding  and  paying  the  wages  of  the  laborers 
engaged  on  the  temple  and  Nauvoo  House,  which  was  done  abun- 
dantly for  the  time  being,  mainly  by  the  exertions  of  Lyman  Wight 
and  myself,  for  both  houses.  The  workmen  were  kept  all  winter, 
as  we  necessarily  had  to  feed  them  whether  we  discharged  them  from 
the  work  or  not,  they  having  no  means  of  buying  the  winter's  food 
without  our  aid. 

At  the  closing  in  of  winter,  Joseph  advised  me  to  go  to  Kentucky 
on  a  preaching  excursion,  and  sell  some  property  I  had,  to  obtain 
means  for  the  early  spring  operations ;  and  Lyman  Wight  to  go 
to  Ohio  and  the  Eastern  States,  and  visit  those  that  would  not 
gather  up  to  Nauvoo.  to  get  what  tithing  he  could,  and  sell  what 
stock  in  the  Nauvoo  House  he  could,  and  return  early  in  the  spring. 

We  severally  set  out,  Lyman  to  the  N.  E.  and  I  to  Kentucky. 
My  labors  were  prospered.  I  returned  in  the  ensuing  April  with  a 
hundred  head  of  cattle,  some  horses  and  other  effects. 

I  will  now  take  a  retrospective  notice  of  the  progress  of  our 
operations  in  the  Pinery.  Hawes  and  Cutler  returned  with  a  raft 
of  hewed  timber  at  the  close  of  navigation,  and  twelve  of  the  men. 
They  left  a  man  in  charge  at  the  Pineries.  They  remodeled,  or  rather 
almost  made  anew,  the  mill,  but  made  little  or  no  lumber,  and  left 
the  men  to  get  logs  ready  for  the  spring  sawing. 

This  summer  I  was  almost  overwhelmed  by  the  amount  of  busi- 
ness crowding  upon  me,  having  the  burden  to  bear  almost  alone. 

John  C.  Bennett,  one  of  the  most  corrupt  of  corrupted  men,  hav- 
ing been  severely. reproved  for  his  corruptions  and  false  teachings, 
set  out  to  get  revenge  for  being  so  harshly  dealt  with.  He  wrote 
and  published  a  series  of  exposures  of  Mormon  corruptions,  as  he 
was  pleased  to  call  them,  and  by  his  falsehoods  procured  another 
requisition  by  the  Governor  of  Missouri,  as  accessory  before  the 
fact,  for  an  attempt  to  commit  murder  upon  the  body  of  ex-Governor 
Lilbum  W.  Boggs.  I  was  delegated  to  go  to  Missouri  and  see  Gov- 
ernor Reynolds  in  person.  E.  H.  Derby  went  with  me,  and,  for  the 
time  being,  the  blow  was  warded  off,  and  all  was  peace  again.  Soon 
after  this,  Joseph  wrote  two  letters  of  revelation  in  regard  to  the 
baptisms  for  the  dead.  In  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  October, 
1842.  we  fully  ascertained  that  our  lumbering  operations  ran  us  in 
debt  $3000.00,  and  the  amount  of  lumber  was  so  little  that  our  work 
w'as  almost  brought  to  a  stand. 

Many  of  the  Apostles  and  Elders  having  returned  from  England, 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  121 

Joseph  washed  and  anointed  as  Kings  and  Priests  to  God,  and  over 
the  House  of  Israel,  the  following  named  persons,  as  he  said  he  was 
commanded  of  God,  viz:  James  Adams  (of  Springfield),  William 
Law,  William  Marks,  Willard  Richards,  Brigham  Young,  Heber  C. 
Kimball,  Newel  K.  Whitney,  Hyrum  Smith,  and  myself;  and  con- 
ferred on  us  Patriarchal  Priesthood.  This  took  place  on  the  5th  and 
6th  of  May,  1842.  All  of  our  lumbering  operations  having  proved 
nearly  abortive,  Lyman's  labours  this  summer  produced  very  little 
for  the  Nauvoo  House,  but  a  large  amount  for  the  Temple.  I  was, 
at  the  October  conference,  called  and  ordained  by  Joseph  President 
of  the  Quorum  of  High  Priests,  instead  of  Don  Carlos  Smith,  de- 
ceased. 

We  had  another  conference  of  the  committees,  whereupon  it  was 
determined  that  I  should  go  to  the  Pineries  and  get  Henry  W.  Miller 
and  family,  with  two  other  families,  to  go  up  as  cooks  for  the  men, 
and  for  Lyman  Wight  to  go  East  and  return  in  the  spring,  and' 
together  with  Peter  Hawes  drive  the  work  at  home,  whilst  I  should 
make  an  effort  in  the  Pineries  to  extricate  our  establishment  from 
debt,  and  make  the  lumber  in  sufficient  quantities  to  keep  the  work 
progressing.  It  was  advised  that  I  should  take  my  wife  along  with 
me,  as  she  was  very  sick  of  ague  and  fever,  and  taking  her  North 
was  advised,  to  recover  her  health.  A  few  days  after  the  confer- 
ence. I  started  with  my  wife,  female  children  and  hired  girl,  to  Prairie 
Du  Chien,  there  having  a  suit  pending  against  Jacob  Spalding,  the 
owner  of  the  mills  at  the  falls  of  the  Black  River,  fifteen  miles  above 
our  present  establishment ;  the  others  were  to  come  forthwith  after 
me,  in  a  boat  loaded  with  our  winter  supplies,  which  we  intended  to 
have  towed  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Black  River,  and  then  work  it 
by  poling  to  our  lumber  mills.  I  got  to  Prairie  Du  Chien  and  ar- 
ranged my  business  with  Spalding,  so  as  to  secure  my  claim  against 
him,  in  getting  possession  of  his  mills  on  my  arrival  there,  and  turn 
him  over  ours  (which  was  of  little  or  no  value)  in  lieu  thereof. 
Spalding  returned  to  the  mills  to  await  my  arrival,  and  remained 
awaiting  the  coming  of  H.  W.  Miller.  It  is  often  the  case  in  the 
course  of  human  events  that,  when  men  are  clothed  with  a  little  brief 
authority,  they  often  get  far  above  their  principals.  Unfortunately 
this  seemed  to  be  the  case  with  H.  W.  Miller.  He  loitered  away  his 
time  at  Nauvoo,  swelling  over  his  big  authority,  telling  the  nren 
that  we  couldn't  do  without  him,  for  his  knowledge  and  skill  were 
really  indispensable  to  us.  He  also  told  the  men  that  he  was  sent 
to  keep  a  kind  of  oversight  of  my  movements :  but  he  was  finally 
urged  out  of  Nauvoo  by  the  men  on  the  boat,  and  the  architect  of 
the  Nauvoo  House,  after  having  loitered  away  two  weeks  of  time  at 
this  advanced  season  of  the  year ;  and  it  was  not  until  three  weeks 
after  the  time  that  he  appointed  to  meet  me  at  Prairie  Du  Chien  that 
this  great  personage  arrived,  and  not  until  the  steamers  had   all 


122  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

stopped  running,  leaving  us  ninety  miles  to  tow  to  Cordell,  or  pole 
our  boat  to  the  mouth  of  the  Black  River,  and  then  over  a  hundred 
miles  to  the  mills.  I,  however,  before  the  boat  came,  got  on  a  raft 
and  met  them  coming  on  by  poling,  and  on  the  evening,  or  rather 
the  afternoon,  of  the  12th  of  November  we  got  to  Prairie  Du  Chien. 
I  got  my  family  aboard  and  came  on  toward  our  destination.  The 
weather  being  cold,  and  the  river  running  with  slush  ice,  with  intense 
labour  we  made  at  noon,  on  the  17th  of  November,  within  seven  miles 
of  the  mouth  of  the  Black  River,  and  stopped  at  a  trading  post, 
the  river  now  being  completely  filled  with  snow  and  ice.  Here  we 
secured  our  boat  for  the  winter  and  stored  our  freight. 

I  will  not  attempt  to  give  in  detail  (as  in  my  diary)  the  toil,  cold, 
the  breasting  of  snow  banks  (it  was  two  and  a  half  feet  deep  on  the 
level),  treading  a  road  for  oxen  and  sleds  to  travel  on,  and  the 
labour  of  myself  and  the  men  in  getting  the  teams  down  from  the 
mills,  and  the  families  moved  up :  suffice  it  to  say  that  Bonaparte's 
retreat  from  Moscow  was  a  mere  notliing  in  comparison,  save  that 
there  were  no  deaths  or  freezing  among  us.  It  was  not  until  the 
31st  day  of  December  that  we  got  fully  established  at  our  mills,  at 
the  falls  of  the  Black  River,  and  began  our  lumbering  operations. 
We  were  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  our  principal  sup- 
plies of  winter  provision,  our  cattle  were  not  half  supplied  with 
grain  and  forage  to  enable  us  to  prosecute  our  winter's  work  to  ad- 
vantage :  the  men  were  almost  worn  out  with  the  miserable  toil  that 
we  had  just  passed  through.  Indeed  they  performed  labours  that 
are  almost  incredible  to  relate,  and  I  felt  in  my  heart  to  praise  God 
that  he  had  given  me  strength  to  take  the  lead,  ana  go  before  the 
men  in  all  their  toil.  Too  much  cannot  be  said  in  praise  of  those 
faithful  brethren ;  they  really  performed  wonders. 

We  were  in  the  midst  of  a  howling  wilderness,  and  the  aspect  of 
our  affairs  to  some  might  seem  forbidding,  but  we  were  all  buoyant 
with  hope  of  better  days,  and  resolved  on  accomplishing  the  work 
we  had  undertaken.  We,  now  being  organized  for  a  regular  train 
of  operations,  thought  our  labor  and  exposure  might  in  a  great  de- 
gree be  past,  but  it  was  not  so,  and,  with  the  best  division  of  labours 
that  we  could  possibly  devise,  it  was  all  we  could  do  to  keep  our 
families  and  our  cattle  from  perishing  for  want  of  food,  from  the 
fact  of  our  winter  supplies  being  far  distant,  and  the  depth  of  snow 
on  the  mountains  and  valleys  intervening.  We  had  to  draw  on 
sleds,  and  carry  by  back  loads,  the  principal  supplies  for  men  and 
animals,  beside  our  lumbering  operations.  The  foregoing  were  not 
all  the  difficulties  we  had  to  encounter.  Several  bands  of  the  Win- 
nebago Indians  were  scattered  up  and  down  the  Black  River  on 
their  winter's  hunt,  and,  as  is  common,  a  number  of  traders  and 
whiskey  sellers  were  also  in  attendance,  in  order  to  buy,  or  rather 
cheat  the  Indians  out  of,  their  furs  and  peltrj'.     Those  fiends  in 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  123 

human  shape  influenced  the  Indians  to  come  in  sufficient  numbers 
(as  they  supposed)  to  our  mills  and  make  a  demand  of  us  for  the 
pine  trees  we  were  sawing,  for  two  hundred  pounds  of  pork,  with 
a  proportion  of  flour,  or  threaten,  on  our  refusal,  that  they  would 
burn  down  our  mills.  The  lumber  men  on  the  river  had  a  hand  in 
this  matter,  but  they  tried  to  explain  themselves  clear.  When  the 
Indians  came  to  our  mills  they  were  drunk  (or  partly  so)  and  very 
clamorous.  I  could  not  understand  their  language,  so  as  to  know 
what  they  wanted,  more  than  I  conjectured  from  their  signs;  but 
prevailed  in  making  them  understand  that  I  would  go  with  them  to 
a  trading  post  where  there  was  an  interpreter,  and  I  would  have  a 
talk  with  them.  Accordingly  I  set  off  with  them  unattended,  as  I 
did  not  want  to  raise  any  excitement  among  our  men.  On  our  ar- 
rival at  the  post,  the  Indians  told  me  that  we  were  cutting  and  saw- 
ing up  the  pinery  that  was  once  theirs  and  of  right  ought  then  to 
be ;  that  their  children  were  perishing  with  hunger,  the  snow  being 
so  deep  that  they  could  not  hunt,  and  the  white  men  had  told  them 
that  we  ought  to  pay  them,  or  they  ought  to  have  our  mills.  In  my 
speech  in  reply  I  told  them  that  I  did  not  fear  them  or  the  white  men 
either ;  that  when  they  got  ready  to  burn  our  mills  they  might  come 
on  and  bring  the  white  men  with  them ;  that  I  had  not  at  any  time 
sold  them  whiskey  to  make  them  drunk,  causing  them  to  lie  in  the 
snow  and  freeze  to  death,  as  had  been  the  case  several  times  during 
the  present  winter;  nor  had  I,  at  any  time,  cheated  them  out  of 
their  furs  and  peltry  by  giving  them  trifles  in  return,  thereby  de- 
priving them  of  the  means  of  buying  food  to  feed  their  starving  chil- 
dren ;  nor  had  I  any  hand  in  buying  the  Indians'  land ;  nor  had  I, 
as  a  lure,  held  up  the  bottle  or  trifling  trinkets  as  an  inducement  to 
them  to  sell,  so  that  they  might  receive  annuities  for  the  traders  to 
squabble  over,  which  of  them  should  get  the  first  chance  to  cheat 
the  Indian  out  of  them  by  smuggling  whiskey  to  them,  thereby  dis- 
qualifying them  for  getting  their  living  as  their  forefathers  had 
done ;  and  that  the  white  men  had  done  all  this,  and  more  too  ;  that 
they  had  driven  them  from  the  houses  and  homes  of  their  fathers, 
and  that  I  did  not  sanction  any  of  these  wrongs  done  to  the  Indians  ; 
that  I  had  been,  and  always  expected  to  be,  their  friend ;  that  I  had 
fed  and  warmed  them  when  they  came  to  my  house,  and  had  sent 
food  to  their  hungry  children,  and,  if  it  was  for  these  things  they 
wanted  to  burn  our  mills,  they  might  come  on  and  burn  them.  While 
I  was  speaking  the  tears  rolled  down  the  cheeks  of  some  of  their 
principal  men,  and  they  came  up  to  me  when  I  closed  my  remarks 
and  embraced  me,  telling  me  in  broken  English,  "Good  captain, 
brother,  good  captain !"  I  bought  some  flour  and  pork  of  the  trader 
and  gave  it  to  them,  telling  them  to  take  it  home  to  their  children. 
I  returned  to  the  mills  the  same  day.  Nothing  further  of  difficulty 
occurred  with  the  Indians,  lumbermen,  or  traders  in  the  course  of 


124  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

the  winter  and  spring.  Nothing  but  toil  and  liardship  awaited  us  at 
every  stage  of  our  undertaking. 

We  had  sent  a  man  down  about  the  first  appearance  of  the  melt- 
ing of  the  snow  and  breaking  up  of  the  ice  to  the  place  where  we 
had  left  our  boat  and  stored  our  provisions,  to  take  care  of  them. 
On  the  6th  of  April  I,  with  four  of  the  young,  able-bodied  men, 
started  down  to  bring  up  our  boat  and  provisions  that  we  had  left 
last  fall  (or  winter).  The  ground  was  beginning  to  show  itself  on 
south  exposures.  We  arrived  at  our  boat  on  the  morning  of  the 
third  day.  The  man  we  had  sent  to  take  care  of  our  boat  had  all 
safe,  but  had  not  been  able  to  free  the  boat  of  the  ice  that  had  ac- 
cumulated through  the  winter.  We  immediately  set  about  it,  and 
had  all  clear  by  night ;  but  it  was  not  until  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
10th  of  April  that  the  river  was  freed  from  ice  so  as  to  be  at  all 
practicable  to  work  our  boat.  We  loaded  up  and  started,  breaking 
the  gorges  of  ice,  making  headway  by  the  most  tremendous  exer- 
tions that  men  could  possibly  make.  Worn  down  and  exhausted, 
we  encamped  for  the  night  fairly  up  in  Black  River  Lake  (a  widen- 
ing out  of  the  river  above  its  mouth).  In  like  manner  we  prose- 
cuted our  daily  task  until  the  afternoon  of  the  19th  day  of  April, 
when  we  arrived  at  our  mills,  worn  out  with  the  violent  exertions 
we  had  made  on  our  voyage.  We  however,  did  not  slacken  our 
hands  until,  with  the  assistance  of  the  men  at  the  mills,  we  unloaded 
the  boat  and  put  our  flour,  pork,  etc.,  into  the  store  house.  I  took, 
this  spring,  two  rafts  of  lumber  to  Nauvoo  and  obtained  supplies 
to  feed  and  clothe  the  men  engaged  in  lumbering.  I  conceived  it 
necessary  to  buy  three  or  four  yoke  of  oxen,  as  we  had  lost  three 
head  from  the  severity  of  the  winter,  and,  our  mill  daily  turning 
out  over  twelve  thousand  feet  of  lumber,  it  necessarily  took  much 
team  work. 

About  the  first  of  June  I  came  up  on  a  steamer  to  Galena,  that 
being  a  better  place  to  buy  oxen  than  Nauvoo,  and  because  it  would 
(I  thought)  save  transportation  that  part  of  the  way.  I  bought  the 
oxen  required,  but  could  not  get  any  boat  to  take  them  up  under 
two  weeks.  I,  upon  this  information,  yoked  up  and  chained  my 
cattle  together,  lashed  my  trunk  to  the  middle  3'oke,  and  forthwith 
set  out  for  Prairie  Du  Chien  about  four  o'clock  P.  M.,  a  distance 
of  75  miles,  where  I  arrived  on  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day.  I 
had  yet  a  distance  of  150  miles  to  go  on  a  right  line  and  on  the 
traveled  road  200.  I  was  at  a  loss  to  determine  on  the  route  I  should 
travel — whether  to  aim  at  a  straight  line  never  trod  by  the  white 
man's  foot  or  take  the  road  frequented  by  those  who  had  occasion 
to  travel  in  this  region.  I,  however,  was  but  a  few  minutes  in  de- 
termining. I  provided  a  supply  of  provisions  and  started  forthwith 
to  reach  the  mills  by  the  straight  line  through  the  woods,  and  went 
out  four  miles  to  the  last  house  on  my  way,  where  I  stayed  all  night. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  125 

I  set  out  early,  and,  without  entering  into  detail  in  giving  the  inci- 
dents attendant  on  this  lonesome  journey — no  company  but  my 
three  yoke  of  oxen — by  perseverance  arrived  at  the  mills  at  noon 
on  the  sixth  day  from  Prairie  Du  Chien,  to  the  surprise  and  ap- 
parent joy  of  all  my  friends  present.  To  see  a  man  all  tattered  and 
torn,  though  not  forlorn,  emerging  from  the  woods,  driving  three 
yoke  of  oxen — the  brethren  would  scarcely  accredit  me  when  I  told 
them  the  route  I  came  up,  and  all  alone.  Some  would  say,  "Were 
you  not  afraid  the  wild  bears  would  eat  you,  having  no  gun  to  de- 
fend yourself?"  I  told  them  that  I  had  a  knife  that  answered  just 
as  well. 

In  my  next  I  will  conclude  my  operations  in  lumbering  in  the 
Mississippi  Pineries.  As  ever,  most  truly  and  sincerely, 

George  Miller. 


St.  James,  June  27 ,  1855. 

Dear  Brother:  In  my  epistle  of  yesterday,  I  closed  with  an  in- 
definite relation  of  a  trip  on  foot,  and  of  driving  three  yoke  of 
oxen  from  Galena,  Illinois,  to  the  falls  of  the  Black  River  in  Wis- 
consin, June,  1843. 

I  got  clear  of  a  great  clog  in  my  business  operations  in  the  month 
of  May,  I  believe,  viz :  Henry  W.  Miller,  who  carried  with  him  all 
of  his  consequential  dignity  back  to  the  vicinity  of  Nauvoo. 

I  received  an  additional  supply  of  hands  this  summer,  and  we 
made  lumber  rapidly,  paying  our  expenditures,  beside  liquidating 
part  of  the  indebtedness  that  had  accrued  before  I  came  up  to  this 
country.  We  sent  to  Nauvoo  a  large  amount  of  hewed  timber,  and 
two  hundred  thousand  feet  of  sawed  timber,  suitable  for  the  Temple 
and  Nauvoo  House,  together  with  a  large  amount  of  shingles,  and 
a  raft  of  barn  boards. 

[Gap — half  a  leaf  torn  out  in  manuscript.] 

Ijut  when  I  took  down  the  last  rafts  in  the  fall  season,  upon  my 
arrival  at  Nauvoo  I  found  that  a  great  deal  of  the  lumber  that  we 
had  (during  the  two  last  seasons  of  toil  and  sacrifice)  made  for  the 
Temple  and  Nauvoo  House  had,  to  my  great  mortification,  been 
used  for  other  purposes  than  those  intended.  The  Temple  Com- 
mittee said  that  the  workmen  must  needs  have  houses,  and  they 
had  to  pay  their  men ;  but  the  truth  of  the  case  was  that  the  com- 
mittee had  become  housebuilders,  that  they  were  not  alone  con- 
tent to  have  fresh  eggs  to  set  themselves,  but  they  wanted  eggs  to 
set  all  their  numerous  brood  of  chickens,  and  that  it  was  really 
convenient  to  use  the  material  provided  for  the  Nauvoo  House  (as 
its  operations  were  temporarily  suspended) — as  in  like  manner  the 
Temple  materials  also — as  we  had  in  common  such  productive  mills 


126  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

in  the  pinery.  I  remonstrated  at  this  course  of  procedure,  but 
Joseph  told  me  to  be  content  and  promised  that  he  would  see  by 
and  by  that  all  should  be  made  right,  saying  that  it  was  most  likely 
his  persecutors  would  let  him  alone  since  his  final  discharge  by 
Judge  Pope,  and  that  he  would  in  future  have  more  leisure. 

I  gathered  up  a  large  supply  of  provisions  to  make  up  the  def- 
icit that  might  be,  to  feed  the  hundred  and  fifty  we  then  had  in  the 
pineries,  and  shipped  it  on  the  steamer  Governor  Brooks,  then  on 
her  last  trip  to  Saint  Peters.  The  water  was  very  low  this  fall,  and 
the  boat  lay  so  long  from  time  to  time  on  sand  bars,  that,  when 
she  got  to  Prairie  Du  Chien,  the  master  concluded  to  go  no  further 
up,  as  the  water  was  low  and  the  season  far  advanced,  and,  abat- 
ing something  on  the  price  of  my  freight,  put  it  off  and  turned  back. 

I  stored  my  supplies  with  j\Ir.  Dousman,  the  principal  of  the  few 
company's  houses  at  that  place.  This  was  now  the  early  part  of 
November.  On  the  next  day,  in  the  morning,  we  made  up  a  com- 
pany that  was  going  up  to  the  pineries,  who  agreed  to  go  with  me 
through  the  near  way,  the  route  I  had  taken  with  the  oxen  a  year 
ago  last  summer.  The  company  consisted  of  eight  persons ;  one  gave 
out  the  first  day  and  turned  back.  I  found  no  walkers  amongst 
them;  none  of  them,  perhaps,  had  ever  been  witliout  food  for  an 
entire  day.  Two  of  the  men,  however,  were  brethren,  viz:  Pierce 
Hawley,  of  the  Black  River  Company,  and  Moses  Smith,  of  Nauvoo, 
who  was  going  up  to  make  shingles.  The  other  five  were  all  Gen- 
tiles. I  took  what  provisions  I  thought  sufficient  to  last  me  through, 
and  requested  the  others  to  do  likewise.  They  asked  me  how  long 
I  was  going  through  with  the  oxen.  I  told  them  six  days.  They 
said  they  could  go  up  in  a  little  over  half  that  time.  I  told  them 
that  it  was  then  summer  and  they  would  find  out  that  when  I 
walked  I  did  not  stand  still,  and  they  had  better  take  six  days'  pro- 
visions, as  it  was  then  snowing,  and  we  might  have  a  deep  snow 
before  we  got  up  to  the  mills.  They  said  there  were  three  guns  in 
the  company,  and  they  could  kill  what  they  could  eat.  We  traveled 
hard  all  day,  the  snow  falling  rapidly,  very  wet  and  heavy.  Four 
of  us  came  about  thirty  miles  and  camped  before  night  to  await  the 
coming  up  of  the  other  three.  They  did  not,  however,  get  up  to 
camp  as  we  had  expected ;  the  snow  was  nearly  a  foot  deep.  How- 
ley,  Grover  and  a  man,  I  have  forgotten  his  name,  and  myself  came 
thus  far,  and  the  other  three 'came  up  about  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  of 
the  next  day,  footsore  and  tired.  They  declared  that  we  must  have 
walked  fifty  miles.  After  resting  a  short  time,  we  started  and  came 
on  about  two  miles  farther  than  I  had  made  the  first  day  with  my 
oxen  from  the  house  four  miles  this  side  of  Prairie  Du  Chien, 
where  we  camped  for  the  night.  We  had  frequent  snow-showers 
this  day.  Some  of  the  men  said  we  must  be  pretty  near  half  way 
to  Black  River.     At  these  remarks  I  began  to  apprehend  trouble, 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  127 

and  told  them  they  had  better  turn  back;  that  the  distance  we  had 
come  was  only  what  I  had  made  in  a  day-and-a-piece  travel.  At 
this  three  or  more  replied  that  they  believed  I  was  lost,  and  did  not 
know  where  I  was  going.  I  replied  pretty  sharply,  at  which  they 
begged  my  pardon  and  said  they  were  all  joking,  and  hoped  I  would 
take  no  offense. 

This  day  we  made  a  late  start  on  account  of  the  men  being 
footsore ;  we  came  on  our  way  about  twelve  miles,  some  of  the  men 
being  so  tired  that  they  said  they  could  go  no  further ;  we  therefore 
took  up  camp  for  the  night.  This  night  finished  up  all  our  pro- 
visions. The  morning  of  the  fourth  day  we  set  off  early,  our  gun- 
men to  hunting,  the  other  four  following  me ;  we  camped  early  that 
our  hunters  might  have  time  to  get  up ;  they  came,  but  had  no  meat. 
All,  or  most  of  them,  were  quite  snappish  and  fretful. 

On  the  morning  of  the  fifth  day  we  set  out  on  our  journey  very 
early ;  our  hunters  set  out  to  bring  into  camp  a  good  supply  of  meat, 
and  the  others  went  on  with  me  to  make  a  trail,  and  take  up  camp 
as  on  the  day  before ;  but  night  again  brought  all  up  without  food'. 
It  was  indeed  laughable  to  hear  the  occasional  complaints,  followed 
by  a  period  of  silence,  and  see  the  bitter  faces  of  all  hands.  This 
kind  of  starvation  being  nothing  new  to  me,  I  did  not  mind  it.  On 
the  morning  of  the  sixth  day  we  all  set  out  together,  traveled  hard 
all  day  and  took  up  camp  for  the  night,  having  made  the  best  prog- 
ress that  we  had  any  day  since  we  left  Prairie  Du  Chien.  We  de- 
cided this  night  to  slay  a  dog  that  had  followed  us  from  Prairie 
Du  Chien,  and  make  a  supper  of  him.  We  halved  him  and  roasted 
him  before  the  fire.  I  tasted  the  dog,  it  is  true,  but  my  prejudices 
were  such  that  I  could  not  eat  it — not  so  now.  One  old  man,  whose 
name  I  did  not  hear,  as  we  all  called  hini  "Old  Gentleman,"  could 
not  be  prevailed  upon  to  taste  the  dog.  All  hands  seemed  to  be 
cheerful  and  happy  whilst  feasting  on  the  dog,  and  by  morning 
light  he  was  wholly  demolished. 

We  set  off,  this  morning  of  the  seventh,  intending  to  make 
near  our  mills,  as  we  were  in  plain  view  of  a  mountain  that  was 
situated  three  miles  southeast  of  our  place,  which  I  pointed  out  to 
the  men  from  an  eminence  soon  after  our  starting.  The  snow  was 
quite  soft  this  morning,  and  we  moved  on  finely  a  few  miles,  and 
came  to  where  three  bear-tracks  crossed  at  right  angles  the  route 
we  were  going.  It  was  soon  agreed  upon  that  I  and  one  of  the  men, 
a  Gentile,  were  to  pursue  the  bear,  and  the  other  five  were  to  go  on 
towards  the  mills,  and  leave  us  to  come  up  after  night.  I  pointed 
out  the  mountain  for  them  to  steer  for.  and  put  out  in  chase  after 
the  bear.  We  several  times  got  near  him,  but  could  not  get  a  shot 
on  account  of  the  thick  underbrush.  We  abandoned  the  chase  about 
three  o'clock  P.  M.  and  made  our  way  for  the  mills.  After  going 
about  ten  miles  we  encountered  an  Indian,  who  was  going  in  chase 


128  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

of  the  bear  we  had  left ;  he  was  on  horseback.  I  enquired  of  him 
if  he  had  seen  anything  of  our  men.  He  said  he  had.  I  told  him 
that  I  had  pointed  out  the  mountain  southeast  of  the  mills  that  they 
were  to  steer  for.  He  said  that  they  were  lost;  that  they  did  not 
see  him ;  that,  at  a  certain  hill  he  pointed  out  to  us.  our  men  had 
turned  off  to  another  mountain  twenty  miles  below  that  looked  just 
like  that  at  our  mills.  My  hunter  companion  wanted  to  go  on  to- 
ward the  mills,  and  leave  the  d — d  fools,  as  he  pleased  to  call 
them,  to  go  to  hell,  for  he  was  so  tired  that  he  was  not  going  to  trail 
after  them.  I  told  him  then  that  he  could  go  towards  the  mills,  and 
I  would  follow  the  lost  men.  No,  he'd  be  d — d  if  he  would  do 
that,  for  he  did  not  believe  that  I  was  right  about  the  mills.  I  told 
him  to  go  to  the  Indian  and  get  him  to  take  him  to  the  mills :  that 
he  was  frequently  tliere,  and  was  an  acquaintance  of  mine.  By  the 
end  of  this  disputation  we  came  upon  the  men's  trail  who  had 
turned  down  to  the  other  mountain,  and  he  followed  with  me  on  the 
trail  of  the  men.  We  did  not  go  far  until  dark  overtook  us,  and  in 
some  places  we  had  difficulty  in  keeping  their  tracks  or  trail.  About 
nine  o'clock  at  night  my  hunter  companion  told  me  not  to  walk  so 
fast;  that  he  could  not  stand  it.  I  slackened  my  pace  and  all  went 
on  well  for  a  while.  He  again  called  to  me,  saying  he'd  be  God 
d — d  if  he  didn't  shoot  me  if  I  continued  to  walk  so  fast.  I  turned 
to  him  and  clubbed  my  gun,  and  placed  myself  in  a  position  to 
strike,  telling  him  that  I  was  almost  minded  to  make  a  finish  of  him. 
He  humbly  begged  my  pardon  and  said  he  would  be  more  patient 
in  the  future,  and  asked  me  to  have  pity  on  him,  for  he  was  almost 
perished  with  fatigue  and  hunger.  I  told  him  to  take  courage; 
that  I  would  take  care  of  him,  and  that  we  were  near  a  camp,  for  I 
smelled  pine  burning.  After  a  half  hour's  walk  we  came  to  a  place 
where  the  fire  was  yet  burning;  here  we  called  aloud  and  were  an- 
swered nearby.  We  proceeded  and  soon  came  to  an  Indian  lodge, 
where  we  found  all  our  company  eating  venison.  When  I  got  into 
the  lodge,  the  old  Indian  told  me  that  the  men  had  come  out  of  the 
way ;  that  they  could  have  gone  to  the  falls  as  soon  as  to  his  lodge, 
and  that  he  would  send  two  of  his  boys  in  the  morning  to  Mr. 
Nichols'  mill  with  us  to  show  us  a  near  way  through  the  mountain 
pass ;  he  said  it  was  about  twelve  miles,  and  in  five  days  he  would 
come  up  to  the  falls  to  get  his  gun-lock  mended,  and  asked  me  to 
be  certain  to  have  my  smith  at  home ;  he  also  told  me  that  he  had 
killed  a  very  fat  buck  that  day,  and  he  was  having  some  choice  parts 
boiled  for  me ;  and,  as  I  had  eaten  nothing  for  four  days,  that  I 
must  fill  my  belly  first  by  drinking  broth  before  I  partook  of  the 
meat.  He  said  that  the  men  that  came  with  me,  and  those  that 
came  before,  were  fools ;  that  they  all  run  headlong  to  eating  veni- 
son as  the  Indian  dogs  did  to  eating  blood  and  guts  when  he  killed 
and  butchered  a  deer.     He  lighted  his  pipe  and  smoked,  and  then 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  129 

handed  it  to  me.  The  men  all  had  a  hearty  laugh  at  the  Indian's 
remark  about  their  eating  like  dogs.  It  was,  however,  not  long 
until  the  broth  was  served  up,  and  I  filled  (my  belly!)  accordingly, 
and,  after  another  round  of  smoking,  a  large  wooden  bowl  of  choice, 
fat  venison  was  served  up,  and  I  was  told  to  eat  occasionally 
through  the  night,  for  at  daybreak  his  boys  would  start.  He  laid 
down  a  skin  for  me  to  sleep  on.  All  by  this  time  were  snoring 
finely  but  the  old  Indian  and  myself. 

At  daybreak  the  ensuing  morning  we  started,  got  to  Nichols' 
and  got  a  good  dinner  cooked  for  all  hands.  Indians  and  all.  Nichols 
remonstrated  at  eating  with  the  Indians,  as  it  would  make  them 
too  saucy.  I  told  him  that  if  these  Indians  did  not  sit  at  his  table 
I  would  not.  He  told  me  in  return  that  he  was  owing  me  flour, 
pork,  etc.,  and  I  should  be  eating  my  own  provisions,  as  his  had 
not  yet  arrived.  After  eating  I  gave  the  Indians  some  pork  and 
flour ;  none  of  my  companions  would  agree  to  go  any  further,  except 
Hawley.  Whilst  I  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  home,  our  boat 
came  down,  going  to  meet  me,  supposing  I  was  waiting  for  them 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Black  River.  I  told  them  it  was  at  Prairie  Du 
Chien  that  our  stuff  was  stored.  They  accordingly  set  off,  intending 
to  travel  all  night,  and  I  started  for  the  mills,  distant  fifteen  miles, 
in  company  with  Pierce  Hawley.  We  arrived  at  home  in  the  early 
part  of  the  night,  to  the  joy  of  all  the  brethren.  Hawley  was  so 
used  up  that  he  worked  very  little  more  all  winter.  In  ten  days 
our  boat  returned  with  our  load  of  supplies.  I  had',  however,  in 
the  interim,  finished  my  house  and  shoe-shop,  and  was  ready  at  the 
coming  of  the  supplies  to  have  the  shoeing  of  the  men  go  on,  as 
they  were  much  in  want. 

All  branches  of  business  in  our  line  went  on  with  astonishing 
dispatch,  and  a  great  amount  of  lumber  was  made. 

The  Indian  agent  for  this  region  had  forbidden  the  cutting  of 
timber  above  the  falls  of  Black  River.  All  the  good  pine  being 
above,  you  may  readily  conceive  the  clamour  raised  amongst  all 
the  lumbermen  of  the  country.  About  this  time  we  received  a  visit 
from  the  Indian  chief,  Oshkosh,  and  his  interpreter ;  his  band  was 
camped  twelve  miles  up  the  river.  We  inade  a  feast  for  him,  and, 
after  eating,  explained  the  principles  of  our  religion  to  him.  His 
interpreter,  being  an  educated  Indian,  said  he  was  disposed  in  his 
mind  to  join  us,  but  that  many  of  their  people  were  Roman  Catholics, 
and  it  would  take  a  long  time  to  change  their  religion.  The  chief 
said  he  believed  we  were  right,  for  many  things  we  had  told  him 
were  backed  up  by  Indian  tradition ;  but  for  him,  the  principal  chief, 
to  act  on  his  belief  would  avail  nothing ;  that  at  some  future  period 
it  would  be  best  to  call  a  council  of  all  his  chiefs — he  could  not  then, 
as  they  were  on  their  winter  hunt — and  deliberately  consider  the 
whole  matter,  and  act  upon  it  in  national  council,  and  in  that  case 


130  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

their  change  of  religion  would  be  national  and  permanent,  and  that  he 
had  no  doubt  as  to  bringing  it  about.  In  regard  to  our  cutting 
timber,  he  said  that  it  was  all  his,  and  that  the  agent  and  the  United 
States  had  no  business  to  interfere  in  the  matter ;  that  he  had  come 
to  attend  to  his  timber  himself,  and  that,  if  he  could  not  stop  the 
cutting  of  saw  logs,  lie  would  then  call  on  the  government,  through 
their  agent,  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  He  told  us  that  we  should  have 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  cutting  timber,  and  all  he  would  ask  of  us 
was  to  feed  his  people  in  their  passing  by.  But,  however,  he  would 
advise  my  going  over  to  the  Wisconsin  River  with  him,  and  he 
would  procure  me  a  written  permit  from  tlie  agent  in  order  to 
silence  other  lumbermen.  I  took  with  me  Cyrus  Daniels,  one  of  our 
brethren,  and  forthwith  started  with  him  for  the  Wisconsin  River, 
a  distance  of  sixty  miles. 

We  walked  on  snow  shoes,  as  the  snow  was  then  three  feet  deep. 
On  our  arrival  at  the  agency,  the  agent  refused  giving  the  permit; 
whereupon  very  sharp  words  ensued  between  the  chief  and  agent ; 
finally  he  (the  agent)  said  we  might  make  our  own  bargain.  The 
chief  told  him  he  had  not  asked  what  he  might  do.  The  agent  said 
he  dare  not  give  a  permit;  the  United  States  would  not  allow  it; 
but  we  might  proceed  according  to  the  arrangements  with  the  chief, 
and  he  would  not  interfere  in  the  matter. 

The  agent  privately  proposed'  a  partnership  in  our  establishment. 
I  told  him  I  could  not  do  it  without  consulting  my  friends ;  he  then 
said  he  would  let  the  matter  rest  until  the  next  fall ;  he  would  come 
over  to  our  place,  and  we  would  take  the  matter  into  further  con- 
sideration. On  parting  with  my  Indian  friends,  I  received  the  warm- 
est assurances  of  their  lasting  friendship,  and  it  w-as  not  until  I 
would  agree  to  go  with  them  to  their  lodges  and  relate  to  them  in 
detail  the  persecutions  of  our  people  by  the  States  of  Ohio  and  Mis- 
souri that  they  would  consent  for  me  to  leave  them :  upon  hearing 
which  the  Indians  shed  tears  (not  common  for  an  Indian),  saying 
we  had  been  treated  almost  as  badly  as  the  Indians.  On  my  return 
home.  Brother  Daniels  got  badly  frost  bitten.  On  my  arrival  at 
home  I  found  things  progressing  as  usual.  About  this  time  a  band 
of  northern  Chippewa  Indians  were  on  a  hunt  above  us  on  the 
river;  their  chief  came  down  on  a  trading  expedition  to  a  trader's 
shanty  below  us.  They  sold  him  whiskey  and  made  him  partly  or 
nearly  drunk,  and,  some  dispute  taking  place  between  him  and  the 
trader,  he  (the  trader)  took  a  large  bar  and  beat  the  chief  and  left 
him  lying  in  the  snow  for  dead.  The  residue  of  his  company  fled 
precipitately,  and,  coming  to  our  place,  told  us  what  had  taken  place. 
I  took  some  of  our  men  with  me  and  went  to  the  trader's,  and  told 
him  that  if  any  more  whiskey  was  sold  to  Indians  I  would  demolish 
his  shanty  and  its  contents,  and,  if  the  chief  died,  I  would  make  it 
a  bad  job  for  him.    We  took  the  chief  into  our  houses  and  bound 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  131 

up  his  wound's,  and  toward  the  latter  part  of  the  night  of  this  day 
he  left  our  place  for  his  lodge.  In  about  two  weeks  he  came  to 
our  place  with  part  of  his  band  and  an  interpreter.  He  had  the 
United  States  flag  carried  by  one  of  his  braves,  saying  to  us  in  his 
speech  that  the  snow  was  so  deep  that  they  could  not  hunt,  and  that 
their  children  were  starving,  and,  on  producing  a  purse  of  money, 
said  that  whenever  that  flag  — pointing  to  it — was  produced  to  the 
white  man,  as  he  was  told  when  he  received  it,  it  would  be  an  order 
to  him  for  provisions.  We  said  in  reply  that  the  United  States  was 
no  friend  of  ours ;  that  they  had  robbed  us  and  permitted  us  to  be 
plundered  by  the  white  man,  and  further,  that  if  we  let  them  have 
food  it  would  not  be  for  the  love  we  had  for  the  United  States,  but 
for  that  we  had  toward  the  abused  and  oppressed  Indians ;  that  he 
was  to  put  up  his  money ;  that  we  would  give  him  some  flour  and  an 
ox  to  take  to  his  camp  and  feed  their  children.  They  received  the 
flour  and  ox  and  started,  blessing  us  by  returning  many  thanks  and 
assuring  us  of  their  lasting  friendship,  stating  that  we  were  not  like 
other  white  men. 

Towards  the  opening  of  spring,  having  made  an  abundance  of 
lumber  for  the  Nauvoo  House  and  temple,  we  held  a  council  in 
regard  to  future  operations.  The  result  of  our  deliberations  was 
that  a  memorial  should  be  sent  to  Joseph  and  the  authorities  in 
Nauvoo,  expressive  of  our  views,  and  I  was  delegated  to  be  tlie 
bearer.  A  few  days  later  I  set  out  on  the  ice  for  Prairie  Du  Chien, 
at  which  place  I  took  the  stage  coach  for  Galena,  and,  upon  my  ar- 
rival at  Nauvoo,  presented  the  document  to  Joseph  Smith  and 
Hyrum  Smith,  whom  I  found  together  in  consultation.  After  a 
hasty  perusal,  Joseph  said  to  me,  "Brother  Miller,  I  perceive  that 
the  spirit  of  God  is  in  the  pineries  as  well  as  here,  and  we  will  call 
together  some  of  our  wise  men,  and  proceed  to  set  up  die  Kingdom 
of  God  by  organizing  some  of  its  officers."  And  from  day  to  day 
he  called  some  of  the  brethren  about  him,  organizing  them  as 
princes  in  the  Kingdom  of  God,  until  up  to  the  number  of  fifty-three 
were  thus  called.  In  this  council  it  was  agreed  upon  that  we  should 
run  Joseph  Smith  for  president  of  the  United  States,  which  we  would 
certainly  do,  and  also  Sidney  Rigdon  for  vice-president,  and,  in  case 
they  were  elected,  we  would  at  once  establish  dominion  in  the  United 
States,  and,  in  view  of  a  failure,  we  would  send  a  minister  to  the 
then  Republic  of  Texas  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  cabinet  of  Texas 
for  all  that  country  north  of  a  west  line  from  the  falls  of  the  Colo- 
rado River  to  the  Nueces,  thence  down  the  same  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  along  the  same  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  up  the  same  to 
the  United  States  territory,  and  get  them  to  acknowledge  us  as  a 
nation ;  and,  on  the  part  of  the  church,  we  would  help  them  defend 
themselves  against  Mexico,  standing  as  a  go-between  the  belligerent 
powers,  and,  if  successful  in  this  matter,  we  would  have  dominion 


132  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

in  spite  of  the  United  States,  and  we  would  send  the  Black  River 
Lumber  Company  to  take  possession  of  the  newly  acquired  territory. 
Lucian  Woodworth  was  chosen  minister  to  Texas,  and  I  was  to 
return  to  the  pineries  to  bring  down  Lyman  Wight,  and  leave  mat- 
ters there  in  such  shape  that  the  work  could  go  on  without  my  pres- 
ence, and  be  here  by  the  time  Woodworth  might  return  from  Texas. 
We  severally  started  the  same  day,  Woodworth  for  Texas  and  I 
for  the  pineries.  Most  truly  as  ever, 

George  Miller. 


Saint  James,  June  28,  1855. 

Dear  Brother:  In  my  last  I  expected  to  have  finished  my  nar- 
rative up  to  the  time  of  Joseph's  death,  but  the  limits  I  had  pre- 
scribed myself  for  writing  would  not  permit. 

Upon  my  arrival  at  the  pineries,  we  set  about  arranging  our 
lumbering  operations  so  as  to  leave  a  man  in  charge  to  carr}^  on 
the  work,  while  AMght  and  myself  should  go  to  Nauvoo,  as  before 
agreed  upon  by  the  council  (of  fifty  princes  of  the  Kingdom). 

Some  time  toward  the  last  of  April,  1844,  we,  Lyman  Wight 
and  myself  and  families,  arrived  in  Nauvoo.  Soon  after  this  Wood- 
worth  returned  from  Texas.  The  council  convened  to  hear  his 
report.  It  was  altogether  as  we  could  wish  it.  On  the  part  of  the 
church  there  were  commissioners  appointed  to  meet  the  Texan  Con- 
gress to  sanction  or  ratify  tlie  said  treaty,  partly  entered  into  by  our 
minister  and  the  Texan  cabinet.  A  Mr.  Brown,  Lucian  Woodworth 
and  myself  were  the  commissioners  appointed  to  meet  the  Texas 
Congress,  and,  upon  the  consummation  of  the  treaty,  \^'ight  and 
myself  were  to  locate  the  Black  River  Lumber  Company  on  the 
newly  acquired  territory,  and  do  such  other  things  as  might  be 
necessary  in  the  premises,  and  report  to  the  Council  of  the  King- 
dom. It  was  further  determined  in  council  that  all  the  elders  should 
set  out  on  missions  to  all  the  States  to  get  up  an  electoral  ticket, 
and  do  everything  in  our  power  to  have  Joseph  elected  president. 
If  we  succeeded  in  making  a  majority  of  the  voters  converts  to  our 
faith,  and  elected  Joseph  president,  in  such  an  event  the  dominion 
of  the  kingdom  would  be  forever  established  in  the  United  States ; 
and  if  not  successful,  we  could  fall  back  on  Texas,  and  be  a  king- 
dom notwithstanding. 

It  was  thought  and  urged  by  the  council  that  so  great  an  under- 
taking would  require,  in  order  to  insure  success,  the  entire  and 
united  effort  of  all  the  official  members  of  the  church.  Accordingly, 
on  the  sixth  day  of  May  I  started  to  Kentucky,  and  Lyman  went 
off  to  the  eastern  States ;  and  at  no  period  since  the  organization  of 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  133 

the  church  had  there  been  half  so  many  elders  in  the  vineyard  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  members  in  the  church. 

I  preached  and  electioneered  alternately.  When  I  had  preach- 
ing meetings,  as  a  general  thing  we  had  crowded  houses,  and  our 
prospects  bid  fair  for  the  accomplishment  of  a  great  work  in  each 
point  of  view,  and  of  reaping  an  abundant  harvest  as  fruits  of  our 
ministerial  labors.  All  Kentucky  was  in  high  state  of  political  ex- 
citement, as  it  was  just  before  their  general  election,  which  was  to 
come  off  on  the  first  Monday  in  August — having  barbecues  in  the 
different  neighborhoods  of  that  densely  populated  country  for  the 
express  purpose  of  giving  the  candidates  an  opportunity  of  address- 
ing the  citizens.  These  were  the  latter  end  of  the  days  of  political 
folly,  such  as  having  log  cabin  exhibitions  and  live  raccoons  at  the 
top  of  long  poles  (set  up  for  that  purpose),  etc.  At  one  of  these 
meetings,  whilst  one  of  the  candidates  was  speaking,  I  was  rather  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  immense  crowd,  reading  to  a  few  of  my  old 
acquaintances  Joseph  Smiths'  views  of  the  powers  and  policy  of  gov- 
ernment. One  of  my  old  neighbors,  and  a  relative  by  marriage, 
brought  up  a  Missourian  with  him,  and  addressing  me,  said :  "Here 
is  a  man  that  knows  all  about  the  enormities  committed  by  the  Mor- 
mons in  Missouri."  Without  a  moment's  pause  I  answered,  "Yes, 
I  have  no  doubt  of  it,  and  I  believe  I  recognize  in  him  one  of  those 
murderers  who  shot  a  little  Mormon  boy  in  the  blacksmith's  shop, 
under  the  bellows."  Upon  which  the  fellow  slunk  off,  and  I  saw 
no  more  of  him.  Not  so,  however,  with  my  old  neighbor  and  rela- 
tive. "Now,"  said  he,  "I  have  a  matter  to  tell  you  as  a  friend,  and  that 
is,  that  if  you  do  not  leave  this  country  and  put  a  stop  to  preaching 
your  religious  views  and  political  Mormonism,  the  negroes  are  em- 
ployed to  hang  you  to  an  apple  tree."  I  told  him  that  I  had  had 
enough  of  his  hollow  friendship,  and,  if  I  could  believe  there  was 
courage  enough  amongst  such  intolerant  scamps,  I  would  hire  a 
house  and  hold  forth  three  months  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
carrying  out  their  threat.  By  this  time  quite  a  crowd  had  collect- 
ed around  us,  even  more,  apparently,  than  around  the  candidate 
that  was  then  on  the  stand.  I  got  on  a  large  stump  and  commenced 
reading  aloud  Joseph's  views  on  the  powers  and  policy  of  govern- 
ment, and  backed  it  up  with  a  short  speech,  at  the  end  of  which  I 
was  loudly  and  repeatedly  cheered,  and  a  crowd  bore  me  off  about 
two  miles  to  a  Mr.  Smith's  tavern,  where  they  had  a  late  dinner 
prepared  for  my  benefit,  all  declaring  that  I  should  not  partake  of 
the  barbecue  prepared  for  the  candidates  who  were  addressing  the 
log  cabin  meeting;  that  I  was  worthy  of  better  respect.  After  din- 
ner I  rode  to  the  place  where  I  was  then  making  my  home,  several 
gentlemen  accompanying  me.  In  ten  or  twelve  days  after  this  I 
went  about  twenty-five  miles  into  Mercer  County,  Kentuck}^  to 
fulfil  some  engagements,  where  I  preached  to  large  congregations, 


134  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

SO  that  we  resorted  to  groves  for  the  convenience  of  room.  About 
this  time  we  saw  notices  in  the  newspapers  that  there  was  civil  war 
in  Nauvoo,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June,  1844,  I  had  a 
dream,  or  vision,  in  an  upper  room  in  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Saunders, 
where  I  then  lodged  widi  Brother  Thomas  Edwards.  It  took  place 
after  sunrise.  I  was  lying  on  my  bed,  and  suddenly  Joseph  Smith 
appeared  to  me,  saying,  "God  bless  you,  Brother  Miller.  The  mob 
broke  in  upon  us  in  Carthage  jail  and  killed  Brother  Hyrum  and 
myself.  I  was  delivered  up  by  the  brethren  as  a  lamb  for  the  slaugh- 
ter. You  ought  not  to  have  left  me ;  if  you  had  stayed  with  me,  I 
should  not  have  been  given  up."  I  answered.  "But  you  sent  me.''  "I 
know  I  did,  but  you  ought  not  to  have  gone" ;  and  then  approach- 
ing me  he  said,  "God  bless  you  for  ever  and  ever,"  making  as  though 
he  was  about  to  embrace  me,  and,  as  I  was  in  the  act  of  extending 
my  arms  to  return  the  embrace,  the  vision  fled,  and  I  found  myself 
standing  on  the  floor  in  the  midst  of  the  room.  Brother  Edwards, 
roused  from  his  slumbers,  was  calling  to  me,  "What  is  the  matter, 
Brother  ]\Iiller ;  whom  are  you  talking  to  ?"  I  requested  him  to 
rise  and  dress  himself,  so  that  we  might  take  a  morning  walk,  as 
was  our  custom. 

Whilst  on  our  walk  I  related  to  Brother  Edwards  my  vision, 
and  told  him  my  mission  was  fulfilled,  for  my  firm  belief  was  that 
Joseph  was  dead.  Brother  Edwards  told  me  that  I  had  preached 
too  much,  and  that  my  mind  was  somewhat  deranged,  and  that  I 
must  not  think  of  going  home  until  our  present  appointments  were 
fulfilled — the  last  a  week  hence — and  as  to  the  rumors  of  trouble  at 
Nauvoo,  he  did  not  believe  a  word  of  them.  I  told  him  that  if  I 
stayed  he  would  have  to  do  the  preaching. 

On  the  day  that  we  fulfilled  our  last  appointment,  we  started 
home.  On  passing  a  tavern,  the  landlord  walked  out  on  his  porch, 
and  addressing  us  said,  "Are  you  the  gentlemen  that  preached  at 
the  schoolhouse  today?"  We  answered  "Yes."  "Walk  in.  gentle- 
men," he  said,  "and  refresh  yourselves."  Handing  us  some  ice  water, 
and  at  the  same  time  handing  us  a  Nauvoo  paper,  he  said,  "You 
will  find  an  article  that  may  be  of  interest  to  you."  We  read  an 
extract  from  the  Warsaw  Signal,  giving  an  account  of  Joseph  and 
Hyrum  Smith's  deaths.  After  reading  we  started  on.  Brother  Ed- 
wards, being  an  excitable  man.  was  wholly  unmanned,  and  insisted 
on  an  immediate  separation,  as  traveling  together  might  endanger 
our  lives.  He  broke  off  from  me  as  one  distracted,  and  I  did  not 
see  any  more  of  him  until  I  saw  him  in  Nauvoo  four  weeks  after- 
wards. 

On  my  arrival  in  Nauvoo  I  visited  Elder  John  Taylor  of  the 
quorum  of  apostles,  who  was  sick  of  his  wounds  received  in  Carth- 
age jail  at  the  time  of  Joseph's  death.  Dr.  Willard  Richards  was 
there,  and,  after  a  few  remarks  in  regard  to  the  mob,  I  asked  Dr. 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  135 

Richards  whom  Joseph  had  left  to  succeed  him  in  the  prophetic 
office.  He  replied  that  all  was  right;  that  there  were  sealed  docu- 
ments left  which  would  be  opened  when  the  twelve  apostles  should 
get  home  that  would  settle  all  these  matters.  Sidney  Rigdon  had 
already  returned  from  Pittsburg,  where  he  was  sent  before  Joseph's 
death,  and  had  made  some  moves  as  a  leader  of  the  people,  and,  from 
hints  and  innuendoes  that  I  heard  frequently,  I  was  induced  to  be- 
lieve that  Joseph  had  designated  his  son  Joseph  to  succeed  him  in 
the  prophetic  office ;  and  on  this  belief  I  rested. 

On  the  return  of  the  twelve  a  public  meeting  was  called.  The 
apostles  and  Sidney  Rigdon  were  on  the  stand ;  Brigham  Young 
acting  as  principal  speaker.  Sidney  urged  his  pretensions  as  a  kind 
of  guardian  or  temporary  leader.  Young  made  a  loud  and  long 
harangue,  and  as  I  had  always  taken  him  to  be  a  blunderbuss  in 
speaking, — and,  on  this  occasion,  to  me  apparently  more  so — for  the 
Hfe  of  me  I  could  not  see  any  point  in  the  course  of  his  remarks 
other  than  a  wish  to  overturn  Sidney  Rigdon's  pretensions.  As  this 
meeting  was  a  pretty  general  conference  of  the  elders,  the  twelve 
assumed  a  temporary  leadership,  which  was  pretty  generally  con- 
ceded to  them,  as  they  were  the  quorum  next  in  authority  to  the 
prophet  and  presidency  of  the  whole  church.  N.  K.  Whitney  and 
myself  were  put  in  nomination  as  trustees  in  trust  for  the  Church, 
instead  of  Joseph  Smith,  deceased,  and  were  voted  in  by  acclama- 
tion and  acknowledged  as  such  by  all  present. 

There  was  a  good  deal  of  speaking  from  the  stand.  The  prin- 
cipal speaker,  however,  was  Brigham  Young.  I  must  confess  that 
all  the  proceedings  at  this  time  were  anarchy  and  boisterous  con- 
fusion, as  it  appeared  to  me,  and  I  felt,  indeed,  as  one  who  had 
lost  a  friend. 

I  had  no  one  in  whom  I  could  implicitly  confide  in  all  things, 
as  he  to  whom  I  sought  in  all  times  of  trouble  for  counsel  and  ad- 
vice was  now  no  more.  Oh,  who  can  appreciate  my  feelings?  Let 
me  be  excused  from  saying  more  on  this  painful  subject. 

Subsequent  to  these  times  of  intense  excitement  I  had  frequent 
attempts  at  conversation  with  Brigham  Young  and  H.  C.  Kimball 
in  regard  to  Joseph  leaving  one  to  succeed  him  in  the  prophetic 
office,  and  in  all  my  attempts  to  ascertain  the  desired  truth  as  to 
that  personage  I  was  invariably  met  with  the  innuendo,  "Stop,  or 
hush.  Brother  Miller :  let  there  be  nothing  said  in  regard  to  this 
matter,  or  we  shall  have  little  Joseph  killed  as  his  father  was ;  im- 
plying indirectly  that  Joseph  Smith  had  appointed  his  son  Joseph 
to  succeed  him  in  the  prophetic  office.  And  I  believe  that  this  im- 
pression was  not  alone  left  on  my  mind,  but  on  the  brethren's  in  gen- 
eral, and  remains  with  many  until  this  day. 

Lyman  Wight  became  disaffected  towards  his  brethren  of  the 
twelve.     The  man  left  in  charge  of  the  mill  in  the  pinery  sold  out 


136  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

possession  of  the  whole  concern  (the  mills  being  on  Indian  land, 
possession  was  the  best  title)  for  a  few  thousand  feet  of  pine  lum- 
ber. Those  mills  and  appurtenances,  worth  at  least  $20,000,  thus 
passed  out  of  our  hands  for  a  mere  trifle  by  the  act  of  one  indis- 
creet man. 

He  brought  part  of  the  lumber  to  Nauvoo  and  all  the  company 
that  had  been  engaged  in  the  pineries.  Lyman,  ever  fond  of  au- 
thority, placed  himself  at  the  head  of  this  company,  and  as  it  had 
been  announced  by  the  twelve  from  the  stand  that  Joseph  had  laid 
out  a  work  that  would  take  twenty  years  to  accomplish,  Lyman 
averred  that  he  would  commence  his  work  then,  and  solicited  me 
to  take  my  place  and  go  with  him  to  locate  the  Black  River  Company. 
I  told  Lyman  there  was  a  way  to  do  all  things  right,  and  we  would 
get  Woodworth  and  Brown,  and  get  the  authorities  together,  and 
clothe  ourselves  with  the  necessary  papers,  and  proceed  to  meet  the 
Texas  Congress  as  before  Joseph's  death  agreed  upon.  Woodworth 
and  myself  waited  on  Brigham,  requesting  him  to  convene  the  au- 
thorities so  that  the  proper  papers  might  be  made  out,  and  so  we 
could  be  able  to  complete  the  unfinished  negotiations  of  the  treaty 
for  the  territory  mentioned  in  my  former  letter.  To  my  utter  aston- 
ishment Brigham  wholly  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  in  the  mat- 
ter, saying  that  he  had  no  faith  in  it,  and  would  do  nothing  to 
raise  means  for  an  outfit  or  expenses.  Thus  all  hopes  were  cut 
off  of  establishing  a  dominion  of  the  kingdom  at  a  time  when  there 
seemed  to  be  a  crisis,  and  I  verily  believed  that  all  that  we  had  con- 
cocted in  council  might  so  easily  be  accomplished.  I  was  really  cast 
down  and  dejected. 

Lyman  had  a  conference  with  Brigham  Young  and  Heber  C. 
Kimball,  and  they  advised  him  to  go  up  the  river  to  Prairie  La 
Crosse,  as  I  afterwards  heard,  and  he  did  so. 

About  this  time  James  Emmit  raised  a  company,  as  he  had 
received  a  mission  to  go  among  the  Indians,  by  the  appointment  of 
Joseph  and  sanction  of  the  council,  and  he  also  set  off.  I  thought 
frequently  to  myself,  "Oh!  Lord,  when  will  misrule  cease?"  Sor- 
row and  gloom  were  not  infrequent  attendants  on  my  midnight  hours. 

The  work  on  the  temple  was  vigorously  prosecuted  and  that 
of  the  Nauvoo  House  resumed.  Much  music  and  banqueting  were 
indulged  in,  and  other  pleasure  parties.  This  matter  went  on  through 
the  fall  and  winter — except  for  a  little  display  of  mobocracy.  It 
was  published  at  the  beginning  of  September,  in  the  counties  round 
about,  that  a  general  wolf  hunt  would  come  off  a  month  or  two 
hence,  to  be  limited  to  Hancock  County.  It  was  understood  by 
Mormons  and  others  that  it  was  really  to  make  an  attack  on  the 
Mormons.  Governor  Thomas  Ford  being  an  old  acquaintance  of 
mine,  I  wrote  to  him  touching  the  matter,  and  he  in  reply  assured 
me  that  he  would  be  in  Hancock  with  a  battalion  of  soldiers  and 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  137 

break  up  the  wolf  hunt.  Accordingly  he  came,  General  John  J. 
Harding  in  command  (afterwards  killed  in  the  Mexican  war).  On 
the  day  of  their  arrival  in  Nauvoo  the  legion  had  their  fall  train- 
ing and  passed  in  review  before  the  governor.  He  had  over  four 
hundred  men  and  two  cannon,  and  requested  me  to  show  his  quar- 
termaster a  suitable  camping  ground  below  the  city,  and  also  pro- 
cure him  two  scows  to  transport  his  cannon  and  artillerists  to  War- 
saw, as  he  intended  to  surprise  that  hotbed  of  mobocracy  by  land 
and  water  before  daylight.  I  showed  them  their  quarters  two  miles 
below  the  city,  and  then  set  out  to  procure  the  scows.  I  got  some 
men  to  take  the  two  scows  down,  and  I  rode  down  to  announce  to 
General  Harding  the  safe  delivery  of  the  scows  there,  after  dark. 
On  getting  to  the  lines  of  their  camp,  or  within  ten  paces,  I  was  met 
by  a  sentinel,  who  enquired  my  business.  (I  had  been  so  busy  that 
I  had  not  taken  off  my  uniform.)  I  told  the  sentinel  that  I  wanted 
an  interview  with  the  officer  of  the  night.  He  was  immediately 
called  for  and  came.  I  told  him  to  inform  Governor  Ford  and 
General  Harding  that  I  had  brought  the  boats  to  transport  their 
cannon,  and  I  wanted  a  conference  with  them.  The  officer  bowed 
and  said,  "Who  shall  I  say  requires  their  presence?"  I  told  him 
"Miller."  In  reply  he  said,  "Shall  I  say  General  Miller  of  the — taking 
off  his  cap — first  cohort  of  the  Nauvoo  Legion?"  I  replied,  "If  you 
please,"  and  he  forthwith  went  on  his  errand.  All  this  time  the 
battalion  was  drawn  up,  forming  a  hollow  square.  The  officer 
of  the  guard  soon  returned,  presenting  the  respects  of  Governor 
Ford  and  General  Harding,  and  said  that  they  would  wait  on  me 
in  a  few  minutes:  that  they  were  just  in  the  act  of  exercising  their 
command  a  little  in  firing  a  few  rounds  to  see  how  they  would  carry 
themselves  in  case  they  might  come  in  contact  with  the  mob.  Wood- 
worth  had  brought  me  down  in  a  buggy,  and  I  alighted  and  took  my 
station  in  the  line  of  the  sentinel's  beat  as  he  walked  backward  and 
forward.  Immediately  the  firing  commenced.  I  heard  the  com- 
mand given,  "Elevate  your  guns,"  but  it  seemed  to  me  that  a  con- 
stant blaze  of  fire  along  the  greater  extent  of  the  line  was  direct- 
ed right  at  me,  and,  as  the  sentinel  got  near  the  place  where  I  stood,  a 
shot  struck  him  and  he  fell,  crying  aloud,  "I  am  dead."  I  took  him 
up  and  carried  him  within  the  lines  and  called  for  a  surgeon.  Whilst 
he  was  coming  I  examined  the  wound,  finding  the  ball  had  passed 
in  on  the  right  hip  bone  and,  ranging  back,  had  passed  out  through 
the  spine.  The  surgeon  came,  and  I  assisted  in  carrying  the  wounded 
man  to  the  hospital  tent.  (The  man  died.)  I  inquired  for  Ford 
and  Harding  and  was  answered  that  they  could  not  tell  where  they 
were:  everything  seemed  to  indicate  alarm  and  confusion.  I  said 
aloud  that  I  believed  that  the  whole  movement  was  intended'  to  kill 
me,  so  as  to  have  it  said  that  it  was  done  by  accident,  and  that  I 
was  almost  determined  in  my  mind  to  bring  down  my  cohort  and 


138  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

wipe  the  whole  tribe  of  dogs  out  of  existence.  No  commissioned 
officer  could  be  found,  and  after  uttering  a  few  formal  blessings 
on  the  unmanly,  cowardly  dogs,  I  got  in  my  buggy,  and  W'oodworth 
and  myself  returned  to  the  city.  The  whole  force  of  the  renowned 
Governor  Ford  soon  decamped,  bearing  with  tliem  the  trophies  of 
their  late  victory. 

We  had  no  mob  movements  the  rest  of  the  year :  all  other  things 
were  about  as  they  had  been.  From  the  month  of  January,  1845, 
till  June  we  had  ven,'  little  disturbance  from  our  foes,  but  they  were 
quite  vociferous  in  threats.  Colonel  Deming.  who  had  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Mormons,  being  the  acting  sheriff  of  Hancock  County, 
got  into  an  encounter  with  Dr.  Marshall,  clerk  of  the  county  com- 
missioners' court,  who  was  a  violent  anti-Mormon.  Marshall  made 
the  assault,  and  Deming  drew  his  revolver  and  shot  Alarshall  dead 
on  the  spot.  Deming  was  held  to  bail,  but  before  the  trial  came 
off  he  died  of  fever,  and  Jacob  B.  Backenstos  was  elected  in  his 
stead;  he  was  also  favorable  to  the  Mormons.  The  excitement  now 
became  very  great,  all  taking  sides.  Those  that  were  opposed  to 
Mormons  were  called  Anti-AIormons  and  those  friendly  were  called 
Jack-Mormons.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  a  mob  of  three 
hundred  embodied ;  they  encamped  near  Warsaw,  at  a  place  called 
Green  Plains,  and  began  their  forays  on  the  Mormons  by  burning 
houses,  barns,  stacks,  and  committing  other  deeds  of  violence.  They 
continued  their  marauding,  occasionally  killing,  until  more  than 
two  hundred  houses  were  burned,  together  with  most  of  the  small 
grain. 

I  went  in  person  to  Springfield  to  see  Governor  Ford.  I  rode 
night  and  day.  Ford  told  me  to  stand  in  our  own  defense,  but  not 
make  an  offensive  war.  On  my  return,  Backenstos  set  about  re- 
storing law  and  order,  but  was  driven  before  the  mob,  which  chased 
him  about  eighteen  miles  with  a  \'iew  to  killing  him.  Just  at  the 
moment  of  being  overtaken  by  the  mob,  O.  P.  Rockwell  and  J.  Red- 
ing met  him — they  were  going  as  a  guard  to  bring  a  family  to 
Nauvoo  that  had  been  burned  out — and  he  called  on  them,  in  the 
name  of  the  people  of  the  state,  to  defend  him  against  those  mur- 
derers (the  pursuing  mob,  ten  in  number,  and  headed  by  Francis 
Worrell,  one  of  Joseph's  assassins).  Worrell  leveled  his  gun  to 
shoot,  and  at  that  instant  the  sheriff  commanded  Rockwell  to  shoot, 
which  he  did,  and  felled  Worrell  to  the  ground  by  passing  a  ball 
through  his  heart,  exclaiming  that  he  was  good  for  that  crowd  (he 
was  armed  with  a  fifteen  shooter).  They  all  fled  precipitately,  and 
Backenstos  came  up  to  Nauvoo  to  raise  a  posse-comitatus  to  assist 
him  in  restoring  law  and  order. 

But  Brigham  Young  would  not  agree  to  let  a  force  go  from 
the  city  until  he  should  have  failed  in  all  the  county.  About  this 
time  I  went  to  Carthage  to  sell  some  country  orders.     I  went  in  a 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  139 

buggy  and  had  my  wife  and  a  female  friend  of  hers  with  me ;  whilst 
trading  my  country  orders  for  dry  goods,  an  officer  stepped  to  me 
and  arrested  me  on  a  charge  of  treason  against  the  state,  telling  me 
in  a  low  voice  that  there  was  a  mob  of  forty  men,  and  their  design 
was  to  commit  me  to  jail  and  kill  me  that  night,  and  told  me  not 
to  betray  him.  I  went  into  court,  leaving  my  wife  and  her  friend 
sitting  in  the  buggy.  The  room  was  crowded,  but  room  was  made 
for  me.  Two  lawyers  were  prosecuting,  viz :  Backman  and  Hopkins. 
They  demanded  of  the  court  a  mittimus  to  be  made  out,  and  said  that, 
the  crime  charged  not  being  a  bailable  offence,  I  must  therefore  go  to 
jail.  I  told  the  court  that  my  wife  was  sick,  and  urged  him  to  send 
a  guard  with  me  until  I  could  take  her  home,  and  said  that  I  would 
forthwith  return  and  await  the  decision  of  the  court.  This,  how- 
ever, was  not  agreed  to,  and  the  mittimus  was  ordered.  I  arose, 
opening  my  coat,  saying  that  I  had  made  the  roads  and  killed  the 
snakes  in  the  countrj',  and  must  needs  be  an  old  citizen ;  further, 
that  all  Carthage  could  not  put  me  in  jail;  that  they  were  a  set  of 
almost  still-born  and  white-livered  dogs,  and  that,  by  the  God  of 
Moses,  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  I  was  going  home  and  none 
should  hinder.  Hereupon,  drawing  a  large  knife  and  revolver,  I 
made  for  the  door,  at  which  they  said,  "Consider  yourself  in  bonds 
under  a  verbal  recognizance  of  five  hundred  dollars  to  be  made  of 
your  own  goods  and  chattels,"  and  ordered  me  to  be  there  a  week 
from  that  day. 

I  went  out,  they  making  room  for  me  to  pass,  and  went  home. 
I  have  frequently  thought  it  a  miracle  tliat  they  let  me  go.  Sheriff 
Backenstos  got  no  help  from  any  part  of  the  county,  as  the  Jack- 
Mormons  feared  they  would  share  the  same  fate  as  the  Mormons 
in  case  they  assisted  the  sheriff  in  restoring  law  and  order,  and  he 
was  again  forced  to  flee  to  Nauvoo  for  protection,  the  mob  declar- 
ing that  they  would  burn  his  house  and  destroy  his  property.  Brig- 
ham  Young  had  at  the  time  of  the  sheriff's  return  a  council  assem- 
bled to  consult  on  some  plan  of  safety.  Backenstos  came  into  the 
council,  stating  the  danger  he  was  in.  and  said  that  he  must  have 
help  from  Nauvoo,  as  he  could  not  get  it  elsewhere,  and  he  wanted 
men  at  that  instant  to  bring  his  family  out  of  Carthage  that  night. 
Brigham  Young  said  that  men  could  not  be  got  in  readiness  in  one 
hour,  as  it  was  not  over  that  until  sundown.  I  replied  that  they 
could.  He  said,  "Will  you  do  it?"  I  told  him  I  would  try,  and 
started  out  of  the  council  room,  and  by  the  setting  of  the  sun  I  was 
ready  with  one  hundred  and  four  choice  men  who,  I  had  no  doubt, 
would  have  attempted  the  taking  the  loads  out  of  cannon,  even  if 
men  were  standing  with  lighted  matches  to  touch  them  off,  if  I  would 
command  it. 

We  forthwith  set  out  for  Carthage  to  bring  to  Nauvoo  the  sher- 
iff's family,  and  to  stop  the  burning  of  houses,  which  was  still 


140  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

going  on  from  day  to  day.  On  our  approach  to  Carthage  we  were 
fired  upon,  but  the  firers  immediately  fled  before  us,  AND  WE 
MADE  NO  STOP  until  I  drew  up  my  command  ready  for  action 
in  front  of  the  sheriff's  house. 

About  this  time  I  discovered  lighted  torches  passing  in  various 
directions;  I  apprehended  that  tliey  intended  to  burn  their  own 
houses  and  lay  it  to  the  Mormons  in  order  to  raise  a  greater  ex- 
citement against  us  if  possible.  I  sent  men  all  over  the  village,  and 
had  every  man  arrested  and  brought  before  me.  I  told  them  that  I 
had  discovered  from  their  movements  that  they  intended  to  burn 
their  own  houses  and  charge  it  on  the  Mormon  posse  that  was  then 
acting  under  the  direction  of  the  sheriff.  I  assured  them  that,  if 
a  house  was  burned  then  or  after  I  left,  I  would  put  the  place  to  the 
sword  without  discrimination.  While  these  things  were  going  on 
without,  the  sheriff  was  preparing  his  family  for  a  move  to  Nauvoo. 

We  soon  started,  taking  the  road  to  Warsaw  until  we  came  to 
the  road  leading  from  Bear  Creek  settlement  to  Nauvoo ;  here  I 
detailed  six  men  as  a  guard  and  conductors  to  take  the  sheriff's 
family  to  Nauvoo,  and  Backenstos,  the  sheriff,  in  company  with  us, 
took  the  route  to  Bear  Creek  settlement,  to  arrest  the  house  burners, 
who  were  reported  to  be  there  carrying  out  the  work  of  destruction. 
By  this  time  it  was  near  day-break.  When  we  got  to  Sidney  A. 
Knowlton's  (a  Mormon),  we  bought  grain  for  our  horses  and  food 
for  ourselves  and  called  a  halt  for  the  men  to  feed  and  refresh 
themselves.  While  we  were  eating  our  breakfast  a  messenger  came 
to  let  us  know  that  the  work  of  burning  was  going  on.  The  sheriff 
gave  orders  to  prepare  for  a  march,  and  said  that  he  would  go  ahead 
with  one  division  of  my  command,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
John  D.  Parker,  and  that  I  might  bring  up  the  rear.  There  was 
no  time  lost,  all  hands  being  eager  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  their 
suffering  brethren.  Colonel  Parker's  division  set  out,  headed  by 
Backenstos,  and  I  soon  followed.  I  had  not  proceeded  far  when 
Backenstos  rode  up  to  me,  saying,  "Do  you  see  those  smokes  over 
there?" — pointing  about  two  or  three  miles  off  to  our  left.  On  my 
answer,  "Yes,"  he  said,  "Go  and  rout  them,  and  I  will  go  ahead  with 
Colonel  Parker  and  cut  off  their  retreat."  We  ah  set  off  at  half 
speed ;  I  approached  the  house-burners  under  cover  of  a  narrow  skirt 
of  woods — wholly  unperceived  till  within  a  hundred  paces  of  them. 
I  commanded  them  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  state  to  sur- 
render. They  mounted  their  horses  and  put  off  at  full  speed.  I  had 
some  difficulty  in  crossing  a  ravine,  which  gave  the  enemy  about 
a  fourth  of  a  mile  start  of  us.  I  ordered  a  charge,  telling  the  men 
to  have  no  regard  for  order,  but  that  the  fastest  horses  were  to  go 
ahead  and  bring  on  the  action,  and  all  others  were  to  go  at  the  top 
of  their  speed  until  they  should  come  up  with  the  advance,  and  then 
fall  into  line.     We  had  a  race  of  three  miles  on  the  even  prairie, 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  141 

when  four  of  our  best  horses  overtook  the  enemy,  and  fired  on  them, 
kilUng  one  man  on  the  spot  and  wounding  two  others,  who  fell 
from  their  horses  and  crawled  into  a  corn  field  near  by  and  died. 
In  a  minute  there  were  over  twenty  horses  running  through  the 
prairie,  saddled  and  bridled  to  be  sure,  but  with  no  riders  on  them, 
the  men  having  dismounted  and  fled  through  the  corn  field,  and  all 
others  escaping  on  their  horses  into  the  woods  near  by.  Thus  a 
victory  was  won  by  firing  three  guns,  which  resulted  in  the  killing 
of  three  of  the  house-burners. 

I  formed  my  squadron  and  made  them  a  short  address,  rather 
by  way  of  command.  By  this  time  Backenstos  and  Colonel  Parker, 
who  were  to  have  cut  off  the  enemy's  retreat,  came  up,  and  I  ordered 
them  to  fall  into  line  on  the  left,  and  then  called  a  council  of  the 
officers  of  my  command  to  consult  on  such  things  as  should  be 
thought  best  to  do.  It  was  proposed  by  the  sheriff  that  we  should 
go  direct  to  Nauvoo  and  get  an  additional  force,  and  return  and 
rout  the  house-burners  in  their  camp — numbering  three  hundred  then 
in  camp — a  mile  from  us.  As  we  were  under  the  sheriff's  control, 
of  course  we  all  agreed  to  his  proposal,  and  immediately  set  off  for 
Nauvoo,  where  we  arrived  a  little  after  dark,  having  marched  sixty- 
five  miles  in  twenty-six  hours.  On  getting  to  Nauvoo,  I  learned 
that  a  force  of  something  over  a  hundred  men,  under  command  of 
Colonel  Stephen  Markham,  had,  on  that  morning,  been  sent  to  rein- 
force me.  Sheriff  Backenstos  called  on  me  early  next  morning  to 
make  ready  for  a  return  to  Green  Plains.  In  a  short  time  we  took 
up  the  line  of  march,  and  at  four  o'clock  of  the  same  day  we  got 
to  Colonel  S.  Markham's  camp,  nearly  thirty  miles  from  Nauvoo. 
The  same  night  I  sent  two  discreet  men  to  spy  out  the  situation  of 
the  enemy's  camp.  They  returned  with  all  the  facts  relative  to  their 
encampment  and  intentions.  They  were  in  two  bodies,  one-fourth 
of  a  mile  apart,  in  the  wood's  on  the  side  of  a  large  corn  field ;  they 
were  three  hundred  in  number,  and  intended  to  remain  in  camp 
until  they  could  be  reinforced  by  men  from  Missouri  and  the  coun- 
ties round  about.  I  instantly  insisted  on  Backenstos  sending  a  dis- 
patch to  Brigham  Young  to  send  two  pieces  of  artillery  and  four 
hundred  men ;  to  send  one  company  by  water  to  scuttle  all  the  boats 
and  skiffs  from  Nauvoo  to  La  Grange,  and  take  their  station  oppo- 
site Tully,  in  Missouri ;  another  company  to  take  their  station  at 
Warsaw,  another  to  be  posted  opposite  Keokuk  (thus  securing  all 
the  crossings  of  the  Mississippi  River  below  Nauvoo),  and  the  rest 
of  the  men  and  the  cannon  to  come  as  a  reserve  to  back  us  up.  I 
said  that  our  plan  was  to  lay  ambuscades  on  all  the  roads  leading 
from  the  enemy's  camp,  and  make  two  divisions  of  the  remaining 
force,  and  attack  the  camp  of  the  enemy  from  the  side  of  the  corn 
field,  where  they  kept  no  guard,  and  put  them  to  the  sword  just  at 
the  break  of  day  of  the  second  morning,  and  argued  that  by  carry- 


142  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

ing  the  plan  into  effect  we  should  be  forever  clear  of  mobs.  The 
sheriff  sent  the  dispatch  with  the  plan  of  operations  by  O.  P.  Rock- 
well the  same  night,  so  as  to  have  everyone  in  the  place  appointed 
by  the  time  fixed  for  the  attack. 

We  got  no  tidings  until  two  days  after,  when  Rockwell  returned 
with  a  letter  from  Young,  stating  that  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  suc- 
cess of  the  plan  concocted  to  destroy  the  mob,  but  that  we  might 
in  the  meantime  have  many  brethren  killed,  and  withal  bring  upon 
us  all  the  surrounding  states.  He  assured  Backenstos  that  in  a 
day  or  two  the  men  and  cannon  would  be  sent  down  to  our  camp 
to  assist  us  in  making  arrests.  Before  the  next  day  after  this  all 
the  mob  took  fright,  likely  at  the  approach  of  the  reinforcements, 
and  they  all  crossed  the  Mississippi  and  encamped  on  the  Missouri 
side. 

On  the  arrival  of  our  reinforcements,  Backenstos  marched  us  to 
Warsaw,  then  to  Carthage,  and  encamped  us  on  the  Court  House 
square,  detailing  strong  guards,  posting  them  in  various  parts  of 
the  county,  and  doing  such  other  things  as  he  thought  the  peace  of 
the  people  required. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Governor  Ford  and  General 
J.  J.  Harding  arrived  with  a  strong  military  force  into  Hancock 
County,  disbanded  the  sheriff's  posse-comitatus,  arrested  Backen- 
stos for  the  killing  of  Worrell,  and  put  the  county  under  martial 
law.  Sheriff  Backenstos  was  taken  to  Quincy  and  tried  before 
Judge  Purple  and  put  under  bond  of  $3000  to  appear  at  the  next 
term  of  court. 

The  mob  that  fled  to  Missouri,  upon  the  introduction  of  the 
governor's  military  force,  took  courage  and  recrossed  the  Missis- 
sippi River  and  commenced  depredations,  leaving  us  in  a  worse 
condition  than  we  had  been  at  any  time  since  the  church  had  been 
in  the  state.  About  this  time  Brigham  Young  proposed  leaving  the 
United  States ;  his  proposition  being  that,  if  the  Mormons  were  left 
in  peace,  he  would  leave  the  state,  taking  with  him  all  the  official 
members,  and  that  this  exodus  should  begin  before  the  springing 
of  the  grass  the  ensuing  spring.  The  remainder  of  the  fall  was 
taken  up  in  negotiating  with  the  people  who  wished  us  out  of  the 
country,  and  the  governor  and  his  military  force. 

From  this  time  forward  all  was  hurry  and  bustle,  active  prep- 
arations going  on  for  the  early  exodus  of  the  Saints  from  the  city 
where  the  God  of  heaven  had  chosen  to  establish  them  in  righteous- 
ness, if  they  would  but  keep  his  commandments. 

Most  truly  and  sincerely, 

George  Miller. 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLa"  143 

Saint  James,  July  4,  1855. 

Dear  Brother :  In  my  last  letter  I  closed  with  a  brief  relation  of 
the  manner  in  which  Alpheus  Cutler  supplanted  me  in  a  contract 
for  a  large  amount  of  building. 

This  left  me  in  such  a  situation  that  I  knew  not  what  to  do,  as 
it  was  getting  too  late  in  the  season  to  pitch  a  crop.  I  was  also 
destitute  of  the  means  of  subsistence ;  in  this  crisis  there  was  some- 
thing necessary  to  be  done.  I  had  five  wagons  and  not  teams 
enough  to  haul  them,  since  the  loss  of  my  cattle  that  were  stolen  at 
winter  quarters ;  I  therefore  sold  one  yoke  of  oxen  and  a  wagon, 
on  the  proceeds  of  which  we  subsisted  for  the  time  being.  About 
this  time  Joseph  Kilting  and  Richard  Hewitt  came  down  from  win- 
ter quarters,  expecting  to  get  employment  on  the  buildings  which 
they  supposed  I  had  undertaken.  I  told  them  of  the  failure  in  get- 
ting work  on  account  of  Cutler's  treachery,  and  that  I  had  seriously 
contemplated  going  to  Texas  to  look  up  my  son,  John  F.  Miller, 
who  had  gone  off  with  Lyman  Wight,  as  I  had  recently  learned  of 
his  whereabouts.  They  proposed  going  part  of  the  way  with  me, 
and  in  two  or  three  days  we  departed  for  the  Cherokee  Indian 
nation,  as  that  territory  as  represented  as  a  good  place  for  mechan- 
ical and  other  labour. 

We  took  what  is  called  the  line  road,  having  the  Indian  Terri- 
tory on  our  west  and  the  State  of  Missouri  on  the  east.  We  prose- 
cuted our  journey  without  any  serious  difficulty,  and  when  we  got 
to  Maysville,  a  small  village  on  the  west  line  of  Arkansas,  we 
turned  off  to  the  right,  taking  the  Ft.  Gibson  road,  and  on  the 
ninth  day  of  July,  1847,  arrived  at  Tahlequah,  the  capital  of  the 
Cherokee  nation.  Upon  our  arrival  here  I  looked  around  a  day  or 
two  for  work.  I  had  a  great  many  offers  of  several  kinds  of  me- 
chanical labour  at  good  prices.  I  went  to  work,  not  losing  a  day. 
In  a  short  time  I  became  quite  popular  among  the  Cherokees  on 
account  of  my  close  attention  to  my  labour.  The  brothers,  Hewitt 
and  Kilting,  proposed  to  me  that  we  should  have  meetings  every 
Sunday  at  one  of  our  houses  (or  my  tent,  as  I  then  lived  in  one). 
The  first  meeting  we  held  was  at  Hewitt's,  and  only  our  own  folks 
were  in  attendance,  but,  before  the  end  of  the  services,  two  white 
men  came  in,  one  a  Methodist  preacher  and  the  other  a  merchant. 
They  both  had  half-breed  wives.  They  solicited  me  to  preach  in 
the  Court  House,  saying  that  I  could  occupy  the  house  once  every 
Sunday,  either  forenoon,  afternoon  or  at  candle-lighting.  I  as- 
sented to  their  request,  and  on  the  next  Sunday  had  a  large  con- 
gregation in  the  Court  House.  From  this  time  on  I  became  the 
popular  preacher. 

Thus  things  moved  on  smoothly  through  the  summer  and  fall, 
and  after  the  session  of  the  Cherokee  Legislature,  I  was  solicited 


144  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

by  them  to  preach  twice  a  week.  My  compHaiice  with  their  request 
created  a  clamor  and  jealousy  among  the  missionaries  and  the  teach- 
ers in  their  seminaries,  some  of  them  having  been  among  the  Chero- 
kees  over  thirty  years.  They  sent  in  a  petition  to  the  principal  chief, 
setting  forth  that  they  had  been  preachers  and  teachers  among  them 
all  their  best  days ;  had  grown  old  in  their  service,  and  had  always 
been  faithful  to  their  interests;  that  they  had  educated  their  legis- 
lators and  statesmen,  and  had  been  notorious  for  the  interest  they 
had  taken  against  the  United  States  in  behalf  of  the  Cherokees ; 
that  they  were  identified  as  of  them,  and  had  no  country  or  in- 
terests aside  from  the  Cherokees ;  that  when  I  preached  I  had  crowd- 
ed houses,  and  they  had  to  speak  to  the  empty  walls ;  and.  further- 
more, that  the  Legislature  had  never  called  on  them  to  preach,  not- 
withstanding the  services  they  had  rendered  the  nation ;  whereas  I, 
a  stranger,  holding  heterodox  principles,  could  preach  to  crowded 
houses  and  received  the  caresses  of  the  principal  men  of  the  nation. 
They  therefore  prayed  that  my  preaching  be  stopped.  I  was  con- 
fidentially told  that  the  chief  informed  the  petitioners  that  he  could 
not  constitutionally  grant  their  prayer.  After  being  apprised  by  a 
friend  of  what  was  going  on,  and  having  but  a  short  time  to  stay, 
I  gradually  broke  off  preaching. 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  and  fall  my  son  and  myself  and 
the  female  part  of  my  family  earned  twelve  hundred  dollars  and 
received  the  pay,  and,  having  finished  my  contract,  except  some 
small  things  of  minor  importance,  which  I  turned  over  to  Kilting 
and  Hewitt,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  December,  1847,  I  loaded  my 
wagons  and  started  for  Texas.  The  Indians  did  not  wish  to  give 
me  up,  but,  having  made  my  plans  and  having  now  means  in  abun- 
dance to  prosecute  my  journey.  I  would  not  yield  to  their  solicita- 
tions. IMy  journey  was  not  characterized  by  any  remarkable  oc- 
currence until  I  got  into  Texas.  I,  however,  had  beautiful,  dry 
weather  the  entire  extent  of  my  journey. 

I  passed  through  the  Creek,  Seminole,  Chocktaw  and  Chick- 
asaw Indians'  territory.  I  will  not  leave  this  country  without  giving 
it  a  passing  notice.  In  point  of  soil,  climate,  mineral  and  agri- 
cultural products,  it  will  rank  above  Arkansas.  The  face  of  the 
country  is  undulating  and  in  some  parts  mountainous.  The  soil, 
productive  in  wheat,  rye,  oats,  cotton,  rice  and  maize  (or  Indian 
corn),  is  better  than  southern  Missouri  and  Arkansas,  and  more 
highly  cultivated ;  and  in  regard  to  refinement,  in  civil  society  and 
institutions  of  learning,  it  is  an  age  before  them.  The  hand  of  Al- 
mighty God  seems  to  have  favored  this  region  of  country.  Beside 
iron  ore  and  bituminous  coal,  saline  springs  or  wells  abound,  so  as 
to  make  salt  in  great  abundance  for  the  immediate  wants  of  those 
Indian  nations,  as  also  for  all  southwestern  Missouri,  western  Ar- 
kansas and  all  northern  Texas.    Timber  and  stone  for  building  are 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  145 

abundant,  and  it  is  not  surpassed  by  any  country  in  point  of  water- 
power. 

We  crossed  the  Red  River  at  the  village  of  Warren,  in  Texas, 
passing  down  from  the  sources  of  the  Trinity  River  to  the  Cedar 
Springs,  about  four  miles  above  Dallas.  The  part  of  Texas  that 
I  passed  through,  lying  between  Warren  and  Dallas,  is  the  most 
densely  populated  of  any  portion  of  the  state,  and  under  a  better 
state  of  cultivation,  and  is  capable  of  sustaining  more  people  than 
the  same  area  of  any  other  portion  of  that  country.  This  part  of 
Texas  is  unhealthy  from  some  cause  not  apparent  on  its  face,  as 
the  country  is  undulating  and  there  is  little  or  no  swamp  or  wet 
land'  unless  it  may  be  on  the  bottoms  or  margin  of  the  larger  water 
courses.  The  country  from  Dallas  to  the  falls  of  the  Rio  Brazos 
is  very  thinly  settled,  and,  in  fact,  cannot  be  otherwise  than  sparsely 
populated  for  the  lack  of  wood  and  water.  When  I  passed  through 
there  were  but  two  houses  on  the  road  for  a  distance  of  one  hun- 
dred miles.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  falls  of  the  Rio  Brazos  is  the 
village  of  Bucksnorts,  with  settlements  up  and  down  the  river. 
On  crossing  the  Brazos  I  entered  upon  a  region  of  country  desti- 
tute of  water,  and.  although  I  crossed  two  or  three  valleys  where 
large  bodies  of  water  run  in  the  rainy  seasons,  I  did  not  get  water 
for  our  teams  till  I  reached  Little  River,  forty  miles  farther  on. 
At  this  place  my  cattle  began  to  fail,  taking  a  disease  that  all  north- 
ern raised  cattle  are  liable  to.  They  are  attacked  with  stupidity  and 
high  fever,  urinating  frequently,  passing  apparently  nothing  but 
blood.  The  disease  terminates  in  the  death  of  the  animal  in  about 
three  days. 

When  we  arrived  at  the  city  of  Austin,  I  had  yet  alive  out  of 
my  entire  stock — consisting  of  ten  yoke  of  oxen,  eight  cows  and 
calves,  and  one  horse — but  four  yoke  of  oxen  and  three  cows.  At 
this  point  I  ascertained  that  my  son  lived  west  about  seventy-five 
miles,  with  no  house  intervening.  I  ferried  the  Colorado  River 
at  this  point,  and  the  first  night  lost  one  cow  and  a  yoke  of  oxen. 
Here  I  left  a  wagon  and'  divided  its  load  among  the  other  three, 
and,  as  my  family  until  this  time  had  ridden  in  this  wagon,  tliey 
now  walked  on  foot,  from  the  least  to  the  greatest.  After  having 
gone  about  thirty-five  miles  from  the  city  of  Austin,  I  could  go 
no  further  for  the  want  of  teams  to  draw  my  wagons.  I  therefore 
sent  up  to  Lyman  Wight  and  my  son  for  teams  to  haul  my  wagons 
and  their  contents  to  his  place;  and,  according  to  my  request,  my 
son  came  down  to  my  camp  with  teams  and  some  additional  wagons 
to  haul  us  and  our  effects.  On  the  arrival  of  my  son  I  had  but 
four  head  of  cattle  remaining  alive  out  of  thirty-six,  the  whole 
number  of  cattle  with  which  I  crossed  Red  River;  and  in  a  few 
days  after  but  one  survived. 

The  cause  of  the  mortality  among  the  cattle  reared  east  and 


146  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

north  of  Red  River  upon  being  taken  into  Texas  I  could  not  myself, 
nor  ever  heard  anyone  else,  satisfactorily  account  for.  The  malady 
is  not  alone  confined  to  horned  or  black  cattle,  but  attacks  horses 
also. 

However,  horses  have  a  different  kind  of  disease,  called  Spanish 
fever,  and,  in  acclimating,  more  than  half  the  number  die;  but  not 
more  than  one  of  ten  cows  and  oxen  lives  a  year  after  coming  to 
the  country.  Native  cattle  generally  are  fine  looking  and  very 
healthy.  And,  with  ordinary  industry  and  care,  no  portion  of  the 
United  States  is  better  suited  for  the  growing  of  every  kind  of  cat- 
tle, the  grazing  being  perpetual  and  acclimated  stock  uniformly 
healthy.  The  greater  portion  of  Texas  is  better  suited  to  a  pastoral 
life  than  any  other  place  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge,  and  with 
proper  care  and  little  labor  a  frugal  man  may  grow  into  boundless 
wealth  in  herds  and  flocks,  having  no  necessity  for  winter  stores  to 
keep  them.  There  is,  however,  care  required  on  account  of  the 
numerous  insects,  incident  to  all  low  altitudes,  which  excoriate  the 
skin  of  animals.  There  is  a  fly  that  deposits  an  egg  that  in  a  few 
hours  hatches  into  a  maggot,  which  sometimes  endangers  the  lives 
of  animals  if  not  seen  to  in  time.  The  means  of  subsistence  can 
easily  be  secured  by  a  very  small  amount  of  labor  and  attention. 
All  the  hill  parts  of  Texas  are  healthy,  away  from  the  large  creeks 
and  rivers,  but  can  never  be  densely  populated  for  the  lack  of  timber 
and  water.  On  the  sea  coast,  and  for  a  distance  of  a  hundred  miles 
or  more  inland,  the  country  is  badly  watered  and  generally  unhealthy, 
and  lacking  timber,  but  not  to  the  same  extent  as  the  part  just 
spoken  of.  The  country  now  under  consideration,  being  a  good 
grazing  region  through  its  whole  extent  coastwise  and  a  hundred 
miles  inland,  contains  the  agricultural  wealth  of  the  state.  Begin- 
ning with  the  rivers  Trinity,  Brazos,  Colorado,  Guadaloupe,  San 
Antonio,  Nueces  and  Rio  Grande  (common  to  Texas  and  Mexico), 
together  with  all  the  minor  streams  flowing  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
we  have  the  sugar,  cotton  and  rice  growing  portion  of  Texas.  The 
plantations  are  all  cultivated  by  negro  slave  labor.  The  yield  of 
sugar  (although  this  article  could  be  raised  to  any  extent  as  far  as 
the  climate  and  soil  are  concerned)  is  barely  sufficient  for  the  wants 
of  the  inhabitants,  and.  in  many  instances,  large  quantities  are  im- 
ported. This  lack,  no  doubt,  is  altogether  attributable  to  the  want 
of  capital  among  the  planters,  and,  as  in  all  other  countries  where 
slave  lal)or  is  wholly  resorted  to,  the  growth  in  wealth  and  individual 
enterprise  is  comparatively  slow  and  always  a  half  century  or  more 
behind  the  countries  where  few  hired  laborers  are  employed  to  con- 
duct their  agricultural  interests.  In  contemplating  the  natural  re- 
sources of  this  country,  one  must  note  its  capacity  for  producing 
grapes,  mulberry  trees,  lemons,  oranges,  figs,  almonds,  olives, 
peaches  and  apricots  to  any  extent  almost  in  the  range  of  human 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  147 

comprehension.  If  it  were  under  a  system  of  good  husbandry,  it 
would  no  doubt  abound  in  silk,  wine  and  oil,  tropical  fruits,  milk 
and  honey.  The  honey  bee  abounds  all  over  Texas,  and  whenever 
you  meet  with  timber  and  hollow  trees  or  crevices  in  the  rocks,  you 
can  generally  find  the  bee  and  honey.  In  all  my  travels  from  the 
Rio  Trinity  to  the  Xueces  River  coastwise,  and  from  the  latter  to 
the  Red  River  northeast.  I  rarely  found  fruit  of  any  kind,  and  four- 
fifths  of  the  entire  population,  in  my  observation,  had  not  a  fruit 
tree  of  any  kind,  or  an  ornamental  tree  or  shrub  about  them.  Beans 
of  every  variety  may  be  raised  to  great  perfection;  sweet  potatoes, 
peanuts,  cucumbers  and  melons  of  every  variety  cannot  be  excelled 
in  any  country.  Other  edible  roots  and  plants  are  inferior  in  qual- 
ity and  quantity  to  those  grown  in  the  other  states  of  the  Union. 

It  is  a  frequent  occurrence  in  traveling  through  the  country  that 
you  may  for  weeks  not  meet  with  a  vegetable  of  any  kind  at  the 
tables  of  the  inhabitants.  Their  uniform  diet  is  meat,  bread  and 
coffee ;  no  butter  or  milk,  although  they  may  have  from  ten  to  five 
hundred,  and  even  a  thousand,  cows  and  calves.  Poultry  can  easily 
be  raised  to  a  great  extent,  as  they  have  no  winters  to  prevent  the 
laying,  setting  and  hatching  of  all  fowls  that  lay  more  than  one 
brood  of  eggs  in  the  year;  and  you  may  find  hens'  eggs  at  all  times 
of  the  year  at  every  house  where  you  find  hens.  Having  said  some 
things  in  regard  to  the  natural  and  physical  resources  of  this  coun- 
try, I  again  resume  my  narrative. 

After  getting  to  my  son's  house  I  found  that  he  was  living  in 
a  common  stock  association  of  some  hundred  and  fifty  persons, 
under  the  control  of  Lyman  Wight,  in  the  vicinity  of  a  German- 
Dutch  colony,  located  in  the  mountain  region  of  Texas,  on  a  trib- 
utary of  the  Colorado  River,  called  Piedernalles  (signifying  "stony 
river"  in  the  Spanish  language),  in  the  County  of  Gillespie.  This 
community  had  a  grist  and  saw  mill,  which  they  had,  but  six  or 
nine  months  before  my  arrival,  got  into  full  operation.  They  had 
also  a  turning  lathe,  blacksmith's  and  wagon  shop,  together  with 
comfortable  houses.  They  furnished  me  a  house  until  such  time  as 
I  could  build  one,  which  I  accomplished  in  about  two  months.  They 
extended  every  kind  of  hospitality  and  aid  in  helping  me  build  a 
cabin,  or  cabins,  suitable  for  the  convenience  of  my  family. 

Wight's  company  seemed  to  be  in  a  prosperous  condition,  but 
were  in  debt  to  merchants  in  Austin  some  two  thousand  dollars  or 
thereabout,  and  with  all  their  industry  the  debt  seemed  to  be  grow- 
ing larger,  owing  to  Wight's  bad  financial  management.  They  made 
overtures  to  me  to  join  their  association,  which  I  declined,  but,  how- 
ever, let  them  have  the  use  of  my  wagons  and  other  property,  and 
money  to  a  small  am.ount,  in  all  about  eight  hundred  and  sixty  dol- 
lars, and  agreed  to  put  our  labors  with  theirs  until  such  time  as 
I  could  make  it  convenient  to  leave  them  and  go  on  my  own  account. 


148  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

I  soon  became  convinced  that  Lyman  Wight  had  become  so  ad- 
dicted to  drinking  that  he  would,  if  he  persisted,  destroy  himself  and 
bring  ruin  upon  his  community.  He  had  also  misled  them  by 
false  teaching  in  regard  to  lineage  and  the  laws  of  matrimony,  and 
many  other  things.  I  took  the  liberty  of  speaking  to  Lyman  Wight, 
and  some  few  of  his  adherents,  in  regard  to  the  corruption  and  errors 
they  were  running  into,  not  doubting  that  I  could  convince  them 
without  getting  their  ill-will.  But  I  soon  found  my  mistake,  and 
it  made  doubly  manifest  to  me  that,  by  a  multitude  of  transgres- 
sions of  the  laws  that  God  has  given  for  the  purifying  and  guidance 
of  His  people,  the  transgressors  will  lose  the  spirit  that  directs  the 
mind  to  all  truth,  and  become  wholly  darkened,  and  will  invariably 
persecute  those  who  point  out  to  them  their  errors  with  the  most 
bitter  feelings.  It  was  so  with  Lyman  Wight  and  a  number  of  his 
followers.  From  this  time  forward  Lyman  would,  by  innuendoes, 
allude  to  the  acts  that  I  had  in  a  friendly  way  advised  them  to  ab- 
stain from.  I  plainly  saw  the  handwriting  on  the  wall,  and  fully 
discovered  that  the  war  was  in  sight. 

In  the  latter  part  of  August  I  began  to  make  arrangements 
to  go  by  myself,  and,  on  naming  my  intentions  to  Wight,  he  flatly 
told  me  that  I  could  not  have  a  particle  of  my  property ;  that  when- 
ever anyone  apostatized  from  the  church  (as  he  called  himself  and 
followers),  they  should  go  out  empty.  I  told  him  that  I  had  not 
joined  his  association,  as  he  very  well  knew,  and  that  I  would  have 
the  things  that  I  had  brought  here,  less  the  expense  of  the  teams 
to  move  me  up  to  his  place.  He  said  he  would  call  a  meeting  to 
take  the  matter  under  advisement. 

As  a  result  of  their  deliberations  they  decided  that  I  should  go 
away,  if  I  left  them,  my  son  John,  who  had  married  Wight's  daugh- 
ter, siding  with  them.  I  told  them  I  was  going  if  I  walked  and 
carried  my  family  on  my  back,  and  that  I  then  warned  them  that  I 
would  have  every  dime's  worth  that  they  were  there  combining  to 
rob  me  of;  that,  if  I  had  covenanted  or  agreed  to  join  them,  I  would 
not  draw  back,  but  as  I  had  not,  I  wanted  them  to  distinctly  under- 
stand that  I  was  after  them  with  warm  cloths,  and  hot  blocks,  and 
sharp  sticks,  until  I  got  the  last  cent.  They  defied  me  and  urged  me 
to  go  ahead. 

I  went  to  the  Dutch  colony  and  hired  teams  to  haul  my  family, 
as  I  had  very  little  of  anything  else  to  haul.  I  learned  that  Lyman 
Wight,  lest  I  should  bring  evil  upon  them,  had  sent  some  men  after 
me  to  waylay  me  and  assassinate  me  on  the  way,  urging  that  it  was 
better  for  one  man  to  die  than  for  a  whole  community  to  be  mobbed 
and  suffer.  One  man  preceded  me  to  Austin  to  advertise  the  people 
against  me  as  a  renegade.  I.  however,  went  ahead,  not  knowing 
where  I  should  stop.  I  had  promised  the  teamsters  that  I  would 
pay  them  in  corn,  and  in  the  city  of  Austin  I  ascertained  that  I 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  149 

could  buy  corn  of  a  Mr.  Glasscock,  if  I  would  dig  in  a  millrace  by 
the  yard,  to  pay  for  it — this  at  a  very  low  price — but  I  could  do  no 
better.  Therefore  I  went  on  a  distance  of  twenty-five  or  thirty 
miles  and  commenced  operations,  thereby  paying  the  teamsters  for 
hauling  me  down,  or  rather  across,  the  country  to  the  place.  I 
now  again  resorted  to  living  in  tents,  as  I  had  no  wagons  or  any- 
thing else  to  help  myself  with.  But  in  a  short  time  Wight  sent  me 
an  inferior  light  wagon  and  a  span  of  mules  to  help  myself  with, 
and  after  two  or  three  months  of  the  most  excessive  labor  by  myself 
and  boys,  we  accumulated  a  little  stock  of  provisions  and  three  or 
four  cows  and  calves,  and,  by  cutting  the  millrace,  sufficient  to  pay 
for  hauling  my  family  to  this  place  and  pay  for  the  stock  I  had  on 
hand,  and  fifteen  dollars  over.  I  told  my  employer  that,  on  ac- 
count of  the  sickness  of  my  son  Joshua  and  nephew,  I  should  have 
to  seek  other  employment.  He  told  me  that  he  calculated'  on  my 
finishing  all  his  digging,  amounting  to  four  or  five  hundred  dol- 
lars' worth,  and  that  he  would  not  have  employed  me  at  all  if  he 
had  not  supposed  that  I  would  finish  the  job.  I  told  him  that  I 
had  taken  no  definite  amount  of  yards  to  cut,  that  I  had  been  cut- 
ting his  millrace  by  the  yard,  at  the  rate  of  nine  cents  the  cubic 
yard,  and  that  he  had  paid  me  for  the  most  part  of  what  I  had 
done  as  we  had  agreed,  and  that  the  exposure  of  my  family  and  their 
ill  health  would  not  permit  me  to  prosecute  his  work  any  further. 
He  said  I  could  get  a  house  in  the  neighborhood  to  shelter  my  fam- 
ily, and,  if  I  abandoned  his  work,  he  would  prosecute  me  for  dam- 
ages. I  told  him  I  had  no  one  able  to  work  but  myself,  and  it  took 
all  my  time  to  take  care  of  my  sick,  and'  therefore  I  could  work  no 
longer.  I  therefore  moved  off  twenty-five  miles  to  a  place  where 
I  expected  to  raise  a  crop  for  the  ensuing  year,  and  adopt  some 
mode  of  liv^ing  without  the  toil  of  digging  a  millrace  for  my  daily 
bread.  But  my  tyrant  employer  made  good  his  word,  and  attached 
my  wagon  and  team  to  secure  the  damages.  I  went  to  see  a  lawyer, 
who  informed  me  that  the  whole  matter  was  illegal,  and  that  he 
would'  bind  himself  to  set  it  all  aside  for  the  fee  of  fifty  dollars,  if 
I  would  secure  him  payment  of  his  fee ;  that  Glasscock  was  a  rich 
man,  and  had  great  influence,  and  that,  although  he  might  recover 
damages  from  me,  he  would  have  to  fight  for  it  to  the  last  bat's 
end ;  and  that  he  could  not  work  for  nothing.  As  the  property  at- 
tached was  worth  about  a  hundred  dollars,  together  with  the  fifteen 
dollars  he  owed  me  on  my  work  (Glasscock  told  me  that  Wight 
had  cautioned  him  to  watch  me,  and  he  was  bound  to  do  it).  I  aban- 
doned the  whole  concern,  as  I  could  get  no  security  to  aid  me  in 
the  prosecution  of  my  suit.  Glasscock  afterwards  sent  me  about  ten 
or  fifteen  dollars'  worth  of  groceries. 

I  now  had  shanties  or  cabins  to  build  to  shelter  me  from  the 
weather,  as  the  rainy  season  had  fully  set  in.  and  my  tents  were 


150  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

worn  out.  To  augment  my  perplexity  I  had  no  team  to  aid  me 
but  what  I  hired,  and  if  ever  man  had  suffering  and  privation,  I 
think  a  large  share  fell  to  my  lot  there.  In  the  month  of  February, 
about  the  time  for  planting  my  cxirn,  my  wife  Mary  had  a  stroke 
of  palsy  that  made  her  as  helpless  as  an  infant,  all  attributable  to 
Lyman  \\'ight's  cruelty  toward  me.  I  sent  my  son  Joshua  after  my 
son  John,  who  had  married  Wight's  daughter,  a  distance  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles,  to  come  and  see  his  mother,  as  she 
wished  to  see  him  and  did  not  expect  to  survive  the  shock  of  her 
sickness.  But  John  did  not  come  on  account  of  some  preventing 
cause.  In  about  three  weeks  from  this  time  I  decided  to  go  to  die 
city  of  Austin  and  seek  employment  as  a  builder,  and  therefore  em- 
ployed teams  to  haul  my  family  and  effects  down  to  the  city.  The 
second  day  on  my  way  down  to  my  destination  I  met  my  son  John 
and  Wight's  son.  Orange  L.  Wight,  with  a  message  from  Lyman 
Wight  and  his  association  that  if  I  would  return  and  take  possession 
of  a  fann  they  had,  with  the  growing  crops,  about  eight  miles  dis- 
tance from  their  residence,  of  nearly  a  hundred  acres  in  cultivation, 
they  would  assist  me  with  teams  and  provisions,  together  with  a 
sufficient  number  of  men  to  cultivate  the  crop,  and  give  me  half 
of  it,  and  also  reimburse  me  for  the  property  which  they  had  taken 
from  me  by  violence  and  force  until  I  should  be  satisfied.  I  ac- 
cordingly agreed  to  accede  to  their  proposals,  and,  on  getting  to  the 
city  of  Austin,  I  discharged  my  wagons  that  I  had  employed  to  move 
me  and  pitched  a  tent,  where  I  remained  five  days  until  my  son 
John  and  O.  L.  Wight  came  with  wagons  and  teams  to  take  us  up 
to  Wight's  camp. 

A  few  days  after  getting  to  Wight's  place  I  learned  that  a  num- 
ber of  his  company  had  left  him  since  I  had  been  there,  but  that 
they  were  better  off  financially  than  when  I  left  them.  I  discov- 
ered a  disposition  in  Wight  to  procrastinate  in  the  execution  of  their 
late  agreement  with  me,  and  a  proposal  was  hinted  to  me  that  if  I 
would'  join  the  association  it  would  be  made  greatly  to  my  interest 
to  do  so.  I  went  to  Wight,  after  fully  weighing  the  whole  matter 
in  my  mind,  and  plainly  told  him  what  I  thought  of  his  conduct 
and  cruelty  toward  me  and  family,  and  said  that  my  wife  had  been 
victimized  on  account  of  it,  and  that,  if  he  did  not  comply  with  the 
agreement,  I  would  take  vengeance  and  inflict  punishment  upon  him 
for  all  the  wrongs  that  I  had  suffered  at  his  hands,  and  that  I  would 
do  it  in  a  summary  way.  He,  without  further  delay,  complied  with 
his  agreement,  or  put  things  in  the  way  of  compliance,  and  I  fully 
engaged  all  my  time  with  my  utmost  energy  and  skill  to  gather  about 
me  the  means  of  comfort.  But  when  I  could  look  about  me  and 
reaHze  the  distracted  condition  of  the  church  in  their  scattered  sit- 
uation, without  a  shepherd  that  I  knew  of,  I  felt  in  my  heart  that 
I  was  a  mourner,  and  became  almost  weary  of  life.     While  in  this 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  151 

State  of  mind  I  had  a  dream,  in  which  I  saw  Joseph  Smith  in  the 
heavens  in  a  glorified  state,  together  with  countless  numbers  of 
glorified  beings  shouting  hallelujah,  praising  God  and  the  Lamb, 
and  bidding  me  welcome  to  the  celestial  abode.  A  thin  veil  sep- 
arated us,  and  their  brilliancy  was  whiter  and  brighter  than  the  sun. 
Joseph  spoke  to  me  and  told  me  that  if  I  would  come  I  might, 
but  I  had  better  not  come,  as  my  work  was  not  yet  finished  on 
earth.  At  this  time  the  spirit  of  praising  God  came  upon  me,  and  I 
shouted,  whereupon  part  of  my  family,  not  having  retired  to  bed, 
hearing  me  supposed  I  had  a  night-mare,  and  pulled  me  from  my 
bed.  When  I  awoke  my  eyes  were  so  affected  from  the  light  I  had 
seen  that  I  could  not  for  a  time  distinguish  the  surrounding  objects. 
On  another  occasion  I  had  a  dream  that  I  saw  Joseph  Smith 
sitting  in  a  room  talking  to  a  person  whom  I  have  since  seen.  Upon 
my  entering  the  room  Joseph  looked  at  me,  saying,  "God  bless  you. 
Brother  Miller ;  I  am  instructing  my  successor  in  the  prophetic  of- 
fice— how  to  manage  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  church."  The 
appearance  of  the  person  shown  me  by  Joseph  Smith  in  the  dream 
was  so  stamped  on  my  mind  that  I  could  not  keep  it  from  my  view 
for  a  moment,  and  it  was  secretly  whispered  to  me  that  I  should 
soon  hear  news  that  would  cheer  my  drooping  spirits. 

Most  truly  and  sincerely, 

George   Miller. 


Saint  James,  August  10,  1855. 

Dear  Brother:  I  resume  this  subject  where  I  left  off  in  my  last 
communication.  Whilst  pondering  in  my  mind  the  scattered  state 
of  the  Saints,  and  the  fact  that  I  could  hear  of  no  shepherd  that  I 
believed  was  authorized  of  God  to  lead  the  church,  I  was  really  in  a 
state  of  gloom  and  despondency. 

One  afternoon  after  the  toil  of  a  warm  day  I  came  to  my  house 
to  rest,  and  found  some  papers  setting  forth  the  appointment  of 
J.  J.  Strang  to  the  prophetic  office,  instead  of  Joseph  Smith,  de- 
ceased. It  is  true  that  I  had  heard  his  name  spoken  of  as  leader 
and  prophet,  but  in  my  mind  I  numbered  him  with  other  pretenders ; 
as  I  had  not  wholly  abandoned  the  belief  that  Joseph  Smith  had 
appointed  his  successor  in  one  of  his  own  posterity. 

I  therefore  wrote  to  Brother  Strang  a  letter  questioning  his  as- 
sumption of  authority,  and  requested  him  to  publish  my  letter.  But 
the  next  day  after  mailing  my  letter  I  received  another  package 
from  Brother  Strang  containing  a  small  tract  setting  forth  Brother 
Strang's  appointment  and  calling  to  the  prophetic  office.  On  a 
close  and  critical  reading  and  investigation  of  this  tract  I  changed 


152  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

my  opinions,  and  wrote  to  Brother  Strang  countermanding  the  pub- 
lication of  my  former  letter.  From  this  time  I  had  frequent  mani- 
festations of  Brother  Strang's  being  called  of  God  to  lead  his 
people,  even  as  Moses  was  to  lead  the  Israelites  out  of  Egyptian 
bondage,  and  I  began  to  set  myself  earnestly  to  make  preparations 
together  with  the  Saints.  I  was  prospered  in  all  my  undertakings, 
and  managed  so  as  to  be  well  provided  with  teams  and  four  or  five 
hundred  dollars  to  bear  my  expenses  to  Beaver  Island. 

John  G.  IMiner.  who  had  been  with  Lyman  Wight,  having  had 
a  difference  with  him,  quit  his  organization  :  and  IMiner  solicited 
me  to  intercede  with  Wight  to  get  a  wagon  and  team  for  liim.  and 
said  that  he  would  go  with  me.  as  he  was  convinced  that  Brother 
Strang  was  the  true  successor  of  Joseph  Smith.  I  spoke  to  Wight 
in  his  behalf.  He  said  that  J^Iiner  had  a  large  family  of  children, 
and  that  all  the  work  they  had  done  as  members  of  his  association 
had  not  half  fed  them,  and  that  they  had  been  a  great  expense  to  the 
company ;  that  he  had  brought  nothing  into  the  company,  and  that 
if  a  just  account  had  been  kept.  IMiner  would  be  many  hundred 
dollars  in  his  debt,  or  rather  in  the  debt  of  the  company,  and  he 
could  not  consistently,  with  the  rights  of  the  company,  give  him 
anything;  that  he  was  an  unprincipled  knave,  but  that  if  I  could 
haul  him  away  he  would  add  a  yoke  or  two  of  oxen  to  my  outfit. 
I  decided  to  take  him  part  or  all  the  way,  as  he  manifested  a  great 
anxiety  to  go,  and  furnished  him  with  an  old  wagon  and  two  yoke 
of  oxen  to  haul  his  family.  I  also  gave  him  money,  according  to 
the  number  of  his  family,  to  bear  their  expenses,  as  a  matter  of 
liberality  on  account  of  his  destitute  condition. 

I  had  all  preparations  made  to  start  on  the  12th  of  October.  1849, 
but  my  horses  strayed  off  so  that  we  could  not  find  them  until  the 
afternoon  of  the  13th,  at  which  time  we  yoked  up  our  oxen  and 
started.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  circumstance  of  my  horses  stray- 
ing I  should  have  started  the  afternoon  of  the  11th;  and,  as  every- 
thing that  transpired  from  the  day  I  made  up  my  mind  to  move  to 
the  Beaver  Islands  seemed  to  be  directed  for  my  good,  so  also  on 
this  occasion  I  received  a  letter  from  Brother  Strang  that  gave  me 
much  comfort;  this  I  should  not  have  received  if  my  horses  had 
not  strayed,  as  it  came  to  hand  on  the  evening  that  I  had  set  apart 
for  starting  on  my  journey. 

We  had  a  great  deal  of  rain  for  the  first  ten  days  of  our  jour- 
ney, a  circumstance  unusual  at  this  season  of  the  year,  in  Texas. 
The  waters  were  mostly  high  and  difficult  to  cross.  We,  however, 
had  no  evil  befall  us  until  we  crossed  the  Brazos  River.  We  crossed 
at  the  falls ;  there  was  a  crowd  of  emigrants  crossing  at  the  time 
of  our  reaching  this  place,  which  set  us  back  in  crossing  with  our 
wagons,  four  in  number.  We  swam  our  oxen  and  horses,  and 
took  the  wagons  in  pieces  and  ferried  them  over  in  canoes,  to- 


'"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  153 

gether  with  our  baggage.  Whilst  this  toilsome  labor  was  going  on 
we  put  Miner  in  charge  of  the  camp  and  cattle.  When  all  was  fer- 
ried over,  we  began  to  prepare  for  a  start,  but,  through  the  negli- 
gence of  Miner  and  the  little  boys  left  to  assist  him,  they  had  so 
managed  as  to  let  all  our  oxen  stray  off  but  one  yoke.  My  son 
Joshua  and  my  nephew  and  myself  got  up  our  horses,  put  the  re- 
maining yoke  of  oxen  in  charge  of  Miner  and  went  in  pursuit  of 
the  lost  cattle.  After  much  diligence  we  found  them  about  five 
miles  off  in  the  Brazos  bottom ;  however,  not  until  the  second  day. 
When  we  got  into  camp  we  found  that  Miner  had  let  the  yoke  of 
oxen  we  left  in  his  charge  escape,  and  after  a  day  or  two's  search 
for  them  without  hearing  any  tidings  of  them  we  abandoned  them, 
and  proceeded  on  our  journey  lest  we  should  lose  more  of  our  oxen, 
as  the  bottom  was  so  thickly  set  with  vines,  brush  and  high  weeds 
that  it  was  only  with  utmost  care  that  we  could  keep  them  together 
by  constant  herding. 

I  found  in  Miner  and  his  careless,  wasteful  family  a  cumbrous 
load  to  drag  along,  but  on  account  of  his  professed  faith  and  his 
apparent  desire  to  get  to  the  church  I  woud  not  abandon  him.  I 
had  given  him  two  yoke  of  oxen  and  a  wagon  and  also  money  to 
defray  his  expenses,  but  he  did  not  seem  to  realize  my  liberality, 
and  used  very  little  economy  in  the  expenditure  of  the  money  I  had 
given  him,  and  I  apprehended  that  he  would  soon  be  out  of  money, 
and  that  if  he  got  through  to  the  church  he  would  have  to  be  assist- 
ed. I  therefore  made  no  other  calculation  than  to  take  him  through 
to  the  church,  if  he  would  try  in  a  small  degree  to  help  himself. 

We  had  a  very  rainy  fall  and  much  high  water,  which  made  our 
progress  very  slow.  We,  however,  kept  moving,  and  every  night 
got  nearer  our  destination.  The  day  after  we  crossed  the  Trinity 
River  I  heard  that  Clark  Lyman  Whitney,  who  had  come  from  Coun- 
cil Bluffs  to  build  a  mill  for  a  Mr.  Overton,  an  old  Missourian,  was 
there  only  two  days  in  advance  of  me,  on  his  return  to  Council 
Bluffs,  and  from  thence  to  Salt  Lake.  I  started  on  horseback  the 
same  night  that  I  received  the  intelligence  to  overtake  him,  and  on 
the  third  day  in  the  forenoon  I  overtook  him  at  Preston,  on  Red 
River,  and,  as  we  had  been  a  long  time  acquainted,  we  had  a  joyous 
meeting. 

L  without  ceremony,  told  him  where  I  was  going  and  my  reasons 
for  so  doing ;  and  in  a  concise  manner  laid  before  him  Brother 
Strang's  appointment  to  the  prophetic  office  and  calling,  according 
to  the  revelations  relative  thereto  in  the  covenant  and  commandments 
given  to  the  church  through  Joseph  Smith.  After  a  short  conver- 
sation with  him  on  the  above  subject,  he  acquiesced  with  me  in  my 
opinion,  and.  without  hesitancy,  said  he  would  go  with  me  if  he 
had  but  the  means  to  travel  on.  I  told  him  I  had  money  and  would 
divide  it  with  him,  and  when  we  ran  out  of  fund's  we  would  stop 


154  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

and  work  for  more — (Whitney's  family  went  on  the  island) — and 
thus  keep  moving  until  we  got  to  our  place  of  destination.  I  re- 
turned and  met  my  family,  and  Brother  Whitney  remained  at  Pres- 
ton (the  place  at  which  I  overtook  him)  until  I  arrived  there  with 
my  family  and  effects ;  and  on  my  arrival  at  Preston  we  ferried 
Red  River,  entered  the  Chocktaw  nation  and  prosecuted  our  jour- 
ney north. 

It  rained  almost  every  day,  and  night  also ;  consequently  we  got 
along  very  slowly — and  uncomfortably  for  the  women  and  children. 
We  had  to  lie  by  many  days  on  account  of  high  waters,  and  after 
taking  into  account  the  advanced  season  of  the  year,  the  cold  and 
wet  weather,  together  with  the  delicate  condition  of  some  of  the 
females,  we  came  to  the  conclusion  to  stop  at  the  first  good  place 
to  obtain  profitable  employment,  and  make  our  winter  quarters. 
We  had  difficulty  that  we  did  not  anticipate  on  account  of  our 
Texas  oxen  having  been  raised  altogether  on  grass ;  there  were 
some  of  them  that  could  not  be  taught  to  eat  corn  and  hay  (when 
we  were  able  to  procure  it),  and  three  of  our  oxen  died  of  fatigue 
and  hunger  before  they  would  eat  the  corn. 

On  the  12th  day  of  December,  1849,  we  arrived  at  the  North 
Canadian  River,  a  tributary  of  the  Arkansas,  one  of  the  principal 
trading  posts  in  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indian  territory ;  and  here 
we  stopped  for  the  winter.  We  obtained  an  abundance  of  employ- 
ment, by  which  we  procured  a  full  supply  of  everything  necessary 
to  make  ourselves  comfortable,  and  to  feed  our  teams.  It  was  not 
long  before  it  was  known  who  we  were,  and  I  was  solicited  by  some 
of  their  missionaries  to  preach,  and  I  consented.  We  had  a  full 
attendance  of  missionary  priests,  traders  and  some  few  Indians  and 
half-breed's  that  could  speak  English.  After  I  had  done  sermoniz- 
ing the  missionaries  held  a  council  (as  I  was  afterwards  informed), 
in  which  it  was  agreed  that  it  would  be  an  injury  to  their  cause  to 
enter  into  a  controversy  with  any  of  the  Mormons,  as  they  had  no 
one  amongst  them  able  to  meet  us  in  a  religious  controversy,  and 
their  better  policy  would  be  to  treat  us  respectfully  and  courteously, 
as  we  were  esteemed  industrious  and  intelligent  men ;  that  their  true 
policy  would  be  to  chime  in  with  the  public  opinion  and  avoid,  if 
possible,  any  injury  to  their  cause  by  indiscreet  controversy  with  us 
on  doctrinal  tenets. 

During  our  stay  in  this  country  we  made  many  friend's  amongst 
the  Indians  and  some  of  the  halfbreeds.  I  preached  frequently  to 
the  Indians  through  an  interpreter,  and  many  were  believers,  and 
I  could  have  baptized  many,  but  I  did  not  know  how  to  instruct 
them,  and  I  had  doubts  also  that  my  authority  would  likely  be  irreg- 
ular, as  I  had  not  been  authorized  and  sent  to  preach  the  gospel 
by  the  legitimate  head  of  the  church.  I  preached  many  sermons, 
at  the  request  of  the  traders,  and  became  quite  popular  amongst 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  155 

them.  They  patronized  us  and  paid  us  liberally  for  our  labor,  and, 
after  we  had  realized  a  sufficiency  of  money  (as  we  supposed)  to 
take  us  to  the  church,  we  could  scarcely  get  away  from  them,  as  the 
traders  and  Indians,  without  exception,  wished  to  retain  us  amongst 
them. 

We  got  all  our  engagements  fulfilled  and  were  ready  to  leave 
the  country.  Miner  decided  to  stay,  as  he  had  not  made  enough 
money  to  bear  his  expenses  to  the  church.  We  proposed  helping 
him  if  he  would  go,  but  he  declined  to  go  with  us,  having  several 
jobs  of  work  on  hand  unfinished,  and  he  could  not  get  pay  for 
them  unless  they  were  completed. 

On  the  4th  day  of  July,  1850,  we  started  for  Beaver  Island,  the 
little  company  consisting  of  twenty-three  persons  in  number,  viz. : 
Brother  Whitney  and  his  family;  my  son,  Joshua  L.  Miller,  wife 
and  children,  and  my  own  family.  The  weather  was  exceptionally 
warm  and  rainy,  and  we  made  slow  progress,  and  after  reaching  the 
west  side  of  the  state  of  Arkansas  the  murrain  broke  out  in  our 
cattle.  We  had  three  oxen  that  died  of  the  disease,  and  upon  con- 
sultation we  decided  to  stop  and  exchange  the  remaining  oxen  for 
horses,  and  our  ox-wagons  for  horse-wagons,  although  we  were 
fully  aware  that  we  should  have  to  do  it  at  a  great  sacrifice.  The 
exchange  of  our  oxen  and  wagons  necessarily  took  some  time.  We 
had  wagons  to  fit  up  and  repair  and  harness  to  buy,  and  it  was 
not  until  about  two  weeks  after  our  stop  that  we  were  again  ready 
for  an  onward  move.  We,  however,  got  all  our  preparations  made 
and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  22nd  of  July  we  again  resumed  our 
journey.  Having  all  horse-teams,  we  progressed  finely  and  com- 
fortably, taking  into  account  the  great  amount  of  rain  that  occa- 
sionally fell  whilst  we  were  on  our  journey. 

We  passed  through  the  state  of  Missouri  diagonally,  crossed  the 
Missouri  River  at  Jefferson  City,  the  capital  of  the  state,  and  the 
Mississippi  River  at  Hannibal;  at  this  place  we  had  twelve  miles 
ferriage,  and  for  the  privilege  paid  a  round  sum.  I  do  not  now 
remember  the  exact  amount.  Nothing  of  particular  interest  oc- 
curred on  our  journey  through  the  state  of  Illinois,  except  the  hin- 
dering of  our  progress  caused  by  the  high  water,  and  on  the  fourth 
day  of  September,  1850,  we  arrived  at  Voree,  where  we  were  kindly 
received  by  the  Saints  there,  and  greatly  cheered  and  refreshed  by 
the  manifest  kindness  extended  to  us  by  all  the  brethren,  which 
was  indeed  consoling  to  us  after  the  exposure,  toils  and  trouble 
incident  to  my  journeyings,  and  the  attendant  perplexity  of  being 
without  a  shepherd. 

The  sensations  roused  up  in  our  bosoms  by  the  manifest  brother- 
ly kindness  of  all  the  Saints  has  left  a  remembrance  of  gratitude 
on  my  mind  that  time  can  never  erase.  We  found  the  brethren 
closely  engaged  in  hauling  in  their  grain  crops ;  we  laid  hold  with 


156  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN'   CALIFORNIA 

our  teams  to  assist  them.  I  made  known  to  Brother  Benjamin 
Wright,  who  was  in  charge  of  affairs  at  \^oree,  my  intention  of 
going  to  Beaver  Island,  the  seat  of  the  First  Presidency,  and  we 
took  under  advisement  how  to  dispose  of  my  wagons  and  horses 
and  procure  the  necessary  outfit,  whereupon  we  came  to  the  con- 
chision  that  I  should  turn  over  all  I  had  to  Brother  Wight  (or 
rather  the  association)  and  that  he  should  provide  me  with  such 
outfit  for  the  island  as  their  circumstances  would  justify.  Brother 
Whitney  concluded  to  remain  at  Voree,  where  he  died  the  succeed- 
ing spring.  On  my  part,  I  worked  with  my  might  in  assisting  the 
brethren  in  their  ordinary  labors,  until  such  time  as  it  might  be 
convenient  to  get  my  outfit  for  the  place  to  which  my  desires  in- 
spired me  to  go. 

No  one  can  possibly  realize  my  gratitude  to  the  God  of  heaven 
for  my  safe  deliverance  from  the  perplexity  of  mind  and  burning 
anxiety  for  respite  from  the  misrule  of  the  haughty  and  arrogant 
usurpers  of  authority  in  the  Church  and  Kingdom  of  God,  and  my 
eager  expectations  of  being  in  a  week  or  two  placed  again  under 
the  guidance  of  the  true  shepherd  of  the  flock  of  God's  people  on 
earth,  but  those  alone  who  have  passed  through  such  ordeals  as  I 
have  in  the  last  six  years,  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Joseph  Smith, 
and  up  to  the  time  of  my  arrival  at  Voree. 

GEORGE   MILLER,   JR. 

So  much  for  George  Miller,  the  elder.  I  now  come  to  the  second 
part  of  my  subject — the  life,  or,  to  be  more  exact,  some  few  inci- 
dents in  the  life  of  the  son,  George  Miller,  Jr. — the  George  Miller 
who  is  with  us  today. 

He  was  born  February  11,  1850,  in  Indian  Territory,  among 
the  Creek  Indians,  and  was  the  only  son  of  George  Miller,  Sr.,  by 
his  second  contemporaneous  wife,  nee  Boughton,  who  died 
in  1851  in  Alichigan.  His  father,  a  ]Mormon  bishop,  and,  of  course, 
a  polygamist,  was  an  intimate  friend  and  a  firm  believer  in  Joseph 
Smith,  but  he  hated  Brigham  Young  as  the  devil  hates  holy  water, 
and  the  compliment  was  apparently  returned,  for  we  have  seen 
that  on  at  least  one  occasion  he  vehemently  suspected  his  enemy 
of  compassing  his  assassination. 

Of  his  mother  little  is  known,  for  she  died  when  he  was  a  baby. 
He  was  his  own  man  from  the  age  of  twelve — literally  and  abso- 
lutely. He  started  without  father  or  mother  and  without  a  red 
cent,  and  all  that  he  has  he  has  made  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow.  He 
is  thus  a  self-made  man  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  term,  and  is 
proud  of  it. 

The  young  George  had  every  opportunity  and  every  excuse  for 
developing  into  a  first-class  blackguard,  as  he  himself  has  often 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  157 

told  me,  for  he  was  thrown  in  those  troublous  times  into  the  com- 
pany of  as  ruffianly  a  type  of  humanity  as  God  ever  allowed  to 
exist.  And  around  the  camp-fire  at  night  he  has  told  me  time  after 
time  tales  of  his  early  life  which  have  made  me  wonder  how  an 
orphan  boy,  under  such  circumstances,  could  have  grown  up  other 
than  an  Apache,  but  the  stuff  was  there — "De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla" 
— and  from  his  parents  he  inherited  that  essential  integrity  for 
which  he  has  been  known  in  California  for  nearly  sixty  years.  Lit- 
erally, George  Miller  would  not  betray  a  trust,  tell  a  lie  or  do  a 
dirty  trick  for  all  the  money  in  the  world.  An  enthusiastic  ]\Iason, 
he  simply  and  unostentatiously  subscribes  to  the  high  beliefs  and 
tenets  of  that  order,  and  lives  up  to  them.  Unlike  his  father,  he 
has  a  simple  and  old-world  faith  in  the  integrity  of  his  brethren — 
judging  others  by  his  own  standard.  The  elder  Miller,  you  will 
recollect,  put  Mormonism  before  Masonry. 

More  than  once  I  have  known  him  seriously  imperil  his  estate 
financially  and  socially  to  help  out  some  old  friend  who  was 
down  and  out  and  in  serious  trouble,  never  hesitating  for  a  second 
to  count  the  cost,  but  simply  practising  the  golden  rule.  He  is 
perhaps  most  widely  known  to  the  present  generation  as  an  old- 
time  Indian  hunter.  In  fact,  his  whole  life  has  been  that  of  a  hunter. 
He  hunted  Indians  until  they  were  all  killed  off,  and  grizzly  bears 
until  he  himself,  in  1901,  killed  the  last  grizzly  bear  in  the  San  Ber- 
nardino mountains — and  thereby  hangs  a  tale — since  which  time 
he  has  had  to  be  nominally  content  with  the  official  two  bucks  per 
season,  except  when  employed  by  the  proper  authorities  to  secure 
specimens  of  the  Ozns  Canadensis  for  the  Golden  Gate  Aluseum  of 
San  Francisco,  where  many  of  his  trophies  may  be  seen. 

I  append  a  copy  of  a  letter  which,  at  the  request  of  Byron  Waters, 
he  wrote  to  the  Pioneer  Society  of  San  Bernardino  in  1916.  In 
his  own  language  he  tells  the  tale  of  the  life  of  a  pioneer  in  these 
regions  in  the  sixties. 


158  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

COPY  OF  GEORGE   MILLER's   LETTER   TO   BYRON    WATERS   IN   RE:     INDIAN 
TROUBLES  AT  SAN  BERNARDINO  FROM   1863  ONWARD 

FIRST  FIGHT  AT  MILL 


Jonathan  Richardson,  William  Katie,  George  Lish,  Tom  Welty 

Henry  Law,  George  Armstrong,  Frank  Talmadge, 

A.  J.  Currey,  Thomas  Enrufty,  George 

Birdivell,  Frank  Blair 


Highland,  Cal.,  July  18,  1916. 
Byron  Waters. 

Dear  Friend :  To  make  good  my  promise  that  I  would  give  you 
a  little  early  history  of  our  Indian  troubles  in  San  Bernardino 
County,  I  will  commence  back.  In  1863,  as  near  as  I  can  recollect, 
they  began  to  get  quite  bold.  They  came  into  the  valley  and  killed 
a  man  by  the  name  of  Polito,  a  Spanish  man,  at  the  mouth  of  Little 
Sand  Canyon,  above  Del  Rosa,  about  where  Jake  Huff  now  lives. 
They  made  their  escape  over  the  mountains  through  Little  Bear 
Valley,  and  stole  a  mule  from  Sam  Pine,  the  father  of  ex-Supervisor 
Pine,  who  was  living  there  at  that  time  with  his  family.  They  went 
on  down  Willow  Canyon  below  the  narrows  in  a  side  canyon.  They 
killed  a  mule  and  then  ate  him ;  they  seemed  to  love  mule  and 
horseflesh  better  than  beef.  I  think  a  short  time  after  that,  at  the 
mouth  of  Davy  James'  Canyon,  now  known  as  Cable  Creek,  they 
shot  a  horse  and  mule  of  W.  F.  Holcomb  and  Pete  Smith,  while 
they  were  hunting.  I  think  about  the  same  time  they  shot  [but  did 
not  kill]  Dr.  Smith  in  Cajon  Pass.  This  Dr.  Smith  was  the  man 
who  first  located  Arrowhead  Hot  Springs.  Bill  Holcomb  and 
others  gathered  up  a  party  and  followed  them  over  into  the  Rock 
Creek  country.  They  took  no  provisions  with  them;  had  to  live 
on  venison  straight,  and  so  had  to  give  up  the  chase.  About  that 
time  S.  P.  Waite  was  living  in  Cajon  Pass  at  the  upper  toll-house, 
with  his  family,  having  to  keep  a  sharp  lookout  for  Indians.  He 
discovered  a  bluejay  darting  down  at  something  up  on  the  bluff 
above  the  house;  it  raised  his  suspicions  that  something  might  be 
there.  He  thought  he  could  see  an  object  tliere,  and  so  he  took  a 
shot  at  it.  The  next  morning  he  went  out  to  investigate  and  found 
an  Indian  lying  there. 

Now  I  will  go  back  a  little  and  speak  of  myself  in  order  to  get 
the  date  more  definite.  I  went  up  on  the  mountain  with  Justus 
Morse  and  old  man  Wixom  to  work  in  the  shingle-mill  in  Dark 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  159 

Canyon.  Old'  man  James  was  running  a  saw-mill  at  what  is  known 
as  Knapp's  Flat.  Old  man  Huston  was  running  a  saw-mill  at  the 
east  end  of  the  flat  on  the  creek  coming  down  from  Squirrel  Inn. 
We  call  it  Huston  Creek.  I  got  one  of  my  fingers  cut  off  in  the 
mill  while  making  shingles,  and  a  bad  cut  on  the  leg  with  an  axe ; 
so  I  came  down  to  the  valley  for  repairs.  I  then  went  out  to 
Yucaipa  to  work  for  James  Waters ;  stayed  there  about  three  months ; 
came  back  and  went  to  the  mountains  again,  and  then  went  to 
work  for  A.  J.  Currey,  who  afterwards  became  sheriff  of  the  county. 
After  I  had  worked  for  him  about  a  year,  I  bought  him  out.  We 
were  living  in  a  little  canyon  running  in  Little  Bear  Valley  from 
the  south  side,  just  east  of  where  Lapraix  mill  stood  afterwards. 
We  were  living  previously  for  a  short  time  in  a  house  that  had 
been  vacated  by  Frank  Talmadge.  Bill  Holcomb  was  living  in  a 
house  close  by  that  had  been  occupied  by  Sam  Pine.  The  place  is 
covered  with  water  now  of  Little  Bear  Lake.  I  took  Bill  Holcomb 
in  as  a  partner  some  time  after  that  to  finish  working  up  the  timber 
I  had  on  hand.  The  Indians  were  very  troublesome  all  this  time, 
stealing  cattle  and  horses.  Everybody  had  to  be  on  their  guard.  Old 
man  James,  just  before  I  went  to  work  for  Currey,  had  moved  his 
mill  in  Little  Bear  Valley  Canyon,  now  known  as  Blue  Jay.  He 
sold  out  to  William  Caley,  Jonathan  Richardson,  George  Armstrong 
and  J.  J.  Willis.  Frank  Talmadge  was  driving  a  logging  team 
for  the  company  at  that  time,  he  buying  out  Armstrong  afterwards, 
Garland  P.  Thomas  buying  out  J.  J.  Willis. 

Now  that  brings  me  up  to  about  1866.  The  Indians  were  very 
bad,  killing  stock  on  the  Mohave  River,  in  particular  that  of  the 
Bemis  boys  and  Dunlap,  the  owner  of  the  Dunlap  &  Parrish  ranch 
— the  one  on  the  west  fork  of  Mohave,  now  known  as  the  the  Las 
Flores  rancho.  It  was  there,  while  they  were  driving  up  their  cattle, 
the  Indians  ambushed  them  and  killed  Parrish,  Bemis  and  White- 
side, while  they  were  riding  up  a  small  draw,  looking  for  a  cow  and 
yearling  that  had  escaped  the  herd.  It  was  between  sundown  and 
dusk  they  were  killed.  They  recovered  the  bodies  of  Parrish  and 
Bemis  that  night.  They  were  stripped  of  all  their  clothing.  They 
found  Whiteside  the  next  morning.  He  had  been  wounded  evi- 
dently, and  had  put  up  a  fight  from  the  indications.  His  body  was 
also  stripped  of  all  clothing.  He  was  shot  full  of  arrows,  as  well 
as  having  a  bullet  hole  in  his  shoulder.  Flis  head  was  smashed  in 
with  a  rock.  This  occurred  about  one  mile  east  of  the  house,  a 
short  distance  from  the  mouth  of  Grass  Valley  Creek,  west.  Just 
as  soon  as  the  horses  came  in  with  saddles  covered  with  blood,  every- 
body took  the  back  trail  to  find  the  bodies  of  the  men.  It  being 
dark  made  it  difficult,  and  they  got  only  two  of  them  that  night, 
Bemis  and  Parrish,  finding  Whiteside  the  next  morning.  Then  the 
chase  began,  driving  the  Indians  into  the  desert  and  mountains.    I 


160  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

do  not  know  how  many  Indians  there  were,  but  I  presume  there 
were  two  hundred  and  fifty  to  three  hundred  all  told,  old  and 
young.  They  were  mostly  Piutes,  and  a  few  Chimihueve  and  rene- 
gades. They  inhabited  the  north  side  of  the  mountain  range  and 
desert.  The  next  depredation  was  in  Little  Bear  \'alley,  alx>ut 
where  the  dam  runs  across  the  Arrowhead  reservoir.  There  was  a 
little  pen  stalk  water  saw-mill  standing  there — sash  saw — turning 
out  about  800  feet  of  lumber  in  twenty-four  hours,  first  built  by 
Jerome  Benson,  and  rebuilt  by  old  man  Aleeks.  The  Indians  slipped 
in  when  no  one  was  in,  and  robbed  the  houses,  and  afterwards 
burned  them.  They  then  came  up  the  valley  to  Bill  Kane's  house, 
just  below  where  Talmadge's  last  mill  stood,  in  Little  Bear  \'alley. 
George  Lish  and  John  Dewitt  had  just  brought  up  supplies  of  pro- 
visions to  go  to  work,  and  just  turned  their  horses  in  the  pasture 
and  went  across  the  valley  for  a  few  minutes.  On  their  return 
they  found  the  Indians  in  possession  of  horses,  guns  and  provisions. 
The  Indians  made  a  dash  for  them.  They  made  their  escape  to 
Talmadge's  mill,  now  called  Blue  Jay  Camp.  The  next  morning 
Talmadge  and  Richardson,  Armstrong  and  Kane,  took  two  saddle- 
horses  and  one  pack-animal  and  started  after  them.  They  went 
down  by  the  house  and  found  it  burned  to  the  ground,  grindstone 
broken  and  everything  destroyed  they  could  not  carry  off.  Con- 
siderable snow  fell  during  the  night,  about  five  or  six  inches,  and 
that  made  tracking  good.  So  they  were  determined  to  find  where 
the  Indians  were  located.  They  had  already  sent  to  San  Bernardino 
for  help  that  had  arrived,  and  gathered  all  women  and  children 
into  the  mill  house,  so  that  they  could  go  on  without  any  fear  for 
the  families.  So  on  they  went  for  Willow  Canyon.  Right  at  the 
head  in  a  little  flat,  just  this  side  of  the  gate  house  of  Arrowhead 
Reservoir  Company,  they  saw  eight  Indians.  The  Indians  saw  them 
first  and  ran.  Talmadge  and  Kane  were  on  horses,  Richardson 
and  Armstrong  afoot,  leading  the  pack  animal.  Talmadge  and 
Kane,  being  on  horses,  ran  after  the  Indians,  it  being  easy  to  fol- 
low the  tracks  in  the  snow.  They  chased  them  on  down  on  the 
right  side  of  the  canyon  just  below  where  the  first  tunnel  comes 
through  from  Little  Bear  Lake.  The  Indians,  being  pressed  too 
closely,  g"ot  in  behind  a  big  log.  Talmadge  kept  above  the  trail  a 
little;  Kane  followed  right  after  them.  He  ran  right  on  them  be- 
fore he  knew  it.  They  shot  his  horse  several  times ;  his  horse  threw 
Kane  off,  and  he  got  behind  a  tree.  The  horse  went  back  to  the 
pack  animal.  The  Indians  were  trying  to  get  Kane,  he  having 
dropped  his  gun  in  the  fall.  Talmadge  had  got  off  his  horse,  and 
shot  and  killed  the  one  just  drawing  a  bead  on  Kane.  Kane  had 
lost  his  gun  when  he  fell  from  his  horse ;  he  had  nothing  but  a 
pistol  left.  Talmadge  had  a  double-barrel,  muzzle-loading  gun. 
The  Indians  then  turned  their  attention  to  Talmadge.     Kane  ran 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  161 

back  to  the  other  boys.  Talmadge  fired  another  shot.  He  could 
not  hold  his  horse  any  longer  and  hold  his  gun.  The  Indians  scat- 
tered. Talmadge  went  back  to  meet  the  boys.  They  all  went  back 
to  the  mill.  That  ended  the  first  round.  The  next  day  they  gath- 
ered in  what  guns  and  ammunition  they  could ;  one  or  two  more 
men  from  San  Bernardino  came  up ;  they  moulded  up  all  the  lead 
they  could  get  hold  of ;  got  powder  and  caps,  for  all  we  had  was 
muzzle-loading  guns  in  those  days,  and  started  to  locate  the  Indians 
once  more.  They  left  with  the  women  four  men:  J.  J.  Willis,  G.  P. 
Thomas,  G.  Birdwell  and  one  other  man.  They  decided  not  to  go 
the  wagon  road  down  to  Bear  X'alley  for  fear  of  being  way-laid 
by  the  Indians.  ^lore  snow  had  fallen  by  this  time,  almost  two 
feet,  I  think.  In  the  party  that  day  were  Frank  Talmadge,  Jonathan 
Richardson,  I  think;  William  Caley,  A.  J.  Currey,  Thomas  Enrufty, 
better  known  as  "Noisy  Tom" ;  Henry  Law,  George  Lish,  Tom 
Welty,  Frank  Blair,  Bill  Kane,  George  Armstrong,  I  think,  and 
Joab  Roar.  It  was  so  long  ago  that  I  am  not  positive  as  to  those 
two.  As  I  said,  they  decided  to  go  down  the  canyon  on  the  left 
side  toward  Bear  \'alley.  They  left  the  road  about  two  hundred 
yards  below  the  mill  and  started  up  over  the  first  ridge.  Just  as 
they  reached  the  top  they  met  about  sixty  Indians.  The  timber 
being  thick,  the  fighting  was  done  mostly  from  behind  trees.  I 
think  the  Indians  opened  fire  first.  They  must  have  had  about 
forty  guns,  and  some  had  bows  and  arrows.  The  firing  lasted 
some  time,  several  hundred  shots  being  fired.  Tom  Welty  got  shot 
through  the  shoulder.  Bill  Kane  in  the  leg.  Two  men  being  wound- 
ed, and  alxDut  four  men  and  two  guns  being  all  they  had  left  to 
protect  the  women  folk,  they  went  back  to  the  mill.  They  left  one 
dead  Indian  and  several  wounded.  That  ended  another  scrap.  The 
Indians  having  got  the  worst  of  it,  leaving  two  dead  (N.  B.  in  the 
two  scraps — so  G.  M.)  on  the  ground  and  a  good  many  mortally 
wounded,  they  went  down  for  a  warmer  climate,  towards  the 
desert.  Those  Indians  that  were  killed  had  their  shoes,  or  sandals, 
tied  to  their  belts  and  their  feet  in  the  snow.  They  all  were  bare- 
footed, as  their  tracks  showed  in  the  snow. 

W^e  determined  to  drive  them  out  of  the  mountains.  We  gath- 
ered up  some  more  men  from  San  Bernardino,  with  provisions,  and 
a  wagon  to  haul  the  blankets,  and  our  supply,  not  being  much  at 
that.  Some  went  over  the  mountains :  some  went  through  the 
Cajon  Pass.  We  made  our  first  headquarters  at  the  Dunlap  and 
Parrish  ranch,  now  Las  Flores  Rancho — see  note  "A"  at  end.  In 
the  army  of  the  Mojave  at  first  outset  were  W.  F.  Holcomb,  Jack 
Martin,  John  St.  John.  Samuel  Bemis,  Edwin  Bemis,  Wm.  Bemis, 
Harrison  Bemis,  Bart  Smithson,  John  McGarr,  Jonathan  Richard- 
son, Frank  Blair,  George  Armstrong,  George  Birdwell,  Joseph 
Mecham,  Jack  Ayres  and  one  man — I  don't  know  his  name.     He 


162  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERX   CALIFORNIA 

was  SO  no-account  he  would  not  get  out  of  camp  or  do  a  solitary 
thing — the  laziest  man  I  ever  saw  in  my  life.  We  divided  up  into 
small  parties  each  day  to  go  in  different  directions  to  get  the  trails 
to  find  where  the  Indians  had  gone  to.  We  found  all  trails  of  them 
going  northeast  on  the  desert  from  Rock  Creek  on  the  west  to 
Cushenberry  on  the  east  track ;  all  led  toward  the  Rabbit  Springs. 
W'e  then  moved  down  to  the  Mojave  River  to  get  closer  to  our 
work,  in  some  heavy  timber — the  place  is  now  known  as  the  Verde 
Rancho ;  it  was  not  owned  by  anybody  at  that  time.  From  there 
we  put  out  our  scouting  parties,  and  soon  located  the  Indians  on  a 
rocky  mountain  north  and  west  of  Rabbit  Springs,  just  north  of 
the  west  end  of  a  dry  lake. 

I  was  with  the  Bemis  boys  and  Jack  Alartin  during  the  time 
we  were  scouting.  A  brave  set  of  men  they  were,  but  cautious  and 
on  the  alert.  The  next  thing  to  do  now  was  to  make  an  attack, 
as  soon  as  we  could  get  all  hands  together  at  about  20  miles  from 
our  camp  west,  and  we  decided  to  make  a  daybreak  attack. 

Three  or  four  men  then  got  sick  all  at  once — toothache  and  head- 
ache— and  they  went  home  then. 

The  next  day  came  more  men,  Dave  Wixon,  Noisy  Tom,  Sam 
Button  and  a  man  by  the  name  of  Stout,  and  his  son  and  son-in-law. 
Those  who  went  home  were  Ayres  and  Mecham — I  have  forgot- 
ten the  other  names.  We  sat  up  that  night  till  about  12  o'clock. 
Then  we  divided  into  two  parties.  Stout  was  made  captain  of  the 
men  who  went  by  the  wagon  road.  St.  John  was  made  captain  of 
the  men  who  went  north  of  the  mountain.  It  was  a  considerably 
greater  distance  for  those  going  on  the  north  side  of  the  mountain. 
I  want  to  say  right  here  that  this  was  the  coldest  weather  that  I  had 
experienced  in  many  a  day.  Men's  moustaches  froze  from  their 
breath.  I  was  not  old  enough  to  grow  hair  on  my  face  at  that  time. 
We  wandered'  around  through  the  night  in  the  "chollas"  (cactus) 
half  frozen,  and  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  in  broad  daylight. 
We  should  have  been  at  the  top  of  the  mountain  at  that  time.  Stout 
and  his  party,  following  the  road,  a  much  shorter  distance,  got  there 
on  time.  They  saw  us  just  starting  up  the  hill.  They  did  not  see 
any  Indians.  They  fired  off  a  gun  to  let  us  know  they  were  there, 
and  hallowed  a  few  times,  and  started  down  to  the  wagon.  That 
woke  up  the  Indians,  and  put  them  on  their  guard.  We  could  see 
the  Indians  running  about  from  place  to  place,  one  with  something 
in  his  hand,  a  piece  of  blanket,  and  directing  his  men.  The  Indians 
did  not  see  us.  They  were  watching  Stout's  party,  and  trying  to 
cut  them  off  from  the  wagon.  All  this  time  we  were  hurrying  the 
best  we  could,  the  ground  being  very  rocky  and  hard  climbing.  We 
would  go  half  at  a  time ;  then  we  would  get  behind  rocks  and  wait 
until  the  others  came  up.  They  would  get  under  cover  and  we 
would  go  on  again.    We  got  right  in  there  among  them  before  they 


"dE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  163 

knew  it.  Then  the  guns  began  to  crack  and  arrows  began  zipping 
about,  and  you  could  not  see  any  distance  for  so  many  big  rocks. 
Jack  Martin  and  Bill  Holcomb,  Noisy  Tom  and  Bill  Bemis  went 
on  the  west  side  of  a  big  rock.  Richardson  and  I  were  on 
the  east  side  of  the  rock.  We  started  to  go  round  on  the  south 
side,  where  the  most  shooting  was.  An  arrow  struck  Richard-, 
son  in  the  breast.  He  staggered  round,  and  I  caught  him  in  my 
arms,  and  got  him  behind  a  rock  and  started  on.  I  had  gone  but 
a  few  feet  when  I  met  St.  John,  our  captain.  He  said,  "Where 
are  you  going?"  "I  was  going,"  I  said,  "to  get  help,  as  Richard- 
son was  badly  wounded."  He  went  and  looked  at  him.  I  showed 
him  the  arrow  he  was  shot  with,  covered  with  blood.  He  shook  his 
head  and  said,  "You  can't  do  anything  for  him;  let  the  battle  go 
on."  He  turned  round  to  me  and  said,  "George,  you  see  that  bush 
there  and  a  little  piece  of  blanket?  That  rock  is  split  in  two.  The 
Indians  are  going  through  and  getting  away.  You  crawl  right  up 
to  that  little  pile  of  rock;  don't  let  them  get  out  that  way;  don't 
shoot  unless  you  are  very  close.  I  will  go  round  and  get  the  other 
boys,  and  come  over  the  rock  and  meet  you."  I  crawled  up  within 
twenty  feet  of  where  he  told  me  to  go.  The  Indians  were  yelling 
like  ten  thousand  coyotes.  I  lay  about  as  flat  as  a  man  could  lie 
on  the  ground,  laid  my  pistol  right  where  I  could  get  my  hand 
on  it,  and  used  the  gun  first.  The  Indians  were  passing  at  the  left 
of  me  and  a  little  in  the  rear  of  me.  I  hardly  knew  which  way  to 
expect  them.  I  heard  the  rocks  rolling  behind  me  and  looked 
across  a  little  canyon.  I  saw  Dave  Wixom  and  Harrison  Bemis 
crawling  down  the  hill  toward  me.  I  beckoned  them  and  they  came 
to  me.  I  felt  very  much  relieved  when  they  crawled  up  to  me. 
About  that  time  I  heard  Noisy  Tom's  voice  and  saw  the  heads  of 
them  coming  over  the  rock — Noisy  Tom,  Holcomb,  Martin,  St.  John, 
all  of  them  in  a  breast,  guns  ready  to  shoot.  When  Tom  saw  me 
with  my  gun  in  the  direction  of  him,  pointed  at  the  blanket  and 
bush,  he  hallooed  out  at  me,  "Miller,  don't  you  shoot  this  way,  you 
little  S.  B.,  you."  As  St.  John  said,  the  Indians  had  made  their 
escape  through  the  split  in  the  rock — all  that  were  in  that  company, 
except  two  squaws,  one  boy  about  fourteen,  one  girl  about  ten,  and 
a  baby.  They  took  them  prisoners.  In  the  fight  were  Noisy  Tom, 
Holcomb,  Martin,  St.  John,  Richardson,  Wixom,  H.  Bemis,  S. 
Bemis,  W.  Bemis,  E.  Bemis,  Blair  and  Armstrong.  The  two  last 
stayed  hid  all  the  time  the  fight  was  on.  J.  McGarr  and  Button 
were  taking  care  of  the  horses.  John  McGarr  and  Samuel  Button 
had  taken  the  horses  in  the  meantime  around  to  the  wagon.  Now 
the  next  thing  to  do  was  to  get  Jonathan  Richardson  down  to  the 
wagon,  and  with  him  the  prisoners  we  had.  Richardson  was  very 
weak  and  sick,  and  the  ground  was  very  steep  and  rocky,  but  we 
got  to  the  wagon  in  safety.    If  those  Indians  had  known  that  there 


164  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

were  but  a  dozen  men  of  us,  they  could  have  wiped  us  off  the  face 
of  the  earth.  Our  coming  up  and  attacking  them  in  the  rear  sur- 
prised them.  They  were  busy  trying  to  cut  Stout's  party  off  from 
the  wagon.  With  us  coming  up  they  thought  they  were  trapped, 
and  they  scattered  like  quail,  and  lucky  for  us  they  did.  Now  to 
get  Richardson  to  San  Bernardino  we  had  to  send  an  escort  with 
him,  Bill  Holcomb,  Sam  Button  and  Armstrong  and  Blair.  That 
ended  that  scrap. 

Then  we  went  on  after  the  broken  remnants  of  them.  We 
chased  them  around  through  rocks.  They  were  getting  together 
as  fast  as  they  could.  Our  party  getting  weaker  all  the  time,  we 
thought  we  could  handle  a  few  of  them  more  easily  than  all  of  them 
together.  I  was  with  Bill  Bemis,  Ed  Bemis  and  Jack  Martin.  The 
next  day  we  went  up  to  the  old  battleground  to  pick  up  the  trail 
of  some  of  the  stragglers.  We  soon  picked  up  a  trail  leading  down 
the  north  slope  of  the  mountain.  We  followed  them  down  to  the 
valley,  where  they  turned  up  a  sand  wash  running  into  some  low 
hills.  They  seemed  to  have  gotten  together  again.  The  trails  looked 
as  if  there  were  150  or  200  of  them.  We  were  close  to  the  foot- 
hill at  the  mouth  of  the  canyon. 

We  heard  a  shot  close  by,  only  a  few  rods  away.  We  looked 
around,  but  could  not  see  anything.  It  was  almost  sundown.  We 
had  no  water  and  had  six  miles  to  walk,  so  we  went  to  camp  and 
reported. 

The  next  morning,  as  soon  as  we  could  see,  all  hands  went  to 
take  up  the  trail  where  we  left  it  the  evening  before,  leaving  three 
men  in  camp.  In  a  short  time  we  had  the  trail  again.  We  had 
not  gone  far  from  where  we  left  the  trail  the  evening  before,  and 
heard  the  gun  fired,  when  we  found  where  they  had  stayed  all 
night — not  over  four  hundred  yards  from  where  we  turned  back 
the  evening  before.  The  canyon  was  about  one  hundred  feet  across 
at  the  mouth,  and  very  rocky.  They  went  right  up  the  sand  wash 
and  3'ou  could  see  the  tracks  a  hundred  yards  ahead.  They  then 
turned  off  out  on  either  side  and  came  back  to  the  mouth  of  the 
canyon,  and  fortified  both  sides,  and  there  lay  in  waiting  for  us. 
Had  we  gone  any  further  the  evening  before,  they  would  have 
killed  all  four  of  us  without  doubt.  We  then  followed  on,  skirting 
the  foothills.  We  were  close  on  to  them ;  they  would  not  come  out 
in  the  open  valley,  but  kept  in  the  rocks,  except  when  crossing  the 
mouths  of  canyons.  We  followed  on  until  about  three  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon. 

We  had  no  water,  having  no  canteens.  We  started  back  to 
camp.  We  had  traveled  all  this  time  in  a  half  circle.  We  were 
nearer  camp  than  when  we  first  took  up  the  trail  in  the  morning. 
We  met  Stout's  son  coming  with  two  horses,  leading  one  for  his 
father,  tlie  other  for  his  brother-in-law.    He  had  a  canteen  of  water 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  165 

and  a  lunch  for  the  three.  They  decided  to  follow  them  on,  as  they 
were  still  going  on  in  a  circle.  St.  John  and  Martin  remonstrated 
with  them,  and  told  them  how  they  had  set  a  trap  for  us  the  eve- 
ning before,  and  said  they  had  better  go  to  camp  with  us.  They 
would  not  listen.  They  were  on  horseback  and  were  going  to  follow 
a  little  further.  I  was  dry  and  thirsty  and  hungry ;  had  had  no  water 
since  early  morning,  and  hurried  into  camp.  Dinner  was  ready ; 
so  was  I.  So  I  washed  myself  and  got  a  plate  of  beans  and  had 
started  to  sit  down,  when  I  heard  the  guns  begin  to  pop.  The  other 
boys  had  all  got  in  by  that  time.  I  picked  up  a  field  glass  and  looked 
in  the  direction  I  heard  the  shooting,  and  saw  a  man  coming  on  a 
bald-faced  horse  across  a  dry  lake  north  of  us.  The  man  had  no 
hat  on  his  head.  I  knew  it  was  Stout's  son  and  horse.  I  could  not 
see  the  other  two  men.  We  were  all  gone  and  going  to  meet  him 
before  he  got  to  camp.  We  were  there  just  in  time  to  save  his  father 
and  brother-in-law.  Stout's  horse  was  shot,  and  his  son-in-law  had 
a  broken  arm.  Stout  had  several  bullet  holes  through  his  coat,  but 
none  had  hit  the  flesh.  They  had  followed  the  Indians  to  a  little 
point  through  a  little  pass,  with  two  little  buttes  on  either  side. 
The  Indians  lay  in  the  rocks  on  both  sides  of  them  and  opened  fire 
on  them  as  they  came  through.  How  they  ever  escaped  I  do  not 
know.  The  Lord  must  have  been  on  their  side.  We  opened  fire 
on  the  Indians  as  soon  as  we  got  there.  They  were  making  for 
the  top  of  the  mountains.  I  started  to  go  round  a  point  of  the  hill. 
John  ]\IcGarr  had  tied  his  horse  to  a  grease  bush  and  the  horse  was 
about  to  break  loose,  hearing  so  much  shooting.  John  hallooed  at 
me  to  get  his  horse  before  he  got  away.  I  had  just  seen  two  In- 
dians running  up  through  the  rocks  and  was  hurrying  round  on  the 
other  side  to  get  a  better  shot  at  them.  So  I  jumped  on  the  horse, 
and  started  in  a  hurry.  The  horse  started  bucking.  I  was  hang- 
ing on  for  dear  life.  Two  Indians  ran  out  from  behind  some  rocks 
not  over  fifty  yards  from  me:  they  never  stopped  to  shoot  at  me', 
but  ran  farther  up  into  the  rocks.  By  the  time  I  got  the  horse 
stopped,  and  got  off,  they  got  in  behind  some  more  rock.  I  then 
found  that  I  had  lost  all  my  bullets.  I  took  the  horse's  tracks  and 
followed  back  until  I  found  about  a  dozen.  By  that  time  the  shoot- 
ing had  stopped.  Then  the  next  thing  was  to  get  in  the  wounded 
man  and  horse.  It  was  near  sundown.  We  held  council  and 
found,  when  we  had  furnished  an  escort  to  San  Bernardino  with 
the  wounded,  there  were  only  Jack  Martin,  the  four  Bemis  boys 
and  myself,  and  we  decided  we  could  not  do  any  business.  So  we 
came  on  with  the  rest  of  them.  I  went  on  ahead  with  part  of  the 
crowd  that  night  on  horseback,  as  Richardson  had  left  his  horse 
with  me.  The  balance  of  the  men  went  with  the  wagon.  We  were 
to  meet  at  the  old  camp  on  the  Mojave  River.  It  was  bitter  cold 
that  night.    It  was  storming  on  the  mountains ;  the  sleet  blew  in  our 


166  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

faces  all  the  way  to  the  Mojave.  The  wagon  lost  the  way,  and 
landed  about  eight  miles  above  us  on  the  river.  They  had  all  our 
blankets  and  provisions.  The  snow  fell  on  us  that  night  about  six 
inches  deep.  We  had  not  had  anything  to  eat  since  daybreak  the 
morning  before.  We  found  the  wagon  the  next  morning  about 
nine  o'clock,  and  got  some  breakfast,  what  little  there  was  to  get. 
I  could  tell  you  a  funny  story  that  happened  there,  but  it  will  do 
some  other  time.  While  we  were  there.  Joe  Serrill's  brother,  and,  I 
think,  John  Burkhart,  killed  eight  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  Cushen- 
berry  Canyon. 

Now  I  will  commence  where  I  left  off.  We  waded  through  the 
snow  over  the  Cajon  Pass  almost  frozen  and  starved.  We  hadn't 
had  a  square  meal  for  thirty-two  days.  We  got  to  the  upper  toll- 
house. A  man  by  the  name  of  Fears,  I  think,  was  there,  and  others. 
Some  of  the  boys  got  meals  at  seventy-five  cents ;  I  did  not  have 
the  price.  So  I  went  on  down  to  the  lower  toll-house.  John  Brown, 
Sr.,  was  there  and  his  son,  Joseph  Brown.  Mr.  Brown  says,  "Boys, 
I  expect  you  are  hungry.  I  am  not  very  well  fixed  to  cook  for  so 
many  at  a  time,  but  come  in ;  I  will  serve  you  all  as  fast  as  I  can. 
You  shall  have  the  best  I  have  got.    You  deserve  it." 

They  all  took  him  at  his  word  but  John  McGarr  and  myself.  I 
was  as  hungry  as. a  coyote,  but  did  not  want  to  impose  on  good 
nature.  I  got  home  about  two  o'clock  in  the  night,  having  been 
gone  from  home  just  thirty-two  days.         Yours  truly, 

George  Miller. 


Note  A:  I  want  to  state  right  here,  before  I  go  any  further,  as 
to  the  mode  of  fighting,  that  they  keep  up  a  constant  yell  all  the 
time.  They  make  more  noise  than  10,000  coyotes ;  never  come  out 
in  the  open  to  fight,  but  fight  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  and  keep 
up  a  constant  yell  all  the  time.  There  is  one  thing  they  never  do  ;  that 
is,  they  never  leave  any  wounded  on  the  battle-ground.  They  take 
and  carry  away  every  one  that  has  a  spark  of  life  left  in  him.  You 
never  know  how  many  are  wounded  and  killed. 

Note  B:  Amiy  of  the  Mojave — W.  F.  Holcomb,  Jack  Martin, 
John  St.  John,  Sam  Beniis,  Harrison  Bemis,  \\'iniam  Bemis,  Edwin 
Bemis,  Bart  Smithson,  John  McGarr,  D.  H.  Wixom,  Jonathan 
Richardson,  Frank  Blair,  George  Birdwell,  Joseph  Mecham,  Stout 
and  son,  Griffith  (son-in-law),  one  man  (I  dont  know  his 
name),  Sam  Button.  Shot:  Parrish.  killed,  Bemis,  killed;  White- 
side, killed  ;  Dr.  C.  Smith,  wounded ;  PoJito,  killed  ;  Weltz,  wounded  ; 
Kane,  wounded  ;  Wolley,  killed. 

Note  C:  Those  who  participated  in  first  fight  at  Rabbit  Springs 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  167 

— John  St.  John,  Bill  Holconib,  Ed  Bemis,  Harrison  Bemis,  John 
McGarr,  Jonathan  Richardson,  George  Armstrong,  Jack  Martin, 
Sam  Bemis,  Bill  Bemis,  Thomas  Enrufty,  Dave  Wixom,  Frank 
Blair.  Bard  Smithson  stayed  with  the  wagons  and  horses  at  all 
times,  he  and  two  other  men. 


But  I  am  getting  ahead  of  my  subject.  I  must  go  back  to  his 
early  days,  and  finally  will  wind  up  with  some  more  or  less  pictur- 
esque, but  always  forcible,  anecdotes,  wherein  he  and  his  friends, 
many  of  whom  have  since  gone  over  the  Big  Divide,  bore  conspic- 
uous parts. 

Born  February  11,  1850,  in  a  log  cabin  in  Indian  Territory, 
among  the  Creek  Indians,  at  the  age  of  eleven  months  he  went  to 
Michigan,  where  his  mother  died.  In  1854  the  family  moved  to 
Meringo,  Illinois,  where  his  father  died  in  the  following  year.  The 
next  trek  was  to  Iowa  in  1856,  with  the  object  of  uniting  forces 
with  Joshua  Miller,  his  half-brother,  in  their  journey  to  California. 
In  1857  the  party  was  well  under  way,  but  was  wrecked  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  Mississippi  River  boat  on  which  they  were 
traveling  coming  to  grief  near  Fort  La  Vaca,  where  they  were  land- 
ed. John,  another  half-brother,  was  now  appealed  to  for  help,  and 
he  promptly  came  from  Texas,  and  the  journey  was  continued  over- 
land in  oxen-drawn  wagons.  In  1858,  Burnett  County,  Texas,  was 
made,  and  in  1859,  Mormon  Mill,  where  they  waited  a  year  be- 
fore a  sufficiently  strong  wagon  train  to  cross  the  plains  was  col- 
lected. 

In  1860  they  arrived  with  their  ox-teams  in  California,  and  in 
August,  1861,  in  San  Bernardino.  Their  immediate  party  included 
John  Miller,  with  his  second  wife  and  three  children;  Joshua  Miller, 
with  his  wife  and  five  children;  Elizabeth,  who  married  first  one 
Robert  Keir,  by  whom  she  had  one  child,  and  later  Bill  McCoy,  to 
whom  she  bore  four  children,  all  now  dead,  except  Tillie,  who 
married  Walter  Shay,  now  chief  of  police  of  San  Bernardino. 

George  Aliller,  Jr.,  the  subject  of  this  paper,  who  married  Ele- 
anora  Hancock  (who  came  to  California  from  Iowa  in  1854), 
by  whom  he  has  had  eight  children:  Joseph,  born  June  1,  1872, 
died  at  birth ;  Nancy,  born  March  30,  1873,  died  at  birth ;  Augusta, 
born,  February  1,  1874,  married  John  R.  Crandell,  and  by  him  she 
had  two  children;  George,  born  December  5,  1875,  accidentally 
killed  in  1913  ;  Ida,  born  December  4,  1878,  married  J.  O.  Lamb,  had 
two  children;  Mary,  born  September  20,  1881.  married  W.  P. 
Rogers,  no  children ;  Willie,  born  September  30,  1884,  married  Stella 
Edwards,  one  child  (Delia  Vaughan,  aged  18  months)  ;  and  Charles, 
born  March  16,  1891. 

In  1862,  at  the  age  of  twelve  years,  George,  now  his  own  man, 


168  HISTORICAL  SOCIETV  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORXIA 

went  to  work  for  Sandy  Keir  for  one  year.  In  1863  he  worked  suc- 
cessively at  Taggert's  brick  yard,  Wixom's  shingle  mill  and  for  Xim 
Waters  at  Yucaipa.  In  1864  we  find  him  working  for  one  Rose, 
who  owned  a  shingle  mill,  and  later  on  for  one  Currie,  cutting  logs. 
In  1865  he  bought  out  Currie,  being  of  the  mature  age  of  fifteen 
years,  and  went  into  partnership  with  Bill  Holcomb,  of  whom  more 
anon.  The  partners  spent  1868  prospecting  in  Death  \'alley,  Inyo 
County,  and  in  1869  in  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains.  In  1870  he 
went  to  Arizona  and  spent  the  year  freighting,  driving  a  mule  team 
out  of  Prescott,  and  in  the  following  year,  still  driving  his  mule 
team,  he  returned  to  Grass  \'alley,  San  Bernardino,  and  married. 
In  1872  he  bought  eighty  acres  of  land  at  $2.50  per  acre  and  plant- 
ed it  to  peaches,  apricots  and  alfalfa,  and  in  1901  to  oranges.  This 
land  is  now  worth  $1500.00  per  acre. 

This  biographical  sketch  is  very  incomplete,  but  a  perusal  of  it 
enables  one  to  draw  a  mental  picture  of  the  life  of  a  pioneer  in  the 
sixties,  and  explains  perhaps  the  fact  that  right  now,  when  he  is 
in  his  sixty-eighth  year,  there  are  few  men  of  half  that  age  who 
can  keep  up  with  George  ^filler  in  the  mountains. 

A  hunter  from  birth,  he  has  a  knowledge  of  woodcraft  that  is 
extraordinary,  and,  his  climbing  muscles  having  been  developed 
by  over  sixty  years  of  constant  use,  he  never  seems  to  tire  in  the 
mountains.  Starting  at  five  A.  M.  he  strikes  his  own  gait,  and 
although  traveling  slowly,  as  all  good  hunters  do,  he  keeps  it  up 
until  dark.  Many  a  time  I  have  mildly  suggested  that  it  would  be 
a  good  idea  to  sit  down  for  five  minutes  for  lunch,  only  to  be  told 
that  he  preferred  to  eat  his  walking.  IMany  a  time,  when  hot  and 
tired  out  from  a  long  tramp  I  have  taken  advantage  of  the  oppor- 
tunity to  cool  off  in  a  mountain  stream,  has  he  severely  and  with 
an  almost  pained  expression  remarked,  "That  isn't  hunting  deer." 

Perhaps  the  most  extraordinary-  thing  about  George  is  his  pos- 
session to  a  weird  degree  of  the  sixth  sense,  the  sense  of  location. 
Even  old  and  experienced  hunters  occasionally  get  temporarily  lost 
in  the  mountains — at  night,  for  instance,  or  in  a  strange  country — 
but  George  Miller,  never.  Like  the  carrier  pigeon,  he  takes  a  bee- 
line  back  to  camp,  and  many  are  the  stories  told  about  him  in  this 
connection. 

On  one  occasion,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state.  I  was  hunt- 
ing with  him  in  a  very  rough  country — quite  unknown  to  him.  As 
usual  he  persisted  in  tracking  deer  until  it  was  dark.  The  remon- 
strances of  myself  and  the  guide,  however,  were  finally  efficacious, 
and  we  started,  as  we  thought,  campwards,  the  guide  leading.  At 
once  George  remarked  quietly,  "That  isn't  the  way  home."  The 
man  who  had  been  born  and  bred  in  the  locality,  and  had  acted  as 
a  guide  there  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  who  was  tired  and 
hungry  and  more  than  a  little  sore  at  having  been  kept  out  unneces- 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  169 

sarily  late,  answered  sharply  that  he  was  quite  capable  of  finding 
the  way  in  his  own  country.  George  said  nothing  more,  but  some 
two  hours  later,  when  the  guide  grudgingly  confessed  himself  hope- 
lessly off  the  right  track,  quietly  assumed  the  latter's  functions  and 
tacking  ship  led  us  straight  back  to  camp,  which  lay  in  a  totally 
different  direction  from  that  which  we  had  been  following.  I  could 
easily  multiply  such  examples,  but  this  one  suffices  to  illustrate  my 
point. 

It  is  while  sitting  around  the  camp  fires  at  night  that  George 
sings  his  best  forty-niner  songs  and  tells  his  best  hunting  and  pros- 
pecting yarns.  Of  the  former,  "Sweet  Betsy  of  Pike,"  to  the  tune 
of  "Villikins  and  His  Dinah,"  and  "Lather  and  Shave,"  to  a  tune 
of  its  own,  are  my  favorites,  though  his  repertoire  is  an  extensive 
one,  and  I  shall  never  forget  the  delight  of  a  famous  singer  in 
Berkeley,  in  whose  salon,  on  our  way  back  from  a  bear-hunt  in 
Siskiyou  County,  I  persuaded  George  to  oblige  with  these  two  gems. 
The  singer  said  she  had  always  wanted  to  hear  a  forty-niner  song — 
and  she  heard  two! 

Of  his  yarns,  which  are  many  and  varied,  those  which  appeal  to 
me  most  are  the  ones  that  refer  to  his  one-time  partner.  Bill  Hol- 
comb,  now,  alas!  gone  on  his  last  hunt.  He  tells  how  Bill  Hol- 
comb  (born  in  Iowa  in  1832;  died  at  San  Bernardino,  California, 
1912)  came  to  California  in  1850,  traveling  by  the  northern  route, 
and  in  an  ox-wagon  to  the  Green  River,  which  empties  into  the  Colo- 
rado ;  in  crossing  the  latter  his  raft  capsized  and  he  lost  his  entire 
outfit.  He  continued  his  journey  on  foot,  living  with  his  friend. 
Jack  ]\Iartin,  on  rose  buds  for  four  days,  a  diet  which  may  seem 
romantic  to  us,  but  was  not  very  filling.  On  the  fifth  day,  being 
at  their  last  gasp,  they  miraculously  foimd  a  canteen  of  water  and 
a  sack  of  food,  and,  to  his  dying  day,  Bill  Holcomb  always  solemnly 
referred  to  this  as  an  example  of  the  direct  intervention  of  Provi- 
dence. 

After  arriving  in  Upper  California,  they  passed  on  to  Calaveras 
County,  hunting  for  the  market  and  looking  for  gold.  Again  they 
had  got  into  very  low  water,  when  one  day  they  ran  on  to  a  creek,  the 
sandy  bottom  of  which  glittered  with  gilded  particles.  Visions  of 
wealth  floated  before  their  eyes,  and  until  literally  starving  they 
worked  feverishly  to  collect  the  coveted  wealth.  Foreseeing  a  mad 
rush  to  their  treasure-trove.  Bill  traveled  eighteen  miles  to  the  near- 
est point  where  he  could  buy  grub,  going  and  coming  by  night 
to  elude  pursuit.  At  length  their  last  cent  was  spent,  and  at  length, 
too,  they  had  a  sack  full  of  gold.  Brazenly  now  they  swaggered 
into  a  store  in  a  market  town,  where  they  ordered  lavishly  and 
without  thought  of  expense  a  goodly  supply  of  food — producing  in 
payment  a  small  quantity  of  the  golden  dust.  A  queer  expression 
came  over  the  face  of  the  store-keeper — a  look  wherein  pity  was 


170  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 

mixed  with  suspicion — as  he  remarked,  "That  is  no  good  to  me." 
"Why  not,  you  d —  fool?  it  is  gold,"  replied  Bill.  "No,  it  is  isin- 
glass," replied  the  man.  It  took  long  to  convince  Bill,  by  demonstra- 
tion with  the  scales,  that  the  man  was  right,  and,  when  he  was 
finally  convinced,  he  sat  down  and  cried.  All  their  toil  and  priva- 
tions had  been  for  nothing,  and,  worse  than  that,  he  had  not  a  cent 
to  buy  provisions  for  himself  and  famished  partner.  Fortune  fa- 
vored them  here,  however,  for  the  kindly  store-keeper  took  pity  on 
them  and  grubstaked  the  greenhorns,  paying  them  $10.00  a  day  to 
work  in  his  own  placer  mines.  His  exchequer  being  replenished, 
he  soon  after  decided  to  visit  his  brother  in  Oregon.  Sending 
ahead  for  a  ticket,  he  journeyed  to  San  Francisco,  whence  the  boat 
sailed,  went  aboard  and  retired  at  once  to  his  room,  being  fearful 
of  being  robbed  of  the  real  gold  which  he  now  carried  in  his  belt. 
All  at  once  the  ship's  whistle  blew  a  great  blast  preparatory  to  start- 
ing. With  a  wild  yell  the  rustic  Bill  rushed  madly  on  to  the  crowded 
deck,  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  "You  d —  fools,  why  don't 
you  jump?  The  ship  is  blowing  up!"  When  the  nautical  mystery 
was  at  length  explained  to  him,  he  was  so  ashamed  that  he  fled 
to  his  cabin  and  hid  there.  Coming  on  deck  some  few  days  later 
he  felt  strangely  squeamish,  and  it  flashed  across  his  mind  that  he 
had  had  a  drink  with  a  stranger  who  was  desirous  of  robbing  him, 
and  had  plainly  doped  his  liquor.  Hastening  to  the  captain  he 
handed  over  his  belt,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  imploring  him  to  send 
it  to  his  mother,  so  that  the  villains  should  not  get  his  money.  On 
the  captain  explaining  to  him  that  he  was  seasick.  Bill  yelled  at  him, 
"You  scoundrel,  you  are  in  with  the  gang!"  Truly  he  was  very 
green. 

Time  passed,  and  Bill  became  a  wiser  and  a  sadder  man.  His 
ne.xt  venture  was  on  the  Feather  River,  where  he  "made  good" :  but 
a  flood  came  and  the  partners  barely  escaped  with  their  lives.  After 
this  came  a  spell  of  hunting  (elk,  bear,  antelope)  for  the  market; 
then,  via  ^^entura,  he  came  down  to  San  Bernardino  in  1859,  slay- 
ing four  grizzly  bears  and  discovering  the  Holcomb  Valley  mine 
within  a  few  days.  The  usual  story  follows :  Jack  Alartin  got  drunk 
and  gave  the  show  away;  the  rush  of  miners  followed,  and  the  part- 
ners, frozen  out,  left  for  Arizona  with  $18.00  between  them.  In 
Arizona  they  located  a  mine  which  they  sold  to  one  Dick  Gurd  for 
$500.00;  it  netted  Gurd  one  million  a  little  later  on. 

His  next  move  was  to  San  Bernardino,  where  he  worked  in 
lumber,  becoming  acquainted  with  George  Miller  in  1864.  There- 
after they  were  bosom  pals  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

In  the  year  1877  the  two  were  hunting  grizzly  bears  in  what  is 
even  now  a  wild  spot  known  as  Devil's  Hole,  at  the  head  of  Little 
Rock  Creek,  when  an  event  occurred,  reference  to  which  was  for 
many  years  a  sore  point  with  Bill  Holcomb.    A  certain  amount  of 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  171 

hunters'  rivalry  existed  between  them.  They  were  the  best  of 
friends,  both  crack  shots  and  first-class  hunters,  but  Bill  was  ex- 
tremely anxious  to  get  a  particularly  fine  old  grizzly  which  had' 
long  eluded  them,  and  determined  to  "put  one  over"  on  George. 
Selecting  a  time  when  the  latter  was  otherwise  occupied  (looking 
for  a  strayed  horse),  he  took  up  the  track  and  finally  in  a  most 
difficult  country  he  caught  a  glimpse  through  the  dense  under- 
growth of  the  bear.  Leveling  his  trusty  45-90  he  pulled  the  trigger, 
and  down  came  an  old  brown  horse.  To  chagrin  succeeded  fear, 
for  the  horse  must  belong  to  Indians,  who  would  not  be  slow  to 
follow  up  and  take  revenge.  That  night  at  the  camp  fire  it  was 
evident  to  those  present  that  Bill  had  something  on  his  mind,  and 
finally,  after  several  drinks,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  confess,  first, 
that  he  had  mistaken  a  horse  for  a  bear,  and,  secondly,  that  he  had 
endangered  the  lives  of  his  companions  by  shooting  the  Indian's 
horse.  It  was  a  bitter  pill  for  Bill  to  swallow,  this  double  confes- 
sion, not  made  any  easier  by  the  unmerciful  chaff  of  his  companions. 
In  fact,  it  was  too  good  a  story  for  the  latter  ever  to  forget,  and  is 
still  one  of  the  favorite  jokes  which,  to  this  day,  the  pioneers  of  San 
Bernardino  laugh  over.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  horse  was  owner- 
less— a  derelict  that  had  strayed  and  got  into  that  abominable  place 
and  couldn't  get  out.  Only  a  few  years  ago  George  and  myself 
found  evidence  of  a  similar  occurrence  in  a  wild  spot  in  the  Haystack 
Mountains,  Santa  Rosa  Range. 

Now  comes  the  sequel:  In  1901,  just  fourteen  years  after  Bill 
Holcomb  shot  the  horse,  George  Miller,  the  younger,  shot  the  last 
grizzly  bear  killed  in  these  parts — this  was  not  the  famous  club-foot 
mentioned  in  various  books  (among  them,  "Yosemite  Trails,"  by 
J.  S.  Chase,  though,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  a  shot  from  George  Miller's 
rifle,  and  not  the  trap  as  mentioned  by  Chase  in  above  named  book, 
was  the  cause  of  the  said  club-foot),  but  a  magnificent  silver  tip 
weighing  thirteen  hundred  pounds,  measuring  over  eight  feet  long. 

One  could  write  a  large  volume  of  the  reminiscences  of  this 
great  old  hunter,  reminiscences  which  rival  those  of  James  Capen 
Adams  as  detailed  in  the  account  of  his  life  by  T.  H.  Hittell,  but  the 
above  must  suffice.  For  the  past  ten  years  I  have  regularly  taken 
my  vacations  in  the  form  of  hunting  trips  with  George  Miller,  and 
have  picked  up  a  fairly  accurate  story  of  his  life  in  the  evenings 
around  the  camp  fires,  where,  with  some  persuasion,  he  would  tell 
yarns  of  the  times  now  long  past,  when  this  was  a  first-class  big 
game  country,  and  with  a  little  more  coaxing  would  sing  the  songs 
of  forty-nine. 

I  hope  in  the  above  disconnected  and  fragmentary  sketch  I  have 
in  some  measure  justified  the  title  "De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla."  To  me 
it  has  seemed  that  the  same  indomitable  energy  in  the  face  of  d'iffi- 
culties,  the  same  resolute  courage  and  tenacity  of  purpose,  charac- 


172  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA 

terized  both  father  and  son.  Both  were  more  than  a  little  "sot  in 
their  ways,"  both  had  cast-iron  constitutions,  which  enabled  them 
to  endure  privations  which  the  average  man  would  wilt  under ;  not 
"facile,"  either  of  them ;  both  were  good  men  and  true,  who,  uncon- 
taminated  by  their  somewhat  lurid  surroundings,  emerged  clean,  and 
played  the  game  as  they  understood  it  to  the  limit — both  were  pos- 
sessed of  that  two-o'clock-in-the-morning  courage  which  Xapoleon 
so  admired,  that  level-headed,  unruffled  readiness  to  face  the  music, 
whatever  it  might  be,  at  any  time  or  in  any  place,  and  that  with 
matter-of-fact,  simple  modesty,  as  if  it  were  all  part  of  the  day's 
work.  Of  such  a  breed  were  the  founders  of  this  state,  and  I,  for 
one,  take  off  my  hat  to  them. 

\\'hen  one  reads,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  father,  half  pityingly 
and  with  thinly  veiled  contempt,  telling  the  story  of  how  his  miser- 
able companions,  after  four  days  of  incredible  hardships  and  no 
food,  began  to  waver  and  grumble,  whereas  he,  accustomed  to  both, 
was  in  no  ways  inconvenienced  by  either :  and.  on  the  other,  of  the 
son  who  hunted  a  particularly  wise  old  grizzly  bear  for  fourteen 
years,  and.  on  at  length  coming  up  with  him,  tackled  him  alone  in  the 
dense  brush,  in  the  night  time,  armed  only  with  an  antiquated, 
single  shot  rifle,  one  cannot,  it  seems  to  me,  fail  to  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  heredity  does  play  a  part  in  the  make-up  of  men, 
and  that  the  old  saying  is  a  true  one,  "De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla." 


"DE  TAL  PALO  TAL  ASTILLA"  173 


S'^^ET  BETSEY  FROM  PIKE 

Oh,  don't  you  remember  sweet  Betsey  from  Pike, 
Who  crossed  the  big  mountains  with  her  lover  Ike, 
With  two  yoke  of  cattle,  a  large  yellow  dog, 
A  tall  Shanghai  rooster  and  one  spotted  hog. 

Chorus : 

Sing  tooral  lal,  looral  lal,  looral  lal  la. 
Sing  tooral  lal,  looral  lal,  looral  lal  la. 
Sing  tooral  lal,  looral  lal,  looral  lal  la. 
Dog  on  you,  why  don't  you  sing  tooral  lal  la? 

One  evening  quite  early  they  camped  on  the  Platte, 
'Twas  near  by  the  road  on  a  green  shady  flat, 
iWhere  Betsey,  sore-footed,  lay  down  to  repose — 
With  wonder  Ike  gazed  at  that  Pike  County  rose. 

Chorus: 

Their  wagons  broke  down  with  a  terrible  crash. 
And  out  on  the  prairie  rolled  all  kinds  of  trash; 
A  few  little  baby  clothes  done  up  with  care — 
'Twas  rather  suspicious,  though  all  on  the  square. 

The  Shanghai  ran  off,  and  their  cattle  all  died; 
That  morning  the  last  piece  of  bacon  was  fried; 
Poor  Ike  was  discouraged,  and  Betsey  got  mad, 
The  dog  drooped  his  tail  and  looked  wondrously  sad. 

They  stopped  at  Salt  Lake  to  inquire  the  way, 
When  Brigham  declared  that  sweet  Betsey  should  stay; 
But  Betsey  got  frightened  and  ran  like  a  deer, 
While  Brigham  stood  pawing  the  ground  like  a  steer. 

They  soon  reached  the  desert,  where  Betsey  gave  out. 
And  down  in  the  sand  she  lay  rolling  about; 
While  Ike,  half  distracted,  looked  on  with  surprise, 
Saying,  "Betsey,  get  up,  you'll  get  sand  in  your  eyes." 

Sweet  Betsey  got  up  in  a  great  deal  of  pain. 
Declared  she'd  go  back  to  Pike  County  again; 
But  Ike  gave  a  sigh,  and  they  fondly  embraced. 
And  they  traveled  along  with  his  arm  round  her  waist. 

They  suddenly  stopped  on  a  very  high  hill. 
With  wonder  looked  down  upon  old  Placerville; 
Ike  sighed  when  he  said,  and  he  cast  his  eyes  down, 
"Sweet  Betsey,  my  darling,  we've  got  to  Hangtown." 

Long  Ike  and  sweet  Betsey  attended  a  dance; 

Ike  wore  a  pair  of  his  Pike  County  pants; 

Sweet  Betsey  was  covered  with  ribbons  and  rings; 

Says  Ike,  "You're  an  angel,  but  where  are  your  wings?" 


174  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 


A  miner  said,  "Betsey,  will  you  dance  with  me?" 
"I  will  that,  old  boss,  if  you  don't  make  too  free; 
But  don't  dance  me  hard;  do  you  want  to  know  why? 
Dog  on  you!  I'm  chock  full  of  strong  alkali!" 

This  Pike  County  couple  got  married,  of  course. 
And  Ike  became  jealous — obtained  a  divorce; 
Sweet  Betsey,  well  satisfied,  said  with  a  shout, 
"Good-by,  you  big  lummux,  I'm  glad  you  backed  out!" 


LATHER  AND  SHAVE 


It  was  down  in  a  city,  not  far  from  this  spot, 
Where  a  barber  he  opened  a  neat  little  shop — 
He  was  silent  and  sad,  but  his  smile  was  so  sweet 
That  it  pulled  everybody  right  out  of  the  street. 

Chorus: 

With  his  lather  and  shave — and  finish  them  off. 

One  horrid  bad  custom  he  thought  he  would  stop. 
That  no  one  for  credit  should  come  to  his  shop; 
So  he  got  him  a  razor  full  of  notches  and  rust 
To  shave  the  poor  devils  who  came  there  for  trust. 

One  day  an  old  Irishman,  passing  by  on  his  way. 
Whose  beard  had  been  growing  for  many  a  day, 
He  looked  at  the  barber,  and  set  down  his  hod, 
"Won't  you  give  me  a  shave  for  the  pure  love  of  God?" 

"Walk  in,"  says  the  barber,  "sit  down  in  this  chair, 
And  I'll  soon  mow  your  beard  off  right  down  to  a  hair," 
So  his  lather  he  spread  over  Paddy's  big  chin. 
And  with  his  trust  razor  to  shave  did  begin. 

"O  murther!"  says  Pat,  "now  what  are  you  doing. 
Leave  off  with  your  tricks  or  my  jaws  you  will  ruin, 
If  I  had  you  outside,  I  would  surely  you  flog. 
Do  you  think  I've  got  bristles,  and  you're  shaving  a  hog?" 

"Hold  still,"  says  the  barber,  "and  don't  make  a  din. 
While  you're  moving  your  jaws  I'll  be  cutting  your  chin," 
"Not  cut,  but  saw,  och,  tlie  razor  you've  got. 
It  wouldn't  cut  butter  if  it  wasn't  made  hot." 

"O  murther!"  says  Pat,  "now  don't  shave  any  more," 

And  straight  he  bolted  right  out  of  the  door. 

Saying,  'You  may  lather  and  shave  all  your  friends  till  you're  sick, 

But,  by  Jasus,  I'd  rather  be  shaved  with  a  brick." 

'Twas  not  long  afterwards,  Pat  was  passing  the  door. 
When  a  Jackass  he  set  up  a  terrible  roar, 
"O  murther!"  says  Pat,  "just  list'  to  the  knave- 
He's  giving  some  poor  devil  a  love  of  God  shave." 


Secretary's  Report  for  the  Year  1917 

To  the  Officers  and  Members  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Southern 

California,  I  beg  leave  to  submit  the  following  report  of 

its  proceedings  from  the  Annual  Meeting 

December,  1916,  to  the  Annual 

Meeting  December,  1917 

Number  of  meetings  held  9 

Number  of  papers  read 20 

Number  of  new  members  elected 11 

Number  of  members  belonging 97 

January  Meeting 
The  Fur  Trade  of  the  Pacific  Coast     .     .     Dr.  Robert  G.  Cleland 
John  Bid'well,  A  Prince  of  Pioneers     .     .     .     Dr.  Rockwell  D.  Hunt 

February  Meeting 
Some  Early  History  of  Owens  River  Valley     .     .     .     J.  M.  Guinn 
Enrique  Dalton  of  the  Azusa C.  C  Baker 

March  Meeting 

Dispensing  Justice  Under  Mexican  Rule C.  C.  Baker 

The  Recapture  of  Los  Angeles     ....     Miss  Hazel  L.  Wiggs 
Houses  that  Came  Around  the  Horn  for  the  Alameda  Gardens, 

Dr.  Rockwell  D.  Hunt 

April  Meeting 
A  History  Seminar  of  the  University  of  Southern  California,  given 
by  the  Professors  and  Graduate  Students  under  general  direc- 
tion of  Professor  Tully  C.  Knoles. 

Program 

History  in  the  Intermediate  Schools Vierling  Kersey 

The  Conspiracy  of  Aaron  Burr     ....     Mrs.  Virginia  Rowell 

May  Meeting 
San  Diego  Mission  as  Seen  by  Captain  Archibald  Gillespie  in 

in  1846 Mrs.  Mary  M.  Bowman 

A  Call  for  a  Convention  in  1851  to  Divide  the  State, 

Mrs.  Mary  M.  Bowman 
De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla— "A  Chip  Off  the  Old  Block," 

Dr.  H.  W.  Mills 
175 


June  Meeting 

Stephen  M.  White Miss  Louisa  Horton 

Some  Aspects  of  the  Land  Question  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley, 

Leon  Yakley 
October  Meeting 

The  Gordon  Manuscript Miss  Julia  Baughman 

The  Life  Work  of  Gen.  John  Bidwell,  a  Pioneer  of  1841, 

Dr.  Rockwell  D.  Hunt 
Los  Angeles  Five  Hundred  Years  Ago     .     .     .     Dr.  Hector  Alliot 

November  Meeting 
Thomas  O.  Larkin's  Account  of  California  as  Seen  before  1845, 

Dr.  Robert  G.  Cleland 
Diplomatic  Relations  between  Russia  and  Japan, 

Dr.  James  Main  Dixon 

December  ^Meeting 
The  Work  of  a  Southern  California  Historian,  Miss  Elva  E.  Murray 
Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of  the 

American  Historical  Association      .     .      Prof.  Tully  C.  Knoles 
Officers'  reports. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

J.  M.  GuiNN,  Secretary. 


Report  of  Treasurer  of  Historical  Society 
of  Southern  California 


December  4,   1917 


Receipts 

Dec.     5.  1916.     Balance  on  hand $258.68 

Dec.     4,1917.     Membership  Fees  and  Dues  to  date  133.00    $391.68 


To  the  Officers  and  Members  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Southern 

California:  I  beg  leave  to  s!tb>Hit  the  follozi-iug  report  of  its 

finances  from  December  5,  1916,  to  December  4,  1917 

Disbursements 
J.  M.  Guinn,  Stationery  and  Postage  $5.65 
J.  M.  Guinn,  Postage  and  Envelopes     7.00 
McBride    Printing    Co.,    450    An- 
nuals and  36  extra  pages  at  $1.40.213.40 

McBride  Printing  Co 2.00 

Stamped  Envelopes  and  Stamps..     2.11       230.16 


Dec. 

12, 

1916. 

Jan. 

24, 

1917. 

Jan. 

27, 

1917. 

Apr. 

10, 

1917. 

Nov. 

,  10, 

,  1917 

Dec.     4,1917.     Balance  on  hand $161.52 

M.  C.  Bettinger, 

Treasurer. 


PUBLICATIONS 


irr/ 


Its 


Historical  Society 

or 

Southern  California 


Volume  X 


ANNUAL  PUBLICATIONS  OF  191M916-1917| 

PUBLISHED  BY  THE  SOCIETY 

LOS  ANGELES,  CALIFORNIA 


Contents  of  Parts  I  and  II,  Vol.  X 


Officers  of  the  Historical  Society,  1916-1917 4 

Aspects  of  the  Study  of  History Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  Pli.  D.  5 

Thirty-three  Years  of  History  Activities J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  16 

A  History  of  Los  Angeles  Journalism Julia  Norton  McCorkle  24 

A  Presbyterian  Settlement  In  Southern  California. James  Main  Dixon  44 

The  Passing  of  the  Rancho J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  46 

The  Great  Los  Angeles  Real  Estate  Boom  of  1SS7 Joseph  Netz  54 

Gifts  Made  to  the  City  of  Los  Angeles  by  Individuals  .Arthur  Chapman  69 

James  Harmon  Hoose,  A.  M.,  Ph.  D.,  LL.  D TuIIy  C.  Knoles,  A.  M.  75 

A  List  of  Newspapers  in  the  Los  Angeles  City  Library. .  .C.  C.  Baker  SO 

•California's  First  American  School  and  its  Teacher.  Mary  M.  Bowman  86 

The  Lost  Islands  of  San  Pedro  Bay J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  95 

Bro"wnies  in  Their  Home  Land James  Main  Dixon  101 

The  Title  of  a  Mexican  Land  Grant, 

George  Butler  Griffin,  Litt.  D.  F.  R.  3.E.  107 

John  Bidwell's  Arrival  in  California Robert  G.  Cleland,  Ph.D.  110 

Meeting  of  the  Pacific  Coast  Branch  of  the  American  Historical 

Association Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  Ph.  D.  114 

Commodore  Stockton's  Report J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  116 

A  Letter  of  Don  Antonio  F.  Coronel  to  Father  J.  Adam  on  the 
Founding  of  the  Pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  and  the  Building  of 
the  Church   of  our  Lady  of  the  Angels,  with  a  Translation 

and  Corrections George  Butler  Griffin,  Litt.  D.  F.  R.  S.  E.  124 

A  Review  of  Xewmark's  "Sixty  Years  in  Southern  California," 

J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  12S 

REPORTS— 

Secretary's  Report  for  Years  1915-1916 J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  131 

Treasurer's  Report  for  Years  1915-1916 M  C.  Bettinger  132 


Contents  of  Part  III,  Vol.  X 

rtgt 

Officers  of  the  Historical  Society,  1917-1918 4 

What  Is  Nationality TuUy  C.  Knoles,  A.  M.  5 

Don  Enrique  Dalton  of  the  Azusa C.  C.  Baker  17 

The  Dispensing  of  Justice  Under  the  Mexican  Regime. .  .C.  C.  Baker  36 

Some  Early  History  of  Owens  River  Valley J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  41 

John  Bidwell:    A  Prince  among  Pioneers. .  .Rockwell  D.  Hunt,  Ph.  D.  48 

Thomas  R.  Bard  and  the  Beginning  of  the  Oil  Industry  in  South- 
ern California Waldemar  Westergaard,  Ph.  D.  67 

Larkin"s  Description  of  California Robert  G.  Cleland,  Ph.  D.  70 

California  State  Division  Controversy Mary  M.  Bowman  75 

Deposition  of  Archibald   H.   Gillespie   concerning   Mission   San 

Diego  in  1816 (Furnished  by  Mary  M.  Bowman)  79 

The  Work  of  a  Southern  California  Historian Elva  E.  Murray  82 

"De  Tal  Palo  Tal  Astilla" Dr.  H.  W.  Mills  86 

Secretary's  Report  for  the  Year  1917 J.  M.  Guinn,  A.  M.  175 

Treasurer's  Report  for  the  Year  1917 M.  C.  Bettlnger  177