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New Series, Vol. VII. 







Journal, pp 

1-14 Proceedings, pp 



119 27(5 




1-172 (Extra Number) 

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20th April 1911 
13th June 
loth ,, 
17th Aug. 
11th Oct. 
22nd Nov. 

12th Dec. 
24th Jan. 
23rd Feb. 
8th April 
29th May 
23rd April 


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9 9 


The pages of the Journal should be bound first ; they are 
numbered in Arabic numerals. Next should be placed the 
Extra Number. The pages of the Proceedings should follow 
this ; they are paged consecutively in Roman numerals, with 
the exception of the title-page which is issued separately. The 
Index is paged in continuation of the Proceedings. 


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face Extra No. 
follow page 690 

i-ii to follow 


iii 5, 

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)J 35 

v-viii ,, face 

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x-xii ,, ,, 
xiii-xiv ,, follow 

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XV 99 5 5 

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xvi ,, face 

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In page 644, Translation I, line 2 

For To introduce the Church-bell, after delay, unto the 

Head To cause the Church-bell to tinkle in the Ka'ba. 


in the Journal. 

'Abdu'l Wali. 

The Ruba'Iyat of Abu Sa'id ibn Abu'l Kliayr 

'Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy : 



.. 037 

See Suhrawardy, 'Ab- 

Allan, J. 

Some rare coins of the Pathan Saltans of Delhi 

• • • • 

Some rare Mughal coins . . 

• 9 



Anand Kotrii : See Koul, An and. 

Annandale, N: See West, Wm. 

Azoo, R. F. 

Chronographic Quatrain 

Banerji, Rakhal Das. 

Gold coins of Shamsu-d-Din Muzaffar Shah of Bengal 

• • 

The Belkhara Inscription and the Machlishahr grant of 

The evidence of the Faridpur grants 
Note on the StambheSvari 





28! > 

Besse, L., and Hosten, H. 

List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries in Bengal and Burma 
(1570-1742) .. 

Beveridge, H. 

A dubious passage in the Ilminsky edition of the Babur- 

Errata, etc., in the A.S.B. Edition of Abu Turab's History of 

Gujarat. Edited by Dr. E. D. Ross 

Bhide, R. K. 

New and revised species of Gramineae from Bombay 

Brown, J. Coggin. 





Shan and Palaung Jews Harps from the Northern Shan 

States .. - ..521 

• • 

• • 

Burkill, I. H. 

Swertias chinemes quatuor Novas, ex herbaria 0. Bonati 
The Polarity of the Bulbils of Dioscorea bulhifera, Linn. 

Burkill, I. H., and Finlow, R. S. 

Gorchoriis capsulars var. oocarpus— a new variety of the 
common jute plant 





Burr, M. 


Contribution to our knowledge of Indian Earwigs . . 77 1 

• * 


C hand a, Rama Prasad. 

Dinajpur Pillar Inscription 

Chaudhtjri, B. L. 

Freshwater Sting Rays of the Ganges . . . . . . 025 


Tibetan studies : Being a reprint of the articles contributed to 
the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Edited by 
E. Denison Ross Extra No. i. 

Das Gupta, Hem Chandra. 

On the occurrence of Maestrichtien fossil* at Kftcoh station in 

British Baluchistan . . I 

• • • • • • I 

De, B. B., and Sen, H. K. 

Interaction of hydrazine sulphate with nitrites .. .. I (Ml 

Finlow, R. S. 

See Burkill, I. H., and Finlow, R. S. 

KiiAMjEfi Jamasjee Thanawalla. See Thaxawalla, Kramjkk 


Gupte, B. A. 

Folklore of the origin of the constellation M igarshiraha . . 93 

Note on the Dark Monday Soinavati . . . . . . <>;;| 

Haraprasad SastrI. 

Notes on the newly-found manuscript of CatuhSatika . . 48] 

Hem Chandra Das Gupta. See Das Gupta. H.:m Chahdra. 
Holstein, P. 

Note sur les denominations a donner au.v sabres hindous . . 

Hooper, David. 

The Composition of Indian Yams 
Some Asiatic Milk Product 

Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs 

» * 


■ ■ 

■ - 

Mosten, Rev. H. 

fe*. TuZeb ' D "* ri P*» of *** (1581); Firoz 

• • 



Frey Jo*o da Cruz, O.S.A. (+1638) . . . ,, 

father A. Monaerrate'a Deserinfi,*., nt rv.iu: ,li* ** ,J 


■ s 'ee Besse, L., and Hosten, H. 

9n>AYAl! Husain, M.:See UtxsA.N, M . HlDAYAT. 


Transla^ ,,, one ^^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ 

The Life and Work of Bahr-ul-'Ulum " * ' ' ' ,T ' 

um •• •• .. 693 


Irvine, W. Gaveta 
Javaswal, Ka£i Prasad. 

« • 


Elucidation of certain passages in I-Tsing . . . . 309 

.Jitcndra Nath Rakshet : See Ray, Prafulla Chandra, and 

Jitendra Nath Rakshit. 

On Methylamine Nitrite 
Joshi, Tika Ram. 

- • • • • • - - • • 


The Vikramaditya Sarhvatsara and founding of the Jvushan 


- • • • • • 


A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli or Argot of the Kunclibandiya 

• * • • 

Mazumdar, B. C. 

The StambheSvari : communicate I with a note by R. D. Ban- 

Murphy, C. C. R. 

A hundred modern Arabic Proverbs 

Pargiter, F. E. 

The Ghagrahati (KotwallparS) grant and tliree other copper- 

plate grants 

■ * 

• • 


A Dictionary of the Paharl Dialects as spoken in the Punjab 


Notes on the Ethnography of the Bashahr State, Simla Hills, 

Punjab . . . . . . . . . . 525 


Kaye, G. R. 

A brief Bibliography of Hindu Mathematics . . . . 679 

References to Indian Mathematics in certain medieval works . . 801 


Kan jars . . . . . . . . . . 277 

Folksongs and Folk-lore of the Geliaras (Kanjars) . . . . 437 

Exogamous Septs of the Gehara section of the Kunchbandiya 

Ivan jars 

Oaths and Ordeals of the Geliaras (Kanjars) of the Delhi 



Konow, Sten. 

Mundari Phonology and the linguistic survey . . . . 37 

KoRos, Alexander Csoma de : See Csoma de KoRos, Alexander. 


Koul, An AND. 

A visit to Kapala Muchan . . 

Maitra, A. K. 

Two Buddhist Stone-Images from Malda - . • • <>2l 






• 9 



Phtllott, D. C. 

Some Notes on Urdu Grammar 
Note on a Shi 'a Imprecation 

Prafulla Chandra Ray and Jitendra Nath Rakshit. See Ray 
Prafulla Chandra. ' 

Rajani Ranjan Sen: See Sen, Rajani Ranjan. 

Rakhal Das Banerji : See Bannerji, Rakhal Das. 

Rama Prasad Chanda : See Chanda, Rama Prasad. 

Ray, Prafulla Cantdra, and Jitendra Nath Rakshit. 
On Methylamine Nitrites 


Rose, H. A. 

Persian Letters from Jahan Ara, daughter of Shah .Tnhan, to 
Raja Budhparkash of Sirmur ' ~ 


Note on the Ethnography of the Bashahr Stato .' ." .'* -,25 

Sen. Rajani Ranjan. 

A Firman of Emperor Aurangzeb . . . . G87 

Smith, W. W. 

Plantamm novarum in Herbario Horti Regii Calcuttensis 
bogmtaram Decas 


i^ltf^T 1 ^ R .° Xb - var - irr ^<*ri8,-* remarkable 
instance of leaf variation 

Suhrawardy, 'Abdullah al-Ma'mun. 

The Waqf of Moveables 




• • 


Taylor, G. P. 

IlahT synchronisms of some Hijr 

Thana walla, Framjee Jamasjek. 


A Silver Dirham of the Sas.anian Queen Paran dakht . . 703 


See Joshi, Tika Ram. 

Wali, 'Abdtx'l : See 'Abdu'l Wali. 
Whitehead, R. B. 

On an unpublished medieval 


West, Wm. 



freshwater VowZ^ %.**» associated with 
-i. A <-"y^oa. With notes hir n* at 

Annandale . ^° a ' W,fch "Otoe by Dr. N. 





New Series. 

Vol. VII.— 1911. 


I, On the occurrence of Maestrichtien fossils at Kacch 

station in British Baluchistan. 

By Hem Chandra Das Gupta. 

was described by Mr. Oldham as 


The fossils obtained from them have been examined by Dr. 
Noetling % who assigned a lower cretaceous, neocomian (hauteri- 
vien) age to these rocks. Fossils from the belemnites shales have 
also been obtained by Mr. Tipper. 3 These belemnite shales 
are overlaid by another group of upper cretaceous (maestrich- 
tien) shales which are often lithologically much alike. Moreover 
as there is a stratigraphical gap between the upper and lower 
cretaceous , and as either one or the other may be missing in 
certain sections, some oare is needed to distinguish them. As 
an instance of this I may cite the case of an exposure of shales 
at Kacch, a station on the Sind-Pishin section of the North 
Western Railway, which was visited by me in the summer of 
1907 with the Presidency College Geological party. 

A geologically coloured map of British Baluchistan has 
been published,* and it appears from the map that a 
neocomian age has been assigned to this locality. A few 
fossils collected from this locality, however, go to prove that 

1 Bee. Geol. Surv., Ind., Vol. xxv, pt. 1, 

2 Pal. Ind., Ser. XVI, Vol. i, pt. 2. 

8 Rec. Geol. Surv.. Ind., Vol. xxxvm, pt. 
4 Rec. Geol. Surv., Ind., Vol. xxxi. pi. 18. 

2 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911. 

the shales exposed here are maestrichtien in age. Fossils from 
the maestrichtien beds of Baluchistan have been described by 
Dr. Noetling, 1 and we are indebted to Prof. Vredenburg for a 
paper dealing with the zonal distribution of the upper cretace- 
ous fossils of this area.* The Presidency College collection 
includes Trochosmilia sp., Pachydiscus sp. (an immature 
specimen), Heteroceras polyplocum, Roem., and Baculites 
binod os ws, Noetl. It may be mentioned here that two species 
of Pachydiscus and Heteroceras polyplocum have been recorded 
from the upper cretaceous rocks by Prof. Vredenburg in his 
work above alluded to. 

The specimen of Trochosmilia has been found to be speci- 
fically different from the only species of the genus described 
from the unoer p.rataceons beds by Dr. Noetling. 8 The height 


47 mm., and the small diameter is 32 mm. The corallum seems 
to have been widened at a short distance from the base. The 
calyx is elliptical, and the upper surface being worn out, the 
number of the septa could not be distinguished. The columel- 
lar fossula is marked, narrow and elongated and occupies 
about two-fifths of the major axis of the calyx. The corallum 
is markedly bent in the direction of the small axis. The 
surface is covered with continuous costae which are alternately 
equal and the intercostal space is very finely granulated. The 
basal portion is lost and there is no trace of an epitheca. 

The specimen described above differs from Trochosmilia 
protectans, Noetl., found in the upper cretaceous beds of Balu- 
chistan. This difference consists chiefly in the shape of the 


specimens of his species, and, with the exception of the small 
specimens the large diameter of the calyx of his species has 
been found to be more than double the length of the small 
diameter of the calyx, but the corresponding ratio in the 
present case is only 1-46. The costae of T protectans are 
granulated at the upper margin, a feature not noticed in the 
specimen described here while the intercostal granulation is 

enttW frS? 'I \ Noetlin g' s specimen. The absence of 

S urT Thet ^ if Pedmen iS als0 another noticeable 
wfrl 7rrnIn!J?r C ™7 hl V 80mewna t general resemblance 
from ZtZw m ^* eu ^ 4 which has also been obtained 
from the Tnchmopoly beds of Southern India « There is 

mentTf ^7?^ *?*"%» between them in the arra^: 
me nt of the c os tae as in Reuss's species a group of three 

1 Pal. Ind., Ser. XVI, Vol i, Dt 3 

2 Rec. Geol. Surv Ind Vni \~ • * o 

» op. ou., p. 9> pi: i, figs'. ^'i o ' pt - 3j pp - 172 ~ 182 - 

^ Denk. Akad. Wien. Math. Naturwiss . Klasse ^ p ^ ^ ^ 
• Pal. Ind.. Se, VIII, Vol. i v , no . 4-5, p. 15, pl. II, figB . !_ 4 . 

Vol, VII, No. 1.] Maestrichtien fossils at Kacch station. 3 


unequally thinner costae is bounded on two sides by two stronger 
ones. After consulting all available information, I have very 
little doubt that we are here dealing with a new species of 
Trochosmilia, but I have advisedly refrained from naming it on 
the evidence of a single and rather ill- preserved specimen. 


A dubious tDassaee in the Ilminsky 


By H. Beveridge. 

In an interesting passage of his Memoirs the Emperor 
Babur gives some particulars about the birth of his third son 
Hindal Mlrza. This took place at Kabul early in 925 A.H., 
and about the end of February, 1519. Babur was out in camp 
at the time and in a valley north or north-west of Peshawar, 
and was engaged in a raid against the Yusufzais. 

The passage in which he refers to the coming birth of 
Hindal occurs at p. 220a of the imprint of the Haidarabad 
MS., and at p. 250 of Leyden and Erskine's translation, and 
is as follows : 

" After Humayun's birth, his mother bore several other 
children, but none of them survived. Hindal had not yet been 
born. While I was in these parts, a letter came from Mahim 
in which was written, 'Be it a boy, or be it a girl, give me 
whatever my Fortune grants me, I shall regard the child as 

mine, 1 and shall rear it.' 

On Friday, the 26th of this month (Muharram 925 equal to 
28th January, 1519), I, in this very camp, gave Hindal to 
Mahim, and I wrote a letter to this effect and sent it to Kabul 
by Yusuf 'All Rikabdar. As yet, Hindal was not born." 

In a subsequent passage, 258 of Leyden and Erskine, and 
227a of the Haidarabad text, Babur says that on Friday 
2 Rabl'u-l-awwal (4th March, 1519) he received a written report 
of Hindal' s birth. He adds, cl As the news came at the time I 
was making an expedition against India, I took the birth 

l In the Elphinstone MS. and in the Haidarabad text the words are 
^Jl^Lo ^lU. *j\J f arzand chalal saJchlal. I cannot find the word chalal, 
but possibly it is connected with the word jll JU^ which according to 

Pavet de Courteille's Diet, is a word added to other words and has the 
meaning of " like to." Ilminsky, 281, has farzand qllal u sakhlai. Very 

likely the word qllal ^JU.i is right, and what is wrong in Ilminsky is 

the conjunction u after it. This conjunction does not occur either in 
the Elphinstone MS. or in the Haidarabad!. It is perhaps the occurrence 
of the conjunction that has made Pavet de Courteille to translate <l met 
tre F enfant an monde." If we read qllal and omit the conjunction we 
can take farzand qllal to mean M regarding it as my child," literally 
"making it a (my) child I shall rear it. " The qllal would thus agree 
with the Persian translation of 'Abdu-r-Rahim u farzand handa," or 
with the farzand gufta of the older translation by Muhammad QulL 

6 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 191 1. 

as a good omen and called the child Hindal {i.e., taker of India)." 
By this time he had left the Yusufzai country and was in 
India, near Bhera and the Jhilam. 

With the exception of the Kehr MS., which is the founda- 
tion of the Ilminsky edition, the above is all that the manu- 


Persian, tell about 

Hindal's birth. The Ilminsky edition, however, p. 281. pp. 45, 
46, vol. ii, of Pavet de Courteille's French translation, has the 


" The explanation of the above statement (i.e., the state- 


had been several children by the same mother as HumayunV, 
namely, one boy, younger than him, but older than vail my 
other (male) children, and three girls, of whom Mihr Jan was 
one, but they had all died in infancy. I wished much for a 
full brother or sister to Humayun. At this time Dildar 
Aghacha conceived, and I kept on saying, « How nice it would 
have been if it were the offspring of Humayun's mother ! ' Her 
Highness my mother (Hazrat Walida)' observed (honorific 
plural), < If Dildar Aghacha bear a son, how would it be if I 
took him and brought him up.' I said, ' Capital.' Now, the 
usual way in which women take a prognostic about the sex of 
a coming child is to take two pieces of paper, and write on one, 
AH or Hasan and on the other, Fatima. Then they shut up 
tUose in two balls of clay and put them into a cup of water. The 
hrst to open is to them a prognostic of the sex. Should it con- 

nZ~ f 0J S n n u me ' tl 1 le Child wiU be a bov: if there be a girl's 
name it w.ll be a gir . The experiment was made, and a bov's 

and JTV n \\. When I * 0t the g° od news > T <* *ce wr«".te 
son ™„ * ^ A , ieW davs Awards, Qod bestowed a 
son upon me. Three days after the birth, and before mv 

w Xirh f, ( °' they , t0 .° k the Chi,dfr0 - fche nmt her with o^ 
reared Wh.nT' r dbrou « ht * t0 our house " h ™ i*"i 
the new,^ th. Sen t th ! n f WS ° f the birfch <™ re probably, 
mi ^H^' -^ ? P i ?P eriment )' 8he (my mother) 
nm^l" kT had been fu,filled > gave the child the 
arraLeLn T V ^\ ™ 8 0ne of 8 ood ^gury. By this 
T^lL^* b °f a voun g er brother and a son." 

into th £xt b ?h ^ °^ u this P a ™g™ph " that it comes 
tZ Vi y he head and shou ders, so to sneak That is 

texts , but comes i^r ?Jh l' a " d Which occurs in »« the 

and is descnWn" how he put U n *1 g ° TO f <° TV 1 " 8U,>iect » 
valley. Tliis ,eem,7„ „,?♦ P a , rge stone P^tform in the 

belong J ZIZ f Z MeE tut tUe T |,h d ° eS not 

which in the courec nf !1"T ' . ,s an explanatory note 

But the ZZ £nSf^7hif£ ^T ^ the text ' 

reference to Babur's ^ ^ Z^^^ ^ 

Vol. VII, No. 1.] A dubious passage in the Baburnama. 7 


of fact, she died 14 or 15 years previously, in the beginning, 
namely, of 911 A.H., or July, 1505. This at once disposes of 
the idea that the paragraph is the work of Babur. Nor can 
we get out of the difficulty by supposing that Hazrat Walida 
is equivalent to Walida-i-Sultan, mother of the king, or of the 
heir, and that it is Mahim the wife of Babur and mother of 
Humayun to whom the words refer. Against this interpreta- 
tion there is the fact that Pavet de Courteille, the experienced 
Turk! scholar, has taken the words to refer to Babur' s mother, 
and there is the still more convincing circumstance that the para- 
graph ends by saying that the result of the arrangement was 
that the writer (i.e., Babur) got both a younger brother and a 
son. If the child was made over to the grandmother, that is, 
to Babur 's mother, he might say that the child became his 
younger brother. But the expression has no meaning if the 
infant was givfen to his wife. It certainly seems to me that 
the writer of the paragraph, whoever he was, had forgotten or 

>w that Babur 's mother had died in 911. He also, 




and we are indebted to 

whoever wrote it. But it seems impossible that either Babur 
or Humayun was the writer. Apart from the mistake already 
referred to, there are the errors of making the lady give the name 

Hindai to 


the mother of three daughters before Hindai' s birth. Accord- 


had only had two daughters, Mihr Jan (or Jahan) and Ishan 
Daulat (p. 90 of the translation of the Memoirs). The boy 

om Mahim 


father to Samarkand in 916 or 917 (Gulbadan Begam's Memoirs. 


Nor do I think that strict Sunnis like Babur and Huma- 
yun would in exemplifying the names written on pieces of 
paper have only referred to three specially Shi^a names, viz., 
Fatima, 'All and Hasan. 


the paragraph, but one would expect him to have been better 
informed about the date of death of his great grandfather'** 

3* Note sur les denominations a donner aux sabres 


Remise par M. P. Holstein de Lyon. 

Dans son ouvrage * ' A Description of Indian and Oriental 
Armour " (new Edition, Londres, 1896), LordEgerton of Tatton 
donne frequemment aux sabres les noms de * 4 Shamshir " et de 

Le mot " Shamshir," ou " Shamsher " n'est-il pas le mot 
persan qui veut dire Sabre d'une fagon generate, et lemot " TaU 
war ' ' n'est-il pas le terme Hindou ay ant la meme signification ? 

S'il en est bien ainsi, " Shamshir " est le terme generique 
de tout sabre persan, ou d'origine persane, quelle que soit la 

forme, mais dont la poignee est generalement en forme de crosse 

de pistolet, sou vent revetue de deux plaques de corne, d'i voire, 
de morse ou autre matiere recouvrant la soie. Tels sont les 
types qui sont representee dans la Planche XV du dit ouvrage 
sous les numeros 658-659 et 755-757. 

" Talwar " serait le terme generique de tout sabre hindou 
ou hindo-musulman, quelle que soit la forme de la poignee, 
munie ou non d'un arc de jointure, la courbure ou la nature et 
qualite de la lame, aPexception duKhanda, ouKhounda (Sabre 
de Sacrifice) et de la Pata (epee a-gantelet) qui constituent Tun et 
P autre des types tres speciaux faciles a reeonnaitre. 

Ce qui precede est-il exact ? 

Dans le catalogue de "Tsarkoe-Selo," (museedePEmpereur 
de Russie) il n'est question que de trois noms : 

L Le " Johour" qui, d'apres les reproductions, aurait 

la poignee munie d'un arc de jointure. 

2. Le ' Poulouar" dont la poignee est ouverte, sans arc 

de jointure. 

3. Le * Khounda.' 

Lord Egerton ne parle du Johour (ou Jauhar) qu'une fois : 
Page 132, en note du Sabre No. 652 qu'il appelle simplement 


7 "> 

Le meme Lord Egerton ne parle du 4; Poulouar *' que deux 

Page 51, With a hilt of a characteristic outline, and with 
drooping quillons. Page 109 en note du sabre No. 392 qu'il 
appelle aussi ' ' Talwar. 

II sembledonc bien que nous voila en presence de trois termes : 

1. Talwar, nom du sabre en general. 

2. Johour, sabre dont la poiirnee est munie d'un arc de 

10 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911. 

3. Poulouar, sabre dont la poignee ouverte est sans arc de 

v i tt ? 1 o^ lair '^ n8 rindian Antiquary (Edited at Bombay, 
vol. 11, 1874, p. 216) cite de son cote les noms suivants : 

1. Surm, nom mahratte du sabre droit jusqu'aux f de sa 
longueur et de la courbe ; 

2. Ahir, nom mahratte du sabre dont la courbure com- 

mence des la poignee : 

3. Phirangi, nom mahratte d'un sabre a droite 
d ongine europeenne ou fabriquee en imitation de celle-ci. 

4. Patta, nom dans l'Hindustan d'un sabre a lame tongue, 

mince, avec garde a gantelet et prise a angle droit 
avec la lame, utilisee par les tireurs de profession. 

« chiull e n T / n S J r ° hir L ° rd E «ertoaparlo (page 105) du 

nnt ?! fa T r in ° f aU th ? various swords found throughout Raj- 

e r,h * W F Y i C iT ed bl ^ e » sha P ed like that of Damascus '' 
e, plus loin (page 113), sous le nom de " Serve " (Sirol.i) " One 

ot a hard temper, consequently brittle and very sharp " porte 

hi "t"'"*.™" 3 Ue T Ie ", Sumi " de M - Sinclair et le " Siro- 

e toe le „J r Z c, "f ^ Ff^ 80nt la ,nSme a '"> e . "' aia 
est-cee genre de courbure de la lame qui determine ce nom ? 

D apres Tod ( Annals of Rajasthan , I , p 640) leShohi est ,,„ 
sabre legerement eourbe ayant la forme deCde D™ rf„i 

tZuht/v T * '* P i US 8 rande P-dileetion tee 

KoTsans 'alW STt ? ° " *? qUe rcco P ier ceW « descri,, 
fi^res"ucu„ typt 8 " " d ° nnant ^ "« P h """ eS 

usage^bez^WR^r"^''/^''' nn lar 8" «*" «"rbe en 

ee no!f de ^TeX 7 6 e t tr& """•l* de la Ia ™ <l»i ««t«mine 
chose i g de Lord E 8 erton seraient-ils la meme 

Lord^ertontCnetsl ST** ," ""^ ««*-■* 

mais c'est bien la X. »r , ? ?, , Farm V> ou " Kra^i "; 

est „ne lameTepeHu de^bre T r „ f 1™° ^ ' 1<>ngUe * ™™ 

poignee munie d'un arc 1 ? . dr0, » eur0 Peen, montee avec une 
fig 24, No. 579). J " Ct «™« a l e ment ouatee (voir 

le M^SS^kZ^f q " e . L ° rd Egerton donne aussi 

figure 24 sous le Sa« ewlftS ' IT Pr0duit ( P 1041 danB la 
«* introduit par tal*^.^^. 1 "*""-* V*** 

d'europeen dans cette arme et ,'•„,( I " J V™ <le P° rtu g ais ™ 

No. 523, que Lord Eeert ^ if ^ '' e " r de nla P"*. ce sabr « 

a 14 une inad v e r tlof o, "!*£ el J e ?"»« ■* "" Khanda. II y 

°" une confusion que je ne m'explique pas? 


5 5 

Vol, VII, No. 1.] Note sur les sabres hindous. 11 


Voici encore un autre nom qui je trouve dans l'ouvrage de 
Lord Egerton, celui de c; Abbasi. 

Les descriptions qu'il en fait sont si differentes que Ton 
ne sait a quel genre de sabre ce nom doit s'appliquer : 

Ainsi (page 110), No. 400 (Abbasi) estdecrit: Straight blade 
of Damascus steel, strengthened at the back with perforated 
steel supports. No. 401 : watered Khorassan blade. 

(Page 118), Les Nos. 539 et 540: Deeply curved blades, 
et en note : (c/. from Codrington collection) Abbasi, scimitar 
of superior steel. 

(Page 132), le No. 653: Slightly recurved fluted blade 
of bright steel ; hilt with knuckle guard and griffin-head pommel. 

Voila done trois sabres portant le meme nom (Abbasi), 
dont l'un a la lame droite renforcee sur le dos par des renforts 
d'acier, l'autre tres courbe comme celle d'un cimeterre, la 
troisieme au contrail e tres legerement courbe. 

Cela n'est pas vraisemblable ; trois types si different^ ne 
peuvent pas porter le meme nom ; alors, que veut dire le terme 

' ' Abbasi i ' ' 

Vient maintenant 1' "Asseel " ou " Asil 
Ala Page 113, Lord Egerton, d'apres 5 

? ? 


tough (than the Serye) and less sharp ; et a la page 124 (en note) : 
Slightly curved sword of watered steel with two grooves ; plain 
handle. Time of Tippoo. 

Qu'est-ce done que V " Asil " ? 

Lord Egerton donne le nom de " Paitisa " a un sabre large, 
droit, a double tranchant s'elargissant vers la pointe (page 
117, No. 526). D'apreslareproductionquMlendonne (p. 104, fig. 
24), la lame set ermine effect ivement en forme de spatule : elle est 
droite, a double tranchant et lapoignee se termine enun pommeau 
a coupole et est munie de quillons se prolongeant en un long 
ecusson ou languette de chaque cote du plat de la lame. 

Sauf contre indication, je retiens ce nom pour tout sabre de 
cette forme. Suis-je dans le vrai ? 

Le " Sosunpattah" (voir page 124, et fig. 24, No. 578) serait 
un sabre court, large et lourd, legerement incurve, la pointe inclin- 
ant du cote du dos. D'apres la figure, la poignee ressemblerait 
beaucoup a celle du Khanda. Est-ce que e'est la forme de la 
lame (Susanpatta : Lily Leaf) qui affecte en effet un peu celle 



ainsi nomme parce qu'il aune lame presque droite, dont la pointe 
est formee par le dos qui se recourbe legerement du cote du tran- 
chant ou parceque la poignee, surmontee d'une pointe beaucoup 
plus courte qu'elle ne Test generalement, est munie d'un arc de 
jointure en simple arc de cercle. Que veut dire le mot ' ' Katti ' ' ? 

. 7 — — — 

Egerton dans la fig. 24 (page 104) : 


No. 528 : lame legerement courbe, a un seul tranchant, 

12 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [January, 1911. 

la pointe se relevant legerement du cote du dos ; poignee, avec 
are de jointure en double courbe, couronnee d'un pommeau en 
coupole surmonte d'un petit bouton ; 

No. 530 : lame large et droite avec nervure mediane et 
paraissant etre a double tranchant ; poignee semblable a celle du 
No. 528 ; 

No. 576 : lame droite a double tranchant dont la pointe est 
a forme obtuse ; poignee comme celle des precedentes ; 

No. 405 : lame analogue a celle d'un grand couteau, a do> 
droit, et tres pointue, tranchant en dents de scie ; poignee 
ayant la forme des scies a main des menuisiers. 

Lord Egerton, malgre les caracteres differents de ces sabres 
ne leur donne aucun nom ; dans quelles series faut-il les classer ? 

Ce n'est pas tout. Lord Egerton cite d'autres noms, mais, 
malheureusement, ses descriptions sont des plus sommaires et 
aucune reproduction ne les accompagne : 

Page 118, No. 537 et 538 :— " Farang Katti " ; lames canne- 
lees (Vizianagram) . D' apres le mot ' ' Farang, ' ' ces lames seraient 
d'origine ou d'imitation europeenne ; consequemment elles 
seraient droites et minces comme des lames d'epee ou de latte 
de ca valerie. 

Le " Katti ' ' par contre (voir ci-dessus) aurait une lame 
tres legerement courbe ; comment ces deux noms peuvent-ils 
se concilier ? 

Page 117, En note du N° 527 :— " Dk<mp," straight blade 

used by most of the Deccanees (Ain-i-Akbari). 

Le mot " Dhoup " est-il le nom d'un sabre et en ce cas la 
description du No. 527 se rapportant a un Firangi, les mots 
Dhoup et Firangi ' ' voudraient-ils dire la meme cliose ? 
Ailleurs, page 123, Lord Egerton publie un longue note 
accompagnant le No. 581,dans laquelle il passe en revue d'autres 
noms tires des collections de la Tour de Londres, de Codrington 
et autres : 

1. " Sultani " : Very heavy clumsy sword of coarse 

waved steel. Plain handle (Seringapatam). Time of 
lippoo. Invented by him for the use of officers in 
his service. 338, Tower, additional collection. The 



2. Jumgheerdha ' : Long, narrow, straight sword at, 

T?™ t?x % k,1 J v ° f ba sket-handle slightly plated. 
o . , ^r \ » Hyder ' Al1 - Worn by the poligars of Nugger. 

wZS l ? ea J y , 8word ' sli g htl y b ent, made of fine 
mSLl**' , ba ? k and ha ndle inlaid with silver. 

of tZ ? d Lahore ' 178 °- Tak *n at the ^iege 
^ of Senngapata m . Used by men of rank. 

n T^f. e C : J1 Sabre of fi ne waved steel, blade 


Vol. VII, No. L] Note sur les sabres hindous. 13 


Hindostan, 1794. Taken at the siege of Seringa- 
pat am. 

' : Narrow curved sword, made of waved 

verv broad back and srilt hilt. Hindostan. 

5. c< Lall-i-wall 

steel, with 

Tippoo Sultan's time. 
6. " Mahmud Bandar": Large broad sword slightly 

curved, with two wide grooves of very fine waved 

steel with old plated handles. Used by men of rank 

in Tippoo' s time. 
7 Ci Nimcha," or " Tegha," or " Goliah" : Small light 

sword, slightly curved, made of hard waved steel 

(pigeon's eye); plain handle. Hindostan, 1760. 

Boorhampore. Taken at Seringapatam. 



legerement recourbe ; comment peut-on assimiler un 
sabre (Nimcha) petit et leger, au ' Tegha ' large et au 

"Goliah" lourd ?). 

8. " Shah Nawaz Khani " : Pour celui-ci nos incertitudes 

sont encore plus grandes ; 
Lord Egerton en cite trois et chacune des descriptions que 

donne la note sont differentes : 

A. A broad heavy sword of coarse waved steel. Scythe 

shaped, figured iron handle. 

B. Point inclined downwards. Plain handle. 

C. Handle of watered steel. Back strengthened by plates 

of figured iron, ornamented with gold and silver. 
This weapon taken at Seringapatam was invented 
by a Persian Officer of Hyder's army (Nawaz Khan) 
whose name it bears. It was used chiefly by men of 

9. "J lamani ' ' : Shaped like the old German Hussar sabre. 

Hence probably its name. Fine, hard, clouded steel ; 
gilt handle. Guzerat, 1600. Used probably by 

Hyder's German cavalry. 




allemands !) , 

10. " Saif ' ' : long, heavy, two-edged sword of good 

steel. Plain handle. , . ■ 

Voila done dix noms de sabres qui paraissent dater des 
dernieres annees du XVI siecle. Pour etablir les distinctions qui 
les font differer les uns des autres, et qui les font differer aussi 
des autres sabres cites plushaut portant tous des noms toutdiffer- 
ents, il faudrait en avoir des reproductions ou photographies. 
Comment et ou puis-je me les procurer ? 

Ces reproductions seraient d'autant plus necessaires que je 
remarque que des personnalites aussi autonsees que e Col. H. 
Yule,C.B. dans la note qui figure en premiere page de 1 ouvrage 


14 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [January, 1911.] 


(probably Telugu qu'est ce que Telugu ?), " Jum 

Kassidgode , " " Lall-i wall , " " Mahmud-Bander , ' ' 
k dire des trois derniers qu'ils sont ' ' apparently nam 
in Hyder's dominions." 


4* List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries in Bengal 

and Burma (1576-1742), 

Bv Revs. L. Besse, S.J., and H. Hosten, S.J. 

From the end of the XVIth century down to the middle 
of the XVIIIth, Bengal was one of the mission-fields of the 
Society of Jesus. But, the Jesuits were not alone. The 
Augustinians, who came to Bengal in 1599 and withdrew only 

in 1867, were a much 

They were 

the principal missionary body. About 1714, we find the 
Capuchins with a house at Chandernagore. French Jesuits 
were settled there c. 1693-1778. There was, besides, always a 
certain number of the secular clergy doing parish-work in the 
Portuguese settlements. The whole of the Coromandel Coast, 
Orissa, Bengal, Pegu, etc., all depended on the Diocese of 
Meliapur from the time of its erection in 1606 to the modern 
times when the Vicariates Apostolic were created (1834). 

Of the work done by the Augustinian Friars, the 
Capuchins and the secular clergy, we are less able to speak. 
The literature on the subject, though not wanting, is difficult 
to reach. We are somewhat better situated with regard to the 
history of the Jesuit Missions, though here, too, we wish we 
were in possession of fuller information. Printed records of 
the work done in the first decade of the XVIIth century are, 
relatively speaking, plentiful. The newly arrived missionaries 
lived in eventful times and wrote long accounts ; but, it did 
not last. After 1610 little appeared in print; after 1632, the 
history of the Portuguese Jesuits is almost a complete blank. 
By way of compensation, the French Jesuits of Chander- 
nagore (1690-1778) are repeatedly heard of in Lettres edifiantea 
et curieuses. 

To write a detailed history of our early Missions in Bengal 
is yet an impossibility. The materials for such a history have 
not been collected. 

Meanwhile, we must welcome, as a valuable contribu- 
tion towards that history, a list of Portuguese Jesuits in 
Bengal communicated by the Rev. Fr. L. Besse, S.J., and 
derived from the Catalogues of the Malabar Province S.J. I 
have translate 1 it from the Latin and annotated it. adding at 
times details descriptive of persons to be found in Catal. Miss. 
Ma<lurensis, Trichinopoli, 1910, Appendix. However incom- 
plete this list will appear, every name, every date will serve 
as a landmark on the path of the historian. 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

At no time in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries were 
the Jesuits very numerous in Bengal. The following statistics 

culled bv Father Besse from 


and Annual Letters 


















• • 








H. H., S.J. 



In the Residence of Chandecan [Chandrcanensi \. 




d Confessor. 
Preacher and Conf 

J Cf. Catal. Miss. Madurensis, Trichinopoli, 1909, App. 

mL" 41 ?*?* Boves : a letter of his, dated Siriam. in Pegu, March 28, 
1600, is found in Copia d'nna del P. Nicola Pimento, Visitatore del la 
O. d% G. nell India Orientale. . . . Roma. 1601. 8°. pp. 80-X3. < '/• 


S'n? * « 9 ; * drmtted in 1 586 ; taught Humaniora ; a missionary in 
1600-06 ; Procurator of the Province of Cochin in 1606-10 ; was 7 years in 
the Mission of Mogor [this means probably Bengal 1600-06], and died in 
Malabar m 1634. He had come to India in 15!)7, not yet a pri t 
(Franco). His arrival is noted only under 1602 in da Camara Manoel's 
list : Mtssoeados Jeamtaa no Oriente, Lisboa, 1894, p. 153. 

JJITaT^ £"**: b ° rn at Boe y ro ' Diopese of Braga, in 1555 ; was 
admitted to the Society m 1586; taught Grammar ; went to India in ? ; 
came to Bengal in ;,98 No trace of him being found in the records of 

ll'hitrn**? 6died in 1608 ' though, on the other hand, he 
nfJ If Dominic de Sousa, of the Province of Entre Douro e Minho, 
Diocese ot Braga, who died at Cochin in 1623, aged " 65 years." 38 

a Pn^Z^T.l p ?hittago, lg died in 1612 Father Blasius Nunes, 

snent iHn ni 5 6 P " orat< \o f Crato, aged 41 years, of which he had 

spent 24 in the Society, and 12 on the Bengal 

panion Fa-her Emmanuel Pire,, was away at the 

of Sundiva. Father Xunes had come to India 

Camara Manoel mentions him 


* Natalia Salerno: a Sicilian, died on April 3, 1608, in the Bay of 


Mission. His com- 

\n the Island 


in his list under 




as not yet a 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 17 



In the Residence of the Island of Sundiva 

Fr. John Mary Grecus, 1 Professed of 4 vows. 
Fr. Blasius Nunez, Professed of 4 vows. 


Fr. Balthasar de Sequeira , on his way from the Kingdom 
of Siam [Si So] to the Port of Tenasserim, in the month of 
November of the year 1609. 2 

In the House of Pegu with one Residence only. 

Fr. Emmanuel Pires, Superior ; Prof, of 4 vows. 

Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca 3 [a Fonsequa], Preacher and 



In the House of Pegu with one Residence only. 

Fr. John Mary Grecus, Superior ; Prof, of 4 vows. 

Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca [a Fonseca], Preacher; Ccm» 


In the Residence of the Island of Sundiva. 

Fr. Emmanuel Pires, Super, of the Resid. ; Prof, of 4 v. 
Fr. Blasius Nunes, Prof, of 4 v. 

Bengal. He was doing duty as Chaplain to the Portuguese fleet, then 
at war with the king of Arrakan , when , in the course of the engage- 
ment, the ship which bore him caught fire. All perished to a man. 
Father Salerno had come to India in 1600, a priest {Franco), and had 
laboured some years among the Portuguese stationed in the fortress of 

Siriam (Pegu). 

1 John Mary Grecus : we find mentioned under 1600 as leaving for India 

11 P. Joao M> Graeci, Italianus. " (Da Camara Manoel). Franco calls him 
P. Joannes Greco, Siculus. He cannot be identified with Fr. Jean Maria 
of C. Sommervogel, op. oft.. Vol. V, Col. 546. The works ascribed to 
him by Sommervogel are those of Fr. John Mary Campori, who came 
in 1597. Cf. ibid., Vol. II. However, Greco's biography as given by 
Sommervogel may be accepts!. Born at Catania in 1572; admitted in 
1587; taught Grammar and Rhetoric, in 1604, at Punicael, Fishery 
Coast; in 1608 in Pegu; died at Coulam (Quiion) on September 25, 1641. 

a Balthasar de Sequeira : came to India, already a priest, in 1578, a 
Portuguese. Cf. Francos and da Camara Manoel's list. Ho is certainly 
tho same as Bartholomew Sequeira in Sommervogel. 

s One Emmanuel de Fonseca came to India in 1599 ; not yet a priest 
(Franco); "humanista," writes da Camara Manoel. 

18 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911 


{From the 3rd Catalogue). 


In this house of Pegu there are two, whereas in that of 
Bengal there reside three. Commander [dux] Sebastian Gon- 
salves gave them 1 ,000 gold tangas. 

(From the 1st Catalogue.) 

3. 1 Fr. Emmanuel Pires : from Monte Mor o Novo, in the 
Diocese of Evora; mediocre strength ; aged 46 ; 29 of Society : 
after completing his course of Philosophy, he studied Theo- 
logy during 4 years; taught Humaniora ; has spent 16 years in 
the Missions [in Christianitate]; was during 9 years Superior of 

the Residence of Pegu, that of Bengal and others ; Prof, of 
4 vows. 4 

4. Fr. John Mary Grecus : a Sicilian from Catania- ro- 
bust ; ased 40 ; 25 years of Society ; after his Philosophy he 

)logy during 3 years ; taught Rhetoric 1 year' in 


the Mission 7 years; Superior 3 yu..„, AIUIl ^ ^ VUW8 . 

5. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : from the town of Cabeca 
de Vide, in the Diocese of Elvas ; mediocre strength ; aged 35 • 
18 years of Society ; studied Philosophy; nearly completed his 
Theology ; has now been over a year Superior in Pegu. 

7. Fr. Didacus [sic] Nunes : from Monte Mor o Novo in 
the ; Diocese of Evora ; aged 31 ; 15 years of Society ; studied 
Philosophy; Theology during 4 years; taught Grammar dur- 
ing one year and a half. 

I T?a •*! the 8erial number in the Catalogue. 

M^,« i?^- al °u g ?? ea8tem em bouchure of the Ganges died on 
May8, K. 16, m the fulness of his labours ^//i«. Fmml^;' p 

Portuguese, born at Monte Mor, in the AroSiocese "of ^oT ^TeaS 
mthe Annual Letters of Cochin (1617) that wl,Pn fh„ v » * f£ 

Sundiva, Father Pir*s betook hirnself to SiVapur raSfaS^SETl left 
offering an easier road to reach Dacca where he torenH^ «' P u" ] ' ? 
as a substitute for the Superior of tta'£ n ttaS^R 1 ?? 
having spent 10 years in Pe»u and n n mW - P er# Hed,ed > 

Philip di Brito Ntoeto, the ^mr^^r^^J^^ " B ^' 
saves Thibao the Lord nf SnnHi J t ? m ? and Sebastian Gon- 

revered and loved him bu he made tfiuSfVE ™ h ™*T' ^^ 
they coveted, that he would hear in , r ™f! • ^ fr, l endshl P. which 

hi. Superior/and before hetould te^tf^^^* 
men carry out manv things for the good of thefJ ™i™t- a S , WO 

pening to pa-s through SVipur during h is line I £ p A pr ' est ha P; 
Extreme Unction. He told Hi * I ■,«, Jl* a* S) , "' Psres receiver! 

the next Sunday" th" t^ ?^&Htl„ ,m H th 1 ?° W ° Uld die °" 
one day a church would ./bunt on the sdT vL ," ^f' and that 

th prophecy was fulfilled, the Annual Letters of ^7 ^ ^ W* ° f 
but they insist that the othA,. ♦„" • 1 ° "'17 do not tell us; 

Pires ha y d arritd at Goa in lo8 8 ! ^^ ^ true ' fc « E ™»anuei 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 19 



In the Mission of Bengal [Missio Bengalensis]. 

Fr. Andrew Pereira, Superior ; Visitor ; Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. Michael de Faria, 1 Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. James Gomes [Gomesius], Preacher. 

Fr. Francis Nunes [Nonius],- Preacher. 

Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roder icus] , s Preacher. 

Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Rodericus] , Preacher. 

Fr. Simon de Figueiredo, 4 Preacher. 

Fr. Francis Pinto [Pintus], Preacher. 

Fr. Emmanuel de Fonseca, Preacher ; in captivity since 

ars in the Kin 


In Bengal [in Bengala] : 8 

Fr. Andrew Machado, Visitor. 5 
Fr. Michael de Faria, Superior 
Fr. Francis Pinto. 
Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Roiz]. 
Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz). 
Fr. James Gomes. 

Fr. Simon de Figueyredo. 



In the College of Hugli [Collegium Ogulense] 

and one Residence, there are 4. 

Fr. Peter Gomes , 6 Rector of the College ; Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus] , Consultor ; Admomtor ; 

Prof, of 4 v. 

1 "P. Michael del^*r~fa,Lus:' came to India in 1605 (Pmnco). 
a "P. Franciscm Nunes. Lus." came to India in 1611 (franco). 
3 One " P Antonius Rodriguez, Lus. came to India in losi , 

. ., ' , i 21 i ;„ ir.aa. Ait.t.n in lfill (Franco). 


One™ P AndTels MaXdo Lus." came to India in 1614 iFranco). 

« One «• P. P-iru. <*>»»«. £*••" came to India £ 1607 ^T^ I th_ 
On Jan I 1623, died at Hugli Fr. Peter fl_»iez, Rect >r of the 

Ho™ j8 He was born at Onadia (Diocese of Coimbra), had taught Latin 
and Rhetoric and came to India probably in 1607 lr A exande r de 
vtu ______ x«»..4-__o nf Viim • "He who was Rector of our College 01 iua 

Scca^Sel wis "ere [A*. 16221. was called Fr. Diego Rebel^ a 
person o high virtue ; and Fr. Peter Gomez, on his departure for Ben- 
gala, bidding him farewell and embracing him, said : I leave you now 
mv road Father to go where my superiors send me ; but, 1 know that 
w^th^a^Iwmonths g we shall both find ourselves on a V^J^fj^ 
we ahall meet and enjoy great conflation. The prophecy wa, fulfilled^ 
They died on the first day of the year li>23, the one at Malacca, the 

20 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

Fr. Simon de Figueiredo, Theologian. 

Fr. Benedict Rodriguez [Rodericus], 1 Theologian. 


In the Kingdom of Ava. 

Fr. Emmanuel da 


These last 13 years he has been in captivity [concaptivus] 
in the Kingdom of Ava. 

In Bengal [Bengala]. 

Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus], Super.; Preacher; 
Conf. ; Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. Gonsalvus [Gondisalus] Paes, Preacher ; Conf. ; Prof. 

of 4 v. 

Fr. Simon de Figueiredo [a Figueiredo], Preacher ; Conf.; 
Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. Aloysius Orlandini [Orlandinus] ,* Preacher : Conf. ; 

Prof, of 4 v. 

Sent to Cathay [in Catayum]. 

Fr. Stephen [Estephanus] Cacella, 3 S'uper. ; Preacher ; 
Conf. ; Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. John Cabral/ Preacher ; Conf. 

Bro. Bartholomew Fontebona, 5 Formed [Coadjutor] ; Painter. 

other at Bengala.'* (67. A. de Rhodes, S.J., Voyages et Missions du 
P. A. de Bh., Paris, Julien, 1854, p. 51). 

The Annual Letters of Cochin (Dec. 5, 1027) tell us that Fr. Gomez* 
body was found incorrupt on June 8, 1626, while the Fathers proceeded 
to disinter it in order to deposit it in a place where the faithful, who 
greatly revered his memory, might more easily satisfy their devotion. 

) Father Benedict Bodrigues died in 1626. Though only 39 years old 
at the time of his death, he was a man of singular holiness of life. He 
was commonly called *« the saint," and many instances of his prophetic 
insight are on record. Many minute particulars of the fall of Hugli 
(1632) had been foretold by him, and, as Father John Cabral, S.J., an 
eye-witness of the catastrophe, points out, they came true to the letter. 
One year before his death, while preaching before the Sodality of the 
Bl. Virgin, Father Benedict suddenly interrupted his discourse, and 
asked to count those present, beginning with himself . This done, he 
declared openly and plainly that, within a year, 15 of them, himself 
among the number, would be dead. The prediction was fulfilled. 
Fourteen of fche Sodalists died the same year, Fr. Benedict closing the 
number. He had been 20 years a Jesuit. 

9 4 * P. Ludov. Orlandino, Lus." came to India in 1623. {Franco). 

8 " Stephanus Cacella, Lus. M came to India in 1614. (Franco). He 
accompanied Father John Cabral to Thibet in 1627 and died in Guge, 
Western Thibet, in 1629 or 1630. 

* M P. Joannes Cabral, Lus." came to India in L624. (Franco). Cf. 


6 Barth. Fontebona [Fonteboa, de Fuente buena] came to India in 
1602, a temporal coadjutor. (Franco and de Camara Manoel.) 


Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 21 



f Bengal in the town of Ogolim [Hugl 
with two Residences. 


Prof, of 


Fr. Louis [Ludovicus] 

[Gondisalus] Paes, 1 Prof, of 

In the Mission of Cathay [Catay], in the Kingdom of 

Bhutan [in regno Potentis]. 

Fr. Stephen Cacella, Super. ; Prof, of 4 v. 
Fr. Emmanuel Dias, Prof, of 4 v. 
Fr. John Cabral, Preacher and Conf. 

In the Kingdom of Ava. 
Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca [a Fonseca], Prof, of 4v. ; i 



34. Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Rodericus] ; a Portuguese ; 
from Lisbon ; mediocre strength ; aged 40 ; 26 years of 
Society ; Prof, of 4 v. ; after his Philosophy, he completed his 
Theology ; was Minister at Malacca 2 years ; at Cranganore 1 
year ; has laboured 11 years in the Missions [in conver sione\. 

9. Fr. Gonsalves Paes: from Ormuz, in the Diooese of 
Goa ; good health ; aged 44 ; 29 years of Society ; after his 
Philosophy, he studied Theology 4 years ; taught Grammar 
3 years ; taught cases of conscience over 1 year ; Prof, of 4 v. 

68. Fr. Simon de Figueiredo : a Portuguese; of the Dio- 
cese of Coimbra ; robust; aged 38 ; 22 years of Society ; after 
his Philosophy, he studied Theology 3 years; has spent. 11 
years in the work of conversion ; Prof, of 4 v. 

81. Fr, Emmanuel da Fonseca ; . . . . these 15 years in 
captivity in Pegu ; Prof of 4 v. 

107. Fr. Stephen [Estephanus] Cacella : from the town of 
Avis, in the Diocese of Evora; health good [integris viribw] ; 
aged 43 ; 24 years of Society ; studied Theology 3 years ; 
taught it 3 years ; for nearly 1 year Minister in the College of 
Cochin ; Master of Novices during nearly 2 years ; Prof, 
of 4 v. 

108. Fr. Emmanuel Dias : from the town of Alpanham, 
in the Diocese of Portalegro ; health good [integris viribus] ; 
aged 39 ; 21 years of Society ; completed, studied, taught 

1 In 1632 he is said to have been one year Rector of Bengala ; but, 
that year he was Rector of Negapatam and a Professed of 4 vows. 

22 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

Philosophy 3 years ; Theology 2 years ; was during 1 year 
Minister {Collectorum) ; during nearly 3 years Rector of the Col- 
lege of San Thome [Meliapur] ; worked as a Missionary [in 
conversione] another 3 years ; Prof, of 4 v. 1 

166. Fr. Louis Orlandini : from the Diocese of Sarzana ; 
. . . ; health weak ; aged 33; 11 years of Society; com- 
pleted his studies in 3 years ; labours as a Missionary [in con- 
versione] ; Preacher and Confessor. 

181. Fr. John Cabral : from the town of Cerolico, in the 
Diocese of Guarda; health good; aged 29; 13 years of Society ; 
completed his studies ; has been for 2 years in the Mission of 



110. Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz] :.•... has how been 
Rector of Bengala during several years ; knows Bengali [callet 
linguam Bengalicam], 

4. Fr. Simon de Figueiredo : .... knows Hindustani 
[callet linguam hidosta.nam]. 

Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca ..... has been kept in 

captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu 18 years. 

65. Fr. Anthony Farinha: from the town of Golegam, in 
the Diocese of Lisbon ; health good [integris viribus~] ; aged 30 ; 
16 years of Society; completed his studies of Philosophy and 
Theology ; labours in the work of conversion. 

34. Fr. Ignatius Fialho .- from the town of Onrique, in the 
Diocese of Evora ; health good ; aged 31 ; 18 years of Society; 
completed his studies of Philosophy and Theology.* 

66. Fr. John Cabral : . . . . i s now for 6 years in the 

Mission of the Kingdom of Bhutan [in Missione Reqni 


In the College of Bengal [Bengala]. 

Fr. Anthony Rodriguez [Roiz], Rector; Prof, of 4 v. 
Fr. Anthony Farinha, Preacher. 

Dias (Diaz) Emmanuel : nephew of another Jesuit of the same 
name ; born at Aspalham o. AlpalhSo in 1692 ; entered in 1G08: left for 

o?S a Thn^nA4^ ht Ph ;'f°P h y ««d Theology at Cochin ; Rector 
of S, Ihome ( 62, ; 2K); went to Cathay, 1628 : died in the " kingdom " 

S5wff\£ Pa ' Ta ™ ^PP^t'.v, Nov. 13, 1629 (Lin. Ann. 

blo^deTlSK "" k,1,eddown ^ Hugli Rive,, while running the 

C a U*<? list , com P;i ed » nder 1632 is mere guess-work, a, nothing in the 
Catalogue shows the place of residence of the Fathers. Further the 

.nSuSfi^mV 010 / 1 "^- LLB., S.J.] Father Cabral was back 
in ±iugn in 1632, and wrote an account of the fall of that place. 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 23 


In the Kingdom of Ava. 

mmm -*" • ^^ A.LX Li.lCVXX Vi U^ V(( 

Preacher ; in captivity. 

i. of 



11. Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior : . . . . health good; 
aged 54; 35 of Society; .... was several years Rector in 
Bengal, where he is now Superior; knows Bengali. 

44. Fr. Anthony Farinha : . . . . aged 37 ; 23 years of 
Society ; .... he is now kept in bondage in Bengal by our 
enemies, the Moors, and though he was not cast in bonds for 
religion's sake, yet, he has been more than once threatened 
with death, and would have been set free before this, if he 
had renounced our holy faith. 

29. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : . . . . now for 25 years 
detained in captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu. 


Fr. Francis de Silveira : from Barcellos, in the Diocese of 
Braga ; health good ; aged 30 ; 11 years of Society ; studied 
Philosophy 3 years ; Theology 2 years ; labours now in the 
Mission of Bengal. 

Fr. Anthony Soares ; of Porto ; good health ; aged 28; 5 of 

Society; completed his studies; at present in the Mission of 

Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca: .... already 30 years in 
captivity in the Kingdom of Pegu. 


Fr. Anthony Farinha ; . . . . was visitor of the Bengal 
, in which he now lives. 

Fr. Melchior Garsao : from Cuba, in the Diocese of Evora ; 
mediocre strength ; aged 41 ; 26 of Society ; after his studies, 
he taught Grammar 1 year ; w^as Vice-Rector of the College 
of San Thome 6 months ; employed as a Missionary [in conver- 
sione] 7 years; now chosen Visitor and Superior of the Bengal 

Fr. Emmanuel Madeira : aged 40 ; 20 of Society ; was 
Superior of the Bengal Mission 4 years; Prof, of 4 v. 

Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior : (as in the Catal. of 1639). 

Fr. Denis Anlunes : from Lisbon ; robust ; aged 46 ; 22 of 
Society ; after studying Philosophy, taught Grammar 1 year ; 
studied Theology 2 years ; employed in the work of conversion 
1 years ; is now in the Mission of Pegu.* 

1 He is always said to be a Professed of 4 vows ; in reality, he was 
not, for want of a Father to receive his last vows. He made them later, 
when Fr. Denis Antnnes went to take his place, and as he refused to 
leave the Christians of Ava, they were both captives. [L.B., S.J.] 

* In 1648, it is not said whether he has left or not. [L.B.] 

24 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 


29. Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca : . . . . good health ; aged 

68; 51 of Society ; already 34 years a prisoner in the Kingdom 
of Pegu. 

47. Fr. Melchior [Belchior] Gargao : .... was commis- 
sioned by Fr. Provincial to visit the College of Bengal ; and 
now he is Rector of the same College ; Prof, of 4 v. 

11. Fr. Anthony Rodrigues, junior: .... was during 
some years Rector of Bengala, where he now resides. 1 


Fr. Anthony Farinha : | at Bengala [Bengalae], March 


19 of Society. 




Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca ..... aged 72 ; 55 of Society ; 
already 39 years in captivity in the Kingdom of Ava ; twice 
appointed Provincial of this Province, but the choice did not 
take effect because of his absence. 


In the College of Bengal 

Fr. Anthony Pacheco [Paciecus] 9 Rector. 

Fr. Didacus de Oliveira. 3 

Fr. Roderic [Roderisius] Gomes, Visitor. 



In the Residence of Pegu. 

Fr. Simon Rodrigues. 

[The name of Fr. Emmanuel da Fonseca is not to be 


22. hrRodenc Gomes: of Cochin, in this India ; health 
good; aged 44 ; 26 of Society ; completed his studies ; laboured 
tor some years as a Missionary ; taught Grammar 2 years ; 
wa« Rector of the College of Bengal. 

20. Fr Simon Rodrigues [Roiz] : from Bataiha, in the 
diocese of Leina [Liriensis] ; good health ; aged 47 ; 23 of 

1,1 ■ ■ ■ - ■ wa rn n *l «n„ , _i._.i ii L j._ ii M j i M ii ii 

J One^ V^T* h - m S the C ? Ue S e of Cochin [L- B -l 

3 One « Li H, COTea V iM4 " came to llldia in l ^30 (Franco). 
° De Dtdacus de Ohvetra , Lu*.» came to India in 1614 (Franco). 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portucjuese Jesuit Missionaries. 25 


Society; has been working many years for the conversion of 


In the College of Bengal, in the Residence of 

Chandecan [Chandecanensi] . 

Two Fathers : Preachers and Confessors. 

Finances . 

Expenses for the year 1666 — 

Sent to the Fathers of Bengal, considering that the 
College has not the wherewithal to provide for them : 

Expenses for the year 1667 

Pardaos : 0037 : 4 : 10 ' 

Given for the passage of Fr. Manoel Gonsalves, when 

0085: 4: 04 

he went to Bengal : 

Expenses for the year 1668 

Sent to the Fathers of Bengal for their support, at the 
time that Fr. Manoel Gonsalves was Rector : 

0052: 3: 4 

Expenses for the year 1670 

Sent to the Fathers of Bengal for their support : 

0081 : 3: 00 


In the Mission of Bengal. 

Fr. Emmanuel Gonsalves. 

Fr. Anthony de [a] Figueiredo. 

Fr. John de [a] Magalhacs. 


Fr. John de Magalhais : a Portuguese ; from Porto ; not 
yet professed; aged 38 ; 21 years of Society ; now Rector of the 
College of Bengal; robust health. [In 1677, he appears as 
Procurator at Goa.] 

Fr. Anthony de Figueiredo. 

1 " The principall and commonest money is called PardansXeraphijns, 
and is silver, but very brasse(read ' base '), and is coyned in Goa. They 
have Saint Sebastian on the one side, and three or four arrowes in a 
bundle on the other side, which is as much as three Testones, or three 
hundred Reija Portingall money, and riseth and fallet little lesse or more, 
according to the exchange.*' [Van Limchoten, Ch. 35. circa 1596.] Yule 
in his erudite article on the values of the Pardrio estimates it as worth 
4:8. 2d. to 4s. tid. at the end of the XVIth century. Cf. Hobson-Jobson, 
1886, p. 840. 

26 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 


Fr. Benedict da [de] Costa : from Ceylon ; of Portuguese 
parentage ; aged 40 ; 21 of Society ; not yet professed ; . . . . 
at the end of his studies he was applied to the Madura Mission, 
and laboured some years in that Mission in the condition of a 
Brahman [Sanyasi] ; was next occupied for a short time in the 
Missions of the Travancore Coast and the Fishery Coast ; finally, 
was sent to the College of Bengal ; there he lost the use of his 
reason ; but, remedies are at present applied. 1 

Fr. Emmanuel Gonsalves .... was Rector of the College 
of Bengal ; he is now again Rector of the same College : weak 
in health and sometimes ill. 

Fr. Anthony de Figueiredo : from Negapatam; formed 
spiritual coadjutor ; aged 70 ; 50 years of Society ; was twice 
Rector of the College of Negapatam ; then Rector of the Col- 
lege of San Thome ; finally Rector of the College of Bengal, in 
which he was once before and is now again acting as Visitor. 

Finances (1077). 

In this College there live three Fathers of the Society of 
Jesus : a Rector and two companions ; all priests. The Hector 
and one companion are supported by the revenues of a certain 
property [praedii] liberally granted by the Prince of that King- 
dom for such purpose; the third is maintained by the revenues 
of Betti. 2 

1 Cf. Catal. Miss. Madur. Trichinopolv : 11)10, Appendix, p. 43, (1673) 

and (1677). 

* M The coconut-garden of Betim the great (o grande), in the village 
of Pilerne, in which was the casa of the Catechumens, from the year 
1762, with its hill and annexes; 1,400 xs. : 100 t. : 00 6. [yearly revenue.] 

"That coconut- garden belonged to the Mission of Manduerem 
[Madura] in Malabar, and was bought by an order of the Viceroy 
Count da Ega, of September 11, 1762, for lodging and maintaining the 
Catechumens and those charged with their casa, which a Royal Letter 
of April 9, 1704, ordered to be kept, in order that the Catechumens 
should not be educated out of it. 

%i The casa of the Catechumens, situated in Betim, in the village of 
Pilerne, on the right bank of the Mandovi river [Goa], is a small building 
with nothing remarkable about it ; in charge of it were the Father of 
the Christians, 1 Chaplain, 1 Sacristan, 1 Clerk {escripturario) and ser- 

To?« 8 '\ Cf * pp ' 303 ' 304 of An ™*<* Maritime* e Coloniaes, Lisbon, 
1843; also pp. 300, 301, 302. 

This garden of Betty or Betti in the territory of Bardez (Goa) is 
mentioned in 1667, 1688, 1667. (Cf.CW. Miss. Madurensis, 1910, pp. 38, 

\n^ 1734 ' ifc y ielded 2500 Xs ; was devastated by the Mahrattas 
m ' ;i »* nd o | aveS °00Xs.inl7^and 1746. (Ci.CataL Miss. Madur. 1911, 
pp. 7.., 79, 83, 86.) The King of Portugal ought to have provided for the 
maintenance of the Missionaries of the Madura Mission. In reality, only 
finn serafins ' J - J * - 1 ■ ...... . __ J> - 7 

wuwannswereawamed tor the upkeep of 4 Missionaries. Hence with 
the permission .of the Governors, Francis [?] de Mello de Castro and Anthony 
ae aousaCoutmho, the revenues of the palm-grove at Betty were applied 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 27 



15. Fr. Didacus Leitad ; a Portuguese; from the town of 


Alcaide ; admitted in Portugal ; aged 34 ; 
Rector of Bengal, where he is still; health good; last year, I 
let him know he might make his profession ; but, whether lie 
did, I am not yet aware. 1 

48. Fr. Louis de Sylva, senior : a Portuguese ; from Faro 
[Pharensis] ; admitted in Portugal ; aged 56 ; 39 years of Society ; 
professed of 4 vows ; was during some months Vice-Rector in 
Travancore, and Rector in the College of San Thome ; now he 
went to Bengal both as Visitor and Rector ; health robust. 2 


Fr. Emmanuel de MagalhaZs, Rector of the College of 
Bengal, departed this life in the beginning of 1685 at the same 
College. 8 


[Four Fathers are said to be in Bengal in 1688, but their 
names are missing. Cf. Catal. Miss. Madurensis, 1910, p. 47.] 

From another source : Three Fathers live in this College 
[of Bengala] : one a Professed of 4 vo*s ; the others not yet 
Professed. They live on revenues left to them ; in future, when 
the permission will have been obtained from Rome, they will 
enjoy ampler resources, since Don Nicholas de Payva has 
recently left for the foundation of the College a sum of xerafins 
sufficient, according to all. for the maintenance of three Der- 



37, Fr. Louis Fernandes : a Portuguese; from . . . • ; 
admitted at Lisbon ; aged 40 ; 20 years of Society ; Professed 
of 4 vows ; has been Preacher for about 10 years in the College 
of Bengal, where he was Vice-Rector during some months, and 
now he is Rector there ; strong and in good health. 4 

co the Madura Mission. A. de Sousa Coutinho was Com missi oner in 
1052-53; Anthony de Mello e Castro was Governor in 1662-3. Cf. also 
on Pilerne, p. 29 of Index in Felippe Nery Xavier's Bosquejo Histo- 
rico 9 Nova-Goa, 1852, a work containing much rare information on the 
village communities of the Ilhas, Salcette and Bardez. At pp. 45-55 of 

mous Jesuit. 

an an on y 

J M Dirlacus Leitam, L?*8." came to India in 1673 (Franco). 
9 u Ludov. Silva, Las. " came to India in I6S2 (Franco). 

" Emmanuel Magalhans. Lus." came to India in 1673 (Franco). 
* " P. Ludov. Fernandes, Lus" came to India in 1681 (Franco). 

28 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

(From the 3rd Catalogue.) 

Though the College of Bengal be at a great distance, no 
Provincial ever neglected to send thither at the right time 
the necessary labourers. If, at any time, it had not sufficient 
revenues for the maintenance of its subjects, the Superiors did 
not omit maintaining them ; and now, that according to the 
will of the founder, there ought to be in it three of ours, we 
must all the more endeavour that subjects be not wanting to 
minister to the salvation of the neighbour. But, alas ! for the 
Provincials to send ours two by two to Bengal is the same (God 
allowing) as for death to summon them to the tribunal of God, 
either on the way, or shortly after their arrival in the College. 
So, last year, and shortly before, it happened that five of ours 


to take their place. 



if they can be found — from the revenues of the foundation. 

Deceased (1682—1694) : 34. ] 

16. Fr. Boniface da Costa, in the College of Bengal. 

17. Fr. Alphonsus Ribeyro,* 2 do. 

18. Fr. Anthony de Proen^a, 3 do. 

19. Fr. Joseph de Sylva, 4 do. 

20. A French Father. 6 do. 

21. Fr. Francis de Vejga, 6 at sea during the voyage to 
Bengal. [He was studying Philosophy at Goa in 1685.] 

22. Fr. Dominic Carvalho, at sea during the voyage to 

1 This applies to the whole Province of Malabar or Cochin. 

2 " P. Alfonsus Ribeir >, Lus." came to India in 1682 {Franco). 

3 Fr. Anthony de Proenza; from the town of Solodacasa ; admitted in 
Portugal; aged 26; 11 years of Society; went to the Madura Mission 
last year; robust health. (Cat. of 1685, cf. Cat. Miss. Mad., 1910). " P. 
Antonius Proenza, Lus." came to India in 1681 (Franco). 

* Fr. Joseph da Sylva : a Portuguese ; from Lisbon ; admitted in Por- 
tugal ; aged 35 ; 20 of Society ; Professed of 4 vows ; was at first in 

the Madura Mission : was nfivt spnt. tn thn Vrr\\/\r\ofH c\i rinn. t,n Anh as 

Procurator of this our Province [of Cochin]; falling ill, he returned at 
once ; is not yet very strong. (Cat. of 1685. Cf. Cat. Miss. Mad, 9 1910). 
One " Josephus de Silva, Lus. " came to India in 1673 (Franco). 

* James Duchatz: born at Sens, March 16, 1652; admitted September 2, 
1668; taught Grammar 6 years, Rhetoric 2 years; left for Siam in 
1687; died at Ougoul [Hugli], in Bengal, in April 1693. Some of his 
astronomical observations were published by Father Gouye, S.J., at 

«^ 1688 " 92 ' °f- Sommervogel, Vols. III and IX, Col. 254. 
« » ." P * Franc Veiga, Lus:' came to India in 1066: another 

Uranciscns Veiga, Lus. " in 1682 (Franco). 

Vol. VII, No. 2.1 List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 29 



38. Fr. Louis Femandes : from Scalabi has spent 

about 13 years in the College of Bengal, preaching the Word of 
God ; was Rector there formerly during 3 years ; at present he 



Sept. 7, 1655; joined, Jan. 31, '74; Prof, of 4 v., Aug. 15, 
*91 ; in 1705, Super, of Travancore. Catal. 1705,] 

Deceased (during this triennium). 

Fr, Didacus Leitao, in Mozambique, on his voyage to 
Rome. He had been elected Procurator to Romp, in 1 fi05> 


Formerly, the College was not founded; now, a few years 
ago, a certain nobleman gave 20,000 serafins towards its 
foundation. In it resides the Rector, with two companions, 
priests, and one temporal Coadjutor Brother. Until now they 
were maintained by means of the revenues of the foundation 
which was placed out at interest. Now, there is question of 
buying a certain palm-grove, that they may be supported from 
the income thereof. 


36. Fr. Frederic Zech [Zex] : a German; born, March 22, 
1667 ; entered the Society, August 24, 1695 ; before entering 
the Society, he studied Philosophy and Theology ; lias laboured 
for 2 years in the Missions [Ghristianitatibus vacavif] ; is now 
at the head of the College of Bengal ; mediocre health ; aged 
38; 10 years of Society. 1 

29. Fr. Nicholas Missoni : an Italian : born in January 
1667 ; entered the Society in November 1687 ; not yet pro- 
fessed ; after spending less than two years in this Province, 
he was sent to Goa, whence he was sent back hither ; is now in 
the College of Bengal; in full health; aged 38; 18 years of 
Society 2 


We learn from the Rector and his companions : they are 
maintained from the foundation left to the College ; they 
devote themselves to preaching and hearing confessions, as is 

1 "P. Federcius Zech, Breilens." [Bractens, ?] came to India in 1699 
(Franco). Of the Province of Upper Germain ; laboured at the Fishery 
Coast (Ramesuram). Of. Sommervogrl, sub Czech and A. Huoxder, 
Deutsche Jesuitenmissi ndre, p. 180. 

* One •« P. Nicolaus Missoni, I talus" came to India in 1699 {Franco). 

30 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 
customary in the other small houses of the Society ; in this 


souk, though we undertake this charge in our other houses. 


From the 4dh Catalogue. 
6. Fr. Frederic Zech [Czech, elsewhere Czeth], Rector of 

Fr. Nicholas Missoni. 

1711 and 1715. 

[The residence of the Missionaries is not indicated.] 

45. Fr. Frederic Zech; born near Bracten, March 22, 
1667; entered the Society in 1695; made his profession of 4 
vows at Hugh [Ugulini] in 1710 ; health sufficiently good; gov- 
erned [sic] the College of Bengal. 

[The Catalogue of 1718 states that he has been appointed 
Rector of Meliapur.] 

19. Fr. Nicholas Missoni: born at Friuli in January 
1671 ; entered the Society in November 1687. 

[Professed of 4 vows on November 1, 1717. Catal. of 



Catal. of the Churches of the Malabar Province. 

In the Kingdom of Bengal, in the town of Ugulim, there 

is the Church of our College dedicated to Our Lady's Na- 


Fr. Frederic Zech [Czech] .... governed and now governs 
the College of Bengal. 


In the College of Bengal. 

Fr. Peter Dias, appointed Rector in June 1726. l 
Fr. John de Andrada, ordered to go elsewhere.* 

In the College of Bengal. 
Fr. Peter Dias, appointed Rector in June 1726. 


l.™- came to India in 1703 (Franco). 
Joannes Andrade, Ltis." came to Tndia in 1699 {Franco). 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 31 



In the College of Bengal. 

As in 1730. 


In the College there resides only the Rector. For the 
expenses of the College, 1,200 serafins are given from the 
income of the Gantacomprem estate. 1 

In the College of Bengal. 

Fr. Anthony Huetlin, sent thither quite lately to govern 
the College, owing to the death of the Rector, Fr. Peter Dias. 

36. Fr. Anthony Huetlin: a German; born at Constance, 
March 6, 1700; received into the Society, October 9, 1715; was 
in charge of parishes on the Travancore Coast ; then appointed 
Vice-Rector of the College of Bengal. 2 

Fr. Peter Dias, at Bengala, December 21, 1733 


The Rector only. 


serafins are given from the income of Gantacomprem. 

In the College of Bengal. 

Fr. Anthony Huetlin: appointed Vice-Rector in April 1734. 

29. Fr. Anthony Huetlin: [the same word for word as 

under No. 36 of 1734 ; then :] made his profession ; is in 

good health. 

1 This estate must have been in the Ooa territory »/»JJrf «" 
nually 004300 xerafms, more or less In 740, the Mahrattas had taken 
possession of it. Cf. Catal. Miss. Mad., 1 9 1 1 pp. 73 , 74, 79. 

* Huetlin Antho,y; born at Comtance, on March 6 1700 ; received^to 
the Society on October 9, 17 IS;, professed Gramma -and Humanmra 
embarked in 1730 for the Mission of Malab ".where he » bo ^ 2 
years. He returned to Germany about 1740 to collect alms for theM^s 

sions; but remained in Germany, ^^J^J^JS f Studies 
Law at Amberg. Munich and Trent, and d.ed while /^ °* f * f»* 
at Landshut, March 31, 1761. Cf. Sommebvooel and A. Huokdkb, S.J., 

op. cit, p. 176. 

32 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

Only the Rector. — 1,200 Xerafins from the income of 



, 17. Fr. George Deiterman [sic] : born at Munster, May 
11, 1692 ; entered the Society on June 7, 1710 ; strength shat- 
tered ; laboured in Missions in Germany ; now Rector of the 
College of Bengal since June 20. 1738; made his profession on 
August 15, 1725. 1 

27. Fr. Anlhoyw Huetlin 



The College of Bengal. 

Since the death of Fr. George Deisterman [sic], of happy 
memory, no one else has been sent thither. 


Deceased (during this triennium). 
Fr. George Deiterman [sic], at Bengala, in 1740 


# The College of Bengal. 

No one of Ours lives in the College, for [want of subjects 
and for] reasons exposed by the last Provincial Congregation 
and often represented at Rome. 

We subjoin an alphabetical list of those missionaries 
whose names are mentioned in the above Catalogues. The 
years show under what dates they are found. 

Andrada de, John, 1729. Carvalho, Dominic, f between 

Antunes. Dents, 1644. 1682-94 at sea. 

Boves, Andrew, 1604. Correa, Ambrose, 1648 (f 

Cabral, John 1627, '28/38. Bengala, 1648). 

Cacella, Stephen, 1627, '28. Costa da, Benedict, 1677. 

1 Deutermann George; born on Mav 11, lf>92, " ira Miinstersehen " ; 
entered the Society on June 7. 171o (Rhen. Inf.); accompanied Father 
Bischopinck to India in 1726; Superior of the Missions on the coast of 
T^ an ^ ; . 'L^ 1 ! 011 ' 1727-34; *ick, 1734 ; consumptive atManapad, 
1737; died in 1740 m Bengal (C.L). Cf. A. Huonder, S J.. Deutsche 
Jt9uitenrmas%onare dea 17 und 18 J ahrhundprt* F^iKn^ igoo ~ 171 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 



Costa da, Boniface, f between 
1682-94 at the Coll. of Ben- 

Deistermann , George, 1740, 

( f at the College of Ben- 
gala 1685). 

Missoni, Nicholas, 1705, '18, 
'11, '15. 

'42, '43 (f at Bengala, 1740). Nunes, Blasius, 1604, '10, '11, 

Dias, Manoel, 1628. 


Dias, Peter, 1729, '30, '31, Nunes, Francis, 1619. 
'34. ( f at Bengala, 21 Dec. Oliveira de, Didacus, 1655. 


Orlandini, Louis, 1627, '28. 

Duchatz, James ( f 1693, Hug- Pacheco, Anthony, 1655. 

Faria de, Michael, 1619, '20. 

Paes, Gonsalvus, 1627, '28. 
Pereira, Andrew, 1619. 

Farinha, Anthony, 1632, '34, Pinto, Francis, 1619, '20. 
'39, '44, '48 ( f at Bengala, Pires, Manoel, 1610, '11, '13 

March 1645). 
Fernandes, Louis, 1694, '97. 
Fialho, Ignatius, 1632. 

Proenca de, Anthony ( | be- 
tween 1682-94 at the Col- 
lege of Bengala). 

Figueiredo, Anthony, 1671, Ribeyro, Alphonsus (f be- 

'73, '77. 
Figueiredo de, Simon, 1619 

'20, '23, '27, '28, '32. 
Fonseca de, Manoel, 1610, 

tween 1682-94 at the Col- 
lege of Bengala). 
Rodriguez, Anthony, Bro., 

'11, '13, '19, '27, '28, '32, Rodriguez, Anthony, Junior, 

'34, '39, '44, '48, '52. 


'20, '23, '27, '28, 

Fontebona, Bartholomew, 

Bro., 1627. 
Garsao, Melchior, 1644, '48. 
Gomes, James, 1619, '20. 
Gomes, Peter, 1623. 
Gomes, Roderic, 1655, '59. 
Gonsalves, Manoel, 1671, '77. 


Grecus, John Mary, 

'11, '13. 
Huetlin, Anthony, 1734, '37 Silva de, Louis, Senior, 1685. 

'34, '39, '44, '48. 
Kodriguez, Benedict, 1619, 

'20, '23. 
Rodriguez, Simon, 1655, '59. 
Salerno, Natalis, 1604. 
Sequeira de, Balthasar, 1610. 
Silva de, Joseph (f between 

1682-94 at the College of 



Silveira, de Francis, 1644. 

Leituo, Didacus, 1685, '97. Soares, Anthony, 1644, '48 (f 

(t at Mozambique between 

Machado, Andrew, 1620. 
Madeira, Manoel, 1644. 
Magalhaes de, John, 1671, '73. Zech, Frederic, 1705, '08, '11, 

at Bengala, Aug. 22, 1646). 
Souza de, Dominic, 1604. 
Veiga de, Francis ( f at sea 

between 1682-94). 

Magalhiles de, Manoel, 1685 

'15, '22. 

Besides these 58 names found in our Catalogues, we have 

met with the following 20 : 

Anonymous : 1 
Barbier, Claude. 
Capputi, Fulvius. 
Castro de, Joseph. 

Coelho, Manoel. 
Fernandes, Francis. 
Ferreira, Gaspar. 
Fonseca, Melchior. 

34 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

Gomes, Andrew. Santucci, Mark Anthony. 

Gomes, Ignatius. Sarayva, Manoel. 

Gomes, Paschal. Sehipani, Anthony Octavius. 

Laynez, Francis, Bishop. Secco, Manoel. 

Morando, Francis. Sequeira, Simon. 

Rodrigues, John, Bro. Vaz, Anthony. 

A few particulars on each. 

In 1576, two Jesuits came to Bengal and insisted with 
the Portuguese traders on their refunding to Emperor Akbar the 
moneys due for anchorage and annual taxes of which they had 
defrauded the exchequer. But through the influence of Pedro 
Tavares, the Captain of Hugli, then [1578J at Fathpur Sikri, all 
arrears were condoned. The Fathers' conscientious scruples and 
Pedro Tavares' petition favourably impressed the Emperor, and 
led eventually to the first Jesuit Mission at Fathpur Sikri in 
1580. The name of only one of these Fathers in Bengal has 
been preserved : Father Anthony Vaz. Cf . F. de Sousa, 
S.J., Oriente Conquistado, Lisboa, 1710, Vol. II, p. 148, and 
D. Bartoli, S.J., Missione at Gran Mogor, Roma, 1714, p. 8. 

Francis Fernandez came to Bengal with Dominic de Sousa 
in 1598, and died in prison at Chittagong, Nov. 14, 1602. 

He was born in the Diocese of Toledo, Avertensis, in 1547 
"Fr. Francis Hernandez, a Spaniard, came to India in 1574, 
and was martyred." (Franco), da Camara Manoel mentions 
him as not yet a priest. Cf. P. du Jarric and C. Sommer- 
vogel, S.J., Vols. VII and IX, Col. 325. 

yr Fonseca must have arrived in Bengal in 1599, 
letters being dated from Chmidecan, Jan. 20, 1600. 
He died at Chandecan on Jan. 1, 1603. Born at Linhares 
(Portugal), in 1554; admitted in 1573; sent to India in 1595, 
already a priest {Franco) ; Minister 11 years ; Socius to the Pro- 
vincial. Cf. du Jarric and Sommervogel, Vols. Ill and IX, 
Col. 351, and da Camara Manoel, p. 151. 

^a^f aSCha } G ° mez died in the island of Sundiva in or before 
1615, aged 28, of which he had spent 12 in the Society of 
Jesus. J 

Fulvius Capputi : a Neapolitan, according to Franco ; 
perished in a shipwreck along the coast of Arrakan, on Octo- 
ber 11, lbl7. He had come to India in 1609, already a 
priest (franco). Fr. Laerzio destined him to be the compa- 

Sougtt^therJise ** Madm; bUt ' the followin g Provincial 
p,^"? °*? Octavius Sehipani died in 1623 in the " Gangetic 

Reonr U nf a r i ^ i«L NapleS ab ° ut 1540 > ^red » ^59; 

Ki^J 80 - 8, gf. Sommervogel. He must be iden- 
IndtTn l^^V nt T U ^? Z ^ ui P ano ' Italus >" wl >° came to 

Va^r w { nC °\ ? L ab0 DA Camara M ^oel, P- 146. 
Caspar Ferreira, Andrew Gomez and ftinum. si^ltn Ai*A 

one of his 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] List of Portuguese Jesuit Missionaries. 35 


of the plague at Hugli in 1626. One " Gaspar Ferreira, Lus." 
came to India in 1614; one "Andrew Gomes, Lus." in 1603. 

Joseph de Castro wrote on Nov. 20, 1631, from " the 

Kingdom of Bengala," that he had been in Bengal during the 
last two years, as Chaplain to a Governor of several provinces, 
Mirza Zu-1 Qarnin, an Armenian Catholic. The place was 
more than 250 miles from Agra and more than 300 from Hugli. 
On August 8, 1632, he mentions Father Francis Morando as his 
companion. Cf. J.A.S.B., 1910, p. 529. " Joseph de Castro , 
Lus.," had come out in 1602; " P. Francis Morando, Lus." 

in 1629. Cf. Franco and da Camara Manoel. 

Two Jesuits were among the casualties on the Hugli 
River after the capture of Hugli : Father Ignatius Fialho, cut 
down with a scimitar (t 26 Sept. 1632), and Bro. John Rodri- 
guez, shot dead with arrows. 

Three others — Manoel Coelho, Manoel Secco, and Louis 
Orlandini '— died shortly after (before the end of 1632) of the 
pestilence which decimated the Portuguese fugitives entrenched 
in the island of Saugor. Two of the name of Emmanuel 
Coelho, both Portuguese, and neither a priest, left Lisbon, one 
in 1609, the other in 1623. 

Between 1678 and 1681, a movement of conversion among 
the ryots of Don Antonio de Rosario, son of the Raja of Busna, 
had brought to Bengal Father Mark Anthony Santucci. In a 
letter from Nalua Cot, Jan. 3, 1683, in which he reports un- 

favourably on Don Antonio's motives, he mentions two other 
Jesuits then in Bengal : Manoel Sarayva and Ignatius Gomez. 
Cf. da Cunha Rivara's O Chronista da Tissuary, 1866, Goa, 
pp. 319, 320; also J.A.S.B,, 1910, pp. 449 451, where a number 
of letters, now in the Brit. Mus., and dated 1678-84, are pointed 
out. Father Santucci had come to India in 1668, already a 
priest; one "Emmanuel Saraiva, a Portuguese, not yet a 
priest," came in 1672; one "Ignatius Gomes, ditto," in 
1670. (Franco). I believe that Saraiva must be identified 
with Manoel Saray (read : Sarayva), Provincial at Goa in 1711. 

Cf. Lettree Edif., 1781, X, 99. 

For Bishop Francis Laynez 1 visit to Bengal, the nrst 
episcopal visitation on record (1712-1715) see Fr. CI. Barkers 
letters in Benaal : Past and Present, 1910, Vol. II, pp. <W-2Z7. 

5* '■ Mundari Phonology and the Linguistic Survey. 

By Professor Sten Konow, Ph.D. 


The Revd. C. Mehl has written a review of the Mundari 
section of the Linguistic Survey of India in this Journal, 
vol. vi, pp. 247 and ff., in which he asserts that the sounds of 
Mundari have there been wrongly described and noted. The 
Munda Volume of the Survey has been written by me, and as the 
questions raised by Mr. Mehl are of some importance, I hope 
that I am justified in stating the reasons which lead me to 
differ from him. 

There are two points in which he maintains that I am 
wrong, viz., in stating that Mundari like Santa] I possesses 
double sets of the vowels e and o. and that the Mundarf semi- 
consonants are hard and not soft. If I am not mistaken the 
latter point, the marking of the semi-consonants as hard in the 
Linguistic Survey, is, in the opinion of my critic, the most 
serious mistake. 

With regard to the sounds e and o I have said in my 
treatise of Mundari phonology that there are apparently two 
e-sounds, one which I mark e and another which I mark a. 
Similarly I have distinguished two o-sounds. an o and an a. 
Mr. Mehl states that the sounds a and a do not exist in 
Mundari. Now I have not put any stress on this point. I have 
not distinguished the two sets in the specimens printed in the 
Survey. I have only tried to do so in the List of words. I 
think it is necessary to state this because Mr. Mehl's words 
cannot fail to give the impression that I have carried the dis- 
tinction through in all specimens. Then I must confess that a 
mere dictum like Mr. Mehl's does not carry immediate convic- 
tion. He has not given us a description of the sounds in ques- 
tion which enables us to judge. It will be necessary to go a 
little into detail in order to explain what is meant. Before 
doing so, however, I should like to say a few words in explana- 
tion of an expression I have used in the Munda Volume, and 
which seems to have given offence to Mr. Mehl. I refer to my 
remark that the materials collected for the purposes of the 
Linguistic Survey have not been prepared by scholars with a 
phonetical training. The systematic study of phonetics is of 
recent date and of a highly technical kind, and I do not under- 
stand how my words can be understood as reflecting any dis- 
credit on those excellent linguists to whose unselfish assistance 
the Linguistic Survey owes its best materials. It is a well known 
fact that very few people, even among good linguists really 
know which sounds they use in speaking their own language 

38 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 

and the difficulty is still greater when we have to do with 
strange tongues. 

To return to the Mundarl vowels it w T ould have been 

impossible in a work like the Linguistic Survey to give an 
exposition of the phonetic system on which the marking of the 
various sounds has been based. The ear is often a very unsafe 
guide, and the marking of vowels in phonetic books is 
therefore based on an analysis of the various positions of the 
tongue. I cannot do better than to quote Mr. Sweet ' in order 
to explain this. He says : — 

' As each new position of the tongue produces a new 
vowel, and as the positions are infinite, it follows that the 
number of possible vowel-sounds is infinite. It becomes neces- 
sary, therefore, to select certain definite positions as fixed points 
whence to measure the intermediate positions. 

The movements of the tongue may be distinguished gene- 
rally as horizontal and vertical — backwards and forwards, up- 
wards and downwards. The horizontal movements produce 
two well-marked classes : (1) 'back' (guttural) vowels, formed 
by the root; and (2) 'front' (palatal) vowels, formed by the 
fore part of the tongue. In the formation of back vowels, 
such as a in father, a in fall, the back or root of the tongue is 
brought into prominence partly by retraction of the whole 
body of the tongue, partly by pressing down the fore part of 
the tongue. In the formation of front vowels, such as i in it 
and a in man, the front of the tongue is raised towards the 
front of the palate, so that the main body of the tongue slopes 
down from the front of the mouth backwards. There is a third 
class of ' mixed ' (gutturo-palatal) vowels such as the e in err, 
where the whole tongue is allowed to sink with its neutral 
flattened shape, in which neither back nor front articulation 

The vertical movements of the tongue, which are gener- 
ally accompanied by lowering and raising of the jaw, produce 
various degrees of ' height ' or distance o* Jl ' ' il " 



tongue is raised as high and as close to the palate as possible 
without causing audible friction, or buzz. In [pronouncing 
thee] in men, it is somewhat lowered, and in [pronouncing 
the a in man ] it is lowered as much as possible. From among 
the infinite degrees of height three are selected: (1) ' high' 
[as in fill], (2) mid' [as in men], (3) Mow' [as in man]. 
Ihese distinctions apply equally to back and mixed vowels, so 
we have altogether nine cardinal vowel-positions : 

high back high mixed high front, 

mid back mid mixed mid front, 

low back low mixed low front. 

I A Prim<r of Phonetic. Second edition. Oxford, 1902. pp. 13 and >■ 

Vol. VII, No. 2. | Mundari Phonolcxw. :\) 


Mr. Mehl explains the neutral a of Mundari as the sound of 
a in Hindi rakhna or of e in German after or of a in English 
oral. Now the a of rakhna is mid back; the e of aber is mid 
mixed, and the a of oral is mid mixed or low mixed. I do 
not doubt that Mr. Mehl himself knows the sound in question 
well enough. But it is impossible to form a clear idea of its 
precise character from his description, such as we could obtain 
from the experiments of a scholar trained in the methods and 
technicalities of modern phonetics. The example will, I hope, 
show that my words in the Munda volume about phonetic al 
training ought not to give offence to anybody, and I am very 
sorry to learn that they have done so. 

The sound which I have marked e in the Linguistic 
Survey is mid front as the e in men and the first stage of the 
vowels in say and take ; a is low front as the a in back, man or 
the beginning of a in care. Similarly o is mid back (with 
rounded lips) as the beginning of the vowel in so, sow, or the o 
in German Sohn, Sonne. A is low back as the o in not or the 
initial vowel sound in saw, naught. 

Now it is not easy to state in all cases whether a word is 
pronounced with an a or an e, an a or an o, respectively, with- 
out a careful training of the ear. Mr. Mehl denies the existence 
of the two sets in Mundari. Similarly most of the missionarie 
among the Santa Is long maintained that there was only one 
e-sound and one o-sound, is San tall, where we now know that 
each of these vowels has two sounds. I have already remarked 
that 1 have not distinguished between the two sets in the 
Mundari specimens printed in the Linguistic Survey, and I do 
not think that any practical inconvenience can arise from my 
mention of the two* sets in the introduction. I should feel much 
obliged to my critic if he would let us have not a categorical 
statement but an exact description of the formation of the 
Mundari vowels, with indications of the position of the tongue 
in each individual case. The value of such a description would 
be greater still, if it gave information whether the individual 
vowels are narrow or wide, and so on. It would then be pos- 
sible to judge about the actual sounds. Mr. Mehl's criticism 
does not, in this respect, add anything to our knowledge of 
Mundari phonology. We must remember that Mundari orthogra- 
phy has not been settled, and the fact mentioned by Mr. Mehl 
that an educated Munda failed to recognize Father Hoffmann s 
Mundari specimen as Mundari, does not prove anything but 
that he was accustomed to another orthography. I have my- 
self tried to show a phonetic English text to an excellent 
English scholar, who did not at all think that it was English 

before it was read aloud. % , 

I now turn to the second question raised by Mr. Mehl, 
about the character of the Mundari semi-consonants which he 
maintains are soft, while I have marked them as hard Above 

40 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911. 


all it is necessary to know exactly what is meant with hard and 
soft sounds. A hard consonant is pronounced without voice, 
it is breathed, i.e., to quote Mr. Sweet, " the glottis is wide open 
and no sound is produced by the outgoing breath, except that 
caused by the friction of the air in the throat, mouth, etc." 
Soft consonants, on the other hand, are voiced, i.e., the glottis 
is at least so inueh closed that the vocal chords vibrate. 

With regard to the semi-consonants we are here not con- 
cerned with the open consonants such as the nasals, liquids 
and s-sounds, but only with the so-called stops, gutturals, 
palatals, dentals and labials, and with these only as finals. 

Like other consonants the stops ' consist acoustically of 
three elements, the consonant itself, and its on- and off-glide.' 
Glides are ' transitional sounds, produced during the transition 
from one sound to another.' ' The on-glide after a vowel is 
generally voiced.' The off-glide is always voiceless after voice- 
less stops. In the case of g, j, d, b we may, according to Mr. 
Sweet, distinguish three different kinds : (J) voiceless stop and 

o vowel precedes ; (2) voice-stop 


and voiceless glide as in egg ; (3) voice-stop and voic 
in eager. It will be seen that many 'soft' consonants are 
actually voiceless, i.e., hard, if we do not consider the off-glide. 
Final stops are, more especially, very often voiceless. Accord- 
ing to Mr. Sweet, 1 English and Swedish are the only Teutonic 
languages which possess voiced (i.e., soft) final stops. Most 
people would, I think, protest against this statement, because 



larly the French and South German k, t. p will strike an 
Englishman as g, d, b, respectively. 



He says : 

1 The process of pronouncing a consonant may be divided 
into two parts, (1) the putting into position the organs with 
which it is pronounced, and (2) the relaxing these organs and 
causing the air from the lungs to strike against them. Now the 
difference between the consonants, whether they are to be soft, 
hard, or aspirate, is caused solely by the second part of this 
process and depends on the more or less abrupt relaxation of 
the respective organs and on the measure of force with which 
the air is made to pass over them. For instance, in pro- 
nouncing labials, the lips have first to be closed. This being 
done, 1 can pronounce a p, or b, or ph, or bh, as I like. Now 

first part of 

Mundari consist only of the sound 

, ... the process described . . . They, there- 

tore, naturally cannot be hard, but must be neutral. A neutral 
sound, however, stands, I think, nearer to a soft than to a 

hard sound.' 

1 Handbook of Phonetics, p. 154 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] Mundari Phonology. 41 


I confess that I absolutely fail to understand this. If the 
difference between ' hard' and 'soft ' rests with the final part 
of the consonant, i.e., with what phonetic scholars call the off- 
glide, and this off-glide is missing, the vocal chords cannot 
vibrate. The consonant cannot accordingly be voiced, or, to 
use the popular expression, ' soft.' It must consequently be 
voiceless, or, popularly, • hard.' Mr. Mehl's definition of the 
semi-consonants is therefore to the effect that they are, as I 
have marked them, ' hard ' sounds. The term voiceless is a 
negative term, and such sounds as are devoid of voice, must 
necessarily fall under it. To call them neutral is simply to 
abstract from phonetic , physiological considerations and to refer 
the question to that most unreliable judge, the human ear. 

6. "Inscribed Guns from Assam ." 
By Rakhal Das Banerji, M.A. 

In a previous paper I have dealt with two Inscribed Guns 
from Assam, which are now in the possession of Mr. W. 
Simson of London. Mr. Gait in his history has mentioned 
several guns, which the Ahom Bangs captured from the 
Mughals of Gauhati and Ghoraghat. 1 Various other travellers 
have, from time to time, noticed the existence of inscribed 
guns in various parts of the now depopulated province of 
Assam. The present paper deals with seven inscribed guns, 
of which four are, at present, in Assam, two in the house of a 
Zemindar in Bhagalpur, and one in the Industrial Section of 
the Indian Museum* 

In January last I paid a visit to Gauripur in the Goalpara 
district of Aissam. In the courtyard of the palace of the 
Hon'ble Raja Prabhat Chandra Barua I found six iron guns, four 
only of which were inscribed. The Raja is descended from a 
Bengali Kayastha, who was appointed Qanungo by the Mughal 
Emperor Jahangir. Most probably, he accompanied Islam 
Khan Fathpuri or Shaikh Qasim. According to the Padishah- 
nama, Sayyid 'Abu Bakr, the governor of Hajo under Qasim, 
attacked the Ahom kingdom." 2 The Raja possesses numerous 
Persian documents among which are to be found a number 
of Sanads and Farmans issued in the name of the Mu gh al Em- 
perors from Jahangir downwards, conferring the Qanungoship 
of different villages on the family. 

The oldest gun hitherto discovered in the province of 
Assam is in the possession of the Raja of Gauripur, It is an 
exact replica of the gun described by Mr. Stapleton of the 
Indian Educational Service. 3 A monster field gun in the 
grounds of the Gauripur palace stands next in order. Next to 
it comes the gun in the grounds of the Jhawa Kothi, the pala- 
tial residence of Babu Saurendra Mohan Singha of Bhagalpur. 
The gun in the Industrial Section of the Indian Museum was 
taken from the Mughals in the time of Gadadhara Simha of 
Assam. One of the guns, in the grounds of the Gauripur 
palace, bears a short Persian inscription, which cannot be 
correctly made out on account of the absence of all diacritical 
marks. This one and another gun in the grounds of Babu 
Saurendra Mohan Singha come last of all. The gun in the 

1 Gait's History of Assam, p. 534. 

' 2 Ibid., p. 105. 3 Ante, vol. v, p. 

44 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February 

Industrial Section of the Indian Museum is of brass, the rest 
of the guns dealt with in this paper being made of iron. I 
have heard that there are several inscribed guns in the civil 
headquarters at SibSagar, and at Gauripur I learnt that the 
Zemindars of Bijni possess several inscribed guns. In a future 
paper I hope to deal with_the guns at Bijni and Sibsagar. 

(1) Gun of Sher Shah. — I have already mentioned that 
one of the guns in the Gauripur collection bears a striking re- 
semblance to the gun of Sher Shah recently discovered in the 
village of Dewanbhog, subdivision Narayanganj, of Dacca, and 


issue of this Journal. 


with great difficulty. Some portions of it have entirely peeled 
off. Had it not been for Mr. Stapleton's gun, I would never 
have succeeded in deciphering the whole of the inscription. 
The Gauripur gun differs from that of Narayanganj in one 
respect only. The long projection behind the breach notice- 
able in Mr. Stapleton's photograph is absent in the Gauripur 
gun, but I believe this portion was broken off by some acci- 
dent. This projection demonstrates that both were naval 
guns (Nawwara top). Small guns of various sizes were em- 
ployed by the subahdars or naibs stationed in Dacca in the 
flotilla of boats. 


tt^* * l *t iri# r li * e>W >** J*l' &>j& 

The gun measures 4'-9i" in length and the diameter of the 
muzzle is 4". 

(2) Inscribed Field Piece.— This gun also is of iron and 
measures 3'-9" m length, while the diameter of the muzzle is 

cl'-i The mscri P tion consists of four or five lines in very bad 
bhikast I failed to make out anything of this inscription 
with the exception of a portion of it where it says that the 
piece was cast in the 21st year of the reign of acertain emperor, 
lhe inscription is also very faint and I could not get either 
a satisfactory impression or a rubbing of it. If it can be read 
by anybody it might possibly be of great interest, as in the 




has been 
power withi 
power was c 

ascribed Field Piece of Raghudeva of Cooch Behar. 
has studied the rise of Kochs of Northern-Bengal, 


gradually extending its boundaries towards the East, Mr. 

of S'ukladhvaja, the renowned 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam. 45 

Gait has done ample justice to the subject in his History of 
Assam and in a paper in the Journal of this Society. 1 Raghu- 

deva was the grandson of Visvasimha, the founder of the 

Koch Kingdom, and the son 

Koch General who gained the surname of "Cilarai," 4 the 
" Kite King," on account of his fleetness of manoeuvre of 
troops. During the first part of his life he was the heir-appa- 
rent to the Koch Kingdom, but, subsequently, on the birth of 
a son to his uncle Naranarayana or Malladeva, he revolted and 
was only appeased by the division of the Koch Kingdom. 
According to the vamsavali of the Darrang Rajas, Raghudeva 
was given the portion of Narananayana's kingdom that lay 
East of the Sankosh river. 3 On Naranaray ana's death his 
nephew threw off the allegiance and declared himself indepen- 
dent. The Society possess one coin of this Prince dated 

saka 1510. 


(1) S'n -Sri (2) Raghudeva 

sake (5) 1 510. 


(1) S'n-S'rl (2) Haragaun- (3) carana- kama- (4) la-ma d- 

huka (5) rasya. 


he is said to have repaired that temple in the year 1583. 

The Hon'ble RftjS Bahadur of Gauripur possesses two guns 
of Raghudeva. The larger one is in a good state of preserva- 
tion. The muzzle is shaped as a tiger's head and the portion 
behind the trunnions is decorated with parallel ribs of iron. 
Close to the breach is a vertical projection with a parrot on 
each side of it : see pi. There is a parrot on the lion's head also. 
The length of the gun is 7'-4* and the diameter of the muzzlr 

11". The inscription runs as follows: 

Sri-S'rI-Raghudeva-narayanasya-sa[ka]sam 1514; i.e., 15?>2. 

(4) Inscribed Field Piece of Raghudeva.— This gun is of mo- 
derate proportions, the barrel being dodecagonal in shape. It 
measures 4'-6|" in length and the diameter of the muzzle is 
5£", but the inscription on this gun is of great importance, as 
it proves beyond doubt that Raghudeva did not die in 1593 
A.D., as supposed by the chronicler of the Darrang Rajas. 

The inscription runs as follows :— 

S'ri-S'n-Raghudevanarayana-karitam-idam-saka 1519 ; i.e., 

1597 A.D. 

1 J.ASB.Partl, 1^93, p. 268. . 

* Silarai in Bengali becomes Cilarai, as Ca is invariably pronounced 

in Assam &<* Sa 

3 Gait's History of Assam, p. 60. 

46 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 191 1. 

This proves beyond doubt that Raghudeva was alive in 
that year, and the proof is based upon a contemporary 
record and not upon a modern manuscript. 1 Babu Dwijesh 
Chandra Chakrabarty, Dewan of Gauripur, has kindly supplied 
me with notes regarding the discovery of the guns now in the 
possession of the Hon'ble Raja. According to him these guns 
were found during the time of Vira Chandra, who came to the 
gadi in 1808. They were found in the bed of a river called 
Chataguri and their existence was made known to the Raja in 

a dream, 

(5) Inscribed Gun of Jayadhvajasimha. — During the last 
session of the Literary Conference of Bengal I had the oppor- 
tunity of inspecting this gun at Bhagalpur in the grounds of 
the residence of Babu Saurendra Mohon Singha. This gun 
bears three separate inscriptions, one of which is in Sanskrit 
and the remaining two in Persian. The Sanskrit inscription 
runs as follows: 


(2) jitva-gubakahattyarn idam astram praptam saka 1580, 
i.e., 1657-58 A.D. 

Jayadhvajasimha is said to have attacked the Mughal domi- 
nions near Gauhati immediately after the death of Shah J ah an 
I, thus following the footsteps of Prananarayana of Cooch 
Behar. The Muhammadan Faujdar of Gauhati fled without 
waiting for the attack and twenty cannon are said to have 
been captured by the Ahom King. 2 This led to the celebrated 



-eems that the gun was recovered by the Muhammadans under 
Mir Jumla and then removed by them to Behar. They were 
found by the present occupant of the Jhawa Kothi on the 
banks of the Ganges, close to a Muhammadan mausoleum, 
which from its technique can safely be assigned to the later 
Mughal period. This building also is included within the vast 
compound of the Jhawa Kothi. The gun measures 9' 10" 
in length. 

The larger Persian inscription has been incised on a square 
plate of brass rivetted on the gun. It is almost illegible and 
only the following words were made out with great difficulty 
by Prof. Jadunath Sarkar, M.A., of the Patna College :\r a^jlu 
There are no diacritical marks in this inscription. He is 
of opinion, however, that this should be read as \f**&jV 
and the regnal year should be referred to the reign of Shah 
Jahan I, as Mir Jumla's invasion of Assam had taken place 
long before the twelfth year of Aurangzeb. He notes that 
the usual expression on similar inscriptions is Rekhta Shud, 

< i ...r*« ««nf 5 ' 

cast instead of " was manufactured. 

* 1 

1 Cf. ibid., p. 62, and J.A.S.B., 1893, Part I, p. 304. « Ibid., p. 162. 

Vol VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam. 47 


The smaller Persian inscription is incised on a tiny plate of 
brass ri vetted near the muzzle of the gun, and is quite unde- 
cipherable. The gun is made of a thick spiral ware, similar to 
that already described by me in the pages of this Journal. 

(6) The other gun shown in the photograph is a Held 
piece and bears four Persian letters without any diacritical 
marks as in the inscriptions mentioned above, thus :— Jj sjJ 
It measures about 9' in length. 

(7) The Brass Gun of Gadadharasimha. -This gun is at 
present in the Industrial Section of the Indian Museum to 
which it was transferred by the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 
1867. They are said to have been presented by Capt. Butcher. 
The gun seems to be a field piece and measures 4' 5|" in length 
The muzzle is shaped like a lion's head and its diameter is 
4|". The barrel of the gun bears two different inscriptions. 
one in Persian and the other in Sanskrit. The Persian inscrip- 
tion is a long one and consists of a main inscription and three 
small ones. It refers to the reign of the Mughal Emperor 
Jahangir, The inscription has been deciphered by Maulavi 
Khair-ul-Anam of the Hare School. A complete restoration of 
the whole inscription be believes to be impossible. The follow- 
ing proper names with the exception of the reigning emperor 
are to be found in the inscription .—Hakim Haidar AM, Shei 
Muhammad, Billardas Karigar, Khanzad Khan Dilawarjung, 
Akhwand Maul ana. The third line of the main inscription 
contains the date of the regnal year 21 of the Emperor, The 
smaller inscriptions contain the following details ; — the weight 
is four garis and the gun belongs to the detachment called 
Muhammad!- ris Hah. The officer superintending the 



peror. The serial number of the gun in the Mu gh al artillery 
seems to be 619, which is given at the bottom of the inscrip- 
tion. Near the trunnions appear the English numeral 419 and 
near the breach the word u Bundoolaw M has been incised by 
means of a sharp instrument. The Sanskrit inscription occurs 
on the barrel of the gun in the space between the trunnions 
and the breach. It runs as follows : 



(2) Gadadharasimhena-javanam jitvd Guvaka- 

(3) haltyam4dam-astram praptam Sake 1604 

i.e., 1596. The Muhamraadans recovered Gauhati in 1679,* 
and it was retaken by Gadadharasimha in 1681. Summarily the 
history of the gun seems to have been that it was cast in the 
twenty-first year of Jahangir and was employed most probably 
by the Muhammadans in one of their expeditions against 
Gauhati and was left by them at that place. It was re- 

1 Above vol. v, p. 465. 

* Gait's History of Assam, p. 157. 

48 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [February, 1911.] 

tured by Gadadharasiriiha in 1581 when he succeeded in re 
covering Gauhati. The name " Bundoolaw " ] proves beyond 
doubt that the Burmese Commander Mingi Maha Bandula suc- 
ceeded in capturing this gun during the civil wars in 1882-84 
and that it was wrested from the Burmese before the Treaty of 
Yandaboo.' 2 The Persian text runs as follows: 

li V ^f ;> isvySmj , Ji* )t % JL aI>U ... Ji t,k+ l^U 


^ ■••••• ^ U *t& J <^>K u-'^ JV 


• I 

" ^TS?- th< ; reign of the kin § of km£ *s, the refu g e of the 

wor.d Nur-ud-dln JahangTr Khanzad Khan Diliuvar- 

]ung, by the order .... Akhwand Maulana, the preceptor 
. . . .from the order of the Hakim Haidar 'All ... the 
artisan Bir ballar das . . . was . . . the year 21 



r,t d • v.- .Li "1 " il " ul ,muu AK »nay ivumar Alaitraya 

Sh«i fJf i^u h ?f e WaS an inscrib ^ gun of Muhammad Adil 
fc&ah at Maldah. During my recent visit to that place I had 

&,, »? V?1H 7 tu exami . nin « the inscribed gun at English 
Mnl;S ^ P* gun is now lying in the grounds af the 
tio Tt nrnlV qi l a f T • P" examina «on the gun and its inscri p. 
Jun n 7hf ?«* ^ »? ° S \ e , Xact ^P'i^ues of Sher Shah's 
fn length L??r PUr ^ J"* 8 ' ™ e #"> measures ~ 4 ' 8 " 

0«. ~v £,* £ . *ikL. , *u alif *k ^ Jib ^ v ^ 


^^^aTtTe SSSS 1 „ thl " ° ne nn " the Gaurip "' 

•idft w tu ™e Maldah gun was cast a vpat aan ip 


ast a year ago, i.e., 
; Sayyid Ahmad of 

same i„ the g from D^J^« «!»•-•* 



"^p.226. '*/**, p . 282 . 

Vol. VII, No. 2] 


Inscribed Guns from Assam 



Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 

[February, 1911 

Vol. VII, No. 2.] Inscribed Guns from Assam. 





Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [February, 1911]. 

7. Frey Joao da Cruz, O.S.A. ( + 1638). 

By Rev. H. Hosten, S.J. 

M The venerable John da Cruz was born of pious parents 
in the town of Alpedrina, Diocese of Guarda, in the Kingdom 
of Portugal. From his tenderest years he was vested— a pious 
custom with children— in the habit of the Friars Minor. When 
bigger, he went to India with his uncle, our Father Frey Sebas- 
tian of the Purification, who was sent thither in 1586 by Frey 
Denis of Jesus, the Superior of this Province, with the follow- 
ing companions :— Fathers Louis of Paradise, the Provincial; 
Francis of St. Stephen, Prior of Goa; Peter of the Cross; 
Sebastian de Moraes ; Fulgentius of the H. Ghost ; John of 
the Trinity ; Didacus of the Trinity ; Francis , commonly Arpa, 
and the Chorister Matthew of St. Joseph. After landing in 
India, he took the habit in 1588, his uncle proffering his help 
in the matter. After his vows he applied himself successfully 
to his studies. Next he was sent to Bengal, there to preach 
the faith to the heathen. His efforts were admirably rewarded : 
he converted to the true faith numberless souls and bore 
for Christ mighty labours and wounds, for on June 24th, 1632, 
during the siege of Ugolim [Hugh ] the Moors wounded him in 
the back with a keen-edged scimitar, and only by a miracle 
was he saved from death. Recalled at last to Goa, he lived 
there in high sanctity, until he happily ended this life in 1638, 
on a Friday of June or July, as is variously related in our 
Indian histories. Sinco Easter was celebrated in 1638 on April 
4, the Ascension on May 13, Whitsunday on May 23, and Corpus 
Christi on June 3, it follows that the first Friday was on June 
4, the second on the 11th, the third on the 18th, the fourth on 
the 25th. Hence, I speak of him on the second Friday of the 
same month, believing him to have died then. His body was 
interred in the chapter of the monastery ; but later, in loVM, 
through the care of his nephew, Frey Francis da Cruz it was 
placed in a raised tomb of black stone, where it is held in 
great veneration. All this is found related in a MS history of 
Goa entitled Breviloquium rerum Congregatioms Indiana, re. 

1 This date is apparently wrong. It mast »«™ ^ «* *£ °f ° f 
September, when Hugh fell. The siege commenced on ly on June 4 

P 4 Complete reference : Brevilogio das notices das ™™ a \°^*** e \^ 
da Congregatfo da India dosEremitas de Santo Ago^nho^ M8. Jho., fol 1. 
180, formerly in the Convent de Nossa Senhora da Graca Lijbon IA 

Habbosa Machado, ^«^ ^^ 11 ^ a ' t ? B ^vpl^ , d. 
I am told by Fray Tirso Lopez, O.S.A., \ allaaoua.ina^i j 

54 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

2, notice 13, fol. 117 ; notice 15, fol. 133 ; notice 19, fol. 
172, and in his Life edited ? by our Frey Lawrence of Grace, 
a Portuguese. 1 He is also mentioned by our historians, the 
illustrious Joseph Sicardo in his history of Japan [Christiandad 
del Japon] Bk. I, ch. 3, fol. 24, and Joseph of St. Anthonv in 
Flos Sanctorum* Tom. Ill, fol. 231. "* 

Ven. Joannes a Cruce natus est in oppido de Alpedrina in Dicecesi 
bgitanensi, in regno Lusitamae piis parentibus A primis annis habi- 
tu Minorum, ut solent puen devotione, indutus est. Grandior factus, 


fl~^ Tm*^ • V^n " u auu > nostro Jr. Fr. Sebastiano a Puri- 

ficatione illuc misso anno 1586, ab hujus Provincial Prsesule Fr Dionisio 



vulgariter Arpa j Chorista Math*oTs. J^ephV InTnZm' £SEE > 
avuncuh ope habitum assumpsit anno 1588. Votis lieaTus stud is 
operant egreg.e navavit. In Bengallam missus est, uf ibTgendb s 

ndem Dromn \trarot nhi m»K;ii ~. — *._ • ' . _ _ gemiDus 

„, . , . innumeros 


Tiftrn. ntr^r.ta X,,; •„ u "r"—" "'"" D «aus exantiavit labores, & vul- 
S & S? • q "J obs \ dlone P° rfc us Ugolinensis anno 1632 die 24 
Junn a Mauris per terga harpe acutissima apertus est, Vrnfracdose" a 
mortis penculo sersratus est. Goam tandem vonat,, . *w . m,racu ] ) o se a 

sanctitate, anno 1638 felici eSu v?t ft ^ Q ^ + • ' ' , m,rab,b de « ens 
menus Jnnii ™l T„1« , 1 C ^A? V1 * am solvit in quadam sexta feria 

anno 1 638 Pascha celebraretur 

, ""» l,u ' "» iiistorns incnanis. 

Penteco t stes"l3 "^"SSTSSK J^t A . SCenSi ° 13 Maii * 

' "i! , ,, , Junn - sequitur primam sex- 
secundam 11. tfirt.ium is *_JL o^ 

in vita 

corpus in coenobii ranitnio t,™3«i. IUOIls ' 8 ' cre <aens in ilia obiisse. Ejus 
Fr^Francis^rCrucTanno SwT ?' ? P ° St6a indus ^a sui nepotis 

MS. Goana titulo BreHloauiir^ n omnia . ref eruntur in historia 
notitia 13, fol 117 SSk?? Congregation** Indiana ; " " 

e,usdemeditaa"NFr' Lltlt^ n°\ U ? ' - & l9 > foh "*. * 

NN. Illustrissimus J«JSS sS.-iS'**-* *T ltano - D * *"<> etiam agunt 

24 * Josephus a A ttfn^S tom^ fifS* * h °' *'<* 

[Campi filiorum f¥ AugusSn" cl ™ l Pintado*, regados e brotados, 
plantati.rigati, et fructibus aucti 1 In ! h Ti? Indi * ° rien * a «sab ipsis 
da Ctoha Rivaba's GatoZ of tw t • k L T lbrar y of Evora. Cf. J. H. 

larger work than the former I 8 thif^' h 331 *** This is a much 
same author which Barbosa MachaHn / » -ifi SE - me Work as that °y the 
in the National Library of Lisbon T i^l Lw,iL> > ^ was formerly 
/ndia da «ua /imaa f( J ao vrutto'tJtTt d °r 8e ? ut08 *" Congrega^ao da 
question of - the Christianftirs^ertSf \ 5? the 5th chapter there i 
the original): tfofWa 5- ^MOjESSrfS t0 ° Ur Mi8Sion °« Bengal » (in 
de Bengala. The convents, parishef^ Vftenecente* a No**a Mi**ao 
are there dealt with. Faustinus » Pn! res,den ces of the Augustinians 
toy ; some of his writings were ZhX^^Tr - h&ve lived in ^IBth ce,: 
. 1 Complete referencf • ^ 11 a ' L,8bon in 1728, 1734, 1736. 
Joao da Cruz de Goa. XVJIth C?£ & (: ^ a ' °' SA > Vid » *> P- **• 
P : 29). I ^nnot say whether the bool^' - (Cf " Barbosa Machado, iii. 

^J™"™ m of***" re^tZeothe^ P' 11 ^ ? r not ' A " Bnrnen in 
1880, is silent too. g t0 the Portuguese in India, Mangalore, 

« Frey Manoel de 
Lisbon, 1737. 


■ ™. m . nology of tlM Friar is taken from ^ ^ o[ j 

Vol. VII, No. 3] Frey Jor,o da Cruz, 0.8. A. ( + 1638). 55 


The commonly accredited opinion in modern works on 
Hugli l is that Frey Joao da Cruz was taken to Agra (1632-33) 
with other priests and 4,000 prisoners and cast before an infu- 
riated elephant. However, by a miraculous interposition of 
Providence, he escaped unhurt and obtained from Shah Jahan 
not only the release of the captives, but a grant of 777 bigahs 
of land near the Bandel of Hugli. 

Asiaticus quotes a Portuguese text obtained from the 
"Archives " of Bandel (cf. Pt. I, Sketches respecting Bengal, 
Calcutta, 1803, p. 49), and as he speaks elsewhere (cf. p. 52) 
of the Life of Frey Joao da Cruz , we are led to believe that 
the passage was copied from the Life by Frey Lawrence of 


The text is as follows : ' ' The day came when the martyr- 
dom was to be accomplished. This was in the year 1633. The 
Emperor ordained that the Very Rev. Father Frey Joao da 
Cruz be cast at the feet of an infuriated elephant, to be 
torn to pieces in his presence and that of the whole of 
his court; but, the elephant forgetting his natural fierceness 
knelt at the feet of the said Father and paid him his obei- 


(fez Ihe cortezias) and defended him 

The whole Court and the Emperor too, seeing so great a pro- 
digy, were unanimous in confessing that the said Very Rev. 
Father Frey Joao da Cruz was a servant of God. He was 
instantly brought before the Emperor and was told by him to 
ask whatever he wished, for he would be granted it all. For 
this he gave him three days' time ; but the said Father an- 
swered he did not need so much time [for reflection] : he 
wished only that His Majesty should let him free to return to 
Bengal, and together with him all the Christian captives." 

Unfortunately for Asiaticus and a host of writers who seem 
to have taken their inspiration from him, nothing allows us 
so far to believe that the Friar was taken to Agra. Mannque 
gives us (cf. Itinerario, Ch. LXXXI) the names of the 
four priests, two Augustinians and two secular priests, who 
were led to Agra, and, though he relates at length the 
vicissitudes of Frey Joao da Cruz (Ch. LXXXII), he men- 
tions nowhere his captivity nor the interesting scene of 
his rescue. And yet Manrique was in Arakan from 1629 to 
1635; he passed through Banja, Tumlook and Pipli in 1636, 



typogr^ Vol. H June 11th p. 182. 

1 Cf all Hudi District Manuals and Gazetteers ; also : Bengal Catho- 



the Archdiocese oj Agra, Simla, 1907, pp. 211-214. 

2 Asiaticus, commenting on the text, rather than translating it, 
wrote: » The elephant, at sight of the friar, Jost his native ferocity 
and gently ' caressed ' him with his proboscis. 

56 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.] 

and visited Bengal and Agra in 1640 and 1641. He states 
merely thatFrey Joao by applying certain native remedies 
recovered from his wounds in a village near Hugli, and that 
he was eventually recalled to Goa, where he died. Such too 
is the account apparently borrowed from Manrique, which we 
read in Mgr^L. M. Zaleski's Les Martyrs de I' Inde, Lille, 
Desclee MDCM pp. 204-205. The Friar's menology in the 
Martyrologium Augustinianum does not say more, and it is 
hardly likely that the author would have omitted a reference 
to the miracle had he met it in the sources before him, the 
Bremhgto and Frey JoHo s Life by Frey Lawrence of Grace. 

rb. J C< ? nc 10n Whl ,° h , inevitabl v ^rces itself on us is that 
the miraculous escape of the Friar at Agra is a very late version 

til Jit x"- ThG faCtS connected with the Augustinian 
prisoners at Agra appear, in some unaccountable way to have 

become associated with the saintly memory of Frey Joao da 

Cruz. Indeed we read in Manrique, that, shortly after their 

arrival at Agra, and by Shah Jahan's order, tl/priests were 

square ^whTeTh J ^^ ^ ^^ ° £ ^ * the ^ 

device to shake them in tbMMU ^ha" advent 
on the wise representations of Asaf Khan wTio winspereTmto 
his ear the name of the Vicerov of (h™ La„?u wms P eiea into 
of warning, the Emperor dS ^ ° ther gra ' VG W ° rdS 

Mav S l?38 ar alT t W6re r tn ^ d ^ Dacca, but this was in 
da Cru 7 could n^l ° W , irom ™V»Mished letters. Frey Joao 

besides thetZ^lT ^ been inBen g al at that *>™ «"*.,, the accounts mention only Father Anthony Farinha, 

fled to Goa or back to TW* i u , e were ran30 ™d, others 

of the defenders of Hugh Th' "^^^ ^ the remnantS 
Hijili and Pipli. S ' n scat tered round about Banja, 

1 Probably, the 8auaro noon *u 
criminals were generally executed ! nVer g&fce ° f the A « ra Fort ' where 

\ A V> 

8. The Composition of Indian Yams. 

By David Hooper. 

In the Report of the Industrial Section, Indian Museum, 



number of tubers of species of Dioscorea, collected by the 
Reporter on Economic Products to the Government of India. 
About 30 kinds of these roots had been analysed with a view 
to determine their comparative food value. Since that time 
further varieties of the roots from plants, critically determined 
by Mr. I. H. Burkill, have been examined; and it has been 
considered desirable to publish the collective results. Since 
some of these roots have, in their natural state, poisonous 
properties, and are eaten after being washed and cooked, an 
investigation has been made of the effect of washing by show- 
ing the composition of the tuber before and after the process. 
Tubers of authenticated plants have been tested for poisonous 
principles and a record has been made of those species in which 
they are either present or absent, with remarks on the influence 
of cultivation in reducing the noxious properties. In the 
majority of cases the roots were received in a fresh condition, 
they were dried in the sun or in warm air, and the chemical 
examination was made on the powdered root. The amount of 
moisture in the fresh tubers ranged from 70 to 85 per cent., but 
the results of the analyses, for the sake of comparison, are 
exhibited in the following table calculated to the absolutely dry 


The tubers of the following species and varieties of Dioscorea 

were examined : 

D. aculeata (No. 20490), "Chaee," N. Thana, Bombay. 
D. alata (No. 20671), Fiji, skin and flesh white. 

* 7 


? > 

f drying 

(No. 20688),' Fiji,' skin and flesh pink. 
Aerial tubers, Basirhat. 

?> > 

farciniformis (18114), (ianjam. 

(18972), Jalpaiguri. 

„ globella (17751), Trichinopoly. 
saccijormis, "Myauk-u," Burma. 
rubella (No. 18942), Salem, flesh yellow. 
purpurea (No. 19566), Bhopal, CI. 

5 y > j 

J5 ?J 

>> yj 

D. anguina, small tubers. 

58 Journal of the Asiatic Sorifty of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

D. anguina, large tubers. 

Z>. belophylla (No. 18180), BetuL 

7~) hiilhif&ra. (Nn lf>fi37^ "Rnnihnv milt.ivo.frw'l 


5 5 

> 5 

J ? 

5 5 

J 5 

5 ? 

(No. 18097), "Manakund," Surat, crial 

(No. 18185), "SuarAlu," Malda. 

(No. 18269) : " Moeha or Pita Alu , * ' Angul. 

(No. 18563), "JungliAlu," Dinajpur. 

(No. 3326s), "Getlii," Gorakhpar. 

origin not record* I. 

f f ^^h — _^— — » ^ m -^ ^ ^^ _ < v v ^^ ^w V 

i). dnemona (No. 20309), Betul. C.P. 

" 5J 

Burma, run-climbing- 
>> ,, Burma, climbing 

jD. fasciculata (No. 19562), « Pind Alu." Bhopal. 
Z). gtfa&ra, Chota Nagpur, cultivated. 

,, Chandwara, 

D. Hookeri (No. 33352), Rajmehal, Bengal. 
D oppositifolia (No. 18967), Jajpur, Cuttack. 

D. pentaphylla, cylindrical, small tubers. 

? 5 


,, mOHtiO 

,, clavate, small toben 


5 J 

var. Cardoni (No. 18669), Bn helkhimd. 

»' >> 

hortorum (No. 18187), Birbhum 

(No. 33361), Banji Raja- 

mehal, cultivated. 

„ Jacquemottiii (No. 17!>?7), "TUshi/' 

Thana, Bombay « 
m Rheedei (No. 17762), i luldapali, 

(No. 18943), S. Salem, 
(No. 18946), . Salem 

;ir tides 

boli dratos 

^^ 1 ~. , . , ; -.^ ^ v ^^ wuli ol (;ari>onv(irares uum- 

posed mainly of starch. The nit* mious u terial has rather 

S' rf / P^ ^ of fa "y matter. In the wild yams the 

tt P onlL f T? 6 5 bre and ash is *"quentlv exc rive, hut in 
thL on ,! k . md8 ' re P re «ented by the D. a Jala of Fiji, 

Lir r S are reduced ' ™d there is a eorreeponding 

S widelv ? Pr0P r ,li0n ° f 8tarCh «"■■ rJSTdD not 

diner widely from the composition of yams of the W< t 

26 28 W ,lT ,,n A Haar,om < 7 * l"M«*e Mercuur . Noa. 
anklvses Si r" £' Greslmf! fo0nd the »™»"«' " f f<),ir 

^a^ntiri?* Carboh > drate « 81*24, Fibre 33, Ash 3 4. 

ion with the potato. An average aualysie of Indian vems 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] The Composition of Indian Yams. 



D. aculeata 
D. alata 

9 9 

D. alata, var. farciniformis 

. • 


9 » 

\ ar. globella 
saccif oralis 

• • 

• - 

• • 


• • 

IX anguina, small 



D. belopbylla 
D. bul bif era 

D. daemon a 


D. fasiculata 
D. glabra 

i > 

• ■ 

D. Hookeri 

D. oppositi folia 

• • 

V ■ 

• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

- ■ 

• V 

• • 

, . 

• • 

* • 

• • 

" • 

» > 

9 ♦ 

• • 

D. pentapbylla, nail 

lavate small 


var. Cardoni 



9 ♦ 
I 9 

» " 





Reedei - . 


» > 


f 9 






















8-98 73-57 












1 72 

1 42 


















71 67 


7-S1 80-32 










77 50 



9-7:* 7823 
1013 7779 

8-30 ; 85.50 

1470 68-54 








15 93 


11 98 














o . 

10-77 5-26 1-44 






*% f* 



1 13 


8-68 SO'22 

11-97 75-38 
1084 I 76- 10 





5 05 



4-96 6-35 

























1-25 -82 

1 65 











6-52 9-65 1-73' -94 

3-92 6-70 





3 • 9 1 


.i . o 2 



1 -56 
1 -62 



1-33 -5:. 

8-69 2-35 -71 

6 44 










4 32 


5 • I .5 

7 06 












60 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

placed side by side with one of the potato, both calculated on 
the dry material, shows this similarity :— 

Yam. Potato. 

Fat .. .. 102 -46 

Albuminoids.. .. 10-87 1014 

Carbohydrates .. 7701 i 

Fibre .. .. 6 . 16 ' 84-79 

Ash .. .. 5-94 4-61 

It has long been known that the tubers of various species 
of Dioscorea contain a bitter and acrid principle which renders 
them unfit, in a raw state, for edible purposes. Some tubers 
are used medicinally, either powdered and applied to sores or 
as a plaster, or in a fresh state, to disperse swellings. Occasion- 
ally the tubers are given internally with some spice and sugar 
tor syphilis, dysentery and diarrhoea. In Sanskrit the tuber 
bears the name of «■ Pashpoli "or « strangle cake ' ' on account 

Ol its causing areaf. Irn'tofmn ;~ +u~ ~ Jli. i ii 

1 1 i roat 

mg of blood and a sense of suffocation. The bruised root of 
n.sikkimensis is used as a fish poison among the Lepchas of 
feikkim, and according to Dr. Thwaites, the tubers of wild 
\am are used in Ceylon for the same purpose. Among the 

«!? rZf 60 ^ SpeCieS are em P lQ y ed as arrow poisons. L. Wray 

no R ono °i lg ^ t0 D - kirSUta > Bl ™- reticulata. The 

poisonous principle of some of the roots appears to partake of 

lr 1 r I 8 ! POmn ' 8ince thls substance froths in water, 
for w^t x S ^ s } h ^ in Kashmir the roots are employed 

n a7l ki nd 8 of . ^ and ^ ° l °*> and Vi ^ ne affi ™ s * ha * a 
Sl^!;,^ ~* «*» eloth, and another 

used for silk. In 

m ^£? the ^^^ a Se £ ^1888 
fo^dfhaMl,^ T d Yam ,° f N ° rth Ameri <* (A ^wa) and 

»S H^ V W,° f i he root was a Stance allied to 

ZsZeahZM a n ndScl ^gdenhauften, in 1892, examined a 
that Te SSi f ^^ ^^ ° f Tro P ical Africa and found 

w Me the unXLotT. l° ntained a bittei ' P° ls » n ™* ^ c °* ide 

Bourou lot S 8 ^ ^, tU ^ ere i r re fFee from thia toxic principle, 
^ourquiot and Bridal in 1907 in.mH tuf -u_ *_i* i- *-« 



1907 found that the tubercles of 
lier alkaloids nor slucosides. It is 

verv variable nnrv,^ £ jT ,s » rou P of plants poss.'ssa 

&ttzstt-is^ upon either the **- ° f 

thoro^ghh-^xannneT.?' °- Bnitenzor g ** one of the first to 

WedeieU^enuU s H'T Pr ° pert * ° f Dio8Co " a tubers 
material emplLdL • f^ *»*****. XIII, 189+ The 

in Jav unde the T^f^ *" l0Ot8 of ^ ***«<^ *• . known 
- an alimen a S32* "P d ° en * , \ T »<- roots are used 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] The Composition of Indian Yams. 61 


poison by chopping up the roots covering them with ashes and 
placing them in river water for twenty-four hours. Boorsma 
separated an alkaloid, dioscorine, which he found to be the 
active principle. Later Dr. H. W. Schutte of the University of 
Groningen (Onderzoekingen over dioscorine. Diss. 1897) isolated 
dioscorine, studied several of its salts, and, by elementary 
analyses, established its composition. The results obtained 
may thus be summarized : 

1. Dioscorine is a crystallizable alkaloid of the composi- 

tion C, 8 H l9 NO;. Melting point 43-5°C. 

2. It is a monatomic base. 

3. The formula of the chlorohydrate is C, g H 9 NO., HC1, 

2H20. Melting point of anhydrous salt 204°! 

4. Platinum salt C l8 H, n NO*, Pt, Cl 4 , 3H20. Melting 

point of anhydrous salt 199—200°. 

5. The gold salt C 13 H ]0 NO,, HC1, AuCl . Melting point 



6. The picrate melts at 183—184°. 

7. Physiological experiments have shown that dioscorine 

is a poison producing cramps in the same manner as 
picrotoxin ; dioscorine however is less toxic than 
this substance. 


1910, 385) obtained 0*21 per cent, of this alkaloid in the dry 
tubers, which is equivalent to 04 per cent, on the fresh tubers, 
and further investigated its constitution. The alkaloid is sepa- 
rated by extracting the powdered tubers with alcohol (96 per 
cent.) acidulated with hydrochloric acid. The filtrate is eva- 
porated, dissolved in water rendered alkaline by sodium car- 
bonate, and agitated with chloroform. After distillation of the 
chloroform, the dioscorine is determined in the residue by 

titration with centinormal acid. 

The alkaloid was sought for during the course of examina- 
tion of all the above samples of Dioscorea species. It was 
found to be most abundant in D. daemona, it was generally 
present in D. bulbifera, D pentaphylla and its varieties and in 
some kinds of D. alata ; it was not detected in D. anguina, 
D. belophylla and I). fasiculata. The tubers under cultivation 
appeared to lose much of their acridity and bitterness. While 
wild tubers of D. bulb if era and D. pentaphylla as a rule contain 
alkaloids, the cultivated tubers were in some cases devoid of 
this constituent. Some of the tubers contained a tanning 


The alcoholic 

extract of the tubers contained varying amounts of glucose 
and cane sugar. 

Reference has been made to the practice in various parts of 
the world of treating the wild yams with water to remove the 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.] 

nauseous properties. The fresh tubers are usually sliced and 
cut into squares and soaked for several hours in water ; in some 
districts the sliced roots are covered or placed in lime or ashes 


before soaking. 

or baked on a fire in order to render them palatable and des- 
troy the poison. An experiment was made with three kinds of 
bitter yams by reducing them to coarse fragments and analysing 
them, and then soaking another portion in water, extracting the 
soluble matter and analysing the residue. The following 




root nclud Z JvT'l *", W,1 ° le of the *< >,u '> le matter of the 
A Certain ^ al ^ lds ' Asides, sugar and alkaline saltt. 

proportion ofTS k? alb »™ d * is also removed, and the 
2t raiser t Carboh y drate * > chiefly starch and woody 

appriTy 1 ^.^ ^S^ *frl "TV t 

notice that th a ^v, u • , °P era tion. It is interesting to 

w^n^^atete n ^ ride * con - d -ably reduced by 
this bod'v exkt ?£ » * m subterra nean portions of the plant 

case of levTJ^XT* P f 5 a S ° luUe form ' » * the 

water are shown bv J r °° tS ° f yams after washin 8 in 
coarse food Z \7 u l , r com Position to be somewhat of a 
ralu" ' nevert heless they have considerable nutritive 


o. Some Asiatic Milk-Products. 

By David Hooper. 

At the March Meet 

was exhibited by Mr. Burkill of dried cheese among a collec- 
tion of curious products found in a Lepcha's medicine bag. 
The substance was light brown or ivory coloured, hard, tough 
and horny in consistence, with a slight rancid odour and taste. 
It occurred in cakes 1\ inches square and half an inch in thick- 
ness, several of them being strung together by means of a string 
passing through holes in the centre. It was said to have been 
prepared from yak's milk. Dr. Hope, of the Indian Tea Asso- 
ciation, has met with the same article at Kalimpong where 
it is used by Tibetans. A similar substance was received a 
few years ago in the Indian Museum from Baluchistan under 
the name of krut, This was a preparation of milk, and as a 
food was credited with sustaining properties. This substance 
has been known for a long time and is frequently used in coun- 
tries bordering on Northern India, and since it is not described 
in modern works on animal and dairy products, I have endea- 
voured to bring together a short account of its distribution . 

manufacture and composition. 

In Richardson's Persian Dictionary, revised by Francis 
Johnson in 1829, karut is termed dried oxygal. About seventy 
years ago Mr. C. Masson > gave an interesting account ot its 
preparation and uses : 

" Shelanch of the Brahuis, or krut of the Afghans, is 
another preparation from milk (from ewes and she-goats), it 
is made by boiling butter-milk until the original quantity is 
reduced one half. The thickened fluid is then placed in a bag 
of hair or wool and suffered to drain exposed to the solar heat. 
When the draining ceases the mass in the bag is formed into 
small dumps, which are dried into hardness in the sun. When 
required for use, these dumps are pounded and placed in warm 
water, where they are worked by the hands until dissolved. 
The thickened fluid is then boiled with a share of roghan gin), 
and provides a meal by having bread saturated m it, Was is 
a favourite article of food in Afghanistan and Western P« m*. 
The Afghan preparation excels the Brahui. It is a convenient 
food for travellers, being easy of transport and readily served 

Dr J E. T. Aitchison visited these regions in 18J0 and 
has described - the so-called cheese of the count. 7 in some 
detail. He defines it as dried oxygal or curd ^^^^ 
milk and gives the vernacular terms as karut, kurut, rmstwa, 

l A Journey to Kalat, 1843, p. 436. Persia D. 112. 

* Notes on Products of Western Afghanistan andN. B. Lersia,p. 

64 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

mastawa. The curd is prepared by rendering buttermilk sour 
by adding to it some karut, or the dregs of some stale butter- 
milk ; it is then placed over the fire until half the liquid is 
evaporated, and then strained or compressed by the hands, or 
placed under a weight until the whole of the whey is pressed 
out. In the Kuram Valley the curd is expressed by placing it 
between two slabs of fresh bark from Deodar trees, with a large 
stone on the top. The whey so removed is called ao-karut, and 
the compressed curd, which is afterwards exposed to the heat 
of the sun to be dried, is called karut. Dr Aitchison adds: 
" It is usually to be seen in pieces of an irregular shape the 
size of the fist, of a grey-brown colour, and of an apparently 
sandy consistency, covered with finger marks, the impression 
left on it in trying to squeeze out the last drops of whev ; in 
consistency it is much harder than any ordinary cheese. 
Among the nomads, and in all households where butter is made, 
there karut is largely prepared, and by them traded with 
throughout the whole country. It is excessively acid, and 
tastes as if it were made of very acid vinegar. It is largely 
used in the diet of the people. A piece of it is broken into a 
basin of milk, and the milk is drunk when it has become sour, 
which it does m a few minutes ; or a small piece is mixed in 
water, and this acidulated water is drunk with the food: 
most of the meat stews have karut thrown into them to aid in 
sottemng the usually tough meat of these parts ; or it is eaten 

as a condiment along with bread, as we do cheese anion the 
very poor. 

In the Baluchistan Gazetteer references are made to the 
use ol tout as an article of food in the Quetta-Pishin and 
upper Zhob districts, where it occurs as cakes made of boiled 
whey to which salt has been added. An infusion of knit or 

u!?/?*.^! 11 as *"*' 9hori t is sometimes pourr, I over 
read to which boiling ghee is added. All Afghans have a 

InT^T T^u' and the addition of this delicacy will 
onfn?. a i ma T e adU ! t( ? eat as much as two P°»nds of bread at 
the T,?L ? he Makra ? district shilan * h " the name given to 
mTlk tnl" grated whey, and therefore contains soluble 
milk sugar as weU as the casein or insoluble portion of the milk. 

is nof mX SP °iw nt m Jhang ' Pun J ab > iis me that krut 
Lont on fin" that Pr ° Vin T Ce ' and is onl y u ^d V travellers 
SK ooirS J H ney ' Xt is raade in Baluchistan from the 
cWel Til ' ^ al ?!f ' and 8hee P> but not from that of the 
iab fs m.dp H? 1 ^ "r d ! )reparation of milk known in the Pun- 
^^^t^«™Y^t?* curdy consistence; this 



ujars and Pat bans 

of the Lolah ™Ii :~~VT , uiai ihe Uujars and Pathans 
««M Lolab make a kind of cheese which they call milk bread.' ' 

' Lawren <*, Valley of Kashmir, 1895, 860. 

Vol. VII, No. 3.J Some Asiatic Milk- Products. «>5 


Travellers in Tibet and Mongolia frequently speak of 
chura or dried cheese prepared from yak's milk as ait article of 
diet among the people. Mr. W. W. Rockhill refers to it in the 
account of his interesting travels in 1891 and 1892, ' and distin- 
guishes between chura (dried curd), ti (a mixture of butter, 
sugar and chura), djo or tarak (sour milk) and pima (cream 
cheese). It is therefore a preparation of casein similar to the 
karut of Western Asia. Chura is also a substance of great 
antiquity in Upper Asia, and Rockhill furnishes an interesting 
extract from Rubruk a as showing that it was used by the 
Mongols when the first account of them was written. " Resi- 
duum lac quod remanet post butirum, permittunt acescere 
quantum acrius fieri potest, et bulliunt illud, et coagulatur 
bulliendo, et coagulum illud siccant ad solem, et efficitur durum 
sicut scoria ferri, quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemen. 
Tempore hyemali, quando deficit eis (Moal) lac, ponunt illud 
acre coagulum , q uod ipsi vocant grice (griut aut grint), m 
utre, et super infundunt aquam calidam,et concutiunt fortiter 
donee illud resolvatur in aqua, que ex illo efficitur tota 
acetosa, et illam aquam bibunt loco lactis." Here the coagu- 
lum of acidulous whey is separated and dried in the sun. 
The cakes are hard, they retain their virtues for long periods, 
and when required for use they are placed in warm water 


The sample of dried cheese found in the Lepcha's medicim 
bag on the Nepal Frontier was a preparation of this *™ d - lfc 
had the appearance and odour of cheese, but l* -"" 
cribed by experts as harder and drier than any 

met with in Switzerland. 

Submitted to analvsis it was found to have the compos, 
tion of a dried skim cheese. No. 2 is the analysis of a sample 


of karut kindlv 




Sugar, etc. 
Lactic acid 


• • 

Cumming, of the Quett 

No. 1. No. 2. 

9-0 8-8 

30 71 

74-4 58-0 

7-0 8-7 

traces 1*4 

6-6 lfi'O 

Phosphoric anhydride 

• • 

1000 ioo-o 

9-87 7-70 

2-93 187 

1 liockhill, Journey through Mongolia and Tibet, 1894, 176, 278. 

2 Rubruk, Itinerarium (1253), 229. 

66 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

The casein in No. 1 , calculated from the nitrogen , amounted 
to 62-2 per cent. By adopting the method of Trillat and Santon 
(Compt. rend. 1906, 143, 61-63) it rose to 80 per cent (with the 
ash) agreeing with the above figures. No. 2 contains about 
10 per cent of common salt. The phosphoric anhydride is 


The relation of this casein compound to the preparations 
of curd made in this country from milk was considered worthy 
of investigation. In Bengal there is a caste of Dahiyars or 

las who keep cattle and sell milk. These curdmen li ve together 
meats ft "h* ^ ^ "^ in the m »nufacture of sweet- 
duri™ thpf f$ H ° U ^' a 8tor y written in Calcutta 
Kl" 6 ? f ^ arr f Ha f" n ^ the au *»'or refers to •« one 
rreatconsl.r sho P* *or selling curds, as a proof of their 

ttSft ^ ValUC m the EaSt - At P** ent the 
Western side of Bow-Bazar is occupied by the traders. 

Inere are two dairy products referred to in Bengal as 

curds, nam fiH r.hhnnn «„,! J„l: J- • , ,,. tu In Den K M as 

cMawa and dahi, dozi or dadAi 

m an 

Ghhana is prepared as follows : Milk is placed 
earthen vessel and put on the fire to boi Wl le sfin not a 

b introduced into the milk. The vrhqa! i a «,«. j r__. 

The vessel is then removed from 


be found to have separated from the wh" 6 ° UM " CM <™° ""' 

is churned St ^ J 7 ^l" S , m Mid to milk > a <id wheu this 
knoZ ^ £, ^ *- g " e3 a " remoTed - what i8lefti8 



pared in e diffe a Z Ie ':,? £ ° hhana trom «» Caleutta market, pr, 
results _ reat V, " age8 > were cammed with the follow!., 



Milk sugar 
Lactic acid 

62 45 


1 2 3 

6276 57-95 

18-78 2112 

16-20 1843 
•49 -63 -37 

l '*l 166 1-25 

100-00 loo-OO 100-00 

Phosphoric anhydride 52 

65 -57 

rich ^tttTpletan't 'JKT** *"* ° m * oM 

as mimVi n«L:^ * P ieas ant acidulous taste. T* .nnfo;. 


M taste. It contains twice 

portion of fat. If demfLf T? ean crea «* and a lower pro- 
pped ° f lts moi «ture, it would afford a 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] 




residue containing half its weight of butter-fat— chhana 


r karut. 

following analyses represent the 

composition of two Calcutta samples : 


Milk sugar 
Lactic acid 














Phosphoric anhydride 



The alcohol and carbonic acid present were not estimated. 
The liquid has the composition of butter-milk in which the 
lactic fermentation had developed. When evaporated to 
dryness it left a light brown acid cake having a pleasant taste. 
It is probable that a liquid of the description of dahi, con- 
taining less fat, is the mother substance from which the dned 
karut and chura are prepared, by heating and removing the 



io # Plantarum Novarum in Herbario Horti Regii Calcut- 

tensis Cognitarum Decas. 


W, W. Smith. 

Oritrephes septentrionalis, W. W. Smith, Species 
Anplectri pallentis, BL, facie, Ob stamina sequalia cum genere 
Anplectr o non quadrat. Oritrephes pulchra, Ridley (Journ. Linn. 
Soc. vol. 38, p. 309), hujus generis adhuc unica species cognita, 
in Herbario Kewensi et in Herbario Calcuttensi deficitur; sed 
ex descriptione hsec nova species ejusdem generis haberi potest, 
et foliis omnino glabris minoribus, filamentis glabris, fructu 
mi nor e distinguenda. 

Frutex ramosus. Caulis juvenis teres, flexuosus, glaber, no- 

dis paulum crassatis. 


tica vel laneeolata, caudato-acuminata ad 15 — 25 mm., 6 — 10cm. 
longa, 1-5 — 3 cm. lata, basi cuneata vel subrotundata, margine 
paululum incurva, undulata, remote serratulata vel in eodem 
specimine subintegra, 5-nervia; duo marginales nervi obscu- 
rissimi ; tres intermedii infra elevati, nervulis secundariis fere 
horizontalibus, Paniculce axillares et terminates, foliis breviores r 
graciles, patentes, glabrae, pauciflorae (1 — 5). pedicellis ± 1 cm. 
longis erectis, bracteis minutis subulatis. Calyx 5 mm. longus, 
2*5 mm. latus : cylindricus, glaber, leprosus, limbo brevi 4-lobo 
undulato. Petala 4, obovata, obtusa, glabra, 6 mm. longa, 

4 mm. lata. Stamina 

8 mm. 

longse, apices albidos versus attenuate, falcatae, poro terminali, 
basibus perbreviter hastatae et eodem loco parvo circulari pro- 
cessu dorsali onustse, filamentis 5 mm, longis glabris. Stylus 
1 cm. longus, stigmate punctiforrai. Ovarium 4-loeulare, fere 
ad basin tubi chartacei calycis liberum, vertice depresso-conca- 
vum. Fructus baccatus, globoso-ovoideus, ad apicem const ric- 
tus, 5 mm. diametiens, leprosus ; semina plurima, placentis 
axillaribus suffulta, angulata, subcochleata, 1 mm. longa, ni- 


Burma superior :— In montibus kachinensibus, Shaik Mo 
kirn ; prope Bhamo, ad 4000 ped. alt. Cubitt, 375 A. ; apud pagos 
shanenses australes, MacGregor, 751. China : — in provincia 
Yunnan, Henry, 11705 in Herb. Kew. 

biltgulatus, W. W. Smith Species sectionis En- 
?r liimalaicas congeneres Senecioni gracifloro, D.C. , 

70 Journal of ike Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

proxima ; foliis sessilibus auriculatis, floribus biligulatis distin- 

Caulis 60—90 cm. altus, erectus, flexuosus, simplex, stria- 
tic minute fulvo-pubescens, infra mox glabrescens, inflores- 
centia late corymbosa terminali. Folia caulina 5—8, superiora 

7—12 cm. longa, 1-3 cm. lata, pinnatifida, runcinata, amplexi- 
caulia magnis denticulatis auriculis, sessilia, lobo terminali sa>- 
pius 8 cm. longo 2-5 cm. lato deltoideo-sagittato irregulariter 
dentata, supra subscabride pubescentia, infra pubescentia; in- 

enora simiha, sed frequenter interrupte-pinnata, 6-12 folio- 

oir a: - f u ,la , m , dicalia esse P 088 ^ longe-petiolata, 

ZZ J Tf h ^ d dl8 7 similia ' Cm *«*»* Permultfe. parvil 

;° nd f, Oapjftrfum4mm.longu,„ f 4-5 Acres gerens, 

mmlnni gU f > br \ ete ° l <* 5 ~7 virid^ apicibus nigris, -5 
Sri ^LT UC !! VhyllaHa 5 ~ 8 ^eari-oblonea, obtusa, 
ftS' t o m # rOS apiceS ™ h ^ntia, 3 mm. longa; 

camnamZ a „ f ' 2 ~ 3 - de " tatae ' linea ™; floris tubularis pare 
PaS un 1^ m iK- g , U8ta ? 8ub ^ ua ^- Stamina ecaudata. 

Wribm «n ' albl i US ' dUpl ° l0n ^ 0r acheni ° an 2 uste ob. 
wngo glabro, apice annulate 

SiKKm PA ^„ : 7d Ue -, l0CiS W Sine altitudi «e, Scully, 140, 225; 
ap™ as^aTntn P ^To ^^ et P ro P e viculum Kapoop et 
427 r 4I2 ™™ ^ g T i 2 - 13000 P e d- alt. Smith, 4223, 4245, 

ll-i3000 pecF T ^^ # SUb faucib » s Tanka-La dictis 

num^Ki JL^ m r° '- T V 4703 ' in fmctU ; 8ine 
herbario KewlT conse ^i ^ " herbari ° Calcutte ™ et 

W. W 

*an« Tex affiniTnT c ' • W ' Hmith - S P ecies sectionis 


ad basin 

percursus, racemo terminali. 



longa, ad 4 cm lata nhi Q t. 1 mm *. alatus ; lamina ad 15 cm. 

ta, sub obtusa "in^ra^ U r f m Peti ° lum 8ensim attenua " 
7-8 cm. Iowa ^ ^f 01 *" . 6 -- 9 ' °blonga vel obovata 
v«1««,f- -"li'J f 3cm - lata > r anus 12 cm.* fin™ «fc*«« 

12 cm. x 6 cm., obtusa 




Capitulum z-3cm diarn^f u 8Ubulatis *— — ««*' 

2-3subulatis, pLl ari r 2 V°^ 8tu ?' basi lata > bracteol 

P y larus 12-16 lanceolatis vel lineari-lanceo- 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantarum Novarum Decas. 71 

latis uniseriis ± 1 cm. longis acutis oarnosulis viridibus apice 
villosulis. Ligulce 12—16, minores ab 1 cm., ad 4 mm. lata, 
lanceolatse, Havse ; floris tubulosi 3 mm. longitudo. Anther m 
ecaudatse. Achenium 5 mm. longum, 1-5 mm. latum, anguste 
oblongum, infra subattenuatum, 5— 6-striatum, pappo perbrevi 
1 mm. longo exiguo scabrido sordide albido. 

Sikkim:— In montibus pluviosis Chola dictis; Too-Koo La, 
Kingii mercenarius , 4324 ; apud Kapoop, in valle Dikchu, 
prope hospitium Changu circ. 13000 ped. alt. Smith, 3414, 3516, 
3748 ; ibidem Ribu et Rhomoo, 4380, maturo fructu. 

w. w 


ginatus, Kin 


amplexicauli , W all. , separata caule velutino, capitulo augusto 
paucifloro, pappo albido. 

Planta herbacea, perennis, robusta, 60 — 90cm. alta. Cauli 
erectus, superne late corymboso-ramosus, 1 — 2 cm. diametiens, 
denso minuto velutino tomento indutus. Folia radicalia 1—3, 
orbicularia, ita profunde cordata ut peltata videantur, 20—35 
cm. diametientia, petiolo 40—50 cm. longo hand alato, subre- 
gulariter denticuiata, denticulis indurato-muoronatis, supra 
glabra, infra plus minus pubescentia nervis velutinjs. Folia 
caulina 2—3, alternata, orbicularia vel late reniformia, 10—30 
cm. diametientia, denticuiata ut radicalia ; vagina magna ve- 
lutina, 6 — 10 cm. longa, multum dilatata, etiam usque ad 12 cm. 
alata, nonnunquam suum folium excedens ; petiolus 2 — 4 cm. 
longus, interdum brevissimus. Corymbi multi, late ramosi, 
longe pedunculati, velutini. Capitulum angusta basi cunea- 
tum, 1 cm longum 3 — 4 mm. latum, floribus plerumque 
5_7. Bracteoe et bracteolce 3—5, subulate, 1—4 mm. longse 
Phyllaria oblonga, subobtusa, rarius acuta, margine parum 
scarioso. Ligulce plerumque tres, 10—15 mm. longse, lineares 
breviter 3—4 denticulatse. Achenium 5—6 mm. longum , anguste 
oblongum, pappo breviore primo albido deinde nonnunquam 

Sikkim: — In regione pluviosa circ. 11 — 13000 ped. alt., 
apud hospitium Changu dictum, Smith, 3131,3401, 4292 et Ribu, 
4556 ; apud castra Gnatong, Gammie, 1327 ; in faucibus 
Patang-La dictis, Kingii mercenarius, 4410. Nomen specificum 
datum in honore Georgii Kingii equitis qui primus indicavit 
(in scheda speciminis manci sub nomine nudo 8. vaginatus 
nomine praeterea pre-occupa to) speciem esse novam, habitu et 
floribus ad Senecionem Mortoni, Clarke, spectantem sed foliia 
longe diversam. Plantas cum fif. Mortoni nascentes in ilsdem 
locis vidi. 

72 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

Senecio Chola, W. W. Smith. Species Senecioni quin- 
quelobo, Hook. f. et Thorns., proxima ; foliis 9 — lllobatis, inBores- 
centia robusta, phyllariis obtusis, pappo rubescente ita differt 
ut vix eadem haberi possit. 

Caulis erectus, simplex, 80—100 cm. altus, glaber vel parce 
albo-villosulus, racemo robusto ramoso terminali. Folia radi- 
calia delapsa ; caulina 6—10, plerumque 8-12 cm. longa, 7 — 10 
cm. lata, ovata, cordata, ad quintam partem 9—1 1-lobulat'a, inter 
lobulos indurato-denticulata, carnosula, infra glauca, interdum 
omnino glabra, interdum utrinque parce pilosula, 4 — 9 cm. 
petiolata (plerumque 8 cm ), parvis auriculis orbicularibus vel 
ovatis deciduis adpressis. Bacemus elongatus, parce araneoso- 
pubescens, ramis robustis 4—7 capitula gerentibus. Capitula 
mediocria 1—3 bracteolis instruct*. Phyllaria 5-6, oblonga, 
obtusa, 5 mm. longa, glabra perlatis scariosis marginibus. 
Flores in capitulo 4—6, omnes tubulosi ; floris pars campanulata 
parti angustse subsequans. Achenium 2 mm. longum, angus- 
tura, striatum ; pappus rubescens achenio multum longior. 

Sikkim:— In valle Chaking Chu dicta in montibus plu- 
viosis cholaensibus circ. 12—13000 ped. alt. Smith, 4134, Bibu 
et Hhomoo. 4501. 4680. 


proposal, Mihi aliquatenus magistri sunt C. B. Clarkius et G. 
Kmgiusqui multum laborem in tforo^fo indicia dederunt. Duo 
cl. vin Saussuream (cui nunc nomen nimborum est— vide infra) 
in affimtate S. piplatherce posuerunt ; Kingius S. fibrosam 
iiovam speciem esse in scheda scripsit. De S. Pantlinqiana et S. 
Laneana non dubitavi. 

Saussurea fibrosa, King, MS. Forsan varietas bhuta- 

d Z£ 'TTi^ 8amr ™ 8 ^hoo, Clarke; sed ita habitu 
diversa ut cl. Kingms nomen S. fibrosam in scheda dederit. In 

tur TZZTnt ^ Pla !l ta Pr ° prius S P ecies *■*"* i"S 
emrata ^ ° mUltlS minoiibus agglomeratis capitulis 

Fo/ia 8-12. omnia r»AiJ?™A J Cm *. atum mire °ontorta. 


, -^^ud, d,a«j cm. petiolata, 8— 12 cm lontra 
3 en, lata, angusteoblonga, , uncinato-pinnatifida, sTgmenUs 

but ol ^^,1^^%^^ 9^^^ H.f. and T. 
Clarke pointed out inC^lw /S S ' ^V^bus i 8 however as 
regards' the leaves. I have ^olfe^'-f ^ ^"""Phio species, as 
including the Chola Range but i n if/" VarioUS P arts of Sikki ™ 
Chu plant. The point? of dHT«« Zl *" f ° rmS a PP roach *"« Chaking 
permit of its beingconspecific '" m "* °P inion to ° ™»J to 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantar um Novarum Decas. 73 


mucronato-dentatis, supra scabride pubescentia, subtus albido- 
tomentosa. Capitula 4 — 12, congesta, 5 — 15 mm. pedunculata, 
iis magnitudine multum minora Saussurece Sughoo. Phyllaria 
lanceolata, longe acuminata, basi ovata, subaraneosopilosa. 
Receptaculi setae acheniislongiores. Antherarum caudae lanatae. 
Achenium oblongum, lmm. longum, glabrum nee muricatum ; 
pappi albidi series interior 1 cm. longa, plumosa; exterior multum 
brevior, plumosa. 

Bhotan: — Apud Kupchee, Dungboo, 2Q0. 

Saussurea Pantlingiana, W. W. Smith. Species apud 
Cor ymbif eras posita, Saussurece piptatherce, Edgew., affinis, sed 
minor ; foliis loriformibus fere integris, laxo corymbo facile 

Planta perennis, pro sectione inter minores, radice fibrosis 
foliorum reliquiis obtecta. Caulis 20—30 cm. alt us, infra simplex, 
glaber, corymbo late-ramoso sed paucicephalo terminali. Folia 
radicalia 0-6, in petiolum 2 — 3 cm. longum sensim attenuata, 
5 — 10 cm. longa, 8 — 12 mm. lata, lineari-lanceolata, remotedenti- 
culata vel subintegra, acuta, apiculata, supra glabra rugoso- 
coriacea, infra dense niveo-tomentosa, costa lata straminea; 
caulina 4 — 10, radicalibussubsimilia sed amplexicaulia, sessilia, 
subdecurrentia, caule ideo internum sub-alato. Capitula 2 — 10 
inter angustiora gracilliora, 2 cm. longa, 7 — 8 mm. lata, minute 
pubescentia. Phyllaria ovato-lanceolata, acuminata. Becepta- 
culi setae acheniis longiores. Antherarum caudae lanatae. 
Achenium laeve, oblongum, paululum angulatum. Pappi series 
interior plumosa, exterior brevior, parca, setosa. 

Sikkjm : — In regione septentrionali prope viculum Tallum 
Samdong dictum, et apud Yakthang, ad 12000 ped. alt. Prainii 
mercenarius, 213, Ribu et Rhomoo, 2968. Nomen memoriae 
Roberti Pantlingii Florae sikkimensis olim clan studentis. 

Saussurea nimborum, W. W. Smith. Species apud 
Corymbiferas posita, Saussurece Pantlingiance, W. W. Smith, 
affinis ; eodem habitu et eodem capitulo sed minor ; paucis 
eapitulis, foliis caulinis petiolatis grosse dentatis distincta. 

Saussurea piptathera, Edgew., in " Compositis Indicis" a 
CI. C. B. Clarkio in parte (speciminibus sikkimensibus) est 
eadem. CI. Hookerius in FL Brit. Ind. Vol. Ill, p 372 sub 
Saussurea piptathera, Edgew. , easpecimina evidenter noncitavit. 
Saussurea piptathera ex Himalaya occidentali foliis sessilibus 
auriculatis est sine dubio alia haud proxima species. S. Pant- 
lingiana et S. nimborum sunt propinquae, intermediis tamen 
omnino carentes. 

74 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

Planta perennis, pro sectione inter minores, radice fibrosis 
foliorum reliquiis obtecta, in forma normali 15 — 20 cm. 
alta, frequenter nana, 1 — 2 cm. alta (specimina Hoo- 
keriana in Herb. Calc), etiam acaulis et reducta ad unum 
capitulum et 1 — 3 folia radic alia. Caulis simplex, striatum 
parce furfuraceopubescens, 1 — 4 capitulis terminatus. Folia 
radicalia 1 — 4. in petiolum 1 — 5 cm. longum attenuata, 2 — 9 cm. 
longa, "5 — 3 cm. lata, elliptica vel oblanceolata, grossiusirregu- 
lariter dentata, dentibus apiculatis, etiam sub runcinata, 
acuta, apiculata, coriacea, supra minute scabrida, subtus 
niveo-tomentosajCostastraminea; caulinaO — 4, radicalibus sub- 
similia sed angustiora; superiora sessilia nee decurrentia. 
Phyllaria ovatolanceolata, acuminata. Receptaculi setsB 
acheniis longiores. Antherarum caudse lanato-lacerse. Achen- 
ium laeve, oblongum, paululum angulatum, Pappi series 
interior plumosa, exterior brevior, parca, setosa. 

Sikkim:— ad 12—16000 ped alt. Hooker; in valle 

Sebuad 11000 ped. alt. Gammie 1122; sub faucibus Jelep-La 

dictis, Kingii mercenarius ; inter Than<?o vicu 1 im et Sit tone, 

Saussurea Laneana, W. W. Smith. Inter himalaicas 
con^eneres species Senecionis Lappa. Clarke, vakle affinis sed 

minor, foliis albo-tomentosis, caudis antherarum lanatis facile 

Planta perennis, robusta, radice crassa reliquiis vaginaruni 
multis induta. Caulis 60—90 cm. altus, simplex, 5— 10 capitulis 
aggregate terminatus, fulvo vel albido-araneoso-tomentosus, 
plus minus bialatus. Folia radicalia 1 -3, 20- : cm. longa, 6—8 
cm lata, insequaliter in 5—7 lobos triangulares runcinato-pin- 
natifida petiolo 6-9 cm longo latissime alato (ad 7 mm) lobo 
terminal! 5-7 cm. longo. subregularitertriangulari-denticulata, 
denticulis apiculatis, supra sparse scabride puberula subtus 
dense lanata ; caulina 7-9, radicalibus subsimilia, minora, 
superiora sessiha. decurrentia. Gapitula foliis bracteata, perbre- 
viter pedunculate (±5 mm.), robusta, 2 cm. longa, 1 cm. lata, 
fere m globum congesta. Phyllaria permulta? pluriseriata, 
elliptico-lanceolata elongate acuminata, tomentosa. in fructu 

Rrr qU i m ! ub « Ub 1 ra P auci8 dorsalibus pilis, nigrescentia. 
Receptaculi setae multae, lineares albid;,-, ad 7 mm longa? 

aehenia conspicue excedentes. Antherarum caudle long*, lana- 
nn J'TTJ- *™-, "**»• ««™tum, glabrum/apice 


cS Ph l P "2 7, CUl ??n^ ap00p » et a P ud Wbil et sub fau- 
cibus Chola, ad 11-14000 ped. alt., Smith, 3920, 4130 4263 

Vol. VII, No. 3.] Plantar um Novarum Decas. 75 


Ribu et RJwmoo, 4549, sine numero, Kingii mercenarius. CI. 
G. T. Lane curatoris Horti Botanici Regalis Calcuttensis honori 
nomen specificum datum. Typi in Herbario Calcuttensi et in 
Herbario Kewensi conservati. 

Veratrum shanense, W. W. Smith. Species ad Veratrum 
Maximowiczii , Baker, spectans, sed robustior; rachidibus sinu- 
osis nee strictis, pedicellis quam floribus brevioribus, segmentis 
perianthii ovatis obtusis distinguenda. Cum nullo Veratro in 
Herbario Kewensi vel Herbario Calcuttensi congruit. 

Radix ignota. Caulis erectus, (media pars cum inflores- 
centia in scheda adest), ut videtur circiter 120 cm. altus, (inflo- 
rescentia enim ad 45 cm. attinet), 10 — 12 mm. latus, robustus, 
striatus, basin versus glabrescens, apicem versus apud inflores- 
centiam flocculoso-puberulus. Folia intermedia (caetera desunt) 
ad 50 cm. longa, 5 — 6cm. lata, angustelineari-lanceolata, utrin- 
que attenuata, vix petiolata sed in vaginam amplexicaulem 
contracta, utrinque glabra, nervis prominentibus. Panicula 
ramosa, angusta, ad 45 cm. longa; racemi ad 10 cm. longi,sim- 
plices vel iterum divisi, ± 20-flori, sinuoso-flexiles nee stricti, 
iflocculoso-pubescentes, bracteis 1 — 3 cm. longis ovatis-acumi- 
natis instructi . Bractece sub pedicellis + 5 mm. longae, ovatse 
vel lanceolatse, cymbiformes. Pedicelli 3 — 4 mm. longi. Flores 
polygami ; perianthii segmenta sex, fere libera, (viridula?) late 
ovata, obtusa, basi breviter unguiculata, integra, patentia, 
5 mm. longa, 4 mm. lata, 7-nervia. Stamina 2 mm. longa, ad 
basin perianthii inserta, apice curvata, antheris reniformibus 
transverse extrorsum dehiscentibus. Ovarium glabrum, carpellis 
tribus tantum apice liberis et in stylos tres valde aduncos ex- 
currentibus, seminibus immaturis planis disciformibus. 

Burma : — In montibus apud pagos shanenses, MacGregor, 

826. Altitudo ignota. 

Intra regionem I ndo- Bur manic am Veratrum aliud adhuc 

repertum non est. 

II* A new Gentian and two new Swertias from the East 


By W. W. Smith, 

The three new species described below were obtained while 
on a tour in South-East Sikkim during July-August 1910, 
under the auspices of the Botanical Survey of India. Plates 
1 and 2 belong to this paper. Plate 1 represents Gentiana pluvi- 
arum and Swertia Burkilliana ; plate 2 represents Swertia 

Gentiana pluviarum, W. W. Smith. Inter Chondro- 

phyllas ex affinitate Gentiance squarrosce, Ledeb 

Planta annua, 2 — 4 cm. alta, omnino glabra, caulibus 1 — 40, 
ssepius 8 — 10, gracilibus subdecumbentibus. Folia radical ia 
4 — 6, rosulata, 5—6 mm. longa, 2 — 3 mm. lata, ovata, subacuta, 
sub anthesin marcescentia (inter gramina celata), obscure 3- 
nervia ; folia caulina 3 — 5 paria, 1 — I- 5 mm. longa, linearia, 
recurvata, apice apiculata, breviter vaginato-eonnata, interno- 
dis multum breviora. Flores solitarii , perrarius duo, terminates, 
tetrameri, albi. Calyx tubulosus, quatuor-dentatus ; tubus us- 
que ad 2 mm. longus, 1-5 mm. diametiens, teres ; dentes I mm. 
longi, lineares, recurvati foliis persimiles. Corollce tubus 
3 mm. longus, 1 mm. diametiens; lobi breves, quadrati. integri ; 
plicarum lobuli lobis angustiores sed fere ;equi!ongi. Stamina 
vix ad fauces pertinent. Ovarium ovoideum breviter stipita- 
turn ; semina irregulariter elliptica. 

Sikkim ; — In regione pluviosa orientali apud ovile Cham- 
nago et apud hospitium Changu haud procul a faucibus Cho-la 
dictis, circ. 12-13000 ped. aAt., Smith, 3527, 3662, 3907. Typi 
in herbariis Horti Botanici Regal is Calcuttensis et Horti Bota- 
nici Regalis Kewensis conservati. 

Swertia ramosa, W. W. Smith. Inter Ophelias tetra- 
meras; habitu nescio quo modo Swertiam bimaculatam. Hook. f. 
et Thorns., in memoriam reducit; forsan ex affinitate Swertice 
dilatatce, Clarke, melius posita est. 

Herba robusta, subdiffusa, ad 15 cm. alta, glabra, inter- 
dum ramosa.. ramis subdecumbentibus fere ex radice sat crassa 
natis, interdum (rarius) singulo. Caules 1 — 4 subquadrangu- 
laris, sub nodis alati. Folia radicalia mult a, 3 — 8 cm. longa > 

78 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911. 

1 — 2 cm. lata, lanceolata vel oblanceolata, nonnunquam obo- 
vata, in brevem petiolum sensim attenuata, obtusiuscula, sub 
anthesin persistentia sed nigrescentia ; folia caulina opposita 
nee connata, radicalibus similia, ad 5 cm. longa, 12 — 18 mm. 
lata, 3 — 5-nervia, omnia ramos axilligerentia. Pedunculorum 
longorum in apice /lores 3 — 5 nascentes formam umbellatam 
simulant, vero unus terminalis et 2—4 ultimis foliis per paria 
axillantes, etiam in medio ramo 2—4 positi, sat conspicui, testi- 
bus incolis coerulei; marcescentes tantum vidi. Sepala quatuor, 
late ovata, nonnunquam fere orbicularia, obtusa, 6—8 mm. 
longa, 5 mm. lata, 5— 7-nervia. Petala paulum sepalis majora, 
elliptica L unifoveolata ; foveola magna longefimbriata, 3quama 
fimbriata obtecta. Ovarium maturescens ovoideum, 8 mm. 
longum, stylo fere nullo, seminibus multis fere sphsericis. 

Sikkim :— In montibus pluviosis apud hospitium Karpon- 
ang dictum circ. 9000 alt., Smith, 3032. 

Swertia Burkilliana, W. W. Smith. Inter Eu-Swertias 
ponenda; Swertice Thomsoni, Clarke, proxima, sed floribus 
minonbus tetrameris claro distincta. 

Planta robusta, erecta, glabra. Radix perennis, lignosa, 
10—12 cm. longa, 2—3 cm. diametiens. Caulis singulus, 30 cm. 
altus, subquadrangularis , solidus, subflexuosus. Folia radicalia 
4—6; lamina 7— 10 cm longa, 2 -2-5 cm. lata, petiolo 10—15 
cm. longo, elhptica-spathulata, obtusa ; folia caulina 3—6 paria 
quorum sub mflorescentiffi regione 1—2 paria posita, usque 
ad > cm longa sed sarins 4-5 cm., usque ad 3 cm. lata, ses- 

8 in a, io PtlCa Vel elli P tico -° va ta, obtusa, basi non connata, 
n — 1 2-nervia. Flores permulti , pro sectione Euswertiarum m i no- 
res, m cymisdensia paniculate, terminalibus et in foliis superio- 
rs axillantibus compositi ; pedunculi ad 4 cm. longi, pedi- 

£fi a T- 1- *\ gis ' in extremi « cymis flores 1—3 cllocati. 
pZt *' ^gulari-lanceolata, 1-5-2 mm. longa, viridia. 

MiJntJ a^ ,u n J ga ' 3 mm - 1 »*», oblonga, obtusa, late 

diSnm "^f 6 ^ lda multi8 Hneis "bisque purpureis ; 
S l ?H m enus ba91 « c ept» glandula magna bi-emarginata 
brevL* Si 6 , ommno 1 tectum. Stamina petalis paulum 
breve tk 1 T*! 18 petalorum more Gratis. Ovarium per- 
o^oideus f a ^ ulam J 10 " 1 P ertinens ' stylo brevissimo ; fructus 
mm lata ^ Cm - l0ngl i 8 - 8emina mat « ra 5 ™. l^ga, 3-4 
Srrura< ea ia ' ***' * qUaliter ad l mm « <**»> ^^>- 

JTO-SSs: Genti — d^^i^s"™ 

Jour. As Soc.Beng-.Vbl.VII, 1911 











r ; 



■t * 

» V 









v • 


D r awn by, A N . B anerf e e . 

A Chcwdhary,":th 

Swer aBurkilliana W.W. Smith, Figs I-III. 

Gentiana pluviarum W.W.Smith. Flora TV- VT. 

Joup.As, Soc.Beng-.' ol. VII, 1911 

PI a 9 11 



. A-Chowdhary.i a- 

,W. r1 ia rarr. V\TW S nith. 

Vol. VII, No. 3,] A new Gentian and two new Swertias. 79 


Restat ut meo amico I. H. Burkill qui harum specierum 

affinitates mihi indicavit gratias iustissimas aaam. 

Tabularum explicatis. 

Tabula I : — 7 Swertice Burkilliance planta flos, ovarium, 
figure i, ii, iii. 

Gentiance pluviarum planta, et fructus cum calyce, et 
corolla cum staminibus, figure iv, v, vi. 

Tabula II : — Swertice ramosce planta et flos. 

12. Swertias chinenses quatuor Novas t 

ex herbario G. Bonati, 



Swertia (Pleurogyne) Bonatiana. Planta annua, glabra, 
ramosa, ad 15 cm. alta; rami ex tertio et superioribus inter- 
nodiis quadrangulares, anguste quadri-alati, purpurei. Folia 
lanceolata, sessilia, apice acuta vel acutiuscula, trinervia, 
nervis lateralibus obscuris, majora ad 15 mm. longa et 5 mm. 
lata. Flores numerosissimi, eonspicui; pedicelli ad 10 mm. 
longi, angustissime quadri-alati. Sepala quinque, fere ad basin 
libera, linearia, acutissima, ad 9 mm. longa, obscure trinervia, 
parte connata ad 1 mm, longa. Petala fere libera, elliptico- 
ovata, ad 14 mm. longa, ad 6 mm. lata, (teste Ducloux) alba 
coeruleo-striata, ad basin ut videtur bifoveolata. Stamina ad 
basin corollae affixa ; filamenta 5 mm. longa ; antherae dorsi- 
fixae, 4 mm. longae ; pollen tetrahedroideo-globosum, laeve. 
Ovarium 9 mm. longum ; stigma ad tertiam partem basin versus 

China Australis. In montibus provinciae Yunnan prope 
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 526. Floret mense Decembri. 

Swertia (Ophelia) Duclouxii. Planta 50—60 cm. alta, 
erecta, annua, pyramidato-fastigiata, glabra. Caules quad- 
rangulares, virides, anguste quadri-alati. Folia inferiora ad 30 
mm. longa, late lanceolata, ad 6 mm. lata, superiora ovata 
breviora, omnia acuta; nervus medialis conspicuus; nervi 
laterales duo inconspicui. Flores numerosissimi, pentameri. 
Calycis tubus 1 mm. longus, infundibuliformis, quinque- angu- 



mm. lati. Corollce tubus *5 mm longus; lobi anguste ovati, 
acutissimi, ad 10 mm. longi, 2*5 mm. lati, bifoveolati; foveolae 
2 mm. longae, in parte inferiori poculam parvam formantes, et 
in parte superiori ob membra nas laterales setigeras ex cornubus 
poculae extensas canaliculatae. Stamina ad basin corollae lobo- 
rum inserta ; filamenta 3 mm. longa; antherae 15 mm. longae, 
dorsifixae ; pollen tetrahedroideo-globosum. Ovarium 7 mm. 
longum : stylus perbrevis ; stigmatis lobi latiores quam longi- 
ores. Semina subglobosa, 25 mm. diametro, subtuberculata. 

China Australis. In montibus boream versus urbis 
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 933. Floret mense Septembri. 

82 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.] 

Swertia (Ophelia) rosea. Planta annua, erecta, pyrami- 
dalis, glabra. Gaulis quadrangularis, anguste quadri-alatus, 
nigro-purpureus . Folia petiolata, elhptico-lanceolata, ad 20 
mm. longa, ad 8 mm. lata, trinervia, acuta vel subacuminata ; 
petiolus ad 4 mm. longus. Flores magni, 30 mm. diametro, 
(teste Ducloux) rosei, pentameri. Sepala libera, linearta, acuta, 
ad 11 mm. longa, 1*5 mm. lata. Corollce tubus 1 mm. longus; 
lobi ovati, ad 18 mm. longi, 8 mm. lati, 5— 7-nerves, ad basin 
bifoveolati; foveolse in parte inferiori poculif ormes , supra 
ob membranas fimbrilliferas ex cornubus pocularum ad 2 mm. 
extensas canaliculatse. Stamina ad basin loborum inserta; 
fil amenta 6 mm. longa; antherae dorsifixse, 3 mm. longse; pollen 
subellipsoideo-globosum. Ovarium ovoideum, 6 mm. longum, 
stigma versus angustatum. 

China Australis. In montibus Tching-chan dictis prope 
Yunnansen, legit Ducloux, 323. Floret mense Novembri. 

Swertia patens. Planta depressa, 1'orsan perennis, glabra. 
Radix singula. Caules decumbentes, subquadrani;ulares, virides. 
Foha lineari-oblanceolata, ad 45 mm. longa, 3 mm. lata, 
crassiuscula. Flores conspicui, 4-meri. Sepala libera, ad 15 
mm. longa, ex basi ovata 4 mm. lata in acumine lanciformi 6 
mm. longo extensa. Corollce tubus 15 mm. longus: lobi 
sepaks paullulo breviores, ovati, acuti, ad 13 mm. longi, 5 mm. 
lati^ m parte inferiori bifoveolati ; foveolse conspicuissimse, in 
parte inferiori 1 mm. longa poculif ormes , in parte superiori ad 
^ mm. longa ob marginem pocula3 fimbrilligeram indusiatse. 
btamina ad basin corollse loborum inserta : filamenta 7 mm. 

longa; anther* 2 mm. longae, dorsifixse; pollen orbiculare. 
Ovarium ovoia&nm crmVUfi'm ;« „+,.i„ i i 


v^miN a australis. Ad Mou-tchou-ka in regione Kiao-kia 
provmcise Yunnan, collegit Simeon Ten, 934. Floret mense 

13* Descriptions of three new species of Alg« associated 

with Indian Freshwater Polyzoa. 

By Prof. Wm. West, with notes by N. Annandale, D.Sc. 

[The algae described in this paper were taken in the Sur 
Lake, near Puri in Orissa, in October 1908, and in Igatpuri Lake 
in the Western Ghats, Bombay Presidency, in November 1909. 
The specimens examined by Professor West were preserved in 
formalin or spirit. — N. A.J 

Tolypothbix lophopodellophila (W. West), fuscescens, 
floccosa, trichomatibus pseudoramulisque dense intricatis ; eel- 
lulis ssepe distinctis, interdum indistinctissimis, quadratis vel 
aliquo modo longioribus quam latis ; vaginis amplis, subirre- 
gularibus ad marginem; heterocystis 1 — 3 ad basin pseudora- 
mulorum, oblongo-rotundatis, diametro l\ — 2-plo longioribus, 
trichomatis diametro paulo crassioribus. 

In stagnis cum Lophopodella carteri associata. 

[This alga was found coating the stems of shrubs that grew 
in the water at the edge of Igatpuri Lake. It formed irregular 
w of a dark green colour. More or less distinct- 

ly embedded in these masses were numerous colonies of the 
polyzoon Lophopodella carteri (Hyatt), a species also found, 
often gregariously, on the lower surface of stones in the same 
lake. Those colonies, however, which were 



alga were of unusually vigorous growth, occurred in unusually 
large numbers in a comparatively small space, and did not 
avoid the light as the species usually appears to do. — N. A.] 

Dactylococcopsis pectin atbllophila (W. West), cellulis 
anguste ellipticis, fusiformibus, vel interdum oblique sublanceo- 
latis et subirregularibus, contentu cellularum pallide aeru- 
gineis et homogeneis. Lat. cell. 3 — 55 fx ; long, cell. 8 — 13 p. 

[The cells of this alga were found embedded in the com- 
mon gelatinous investment of compound colonies of Pectinar 
tella burmanica which encased the stems of reeds growing, in 
very shallow water, in the middle of the Sur Lake near Puri* 
In life they had a dark green colour. From the biological 
point of view the main interest of the species lies in the ques- 
tion raised by its occurrence in the gelatinous investing mem- 
brane of a species of Pectinatella, one of the generic peculiari- 
ties of which is the existence of an investment of the kind 
common to several or many colonies. It has hitherto been 

84 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 191 1.] 

assumed that the investment was produced by the polyzoon, 
but there seems to be no direct evidence that this is the 
case, and the question naturally occurs, is not it rather pro- 
duced by a symbiotic alga ? The polyzoon does not appear to 
possess any special mechanism for its secretion, whereas algse 
of the genus Dactylococcopsis are usually contained in a gela- 
tinous mass. I am not aware that any such alga has been des- 
cribed from the Palaearctic species of Pectinatella, but the fact 
that in their case also the investment has a greenish colour 
would suggest that one is associated with them.— N. A.] 

Microcystis orissica (W. West) ; colonise s u bsph seric se , 
sordide olivaceae, 24— 40/* lat. ; interdum 48/i lat.; cellulis 
subellipsoideis, serugineis, 08— 09 ,< lat., rarius 1*0 n lat. 
Colonise cum Pectinatella burmanicd associatse. 

[The colonies of this alga were found associated, perhaps 

fortuitously, with the compound colonies of Pectinatella bur- 

manica in the investment of which Dactylococcopsis pectina- 

tellophila occurred, the locality being Sur Lake near Puri, 
Orissa. — N. A.] 


Figs. 1—5, Tolypothrix lophopodellophila , sp. nov 
Fig. 6, Dactylococcopsis pectinalellophila , sp. nov. 
Fitrs. 7 — 9 5 Microcystis orissica, sp. nov. 

Jour, As. Soc.Beng-. Vol. VII ,1911. 

Plate III. 

8x 9 -f° 

1 • 

*e?j?^<W. 5 * 

*£»$* , o- 







v5 >. v ><' r Afi 


W. We st, del. 














( ~ 








6x :co 














Vlx^- C 




14. Note on Sterculia alata Roxb, var* irregularis, — a 

remarkable instance of leaf variation* 

By W. W. Smith. 

In the Royal Botanic Garden, Sibpur, Calcutta, there is a 
Sterculia alata which has attained the normal size of the species 
in this area and which has been known for many years as 
affording a very striking instance of leaf variation. The tree 
measures at four feet from the base, just over five feet in cir- 
cumference and is about 70 feet high. In growth it is not dis- 
tinguishable from a typical tree of this species and is prob- 
ably one of a batch of Sterculias planted out at the same 
time, approximately 40 years ago, the majority of which form 
an adjoining avenue. The flowers and fruits are quite normal 
but, whereas the leaves of the ordinary Sterculia a?zia are 
cordate, ovate, acute, with an entire or slightly undulating 
margin, the leaves in this abnormal form present a great 
variety of shapes and it is difficult to find any two alike. As 
far as I am aware, the amount of irregularity is without 
parallel. Crotons show variation on somewhat the same lines 
but the remarkable feature here is the amount of variation in 
the leaves of the single tree. 

The leaves are palmi-nerved with normally 7 main veins 
(more rarely 5-6) radiating from the apex of the petiole. Of 
these the outer two are much weaker than the others. The 
chief lines of variation are: 

(1) Deep lobing. 

(2) Excessive elongation of one lobe, generally that of 

the central vein but not always so. 

(3) Elongation of one lobe with contraction at its base 

so as in some cases to leave only the midrib and 
thus cut off a leaflet. 

(4) Development of only one half of the leaf — on one 

side of the midrib only. 

(5) Variation in size. 

Several of these variations may occur in one and the same 
leaf. The accompanying illustration (plate 4) gives some idea 
of the degree of variation. The local name for this tree is the 
pagla gdchh or mad tree. 

Some years ago experiments were made with a view to 
finding out what percentage of the seeds of this tree produced 
plants like the parent. The seeds of the first three fruit-bear- 
* n g ysars were sown, with the result that 3 to 5 per cent, of 

86 Journal of ike Asiatic Society of Bengal. [March, 1911.] 

the seedlings showed variation, and about 1 per cent, as great 
a variation as the mother tree. During these three years the 
percentage of abnormality apparently rose as noted by Lieut. - 
Col. Prain to whom I am indebted for the information concern- 
ing these experiments. In 1910 the trial of seeds was re- 
peated; out of 100 planted, 91 germinated, and from these 89 
healthy potplants were obtained. Of these only six show 
variation, and of these only two very marked. This gives a 
higher percentage than wa3 observed in the first fruit-years. 

It is impossible to say from the young stages of the plant 
how far the mature tree will continue, decrease or augment 
these variations, and experiments on the young trees are being 
proceeded with. One young tree planted out ten years ago is 
growing well and promises to be as aberrant in foliage as the 
original. As nothing has been published regarding this tree, 
and as it is desirable that the abnormality should be on record, 
1 nave written this preliminary note for the consideration of 
the members of the Society. 



u C I . 

Dp awn by, AN Qanerje 


Ster( ilia, <al<at6t Roxb .var. irregularis. 

AllreducedtcS 4fclis leaf of normal rec 


15. A Visit to Kapala-Muchan. 

By An and Koul. 

During my last inspection tour towards Supayan, I paid a 



Kapala-Muchan or Digom on 20th June, 1909. This is 

Hindu pilgrimage situated in the south-western 
corner of the Valley about 24 miles from Srinagar. There are 
three springs here close to one another. At the main spring is 
an old lifigam, rough and unhewn, and also some old sculptured 

stone images said to have been unearthed from the adjacent 

2. Recently the priests of this place, named Laksman 
Bayu and Visna Bayu, while digging near the point 
where the waters of the three springs meet, discovered a stone 
with a Sanskrit inscription in Sarada character. As this is 
only a fragment, the exact meaning of the inscription cannot 
be made out. 


? V 

xllfwZWW- \ 35JT«ft 



8 V 

* *T 

*«Tf*jfiireT3fr5TTqf«f, cj^ 




« I? 

t » 

....swifeTra \ 9rr»amr: 

88 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [April, 1911. 

It would seem that there was an ancient monument here 
into which this stone, giving an account of the builder, had 
been set up. There is at present no visible sign of any monu- 
ment at this place, but if excavations are conducted some of its 
relics might be unearthed. 

The priests have since succeeded in unearthing another 

fragment of the inscribed stone, and it is far more important 

than the one previously found , inasmuch as it gives the date 

th e monument in which the engraved stone had been erected. 

This inscription, like that of the stone previously dis- 
covered is in Sanskrit in the Sarada character and of the same 
style and purport. I give below a hand copy of it : 

*#•• (TOT 1TCJ%<T ^Tc?^| UT if *f 

t(fl« flfa^Tfa ;ra 

W3 (tr«? 

a hl. t n IT % Y 7*? ° f u the Sanctit y of the 8 hnne that one is 
cotl ?i!V f °V 8m8 i ere f B a Snake is of its old skin, and 
scriblrf L Y l^u g th u at ., the monument, into which this in- 

Pandi? nf fh % d been b . Ui,t 'J ^ been S iven * charity to a 

VkI — ^"«*"^» era o*o, out presumably it is 1846 as 
VfcaSLl be a , ottered figure before 846* At Resent the 

rewTtn Tn T g - 1966 ' tt ^ evident that the monument 
referred to m the inscription was built 120 years ago. 

mention 'of rt?/ 1?°* J" ,° at ° f place to make here a brief 
3 ^th s Vllr t lil gGnd r ! atmg to the P lace " The Mahatmy, 
d snute as g to Z ?*% £** ° nCe Vi ?? u and Brahma had , 

uTi t w« a 2 r^ L°t S"" J™, J Uperi ° r fco the "*»• At 
to decide^h a8 nrff ^ ,u 6y i hould £° ^ «va and ask him 
When thev J™ T^c?* the ^ would abid * by his verdict. 

them-- Visnu ™ 1 h T ° f h ^ ht light and * aid to 

this lihgam and sCXreTf £ ^ ^J*' V ° U go above 
returns first afJr fin^i terminates. Either of you who 

than the other » Th. g ^° Ut the end of the lin g a ™ * greater 
Brahma upwards but tL T^ ° Ut ' Vi ^ u inwards and 
and othe Ather' and hSE* t 0ne W f nt dee P er and dee P ei 
They then vTml^t^ *&* COU,d nofc »*>li the end. 
y returned to SWa. Visnu acknowledged his failure, 

Vol. VII, No. 4.] A Visit to Kapala-Muchan. 89 

{N. 8.] 

but Brahma, who then had live heads, told Siva falsely from 
his fifth mouth that he had seen the end of the lingam. 
Siva knew that what he had said was untrue ; so he, getting 
enraged, cut off Brahma's fifth head for having told a lie, 
and then dismissed them both saying that neither of them 
was greater than the other. But the sin of cutting off the 
head remained attached to Siva. In order to get rid of it, he 
performed different pilgrimages, yet it did not leave him. 
Afterwards he went to Kapala-Muchan, and lo ! here the sin left 
him. Since then this pilgrimage is called Degrami (now short- 
ened into Digom) or Kapala-Muchan, the former implying " the 
village where afterwards Siva had to go " and the latter " the 
place where the sin of cutting off the head went away," When 



by their Sraddha being performed here. 

4. A fair is annually held here in August on the 12th of 
the bright fortnight of Sawan. Thousands of people collect 
here that day, and those who have lost their children during the 
past twelve months perform their Sraddha and give their 
clothes, ornaments, etc., in charity . The priests keep a 
number of young boys and girls here on the occasion, and 
people make them wear the clothes, ornaments, etc. A boy is 
made to wear a deceased boy's things, and a girl a deceased 
girl's, and then the articles are given away as offerings in the 
name of the deceased. It is also believed by the Hindus that 
if a living creature is accidentally killed by any one and he 
gives an image of it, made of gold or silver, in charity here, 
he gets rid of that sin as Siva got of his, so at the annual 
fair several people may be seen giving golden and silver 
images of different creatures in charity. 

i6, Methylamine Nitrite (Methylammonium Nitrite). 


By Prafulla Chandra Ray and Jitbndra Nath Rakshit 

(Preliminary note.) 

When mercuric nitritie solution is treated with dilute 
ammonia, a precipitate of dime re ur ammonium nitrite is 
formed and ammonium nitrite remains in solution (Trans., 
Chem. Soc. 1902, Vol. 81, 644). Recently, a solution of mer- 
curic nitrite was similarly treated with dilute methylamine. 
The precipitate which was thus obtained proved on analysis to 
be dimercurammonium nitrite, pure and simple. 1 The filtrate, 
amounting to about 25 c.c, was distilled in a vacuum at tem- 
peratures gradually raised from 45° — 50°. (Gf. decomposition 
and sublimation of ammonium nitrite, Trans., Chem. Soc. 1909, 
Vol. 95, 345). 

In the earlier stages of the operation water distilled off 
with minute bubbles of nitrogen; but later on the " click M 
remained persistent and water alone was given off. When the 
solution had attained the consistency of a thick syrup the 
temperature was raised to 60°; minute bubbles once more began 
to be evolved. This stage was maintained from 3 to 4 hours, 
after which on removal of the distilling tube from the water-bath, 
the liquid crystallised en masse. On heating the crystals to 


5 rapid decomposition took place, the products being methyl 
alcohol, water and nitrogen — the characteristic reaction 
between a primary amine and nitrous acid. The crystals 
which were of a pale yellow colour also copiously liberated 
iodine from an acidified potassium iodide solution. 

We are at present engaged in preparing the homologues of 
the series by the above method and also by the double decom- 
position between the corresponding methylamine halides and 
silver nitrite. We hope to communicate the details of the 
experiments at an early date. It may be added for the 
present that by this latter method we have obtained a much 
larger and purer yield of methylamine nitrite. 

1 The following two equations evidently represent the two reac- 
tions : 

(1) 2Hg (N0 2 )a + 4 NH 4 OH=NHg 2 NO* + 3 NH 4 N0 2 + 4 H 2 0. 

(2) 2Hg (NO a )* + 4NHs CH 3 OH=NHg 2 NO* + 3 NH 8 CH 3 NO a 
+ CH 8 OH + 3H q O. 





By B. A. Gupte. 


In the Shiva-ratri-vrat-katha of the Linga-Puran, there is 
a story about Shivaratra, the 14th or dark night of the month 
of Magh. It runs : — 

In the mountainous border-land of Pratyanta there lived 
a hunter named Lubdhaka. He earned his livelihood by shikar. 
On the day just named, he was arrested by his creditors and 
confined in a Shiva's temple. There he saw the emblem of 
Shiva and heard his name repeated by the devotees. * ■ Shiva/ ' 
" Shiva." he began repeating out of jest; the result was that 
his sins began disappearing in proportion. In the afternoon 
of the day, some of the worshippers subscribed a sum sufficient 
to meet the demand of the creditor and released him. He 
then went to the south to hunt Night overtook him, he had 
no food ; that worked as a fast. He went to a tank and sat 
on the branch of a tree of Bad (Mgle marmelos) sacred to 
Shiva. In order to clear the vision, he plucked the leaves of 
the tree and threw them down. They fell on Shiva that lay 
hidden below. All these unconscious acts added to his credit. 
At the end of the first quarter of the night, there came to the 
tank a doe big with youngs* He aimed an arrow, she spoke 
to him in human voice, promised to return after laying down 
her foetus, and went away. Then came another doe in heat. 
It was her breeding season. She spoke, she swore, she was 
allowed to go. She was followed by a black buck in search of 
her. The same thing happened. Lastly .came a doe with 
young ones : she also was allowed to go. They all returned to 
the hunter as promised. He was a changed man. He refused 
to kill them. He and the antelope family were all taken to the 
Nalcshatra-lok or heaven. 

The story has been published in the Shivalila-mrita, but 
there is no mention of the constellation. The following ex- 
tracts from the text give the origin of the Mriga-nakshatra or 
the fifth mansion of the Moon. (Fig. 4.) The meaning is : 

" Oh Mriga, go to the position of a Nakshatra, with your 
family, that constellation shall be named after you. The way 
the two does went to heaven is still visible. There are two 
bright stars near the constellation. They represent Lubdhak, 
the hunter. Below these, there are three more bright stars. 
They are called Mrig-shirsha, literally the head of an antelope. 
In front of the constellation are two stars representing the 
young ones, and a third one to mark the position of the doe. 

94 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

This bright King of Antelopes still gloriously shines in the 

Colebrook and Burgess say that Lubdhak or- Sirius is a 
star m the belt of Orionis, but Bentley says that it is Tauri ' 
A. A. Macdonell 2 says that Sirius is Lubdhak. Sir Monier 
Williams 3 also calls it Sirius, but adds another story. He savs 
that while Brahma was pursuing his own daughter as an 
antelope Shiva threw an arrow at him. It is seen in its head. 
In the Puran under consideration, it is said that the first doe 
was an apsara or celestial maiden. She loved a demon and wa. 
cursed by Shiva that she would become a doe, and that her 
lover would be turned into a black buck. In the Hindu Sid- 
dhanta, Lubdhak is the Yog-tara of the constellation. In the 
Ratna-mala this constellation is shaped like the head of an 
antelope as its name indicates. (See fig. 4 ) 

In the Zodiac, the 9th mansion is Sagittarius shaped like a 
hunting centaur^ (Fig. 1.) ] t is god Negal of the Assyrians. 
Egyptian and Hindu astronomers give merely the bow as its 

S. ' S t *,° th \ Greek8 -* (Figure 3 is however taken from 
Brennand s Hindu Astronomy.) 

T^ a L o bd u ak .l tand . 8 at 63 ° 0f lon gitude and 10° south latitude. 6 
11 71- , 8t ° r ^ mentions that the hunter went to the 
south after his release from the temple 

CnJl ^ gifctarius \ the h , un ter of the Zodiac, Capricornus o. 
Sfa MnT W ™.$ erhllVS , the antel °P e of the weste »i ancients. 

St^jsf^^^ Capi — with M ~ 

ine to^f^f m 7 Vary> the con8tel lations may vary, accord- 
huJer »nH °fi unar , man8ion8 » but the fact wmaiie that a 

folklore m tHe Cele8tial ° rb are the ba9is of this 

clearer? S ° f ^ ?? nSklit paS8a S e <l uoted bel ™ a » d the 

Yulma ovM thin TU™^ by the hun ^r fell on Shiva's 
orTvisiblf SnT™ c ^ ectu re that Mithun was the gupta 

tLsiZof f' 7^ ° n ^ day> ^ me to examine 

bull Taurus t.fn'f m ° re . carefu %' ^d I found that Shiva's 
othe; T Th U ft & ^: a ;l n J^„ 0ne "** and P-vati's lion, Leo, on the 

The interposition of the Cancer 

counted for anrl o m alt. ^«*ucer remained to be ac- 

' and a Marathl ver se suggested that they were the 

I Sansknt-EngUsh Dictionary. 
* Encyclopaedia Britannica. 

Brennand's Hindu Agronomy, p. 42 

Vol. VII, No. 4.] The constellation Mriga-shirsha. 95 


yanas or attendant spirits of Shiva. Thus (1) Shiva, and (2) 
Parvati as Gemini, (3) Taurus as his sacred bull Nandi, (4) Leo 
asParvati's charger Lion, and (5) the group of stars called Cancer 
as the ganas of Shiva with their ish or chief Ganesh complete 
what is known as Shiva-Panchayatana— five in one (Fig. 5). 
This, I believe, is a new idea not recorded before. I therefore 
submit it to the Society for further investigation. If Sagit- 
tarius is god Negal of the Assyrians, if Virgo is the Venus of 
the Grsecians. if Lubdhak is a manifestation of Shiva of the 
Hindus, there is reason to believe that Gemini or Mithun is the 
eternal Yugma of Shiva, and that Taurus, Leo, and Cancer are 
its concomitants. I reproduce the figures for ready reference 
and for contemplation of the celestial origin of god Shiva. 

(Fig. 6). 

The southern border-land Pratyanta points to the equatoft 
The confinement of the hunter means his disappearance below 
the horizon, the intervening stars in the celestial orb between 
Sirius and Gemini are possibly the bael leaves, and the way the 
antelopes took is possibly the well-known milky way. 

This is not a new way of thinking. E. W Maunder in his 
" Astronomy without a Telescope " tells us at page 11, that 
1 ■ In several cases there are groups of figures which form some- 
thing like a connected story; Hercules and the Dragon, Perseus 
and Andromeda are examples.'' 

The story of the hunter and the antelope with the con- 
nected group of the Shiva's Panchayatana are but examples 
of the same process when examined through Hindu spectacles. 

Extracts from the Text. 

II HT*lf facra *fanft ITzfM nwre fif II 


II e\&& *l*l cTT^imt fafatf flfq *rft»f II ^» n 

II <TI*T f*f«* «f*W *WIift* a^J% || *^ || 

ii wivrwr fecrtf ma ga^T w*\ awFt 11 

ii tome f ^^Tfir ^?^f srNanjwr ii m 8 II 


►/ the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911 . 

The following extract speaks for itself : 

" The Vedas do not seem to inculcate this form of worship, 

and the lingam is undoubtedly one of the most ancient idol 

objects of homage adopted in India, subsequently to the ritual 

of the Vedas. 

The worship of Shiva seems to have come about the begin- 
ning of the Christian era, from the basin of the Lower Indus. 
through Rajputana, and to have displaced the nature worship 

of the Vedas. 5 



Vol. VII, No. 4.] 


The Constellation Mriga-Sirsha 


No. 2. Capricornus. 

No. 1. Saggitarius 


No. 5. Zodiac 

No. 4. Mriga-Sirsha 




No. 3. Dhanu. 

Xo. ♦». Shiva and Parvati 

18. Father A. Monserrate's Description of Delhi (1581), 

Firoz Shah's Tunnels. 

By Rev. H. Hosten, S.J, 

JNow that the coming Darbar turns all eyes wistfully towards 
the old capital, special interest attaches to Father Anthony 
Monserrate's (S.J.) description of the place, the earliest on 
record by a European. Though the work from which I am 
about to quote (Mongolicae Legationis Commentarius, MS.) 
was completed only in January 1591 , and that under pathetic 
circumstances, the writer being then in prison at Sena in 
Arabia, his description of Delhi is in reality ten years older. 
There can be no doubt that Monserrate recorded his impres- 
sions of Delhi in 1581, * when he passed through it in the suite 
of Akbar, then on his way to Kabul. In May 1582, Monserrate 
left Fathpur Sikri for Goa never to return to Akbar's 


[55a. 3] "From Matura we arrived in six days at Deli, a 

most opulent and large city situated on the Jomanes. Here had 
stood, from the time of the Christian Kings, the throne of the 
Indian [Hindu] Kings; here sat, after them, the Patan Kings. 
Here, too, it was that Emaum [Humayun], Zelaldin's [Jalal- 
uddin Akbar's] father, who delighted to reside here, so long 
as he lived, closed his days through an accident.* He lies 
buried in a tomb of great size which his son Zelaldin con- 
structed [556] amidst most beautiful gardens. Such was the 
love and fidelity felt for him by one of his wives, the mother 
of Mirsachim, the King of Chabul, against whom Zelaldin was 
marching, that she built a house near the tomb and watched 
over it during the remainder of her life. 3 Up to her death she 
spent there her widowhood in prayers to God and alms-deeds 

1 Akbar left Fathpur Sikri on a warlike expedition against his 
brother Mirza Muhammad Hakim, King of K&bul, 'on the 6th before 
the Ides of February 1581/ i.e. February 8. 

2 " As his [Akbar's] father, whose name was Emaum, was walking 
on the terrace of the palace, he bent, as people do, over the parapet, 
leaning on a reed (arundini); his staff fell, and he was precipitated 
headlong into the garden. To this awful and sudden fall he suc- 
cumbed."— (Monserr. MS., fol. 226.) 

3 Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, Description des Monuments de Delhi 
en 1852, d'apres le texte Hindoustani, transl. by Garcin de Tassy, 
Reprint, Imprimerie Jmperiale, 1861, Pt. II, Ch. 67, p 136, or Journ. 
Asiat, 5e Serie, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 445. " La Begam Nabab Haji, veuve 
de Humayun, fit entreprendre. en 973 de V hejire (1565 de J. C.), la 
construction de ce tombeau, qui fat termine dans l'espace de seize ana, 

100 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [April, 1911. 

to the poor, five hundred of whom she used to feed- Example 
worthy of a heroine, no doubt, had she been a Christian. 1 

"The Agarenes [Muhammadans], as some one has aptly 
written, are the apes of the Christians;* 2 indeed, in many 
things they imitate Christian piety, without deserving the 
reward of piety, for they stray from the true faith, [the true] 
religion and [true] charity. 

"The ornaments of Deli are its public edifices, the 
citadel in particular, which was built by Eamaum, the wall 
surrounding the city, and several temples [mosques ?] , especially 
that which King Peruz [Firoz Shah, 1351— 1388] is said to have 
made. It is a magnificent structure, built of white marble, 
excellently polished. The mortar, which is dazzling white, 


makes it shine 

like a mirror. This mixture of milk and lime binds the parts 
so firmly together as to prevent cracks, and, when polished, it 
gives a most beautiful gloss. Peruz, a Patan by birth, was a 
man much given to piety. All over his kingdom, at every 
second mile, inns were built by his order; [near by] large 
spreading trees (patulam arbor em) were planted for shade and 
beauty; [56a] a well was dug where men and beasts could 
slake their thirst, and a temple [mosque?] erected where 
travellers might pray to God. On both sides of the roads, 
wherever the land allowed it, were planted long avenues of 
trees affording shade to the weary wayfarer. He bridged 
torrents, rivers and ravines; levelled roads, and built cause- 
ways of stone (lapides stravit) over marshy and boggy places ; 
in a word he left nothing undone that tended to magnificence 
and public comfort 

"On a ridge (in saltu), about three miles from Deli, he 
constructed a palace of wonderful size and beauty, and erected 
on the terrace a massive marble pillar, all of one piece, thirty 
feet high and about five feet thick. 8 Again, he tunnelled out 
a subterranean passage about forty stadia in length , as far as 

et qui lui couta quinze lakhs de roupies. Depuis lora il a servi de 
sepulture aux membres de la maison royale do Timur." For a descrip- 
tion of the mausoleum and garden, see ibid. 

. « l . C1 J SaiyaD Ahmad Khan, cp. ciL y Vt. II, Ch. 64, or Jour. AsiaL, 
5e Sene, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 431 : " Ce fut la B6eam Nabab Haji, veuve 
de Humayun Padschah, qui fit batircecaravansSrail ['Arab Sara] aupre 
du tombeau du Sultan Humayun, en V an 6 du regno d' Akbar, 968 de 
I Mgire (1560 de J. C). Cet edifice servit k loger trois cents Arabes, 
et ce fut amsi qu'on le nomma le caravanserail des Arabes ('Arab 

i i * ^expression is strong, but the meaning is c*ear : there is a great 
deal of natural piety outside the pale of revealed Religion. 

* ihe golden , pillar is a single shaft of pale pinkish sand-stone, 
feet 7 inches in length, of whieh the upper portion, 35 feet in length, 
has received a very polish, while the remainder is left quite rough. 
Its upper diameter is 25-3 inches, and its lower diameter 38-8 inches" 
Of. Oev. Cttnntngham, Arch. Report, 1862 p 17 

Vol. VII, No. 4.J Description of Delhi. 101 


old Deli, (where Christian Kings are believed to have lived). 
This he did that he might, whenever he pleased, withdraw 
from the affairs and cares of state, and repair alone and 
without attendants to that pleasure-seat for the sake of dis- 

traction. Man\ 

if they were 


true and had been coupled with faith in Christ— would have 
merited him for these benefits a place in heaven. With the 
exception of the Mongol garrison, the town is inhabited by 
rich and wealthy Brachmanas. Hence, the private buildings 
add not a little to the splendour of the town. The country 
abounds in stone and lime, [566] and the well-to-do build, not 
low and tumble-down houses, but substantial, lofty, well- 
adorned residences. Thanks to Emaum, who delighted in 

fond of magnificent cities and broad roads, 
the streets are large, contrary to the custom of the Agarenes, 
and picturesque. The splendid avenues of trees in the middle 
of the streets are an ornament in themselves, while their 
leafy green sheds a pleasant shade around. It would be too 
long to descant on the suburbs, which are many, or to enlarge 
on the beauty of the gardens on both sides of the Jomanes, 
which nearly fringes the town on the east. Suffice it to say 
that under a benign sky they produce in abundance every 
variety of crops and fruits. Indeed, the country round about 
Deli is extremely rich and fertile. The ruins, towers, and 
half-crumbling walls of old Deli still attest that it was once a 
famous town ; it lies about thirty-two stadia from and some- 
what to the west of the new city. 

I need add little in comment. To residents in Delhi or 
to those who have visited the place, the allusions are clear 
enough. All will recognize in the marble pillar erected by 
Firoz Shah the famous Asoka lat. We can only wonder why 
Father Monserrate, generally so detailed in his descriptions, 
should have made no allusion to the inscriptions. Not so 
W. Finch, or rather Purchas, his editor. 

It matters little if Monserrate'spet theory about Christian 
Kings having once ruled at Delhi cannot be defended. The 
general accuracy of his description of Firoz Shah's reign is amply 
borne out by the Muhammadan historians, notably by the 
Tahakdt-i-Akbari and Firishta. They mention among his works 
of public utility: — "Five canals (band-i-jiu) , [Firishta says 
TO"]; 4 Mosques [Firishta says "40"]; 30 Colleges; 20 
Monasteries (khdnkdh) ; 100 Palaces (kushk) ; 200 Caravanserais 
(rabdi) ; 300 Towns ; 5 Tanks {Muz) ; 5 Hospitals ; 100 Mausolea ; 
10 Baths; 10 Monumental Pillars {mindra); 150 Wells; 100 
Bridges; and gardens beyond number." Cf. Elliot, Hist of 
India. IV, 18 n. 1. 

9 5 

t i r 

E. Thomas writes : — 

4 'One of the many deficiencies a modern mind detects 

102 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

in the long list of buildings, canals, dams, bridges, and other 
works enumerated by him, is the total omission of even the 
name of a road. India's greatest want, and the deficiency of 
which the Sultan had so signally experienced while personally 
m command of retiring armies." (Cf. The Chron. of the Pathdn 

Kings of 

It should not surprise us, if some of the works executed 
under Firdz Shah had been attributed by fulsome flatterers to 

ater rulers, m particular to Akbar and Jahanglr. It has been 
the casein so many other instances. At any rate, let it be 
noted that Monserrate, who was Prince Murad's tutor, derived 
mi, ^ ar hl , mself '. and ^om Abu-1 Fazl, his Persian tutor, 
fjfu u S lnform . atl °? ^bout the earlier Muhammadan Kings, 
UH ^ll 7ft 6S m 1581 ' aS a matter of certainty, that Firoz 
h3?/r S ♦ C °u n uf y With road8 and venues. Among the 

o L 3 rr. mUS • P K 0bably I ank that s P lendid avenu * ^om Delhi 
^Z\^t,rT^ S ° mUCh admirati0n in ^ "* 

evideMl^m? a n° int °l in ^ eretit in M °nserrate's account is, 
betrav no TJl T° n -° 2? e tUnael instructed by Firoz. He 
S out ?n TZ V^ mat u ter ' but took the trouble of 
T°mS£ W ft ? J** lG ? gth ° f the tunneL lt was about 
tsTor the nW ^ir bemg 606 feet 9 inche « English, 
maps of the^llr °! *? JS™ 1 ' ^^ate's text and the 

30 yeaTs later E w°?\ ^T™ to the tunnel is dated 
describtL the Kn^i a' -T h ° Was in Delhi in 1611, after 
through toree^V "?* u lt8 8t ° ne ™ar, " which passing 
hav- n f a uhTto^ A 8, K ,S ^l than a11 twenty-four feet* 
thus g ^ From °?he ^n ' ^V - half M ° 0ne over ifc " P r <** eds 
ground to Mv Oa Z* T W . f\ d ^ be a - a / "Cer- 
tainly Old Delhi y Dely Ca8tle ' he mea ns cer- 
At this stage of my researches Mr F n 

Mac lagan 


were three tunnlTn" hX 1 ""? a'T 1 ^' 125 " 126 : "' Ther * 
ladies of the SuCn'H W f^ 1 wide enou g h *° a »ow the 

One commum'ated 11 with h^T' ^V" ™™y*™»- 
another wif.h tu. vlZ^ - 2. r ver > and was five zarib Ions. 



after another from CumnnTh , 4 P assa S e c <>nies immediately 
1862-65, Vol I Simk f«?f {Ar i h ' 8urV ^ °f Ind ™ R «V<>rl 

next, too, would be found Sffll P ' }?)' lt was ho P ed that the 
— __^ound_mGeneral Cunningham's Arch^olo- 

" *«•. u, ft . WmMi GlMgow> - m -__ _ 



Vol. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. 103 


gical Reports; but, though both Mr. Maclagan and myself 
examined independently every reference to Delhi in Mr. V. A. 
Smith's General Index to Vols. I — XXIII, we failed to discover 

We were more successful in another direction. In Descrip- 
tion des Monuments de Delhi en 1852, d' apres le texte Hindous- 
tani de Saiyid Ahmad Khan, par M. Garcin de Tassy, Paris, 
Imprimerie Imperiale, 1861, pt.I, p. 26, ' we have a much clearer 
reference to the tunnels with sufficient proof that even as late 
as 1852 the tradition concerning them was not yet extinct. 

[Ch.] XIII. Kuschak of Firoz Schah, or Kotila of Firoz 

In the year 755 of the hegira (1354 A.D.), when it was 
Firoz Schah's turn to reign, he had this castle (kuschak) erected 
on the border of the river, 2 on the confines of the place called 
Kddin y s and near to [attenant a) this kuschak, he built a town. 
In this palace, they had made three subterranean passages 
(conduits), so as to be able to ride out that way with the 
women of the palace (afin de pouvoir sortir par la sur des mon- 
tures avec les femmes du palais)* There was a passage of three 
jarihf on the side of the river, another near the belvedere, 6 
two cosses long, and a third on the side of Old Dehli, five 
cosses in length. Now, it is evident that by Old Dehli we 
must understand the castle and town of Raja Pithaura, for 
the third passage is in that place, and very old people say that 
he went as far as a marvellous place and a special basin 
[tan k.]" 7 

1 Reprinted from Journal Asiatique, 5e S6rie, Vol. XV (I860), 
pp. 508—536; Vol. XVI (I860), pp. 190—254; 392—451 ; 52 1—543; Vol 
XVII (1861), pp. 77— 97. Mr. J. P. Thompson, Divisional Judge, Delhi, 
does not know of any edition of 1852. He writes to Mr. E_. D. Maclagan : 
There are four editions of Sayyid Ahmad Khan's Awru-s-sariadid; 
the 1st ed., which came out in 1847 ; a Newal Kishor ed.. of which 
I do not know the date ; the very rare 1854 ed. ; and the Cawnpore ed. 
of 1904 (Nami Press). Most of the copies of the ed. of 1854 were 
destroyed in the Mutiny. That must have been the ed. used by Garcin 
de Tassy. The 1904 ed.,.as the preface states, was intended to combine 
the strong points of the eds. of 1847 and 1854, It came out six years 
after the author's death. We may assume, therefore, that, where the 
1904 ed. differs from that of 1847, it reproduces with verbal alterations 
only theed. of 1854." 

* [The next four references belong to the original here quoted. 1 
Tartkh-i Firischta. [Cf. Elliot, Hist, of India, vi, 225.] 

8 Tarikh-i Firo^ Schdhi and Shams-i Sirdj 'Aftf. [Cf. Klliot, Hist, 
of India, III, IV, VIII.] 

♦ Ayin Akbery. [I note that there is nothing corresponding to this 
passage on Delhi in Gladwin's translation of the Ain Akbari. Vol. II, 
pp. 104-105] 

5 Land-measure varying according to localities. (Cf . Elliot, Glossary 
of Indian terms. ) 

The Kushki Shikar, as will be seen further. 

7 Thespecial basin of which there is question here must be the Hauz 
' Alai or Hauz-i Khdss (special basin) described by Ahmad Khan, Pt. IT, 

« . 

104 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

Clearest of all is the text in the Ain, Colonel Jarrett's 


translation, ii, 279. It brings us back much nearer to the 

passage in Carr Stephen. 

" Sultan Firoz (1351 — 88) gave his own name to a large 
town which he founded, and by a cutting from the Jumna 
brought its waters to flow hy. He likewise built another 
palace at a distance of 3 kos from Firozabad, named Jahdn- 
numd (the world- view). Three subterranean passages were 
made wide enough to admit of his passing along in mounted 
procession with the ladies of his harem; that towards the 
river, 5 jaribs in length; the second towards the Jahdnnumd, 
2 kos, and the third to Old Delhi, 3 kos. 1 ' 

We may remark at once that, according to the Ain, the 
third tunnel to Old Delhi was only 3 kos long, whereas the 
text of Ahmad Khan and Carr Stephen speaks of 5 kos. This 
divergence may be due to a different reading in the work con- 
sulted by Ahmad Khan. We note also that whereas, according 
to the Am, the tunnel to the Jahdnnumd was 2 kos long, tin- 
distance between Firozabad and the Jahdnnumd is said to have 
been 3 kos in length. 

The Jahdnnumd is identical with the Kushk-i Shikar. 
"The same king {Firoz Schdh) had had another palace con- 
structed at a distance of three cosses from the town of Firoza- 
bad (of. Tdrikh-i Firischta) : besides the edifices of which we 
have . spoken, and had given it the name of Jdhan Numd 
(belvedere, literally, the world- viewing edifice). Between the 
Kushak of Firoz Shah, and this palace, a subterranean passage, 
two cosses in length, had been constructed. It is that way 
that the king would go out in palanquin with the women of 
the palace." Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, op. cit., Pt. I, Ch. 

< h. 19, p. 9S; in Journ. Asiat. , 5e Serie, XVI, 397. Itis near Firoz Shah's 

^T?/- " ^ nFirozSMh ' 8timeit hadbecomefilled with mud {FutuhdtFiroz 
ScMht and Akhbdr Ulakhbar) and there was no water ; but this Sultan 
had it completely cleaned about the year 755 of the hegira (1354 A.D.) 
and ^ had all the parts repaired which had suffered (Futuhdt-i Firoz 
bchah). Mr. J. P. Thompson writes concerning the above passage in 
the text: 'The 1854 ed. of the Amnt-sannadld seems to differ from 

f S *i r a< < l J *' ?' P\ 2 , 12 -1006 ed.. Pt. I, p. 85. In the description 
of the Badi Manzil. which is, of course, the • endroit merveilleux ' of 
farcin de Tassy, Sayyid Ahmad says: "It is said that Firoz Shah 
made an underground passage (naqb) by which he used to go mounted 
trom the fortress of Firozabad [i.e. the Kotla] vid this building to the 

™p'?; a M -P? 18 1S tl T onl y »&*ence to tunnels in the 1847 ed. 
The Badi Manzil , a popularly and, I imagine, correctly known as the 

Mandate about here : one in 

rughlaqabad ; the Bije Mandal, and the Sher Mandal, in the Purana 
Qil a, where Humayun met his death. In the 1904 ed. occurs the 
KSS5 £s ^ b y farcin de Tassy. Apparently, in 1847, Sayyid 
£&2 ^ t ♦ n . ot . kno * °f the account in the Am i-Akbarl. The 
original, car le troisieme conduit se trouvre en ce lieu ' is simply: 

v^TSS! Jff ^ ™"> "I ^^ k ° hai '= h <*»™ the third tunnel is inthis 
xery direction, ,s not so definite as de Tassy's translation." 

Vol. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. 105 


XIV, p. 29, or Journ. Asiat., 5 e Serie, XV, 535. There was 
another Jahdnnumd in Tughlaqabad, but that is not the one 
meant here. Cf. ibid., Pt. I, Ch. X, p. 22, or Journ. Asiat., 
ibid., p. 529. 

From this it is clear that, whoever be the author of the 
passage quoted by Carr Stephen, it is a correct interpretation 
of either Saiyad Ahmad Khan or of the Am. 

It is, certainly, interesting to note that in Carr Stephen's 
time (1876) traces of the tunnel between Firozabad and the 
Kushk-i Shikar were still visible. They are there still. "Within 
a few yards on the north of Hindu Rao's house on the ridge, 
is a deep hollow, and on its northern side there are two low 
openings together forming one entrance, which seem to lead 
into a tunnel. The people in the neighbourhood also point 
out an air-shaft about 150 feet to the north? of the entrance. All 
attempts to explore the tunnel have hitherto failed." ] Cf. op. 
cit., p. 126. We may well ask whether any serious efforts had 
been made, and by whom ? 

Mr. E. D. Maclagan writes to me: " My brother, Col. R. S. 
Maclagan, R. E., Superintending Engineer, P.W.D., Amballa, 
says that a few years ago [in or about 1891] in a baoli (a well 
with galleries round it) near Pir Ghail, the P.W.D. found a 
passage about 6' x 2', which they cleared for a little distance in 
the hot weather, till they came to a hedgehog and a snake. 
They put off cleaning till the winter, and then went on for about 
100', till they came out on the side of the hill (the Ridge). He 
knows of nothing else corresponding to Firoz' passages ; but 
he says that a considerable tunnel has been found running from 
the Hammam in the Fort to the Shah Burj." 

11 One * passage ' pointed out to me on the far side of 
the ridge," says Mr. Thompson, " proved to be merely a 
water-course, so far as I could see. What we want is a 
passage leading in the opposite direction." 

Father Monserrate and W^ Finch, as we have seen, are in 
perfect agreement with the Am* Throughout Monserrate's 
MS. there are many indications that Abu-1 Fazl and Mon- 
serrate were writing their histories side by side. Abu-1 Fazl 

1 There are also underground passages in the Kali Masjid or Kalan 
Masjid of Delhi. Cf. Saiyad Ahmad Khan, op. cit. y Pt. II, Ch. XXXV, 
p. 44, or Journ. Asiat., 5e Serie, Vol. XVI, 1860, p. 413. 

2 The only difficulty I feel about Monserrate's description of Delhi 
is that he places Firozabad at a distance of 3 miles from the Delhi of his 
time, and that the tunnel to Rai Pithora was 40 stadia long, whereas the 
distance between Delhi and Old Delhi was, as he remarks, about 32 
stadia. My doubts may be merely due to my ignorance of the topo- 
graphy of Delhi, old and new, and the extent of the town in 1581. 
Compared with che length (3 kos or 5 kos elsewhere ?) ascribed to the 
tunnel by the Am, Monserrate's measurements (40 st.) do not appear 
excessive, especially if we suppose that they cover the distance from Old 

Delhi to the Jalwnnumn bv wav of Firozahnd. 

106 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

was frequently consulted. It was but natural. He was Mon- 
serrate's Persian master. Whether Abu-1 Fazl has recorded in 
the Am an engineering feat forgotten by former historians, or 
copied some earlier author, I cannot say. I have searched in 

History of 
Historians. It is possible, though not 

Elliot's translations are in many cases abstracts, the passages 
I was looking for have been omitted. I feel confident, however, 
that other texts must exist. 1 The boring of tunnels on so large 
a scale and with such vast proportions must have created a 
stir even in Firoz Shah's time. Was it not altogether 
unprecedented ? It would be strange, therefore, if Firoz 
Shah's own historians had left the event unrecorded. We 
know how punctilious were the scribes of the Mogul Emperors. 
Monserrate notes that every action, every order or prohibition 
of Akbar's was instantly picked up by his secretaries, as if they 
had feared that his words should fall to the ground and be 
lost. (Cf. fol. 1116, 4.) This "superstitious" practice, he 
suggests, they had inherited from the Medes and the Persians. 
Daniel, Esdras and the Book of Esther show with what 
religious care their historians chronicled every event. Doubt- 
less, the same practice flourished under Firoz Shah. 

I have taken much pains, though to no purpose, to discover 
later allusions to the tunnels by European travellers. Hakluyt, 
Purchas, Coverte, A. Sharpey, R. Rowles, R. Harcourt, 
Methold, Hawkins, Coryate, Roe, Terry, Herbert, Mandelsloe, 
Mannque, Fryer, Bernier, Thevenot, Ta vernier , Peter Van den 

Broecke's travels, Van der Aa's collection, Van Twist, afford 
no further clue. 

The only objection which some of my friends have formu- 
lated against the above quotations is that the tunnels may have 
served the purpose of aqueducts. We know, for instance, that 
the underground aqueduct of the Anlkpur tank, built by Anlk 
Pul Tannor at Delhi, is large enough to allow of a man stand- 
ing upright, 4 We read also that ir oz Shah connected the 
Sarsuti River with the Salimah by running a tunnel into the hill 

fn n!jhfA\ D l? ca ^u in ) ,is ne ^ edltlotl ol *«»•'* Handbook j Visitors 

Cafr 2£„w ♦ l'i Thack | r ' ' 90tJ . P- 39, refera the text we quoted from 
text 2SJ h *? T S :l S ' rdj ' a . hi8tori an of Firoz Shah', time. If the 
fofalf S„wK * 6 ■ ( l uesfclon under debate would be settled once 
writes Mr Th P assa »?' 8 not , in Elliot's extracts. " I have glanced," 
In findn; If P9 ° n ' '' th ™*8 h the Pe ™*n text of Shams-i-Siraj, and 

m the chan^T « N °- f ^^ SO far as J have »*«. any reference 
^ShilWv Barms Tarikh-i Firoz Shahl, which deal with 
hut t hev do 5? teCt ^ ac u hieve ^nts in the early part of his reign; 

them (Z tte Mm -?****% ^ Again ' Tail " u ^ does not menfc ' on 
ion of Them ^ f ?"*t^"-? afar ** m " in Elliot )- There is no inen " 

"o L expected ^;^ heF + l u Uhnt Firoz Sh5hI ' thou «h « was hardly 
° ° e 2 e p Pe V ed > cons 'dermo: the nature of the work. ' ' 

Asi^l S" ^VoKKvi: ff^tf ' ^^ H ' CHap - IV; ° rJOUrn ' 

VoJ. VII, No. 4.] Description of Delhi. m? 


of earth through the midst of which the Sarsuti was flowing. 1 
These instances notwithstanding, the theory advanced by ray 
friends cannot, in the light of the Am, be encouraged. Other 
texts should be brought forward. We have none. Future 
excavations may show that the Am is wrong; meanwhile, we 
must be satisfied that it is correct. 

Aqueducts terminate in tanks or wells, or connect rivers. 
We have no allusions to the Delhi tunnels having had such 
exits. Had they been aqueducts, the explanations of the Ain 
could not have been entertained, as the matter was easy to 
verify, at a time when the passages were in a much better state 
of preservation than they are now. They were certainly not 
used as aqueducts in Abu-1 Fazl's time, i.e. before 1596-1597, 
when the Ain was completed, nor in Monserrate's time (1581)! 
nor in the lifetime of Akbar (1542—1605), or else. Akbar's 
favourite historian should have known. From Firoz Shah's 
death (1388) to Akbar's birth, only 151 years had intervened. 
This leaves scarcely time enough for a public fact attested by a 
public monument to be lost sight of. Old men must have been 
living in Akbar's time who had conversed with octogenarians 
born under Firoz Shah's reign. Besides, even if oral tradition 
could have become altered in so short a time, there were the 
written records, daily read and daily consulted by Akbar's 
secretaries and historians. At Akbar's death, the inventory of 
his treasures shows that his library contained 24,000 volumes, 
most of them ancient works, the whole being valued at 
Rs. 6,463,731.* 

Emperor, something will be 

Is it too much to hope that, before the arrival of the King- 

_ '" done to restore, or at least to 

explore, these tunnels \ However great the difficulties may 
have been to construct them,— and I am told that the nature 
of the ground near Delhi must have made the work one 
of exceptional difficulty— Firoz Shah overcame them. What 
difficulty could there be to examine what purpose the tunnels 
served ? We are told that they exist, and where they are. 
What more can we wish ? 


some further correspondence, which, though not affecting our 
main argument, it will be useful to record. 

1 Cf. Tdrikh-i Mubdrak-Shuhi in Elliot's Hist, of India, IV, p. 11. 

2 Manrique, Itinerario Oriental, Roma, 1653. p. 417. 

Maxdelsloe, Voyages and Travels into the East Indies, 2nd Ed 
London, 1069, p. 37. 

Van Twist : Generate Beschryvinghe van Indien in Tweede Deel van. 
hct begin ende voortgangh der Vereenighde Nederl. Qeoctr. Oost. Indische 
Compagnie, 1646. 

De Laet, De Imperio Magni Mogolis, Lugd.-Batav., 1631. n 139 

108 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.] 

Mr- W. Kirkpatrick informs me that Miss Wagentrieber 
wrote a pamphlet — now out of stock — stating that during the 
mutiny at Delhi Simon Fraser escaped by hiding in a hollow 
which had the reputation of being the entrance to a disused 



Society Rooms , has consulted, though in vain, the following 


orks : _ 

1. Ain-i-Akbari , the text . and the translations by Gladwin, 

Blochmann and Jarrett. 

2. Akbar-nama> the text and translation by H. Beveridge. 

3. Elliot's Hist of India, 8 vols. ; the portions containing 
the reign of Firoz Shah, his public works, descriptions of Delhi, 
Firozabad, Jahannuma, etc. 


4. Malfuzat-i Timuri; the portion given in Elliot's Hist. 

5. Matla 

in Elliot. 

6. Muntakhabu-l Tawarikh of Badauni. accounts of Firoz 


7. Muntakhabu-l Lubdb of Kltafi Khan, id. 

8. Tabaqat-i Akbari, id. 

9. Tarikh-i Firishta, the text and translation by Dow, 
especially the chapters devoted to Firoz Shah's reign, and the 
descriptions of Delhi, Firozabad, etc. 

10. Tarikh-i Firoz Shdhi of Barni and Sham 8 -i- Siraj, the 
text throughout, and the portions in Elliot. 

11. Tarikh-i Mubarak Shdhi of Yahya bin Ahmad, a rare 
history of Firoz Shah and his successors, — the portions in 

12. T uzak-i Babari , the portions in Elliot. 

13. Zafar-nama of Yazdl : the chapter dealing with 
Tinrar's conquest of India and the portions given in Elliot. 

Finalh , Mr. J. P. Thompson completes his bibliographical 
notes on Ahmad Khan's Asdru-s-sunddtd. " Chance has 
thrown in my way a copy of the rare edition of 1854. It 
has two title-pages, one in English, the other in Urdu. The 
English title-page runs: < Asaroos-sunnadeed,. .composed by 
Syud Ahmed Khan. . . .in the year A.D. 1852 Delhi, printed 
at the Indian Standard Press, by William Demonte, 1854.' 
The Urdu title-page shows that the Urdu lithographing was 
done in the Royal Press in the Palace. It too bears date 1854. 
It has Sayy id Ahmad Khan's seal on it, and the words: ';** 

ri H hai .' The 

*iiuu pur musannif let motor na ho, wah kitab chori ki hai. 
inferences I drew formerly are, I find, correct." 

I have also come across a reference to a second edition, 
Lucknow, 1876. 

19* Interaction of Hydrazine Sulphate 
with Nitrites, and a new method for the determination of 

"Nitritic" Nitrogen. 


By Biman Behari Dey, M.Sc, and Hemendra Kumar 

Sen, B.A. 

Consequent upon the discovery of the unstable alkyJamine 
nitrites (vide Trans. Chemical Society 1911) by Ray and Raks- 
hit, we undertook the preparation, if possible, of the nitrites 
of Hydrazine and Hydroxylamine which are strong bases. 
The possibility of a hydrazine nitrite was further strengthened 
by the existence of a dithionate of the same base which has 
been described by Sabanieff (Journ. Chem. Soc. 1899, Ab- 
stracts, Part II, page 364). Accordingly, we tried to prepare 
the salt by a double decomposition between Barium-Nitrite 
and Hydrazine Sulphate. On mixing the solutions of the two 
substances there was immediate precipitation of Barium 
Sulphate, with greater or less evolution of gas, according as 
the reaction was carried out at the ordinary temperature of 
the laboratory (32°C.) or at 0° by immersing in melting ice ; 
the action in each case was, however, found to be progressive, 
the evolution of gas being accelerated with the lapse of time. 
The very slight evolution of gas at the lower temperatures, 
together with the precipitation of Barium Sulphate, seemed to 
point to the formation of Hydrazine Nitrite in solution in the 
cold, which readily decomposes with the rise of temperature. 
The isolation of the pure nitrite had therefore to be given up, 
and our attention was directed to a systematic examination of 
the gases evolved, hoping thereby to gain some information as 
to the nature of the reactions occurring. It was at first sup- 
posed that the nitrous acid liberated would act upon the 
Hydrazine or amido-amine, in the same manner as it does with 
ammonia or amines, the reaction proceeding according to the 
following equation • 

H.NH 2 + HO.NO - H.OH + N, + H,0. 


+ =| + + 

NH 2 HO.NO OH N 2 H 2 

It would appear from the above that the reaction would 
be accompanied by the formation of hydrogen peroxide in 
solution, and a regular search was therefore made for the 
latter* On applying the ether-chromic acid and titanium solu- 

110 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

tion tests, however, hydrogen peroxide was found to be absent. 
The next step was to analyse the evolved gases collected in a 
eudiometer placed over an inverted funnel remaining under 
water in a beaker. The eudiometer was, to begin with, filled 
with a solution of Barium nitrite, the beaker water having 
some hydrazine sulphate dissolved in it. As the two solutions 
came in contact with each other, there was a slow evolution of 
gas observed, the evolution increasing with time. The gas was 
allowed to collect over night. A rough analysis of the gas 
next morning showed that it was a mixture consisting of 
almost equal proportions of nitrogen and nitrous oxide. As 
will be shown later, this proportion was a mere chance, and the 
large volume of water over which it was collected dissolved 
out a considerable amount of the soluble gas, namely nitrous 
oxide. Starting with this preliminary observation, accurate 
experiments were next made in the following way : A fairly 
strong solution of barium- nit rite (the barium nitrite available 
in the market being found rather impure, a pure solution ob- 
tained by the interaction of Silver Nitrite and Barium Chloride 
was used instead) was sucked into a Crum's Nitrometer over 


sulphate in excess 

was introduced at the bottom. As soon as the hydrazine salt 
came in contact with the nitrite solution , a steady evolution of 
gas increasing in vigour with time, was noticed. To complete 
the reaction quickly, the Nitrometer was vigorously shaken. 
When there was no further evolution of gas , the Nitrometer was 
inverted over a cylindrical jar full of water at the ordinary tem- 
perature, and the volume immediately read off. Fresh water 
was now introduced through the "*cup" of the Nitrometer 
and vigorously shaken up until all the nitrous oxide was dis- 
solved and the volume constant. On repeating the same 
experiment, it was found that although the volume of nitrogen 
was always constant for the same amount of Barium Nitrite 
solution, the total volume of gas (N and NO) collected in 
two different experiments were hardly coincident. The reason 
wasnot far to seek ; for, as the dilution of the same quantity 
ot Barium Nitrite solution inside the Nitrometer was varied, the 
gas volume varied also, increasing with the concentration of the 
Barium Nitrite and diminishing with the dilution. The diver- 
gence between the total volumes of gas is thus obviously due 
to the increased or diminished dissolution of the nitrous oxide 
in the water employed to dissolve and wash down the Barium 
Nitrite solution into the Nitrometer. In order, therefore, to 
obtain the total volume of gas due to the reaction, the 
solvent water must be reduced to a minimum ; indeed, it might 
oe said that the theoretical amount of gas can onlv be obtained 
Ltt t W ° sub8tan , ce * cou ^ be made to interact in the solid 
sotntinn ,*% ? tual "P^'ent, by using a very concentrated 
solution of Nitrite and emploving the minimum quan- 

Vol. VII, No 4.] Action of Hydrazine Sulphate & Nitrites. Ill 


tity of water to wash it down (about 2 c.c ), the maximum 
amount of gas was obtained, and the proportion of nitrous 
oxide to nitrogen was found to be no longer 1:1, but approxi- 
mately 2 : 1 ; in fact, on the assumption that the deficit in the 
amount of gas was due to nitrous oxide dissolved in the water 
employed, and applying the usual corrections for the solubility 
of nitrous oxide in water at the temperature of the experiment 
(32°C), the proportion of N 2 : N 2 was found to be exactly 2:1. 

The ordinary decomposition of the di-acid hydrazine 
nitrite, excluding the hydrogen peroxide theory, would seem to 
proceed along the following lines : 

NH ; ON.OH N : N.OH 

+ m> > I (hypothetical) im > N a + NO 

NH 2 ON.OH N : N.OH 

This equation, though quite analogous to the equation 
representing the reaction between hydroxylamine and nitrous 

N— OH 


acid giving rise to hyponitrous acid N — OH, fails to explain 

the gasometric relations between nitrous oxide and nitrogen 

actually observed. The fact should not be lost sight of , that 
the experiment was conducted with excess of the Hydrazine 
salt, and consequently, the formation of the monacid hydrazine 
nitrite is only too possible, which would decompose thus: 

NH a 

+ NO.OH = NH + N,0 + HO. 


Taking the two equations together, we find that the pro- 
portion of nitrous oxide to nitrogen actually observed, exactly 
agrees with that demanded by the above equations conjointly. 
As, according to the above equations, ammonia is one of the 
products of reaction, it must have remained in solution as the 
sulphate. That ammonia is really formed, was demonstrated 
beyond doubt by treating the solution remaining after the 
reaction, with caustic alkali, when a strong smell of ammonia 
was perceived. As will be shown subsequently, the quanti- 
tative determination of the ammonia formed is useless, in so far 
as the determination of the ratio of the nitrogen evolved to the 
total nitritic nitrogen of Barium nitrite, would be a better 
evidence and check as to the reactions actually occurring. It 
is important to note here, that the above statements have been 
found to be true not only of Barium nitrite, but also of the 
nitrites of the alkalis, the alkaline-earth metals, of those of the 
heavy metals, etc., and in fact of nitrites in general. In sup- 
port of what has preceded, the actual data of a few of the 
numerous experiments done are given below: 

112 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911. 

Experiment with Barium Nitrite Solution. 

I. O'l c.c. of the stock Barium Nitrite solution gave 
nitrogen = 3-2 c.c. at 30° C by the " Urea " method. 

Therefore real $i nitritic" nitrogen = 1-6 c.c. 

0*5 c.c. of the above solution diluted to 8 c.c. in the " Crum" 
gave with solid excess of hydrazine sulphate 11*5 c.c. total gas, 
and 53 c.c. nitrogen. 

The solubility of nitrous oxide in 8 c.c. of water at 30* C 
(temperature of the experiment) is given by the following 
formula: C = 1305- 0453 t + -00068 t*= 1-305- -0453 x 30 + 
•00068 x 900 = -55 nearly. 

Hence for 8 c.c. dilution, solubility = 8 x "55 = 4'4 c.c. 
Adding this to the 11*5 c.c. gas actually obtained, we have 
total volume of mixed gas equal to 15*9 c.c. ; that required 
according to the equations stated above is equal to 16'0 c.c. 
The amount of "nitride" nitrogen in 0*5 c.c. of the Barium 
nitrite solution, as found above, is equal to 8 c.c. The nitrogen 
obtained in the present experiment by the action of hydrazine 
sulphate upon the 0*5 c.c. Barium nitrite solution is equal to 
5-3 c.c. The ratio of the latter nitrogen to the former is there- 
fore equal to |^ = f, which is the ratio expected. 

A better confirmation of th9 above equations cannot be 
expected, and the quantitative estimation of ammonia has hence 
been thought useless. 

II. 0*5 c.c. of the same solution diluted to 5 c.c. gave 
total volume of gas equal to 131 c.c. and nitrogen = 5 % 3 c.c. 
Allowing for solubility by the above formula, S = 5 x # 55 = 2' 7 5 c.c. 

Therefore total volume is equal to 13*1 4- 2*75= 15*85 c.c. 
Theoretical volume = 16*0 c.c. 

III. 05 c.c. diluted to 2 c.c. gave total volume of gas 
equal to 147 c.c. and N = 5-3 c.c. 

S = 2x-55 = 11 c.c. 

Therefore total volume is equal to 147 + 1*1 = 15-8 c.c. 
Theoretical volume equal to 16 c.c. 

Experiment with solution of Potassium Nitrite. 

I. 0-5 c.c. of the stock KN0 2 solution gave by the 
"Urea" method N = 4-2 c.c. ; 

Therefore real "nitritic " nitrogen = 21 c.c. 

2-0 c.c. of the above stock solution, with solid excess of 
hydrazine sulphate, diluted to 6-4 c.c. in the Nitrometer, gave 
total gas equal to 131 c.c. and N = 565 c.c. 

Allowing for solubility by the above formula, S = 6*4 x '55 
3 # 52 c.c. 

Therefore total volume = 131 + 3-52 = 16-62 c.c. 
Theoretical volume = 16-8 c.c. 

Vol. VII, No. 4.] Action of Hydrazine Sulphate <fc Nitrites. 113 


II. 2*0 c.c of the above stock solution of KN0 2 with 
solid excess of hydrazine sulphate diluted to 4*8 c.c. gave total 
gas equal to 14*4 c.c. and N = 5*6 c.c. 

Allowing for the solubility, S = 4'8 x '55 = 264 c.c. 

Therefore total volume equal to 17*04 c.c. 

Theoretical volume equal to 16*8 c.c. 




the nitritic contents of convenient volumes of this solution were 

very small, and the gas obtained also small, most of the nitrous 

oxide being held in solution by the large amount of water used 

in dissolving the salt. 

2'0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the u Urea " method 

N = 2"6 CO., therefore real N = 1'3 c.c. 

80 c.c. of the above solution diluted to 10 c.c. in the 
11 Crum " gave total volume of gas equal to 5*0 c.c. 
and N = 345 c.c; S= 10 x -55 = 5-5 ; therefore total volume 
5 + 55 = 10*5 c.c. Theoretical total volume = 104 c.c. 

Experiment with tetra-methylammonium nitrite. 

A pure sample of this substance prepared by the double 
decomposition of silver nitrite and tetra-methylammonium 
iodide was taken. 

<< „„~„ »> 

I. 2*0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the " urea 
method N = 4-6 c.c, therefore real u nitritic " N = 2*3 c.c 

4 c.c. of the above stock solution with solid excess of 
hydrazine sulphate gave at a dilution of 6 c.c , total volume of 
gas equal to 6-1 c.c and nitrogen = 31 c.c 

Allowing for the solubility, S = 6 x '55 = 3*3 c.c. 

Therefore total volume equal to 6*1 + 3*3 = 9-4 c.c. 

Theoretical volume = 9-2 c.c 

II. 4-0 c.c. of the stock solution at a dilution of 10 c.c 
gave total gas equal to 40 c.c and N=3*l c.c. 

Allowing for the solubility, S = *55 x 10 = 5-5 c.c 

Therefore total volume is equal to 40 + 5-5 = 95 c.c. 
Theoretical volume equal to 9-2 c.c. 

Obviously the 10 c.c. of water was not saturated with 
nitrous oxide, and the volume, therefore, a little in excess. 

Experiment with benzylamine nitrite. 

(Benzylamine nitrite has been isolated recently in this 
laboratory by Ray and Dutt as beautiful pale yellow plates, 
subliming in vacuo unchanged). 

1-0 c.c. of the stock solution gave by the f< urea " method 
nitrogen = 2-0 c.c, therefore real N= 1 c.c 

4-0 c.c of the above gave at a dilution of 8*0 cc inside 

114 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [April, 1911.] 

the ' £ Crum V with solid excess of hydrazine sulphate, total volume 
of gas equal to 37 c.c. and N = 2 7 c.c. ; S = 8x -55 = 4-4 c.c. 
Therefore total volume = 8-1 c.c. ; theoretical volume = 8*0 c.c. 

The nitrites of ammonium, sodium, calcium, strontium, etc., 
behave analogously, and it is useless to multiply examples. It 
is singular that amyl nitrite did not respond to the above 
reaction, and in fact no gas was at all evolved. The reason 
for it is evident Non-ionised nitrites cannot take part in the 

Estimation of Nitritic Nitrogen. 

The most far-reaching result of the reactions indicated 
above, is the very easy and convenient estimation of the nitritic 
content of nitrites in general, as well as those of allied organic 
bases, e.g., tetralkylammonium bases. On comparing the 
figures above, it will be seen that in all cases, the volume of 
nitrogen evolved is strictly 2 3rds of what is contained in the 
amount of nitrite taken for experiment. It will not be useless 
to repeat that this exactness of the volume of the residual gas, 
namely nitrogen, confirms undoubtedly the two equations laid 
down before. It can be claimed that the present method is at 
least as convenient and as accurate as the "Urea" method, 
and the operation requires not more than 15 minutes. Nearly 
60 determinations of nitritic content have been made up to 
date, and the two-thirds rule has been found to be unswervedly 
correct. The following figures will justify this assertion :— 

"Nitritic" nitrogen required bv the "Urea" method 
given under " A ", and that by the hydrazine method, under 


A. B. 

1-35 4.35 

8-7 8 . 7 

8'7 ' 8-75 

5-8 rvs 

665 e-7 

etc. e t c . 

It is worth while to note, that in practice, three washings 
with about 20 c.c. of water in each case, are quite sufficient 
to dissolve the nitrous oxide, and the extremely slight sola- 
Dinty of nitrouen hardly interferes with the result. We can 


method, if not in preference to it" 

We are at nrpa»nf Q«r»r.„^j :_. 


the « Q 1 u i. ~"gc*g^ in investigating cne actions ui 

me persulphates upon hydrazine and hydroxy lamine salts, and 
hope to communicate the results in a short time. 

T*»v t?u n ° n ' We be 8 t0 ex P re88 our thanks to Dr. P. C. 
Wnl 1 encour 1 a f me nt, and for allowing U s to use some of 
bis newly prepared Amine nitrites. 

20. M Gaveta." 

By William Irvine 

In Father Ho3ten's article on " the Marsden MSS. in the 
British Museum," Journal, A.S.B., Vol. VI, No. 8, 1910, 
pp. 437 to 461, Mr. Philipps remarks (p. 445) that on the 
documents we have sometimes the word Gaveta, and Father 
Hosten's note (3) adds: "a drawer, in reference to the 
'drawers in which the papers were kept." I think this 
explanation can be made more definite by a reference to 
p. vi in the Introduction to F. C. Danver's " Report on the 

Portuguese Records , 1892." " The Gavetas Antigas (old 

"drawers) is a miscellaneous collection of 195 bundles 

** They were originally kept in 20 old drawers in the Archivo 
" da Torre do Tombo." The documents in the Marsden MSS. 
which are marked Gaveta possibly belonged originally to the 
same collection as the Gavetas Antigas, now in Lisbon. 

Another point in the article may be cleared up. On 
p. 454 Mr. Beveridge, referring to a mention of Sir Thomas 
Roe by Father Botelho, S.J., suggests that "it might hint 
"to some MSS. of Roe which have disappeared." At Mr. 
Beveridge's instance I consulted the Portuguese version (the 
original text) and found the Father spoke there of " a 
little book" and called it a " Commentario. " On submitting 
the matter to Mr. W. Foster, he recognized at once that the 
reference was to J. deLaet's " Commentarius," published 
in 1631. The full title is " De Imperio Magni Mogolis, sive 
" India Vera, Commentarius, e variis auctoribus congestus." 
Leiden, Elzevir Press. 1631. Among the various authors used 
(Preface, p. 4) was "Thomas Roeus, Eques." 

21. Some Notes on Urdu Grammar* 

By Lieut.-Colonel D. C. Phillott, F.A.S.B., Secretary, 

Board of Examiners. 

The following points of Urdu grammar appear to have 
escaped the notice of grammarians : 

1. The precative form of the Imperative (tyt?i&? kijiyega) 
is both masculine and feminine. 

2. While the verb lia> rahna suffixed to the Conjunctive 

Participle of transitive or intransitive verbs, signifies ' to do after 
effort or determination' (vide Hind. Man.), its future suffixed to 
the root of an intransitive verb indicates indefinite time— " some 

time or other." Fath ho-hi-kar rahegl i^*) / <^a j* <J* means 

victory is certain," but fath ho-hi rahegl ^^A; ^ A **> J& 
victory will be ours some time or other. ' ' 

3. The shortened form of the Conjunctive Participle 

indicates haste. Thus in U^y* \ytf £ -LjJ ^«^*> u&j$3 ^3* ij 

wuh kham (honk mujh se larne ko khara ho-gaya. the shortened 
form thonk, indicates more haste than thonk-kar would. 

The finite verb, too, after the shortened or hasty form, 
must be compound, or intensive, or separated from the 

participle by other words, as : Mainsalam kar champathuwa (but 
not the simple verb, bhaga, (!fl# not) \y* ^$**> j£ f&* im° \ wuh 
sir jhuka baith-gaya (not baitha), (1<J*j not) Uf a«H j fy+j** *j ; 
wuh lathi le mere pichhe daura fjja <s*?4g *—jfe* 1 ij^^ *J ; not 

wuh lathi le daura, though lathi le daur-gaya might be used. It 
should be noticed that in the Imperative, the case is reversed, 
as : Rotl kha a,o, and not kha a-ja,o ; if the final verb is to be 
emphatic, you must say khdkar (jaldi) a-ja,o. 

4. The repetition of an adjective is not merely intensive 
as indicated in the grammars, thus cJ^Lr* if**** s^"^ thandi 

thandi hawd y en does not mean " very cool breezes," but 
" pleasantly cool breezes." Examples : 

(a) Cji Hf**- cLfV? chhote chhote larke, " various, or many 

small, or very small children " (according to the tone of voice) ; 
here the repetition would usually indicate plurality only, 
as also in uski chhotl chhotl ankhen hain, " it has small eyes ' ' 
(or very small eyes) 

118 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [April, 1911.] 

(b) u*^ lsj* i£j* hari hari ghas, "grass pleasantly green 

all over, green everywhere"; lal lal chihra, "a face red all 
over " (in a flattering sense or otherwise). 

(c) &*d)d »jU 8)13 tarn taza dudh, "milk quite fresh, still 

warm" (i.e. milk fresh from amongst fresh milk). Here, too, 
the idea is * fresh for the time ' : vide (d). 

trf*. \£ym Itfym SUkhfi 

face (for the time) " : udas udas chihra, M a somewhat sad face 
(for the time) ": if sulcha or udas were not repeated, the idea 
would not be temporary sadness, but sadness either permanent 
or lasting a long time. 

( e ) ji/ o'i J £« *** sack sack bay an Jcaro } u tell the whole 

truth and the truth only." 

It will be seen that the repetition of the adjective before a 
plural noun may be either intensive or simply plural, thus, 
achche achche parhanewale = " many very good teachers M ; chhotl 
ckhoil kitaben alag rakko, bari 


small books apart together and all the big ones apart together." 
Before a singular noun the repetition does not signify l very \ 

22. A Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects as spoken in the 

Punjab Himalayas. 

By Pandit TiKA. Ram JosHI, Author of a Grammar and 
Dictionary of Kan&wari. Edited by H. A. Rose, C.S., Punjab. 


Reference may be made to the Supplements to the Punjabi 
ionary, No. 1, by the Revd. T. Grahame Bailev. CMS. 

published by this Society. 




having said; jdia = having gone. 

A, adv. Yes. (Also anhdn 

A\ v. Is. As : Se keti a? Where 

Abe, adv. Now, at this time. 

Abkhora, n.m. (P. dbkhord.) A small deep pot with a rim. 

Achhu or -a, adj. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Good, adv. Very well. 

Adda, n.m. A wooden frame. 

AM, n.f. (1) Moisture, wetness. (2) Half, -o-ad, m. The h.-ilt 

(3) (H. ydd) Remembrance, -awni, v.t. ir. To remember. 

-rakhni, v.t. re. To keep in memory. 
Adhu or -a, adj. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Half, semi- 
Adkan, n.m. Elbow. 



Adr, n.m. (S. Adara.) Homage, respect. 




f. (S. Agni.) Fire. (Also dgi.) 

Aga, n.m. Fore. 


Agardan, n.m. A vessel for burning incense. 

Aggal (S. Argala.) A wooden bolt for a gate or door. -n\i f v.L 

re. To shut in. 

Aggar, n.m. (S. Ageru, or Aguru.) A fragrant wood = (^4 g uilaria 

Atje, adv. Before, a little before (this). 

Agi, adv. (1) Some time ago ; (2) lately ; (3) fire. 

Agjhara, jhara, n.m. A tinder-box. 

120 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Agla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The former. 
Agri, agre, adv. Before this, some time ago. 
Ai, v. art., second person singular of Honu, to be. See U. 

Tu gi nokhd michh : " Thou art a wonderful man." 
Aimbu, n.m. A kind of deer, said to be like a mule, found on 

the Shali hill in the Bhajji State. 
Aimrai, n.f. The wild grape. 
Ain, n.m. The flying-fox. (Also en, een.) 
Ajn'i ad. Good ; -honi, to be good : Ain howi yam jetit uwi guwdn, 

" Friend, it is well that you have come." 

/. -i, pi. -e. 

Ainshu, adv. This year. 

Aiiithnu, v.i. re. To twist, to strut ; 

Aiya, int. Oh, ah. 

A'j. adv. To-day. Ajje, adv. Just to-day. 

Ajku, adj. ; m. -a ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of to-day. 

Akal, n.f. (P. aql.) Wisdom, sense, -bir, n.m. A medicine (Datis- 

ca cannibima). 
Akhar, n.m. (S. Akshara). Letters, characters (pi). 

f. (S Akshin.) Eyes. {Dim. Akhti, pretty little eye). 

Akhtai, n. pi. See Athkai. 

strut ; / 

A'], n.m. An esculent root, like the potato (kachalu). 

Alakh-jagawna, v.i, re. To ask for alms. 

Alti, n.f. A drink, -bharni, v.i. re. To drink. 

Ama, n.f. (S. Amba.) Mother. 

Amal, n.m. Intoxication. 

Amb, n.m. (S. Amra.) Mango. (Also dmb). 

Ambar, adv. Up. ; pre. above. (Also ambr.) S. Am vara, the 

sky ; • u 

Amine hari, n.f. A post held by the Kanwar, said to be 

equivalent to Private Secy, (used in the Mandi State). 
Amju, -a, m. ; -is, a ; pi. Sour, acid. 
A'n, n.f. An oath, a curse. 

Anchal, n.m. (S. Anchala, a cloth.) Corner of a doth or scarf. 
Aiichla, n.m. Ribbon which is more than two fin era in breadth. 
Afidgal, n.m. A wasp ; pi. 
Andha, m. ; /. -i, ph 6 ; adj. Blind. 
Anrllia = dhundh. n.f. Misrule; -mdehni 9 -hoijdni. v.i. re. & •*"• 

To suffer from misrule or bad government. 
Andhou, -a, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Unwashed, unclean. 
Andi, n.f. See Anni. 

Andr, ad. (H. andar.) Inside, -o da, adv. From inside. 

Andrela, n.m. The auspicious time at which a bride enters hei 
husband's home (Syn. wdsni). 

Andro-da or -fa, adv. From the inside. 

Andro-khe , adv. To the inside. 

Androl, n.m. See Narol. 

Angalu, v.i. re. To be entangled, to be embroiled : /. -u />(. •*. 

Angant, ad. Innumerable, numerous. (Alike in all gender*.) 

Vol. Vll, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 121 


Anguji, n.f. A linger. 

Ani, n./. (1) An edge ; (2) a band of soldiers ; (3) a battle. 
Afi-iii, adj. A little. -jya,.a<£ m. A small quantity. 

Ani-rakhnu, v.t. re. To keep ready, -derm, v.t, re. To allow to 


Xh), n.f. ; pi. -o. Sinews. 

Arikar, n.m. Revenue in kind (used in the Mandi State), 
inmuk, adj. Durable, imperishable (alike in all genders). 
Annal, n.f. (S. Anjali.) The cavity formed by putting the 

palms of the hands together. 


Anri, «./. A small piece of land lei 
Ant, n.m. pi. -o (S. Anta). End. 
A'nt, n.f. pi. -o. Enmity, discord. 
Anthi, v. Is. Ni-. Is not. 

Anwala, n.m. (S. Amalaka.) Emblica myrabolan {Phylanthus 
emblica). pi. -e. 

Apnu, -a, pro. ; /. -i, pi. . e . One's own. 

Appe, pro. See Appu. (Baghal,Kuniharand Naragarh.) Appe 

kun ghar nd basdi, hordnu sikh dasdi. "The girl herself 
doesn't live with her husband, but she gives hints to 


Appu, appi, pro. Myself, yourself, himself, herself. 

A'r, n.m. (H. ydr.) A friend. 

Ara, n.m. (1) A friend ; (2) a kind of long saw. 

Ara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Aslant, crooked. 

Arha, n.m. (S. Adhaka.) A grain measure equal to 4 pdthds. 





Arie-kharie, adv. In trouble. 

Arj, n.m. pi. -o (P. arz.) A request. 

Arnu, v.i. re. To insist ; /. i. pi. -e. 

Arshu, n.m. (H. drshi.) A looking-glass. 

Aru, n.m. The hill apricot (pi. no singular). 

Arusa, n.m. A medicinal plant. 

Asau, v. Is, or are. (From the irreg. verb honu, to be.) 

Ase, v. Art (2nd pers. sing. pres. of honu, to be). 

Ase, pro. We (1st pers. pi. nominative). 

Ase, pro. 1st per. pi. We. (From Punjabi, asl.) 

A'sh, n.f. (S. Asha.) Hope. 

Ashi, ad. 80; -wan, 80th. 

Ashiya, n.m. (S. Ashiti = 80.) A fine of Rs. 80 in cash, paid 

to a ruler at a ja>/rd. 

fahu, n.m. (S. Ashru.) Tears. Share muin shdshu shdnwne 
dye dshu. " Her mother-in-law died in June, she weeps for 
her in July" (implying inconsistency). (Also dssu.) 

Asklu, n.m. A pudding, made of rice-flour. 

122 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L 

Asra, n.m. (S. Ashraya.) Hope, -rakhna, v.t. re. To rely 

Astaj, n.m. (P. ustdd.) Clever man. (Also stdj.) 
Asthan, n.m. (S. Sthana.) A place, especially of a deity. 
Astmi, athen (S. Ashtami.) n.f. The eighth day of the bright 

or dark half of a month. 

Astii, n.m. pi. Human bones sent to the Ganges, after crema- 
tion. (Also ful.) 

Athkai, athke, n.m. pi. The forget-me-not. (The word is 

only used as a plural and is also applied to the burrs which 
get entangled in woollen clothes. 

Athth, ad. (S. Ashta), 8. 

Athwara, n.m. (S. Ashtavara, 8 days.) Daily begdr or corvee, 
in which each pargana has to supply three coolies a day for 
various duties to the State (Kuthar State) : lit. = 8 days' free 

labour in the darbdr (Jubbal), In 


Atkarki-jeola, n.m. A term for exceptionally inferior land, for 

which cash payment was made. (Kullu, LyalTs Sett. Rep., 

Atta, n.m. (H. did.) Flour. 



Aunshu, adv. See Ainshu. 
Aura, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. 1 


(Also aura.) 

Auth, n.f. The right of the youngest brother to an excess 
share for his marriage expenses, if he be unmarried. 


* JL 

f. -i, pi. -e. (Also ciwnu.) 

Kwuh, pro. I (1st pers. sing.) (Also Aw). It becomes muwen 

with the past tense of a transitive verb. As : MuweH bob'' 
tu nd de, "I said, * you should not go.' " 

Awn'i, -a, ad. m. ; f. -i. pi. -e. Somewhat empty, not quite full. 


Baba, n.m. Father, progenitor. 

Babru, n.m. A kind of cake (always used in the plural). 



Bachawnu, v.t. re. To save. 

A curse, -dene, v.t. re. To curse. 

Bachchha, n.m. (P. pddshdh.) A king, emperor. 

Bacher, n.m. Storing curds and butter (instead of eating them) 

in order to make clarified butter. 
Bachno-de-annu, v.t. re. To conciliate, to compromise ; /. -i, pi- ■*• 
Bachhawani, n.f. A subscription, -pdni, v.t. re. To subscribe. 

Bachhawnu. v.t. re. Tn nnroorl nf u„ rt ,",f /„ Ur.A\ 

Vol. VII, No 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 12:i 


liachhawul, n.m. A broom, -deiw, v.i. re. To sweep. 
Bachhanu,i;./. re. '««••***••— — 

(2) To subscribe. 



Badal, n.m. An answer, a reply, -dend, v.i. ir. To replv 
Badam, n.m. pi. (H. bdddm.) Almonds. 
Badar, n.m. A kinsman. -n«, v.i. re. To act like a kinsman. 
Badaru, n.m. (1) A sept of Kanets. (2) A pargand in the Koti 

Badha, n.m. Enhancement, increase in taxes. 

Badhawnu, v.t. re. (1) To extinguish, to put out; /. -i, pi. -e. 

(2) To enlarge. 

Badhi, n.m. f. -an. A carpenter. 

Badhku or -a, ad. m. f. -i, pi. -e. Without limit. 

Badhnu, v.t. re. To cut; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Badli, n.f. (H. bddal.) Clouds. Hyun ghalald badlie. The 

snow will melt with the clouds. 
Badlu or -a, adj. m. Cloudy. 
Badra, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Larger. 
Badru or -a, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The eldest. 
Badu, n.m. An enemy. 

Baduk, n.f. (H. banduk.) A gun or rifle. 

Bafar, adj. Spare. 

Bdfta, n.m. (H.) Silken cloth. 

Baga, n.m. A dress of honour, a robe. 

Bagana, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Another's, of other person. 

(Fr. H. bigdnd.) 

Bagar, n.f. Forced labour, unpaid work, cx>rvee. 
Bagaru at -i, n.m. A cooly, a porter. 
Bagher, n.m. A boy, a child ; pi. -o. 

Bagi, n.m. pi. Lawless, disloyal, -honu, v.i. ir. To be disloyal 

Bagotii, n.m. Clothing, a dress. 

Bagur, n.f. (S. Vayu.) Air, the wind. 

Bagti, n.f. A small plot of land. 

Bahar, adv. Out or outside. 

Bahar, n.f. Enjoyment, pleasure; pi. o. 

Bahat, ad. 62. -wan, 62nd. 

Bahera, n.m. Terminalia belerica. 

Bahkanu, v.i. re. (1) To become mad. (2) To stray. 



, n.f. (S. Vayu.) (1) The wind. (2) Bile. (3) 22. 

chhar, n.f. An unchaste woman. 
Baih, ad. 22. -wan, 22nd. 

j, n.f. (H. bydj, interest.) Interest. 
Bai-lani-rato, v. To go by night. 
Bail. n.m. An ox, a bull. 
Baili, n.f. A small kind of adze. 

124 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

/. Sister. 
Baindke-honu, v.i. ir. To be out. 

Bajiidku or -a, ad. m. ; /. -f, pi. -e. External, adv. Outside. 
Bainsh, n.m., (S. Bansha.) (H. bans). A bamboo. 
Bairi, n.m. (S. Vairi.) An enemy. 
Baithnu, v.i. re. To sit down. (Also Bethnu). 
Ba'j, n.m. Madness. -lagnd, v.i. re. To be mad. 
Baja, n.m. (H.) A musical instrument. Music. 
Bajantri, n.m. pi. Musicians. (Also Bajgairi, and Tnri.) 
Bajar, n.m. (P. bazar.) Market, mart. 
Bajaura, n.m. The wheel of a stone mill. 
Bajawnu, v.i. re. (1) To cause to sound. (2) To beat, to hit. 
Bajgajri, n.m. pi. See Bajantri. 

Bajhaini, n.f. (H. bujhni.) A riddle, a puzzle, -bujni. v.i. re 

To solve a riddle. 
Bajj, n.f. An ulcer on the joints. 

Bajnu, v.t. re. (H. bajdnd.) To sound (a musical instrument). 
Bajuwa-hunda, ad m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Mad, insane. 
Bajuwnu, v.i. re. To be mad or insane; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Bajwi-janu, v.i. ir. To become mad ; /. -i, pi. -c. 
Ba'k, n.f. (S. Vakya.) A speech, a sentence. 
Ba'kh, n.f. Udder (of a cow). 
Bakh, adj. Cut up. -karnu, v.t. re. To cut off. 
Bakhal or bakkhal, n.f. Land which is not artificially irrigated. 
Bakhar, ad. f. A buffalo, she-goat or cow, whose young is 

more than 6 months old and whose milk has become thick. 
Bakhat, n.m. (P. waqt.) Time, period. 
Bakher, n.f. Scattering coins over a bridegroom. 
Bakhera, n.m. (H.) A dispute, tumult, complication. 
Bakheria, ad. m. One who disputes. 


Bakher nu, v.t. re. To scatter. 

Bakh-honu, v.i. ir. To be cut in 

Bakhiya, n.m. Double sewing. 

Bakhleli, or bakleli, n.f. Breakfast. 

Bakhyain or pakyain, n.m. (S. Vyakhyuna.) A proverb, a 

saying, folklore. 
Bakilie, adv. As a messenger. 
Bakilo, n.m. A messenger. 
Baki-muwan (a phrase). A curse. 
Baklu or -a. adj. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Thick. 
Baknu, v.i. re. To stretch the mouth; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Bakra, n.m. A he-goat; /. -i, a she-goat. pi. -e. 
Bakratha, n.m. See kharcha. 

Baktu, n.m.; f. -i, p L . e . A kid =chhelu and chhdi. 
Ba'l, n.m. (H. bdl.) Hair. 
Bal, 71 m. (S. Vala.) Strength, might, power. 
Ba a shahtu lana, v.i. re. To be unhappy, to pine. 
Ba ak, n.m. and /. (S. Valaka.) A babe or infant, 
nalcha, n.m. A piece of rope to fasten the plough on its yoke. 

Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary oj the Pahari Dialects. 1l' 


Bald, n.m. (S. Barda.) Bullock, an ox. -jo?ne. v. To plough. 
Balda, -u , ad. m. ; /. -i . pi. -e. Can. As : se dewi ni balda. "He 

cannot go." Tu hi dewi balajld ? Ci Can you go ? " Hdmi ni 

dewi haldi. " We cannot go." \ 
Baliclih, n.m. Income tax (used in the Mandi State). 
Balnu, v. To be able. 

Balnu, v.t. re. To burn, to kindle, to light 

Balnu, v.i. re. To burn 

Balri, n.f. The French bean. 

Ba]tu, n.m. A small nose- ring. 

Balu, n.m. (1) A nose-ring. (2) Sand. 

Banian, n.m. Clothing, a dress. (Fr. bam mi, to wear]. 

Bamman or Baman. n.m. (S. Brahman*). The sacred cast* of 
the Hindus. 

Bam-nu, v.t. re. To wear, to put on ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Ban or b6n, n.m. A forest, a jungle. (S. Van a). 

Ba'n, n.m. An oak tree, or oak wood. 

Bana, n.m. (H. bannd.) Boundary. 

Bana, n.m. A disguise. 

Banai, n.m. A bear, especially the black bear. 

Banakri. n.f. A kind of wild creeper bearing earring-like yellow- 
ish flowers with broad leaves. (Also bndkri.) 

Banar, n.m. The name of a deity, also called Mahasu. 

Banasat, n.m. (S. Vanaspati, a tree in general.) A female 

spirit which dwells in forests or high mountain slopes. 
(attle are believed to be under her charge, and when they 
are taken to graze in the forests, she is propitiated. 

Banawnu. v.t. re. (H. bandnd.) To make; /. -i, />/. -e. 

Banbo.W. 92, -wan, 92nd. 

Ban-bir , n.m. A tree spirit whose special influence is usually evil. 

Hanchni, n.f. A reading, or recitation. 

Banchnu. v.t. re. (H. bdnchnd.) To read. 

Banda, n.m. (H. bdnti.) A share, a part. 

Baft de, n.m. pi. Lichen, Aaron's beard. 

Bandi, n.m. Prisoner, confinement. 

Bandru. n.m. pi. (H. band.) The fastenings of a cloak. 

Baftduwe, n.m. pi. Prisoners. 

Bandar, n.m. pi. (S. Vanara.) Monkeys. 

Baftdh-nu, v.t. re. (H. bdndhnd.) To bind up. 


divide; /. -i. pi. -e. 
/. -i, pi. -e. Crooked (also binr/u). 



A speech. 

Ban-in, tt.nt. An arm. 

B^niya, n.m. (H. banid.) A banker or the 3rd caste of the 


126 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Banjar, n.m. Uncultivated land, grazing ground. 

Ba'njh, n.f. (S. Vandhya.) A childless woman, a barren cow. 

Ban-lau, n.f. The Virginia creeper. (From ban, a forest, and 

lau 9 a creeper.) 

Ban-nu, v.t. re. To fold up, to bind; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Banu a ki nahi, (phrase.) Whether agreeable or not. 

Banrai, n.f. An oak forest. 

Banslochan, n.m. (S. Vanshalochana.) A white substance, 
found within the cylinder of the bamboo; a kind of manna 
highly valued for its cooling and strengthening properties. 

Baiishti, n.f. A medicinal drug. 

Baiith, n.m. The servant of a chief's kitchen. 

B&iithiya, ad.m. Handsome, pretty, n.m. A young man. 

Bhohru i 

m -mmw -w mr v* ww m mm 

( Thind ghalo bdhthiyd, kdnjri ehheori age. 

I The snow will melt with clouds, and gold melts 
A couplet J with borax. 

' So a handsome youth is melted by the harlots. 
Ba'nu, v.t. re. (1) To strike, to hit. (2) To fire. (3) To 

plough. / 



A dwarf. [wind. 

Baonal, %.w. A whirl-wind, -awna, v.i. ir. To blow, of a whirl- 
Baori, n.f. (S. Vapi.) (H. bdoli.) A water pool. 
Bapu, n.m. See Baba. 

Bar, n.m. Fortification, a fence, -dena, v.i. ir. To enclose. 
Mr n.f pi.. o. (1) A song. (Syn. har). (2) A day. 


n. A kind of cake. 

Barakhri, n.f. (H. bdrdkhari.) The alphabet. 

Barat, n./. (1) A wedding procession. (2) Dunning, -i-bethna 

v.i. re. To sit at one's door. 
Barchha, n.m. ; pi. -e. A spear. /. -i. A small spear. 
Bardhu, n.f. (1) Defeat. (2) Failure, -machni or -parni, v.i. 

re. To be defeated, to fail. 
Bardnu, v.i. re. To walk, to go on. (Bashahr.) 
Barewe, n.m. A jack-'o-lantern, will-of-the-wisp. 
Barf, n.f. See Hyun. -parni. To fall, of snow. 
Bargat, n.f. (H. barakat.) Prosperity, a blessing. 
Barge, n.m. Side, part. pi. -o. 

Barho, n.m. A male spirit which causes sickness (Chamba). 
Ban, n.f. A turn. 

Bari-khe, adv. For the whole life. 

Barkawnu, v.t. re. To beat, to hit, to strike: /. -i, pi. -e. 

Barke, n.m. A guest, a person entitled to hospitality. 

Barma, n.m. (H.) A gimlet. 

Barne, n.f. A kind of fern. 

Baro, n.m. Rations, provisions. 

Baro, baru, n.m. Rations. 





Baro, ad, 12; -wan, 12th. 

Barto, n.m. A mudfi, or revenue-free grant (Mandi). 

Barto-jeola, n.m. A free grant for service (Mandi). 

Bar u, n.m. The name of a tune (rag) called barvva. 

Barwe, n.m. pi. Cotton seed. 

Bas, n.m. (S. Vasha.) Control. 

Basna, n.f. (S. Vasana.) Fragrance, sweet smell. 

Basat, n.f. A herd or a flock. (Also Basatri.) 

Basera, n.m. A house or home. 

Bashaftdar, n.f. (S. Vaishwanara.) Fire. 

Basha, n.m. A small kind of hawk culled bahri in the plains. 

Bas or bass, n.m. See Bashula. 

Basetri, n.f. Cattle, quadrupeds. 


Trust, faith, confidence. 


Bashakh, n.m. (S. Vaishakha.) The first month of the Hindu 

year, corresponding to April. 
Bashana, n.f. A wish, desire, inclination (S. Vasana). 
Bashafi-waii, n.m. A kind of swelling, a disease. 
Basha'r, n.m. turmeric. See Bihan also. 
Basharam, ad. (H. besharm.) Shameless. (Alike in all genders 

and numbers.) 
Bashatri, n.f. Trouble, hardship, difficulty, distress. 
Bash-kaj. n.m. (S. Varshakala.) The monsoon, the rainy season. 
Bashmati, n.f. One of the best kinds of rice. 
Bashna, n.f. See Bashana. 

Bashnu, n.m. A tenant, v.i. re. (1) To settle, to live, to lodge. 

(2) To rain. 

Bashnu, v.i. re. To warble. 

Biishtala, n.m. The oracle delivered by the diwdH of a deity. 
Bash tang, n.m. See Bishtang. 
Bashula, n.m. An adze. 
l Bashulnu, v.t. re. (1) To realize. (2) To settle, to restore order: 

(2) An adze. 


Basnu, v.i. re. (See Bashnu). 
Bass, n.f. (1) Smell, scent, Cri 
Bast, n.f. (S. Vastu.) A thing 
Basfc, n.m. (S. Vastu, the site of a habitation.) A stone brick 

deposited in the foundation of a house and worshipped, and 

called ckakka or bdstu. 

Basta or -u. adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (1) Uncultivated. (2) n. Fallow. 

Bastr, n.m. (S. Vastra.) Cloth, dress, clothing. 

Bastu, n.m. (S. Vastu.) The deity of a house, the house deity. 

(Also bdstu punish). 

Basulnu, v.t. re. (1) To set right. (2) To realise; / -i, pi. -v. 
Bat, n.f. (S. Varta.) A word, a thing, a matter, -lani, v.t. n 

To converse. 
Ba't or bat th, n.f. A path, way, road, -lani, v.i. re. To mak 

a way. -haftdni, v.i. re. To travel. 

128 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 191!. 

Bataira, n.m. A stone vessel maker, one who works in stone. 

Batali, ad. 42; -wan, 42nd. 

Bater, n.m. (H.) A partridge. 

Batetii, n.m. The little son of a Brahman. 

Bathanu, v.t. re. To seat, to allow to sit down. 

Batholi, n.f. Bread made of pot-herb flour. 

Bathu, n.m. (S. Vastuka.) The pot-herh seed or plant; a kind 

of vegetable. 
Batna, n.m. A substance used for rubbing the pair before a 

Bati, n.t. (1) A small vessel of brass. (2) A weight of two sers. 

(3) A wick. 

/. -i, pi. e. (Also batna). 

Batti, ad. 32; -wan, 32nd. 

Batuwa, n.m. (H.) A small purse. 

Batawnu, v.t. re. To let one know, -/. i. pi. -<f\ 

Batawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to knead. 

Batri, n.f. A short cut. Lit. a little path. 

Bau, n.m. Swimming, the act of swimming, -dene, v.i. ir. To 

Bauiisu, n.m. A kind of loaf made with fat, and cooked in 

steam (used in Balsan and Punar). 
Bawan, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. Left. (S. vama.) 
Bawna, n.m. See Baona. 
Bawne, n.f. A kind of plant which bears blue Mowers. 


/. See Baori. 

Bayali, ad. 42; -wan, 42nd. 

Bdar, n.m. A kinsman: kith or kin. -nn. v.i. re. To act like a 

Bdhajwni, v.t. re. To extinguish. 

Bebi, n.f. Sister. The vowel i is changed into e in the voca- 
tive case as : Bebe tu kindi chdli '. " O sister, where 

are you going to ? 

1 1 

Bedan, n.f. (S. Vedana.) An ache, a pain. 

Bedi, n.f. (S. Vedi.) The ground on which is lighted the sacri- 
ficial fire at weddings or other religious ceremonies. 
Bedni, n.f. A pain. 

Bednu, v.t. re. To call, to invite, to send for: /. -i, pi. -©■ 
Beduwnu, v.i. re. To be spoken, to be .ailed. 
Bege, adj. m. or adv. Too much. 

u, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Very much, too much, ixces- 


Bei, n.f. (S. Vipadika.) A kibe. A sore or blister on the foot. 

or empty-handed 

Bejkhre, n.m. pi. Uglv or unclean feet. 

Be'ka or -h, adj. m.; /. -i, pi -e. Empty, r . rf „„ 

B61 v ».«. (S. Vilwa.) The tree, or its fruii , called hd. (Affile 

Beora, n.m. (S. Vvavahara.) A matter, a subject. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahati Dialect*. \2\r 


Beora or -u 5 ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. (1) Reversed, upset, contrary. 
(2) Left. 

Be'r, n.f. Delay. 

Ber, -o, pi. A village, a house or home. 

Hera, n.m. A palace, especially the female apartments in a 

chief's palace; pL -e. 
Beri, n.f. (1) Iron fetters. (2) A boat. 

Beri, n.f. See bdri. 

Bes6, n.m. See Majnu. 

Beta, n.m: (H.) A son. /. i. A girl or daughter; pi. -6. Sons. 

Bethu, 7i. w. A low-caste farmer who works under a zaminddr. 

Beth mi, v.i. re. (H. bait And.) To sit down. 

Bglaiwnu, v.t. re. To clear off; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Bhabar, //.//>. The scorpion plant, from which jute is obtained. 

Bhabi, n.f. Brother's wife. Also bhdoj. 

Bhadar, ad. m. (H. bahddur.) Gallant, brave. 

Bhado, n.m. (S. Bhadrapada.) The 5th month of the Hindu 
year, corresponding to August. (Also bhajjo.) 

Bhadu, n.m. (H. bhaddu.) A white-metal ve-sel used for cook- 
ing pulse. 

Bhaer, n.m. Brother. /. -i, Sister ; m. -a, A ]>olite term of 
address to anyone. 

Bha'g, n.m. (S. Bhagya.) Luck, fate, fortune. 

Bhag-khouwane, v.i. re. To be ill-fated, to be unlucky. 

Bhagnu, v.i. re. To run away, to escape. 

Bhahattar, ad. 72. 

Bhai, n.m. (H. bh&i.) (S. bhr4tri.) A brother. 

Bhainchal, n.m. (S. Bhumichalana.) An irthquake. 

Rhains, n.f. (H.) (S. Mahishi.) A buffalo; m. -a, pi. -c. 

Also mainsh. 
Bhaish, n.m. (S. Abhyasa.) Practice. 
Bhaishnu, v.i. re. To practise; /. i, pi. c. 
Bhaithu, n.m. Au adopted brother. /. -an. An adopted 

Bhajjo, n.m. See Bhado. -we, adv. In August. 
Bhajnu, v.t. re. (H. bhajn/i.) To preserve, to keep in memory. 
Bhajnu, v.t. re. To deny, to disagree, to refuse; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Bhaji, n.f. Vegetable. 
Bhala. or -u, ad. m. Good; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Bhala, n.m. (H.) A spear; pi. e. 

Bhalawa, n.m. (H. bhUdwd.) A medicinal tree, or fruit. 
Bhalk, n.f. Morning, daybreak, -e. At daybreak. 
Bhalla, n.m. A kind of cake, made of pulse flower; )>L -e. 

Bhalli, n.f. A kind of food. 

Bhalnu, v.i. re. To re< over from illne>s, to be restored to- 

Bhalnu. v.t. re. To keep in sight, to observe, to witness. 
Bhalu, n.m. One who keeps anything in sight. 
Bhalu, n.m. (See Banai.) 

130 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Bha'n, n.m. Small coins. 

Bhanda or -u, n.m. pi. -e. A brass, copper or iron vessel. 

Bhande-babar-honi, v.i. ir. To be in menses. 




Bhaiiji, n.f. Injury, -marni, v.i. re. To injure. 

Bhanju or -a, n.m. sister's son; nephew. /. -i. Sister's daug 

niece ; pi. -e. 
Bhang, n.f. The hemp plant, or leaves, or smoking hemp. 

Bhangolu, n.m. pi. Hemp-seed. 

Bhiinoi, n.m. (H. bahnoi.) Sister's husband. 


measure upon which was 

cient unit of land (Kullu). 
Bhara, n.m. (I) Hire, rent. (2) To give some corn to a calfless 

cow or buffalo at milking. 
Bhara, n.m. (S. Bhara = weight.) A load, luggage; pi. -e. 
Bhara or -u, adj. m. ; /. i, pi. -e. Full, filled up. 
Bhara, n.m. Fare, rent, -dena, v.i. ir. To pay the fare. 

Bhari, ad. (H.) Heavy. 

annas per rupee (Kullu) 

Bharnu, v.t. re. (1) To pay. (2) To fill up. 

Bhart, n.m. A kind of pulse, flat and black in colour. 

Bharuwanu, v.i. re. To be filled; /. -i, pi. -6. 

Bhash or bhakh, n.f. (S. Bhasha.) Language, a dialect. Pcr- 

hdri bhdshbi jdnai. ? ' Do you know the Pahari language ? 
Bhash, n.m. The lungs. 
Bhasma, n.m. (S. bhasman.) Ashes. 
Bhat, n.m. (S. Bhatta.) A term for a Brahman. 

Bha't, n m. (S. Bhakta ) Boiled rice. 




regain one's caste; one's beiu^r out of caste by doing some- 
thing wrong. 

Bhatkanu, v.i. re. To stray, to wander; /. -i. pi. -<■• 

Bhatte, n.m. pi. (H. bhatta.) Brinjals. 

Bhatu, n.m. A Brahman's son whose duty it is to serve a chief 
at the time of worship. 

Bhau, n.m. A chief's son. A polite term used in addressing 
any boy of good birth. 

Bhaun, n.m. (S. Bhavana.) A temple. 

Bhauii, n.m. A thought, a supposition. Mnebhau» se >" 
dwnd, " I suppose he won't come.' ' 

Bhaw, n.m. (H. bhdw.) A rate. 

Bhdar, n.m. A granary, a store-houst-. 

Bhdari, n m. One in charge of Limarv. ■ store-keeper. 

Bhed, n.m. f. -i, pi. -o. A sheen. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 131 


Bhekhal, n.m. A kind of plant with sharp thorns; pi. ■<>. 
Bhet, n.m. (H.) A secret. 

Bhet, n.f. (1) A present offered to a deity. (2) An offering. 

(3) A benevolence made in cash by officials and by land- 
holders in land to the Rana at the Diwali festival (Kut- 
har). (4) An offering made on appointment to office by a 
mahr (Bilaspur). 

Bheta (see the preceding). A present made to a deity or ruler, 
-deni or charni, v.i. ir. and re. To give or offer a 

Bhetnu, v.t. re. 


Bhetu, n.m. (H.) One who knows secrets, -karna, v.t. ir. To 

introduce, to acquaint. 
Bhijnu, v.i. re. To be wet; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Bhikh, n.f. (S. Bhiksha.) Alms, -deni v.i. ir. To give 


Bhirnu, v.t. re. To fight, to struggle. 

Bhit, n. f. (S. Bhitti.) A wall. 

Bhithka or -u. ad. m /. -i, pi. -e. Inside, in. 

Bhithla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -\.,pl. -e. Of the inside, inner. 

Bhlaitha, n.m. The main beam of a roof. 

Bhlekha, n.m. (H. bhulkdlekhd .) A mistake, an oversight. 

Bhofar, n.m. Shoulder, pi. -o. 

Bhog, n.m. (S.) An offer, -lana; v.i. re. To offer cooked food to 
a deity. 

Bhoglu, n.m. See Bihan. 

Bho'j, n.m. (I) A feast. (2) Birch, -ru, n.m. Picnic. (3) 

-pattar, n.m. Birch-bark. 
Bhola or -u, adj. m. /. i, pi. -e. Simple-minded. 
Bhonr or -a, n.m. (S. bhramara.) A black bee; /. -i, 

pi. -e. 

Bhoiiru, n.m. A song, a couplet : poetry, such as : 

Kuje ru fulru 


11 The wild white rose is sucked by a black bee, 

Roasted grain never grows, nor isadesired object gained." 

Siti luindoli harno, bikro de mow, 
Mdnu dekhe mukhte, terd latkd horo. 
" Deer will walk, and peafowl too, 

I've seen a good many men, but your gait is of another 


Bhoiitha or -i, n. A sept of Kanets in Kaimli pargana and else- 
where in these hills; pi. -e. 
Bhoshe, n.m. pi. Roasted green wheat or gram. 
Bhrungnu, v.i. re. To roar like a panther. 
Bhryiirish, n.f. pi. -o. Eyebrows. 
Bhu, n.m. (H. bhus.) Fodder. 

132 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Bhubhal, n.m. A fire of hot ashes to fry potatoes in. 
Bhubri, n.f. Mouth. 

/, (S. Bhurai.) Earth, land. ~su, adj. A one-storeyed 



Bhukh, n.f. (S. Bubhuksha.) Hunger, appetite. 

Bhukhie-raunu, v.i. ir. To remain hungry. 

Bhul, n.f. (H.) A mistake, forgetfulness. 

Bhulka, n.m. Vegetables, -ehannu, v.i. re. To cook vegetables. 

Bhulnu, v.t. re. To forget; -/. i, pi. -e. 

Bhunchu, ad. Sucked, or licked. 

Bhuiidu, n.m. A fool, an ignorant man. 

Bhu-ro-paral, ad. Good for nothing. 

ni, n.f. Daybreak. 
Bhyan-ni, n.f. Daybreak, -e. At daybreak. 
Bhyansar, n.f. Morning, dawn, -i, adv. This morning. 
Bhyass, n.m. (S. Abhyasa.) Practice, exercise. 
Bhyasuwnu, v.i. re. To be accustomed, to be in practice; /. -i, 

pi. -e. 


(Also tong.) 


9 > 

Bi, ad. (S. Vinshati.) 20; -waft, 20th. 

Bi, adv. Also, too. £e bi dwnd (hid. "He too was to come. 

Bi, adv. (1) Also, even. Proverb:— 

Take ri bi, " Of six pies, 
Ghajqu ri bi. Yet beautiful." 

(2) adv. As well as. 

Biah, n.m. See Bya or By ah. 
Bich, n.f. A crack, adj. Middle, n. Centre. 
Bicha-bichi, adv. Through or hy the middle. 
Hidana, n.m. Quinces. 
Bidhni, v.i. re. To be extinguished. 
Bidhnu, v.i. re To be extinguished. 
Bigai, n.f. A tax levied per bighd (Kuthar). 
Bighe, adv. In the fields. 

Bihan, n.m. Coriandrura sativum. (Also bashdr.) 
Bij, n.m. (S. Vija). (1) Seeds. (2) (S. vajra.) Thunderbolt. 
^ -gajnu, v.i. re. To be no more. 
" ri,w./. (S. Vijapura.) A kind of citron, 
dn, n.f. A furrow left unsown in a field. 
n.f. (S. Vidyut). Lightning. 


/, n.m. (S. Visha.) (1) Poison. (2) -ru or -ra, ad w.; /. -i 

pi. -e. Difficult, dangerous (way). 
Bikh, n.f. A step, a footstep, -deni, v.i. ir. To tread, to walk. 
«i, n.f A hole, chasm, a crack, -parni, v.i. re. To crack 


Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. [33 


Bilkhnu, v.t. re. To scream, to cry. 

Binayak, n.m. (S. Vinayaka.) The deity Ganesh. 
Bifichi, n.f. A plant called gulmanhdi in Hindi. 
Bifichu, n.m. (S. Vrishchika, H. bichchhu.) A scorpion. 
Bifid, n.m. A handle of a sickle or a hoe. -lana, v.i. re. To fix 

a handle. 

Binda, n.m. A truss (of hay). Bindku. 

Bifida, n.m.; pi. -e. A big grass bundle;/.-!. A small grass- 
bundle. (Also puld and pidi.) 

Bifid] u-tara, n.m. The morning star 

Bingu. See Banga. 

Bini, ad. (H. bind.) Without. 

Bir, n.m. (S. Vira.) (1) A hero. (2) The deity Hanuman or 

Bhairab. (Also used in compounds, e.g., Banbir, Lankrabir.) 

, n.f. A green twig u 
To brush the teeth. 

•lani, v.i. ir. 

Birie, n. A polite term used in addressing a maiden. 



Bishka or -u, ad.m.\ /. -i. pi. -e. Empty, -hathe, adv. Empty- 
handed; /. -i, pi. e. 

Bish-tang, n.f. (1) The remuneration of a headman at the rate 
of 6 pies per rupee of land revenue (Kuthar). (2) A 
present to an officer in cash: (all the Simla Hill States). 
-deni, v.i. ir. To give a present. (3) A bribe (also ko'r.) 

Bishtx, n.m. (S. Vishuva.) (1) The moment of the sun's reach- 
ing Aries. (2) A song sung by low-caste people in April. 

Biu,ad. m. Good, -honu, v.i. ir. To be convalescent. 

Biya or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Good. adv. Quite well. 

Biye-re-muftde, ad. pi. Disciples of wise men. 

Blaj, n.m. (S. Valiraja, the King Vali.) A night fair. (Also 

barldj or brldj.) 

Bla'k or biilak, n.m. A nose-ring. 

Blair, n.m. A low caste (often called ' mate'). (Also halmaridi.) 

Blawla, n.m. Condolence, -dena, v.t. ir. To condole. 

Blel, n.f. Evening, eve. 
Biiya, m. my; /. -e. 
Boa, n.m. Flight. 
Bobo, n.f. (I) A sister o 

used in addressing a woman. 

(2) A very polite term 

Bodri, n.m. A kind of disease, chicken-pox. -nikalni, v.t. re. 

To suffer from chicken-pox. 
Boe, v.p.p. Passed away. 
Bohit, ad. m. (H. bahut.) Much, abundant. 
Bohu, n.f. (S. Vadhu.) Daughter-in-law. 
Bojha, n.m. (H. bojh.) A load. 




134 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911 

136' 1, n.m. A high wooded place. 

Bo'l, n.m. (1) A speech, a saying. (2) An oral agreement where- 
by one's daughter is bethrothed to a boy ; in default the 
sum of Rs. 20 is paid as damages. 

B61, n.m. (1) A speech. (2) The term used for paying Rs. 20 

to validate a betrothal . 

Bolnu, v.t. re. To speak; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Bon, n. f. See Baori. 

Bon, n.m. See Ban. 

Boii-nu, v.i. re. To flow. 

Bonu, v.t. re. See Bijnu. 

Bo'ti, n.f. See Bohu. ' 

Boti or botiya, n.m. ; /. -an. A cook. 

Boti, n.f. A bit of flesh, -boti-karni, v.i. ir. To cut in pieces 

Bou, n.f. (H. bahu, S. Badhu.) Daughter-in-law. 
Boumen, v. pi. We will, or should, sow. 
Bownu, v.i. re. To roll down, to flow; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Bpari, n.m. (H. bydpdri.) A trader, a merchant. 
Bra, n.m. A weight equal to 4 thdkris or 6 sers. The area* 
sown with one drhd is reckoned equal to a bigha 

Braga, n.f. The wife of a bairagi. 

Bragar, n.m. Ear-rings. 

Bragi, n.m. Bairdgi f a Vaishnava. 

Bragan, n.f. A lioness or tigress. 

Bragg, n.m.; f. -an (S. Vyaghra.) A leopard or panther, -tu. 

A leopard cub. 

I, n.f. (S. Vidala.) A cat. (Also brqili) Dim. -tu or -ti. A 
kitten . 

Brass, n.m. The rhododendron. 

Brat, n.f. (1) Dunning. (2) (H. bdrdt.) A wedding proces- 

Brati-bethnu, v.i, re. To dun. (Also brdt-ldni.) 

Bresht, n.m. (S. Vrihaspati.) Thursday. 

Bthith, n.m. Flour of pot-herb grain. 

Btholi, n.f. Bread made of pot-herb grain. 

Buara or bwara, n.m. A helper; one who helps a fellow vil- 
lager and gets food, but no cash, in return; pi Buare or 
bware -lane, v.i. re. To engage helpers, -dewnu, v.i. re. To 
go to help. 

Buba, n.m. The husband of one's father's sister. /. -i, Father's 
sister, pi. -e. 

Buber-bhai, n.m. Father's sister's son. 
Buda, n.m.; f. -i, pi -e. A bar. 

Buddh, n.m. (S. Budha.) (1) Wednesday. (2) Wisdom. 
Bug, n.m. A cover, especially for a gun, a pillow or bedding* 
Bugcha or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi .£. A bundle. 

fi uggl, n.f. Wrapping up the body in a sheet; -pani, ••*• re ' 
To wrap up one's body in a sheet. 

Vol. VII. No. 5. | Dictionary of the Pahari Dialect*. 136 


Bujhnu,v.£. re. (H.bujhnd.) To understand, to know; . /-i,pZ.-e. 
Bujhnwala, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. One who understands or knows. 
Biilak, n.m. See Bla'k. 
Bulanu, v.t. re. (H. buldnn.) To call, to invite. 

Bunja, ad. 52. 

Bun-nu, v.t. re. (H. bunna.) To weave; /. -i, pi. -c. 

Bura or -u, ad;, m. ; /. -i, p/. -e. Bad, wicked, not good. 

Bura-bhajana, v.i. re. To cease unhappiness. 

Bura-lagna, v.i. re. To be unhappy, -manna, v. i. re. To be 

Buri-ghalni, v.t. re. To harass, to put to trouble, to plague 
Buri-honi, v.i. ir. To be in trouble 
Buri-lagni, v.i. re. To pine in love, to feel unpleasant. 
Bwa'l, (H. ubdl, S. Udgara.) (1) Overflowing. (2) Heat. 
Bwal-ianu or dewnu, v.i. re. To overflow. 
Bwalnu, v.t. re. (H. ubalnd.) To boil. 
Bwara, n.m., pi. -e. See Buara. 
Bya, n.m. (S. Vivaha.) Marriage. (Also by ah. -ahunda, adj. 

m. ; /. i, hundi ; pi. -ehunde. Married. 
Byaij, n.m. (H. bydj.) Interest. 
Byali, n.f. Dinner, -channi, v.i. re. To cook the dinner, -e, 

adv. In the evening. Bydle re pahre dyd Ludro — \ Sliib came 

in the evening.' 
Byalke-bakte, adv. In the evening time. 




I'yafthdd, n.m. A tax levied at a chief's wedding and on his 

children's marriages. (Also Byaol or Byaoji.) 
Byaol or byaoli, n.f. See Byanhda. 
Byashi, ad. 82; -wan, 82nd. 
Byo'], n.m. A kind of tree, the leaves of which are given to 

cattle as fodder. 


(2) n.m. 

Detailed account. (3) ad. contrary, left (beord). 


Cha'b, n.m. A food made of rice and sugar. 
Chabhoknu, vd. re. To dip. 
Chabnu, v.t. re. To chew; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chabtitra, n.m. A raised bank or terrace, open or covered. 
Chiibutra-wazir or Shri-wazir, n.m. The prime-minister, the 

chief minister. (The former form was used in Kullu and 

the latter in Bashahr.) 
Chacha, n.m. Uncle. /. -i, Au 
Chachenu, v.i. re. To cry or sc 
Chadar, n.m. A sheet of cloth. 



136 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Chadr, •*./. A scarf. (H. chaddar.) 

Chaer, n.f. See Char. 

Chaetu or chaethu or -a, ad. m.\ f -i, pL -e. (1) Desirable. 

(2) Easy. 

/. -i, pi. -e. Thin, straight. 

Chagarnu, v.t. re. See Chagrnu. 

Chagrnu or chagarnu, v.t. re. To know, to come to know, to 



-nu. v.t. re. To wish. 


Chair, n.m. The true or Golden Pheasant. 

Chajara or -u., ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. e. Good, fine. 

Cha'k, n.m, (1) An ornament. (2) A miller's wheel. 

Chaka. n.m. Service in cantonments. (Obs., Kullii.) 

Chakar, n.m. (H). A servant; /. -i. Service. 

Chakchuiijri, n.f. A squirrel. 

Chake, n.m. pi. Roofing slates; -a, sing. 

Chake-bethnu, v.t. re. To realize a fine by sitting at one's door. 

Chakhauni, n.f. A taste. 

Chakhnu, v.t. re. (H. chakhnd.) To taste. 
Chaki, n.f. (H. chakki.) A handmill. 
Chakka, n.m. See Bast. 

Chakkar, n.m. (H.) Circle, round, -lanu, or -denu, or -bahnu; 

v.i. re. To turn round. 



/. -i, pi. -e. A round 

Chako'r, n.m. See Chakru. 


Chakri, n.f. Service, -karni, v.t. ir. To serve. 
Chakru, n.m. The chikor (also chakor). 
Chaku, n.m. (H. chakku.) A knife. 
Cha'l, n.f. (H.) (1) Gait. (2) A custom. 
Chala, n.m. Shaking, -hona, v.i. ir. To be shaken. 
Ohalana-deria, v.i. ir. To go on, to proceed. 
Chalher, n.m. Breakfast time. (Also chalh'ir.) 
Chali-janu. v.i. ir. To go on. -jan-nu, v.i. re. To know how to 


Chalni, n.m. See Piilgari. (Bashahr.) 

Chalnu, v.i. re. (H. chalnd.) To walk, to go on, to proceed; 


/. -i. A shoemaker 

Chamasha, n.m. (S. Chaturmasya.) The monsoon, the rainy 

season, wet weather. 

Chamba, n.m. (1) Copper. (2) A fragrant yellow flower. 

Chamba, n.m. (S. Champaka.) A tree bearing a fragrant yel- 
low flower {Michelia champaca). Proverb -.—Chdmbe mult 
bhekhlqi jdmi : " Under a fragrant flower tree there grew a 

_ (Used of the son of a well-to-do man who 

has none of his father's qualities.) 

thorny plant. ' ' 

Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 137 


Cham-ehamat. n.m. (1) Shining or blazing. (2) Flashing. 
Cham-gadar, n.m. (H. changidar.) A bat. 
Chamkawnu, v.t. re. To cause to shine; /. -i, pL -e. 

Chaniknu/v./. re. (1) To shine. (2) To flash. (3) To be in full 

power; / -i, pi. -e. 

Champkali, n.f. An ornament worn by women on the neck. 

(It is made either of gold or of silver.) 
Chamri, n.f. The skin, -twarni, v.i. re. To whip. 
Ghana' 1, n.m. A low caste, e.g., a shoe-maker. 
Cha'n-chak, ad. Vain, in vain, without reason. 
Chand, n.m. (S. Chandra, P. chand.) The moon. 
Chandal, n.m. (S. Chandala, sweeper.) A wicked man. 
Chandol, v.m. A swing made of wood, to seat four. 
Chandra, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Wicked, bad. 
Chaftga, -u, ad. m. ; /.-i., pi. -e. Good, fine. (H. changd.) 
Changar, n.m. The upper storey of a house. 
Chanhnu, v.t. ir. To desire, to wish; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chani, n.f. A bit, a very small part. Mddu mango ddhu, Rani 

nd deo chani. " Madu wants the half, Rani will not give a 
^ bit." 

Chanknu, v.t. re. See Chdbnu. 

Channa, n.m. The kernel of a fruit; pi. -e. 

Chan-nu, v.t. re. (1) To make. (2) To cook; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chant a' I, ad. See chandal. 

Cha'nu, v.t. re. (H. chdhna.) To want, to wish, to desire. 

/. -i, pi. e. 
Chao, n.m. See Chaw. 

Chapnu, v.t. re. (See Chabnu.) To chew, -e-jogu, -a, ad. m.; 

/.-i, />/. e. Fit to chew. 

Cha'r, ad. (H.) Four. Chautha, m.; /. -i, pi. -e, fourth. 

Char, n (H. dchdr.) A kind of sauce. 

Charan, n.m. pi. (S. Charana.) Feet. 

Charan, n.m. Grazing ground. 

Char-deni, v.i. ir. To drive game. 

(■harawnu, v.t. re. To graze; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Charhai, n.f. (1) An ascent. (2) An invasion. 

Charhnu, v.t. re. (1) To climb up. (2) To mount, to ride; 

/. -i, pi. -e. 
Charj. n.m. (S. Ashcharya.) Wonder, surprise. 
Charj, n.m. (S. Acharya.) A Krishna Brahman, who accepts 

the death-bed gifts. 
Charkha, n.m. (H.) Spinning wheel, -katna, v.i. re. To spin. 
Charnu, v.i. re. (H. charnd.) To graze; /. -i. 
Chaska. n.m. Fondness, eagerness, -parna, v.i. re. To be fond. 
Chatar, ad. (S. Chatura.) Clever, wise, active. 
Chatiknu, v.i. re. To crack; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chatnu, v.t. re. (H. chatnd.) To lick; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chatrai. n.f. (S. Chaturi.) Cleverness, wisdom. 
Chaubi, ad. 24; -waft, 24th. 

138 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Chaudash, n.f. (S. Chaturdashi.) The fourteenth day of the 

bright or dark half of a month. 
Chaun, ad. Three; chiu, chijd, or chiyd; f. -i, pi. -e. ; third. 
Chaunla, n.m. ; /.-i, pi. e. A wild beast with a white tail. 
Chaunr, n.m. (S. Chamara.) A chowri, the tail of the yak used 

to whisk off flies, etc.; also as an emblem or insigne of 

princely rank* 
Cli aura or-u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. (H.) Wide, broad. 
Chaura, n.m. (1) A terrace, a courtyard. /. -i. (2) A yak's 

Chauth, n.f. (S. Chaturthi.) The fourth day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. 
Chau'-thi, n.f. A small hole near the hearth of a cook-room in 

m m 7 I 

which salt and red pepper are put. 
Chaw, n.m. Pleasure, ambition. (Also Chao.) -bona, v.i. ir. 

To be ambitious. 
Chawanu, v.i. re. To absorb; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chefar. n.m. A long shelf or plank to keep things on. (Syn. 

Chennu, n.m. A pole with two horns. 
Chen-uii, n.m. The edible mushroom. 
Chela, n.m.; /. -i, pi. -6. A disciple, a scholar. 
Chele, n.m. See Diwdn y Dili wan. 
Che'li, n.f. (1) Breakfast. (2) The second morning meal, -chan- 

ni, v.i. re. To prepare breakfast. 

Cheol, chewl n.m. A beam of timber. 
Cher, n.m. See Chair. 

Chera, n.m. A wooden bolt. 

Chet or chech, n.m. (S. Chaitra.) The 12th month of the 

Hindus, corresponding to March. 
Cheta, n.m. (1) Memory. (2) Treatment, -chaujshi, n.f. Care- 
ful treatment. 
Chetha-chethi, n.f. Teasing, bothering. 
Chetha-hunda or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Spoiled. 
Cheta-rakhna, v.t. re. To take care of. [pi- -&• 

Chetlinu, v.t. re. To spoil, to bother, to render useless; /• -i 
Chetnu, v.t. re. (1) To feel. (2) i. To be cautious /. -i, pi -<'• 
Chetta or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi - e . Narrow. (Also chydid.) 
Chetuwanu, v.t. re. To recollect, to recall to memory; /. -i, pi •*• 
Cheuii, n.m. A kind of edible toadstool, morel. Also chyatin. 
Chewaj, n.m. A beam, of timber. (Also ddsci.) [curd. 

Chha, n.f. Watery curd, -dhun-ni or chholni, v.i. re. To churn 
Chhabra or -u, n.m. ; f. -i, pi. -e.' A large wide basket of bamboo, 

to put bread in. 
Chhabtu, n.m. A grain measure, equal to 2 sers. 
Chhachha, n.m. pi. -e. A minute kind of gnat of yellow colour. 

It is found in Shungri, Khadrala, etc., in the Bashahr terri- 
tory. When it bites a prick is felt and the pain increases 
and lasts for six months. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pohari Dialects. 139 





Ohhain, n.f. (S. Chhaya.) Shade, shadow, -parni, v.i. re. To 

become shady. 

Chhaka, n.rn. A day's labour paid with 2 sers of grain and a 

meal (Bilaspur). 
Chhakar-dada, n.m. The great-great-grandfather. 
Chhakku, n.m. A small basket. 
Chhaknu, v.t. re. To eat; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chhal, n.m. Fright, terror (from an evil spirit), -chhiddar, n.m. 

A trick, pretension. 
Chha'l, n.f. A wave. Nhane ri-. Bathing. 
Chhala, n.m. Ring (of finger.) (Also chhalla.) 
Chhalaka, n.m. A long wave; pi. -e. 
Chhalang, n.f. A skip, or jump. 
Chhalla, n.m. A ring. (Also chhdp.) 
Chhalli, n.f. Indian corn. (Also chhalli.) 
Chhalnu or chhalwnu, v.i. re. To be frightened or terrified by 

an evil spirit. 
Chhalnu, v.t. re. To wa: 
Chhalu, n.m. A blister. 

/. -i. A sieve; pi. -e. 

Chhalii t, ad. Selected, the best (alike in all genders and num- 

Chhamai, n.f. Half-yearly, -mangni, v.i. re. To ask for grain 

at each harvest. 

Chhambar, n.m. A kind of plant, adj. m.f. -i, pi. -e. Spot- 

Chhamchhamat, n.m. The tinkle of metal ornaments. 

Chhadmo, n.m. (S. Chhadma.) Deceit. 

Chhadnu, v.t. re. To release, to leave; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chha'n, n.f. A leafy roof, a cattleshed. 

(hhaiide, n.m. Entertaining. -rakhnu, v.t. re. To enter- 
tain. CkhdOde kanie rdkhuv. "What am I to entertain 
with? " 

Chhande, ad. Entertaining. 

Chhanga or -w, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi, -e. One who has six fingers or 


Chhanite, ad. By chance. 

Chhan-nu, v.t. re. To shift; /. -i, pi -e. 

Chhaiitnu, v.t. re. (1) To select. (2) To cut, to lop. 

Chhanu, v.t. re. To roof; /. -i, pi. -e. (Also chhdwnu.) 

Chhap, n.f. (1) A ring (of a finger). (2) A seal. 

Chhapar, n.m. A roof; /. -i. A small roof. pi. Chhapro. 

Chhapawnu, v.t. re. (H. chhipdnd.) To hide; /. -i, pi. e. 

Chhapka, n.m. A sudden blow or stroke. 

Ciihapnu, v.i. re. (1) To set; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To hide. 

Chhapnu, v.t. re. (H. chhdpnd.) To print, to impress. 

Chha'r, n.f. Ashes. See Bhasma. 

140 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Be n< jdl. May, 1911. 

Chhar, n.f. A basket to keep a chief's robes in. 

Chharawnu, v.t. re. To take back, to take away; /. -i. 

pi. -e. 

Chhari, n.f. A gold or silver mounted pole kept bv a sate- 


Chhariya, n.m. A gate-keeper of a chief 's palace. 
Chharnu, v.t. re. To pound, to beat in a pestle; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chharnu, v.t. re. To set free, to release, to leave; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chharownu, v.t. re. To take by force; f.-i, pi. -e. 
Chhatar, n.m. (S. Chhatra.) A deity's silver umbrella ; /. -i. An 
umbrella, a canopy. 

Chhati, n.f. A stick. 

Chhath, n.f. (S. Shashti.) The sixth day of the bright or dark 
half of a month. Also a ceremony observed on the sixth 
day after the birth of a son, when Shashti Devi is wor- 
shipped and a grand feast is given to all. 

Chhati, n.f. A small stick. 

Chhatta, n.m. (S. Chatra.) An umbrella; f.-i, A small um- 
brella; pi. -e. 

Clihau, ad. (H. chhah.) 6; -wan; m.j. -win; pi. -weft, 6th. 

/. An agricultural implement (used in Bashahr). 
Chhautu, n.m. A kind of implement to cut leaves and branches 

for cattle bedding. It is like a small hatchet. 
Chhawnu, v.t. re. See Chhanu. 

Chhdawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to release or leave: 

f.-i, (2) To take off. 
Chhe, ad. See chhau. 

Chhechar, n.m. (S. shot, six, and upachdra . a gif t .) A ceremony 
observed at weddings in Chamba and the Simla Hill States. 
when the bridegroom reaches the bride's house with the 
wedding procession; at the gate the bride's father give.^ 
him (1) water to wash his feet, (2) a Hlak of sandal. 
(3) a garland, (4) a robe, (5) a betelnut, and (6) an orna 

ment, i.e., a gold ring. 
ei, n.f. A store c* 


-lani, v. To store fuel. 

m Mm v k ^v m ■ m «^k 

Chhe'k n.m. A tearing, -nu, v.t. re. (1) To tear. (2) To |>»t 


Chhekan, n.m. A tear, separating. 

Chheknu, v.t. re. (1) To tear, to break. (2) To put out of caste 

To excommunicate. 
Chhekuwanu, v.i. re. To be torn or separated. 



f.-i, pl.-e. A kid. 

Chheo, chhew, n.m. End. -hona; v.i. ir. To be no more. 

Ui heori, n.f. (1) A woman. (2) A wife (also rhhewri). 

uiner, n.f. (1) War, a battle. (2) Sound, -u, >,.m. One who 

Vol. VII, Xo. 5. | Dictionary of the Pah an Dialects. 141 


Chhera, n.m. A stirring about, -dena, v.t. re. To give a stir. 
Chhera wa, n.m. (1) Irritation. (2) An invasion. (3) An in- 

Chherawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause to stir; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To 

cause to irritate. 
Chherawnu, v.t. re. To fight; /. i, pi. -e. 
Chhernu, v.t. re. To irritate, to annoy, to trouble. 
Chhete. adv. Once on a time. 
Chheti, n.f. A married woman's private property (in Kullu). 

In Bashahr it is termed Istri-dhan. 
Chhew, n.m. See Chheo. 

Chhewnu, v.t. re. (I) To pay off. (2) To settle; /. -i, pi. e. 
Chhibar or Clihibr, n.m. ; pi. -o. A sept of Kanets found in the 

Chhabrot par<jnn<\ and elsewhere. 
Chhichhra, n.m. f. -i, /)/. -e. A bit, pieces. 
Chhiddar, n.m. (S. Chhidra.) A hole. 
Chhij-bij, n.m. The balance of an account. 
Chhijnu, v.t. re. To be destroyed, to be no more, to end. 
Chhik, n.f. (S. Chhikwa.) A sneeze. 
Chhika, n.m.; f. -i, pi. -e. A net made of twine, used to 

hang a vessel in. 
Chhiknu, v.i. re. To sneeze. 
Chhilnu, v.t. re. To bark, to peel: /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chhilnu, v.i. re. (1) To make faces. (2) To mock; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chhiniba, n.m. A washerman; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chliimchhi, n.f. The eve, evening, -e. In the evening. 
Chhimehhi, n.f. Sunset, -honi, v.i. ir. To become evening. 

-ye, adv. By sunset. 
Chhimpa, n.m. A goshawk. 
Chhinchhri, n.f. A kind of wild plant. 
Chhini, n.f. \ chisel. 

Chhin-nu, v.t. re. To lop, to cut; / -i, pi. -e. 
Chhinw, n f. pi. -e. The shadow of the setting sun. 
Chhir or chhira, n. Wood, fuel, 
Chhir, n.f. A noose, a splinter, -gadni, v.i. re. To be pierced 

with a wooden noose or splinter. 
Chhirkanu, v.t. re. (H. chhirkrvi.) To sprinkle. 
Chhirki, n.f. Fuel or wood. (Also jhukri.) 
Chhiti, n.f. A drop or drops of water, etc. 
Chhitar or chhitr, n.m. Old shoes. 
Chhitwnu, v.i. re. To get wet ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chho, n.m. pi. A spring of water, -fatne, v.i. re. To spring 

from the earth (used of water in the rainy season). 
Chhoi, n.f. Soap water distilled from ashes to wash clothes. 

-lani, v.i. re. To distil water from ashes. 
Chhoi, n.f. Soap water, made from ashes, -lani, v.i. re. To 

distil water from ashes to wash clothes. 
Chhokra or -w,9t.m. : pi. -c. Son, lad. boy. (H.) fern. Chhokii. 

A female attendant on a chief. 

142 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Be.n<i<tl. [May, 1911. 

Chholnu, v.t. re. (1) To churn. (2) To dissolve; /. -i, pi. -e. 




• / 

-jana, v.i. ir. 




Chhotli, ad. f. Defiled, polluted, m. -a, pi. -e. Menstruation. 

Chhubkuwe-nachnu, v. See Chubkuwe-nachnu. 

Chhukra, n.m. A musical measure. 

Chhulnu, v.i. re. To jump and skip to avoid an arrow. 

Chhunli, n.f. A term used for 2 bighas of land. 

Chhiiiiwnu, v.t. re. (H. chhund). To touch; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chhtiru, ad. m. A handful. 

Chhut, n.f. (1) Leisure. (2) Remission. 

Chhut, n.f. Leisure, -ni-honi, v.i. ir. To have no leisure. 

Chhutnu, v.i. re. To get rid, to escape, to be left ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chhutt, ad. See Chhanite. 

Chhwain, n.m. Leafy bedding for cattle, used to make 




/. -i, pi. -e. (2) To set, (3) To 

Chhwanwa, n.m. The act of touching, -lana, v.i. re. To touch. 

Chhwanuweii, adv. At the setting place, the west. 

Cham, n.m. (H. chard.) Fodder. 

Chaura, n.m. A courtyard. 

Chi, n.f. A pine tree. (Also chir.) 

Chij, n.f. (H. chiz). A thing, an article, -o. Things. 

Chija, ad. See Chaun. 

Chiji, ad. See Chaun. 

Chik, n.f. Mud or earth, -lani, v.i. re. To clean the bands with 

mud and water after going to stool (also chik). 
Chiknat, adj. Slippery, n.m. A patch of smooth mud. 




/. Mouthpiece 


ni, v.i. re. To appear, of sunshine on the peaks, -lagi- 
jani, v.i. ir. To have appeared, of sunshine on the peaks. 
Chilra or chilta, n.m. ; pi. -e. A kind of bread. 

adhere, to cling to; / 


bhimn, n.f. The yellow wasp. 
Chimta, n.m. (H). Tongs. /. -i. A 
Chimtnu, v.i. re. To be hurt. 
Ching, n.f. Cry, screaming, -nu, v.i 
Chini or chine, n.f. A kind of corn. 





'Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. L43 


Chin t ha, n.m. The back of the head. 

Clrinta, n.f. (S. Chita.) The funeral pile, for cremation, -lani, 

U.t, re. To prepare a funeral pile for cremation. 
Chift waft, n.m. A plant that grows near water and is used as a 

medicine for burns. 

Chira , 



/. An ache, a pain 

Chirkhu-masan . n.m. A male spirit which swings, whence it- 

name. It haunts cross-roads and frightens the passers-by 

(used in Chamba). 

i. To warl 
ad. m. ; / 

/. -i, pi. -e. 




Chirwnu, v.i. re. To be torn; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chirwijanu, v.i. re. To be torn; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chish, n.f. Water, -lagni, v.i. re. To be thirsty. 

Chisha or -u, adj. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Thirsty. 

Chishe-raunu, v.i. ir. To remain thirsty. 

Chit, ad. Flat, -honu, v.i. ir. To be flat, -raunu, v.i. ir. To 

Chit, n.f. pi. -o. An ant. (Also chiuhti.) 
Chita or -u, ad. m.\ f. .i, pi. -e. White. 
Chita, n.f. (S.) A funeral pile. 
Chitera, n.m. (S. Chitrakara.) A painter, a picture-maker. 

nu, v.t. ir. To remain in memory: /. -i, pi. -c 
Chithi, n.f. (H.) A letter. (Chinthi in Madhan). Theo^r. 
Chithra or -u, n.m. ; pi. -e. A rag. 

Chito, n.f. pi.; sing. Chit. An ant. (Also ckyuOti and mnkori 

in Baghal and Kunihar Statf\s.) 

Chitra, n.m. (1) A medicinal herb. (2) Name of a constellation. 
Chitwnu, v.t. re. To remember; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chiu, ad. See Chaun. 

Chiuri, n.f, 
Chiuti, n.f 




/. (H. chqulai.) A kind of green 


Chochla, n.m. A jest, -u, n.m. f. -i, pi. -e. A jester. 
Choga, n.m. (H.) A kind of long cloak. 
Choi, n.f. A spring of water. 

Chokan, n.m. Cooked pulse or vegetables, or meat. 
<"hokhu, adj. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Clean, chaste. 
-Choknu, v.i. re. To dip, to plunge; /. -i, pi. -<\ 

144 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Chokwnu, v.i. re. To be dipped or plunged. 
Chola or -u, n.m. A dress, a cloak; pi. -e. 


Choltu, w.ra. A small cloak. 


(2) The gum of a tree 


Chonr, n.m. (S. Chamara.) Chowry, the tail of the Bos grunni- 

ens, used to whisk off flies ; also as an emblem or insigne 

of princely rank. 
Chop, n.f. (1) A pole, a tent-pole. 
Chopar, n.m. Butter. 
Choparnu, v.t. re. To rub with butl 
Chopdar, n.m. (H.) See Chhariya. 
Chor, n.m. and /. (H.) A thief, a robber. /. -i. A theft, 

thieving or robbery. 
Chor, n.m. A white sorrel. 
Chora, n.m. Leaking, -lagna, v.i. re. To leak. 
Chornu, v.t. re. To steal; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chornu, v.t. re. f. -i, pi. -e. To plu 


Tinien meri dingli chori pcii, " He has broken my stick. 
Chorwnu, v.i. re. To be concealed or stolen. 
Chosha, n.m. pi. -e. A burn. 

y > 



A (H.) A hurt, -deni, v.t. re. To throw away 


basket. /. -i. A small basket. pl.-& 

Chothra, -u, n.m. A basket used to keep grain, etc. / 

small basket, pi, -e. Baskets. 
Choti, n.f. (1) A top, a peak. (2) A pigtail. 
Chrai, n.f. (H. ckmimi.) Breadth or width. 

• — - . 7 --.-»»■ j 

Chrassi, ad. 84. 

Chrel, n.f. A hi 

Chreori. nJ. T\ 


It is hung on every house at the Bais&kki SaitkrantodX 


Chreru, n.m. pi. Birds. Chnrii bdshdildgi: "The birds began 

to warble." 
Chrin, n.f. A bad smell 
Chrira, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of insect having long hair on the 

body, long in size, and with many feet, 
thnpu, v.t. re. To stretch, to spread ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Chtiknu, v.i. re. To crack, to jump ; /. i, pi. -e. 
Umbhnu, vi. re. (H. chvbhnd.) To pierce: /. -i, pi. -e. 
Umbki, n.f. A dip. .marni, v.t. re. To take a dip. 
Umbkuwe-nachnu, v.i. re. To dance to the tune called Chub- 

ku, also idiomatically, • to be much pleased.' 

Vol. VII, No. .*). | Dictionary of ih<> Pahari Diahds. h:> 

Chug, n.f. Grain for birds. (Also chugd.) 

Chugal or chugl, ».*», A small piece of charcoal or stone placed 

on the aperture of a pipe to prevent the tobacco from going 

down into the pip< 


/. (11.) A backbiter. 

-pani, v.i. re. To backbite. 

Chugawnu, v.t. re. {See Charawnu.) 
Chugnu, v.t. re. (See Charnu.) 
Chuhra, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A sweepci 
Chui-jani, v.i. ir. To miscarry. 

Chuj, v.m. A young hawk. 

Chuk, n.f. (1) An oath on the ruler. (2) A mistake. 

Chuknu, v.i. re, (1) To take an oath on the ruler. (2) To en 



/. (S. Cliulli.) A stove. 



A beak, a hill. Alsoclnmj. 

Chuiichu, n.m. (S. Chuchuka = nipple of the breast,) Breast. 


A distich goes : 

Chia chundie ghugti bd&hau, bono chundie totd ; 
Kali jugo rd pohrd Idgd , dddi Idi-guwu potd. 

" A dove is warbling on the top of a pine, and a parrot on 

the top of an oak ; 
'Tis sad of this iron age, that a grandson lias taken away 

a grandmother." 

Chundu, n.m. A. pinch. -6deni, v.i. ir. To pinch. 

Chungnu, v.t. re. To take up. to lift up ; /. -i, pi. -r, to pick . 

Chungnu, v.t. re. To pick up; /. «i, pi. -e. 

Chuiigu or chungu-bir, v.m. A male spirit, under a sorcerer's 

control, and employed to bring things to him. It also 
drinks the milk of cows and brings milk, ghi, etc., to itfl 
owner (used in Chamba and the Simla Hills, respectively). 

Chun-pun, n.m. Goodness. 

Chup, v.m. (H.) Silence, -karni, p.t. re. To be silent. 

Ohupa or -u, ad.m. ; /. i, pi. -e. Silent, quiet, tranquil. 

Chupe-raunu, v.i. ir. To keep quiet, to be silent. 

C'hura, n.m. Powder, dust, saw-dust. 

Churi, 7i. f. Bangles made of lac or glass. 

Churk-churk-lani or karni, v.t. re. To chew anything. 

Churnu, v.t. re. To crush ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Churnu, v.i. re. To leak ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Churwnu. v.i. re. To be crushed ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Chushnu, v t. re. To suck, to absorb : /. -i, pi. -e. 

('hut, n.f. (1) Breakage. (2) The act of breaking, or decrease. 

(3) Deficiency. 

Chutiya, ad. m. and /. pi. -e. Fool, ignorant. 

Chutnu, v.i. re. To he broken. ti-ianu, v.i re. To bo broken. 

14<> Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Chutpana, n.m. Folly. 

Chwanni, n.f. (H. chawanni.) The coin of four annas. 

Chyauii, n.m. See Cheuii. 

Chyawan, n.m. (Ft.cM, pine, and ban, forest.) A pineforest. 

Chyetta, ad. m. See Chetta. 


D& or -u, mase. affix, /. -i, pi. -e. In, into, within ; examples :— 

T 7/7 7 • / V * 7 • /■• ml • _ _• 1 1 • • a. y ' 

/ttda rfwrf m a^i. f< There is no milk in it. 

Lotridi chish ni rauwi. li There is no water in the jug. 

7 j 

Tinde michh bi rqu ? i ' Do men live in them \ 
Tindu kun ihu? u Who was in that (house) ? M 

Da, n.f. A jump, a spring, a bound. 

Da'b, n.m. Pressure, -adena, v.i. ir. To press 

pi. -e. 


Daba, n.m. Plaster (medical), -dena or -lana, v.i. re. To apply 

a plaster. 

Dabaw, n.m. Pressure, -dena, v.t. re. To press. 




/. A small pond or tank ; / 




Dadhana, n.m. The melon fruit, tarbuj in Hindi. 
Dadiya. A term of address ; /. -i. my friend. 
Daf, n.m. A kettledrum, -ru, n.m. A kind of small kettle- 

Dan. A small recess in a wall. (Syn. Tira or Tiri.) 

Da^g, n.f. A witch, -lagni, v.i. re. To be influenced by a witch. 

Da'g, n.m. Cremation. (2) A spot, -dene, v.t. ir. To cremate. 

Daga, n.m. (P.) Pretence, a trick, -dena, v.t. re. To play a 


Dagandra, n.m. A kind of disease in which an itching sen- 
sation is felt on the body, -lana, v.i. re. To suffer from 
that disease. 

Dagetu, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. .& The children of a Dagi. 
Daghelu, n.m. Heels. 

Dagi, nm. and /. A low-caste people who render menial ser- 
vices. (Also koli and darjhi.) 
Dagle, ad. Bitter. 

A Proverb 

Hat merie Bay hale, 


Jethi ban but bi ddgle. 

What is to be said of Baghal State, 

Where even the wild plants are bitter ?" 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 147 


Dagnu, v.i. re. To fire. (2) To burn with fire ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dagrasa, n.m. (H. gardsd.) A kind of instrument used to cut 

plants, etc., as fodder for cattle. 
Dagyali, n.f. The 14th and 30th, i.e., the Chaudas and Amavas 

of the dark half of Bhado are termed " Dagyali," on which 

days the Dags are believed to assemble at the Karol mountain 

in Baghat territory. 

Dah, n.m. (S. Daha — combustion.) A burning, -lana, v.i. ir. 

To cremate. 
Dah, n.m. Envy. 

Dai, n.f. (H.) A nurse. (2) A sister. Example : Date kd 

bole. " What do vou sav. sister V 



Daiii, n.m. (S. dadhin, H. dah.) Curds; curdled sour milk. 

tithi, n.f. Chin. 
Daiya, int. O God ! my God ! 
Da'j, n.m. (H. dahez.) The articles of a dowry. 
Dak or Daki, n.f. Vomit, -awni or -lagni, v.i. re. To vomit. 
Da'k, n.f. (H.) The mail. 
Da'kdhar, n.m. (E. doctor). A doctor. 
Dakenni, n.f. A kind of small fox. (Also dakdnni.) 
Da'kghar, n.m, (H.) Post office. 

Dakhl, n.m. (P. dakhl.) Interference, -dena, v.i. ir. To inter- 
Daki, n.f. Vomit, vomiting, -awni, v.i. re. To vomit. 
Dakiya, n.m. (H.) A postman. 

Dakkh, n.f. (S. Draksha.) Grapes, pi. -o. -lani, v.i. re. T. 

plant grapes. 

Dakhn, n.m. (S. Dakshina.) The south. 

Daknu, v.i. re. To vomit. 

Da'l, n.f. (H. ddl.) Pulse (cooked or uncooked.) 

Da'l, n.m. A tree. /. -i. A small tree or plant ; pi. -o. 

Dala, n.m. Cooked corn for cattle. 

Dalasha, n.m. (H. dildsd.) Condolence, encouragement, -dena. 

v.i. ir. To condole, to encourage. 

Dalki, n.f. Meat, flesh. 

Dajnu, v.t. re. (H. dalnd.) 

pi. -e. 




Dalta, n.m. An esculent root like the potato. 



(2) A kind of tree. 

Dam, n.m. A burn, -dena, v.i. re. To burn. 

Dam, n.m. A box made of bamboo and covered with leather, 

used for travelling (Bashahr). 



148 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Dan, n.m. A long stick used to pluck walnuts. 

Di'n, %.m. (S. Dana.) A donation, a gift, -dena, v.i. ir. To 

make a gift, -land, v.i. ir. To get a gift, -karna, v.t. re. 

To offer a gift. 
Dana, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. e. Wise, clever, expert. 
Dana, n.m. A pimple, seed, corn, grain; pi. -e. 
Dand, n.m. pi. or sing. (S. danta.) Tooth or teeth, -chorne, 

v.i. re. To break one's teeth 
Dand, n.m. (S. Danda.) A fine, penalty, punishment. 
Danda, n.m. (1) A pole. (2) A bachelor. 
Dandi, n<f.- (1) A small palanquin. (2) Earrings. 
Dandnu, v.t. re. To fine, to punish, to impose a penalty. 
Dangra, n.m. A small weapon like an axe. 
Dangu, n.m. A gatekeeper. (Used in Maiidi State.) 
Daiigru, n.m. See Dangra. 
Dano, n.m. (S. Danava.) A demon, a ghost. 



Dan wan, n.m. A sinew, pi. eh. 

Dahwthe, n.m. pi. See Chilra. 

Dao or daw, n.f. A chance. 

Dapet, n.m. A blow. 

Dar, n.f. (H.) Fear, fright, -lagni, v.i. re. To fear. 

Da'r, n.m. (S. Daru=wood.) Timber. 

Da'r, n.f. A flock of birds, such as wild pigeons. 

Da'r, n.m. Grinding the teeth, -dukhne, v.i. re. To feel toothache. 

Darain, n 




Darawnu, v.t. re. (H. dardnd.) To cause to fear, to put in 

fear; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dari, n.f. (H.) A durree. 
Dari, n.f. (H.) The beard. 
Dariya, m. f. -e. my dear. 
Darknu, v.i re. To crack; /-i, pi. -t-. 
Darnu, v.t. re. To take away. (Used in Balsan.) 
Darpok, ad. (H.) Coward (alike in all genders.) 
Darii, n.m. (H.) Gunpowder. 
Daru, n.m. and /. One who fears. 

Daru, n.m. Pomegranate fruit. -6. n.m. The pomegranate 

JJaryaw or draw, n.m. A river. (H.) 

Dasa, n.m. A long beam. (Also chewal.) 

Dash, ad. (S. Dasha.) Ten. -wan, ad. The tenth. 

Dasha, n.f. (S.) Fate. Buri-, n.f. Bad luck. 

Uashanda, ad. m. ; /. i, p i .$. a fool. Pdnde khe dashdndd. 

' ' 4 f oo1 bef ore a learned man. ' ' 
Dashmi n.f. (S. Dashami). The tenth day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. 

Vol. VII, No, 5*] Dictionary of the Pa i hart Dialects. 149 


Dash mi, n.f* (S. Dashimi.) The tenth of the light or dark half 

a month, 

Dashnu, v.t. re. To point out, to let know; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dasshi, n.f. A Frill, a fringe. 

Dasiini, n.f. (S. Devashayini.) A term for the Ekadashi or 1 1th 

of the bright half of Asharh month. 
Dat, n.m. A threatening or warning. 
Datnu, v.i. re. To threaten, to warn; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dauda, n.m. A water place made for putting children to 

sleep in shade in summer so that a trickle of water gently 

falls on their heads (also dodo). 
Daune, n.m. pi. A kind of food. 
Daur, n.f. (H.) A run. 

Daur, n.m. (H. Dar.) Fear, terror, lagna, v.i. re. To fear. 

Kygj_h daur ni. " There is no fear. 1 ' 
Daura\vnu, v.t. re. To cause to run; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Daurnu, v.i. re. To run, to walk with hasty steps; /. -i, 

pi. -e. 

Daya, n.f. (S.) Benevolence, tenderness. 

Dayi, >./. See Dai. 

De, A particle. See Da. 

Debi, n.f. (S. Devi.) A goddess. 

Debri, n.f. A small temple. 

Debta, n.m. (H.) See Deo. 

Debu, n.m. and /. A giver, a donor. 

Dedli. ad. See Der. 

De*g, n.m. A cauldron, a boiler. 

De-ghalnu, v.t. re. To give away; /. i, pi. -e. 

Dei-jonu, v.t. ir. To give away; /. -i. pi. -e. 

Dekhde-akhi-kharni, v.i. re. To tire the eyes with looking. 

Dekhi-a, dekhi-ro, c.p. Having seen. 

De'n, n.m. (S Rina.) A debt. -dari. n.f. A debt. 

Denu, v.t. ir. (H. dend.) To give, bestow upon; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Denu, v.i. re. See Dewnu. 

• • • 

Deo, n.m. (S. Deva.) A deity, a village god. -lu or -hi. ad. m. 

f. -li, pi. -le. Pertaining to a deity. 
Deola, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Relating to a deity. 
Deoru or -a, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small temple of a deity. 
Deotha, n.m. (From Deo, a deity, and pdthd t a grain measure.) 

A term for the grain given to a village deity. Two path as 

per lih of land (8 big has) is given for the village deity. 
Deothan, n.f. (S. Devothapini.) A festival observed on the 

11th of the bright half of Kartik. 
Deoti, n.f. A goddess. 

Der, ad. (H.) One and a half. (Also dudh or dur.) 
Dera or -u. (H.) (1) A lodging, a dwelling. (2) A small tent, 
Desh, n.m. (S. Desha.) A country. 
Deshkt or deshkat, n.f. Banishment, deportation, -deni, v.i. 

ir. To exile, to banish, to deport. 

150 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Deso, n.m. (S. Desha, a country.) A country, a place, a room. 
Deshr, ad. Of one's own country, a native. 

Dess, n.m. (S. Divasa.) A day. -ru, n.m. pi. Short days. 

-are, n. pi. Long days. 

Deur, n.m. Husband's brother. 
Dewnu, v.i. re. To go. 
Dewijanu, v.i. re. To go away. 
Dgaiidra, n.m. See Dagahdra. 
Dha, n.f. A sad or mourning keen. 

anyone's death. 
Dhab, n.m. Manner. 

-deni, v.i. ir. To keen at 


/. -i, pi. e. 

Dhablu, n.m. f. -i. A white blanket ; /. -i. A small blanket. 
Dhabnu, v.i. re. To settle, to be all right; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dhabnu, v.t. re. To mix water in watery curds. 
Dhafer, n.m. pi. (H. thappar.) A blow, -ba'ne, v.t. ir. To 
give a blow. (Also draffar.) 

Dhagule, n.m. pi. Bracelets. 

or dhaini, n.f. A daughter. 
Dhaja, n.f. (S. Dhwaja.) A flag. 

Dha'k, n.m. A rock, a precipice (also dhdnk). -ru, n.f. A small 


Dhakh, ad. A little quantity. 

Dhaka, n.m. (H. dhakkd.) Jolt, push, shove, -dena, v.t. ir. 

To push, to shove. 

Dhaka, n.m. A cover, a lid. -dena, v.i. re. To cover. 
Dhakam-dhaka, n.m. A violent shove or jolt. 
Dhakan, n.m. (H.) A cover, a lid, a pot-lid. 


Dhakh, ad. A little, a small quantity. 
Dhakiyawnu, v.t. re. To cause t< ' " 
Dhaknu, v.t. re. To cover ; /. -i. 
Dhakri, n.f. A small precipice. " 
Dhakru, n.m. See Dhakri. 
Dhakuli, n.f. A drum like an hour glass. 
Dhakuri, n.f. A small ridge. 

Dhakii, n.m. and /. pi. Monkeys. (So called because they live 

among precipices.) 

Dha'J, n.f. Abortion, -jani, v.i. ir. To produce abortion. 

Dhal, n.f. (I) Asalutation. -karni, To bow down. Dhal 

thakra, miyafiji jai. Pars Rama, pairi pai. " Thakur, I 
beg to salute you, O Mi van, I salute you Pars Ram, I 
bow down to you." A hail. (2) A tax on land levied to 
pay tribute (used in Mahlog). 

Dhala, n.m. A peak, the top of a hill. 

Dhalde-awnu, v.i. re. To decay; /. -i, pi. -6. 

Dha nu, v.i. re. (1) To set in. (2) To be melted ; /. -i, pi -e. 
)ha nu, v.t. re. To cause to melt. 

Dhalnu, v.i. re. (].) To be poured down. (2.) To fall down. 

Vol* VII, No 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 151 


Dha'm, n.f. A grand feast in which rice and meat are 

distributed, -deni, v.t. re. (1) To give a grand feast. (2) 
To applaud. 

Dhamaka n.m. A loud sound. 

Dhamka, n.m. (1) A sound. (2) A fright. 

Dhamkaw, n.m. Threatening, -dena, v.t. ir. To threaten. 



Dhan, n.m. (S. Dhana.) Riches, wealth. 

Dha'n, n.m. pi. (S. Dhanya.) (1) Rice seed. (2) Paddy. 

-bone, v.i. ir. To sow rice. 
Dhan-bachri, n.f. pi. Winged ants. Tlieir wings grow in tin 

rice-sowing season (March), hence the name. 
Dhanda, n.m. (H.) Work, an engagement, -karna, v.i. ir. To 

do a work, -lana, v.t. re. To be engaged. 
Dhang, n.m. (S. Dansha.) A gadfly. 
Dhang, n.m. (H.) A manner or mode, -lana, v.i. re. To 

devise a plan ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dhaiigiya, a<i.m. Cunning, deep. 
Dhania, n.m. See Bihan. 
Dhaiikh, n.m. See Dhak. 
Ehankhar, run. A wilderness. 




Dhanu, n.m. (S. Dhanusha.) The weapon, bow. 
Dha'r, *./. (H.) A ridge. (2) A pouring. (3) An edge. 
Dhar, n.m. (H.) A body without its head. 
Dhara, n.m. (EL.) A robbery, -parna, v.i. n. To rob. 

Dharam, n.m. (S. Dhar ma.) Virtue, goodness, duty. 

Dharaptu, n.m. An assistant clerk (u d in Mandi State). 

Dharmaurji. n.m. (S. Dharma hat a.) An earthen pot filled with 

water, and a little milk, hung on a tree or house for 10 days 
after a death. It has a small hole at the bottom through 
which the water drips and is refilled every morning. 

Dharnu, v.t. re. To put, to keep, place ; /. -i, pi. -<\ 

Dharor or dhror. (H. dharohar.) A pledge. 

Dharadhar, ad. By way of the ridge. 




/. (S. Dharitri.) The earth. 
Dhashnu, v.i. re. To plunge in. 
Dhasrala, n.m. A loud noise or sound. 
Dhat, n.f. (H.) Passion. 

Dhatu or dhathu, n.m A kerchief worn on the head by females. 

(Madhan, Theog, Balsan. Kmnharsain, Bashahr and Kullu.) 
Dhaula or -u. ; '/. -i, pi. -e. See Chita (11.). 
Dhauh-nu. v.t, re. To earn ; /. -i. pi. -e. 

152 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Dhaunsa, n.m. A large kettledrum which is sounded on horse- 
back on the marriage of a chief (also dhonsd). 

Dhauiithi, n.f. A small bow, used to card wool. 

Dhauri, n.f. The hide of an ox or buffalo. 

Dhauwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn. 

Dhawa, n.m. (H.) An invasion. 

Dheka, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A fool. 

Dhela, n.m. (H.) Half-a-pice; /. -i. Half-a- rupee ; eight annas. 

Dhe'n, n.f. (S. Dhenu.) (1) A cow. (2) A donation. 

Dheota, n.m. A maternal grandson ; /. -i. A maternal grand- 

Dher, n. Aheap, a mass, -lagnu, v.i. re. To be heaped. 

Dhera, adv. (S. Dhairya.) Wait a little. 

Dhi, n.f. (Punjabi.) A daughter. 

Dhij, n.f. (S. Dhairya.) Belief, confidence, -dharnu, v.i. re. 
To have patience, or reliance. 

Dhijawnu, v.t. re. To make believe ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

DhijnU; v.t. re. To believe, to trust; /. -i, pi. -6. 
Dhikki, n.f. The hiccough, -lagni, v.i. re. To hiccough. 

Dhima or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. Mild, tender. 

Dhindhra, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of food made of esculent leaves 

mixed with gram flour and cooked in vapour or ghi. 
Dhinga-dhifigi, n.f. Violence, force. 
Dhifiga-dhingiye, adv. Forcibly. 
Dhinko, n. /. pi. Humblings. 
Dhinko, n.f. pi. Beseeching. 

Dhira, adv. In a waiting manner, -ho, v. Wait a little. 
Dhirj, n.m. (S. Dhairya.) Patience. -dharnu, v. To be 

Dhishiiu, v.t. re. (S. Drishir.) To see; /. -i, pi -e. (Also 

Dhiye. A polite phrase used in addressing boys. 
Dhnichha, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Brown. 

Dhobbi, n.m. (H. dhobi.) A washerman, ni-, /. The washer. 

man's wife, -tu, n.m. The son of a washerman, -ti, »</• 
The daughter of a washerman. 
Dhofa, n.m. See Dhoka. 
Dhoh or -a, n.m. A place. 
Dhoka, n.m. (H. dhokhd.) Misunderstanding, -lagnu, v.i. re. 

To misunderstand. (Also dhop't.) 
DhcVl, n.m. (H.) A drum, -bajawnu, v.i. re. To beat a drum- 

-chi, n.m. A drummer, -ki, n.f. A small drum, -iya 
One who beats a drum. 

w . m 

Dhoftsa, n.m. See Dhaunsa. 

Dhoftsi, n.f. A grain measure equal to 9 seers and 8 chhitaks. 

(Two kansis make one dhonsi) : used in Kullu. 
Dhonu, v.t. re. (H. dhond.) To wash ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dhonu, v.t. re. To carry ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Dhora, n.m. Management. (Also skem.) 

Vol. Vll, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 153 


Dhoti, n.f. (H.) A piece of cloth worn between legs. 
Dhow. See Dhoh. 

Dhowa, n.m. A place, a room. 

Dhowawnu, v.t. re. To cause to carry ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

ul, n.f. (Fr. dhdr, a ridge, and bdgur, the air.) The air 
that blows on a ridge. 

Dhrari, n.f. A wild plant which bears white flowers and pro- 
duces a cotton-like substance, which when dry is used for 

Dhui, n.f. The female organ. 

Dhuinshlu or -a, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. (S. dhusara.) Grey (in 


Dhui, n.f. (H.) Dust. 

Dhum-dham, n.m. (H.) Pomp. 

Dhumru or -4, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Dhuiftshlu. 

Dhunawnu, v.t. re To cause to shiver. 

Dhun-fri, n.f. A kind of plant used as a vegetable. 

Dhun-nu, v.i. and t. re. (1) To shiver. (2) To churn. 

Dhuii-wan, n.m. (S. Dhuma.) Smoke. 

Dhup, n.f. (H.) Incense. 

Dhur, n.f. (1) The uppermost part of a roof. (2) A peak. 
(3) Direction. 

Dhur, n.m. pi. The four quarters or directions. Chqu dhure. 

" In the four directions.'' 
Dhuri or dhuru, adv. All over the country. 
Dhurpat, n.m. A plank used for teaching letters, written 

with red powder, to boys. 
Dhushli, n.f. Mismanagement. 
Dhuwa, n.f. See Dhui. 

Dhuwari, n.m. Smoke, -lagna, v.i. re. To feel smoke. 
Dhwala, n.m. A kind of tax, levied at one rupee per landholder 

(used in Koti). 
Dhwali, n.f. (1) A descent, down-hill. (2) A tax. (See 


Dhwa'r, n.m. (H. udhdr.) A borrowing, -denu, v.t. re. To 

make a loan, -lenu, v.t. ir. To borrow. 
Dhwawi, n.f. A milkmaid. 

Dhyan, n.m. (S. Dhyana.) Meditation, -lanu, v.i. re. To 

Dhya'n, n.f. See Dhain. 

Dhyara, n.m. pi. -e. The day. -i % n.f. Daily rations. 

Dhyari-dhyari, adv. Every day. 

Diali, n.f. (S. Dipavali.) The Diwali festival. 

Dib, n.m. (S. Divya = Divine.) An oath. -denu. v.i. re. To 

give an oath, -lenu, v.i. ir. To take an oath. 
1 )ibr, n.m. A pond, -i, n.f. A small tank. 
Dibru, n.m. -i, n.f. A small vessel used to cook in. 
Dihnu, v.i. re. To snow. (Also dinhnu.) 
Dik,' n.m. (P.) Trouble. 

154 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [M 

Diku, n.m. Snowfall, -lagnu, v.i. re. To fall, of snow. 

Diku lag a Jahru we , 
Jhotd kdtd Baddruwe. 

• • • • 

c< It began to snow at Jahru, 1 
And a male buffalo was sacrificed by the Badaru' 


* 9 

Dil, n.m. (P.) The heart, mind, -derm, v.i. ir. To give heart, 
-lanu, v.i. ir. To be attentive. -dekhnu, v.i. re. To 
examine one's heart, -o du honu, v.i. ir. To be in good 

i, ad. f 

-ri. n.f* 
adv. With 



Dinwaii, n.m. The man who speaks on behalf of a deity. 

Diwaii or dewa. 
Din wan, n.m. Snowfall. 
Diii-uk, n.m. pi. (H. dimak.) White-ants. 
Din-win, n.f. The wife of a dinwdn. 
Dishnu, v.t. re. (S. Drishir.) See Dhishml 
Dita or-u, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. v.p.t. Gave. (See Drnu.) (Also dittd.) 
Diuii-nu, v.i. re. To snow. 
Diuti, n.f. -tu, n.m. A small earthen lamp. 
Diut, n.m. (H. diwat.) A lamp or lamp-stand. 
I)iv]i, n.f. A firefly. (Also dyuwli.) 
Diwa, n.m. (S. Dipa.) (H.) A lamp (of earth). 
Diwaii, n.m. See Diiiwan. 
Diwi, n.f. A small lamp lighted with clarified butter at a 

gious ceremony. 
Diwt, n.m. (H. diwat.) A lamp-stand. 
Dlanga, ad. m. A pine or cedar tree having two long branches : 

/. -i, pi. e. 
Dlicha, n.m. (P. gdlichd.) A rug, a carpet. 
Dlucha, n.m. A torch (of torch-wood). 
Dnau, n.m. A kind of wild cat. 
Do, ad. (H.) Two. 
Doba, n.m. Destruction, ruining. 
Dobnu, v.t. re. To destroy. 
Dobru or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Of twofold. 
Do'chi, n.f. A hamlet, -lagni, v . re. To look after two 

villages . 
Doda, n.m. A soap-nut. -e-ra-da'l, n.m. The soap-nut tree. 
Dofa, n.m. (See Dhofa.) 
Dob. (S. Droha.) Enmity. 

3 Jahru is the name of a place in Simla. 
2 Badaru is a sept of Kanets in Koti State. 

Vol. VII, Xo. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 155 


Doha, n.m. (H.) (1) A couplet. (2) A poetry. 

l>ohai, n.f. (H. duhm.) Exclamation. 

Dohar, n.f. A sheet of cloth. 

Dohi, n.m. (S. drohin.) Enmity (used in Kuthar). 



Dohri-purni, v. -i. re. To cross or penetrate. 

uonru, n.m. A large blanket. 
Dokh, n.m. (See Dosh.) 
Do'l, n.m. (H.) Swinging. 

Do'l, n.m. (H.) A bucket. Dolaj or dole. With a bucket, 
l>o]a, n.m. A kind of palanquin for a bride; /. -i, A small 

Dolri, n.f. An ornament, a garland. 

Don-ne, n.m. pi. A kind of food. 

Doii-ru, n.m. (S. Damaru.) A small drum of the hour-glass 



Doru, n.m. (1) A field. (2) An ornament of women. 
l>o'ti, n.f. A very small plot of land, 

Bdro hath do'ti—Thdro hath moi. 

• • • 

" A little field 6 yards long, and a smoothing plough 
9 yards wide." 

Do'tu, n.m. A small field. (Also 46'ti, n.f.) 

Dottai, adv. To-morrow. Se dwnd a dottoi, "He is to come 


Dotte, adv. To-morrow. 

Dpohr, n.m. (S. Dwi-prahara ; midday.) Midday, -hona, v.i. ir. 
To become midday. 

Drani, n.f. The wife of one's husband's younger brother. (Also 

dre n i . ) 

Drat, n.m. A long kind of sickle used to cut thorns, -i, n.f. 

A sickle used to cut grass. (Syn. Da'ch.) (The vowel a is 

Drati, n.f. See Dach. 
Dreni, n.f. See Drani. 
Dres, n.f. A chintz. 
Drotu, n.m. Earrings. 
Drub, n.f. (See Jub.) 
Drubda, n.f. (S. Dwividha.) Doubt. 
Dselu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. That which is not level, 
Dsiini, n.f. (S. Deva-shayani.) A festival observed on the Nth 

of the bright half of Ashar. 
Dualnu, v.t. re. See Duwalnu.' 
Diihna, n.m. A milking pot. 
Dfij, n.f. (S. Dwitiya.) The second day of the bright or dark 

half of a month. Bhai- n.f. A festival which takes place 

on the second of the bright half of Kartik. One's sister 

156 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911 

is visited and food taken from her hands ; she is rewarded 

according to one's means. 
Duja or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Second. 
Dujrie, adv. Secondly. 
Dukh, n.m. (S. Duhkha.) Trouble, -honu, v.i. re. To be- 

Dukhawnu, v.t. re. To put to trouble. 
Dukhi or dukhia, ad. Troubled. 
Dukhna, n.m. pi. -e. An ulcer, a blister, a hurt. 
Dukhnu, n.m. (1) A blister, an ulcer. (2) v.i. re. To feel pain 
Duleha, n.m. A torch of torchwood. -karna, v.i. re. To light a 

torch . 
Dum, n.m. The name of a village deity. 



Duiigu, or -a, ad. m.\ /. -i, pi. -e. Deep. 
Duiikar, n.m. A precipice. 

m.\ f. -i. 7)1. -e. Doubled: -karnu. v. t. ir. To 

„ ad 
make two- fold. 


Dunu, n.m. A kind of wild onion. 
Dupatta, n.m. (H.) A sheet of cloth. 

Diipo'hr, n.f. (S. Dwiprahara.) Midday. 

Dur, ad. See Der. 

Dur, ad. Far away. n.m. Distance. 

Durb, n.m. A grain measure. 100 kharshas make one durb. 

Durbhag, n.m. (S. Durbhugya.) Misfortune, complaint. 

-deria, v. To complain. 


Durr, phrase. A cross word, to say "be off." 

Dushella, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sloping. 

Dusilla, n.m. Two ears of wheat or barley or maize in one, 

supposed to be an ill omen. 
Duwalnu, v.t. re. To enter. 
Dwadash, n.f. (S. Dwadashi.) The twelfth day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. 
Dwarmi, n.f. (H. dowanni.) The coin of 2 annas. 
Dwa'r, n.m. A cave. 
Dwa'r, n.m. (S. Dwara.) Doors. 
Dwd't, n.f. (H. ddwdt.) Inkstand. Syn. Miisajan. 
Dyala, n.m. A play in which fire is burnt. 

Dyanu, v.t. re. To cause to give. 
Dyawar, n.m. dyawari, /. He or I 

to a chief. 
Dyar, n.m. Cedar tree. 
Dyuwli, n.f. The fire-flv. 

the nurse- 

Vol. VII. No. 5.] Dictionary of the Palmri Dialects. 157 



9 > 

E. A termination to nouns and pronouns which denotes the 
plural; as: Ejld = th\&, Ejli = these. A vocative particle 
used in addressing anyone; as: Eji ore hdndo, Sir. 
come here. 

Ebe, adv. Now. Ebe kd kari. What's to be done now? 

Ebii, adv. Just now. Si dewd ebu. He lias gone just now. 

Eja or -u, pro. m.s. ; /. -i. This. pi. -e. These. 

fiji, phrase. O Sir, O Madam. 

Ejla or -u, pro. m.s. ; /. -i. This one. pi. -e. These ones. 

Ek, ad. (H.) One. Mun fdbd ek rupoiyd. " I got one rupee." 

Ekho> pro. Some. 

Eki. See Ek. Eki jane eti khedai. "Send one man here. 

Eki, ad. Only one. 

Eki-bari ? ad. Once. adv. At one time. 

fin, n.m. See Ain. 

Era, ad. See Ishu. Used in Baghal, Kunihar and Xalagarh. 

Ere, phrase. O you. fi-ro-la. " O you Sir." 

Erka or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. This side. 

firu, ad. See Ishu. (Balsan and Madhan.) 

Es, pro. m. and /. (1) Him or her. (2) To this. (Also eskhe.) 

Esi, adv. By this way. 

Esru or -a, pro. m. ; /. -i. Of this. pi. -e. Of these. 

Etai, adv. See Ethi. 

Ethi or -a, adv. Here, at this place. 

, adv. Here, at this place. 
1 hya-age, adv. Hereafter, in the future. 


Fabnu. v.t. re. (1) To get. (2) To meet ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Faddi, ad. The last. 

Fadi. n.m. One whose turn is last in a walnut-game. 
Fafra, n.m. A kind of coarse corn. 
Fa'g, n.m. The Holi festival of the Hindus. 
Faggan, n.m. (S. Phalguna.) The 10th Hindu month, corres- 
ponding to February. 
Fai, n.f. (H. phdnsi.) A hang. 

Kair, n.f. (E. fire.) The sound of a gun. -karni. To fire. 
Faiwta, n.m. ; /. -i. pi. -e. A kind of jackal. 
Faka n.m. A mouthful of roasted grain . -emarne, v.t. re. T< 

chuck roasted grains. 
Fakhir, n.m. (H. fakir.) A mendicant. 

Faki, n.f. Complaint. 

Fal, n.m. (1) A fruit. (2) The result. (S. fala.) 
Fa], fali, n.m, and /. Vomit, -awna or -awni, To 


158 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 1. 


Fala, n.m. A plank; /. -i. A small plank, pi. -e. 

Fala, n.m. A sheer (of a plough). 

Fall, n.f. (1) A bean. (2) A small board. 

Falta, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small plank. 

Fan, n.m. (H.) The extended hood of a cobra. 

Fana'r, n.m. A cobra. 

Faiid, n.f. Subscription, -pani, v.i. re. To subscribe. 

Fanda, n.m. (H.) A noose, a snare. 


* W *v*yv*, v.v. -v. -».^ V****V^.V, vw 

Fang, n.m. A slit ; pi. -o. 
Fang-farali, a. Cunning, deep. 


/. A kiss, -leni, v.i. re. To kiss, -deni, v.t. it. 

To give a kiss. 
Fan-nu, v.t. re. To card (wool). 
Far, n.f. The sound of a bird's 
Farangi, n.m. A European. 



Fard, n.f. Crookedness, -a, ad.. Crooked. 
Fardii, n.m. A hare. 
Fari, n.f. The lungs. 

Fark, n.m. (P. farq.) Difference, -panu, v.i. re. To make a 

difference, -deonu, v.i. re. To differ, -honu, v.i. ir. To be 
different, -lagnu, v.i. re. To seem different. 
Farka, n.m. The lap. -pana, v.t. re. To receive in one's lap. 



f. -i ; pi. e. Syn. shetnu 

Farkuwe, «efa. In the lap. 

Farnai, n.f. A large saw. 

Farnu, v.t. re. (H.) To tear, to slit, to break. 

Farrata, n.m. A sound of flying. 

Farru, n.m. A hare. 

Farshi, n.f. (P.) (1) The Persian language. (2) An ironical 


Faruwa, n.m. A mattock, a hoe. 

Fashawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause tn entangle; /. -i. p*. •&> ( 2 ) 

To put to trouble. 
£ashnu, v.i. re. To entangle, to ensnare, to en 
£at, n.m. The act of cutting off with a sword, 
bat, n.m. The width of a river. 
Fatawnu, v.t. re. To cause to break ; /. -i, pi. 
bat-bai n.m. One who slays a goat or sheen. 

o seize, to put to trouble ; / 

/• (1) A 1 rni used for a e 



20 hamlets (used i n Kullu). (2) -hundi, ad. i 


Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. ir>i> 


Fa'tu, n.m. A small bundle of wool or cotton. 

Fatu or -a, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Broken, torn. 

Fatrala, n.m. A loud sound. 

Fawra, n.m. See Faruwa. 

Fefra, n.m. (H.) The lungs. 

Fegu, n.m. A fig-tree. (Also phegu.) 

Fegra, n.m. A fig-fruit. (Also phegra.) 

Fer, n.m. A distance. 

Fera, n.m. Rounding. 

Fera, n.m. A bad turn, a swindle. 

Ferawnu, v.t. ir. To cause or allow to walk. 

Fernu, v.t. re. (1) To return. (2) To send for a walk ; /. -i\ pi. -e. 

Fetu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Flat, -parnu, v.i. re. To be Hat. 

-panu, v.t. re. To make flat. 
Feu, n.m. Burning charcoal. (Also fewtu.) 
Fewata, n.m. A kind of jackal. 
Fewtu, n.m. A burning charcoal. Agird fewtu dend ji : " Please 

give me a burning charcoal." 
Fikar, n.f. (H. fiqr.) Care, anxiety, -parni, v.i. re. To be 

anxious, -lagni, v.i. re. To feel anxiety, -rakhni or karni, 

v.i. re. To be careful. 
Fil, n.m. (1) A snail. (2) -a, n.m. A kind of plant. 

Fila, n.m. A snail; pi. e. 

Fimfri, n.f. A butterfly. 

Fim, n.f. (S. ahifena.) Opium. 

Fimi, aA. m. and /. sing, and plural. One who takes opium. 

Fimshu, n.m. A small ulcer. 

FnVhawnu, v.t. re. To cause to rub or press. 

Finchnu, v.t. re. To rub, to press; /. -i, pi. e. 

Fiftchwanu, v.i. re. To be pinched; /. -i, pi. -<\ 

Fingla or -u, ad. m. : /. -i, pi. -e. One who walks crookedly. 

Fini, n.f. The heel. 

Firang, n.f. Venereal disease, a chancre. 

Firawnu, v.t. re. (1) To turn up. (2) To cause to return. 

Firg, n.f. Chancre, -awani or lagni, v.i. re. To suffer from 

Firi. con. Again, adv. Afterwards. (Also fire.) 

Firkan, n.m. Turning round ; /. i-. 

Firknu, v. To come back. 

Firnu, v.t. and i. re. (1) To return. (2) To whirl, /. -i ? pt. e. 

(3) To wander, /. -i. pi. -e. 
Firwdn. ad. m.\ f. in, pi. -en. Returnable. 

Fisalnu. v.i. re. To slip. 

Fishknu, v.i. re. (See Fisalnu.) 

Fittemu, a. phrase. A curse for a wicked deed. 

Fittesul, phrase. A curse for the wicked manner of doing something, 

Fofa or-u, ad. m. : /. -i, pi -e. Having no strength. 

Foka or -u, ad. m. : /. -i, />/. e. Empty. 

Fora <>r -u, n.m ; f. -i, pi. ♦ An ulcer, a blister (H.). 

160 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 


Fo't, n.f. (1) A kind of melon. 

To sow dissension. 
Foz, n.f. (P. fauz.) An army. 
Frej, frejo, adv. The day before yesterday. 
Frusht, n.f. (U. fursat.) Leisure. 


(2) Dissension, -pani, v.i. re. 


Fuknawla, n.m. A blow-pipe ; a bamboo cylinder used to blow 

up fire. 

up the fire. 

a,te; /. -i, pi. -e. 

-deniorlani, v.i. ir. To blow 

Ful, n.m. (H.) (1) A flower. (2) Bones taken to the Ganges. 

(Syn. Asthu.) 
Fula, n.m. A cataract, an eye disease. 




Fulnu, v.i. re. (1) To bloom. (2) To be aged; /. -i, pi 
Fulru, n.m. (1) A floweret. (2) The flower of a fruit. 
Fungshi, n.f. An ulcer, a blister. 
Furu, n.m. The tail of a turban. 
Fusa n.m. See Dhuwa. 


Fusi, n.f. See Dhui. 

Fut, n.f. Disunion, dissension. 

Futawnu, v.t. re. To cause to differ in opinion. 

Futnu,V*. re. (1) To break. (2) To burst : /. -i, pi. 




Gaa, n.m. A kind of big lizard. (2) Sowing of vege 

-lane, v.i. re. To sow vegetables. 
Ga'b, n.m. Pregnancy. 
Gabru, n.m. A young man, pi. -o. 
Gabu, n.m. A lamb. 
Gachhyawnu, v.t. re. To string. 
Gachi, n.f. 'The waist, -banni, v.i. re. To ti<- up the waist, gir 

one's loins. 
Gachiye (phrase). With a girdle, girt. 

Gachrornu, v.t. re. To agitate; /. -i. pi. -e. T 

Gada, ad. ».; /. -i, pi. e. Deep. Gade-khanu, v.t. re. * c 

trouble much ; /. -i, pi. -e. , 

Gadar, n.m. A kind of marriage observed by low-caste pe<>P e - 
Gadawnu, v t. re. To cause to fight; /. -i, pi. e. 
Gaddi, n.f. A load of hay or leaves for cattle. 
Gadha, n.m. (H. gadhd.) An ass. a donkey. 
Gadhilnu, v.t. re. To melt on a fire; /. -i, pi. e. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pdhari Dialects. 161 


Gadi, n.f., A load of grass; also Gddkd; /. -i, pi. e. 

Gadi, n.f. (H. gaddi.) (1) Throne, -deni, v.i. it. To instal. 

(2) A shepherd. 
Gadijanu, v.i. ir. To be fought; /. -i, pi. e. 
Gadnu, v./. re. To throw in. 
• adnu, v.t. re. (1) To quarrel. (2) to fight ; /-i, pi. e. 
Gade-tha^nu, v.t. re. To cheat unmercifully, -jhafignu, v.t. re. 

' To kill. 
Gadri, v.t. pi. A kind of worm that lives in multitudes in a 

damp place. 
Gaff, ad. (H.) See Bakla. -u, n.m. A bribe. 
Gagar or gagr. n.f. (H.) A metal water- vessel. 
Gahiin, or ga'n, n.m. A harrow, with 8 or 10 teeth, drawn by 

oxen, used for loosening the soil round young corn. (Dan* 

drala in Kangra.) 
G&hlu or -a, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Muddy, dirty. 

Gdhlu gdhlu bahijd, 
Nimlu irtrnlu rahijd. 

•' Dirty water flows away, 
Clearwater remains." 

Gain, gaini, n.m. and /. The sky. -ra-goja, n.m. A thunder- 
bolt, -ra-jya-gola, n.m. Like a thunder-bolt. 
Gaj, n.m. (H.) A ramrod. 
Gajnu, v.t. re. To sound. 

Ga'k, n.m. (S. Grahaka, H. gdhak.) A purchaser. 
G&'l, n.m. (H.) (1) The cheek. (2) n.f. An ill name, a curse. 

Gala, n.m. (S. Gala, H. gold.) The throat. 

Galgal, n.m. A kind of long citron. 

Galawnu, v.t. re. (I) To cause to melt. (2) To cook well. 

Gaji, n.f. Ill names, -deni, v.t. re. To call ill names, -e- 

bhandnu, v.t. re. To curse. 

Galim, n.m. (P. ganhn.) An enemy. 

Galiya, ad. m. Idle, unfit. 

(ialnu, v.i. re. (1) To melt. (2) To be dissolved; /. -i, pi. -e. (3) 

To be destroyed. 
Galnu, v.t. re. To cause to melt or destroy ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Galti, n.f. (P. yalti.) A mistake. 
Ga'lu, ad. See Gahlu. 
Gam, n.m. (P. g,am.) Patience, grief, sorrow, -khanu, v.i. 

re. To have patience. 
Gampawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to bear or have patience. 

/. -i, pi. -e. 
Gampnu, v.t. re. (1) To bear, to undergo. (2) v.i. re. To have 

patience. /. -t, pi. -e. Gampawnu. Casual v. 

re. To be patient. 
Gan, run. (1) A swarm. (2) The name of a village deity. 
Ga'na, n.m.; pi. e. (H. gahnd.) An ornament, -tu, n.m. A 

-mall ornament or ornaments. 

162 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. "[May, 1911. 

Oanawnu, v.t. re. To cause to reckon. (2) To cause to count ; 




Gandi-janu, v.t. ir. To let 

him go. 


•Gandhi, n.m. (H. gandhi.) A perfumer. 

Gane, n.m. pi. (1) Sugarcane, ad. pi. Thick. 

Ganes, n.m. (S. Ganesha.) The deity called Ganesh. 

Ganga, *./. (S. Gan'ga.) The river Ganges. 

Gani-karnu, v.t. ir. To count, to enumerate. 

Ganj, n.m. (H.) (1) A mass, a heap. (2) A grain market. 






To be hard. 


Gafithnu, v.t. re. To mend, to repair ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
•Gaftthi, n.f. A bundle, -de-panu, v.t. re. To pack. 



Ga'nu, v.t. re. To do farmyard work. 

Gan-unka, -u, ad. m.\ /. -i, pi. e. Before, in front. Se gan- 

unka dewi gawd. " He has gone before. 1 ' 
Gaiiw, n.m. (S. Grama, H. gdnw.) A village, a town. 
•Gaiiwra, n.m. See Gaoftra. 
Gaftwuft, n.m. The future, the time to come, -ka or ku, ad. m. ; 

/. -i, pi. -e. Before, in front. 
Gaftwra, n.m. A hamlet. 

Gaoftra, n.m. A hamlet, a small village. (Also gdnwrd.) 
Gap, n.f. Gossip, -marni, v.i. re. To talk a great deal, to 

run on . 
Gaporia, ad. m. Talkative. 
Gappi, ad. m. One who gossips. 
Ga'r. n.m. (S. Angara.) Burning charcoal. 
Gara, n.m. (H.) Kneaded clay, mortar. 
Gara, n.m.; pl.-e. Maize plants heaped at one place to dry. 

-lana, v.i. re. To heap the maize plants. 
Garam, ad. (H.) Warm, hot. -karnu, v.t. ir. To make warm. 
Gar&wnu, v.t. re. (See Gudawnu.) 
Gard, n.f. (H.) Dust. 

Gardan, n.f. (H.) The neck. (Also gelni.) 
Garh, n.m. A fort, -i, n.f. A fortress! -ia-negi, n.m. One m 

command of a hill fort (Kullu). 
Gaii. n.f. Cocoa. 
Garj. n.f. (P. <jaraz.) Need, necessity, -parni. v.t. re. To be 

in need of or to be needy. 
Garji-janu. v.i. ir. To roar ; /. -i. pi. -e. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 163 


Garjnu, v.i. re. To roar. 

Garka, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Heavy, weighty. (Syn. Gam, 

Garka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Heavy, weighty. (Also pom.) 

Gark-janu, vi. re. To waste ; f. -i, pi. -e. 

Garmi, n.f. (H.) Heat, warmness. 

Garnu, v.t. re. See Gadnu. 

Gaftha, n.m. (S. Angaraka.) A small burning coal. 

Garu, ad. m. See Garka. (Alike in number and gender.) 

Garu, n.m. (H. garuwa.) A deity's waterpot. 

Garuwa, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Heavy, weighty. 

Garuwa, n.m. (H.) A water-jar. 

Garwi, n.f. A small water-pot. . . . 

Gas, n.m. (S. Grasa.) A mouthful, a morsel. Syn. Gra, t*rali. 

or Grass. 
Gasbel, n.f. (S. akashabela.) The air-creeper. 

Gaski, n.f. A heavenly nymph. 

Gat, »./. (S. Gati.) (1) The last duties of a deceased U A 

tune for a guitar, -karni, v.i. re. To perform the last 
duties, -banawni, v.t. re. To beat severely, -satlani, 9.*. 
re. To have the last duties performed. 

Garbh, n.m. (S. Garbha.) Pregnancy. Proverb : 

Sargo rau garbho ru kun jdno ? 

C C 


Gateru, n.m. A ghost. (Bhajji.) . . 

a a t; ' « / A c= m oil «f rt n*» found among main, -clnmgm, v.i. /e. 


To pick Znes from grain. -ba>, v.t. n. (1) To thro, 
small stones at. (2) -mayikarni, v. To make a union. 

GmlC'n" 1 ™. ^road by which the cattle leave the houses to 

go out for grazing. It is a big road in front of a v.lla. 
and runs between fences. 

Gauft, ad. Forward. 

Gaunt, or gaunch, n.m. (S. Gomutra.) Cow-urine. 

Gaunch. See Gaunt. m A ^, v 

fliw »; a n^ w .ra ™ /. Aweaklvcow. (Also swm.j 

/. A cow. -ra, n.f 

ad. m. : / 



Gelra, n.m. The throat or windpipe. 

Genda, ».m. A kind of flower. Mangold. 

Gera, ».m. Giddiness ochre colou , 

(H.)(l) Red ochre, -wa, (2) ««• "i 
• „ / -i -»*. -e. A hearth, a fire-pot. 



fi_ _ t 

ad. m. ; / 

.de-panu, v.t. re. To burn 

Geuft, n.m. (S. Godhuma, H. pMM.) Wheat, (Also gmft.) 

164 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Geunwaii, ad. m. ; -win, /. -wen, pi Of the wheat colour. 

Gha, n.m. (S. Ghasa, H. ghds.) Grass. 

Ghach-ghach, n.f. Bothering, -lani, v.t. re. To bother. 

Ghachrol, n.f. Bothering, -lani, To bother, to linger. 

Ghaghri, n.f. (H. ghaghrd.) A gown. 

Ghai, n.m. A grass-cutter, -an-ni, v.t. re. To put to trouble. 

-karni, v.i. ir. To act prudently, -awni, v.i. re. To be in 

Ghain, n.f Grass land, -ti, n.f. A piece of grass land. 
Ghaini, n.f. Grass lands. 

Ghalnu, v.t. re. To dissolve. /. -i, v.i. re. To be loyal ; pi -e. 
Ghamrnu, v.i. re. To be unhappy. 

Gha'n, n.f. So much grain as can be roasted in a vessel. 
Ghana, n.m. A small wall, -dena, v.i. ir. To build a wall. 
Ghandali, n.f. See kachawli (used in Bilaspur and Kangra). 
Ghandi, n.f. (H. ghanti.) A bell. 
Ghandu, n.m. The throat. 
Ghangheri, n.f. A kind of vegetable. 

Gha'nu, v.t. re. To kill, to slay, to put to death ; /. -i, pi -£• 
Ghanta, n.m. (H. ghantd.) A large bell, -dena, v.i. re. To 

give nothing. 

Ghaprala, n.m. A plunging sound. 

Gha'r, n.m. (See Ghaur.) 

Gha'r, n.m. ; /. -i. A precipice. 

Ghara, n.m. (S. Ghata.) An earthen water-pot. 

Ghara, n.m. A waterfall. 

Gharawnu, v.t. re. To cause to manufacture ; /. -i, pi -6. 

Gharchi, n.f. Property, an estate. 

Ghare, n.m. pi Curves. 

Ghari, n.f. See Gharchi. Proverb: Ghari ro munhtd dpnai 

dashi : ' ' One has to show his own estate and face." 
Ghari, n.f. A precipice, -parnu, v.i. re. To fall from a preci- 

Ghari-ro-khanu, v.t. re. To harass, to greatly trouble; /. m h 

pi -e. ' 

Gharnu, v.t. re. To mend, to make, to manufacture; /. -i, P l - - e ' 

Ghartu, n.m. A small dwelling. (From H. ghar; a house.) 

Ghartu, n.m. A family or its member (used in Bashahr). 

Gharu, ad. Homely, household, relating to a house. 

Gharu, n.m. A term for the men on corvee work. 

Ghasawnu, v.t. re. To cause to be worn off. 

Ghaser, n.f. A kind of play. 

1 hasi-janu, To be worn off. 

Ghasni, n.f. See Ghaini. 

Ghasnu, v.i. re. To wear off ; /. -i, pi -e. 

Ghassa, n.m. A beating, crushing, -dena, v.t. re. To beat. 

Ghat, n.f. Revenge. 

Gha't, n.m. A quay. 

Ghata, n.m. (H.) Decrease, decay, loss. 

Dialects. 1 05 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of tfa 

Ghatanu or ghatawnu, v.t. re. (H. ghatdnd.) To deduct ; /. -i. 
Ghatnu, v.i. re.' (H. ghatnd.) To be less ; /. -i, pi -e. 


(Alike in both genders.) 

Ghatru, n.m. See Ghat or Ghaut. 


Ghau-nu, v.t. re. To knead ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Ghaur', n.m. (H. gto.) Home, house, a dwelling. 

Ghaur, n.m. A heap, a mass, -lagne, v.i. re. To be in heaps. 

Ghaut, n.m. A stone-mill, -pishnu, v. t. re. To grind in a 

stone mill. 
Ghaw, n.m. (H 
Ghehgna, n.m. 


for grass lands. (Also ghydngnd.) 
Ghe'p, n.m. Goitre or bronchocele. -i, n.m. and /. One who 

has the goitre. (Also ghepu.) 
Gher, n.m. Circumference. 
Ghera, n.m. (1) See Gher. (2) Surrounding. 
Ghera-fera, n.m. A visit. 

Gherawnu, v.*. re. To cause to surround ; /. -i, p*. -e. 
Gher-fer", n.m. A response, -denu, tn*. re. To respond. 
Ghernu, v.f. re. To surround ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Ghesa, w.m. A fall, a bruise, a crush. 
Ghesawnu, v.*. re. To cause to bruise or crush ; /. -i, p*. -e. 
Ghesnu,'i>.*. re. To crush, to bruise ; /. -i, pi- *©• 
Gheta, n.m. A coarse neck. , 

Gheur, n.m. (H. ghewar.) A kind of sweetmeat 
Ghiari, ghyari, n./. An earthen pot for clarified butter. 
Ghiartu ghyartu, n.m. A small earthen pot for clarified 

Ghich"p£h' n / A great crowd, -honi or -maclmi, v.i re To 

be P much crowded, -karni, v.i. if. To crowd, -hatawm, 
v.i. re. To disperse a crowd. 
Ghin,w./. Compassion, tenderness. (Rashahr ) 

^hin-nu v.t. re To buy, to purchase; /. -i, plj- ^^ 
Ghin/n./. (1) Sympathy. (2) Love. f*f>J^'' To love 


(2) Sympathy. 

^rninanu, v.t. re. xo »pun, ™ - , hnttpr 

Ghir4,V». (H.^«.) A ve ? el of cbr.fied butter. 

Ghiri-awnu, v.i. re 




Ghiri-firi-ro, ad. In a wandering manner. 
Ghisawnu, v.t. re. See Ghasawnu. f 
Ghisnu," v.i. re. To slip down ; /. -J, P'- -©• 
Ghiu', n.m. (H. ^i.) Clarified batter. 
Ghiya-tori, n.f. A kind of vegetable. 
Ghmaw,n.m. (H. ?to^) A winding path. 


166 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L 

/. The act of troubling, -a-ghachi, n.f 

again and again. 



Gho'l, n.m. A kind of wild goat, -an, »./. Wild she-goat, -ta 

/. i, pi. e. 

or -tu. A wild kid ; -ti, /. 
Ghol-matho'l, n.m. The act of mismanaging. 
Gholnu, v.t. re. To dissolve, to mix into water; 
Gholto, n.m. A pony (Bashahr). 

Ghora, n.m. A horse. /. -i. A mare, -u, n.m. A pony. 
Ghorlu, n.m. See Gholto. 

* • 

Ghra'ru, n.m. pi. Snoring, -dene, v.i. ir. To snore. 

ishni, n.f. (S 
a new house. 

The ceremony of entering 

Ghawru, n.m. See grawru. 

Ghra't, n.m. (H. ghata.) A water mill to grind grain. 

Ghratiya, n.m. One who has a water mill. 

Ghraul, n.m. A kind of bell (like a dish) used in Hindu temples. 

Ghryaun, n.f. A tune played at a village deity's dance. 

Ghryaunu or ghryaun-lani, v.i. re. To play the tune called 

Ghugi, or Ghuggi. See Ghugti. 
Ghugnu, v.i. re. To bark of a dog. 
Ghugti, n.f. A dove, -lani, v.i. re. To play. 

/. A small shed in a farmyard to keep grain in whei^ 

it rains. 

Ghiim, n.m. A long way. 



/. Fragrant. 

Ghumaw, n.m. Turning. 

Ghumawnu, v.t. re. To cause to turn. 

Ghumnu, v.i. re. To turnback; /. -i, pi. e. 

Ghun, n.m. An insect that destroys timber. 

Ghuiid, n.m. A veil, -karnu, v.i. re. To put on a veil. 

Ghuiighru, n.m. pi. Small bells used by dancers. 

Ghurkaw, n.m. The act of threatening, a threat. 

f. (H. ghurki.) A threat. 


Ghurknu, v.t. re. (H." ghufknd.) To threaten ; /. -i, fl & 

Ghuri-ro, adv. Strongly. 

Ghurnu, v.t. re. To gird up; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Ghusernu, v.t. re. To throw in ; / 


Ghushu, n.m. A kind of game in which there are two parties 

of men : each party taking in their hands small bundles o I 
straw alight on both sides, throw them at the other party. 
This takes place on certain days of October. 

Ghusnu, v.i. re. To enter, to be admitted ; / -i, pi e. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1<>7 


Ghusrnu, v.i. re. See the preceding. 

Ghutj n.f. The act of swallowing. 

Ghutawnu, v.t. re. To cause to swallow up. 

Ghutnu,V*. re. To swallow up; /. -i, pi. e. 

Ghwa'rnu, v.t. re. To open, to uncover, to remove a hd; /. -i, 

pi. e. 
Ghyaiigna, n.m. See Ghengna. 
Ghyanna, n.m. A fireplace. 
Ghyari, n.f. An earthen pot; used to divide clarified butter. 

Ghyu, n.m. See Ghiu. 

Gi, n.f. Gums of the teeth. 

Gi\ n.f. A kind of tune, -lani, v.i. re. To play a particular 

tune. (Also -bajni or -bajawni.) 

Giawan, n.m. A kind of tax (used in Kuthar State). 

Gich-pich, n.f. See Ghich-pich. 

Gijawnu, v.t. re. To cause to accustom. 

G\\xm',v.i. re. To accustom, to practise ; /. -1, pi. e. 

Gil,' n./. A term for the 16 days, the last week of Ashar and 1st 

week of Sawan, respectively. Trees planted during this 
fortnight flourish and flower well. _ 

Gila or -u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. e. Wet. -karnu, v.t. ir. To wet. 

-honu, v.i. ir. To be wet. 
Gillar, n.m. See Ghep. 
Gin-uii, n. (8. Godhuma, P. gandam.) Wheat. 

Ginawnu, v.t. re. See Ganawnu. 

Ginda, w.ra. A tom-cat. n , , , 

Gindu, n.m. (S. Kanduka or Genduka). A play-ball, -knelnu. 

v.i. re. To play with a ball. 
Gin-nu, v.t. re. See Gan-nu. 
Gint, n./. An account. (From Hindi gini.) 
< i.ra-giri, n.f. A hue and cry. -inachm v.t re. To 'j^eatno >- 
Girawnu v.t. re. To spoil, to throw away. (From Hmdi 

girdnd . ) 


Giri-firi-awmi, ».i. re. To take a walk; /.-i, p«. -e. 

down ; / 

^riri-ianU, V.I. IT. XO iau uuww , /• -* i- - T^tl,incr 

n- i • t • • t-^ i^ wo^tpd to be given away tor nothing. 

Girk-janu, v.i. ir. To be wasted, to ue K j 

Girrra, tf.t. re. ( 
Gla'b, n.m. (H 



f.-i,pl.e. (2) To turn. 


Glain,w.ra. A kind of pine tree. fMnm root 

G14i; n.m. (H. pAK.) (1) Red powder. (2) Hu ( lima root, 

madder (raajith). 
Gla'm, n.f. (H. Idgum.) A bridle ,, 

r<i ' m ' ~, J* /W /////7<? 1 A cui>, a tumfolei. 

Glas, or Glass, n.m. (xi. f/uns.j ** ^ t 

Glista, n.m. (P. M/isAf.) A span. 

168 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Gobar, n.m. (H.) or gobr. (1) Cow-dung. (2) Manure 

>brai, n.f. Tl 
manure land. 

-lani, v.i. re. To 

Gobraush, n. /. A heap of manure. 

Gobrila, n.m. An insect found in manure, a chafer. 

Gochha, n.m. (H. angochhd.) A towel. 

Go'd, n.m. The lap. -lana, v.t. ir. To adopt a son. 

Godi, n.f. The lap. -lana, v.t. ir. To take in the lap. 

Godi, n.f. A kind of wild edible root. 

Gokhru, n.m. (1) A kind of ear-rings. (2) A kind of medicine. 

Go], ad. (H.) Round, -chan-nu, v.t. re. To make round. 

Gola, n.m. Thunderbolt. 

Goiakh, n.m. (1) A fund. (2) The fund out of which alms 

were given (used in Mandi). 
Goli, n.m. pi (1) Apes. (2) A bullet, -bahni, v.i. re. To 

shoot a bullet 
Gon, n.m. Desire, wish, pleasure, -dekhna, v.i. re. To go one's 

own way. 
Gonch or Gofit, n.m. (S. gomutra.) Cow's urine. 
Goiichawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to make water (used 

of cattle only). 
Gonchnu, v.i. re. To make water (used of cattle only). 
Goiitraia, n.m. The naming ceremony of a child. 
Go'r, n.m. A lizard {goh is a kind of big lizard, also found in 

'the Simla Hills). 
Gornu, v.t. re. To weed, /. -i, pi. -e. 
Goru, n.m. Cattle. 

Goshtha, n.m. A cake of dry cow-dung. 

Got, n.m. (S. gotra.) Parentage, lineage ; stock (of a family). 

Gota, n.m. (H.) A dip, a dive, -khana, v.i. re. To miss, to err. 

-marna, To take a dip, to dive. 
Gota, n.m. (H.) Lace, -lana, v.i. re. To lace. 
Gothi, n.f. Blame, -lani, v.t. re. To blame. 

n.m. A wild anima 
/. Odd. -noti, n.f 


Gra or grah, n.m. A morsel, a mouthful, -lana, v.i. re. To 

take a morsel. 



Gra'nu, v.t. re. (1) To collect revenue. (2) To realize ; / 

pi. -e. 
Grass, n.m. See Gra. 



Grawru, n.m. A little bird. (Alike in singular and plural.) 
Greut, n.m. A long way, turning here and there. 
Grewanu, v.t. re. To turn back;/, -i, pi. -e. , . 

Grhaiwan, n.m. A tune played to make a deity dance. -lani> 

v.i. re. To play the deity's dancing tune. 


Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 169 


Grhaiwnu, To cause or allow a village deity to move or 


Grib, ad. (H. yarib.) Poor, helpless. 

Griknu, v.i. re. To roar (of thunder). Also gariknu. 

Gro or Grau, n.m. pi. The nine planets, which are: (1) The 

sun. (2) The moon. (3) Mars. (4) Mercury. (5) Ju- 
piter. (6) Venus. (7) Saturn. (8) Rahu. (9) Ke*u. 
(From Sanskrit Graha.) 

Gron or graun, n.m. (S. grahana.) An eclipse, -lagnu, v.i. re. 

To appear, of an eclipse, -dekhna, v.i. re. To witness an 

eclipse . 
Gu, n.m. (S.) Excrement. (Also kH.) 
Gubar or Gubr, n.m. See Gobar or gobr. 
Gubrai, n.f. See Gobrai. 
Gubrila, n.m. See Gobrila. 
Gudla or -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Sweet, tasty. 
Gufa, n.f. (S.) A cave or grotto scooped out of solid rock. 





Kul , n. f 


Gujchhu, n.m. The flesh of the buttocks. 

Guje, n.m. pi. Grain (used in Bashahr State). 

Gum-honu, v.i. ir. To disappear; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Gun. n.m. (S. guna.) Obligation, -man-na, v.i. re. To be ob- 

liged. . , 

Guna, n m. (P. gundh.) A crime, a fault, a ""stake 
Guiidawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to knead or braid 
Gundnu; v.t. re. (1) To knead. (2) To braid ; /. -i, pi. •«• 
Gunjo, n.m. pi. Moustache. 
Gun lagna, v.i. re. To be indebted. 
Guhth, n.m. pi -o. Pony. 
Gur,'n.w. (H.) Brown sugar. 

Guri, n.f. A knot, knob. , , . 

Gusa, n.m. (P. ^umoA.) Anger, indignation, -karna, v.t. ir. 

To become angry or indignant. n „ nl uhn \ The 

Gutha, n.m. (S. angushtha, the thumb.) H ; *»ff«) ° 

' thumb, -dashna, v.i. re. To deny, -lana, ».». re. To put 

the thumb, e.g., on a deed, -i, nj. A hnge. . 
Guthra, n.m. See Gutha. -i, w./. A finger. 
Cuwa or Gowa, ». The past tense of the verb janu, to go, 

GwaTm. (H. gawdh.) (D A witness, also (2) evidence. 
Gwachi-janu, vi. ir. To be lost ; /. -i, p. -e. 
Gwachnu, v.t. re. To lose, v.u re To be lost ; A-i-Pj- "<\ 
Gwii, n.f. (ll.gawdhi) (1) Evidence. (2) A witness, -dem, 

v.i. ir. To give evidence. 

170 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Gwali, n.f. (1) A shepherdess. (2) A kind of insect, green in 

colour and long in size, like a grasshopper. 
Gwa'r, ad. Uncivilized, ignorant, a fool. (H. gaiiwdr.) 



ad. m. ; / 

Good. Adv. 

HAehhe, n.m. pi, A kind of thorny plant that bears edible 


/. (H. haddi.) A bone. 

• . w 

Ha'd, n.f. Conversatio ... __, „, 

Ha'd, n.m. pi. Bones. 

Hadd, n.f. A limit, boundary, -honi, v.i. ir. To get 

Hadi, n.f. Conversation, -lani, v.i. re. To converse. 
Hadri-lani, v.t. re. To converse. 
Hae, int. Oh, alas, ah ! 

» a»w uu. 



Hagnu, v.i. re. (H. hagnd.) To go to stool. 
Hail nf. (pronounced hel.) A hard task, to be done with the 
help of many persons, -deni, v.i. ir. To work collectively. 
Hamgo. A form of address to a relative, meaning, ' mv 


Hajtila or hajiire. A form of address : < O vou ' 
Hajar, ad. (P. hdzir.) Present. 
Ha'k, n.f. A halloo, -deni, v.t. ir. To halloo. 
Hakawnu,vX re. (H.kaMnd.) ~ 




Haj-bai, n.m One .who ploughs, a ploughman. 

Halie. n.f (Vf hnlAZ \ t\,„, • F ° 

f. (H. haldi.) Turmeric. 

ria Kawnu, v.t re. io cause or allow to shake ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

H«U Zm InTk^^ •■*•. ^- halkd -) Light, not weighty, 
nana, n.m. (H.) A noise, a hue and cry. -pana, v.i. re. To 

make a noise. * ' r sain ., 

make a noise. u } 

Halmandi, n.m^ See Bjair. (Used in Bashahr and Kumhar- 
Ha nu, v.t. re. To shake, to tremble. 

Ha o n.m. A kind of greens called in Hindi, chamchur. 
Ha sh or .,, % j The long piece Qf wood 

Ha tu, n.m. A kind of small plough. 
Halwa,n.m. (H haluwd.) A kind of cake. 
Hambai, adv. ' Yes,' or ■ very well.' 
Hamen, pro. pi. We. -in, /. 

H^ y ^?" / v Enmit >'' °PP03ition. -karni, «.». ir. To oppose. 

'J?* YeS - * n4 ' ndv > Yea or no. '-karni, *.». »>. To sa 5 

Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 171 


Hana, n.m. (S. hani.) Loss, injury, -jana, P.i. ir. To sustain 
a loss. 

Hand, n.f. A walk, travel, -i, ?i.f. An earthen cooking vessel. 
Handi-na balu (phrase). I cannot walk. 
Han do) a, n.m. See Chandol. 

• • ' m 

Hanjar, n.m. (H. hazdr.) A thousand. 

Hans, n.m. (S. Hansa.) A goose. 

Hansili, n.f. (P. hdsil.) Revenue or tax. (Used in Kullu.) 

Har, n.m. A flood, -awna, v.i. re. To wash off. 

Har,n./. (S. Hara.) (1) Abduction. (2) A garland. 

Har-karn, n.m. The sum paid, in addition to the marriage ex- 
penses, by a man who abducts another man's wife, to her 
husband. (Used in the Dhami State.) 

Ha' re. adv. Kindly, -karne, v.i. ir. To entreat. 

Hara or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (H.) Green. 

Hara, n.m. (1) A small field. (2) A trial, -karna, v.t. ir. To 


Harawnu, v.t. re. (H. harwdnd.) To cause or allow to defeat. 

Harawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to flow away ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Hargat, n.f. (A. harkat.) Injury, loss, fault, -karni, v.t. ir. 

To make a mistake. 
Hari-janu, v.i. ir. To be washed off ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Hariyaga, n.m. An allowance for the Raja's kitchen. (Used in 

Harja, n.m. (P. harz.) Mischief, injury, -hona, v.i. ir. To be 

Ham, n.m. (S. Harina.) A buck. /. -i. A doe. 
Harnu, v.t. re. To fail ; /. -i, pi. -e. (H. hdrnd.) 
Harnu, v.t. re. To try, to examine, to scrutinise; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Har-r or har-ri. A medicinal fruit, bellow or (hebulic myro- 

balan (terminalia chebula) : seven varieties of this are 

distinguished. (From Sanskrit haritaki.J 
Har-ri, n.f. The wooden pipe of a huqqa. 
Haryawul, n.m. (H. haridwal.) Meadows. 
Has'avvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to laugh ; /. -1, pi. -e 
HasL n.f. (S. Hasya.) Laughter, -chhutni, v.i. re. To laugh. 

-karni, v.i. ir. To laugh at. 
Hasi-kheii-ro lane, v.t. re. pi. To beguile the time with pleasure. 
Haali, n.f. An ornament worn on the neck by women. 
Hasnu, v.i. re. To smile, to laugh. (From Hindi hnnsw,.) 
Hatawnu, v.t. re. (H. haiand.) To cause or allow to prevent . 
HatawAu. v.t. re. To cause or allow to return : to prohibit. 
Hath or h at th, n.m. (S. hast a.) A hand. 
Hath, n.m. (S. hatha.) Insistence, -karna, v.i. re. lo insist. 
Hathange, n.m. pi. Commutation for begdr or corvee (Bilaspur). 
Hathar ad. f. A cow or she-buffalo, which only allows one 

a 5 / 

person to milk her. 
Hathaura. n.m. (H.) A hammer. 

Hathi, ad. Obstinate. 

172 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911 

Hatho-joriro, c.p. With joined hands. 

Hathru, n.m. pi. Hands. (H. hath.) 

Hatnu, v.i. re. To turn back; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Hatnu, v.i. re. (1) To return, to come back. (2) To be off. 

-lani. v.i. ir. To cause to 


Hatya, n.f. (S.) The act of killing. 

trouble, -karni, v.t. ir. To kill. 
Hatth, n.m. See Hath. 

Hatti, n.f. (H. hatti.) A shop, -karni, v.i. ir. To open a shop. 
Haul, n.m. (S. Hala.) A plough, -banu, v.i. re. To plough. 
Haunsla, n.m. (H. hausild.) Ambition, desire, capacity. 
Hawa, n.f. (H.) The air, wind. 
Hazri, n.m. (P.) An attendant, -ka, n.m. A term for a free 

grant in lieu of serv 
Hega, n.m. Carefulness. 

Mandi ) 

He'l, n.f 


offer a goat sacrifice. 

ice. -karni, v.i. ir. To insist, 
or sheep, -deni, v.i. ir. To 

Held, n.m. A special begdr or corvee leviable for repairs to 
roads or buildings, and on special occasions, such as a 
wedding or death in the chief's family. 

Heli, n.f. Wisdom, activity. 

Hera, n.m. Game, shikar, hunting, -lana or -karna, v.i. re. and 

ir. To go on a shooting excursion, -i. n.m. A shikari, a 

He'r-fer, n.m. An answer, a reply, -dena, v.i. ir. To reply. 

Hernu, v.t. re. To work ; /. -i, pi. - e . 

Heru, adv. Perhaps, -la, v. Look here! 

Hesr-lana, v.i. re. To chant a song in union (by all persons 
carrying a heavy load, or moving a heavy mass) in order 
to keep time. [time 

Hessa, n.m. The cry of a number of persons at work at on« 

He t, n.m. (S. Hita.) Affection, -lana, v.i. re. To be affec- 

Hethe adv Down, -pana, v.i. re. To spread a bed (used in 

JtJhajji State). 

Hethi, adv. By the lower way (used in the Bhajii State). 

Hethla, ad. m. ; /. -i, p l. . e . Lower. 

Hiaji n.f. Supper (used in Keoftthal). 

Hichhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to promise or agree. 

Hich hnu, v.t. re. To promise, to agree ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

H.chki, n.f. (H.) See Dhiki. 

Hij or hijo or hijau, adv. Yesterday, the past dav- 

Hij-bhyansn, adv. Yesterday morning. (Also hijo-bhydnsri.) 

Hii-bvale or hiio-hv^ i. a ^ ~ — :~f -J^^-j- ' i:«- 


Last evening, yesterday evening 
A -i> pi. -e. Yesterday's, of vesterdav 

Hila? or hillan 7 n.m, See Bhaiftchal' (used in Bilaspur and 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 173 


Hirnat, n.f. (P. himmat.) Courage, -harni, v.i. re. To di>- 

Hindne, n.m. pi. The legs of a quadruped. 

Hiftg,' n.f. (S. Hingu.) See Suridha. 

Hini, ad. f. Decaying, decreasing. 

Hin-ne, n.m. pi. See Hindne. 

Hir, n.m. pi A kind of wild fruit. 

Hiyaw, n.m. (H.) Courage, -awna, v.i re. To be courageous. 

rtiye-lanu, v.t. re. To embrace; f.-i, pl.-e. 

Hochha", ad. m ; /. -i, pi. -e. Short, -jana, v.i. ir. To fall short. 

/. i, pi. -e. Lisping. 


Holi", n.f. (S. Holika.) The Holi festival, -khelni, e.». re. To 

enjoy the Holi festival. 
Holi, v. ' (She) may be.' 
Homeft, humeri, »./.«. 1st p. ^- We will be. In f. Homin, 

humift. .'. >i •'' «nL '< 

Honi,w./. The act of taking place. As H o m hoi-la >n . lhat 

'which is to happen will happen." • 

Honu, ».t. ir. To be, to become, to take place; /. -i, p*. -e. 
Hor, pro. Other. -tVL By the others. 

Hor, con. (l)And. (2) ad. Eke. "*« W at * ** 

you say S ' ' (3) ad. More. < ■ Tan hor M cAaym ? Do you 

want more? " 
Hoth or hotth, n.m. (S. Ostha.) pi. Lips 
Huka, n.m.' (P. At^,) The hubble-bubble. totrimooajHp. 

-pina> «.•'. »r. To smoke, -bharna, *.*. re. To put hre on 

H^THom,) Burnt offering, the .cjjjtjng ^ of dan 
fied butter, dried fruit, etc., into the sac red hie 


' i j. -~ 4-,,.w» .L-nrna. ??.J. II. lO ittti 

v.t. re. 

To sound a certain tune, -karna, v.i. »: 

the sacred flames with calrified butter, etc 
di *> / »H ) The amount of revenue, -den, v.i. n . xo 
di, n.f. {tt.) r '« „ r xi,ni vi re To collect revenue 

pav revenue or taxes, -grahni, v-ire. io ^ 

Huiigrnu, v.i. re. To low like a cow ; /. -i, />«• ■*■ 

Hur, w'.m. A bolt above a door. 

Huro, n.m. Roaring or thundering. 
Huwarnu, v.t. re. See Hwarnu. 
Uwarnii, huwarnu, v.t. re m 

to a rest; /. -i, pi- -e 
Hyao, hyaw,«.w. Courag< 



^ Snow, -knan, »./. i ne «in u* ="»" > 

Hyun, n.m. (S. Hima.) »n0* (Pro verb.) 

a glacier, -ghalnu. v.'- re. *»> i 

Am ''Mo, bdnthiyd, kanjn rand, dgL 

1 74 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

" The snow will melt with clouds, and gold with borax, 
So is a youth, young man, before a harlot.' ' 

Hyund, n.m. The winter season. 


Ichhya, n.f. (S. Ichchha.) Desire, wish, -karni, v.i. ir. To 

Iji, n.f. Mother. Ijiye, tu led karat \ " O mother, what are 

you doing ? ' ' 
Ikki, ad. Twenty-one. (H. ikkis.) 
Iktali, ad. Forty-one. (H. ikchdlis.) 

Ham, n.m. (P. ilm.) Knowledge, cultivation of the mind. 
In, n.m. See qin. 

Indar, n.m. (S. Indra.) Also Indr. The deity of rain, the deity 
presiding over Swarga or the Hindu paradise, the deity of 
the atmosphere and' rain, -ni bashda. It does not rain, 
-bashda bhaja. The sky refused to rain. 

Ine, pro. pi Agent case. 'By these.' 

Iiikh, n.f. (S. Ikshu, H. Ikh.) Sugarcane. (Kamdndi in 

In 6 , pro .pi. To these . (Also iyon . ) 

inoh, pro. To these. 

Inu, adv. So. ad. Such. (Used in Bashahr.) 

re ' n : m - P l - A kind of salty pudding made of the pulse called 

kolth (Dolichos biflorus).' 
In-re, pro. pi. Of these. 
Irai, ire, n.f. A kind of nlanl 


baskets are made. 

isnft or-u, adv. m. ; /. -i, pi. . e . So, such. Ishu kishu japan. 

"Why do you say so ? " Ishi bhald ddmi. " Such a good 

man." Ishi bdto nd Iqi. "Don't sav such things." 

I she ghqur band . - Build such houses. ' ' " 
ishar n.m. (S. Ishwara.) Heavenly Father, God, the Creator, 
isnka or -u, adv. m. ; /. -i } pi. . e . To this side. (Erh'i in Bal- 

san, Jubbal and Punar.) 
l^iur, n.m. (S. 1 shwara.) God. 


J;i. v. (Jo. 

•Jaa. adv. When. 

Jaa din a bdt'h/e, 

Tundd mdro ddnge. 

When times are not good, 
Then every one can ''give trouble.' 







response, -no, v.t. re. 

Whenever. (H. jabkabhi.) 
adv. Whenever (vou please 


Jachnu, v.t. re. To try, to estimate, to examine;/. •£, 

pi. -e. 
Jag, n.m. (S. Yajna.) A sacrifice, -dena, v.i. n. To perform a 

sacrifice, a religious ceremony. 
Ja'g, n.f. Awaking, -awni, v.i. re. To awake ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Jaga. n.f. <H. jaqah.) A place, a room. ? 

Jaga, v. The past tense of the verb jdgnu, to awake, ' awoke ; 

/. -i, pi. -e. 
Jagar, jagr. (1) n.m. A small wall. (2) ad. m. and /. Mute 

or dumb, -deni, v.i. ir. To build a wall. 
Jagarn, n.m. (S. Jagarana.} Keeping ceremonial vigil the 


/. (P. zaqdt.) Tax, octroi. 


Jag-jup, n.m. A picture of the deity Ganesh carved in stone 

or wood and set up in the house-door when ready. (Used 

in Kangra). 


Jagra, n.m. (S. Jagarana.) A religious cereniony 


throughout the Hill States. The principal rite is to invite 
the village deity to one's own house for worship, and give a 
grand feast after performing hum. -dena. v.i. ir. lo otter 

• / 

a jagra. 

Jagrul, n.f. A subscription for a jagra. -deni, v.i. ir. lo sub- 
scribe for a jagra. . , A 

Jaguli, n.f. A catching in the throat from eating uncooked 

zimiqand , ox ghuiKydn . -Kgni, *.*. re. To suffer from eat- 
ing uncooked zimiqand, etc. . 

Jaidya-bolni, v.i. re. To pay one's respects to a chief. 

Jaikar, n.f: Victory. As : J«ikar dewa mahnra^a. roMMd 

bale howe. ' Victory to thee. village deity, protect us b 3 
all the means in thy power.' 

Jaiiid, ad. A fool, ignorant. 

Jakawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to be rubbed. 



Jal,'n.m. (S.Jala. Water. (Syn. Chfa ) 

Jalab, ».m.p*. Purgation, -lagne. p.». r lo purge. 


/. -i. /'/. e. 

Jajawnu, v./. re. To cause or allow to oum . f min f-in 

Jal-jogan, *./. The nymph, residing near a wate f« am 

who is believed to oast spells over women and cm Wren 

and has to be propitiated with sacrifice. (Chamba). (Syn. 


176 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L. 



Jamat, n.f. Shaving, -karni, v.i. ir. To shave, -banawni, 

v.i. re. To shave. 
Jama't,n./. (H.) A gang of mendicants, especially Vaishnavas. 
Jamaw, n.m. (H). A gathering. 
Jamawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to grow. (2) To cause 



Jamnu, v.i. re. (1) To grow. (2) To become sour, of milk; 




Jamtu, n.m. pi. A kind of citron. 

Jan, n.f. (H. jdn). Life, strength, -awni, v.i. re. To survive, 
-jani, v.i. ir. To end one's life. 

Ja'n, n.f. A huge stone. 

Jana, n.m. A person. 

Janas, n.f. Wife, woman (used in Bilaspur and Kangra). 

Jafi-un, adv. As long as. Jan-un se ni dyd, tdn-un an ni dend/t : 

" As long as he has not come, so long I won't go." 

Janawnu, v.t. re. To acquaint, to introduce; /. -i. pi. -e. 

Janda, n.m. A lock, -dena, v.i. ir. To lock up. 

Janet, n.f. (H.) A wedding procession. 

Janeu, n.m. (S. Yajnopavita.) The sacred thread, -honu, v.i. ir. 

To celebrate the sacred thread ceremony. 

Jani, con. Perhaps (III. God knows). [caste. 

Janja, n.m. Abstinence, sobriety, the act of putting out of 

Janjnu, v.t. re. To put aside, to excommunicate, to put out of 
caste; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Janmantro, n.m. (S. Janmantara.) The next world. 

Fanmastmi, n.f. (S. Janmashjarai.) The birthday of Krishna, 
which falls annually on the 8th of the dark half of Bhado, 
and men and women all fast on that day and perform 
the pujd of Sri-Krishna. It is a great feast among all the 
hill-men, cooked food as prasdd being exchanged among 





Janu, n.m. (S. Janu). Knee. 
Janu, v.i. re. To be born ; /. -i. pi. -e. 
Japan or jappan, n.m. (1) Conversation. (2) A talk. 
Japawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to speak ; 
Japda, pre. par. Speaking : /. -i, pi. -e. 
Japnu, v.t. re. (H. japnd). To speak, to converse; to talk. /• •»» 
pi. -e. 

Japor, ad. m. Foolish, ignorant. 

Deshl kd }u,io japor, 

Kiahe karia'khdi khnr. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 177 


The men of the plains are fools, 

They know not how the walnut is eaten." 

Japu-hundu, pas. par. Spoken ; /. -i, pi. -e 

Jar, n.m. A grinder tooth. 

Jar or zar, n.m. A term for the Tibetans, whose religion is 

* _ * 

Jar, n.m. (S. Jwara ) Fever, -awna, v.i. ir. To suffer from 

Jaroli, n.f. Bread of barley-flour, -channi, v i. re. To mak. 

bread of barley flour, -khani, v.i. re. To eat barley food. 
Jas, 'pro. Whom. -kas. pro. Whomever. 
Jash, n.m. (S. Yashas.) Glory, -hona, v.i. ir. To be glorious 

-kamawna, v.i. re. To gain glory. 
Jasra or -u, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Whose. 
Jat, n.f. (1) Caste. (2) A fair. (From Sanskrit yatra.) -o-khe- 

janu, v.i. ir. To go to a fair. 
Jataji/w.m. A messenger, a watchman (used in Kullu). 

Jatt," n.m. (H.) The Jats of the plains. 

Jaulu, n.m. pi. Twins, -jane, v.i. re. To bring forth twins. 

Jaur, n.j. (H. jar.) Root. 

Jawa, n.m. A kind of wild tree. 

Jaz or Zaz, n.f. (H. dad.) Ringworm. 

Je, con. If. As: Je ah dewndd. " If I had gone. 

Jeb, n.f. (H.) Pocket. (Syn Guja, Khisa.) 

Jebbu, adv. As soon as. (Also jebri.) 

Jebri, adv. See the preceding. 

Je'k. v.m. A kind of tree. 

Jeiishi, adv. On which day. *,. , • „* i„„,i 

Jeola, n.m. A term used in Kullu for Ubharsm area of land, 
' half of which was held rent free in lieu of service, winch 



Jeota, n.m. A kind of thin rope. 

Je'r, n.f. The womb, of cattle. B;1 - „- ...j 

Jera, ad. See Jishu. (Used in Baghal, Kumhar, and 

Nalagarh.) .. , . 

Je'ru, adv. See Jishu. (Balsan and Madhan.) 
Jes, p\o. See Jas. (Used in Bashahr and Kumhars™ 

Jes-kes. pro. See Jas-kas. ^„*u 

Je't, ,,./ Mouth, -bakni, v.i. re. To open the mou-h. 


The wife of the husband's elder brother. 


Jethiva. n.m. Husband's elder brother. 
Jethtil, n /. A term used for an extri 

the eldest brother. 

178 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 



ad. m. ; / 

Jewta, n.m. A small rope. 


<-e. par. Watching ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
ftli, n.f. A guard, a watch, -karni. v.t. ir. To watch, to 

Jgwalnu, v.t. re. To watch, to guard. 

du or -a, m. ; /. -i, p 1 . -e. Watched. 

Jhabbal, n.m. A jumper, an iron instrument used for mining. 

Jhafan, n.m. A kind of palanquin. (Also japhdn.) 

Jha'g, n.m. Foam, -awna; To foam. 

Jha'k, n.f. Care, -honi or-rakhni, v.i. ir. and re. To be care- 
ful, -rauni, v i. ir. To be anxious about. 

Jhakhr, n.m. A shrub. 

Jha'j, n.m. A water-fall. 

Jhalara, n.m. Swindling, -dena, v.i. ir. To swindle. 

Jhall, n.m. pi. Thorny shrubs, -fukne, v.i. re. To burn 



/. -i, pi. -e. Mad, insane. 
/. Itch, -lagni ; v.i. re. To feel an itching. 

Jhamaka, n.m. A sudden light, lightning. 

Jhamman, n.m. The cover of a doli or palanquin. 

Jha'n, n.f. (P. jahdn.) The world, c/. Jihan. 

Jhanaokha, n.m. Moonlight. 

Jhanwan, n.m. (1) Light. (2) The filth of iron used to wash 

the feet, etc., also used to wash an elephant. 
Jluinda, n.m. A flag ; /. -i. A small flag. (Also jhandd.) 



Jhangsh, n.m. The snake-plant, (Its root when dried and 

pounded is made into a powder and is a great remedy for 
cattle-itch. A small quantity is given with kneaded flour 
to the animal to eat.) 

Jhanj, n.f. Cymbals, made of bell metal and used in pairs- 

(H. jhdnjh.) 

Jharito, n.f. pi. Hair of the private parts (H.). 
J hapeta, n.m. Struggle, strife, a quarrel. 

•Ihar, n.m. pi. Continued rain, -lagne, v.i. re. To rain continu- 
ously. (Also jhafi, n.f.) 
•lhara, Agjhara, n.m. A tinder-box. 

r jar 

• narawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to drop ; /. -i, pi -e. 
.liarfa, n.m. Care, anxiety, -man-na, v.i. r*. To bp in the care of. 
Jhan, n.f A chiefs water vessel or watt. JB , 
tinart, n.f. Continued rain, steady rain, or drizzle, -lag'. 11 

v.t. re. To rain continually. 
•JUarnu, v.i. re. To drop, to fall down (fruits, < 
-Jhatawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to call ; / 


Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 17i> 



Jhatu, n.m. An illegitimate son (Bashahr). 

1, n.f. Fire, -lani, v.i. re. To burn lire. 
Jhe'l, n.m. The act of undergoing. 
Jhelawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to undergo. 
Jhelda or -u, m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. pre. par. Undergoii 
Jhe'lkhana, n.m. (H.) The jail. 
Jhelnu, v.t. re. To undergo, to bear. 

/. -i ? pi. -e. 
>rne; /. -i, 






Jhirk or jhirki, n.f. Scolding, threatening, -deni, v.t. re. To 
' scold, threaten, -khani, v.i. re To get a scolding. 



Jhirnu, v.t. re. To drag, to draw. Jhirda or -u, m. ; /. -i, yl -«'• 

pre. par. Dragging, drawing. 
Jhiru-hundu or -a, m. ; -/. i, pi -e. pas. par. Dragged, drawn. 
Jhish, jhiBhi or jhiahd, adv. Yesterday (Bhajji). 

Jhithke, n.m. pi. Clothes. 

Jhokkii, n.m. Burning fuel. 

Jhoknu, v.i. re. To throw fuel on the fire. (H. jhoknd.) 

Jho'l, n.f. See Jhaul. 

Jhola, n.m. (H.) A wallet, -bharna, v.i. re. To fill a wallet. 

Jhoji, n.f. A small wallet, -lani, v.i. ir. To become a mend. 


Jho't, n.m. A root, origin, foundation. 

diri, n.f. Firewood, fuel, -chan-r 
-bkndni, v.i. re. To distribute fuel. 

To cut fuel. 

s wi n 


Jhulda, pre. par. Swinging. 

Jhulkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to shake. 

Jhujkda/pre. par. Shaking, quaking, trembling fy\t**' 

Jhulknu, v.i. re. To shake, quake, tremble; /. -1, pi. -e. 

Jhujku-hundu, pas. par. Shaken; /. -h pi- * e - 

Jhulnu, v.i. re. To swing round. 

Jhum, n.f. A covering, made of a blanket, used to protect one 

from rain. 
•Ibumi-rauni. v.i. if. To hang. . 

Jh«mku7*'.m. pi. A kind of earrings, -lane, v.t. re To wear 

earrings, -gharne, v.i. re. To make earrings (of gold or 

J\mmnu?v.i. re. ( I ) To hang down. (2) To dose, to slumber. 

180 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Jhumr, n.m. (H.) An ornament worn on the head. 
Jhunfri, n.f. (H. jhopri.) A cottage. 
Jhuriga, n.m. (1) Property. (2) Estate. 
Jhunjri, n.f. A kind of wild plant. 


Jhutnu, v.t. re. To drink, to quench; /. -i, pi. -e. ( 
Jhutth, n.m. (H. jhuth.) Untruth, fabrication, lie. 
Jhwa'r, n.m. (1) A present. (2) Salutation. 
Jhwarnu, v.t. re. See Juharnu. 
Jja-de-rakhnu, v.t. re. To keep in mind, to love; 
Jia-ra-aftto, n.m. That which is in the mind. 
Jia-ra or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pl. -e. Of the mind. 
Jibh, n.f. (S. Jihwa.) The tongue, -e japnu, v.t. re. To 

speak. (Also Jibti). 

/. (P. zidd.) Opposition, persistence, -karni, v.i. ir. 

To persist. 


Jidwanu, v.i. re. To persist, to oppose. 


pas. par. Pressed down ; / 
pas. par. Eaten; /. -i, pi. 

par. Feeding; / 
•e. To feed; /.'-i, 



Jimi, n.f. (P. zamin.) Land, -jaga, n. Landed property 

Jimnu, v.t. re. To take food. (H. jimnd.) 
•Jimpar,w.m. (S. Yamapura.) Death, demise. 

• inda, -u, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. . e . In which. 

Jindri, n.f. (H. jindgi.) Life, existence, the course or period o 


Jindri, n .f. ( p. z i n dagi.) Short life. 

•Jine, pro. By whom. 

Jinie, pro. Who or by whom. 

Jino, pro. To whom. 

Tishka or -u, adv. m. ; /. -i, p l. -e. Wherever. 

Jishu or - a , ad. m. ; /. -i, pL . 6 . As. (H. jqisd.) 

•Jitawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to win ; /. -i, pl. -e. 

••tda,^ ^ Winning; /. -i, pl. . e . 

Jitm or jitiro, c.p. Having won. 

Jitmi, v.t. re To win, to overcome, to cor 

•ntu, n.m. Conqueror. 

• itu-hufidu pas. par. Won, conquered; /. -i, /,*. - , t 

' rtkl £ J i Va) The 80ul « life > disposition (Also ftp.) 

• or ,y un ( Sj Yama.) (1) Death. (2) The deity of death- 

• unda or jyunda,arf. w . L iv i ng . ' * ' * 

J IWanil 4f* ** Tt i- o» 



/. -i, p*. -e 
e's life ; / 


Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1^1 


Jiwe-jai-janu, v.i. ir. To perish, to he bereft of life; /. -i. 

Jiwiro, c.p Having lived. 

Jmhai, n.f. (H. jamhdi.) Yawning, -awni, v.i. re. To yawn. 

Jmhyali, n.f. (1) Chin. (2) The lower part of the mouth. 

Jo or Ju, pro. Who, which, or that. As: Ju kdl diru4hu y se 

hun thu ? M Who was the man, who came yesterday ? " 
Jo, n m. See Jau. 

Jo'ch, n.f. A rope to fasten the yoke to the plough. (Also jot.) 
Jo'k, n./. (S. Jalauka.) A leech, -o, pi. Leeches. Aim, v.i. re. 

To apply leeches. 
Jo'r, n.f. (H. jar.) A root, c.f. Jaur. 
Jor, n.m. (P. zor.) Might or power, strength. 
J6'r, n.m. (1) Joining, junction. (2) Total, -dena, v.i. ir. 

To add. -pana, v.i. re. To add (a piece). 
Jora. n.m. (1) A pair. (2) A pair of shoes, -marna, v.t. re. 

To beat with shoes. (Syn. Pani.) 
Jorawnu, v.t. re. See Jrawnu. 
Jorda, pre. par. Joining; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Joria or joriro, c.p. Having joined, having added. 
Jornu, v.t. re. To join, to add; /. -i. pi. -e. 
Jor-nu, v.t. re. (H. jornd.) To join, to unite by repairs. 
Joru-huiidu, pas. par. Joined, added; /. -i, pi. -e. 
J6% n.f. (1) See Joch. (2) Flame of a lamp. (3)^ A hill peak. 
Jotawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plough; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Jotda, pre. par. Ploughing; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Joti, n.f. (S. Jyotish.) Light (of the sun or a lamp). 
Jotia or Jotiro, c.p. Having ploughed. 
Jotnu, v.t. re. To plough; /. -i, pi- -&• 
Jotu-hundu, pas. par. Ploughed; /. -i, pi- -6. 
Jpor, n.m. A fool. (Also japor.) 
Jrainth, n.m. A kind of wild pear. 
Jrawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to join; /. -i, pi- -e. 
Jroli, n.f. See Jaroli. 
Ju, pro. See Jo. fc 

Ju, re. pro. Who or which. (Agentive Junien). 
•Tii, n.f. Louse, -wo, pi. Lice, -parai, v.t. re. To suffer from 

J6b, n.f. (S. Durva.) Bent grass (Panicura dactylon) said to 

mean lit. ' That which hurts sin.' -o-n-dai, n.f. A plant 

of bent grass, -jamni, v.i. re. To grow, of bent grass. 
Jubar or Jubr, n.m. Meadow, a level space with grass on it. 

-bahnu, v.i. re. To make a new field, to cultivate waste 

Jubr, n.m. See Jubar. 
Jubri or jubti, n.f. A small meadow. 
Jubti, n.f. See Jubri. 
Judh, n.m. (S. Yuddha.) War, a fight. 

Judh-mamla, n.m. Fighting. 
Jugale, n.m. pi. Watchmen. 

182 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 191 L 

Jugtie, adv. Carefully, attentively. 

Jugut, n.f. (1) Fitness, good accommodation. (2) Connection. 

Juhar or jhwar, n.m. (1) A present. (2) The present in cash 

made to a chief at an audience, or greeting, 
irnu, v.t. re. To offer on 
pi. -e. (Also jhwdrnu.) 


v w w 

Jujh, n.m. (S. Yuddha, a fight.) Fighting, war. -lana, v.i. re. 

To fight, -lagna, v.i. re. To begin fighting. 
Jujhda, pre. par. Fighting; /. -i, pi. -e. 



Juiiju-huiidu, past par. Fought; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Jukham, n.m. (P. zuqdm.) Cold and cough, -bona, v.i. ir. To 

suffer from cold and cough. (Also -awn a.) 
Julfia or julfiya, n.m. One who has curls. 
Julfo, n.m. pi (P. zulf.) Curls. 
Jummo, n.m. (P. zimah.) Responsibility, -karnu, v.i. ir. To be 

Jun, n.m. Yoke. 


Who or by whom. (The latter form is 

Jun, n.m. (S. Drona.) A grain measure equal t<> 16 pdthds or 4 

Ju'n,'w./. Moonlight or the moon. -lagni.w.*. re. To shine (of 

the moon). 
Jun, n.f. A meal. Duji-jun. The next meal. 
Jundku, n.m. See Juti. 

J/ / * • 

uni, w./. Revenue in kind. (Also kdrd-juni.) 

Junien, re. pro. (Agentive.) By whom or by which. 
Juri-janu, v.t. ir. To be engaged (in battle). 
Jurji-pani, v.i. re. To set against, to set by the ears. 
Juth, n.f. Uncleanliness, pollution. 
Jutha or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. - e . Polluted by tasting. 
-J u than, n.f. Pollution by tasting 

)wisthaniva.) The second son of a chief. 

(Also duthafiyd.) 



Juthia or juthiro, c.p. Having cleaned the hands and mouth. 
Juthnu, v.i. re. To clean the hands and mouth after taking 



•'uraa, pre. par. Being engaged in anv work : / 
•luti, n.f. Braided hair of a maiden. 

•lu^ia or Jutiro, c.p. Having been engaged. 



Jttwri, n.m. A broom fused in Bhaiji). 

Jwadri, n.f. A butterfly. pL Jwadri. 
.Twain, n.m. (S. Jamatri.) Son-in-law. 

Syn. Fitnfri. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 183 


Pi ^./. (S. Ajamoda.) (1) The common carroway (('arum 
carui), a kind of lovage (Lingusticum ajwaen, Rox.). (2) 
A kind of parsley (Apium involucratum) ; said to mean, 
lit. ' That which pleases a goat.' 

Jwan, n.m. A youth, an adult, ad. Young, -ta, n.m. t\. n.f. 

One in his teens. 

Jwans, ii. f. A female, a woman. 

Jyu, n.m. See Jiu. 

Jyuh, n m See Jj'uii. 


Ka; pro. What? Which? As: Kd bolo ji ? "What do 

you say ? 

5 ? 

Kaa ? or kau ? acfa;. How many ? 
Kabai ? ocfo. When, at what time ? -kabai, adv. Some- 


Kaba't, n.f. (P. qabdhat.) Inconvenience, objection, -honi, 

v.i. ir. To be inconvenient. 
Kabre I adv. At what time ? 

Ka'ch, n.m. (H.) (1) Glass. (2) A necklace of heads. 
Kachu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Unripe, not well cooked, only 

half cooked. 
Kachh, n.m. The armpit. (S. kaksha.) 
Kachhri, n.f. A rope to bind a load, -lani, v.i. re. To bind a 

load to carry it away. 
Kadash, n.f. (S. Ekadashi.) The eleventh day of the bright or 

dark halt of a month. 
Kadi? adv. When ? At what time ? -ni, adv. Never. 

Kadi- j ah, adv. Long ago. 

Kadi-ni, adv. Never. 

Kadka, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Long ago. (Also kadh'i.) 

Kafal or kaffal, n.m. pi. A kind of wild tree or its fruits, 
-pakne, v.i. re. To ripen, of wild fruits. 

Kafan, n.m. Coffin, shroud ; /. -i, A coffin. 

Kafni, n.f. See Kafan. 

Kagat, n.m. (P. kdgaz.) Paper. 

Kahat, ad. Sixty-one. -wan, ad. Sixty-first, 

Kahattar, ad. Seventy-one. -wan, ad. Seventy-first, 

Kahlu-bir, n.m. A spirit who lives on the mountains and whose 

anger causes landslips. It must be appeased with sacri- 
fice (Chamba). 

Kai, ad. (H.) Too many, a great many. 

Kai, n.f. (1) Moss. (2) Desire. 

Kail, n.f. The blue pine, -ti, n.f. A smail blue pine tree 

Kuli, n.f. Uneasiness, -parni, v.i. re. To be uneasy, -awn.. 

v.i. re. To become uneasy. 
Kain-ni, n.f. (H. kahdni, a story) A riddle. 

184 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Kqini Idu bjhqin-ni Idu, bujh bajhdiyd bird , 
m ... 7 '7- .._/ -*— n f a j lage, king, jwdn, jird. 

" I tell you a riddle or a puzzle, understanding hero : 
There are three fruits on a tree, assafcetida, lovage and 
cummin." (The reply is * a large spoon.') 

Kain, n.m. See Jun. 

Kain or Kyeii, ad. Something, -ni, ad. Nothing. 

Kainal, n.f. The green pigeon. 

Kainchi, n.f. (H.) (1) Scissors. (2) The slope of a roof. 

Ivaifith, n.m. A kind of wild pear; c.f. Jrainth. 

Kairi, kanri, kyari, n.f. The neck. Bali Rdje kdnri ddi : 

(i Bali Raja bent his neck. 

3 9 

Kait, kaith or kayath, n.m. (S. kayastha). An accountant, 
a writer. (Bashahr, Kumharsain, Mandi and Suket.) In 
the Simla Hill States he is called Bagshi or Bagsi. 

Kaith, n.m. See Kait. 

Kaiti, n. f. Moss, lichen. 

Kaj, n.m. (S. Karyya.) Work, business. 

Kajo % adv. What for ? (Kangra, Bilaspur and Xalagarh.) (In 

the Simla Hills kwe or kwai is used.) 

Kakh, n.m. A straw. Proverb: 

Bhari muihldkho ri, 
Kholi kakho ri. 

■'■ A closed fist will hold a million, 
An open one will not hold a straw. 

1 J 

(Meaning that honour is the best thing, and disgrace a 
thing worth nothing.) 
kakkar, n.m. A tree which yields valuable timber. 
Kakkar, n.m. The barking deer. 
Kakri,V/. (S. Karkati.) (1) A cucumber. (2) The lungs, -ra 

rog, n.m. Lung disease. 
Kaku, n.m. A polite term used in addressing a boy. 
Kal or kaU, adv. Yesterday, -byaje, adv Yesterday evening. 

-bhyansri, adv. Yesterday morning. . . 

Kal, n.f. (S. Kalaha.) Dispute, quarrel, struggle, -honi, r.i. »r. 

To be disputed , to struggle. 
Ka'l, n.m. (S. Akala, and Kala.) (1) The time of death. (2) 

Famine, -parna, v.i. ir. To be a famine year. 
Ka}, kalo, n.m. (S. Kala, time.) Death, demise. 
Kala or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Black. (H.) 
Kalam, n.f. (H.) A pen. -banawni, v.i. re. To mend a pen. 
Kalan or kalne, n.f. A variety of coarse rice sown on dry land. 
Kalao or kalaw, n.m. A kind of pea. cf. lvlaw (Bashahr). 
Kalewa, n.m. Breakfasl. -karna, v.i. ir. To take break****; 
Jvalgi, n.f. (H.) An ornament worn on a turban. 
Kah-marcho-re dane, n.m. pi. Black pepper seeds, 
valja, n.m. (H. kakjd.) Liver. (Also kdlju.) 
Kalka or -u, ad. m.; f. .{. pi. -e. Saltish, too salty. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 185 


Kalu-bir, n.m. See Kahlu-bir. 

Kam, n.m. (S. Kama.) Work, business, -kaj, n.m. Domestic 

duties, -kar, n.m. Office or household duties. 
Kam, ad. (H.) Less, -honu, v.i. ir. To be less, -karnu. v.t. ir. 

To make less, -i, n.f. Deficiency. 
Kama, n.m. A servant. (Kangra, Bilaspur and Xalagarh.) 
Kamai, n.f. (H.) (1) Earnings, wages. (2) Fate, fortune. 

Kamal, n.m. A kind of grass. 

Kamandi, n.f. See liikh. (Kangra.) 

Kamawia or kamawiro, c.p. Having earned. 

Kamawiida, pre. par. Earning ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Kamawnu, v.t. re. To earn. 

Kamawu-hundu or -a, pas. par. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Earned. 

Kamdar, m.n. An official, -i, n.f. Officialdom. Generally used 

to denote the officials of a pargand. Each pargand has 
five officials : the mahta or mauta, karauk or krauk. si an a, 
ghenghna, and piada. The mania corresponds to a naib 
tahsildar and decides petty cases. The brink collects tin 
cash revenue and hands it over to the man to for payment 
into the State treasury. He has also to manage the 
corvee in his pargand. The siond examines the revenue 
accounts to see if anv land-revenue remains unrealized. 
The ghenghna 's duty is* to realize the clarified butter levied 
on certain grass lands. The pi<i<l/rsis to carry out tin 
orders of the mqut'i . krduk and sidnd. (Also kdrddr.) 

Kamdari, n.f. See Kamdar. 

Kamdhenu, n.f. (S.) The cow of plenty: also used for any cow 

that never calves yet always gives milk. 
Kamhalu, n.m. A kind of basket used to keep wool in for 

spinning;. . , . 

Kamhaltu, n.m. dim. A small long basket to keep wool in. 

Kami. n.f. (H.) Decrease, deficiency, -karm, v.i. »: lo de- 
crease, -ho ni, vi. ir. To be decreased. 

Kammal, n.m. (H. kambal.) A blanket. (S. Kamvala.) 

Kamr, n.f. (H. kamar.) The waist, -ban-ni, v.i. re. (I) lo 
gird up one's loins. (2) To be ready. , , . 

Kamwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn ; /. -l, pi- -e. 

Ka'n, n.m. pi. (S. Karna. H. kh,. Ears, the organs of 

Kana ie a7m. ; /. -i. pi. e. (H.) One-eyed. .Also faint*.) 

Kana, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. The youngest. 

Kanait, n.m. See Kanet. w 

Kanak, n.f. (H.) Wheat. (Syn. Ceiift or Gm.u.) 

Kanali, n.f. A large wooden vessel used for kneading ttcmi etc. 

Kanawara, n.m. An inliabitant of Kanawar ; ; /. -i. pi. -e. 

Kanbal, n.m. The ceremony of boring a child sears. 

Ivanbaii.n./. (H.) An earring. (Also fawtf£.) 

Kanbicha. n.m. A heavy earring worn in the middle of fch< 


186 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 



ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. (S. Kanishtha.) Younger or 

over and above his share as one of the brothers. 
Kahda, n.m. (H. kdntd.) (1) A thorn, -chubhna, v.i. re. To 

pierce with a thorn. (2) A ridge. 



Kan-de-lagnu, v.i. re. To begin to groan : / 

Kaiidei, n.f. (S. Kantakdrikd.) A medicinal plant, a sort of 
prickly nightshade (Solanum jacquini.) 

Kandyai, n. f. A kind of thorny herb used in medicine. 

Kaneru, kanheru, n.m. An iron tip for an arrow. 

Kanet, n.m.; -an, n. f. The term for the fourth class of the 

Hindus in the Simla Hills. The Kanets are divided 
into several hundred septs, some of which are de- 
scended from the original inhabitants of these hills known 

as mawis. A proverb runs : Kaneto 

" A Kanet has one mother and eighteen fathers. 

9 ? 

Kangano, n.m. pi. Bracelets. (S. Karik 
Kangru, n.m. A small comb. (Fr. H. k 


Kanhor, n.m. Chestnut. Wild chestnut. (In Bashahr they 

make flour of wild chestnuts by keeping them for some 
time in running water. 

Kani, n.f. (H.) A very small bit. As: Hire ri kani. A small 

bit of diamond. 


T I 

Kame '. pro. With which \ adv. Win 
Kani-joga? phrase. For what purpose, what for \ 
Kahki, n.f. Lingering, delay, -lani, v.i. re. To linger. 
Kankori, n.f. A Brahman girl given in marriage to a Brahman 

and dowered by a chief's wife 
Kann n.m. (S. skandha.) houlder. -o-pande, adv. On the 


Kanna, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Kanchha. 
van-nu, To groan ; /. -i, pi, \ e . 
Kann, n.f. See Kairi. 

Kansa, n.m. (S. Kaftsya.) Bell-metal, white metal. 


/. See Kanbal 


(H.) A big necklace. 


Kanthi, n.f. A small necklace, -ban-ni, v.t. re. To make a 

Kanthi, n.f. A necklace of tulsi (worn by males). 
Kanu, ad. m. See Kana 
Kanu, n.m. pi. Husks of rice 


man an enemy, a foe. 

Vol. VII, No. 5. | Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 1*7 


Kanyai or knyai, n.m. Xoise. -pana or -lana, v.i. re. To make 

a noise. 
Kapat, n.m. (H.) Deceit, -i, ad. Deceitful. 
Kapti, ad. (S. Kapatin.) Deceitful. 
Kar or ka'r, n.f. (S. Kara.) Duty, work, business. As: Deo 

kar. The work of a godling. Rauli-kar, State business. 

Jai jai-kar. A blessing used in greeting a god or deity. 
Kara, n m. Revenue, taxes, -bharna, v.i. re. To pay taxes. 
Karam, n.m. (S. Karmma.) Work, duty. Kriya- n.m. (1) 

The last duties performed after cremation. (2) An act. 
Karattan, n.m. (H.) Bitterness. 
Karawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to do or make; /. -i, 

pi. -e. 
Karbar : n.m. (H.) Business, -karna, v.i. Ur. To be engaged. 

Karbari, n.m. One who manages, a manager. 

Karchha, n.m. A large spoon used in cooked pulse. /. -i. A 

spoon, -u, n.m. A small spoon. 
Karhaul, n.f. A loan, -karhni, v.i. re. To borrow. 
Karhawnu, v.t. re. To cause to borrow, 
rvarhnu,'*;.*. re. (lj To boil. (2) To take out. 
Karj, n.m. (P. qarz, a debt.) (1) A debt. (2) Revenue 

Proverb: Karjori jimi thinde, pdni rd »h<n> sarte fabo. 

"Land on payment of taxes and a cold bath can be had 

everywhere. ' ' 
Karkhana, n.m. (H.) Workshop. 
Karnal, n.m. A long kind of musical instrument made of brass 

-bajni, v.i. re. To blow the karnal. -chi, n.m. One who 

blows the Jcarndl. 


Karnu, v.t. ir. (H. karnd.) To do, to make, to worn /. -i, 
pi. -e. pas. ten. Kiftvaft; /. -i, >>(■ ;*■ P™> V°?' Karda > 
/. -t pas. par. Kiu-hundu. cp. Karia or Kanro. 

Karta, n.m. Household work. 

Karii ! v. May I do ? 

Karuwi-roti, n.f. See Kauri-rot i. 

Karuwu or -a, ad m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Bitter, distasteful. 

Kas ? pro . Whom i " Kas bolai \ ' ' W aom do you say 
Kash £ kaush, n.m. (1) An oath, an ordeal (2 » Contamina- 
tion, "chama, v.i. re. To be contaminated with ver* ris 
Kashatu, n.m. ' A species of rice, red in colour ( Also Ksh a t u ) 
Kashi,' n.f. A hoe. -lani. v.i. re. To work with a hoe. 
Kashi, If. (1) Pasture. (2) Branches of forest trees cut 
fodder for goats, etc. -chdn-ni r.'.re. Tc > make pasture 
for cattle, -khe-deunu, v.i. re. To go to bring leaves for 


Kash-karna or -lana or -thwawna, v.i re. To take an oath. 
Kashokra. n.m. An agreement by which one party who agrees 

to the other's taking an oath has to pay a rupee to the ruler. 

•pana, v.i. re. To pay a rupee to the ruler for the other 

party's agreeing to undergo an ordeal. 


188 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Kashmal, n.m. Burbis barbra. A thorny shrub bearing long 

sharp thorns and black berries which ripen in June. The 

root, which is like turmeric in colour, is boiled and slices 

are used as poultices for diseases of the eye. Rasaut in 

Kashnu, v.t. re. (H. kamd.) To tighten, to bind, to tie. 

Kamr-kashni, v.i. re. To be ready; to gird up one's loins. 
Kashra or -u, pro. m. ; /'. -i. pi. -e. See Kasra. 
Kashri, n.f. The act of presenting butter to a village deity. 

The people store clarified butter in the name of village 

deity, and when the ghira (clay receptacle for ghi) is full. 

offer it first to the deity 'and then use it. 

kasht, n.m. Kasht i, n.f. (S. Kashta.) Trouble, pain, -parna, 

v.i. re. To be in trouble, -thwawna, v.i. re. To take 

Kasr or kassr. Illness, sickness, -honi, v.i. //. To be ill. 
Kasra ? or u ? pro. m. ; f. -i, pi. . e . Whose ? 

/. (P. gasm.) An oath, an ordeal, -khani, -karni or 

thwawni, v.i. re. To take an oath. 

musk-pod. The animal 

perfume so called is brought from Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan. 
Kashmir and Kanawar. It is also found in the Simla 
hills The best is that imported from 

Bash ahr. 

Katab, n.m. (H. kitdb.) A book; pi. -6. 


ii or kta 



-lagni, v.i. re. To begin 


\r ukx > '' y or histor y 8,J ch as the Ramayana or 
Alaiabharata. A tax was former] v levied on this in 
Kullu. -ImfVhni *> *' -« nr i. *. _ *Li 

>hm, v.i. re. To relate a story. 

K ., , — .—x V i, v.i. it. xo reiaxe a story. 

Kajheru n.m. pi. A kind of hill peaches that ripe in October. 
Katan, ad. pro. Several. (Also kldn.) 
£atarnu, v.t. re. (H. katarnd.) To clip, to cut with scissors. 
Kat^™' ; ^ 1° Cause or all °w to cut or fell; /. -i, pi -e. 

k1 i T "' v <i £ To cause or allow to g pm ; -/• -if* "*■ 

\'Z'?r?\ ^ artlka ) The seventh Hind.', month correspond- 
ent t ° / 0ct0 ^- -e, «to. In October. 

8n«« £u£ Spin; '•-*■ P l - ■* Kata-huhda. pa* par. 
apun. Katda, pre. p« r . Spinning. Katia or katiro, c.p. 

Katn^!^ 8P T Kata ' *"* ** S P™- 

rt' r T ° ° U > t0 *** /• 'Svl. -e- Katda, m.; f. *U 

!mMu P P(lr - Cuttin %- Katia, c.p. Having cut. Katu 
tiundu, pas. par. Cat. 


several »-. • i.- ° ' aiUU U1 grum (L'unicuni /^^""'v 

several varieties are cultivated and used as food by the 


KauM,„.». (S.K ama la.) ( | )A | otu3 . (2)A 

Vol. VII, Xo. 5.J Dictionary of 




Kaunthi, n.f. (S. Shyamaka.) A kind of grain (Panicum frv- 

mentaceum, etc.). Also shdnwk. 
Ivauri-roti, n.f. A tax levied on the death of a chief at on. 

rupee per house, payable on the 5th, 7th, or 9th day after 

his demise. The money raised is spent on the performance 

of the rites called kriyd-karm. 
Ivauwa, n.m. (S. Kaka.) A crow. 
Ivaya-dharni, v.i. re. To assume a human form. 

Kayath, n.m. See Kait. 

Kaziya. n.m. (P. qaziah.) A quarrel, a dispute, strife, -karna, 

v.i. re. To dispute, -bona, v.i. ir. To be disputed. 
Khalrht. «. «j m hnm,ranf,\ T T nfortunate. unluck v ; -t, n.f. Mis- 

• honi, V.i. ir. 

Kbit, n.f. (P. kabdhat.) Inconvenience, objection. 

To be inconvenient, -kaini, v.i. ir. To make inconvenient. 

Also Kabat or kfat. 
Kchaetu or kchaethu, ad. to.; f. -i, V 1 - -*■ Undesir. 

(Also kachdetu or kachdethu.) 
Kchai, n./. Weakness, immaturity. (H. haehehdi.) 
Kchaja, -u. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of no use, bad. wicked 
R-*.i»; n a ^, . 4 A w .^ a\ Noteood. /.*., bad. (2) uooa 


for not I ling. 


/. (H. kuchdl.) A bad custom. ... ..,., 

uw-« « / Mm AonnlAtii root also called ghumyan 


Kchawli, n.f. See Kchali. 



one eye. 

Kdauru, n.m. A wild plant like mistletoe but with red berries. 
WA\7»?Ja „ .„ „a m f A. »/-e. Xot well-shaped, ugly _ , 


Kdhanga or -u, ad. TO. ; /. -i, P* -<" 
Kdimi, ad. m.; and /. pi (P. 

Kdith or kditha. ».»». The flom c 
Kdo'l, ad. m. Of an ugly shape. 

K.doii, w.m. Bread made of kodd. 
Ivdoshle, n.m. pi. Loaves made of bote. 
Ke, con. Or, or, either. (Also hi.) 
Kebri ? adv. ' See Kabaj ? ( Bashahr and MgarM 
Kei/keti? or kethi I adt>. Where ? At what place 
Kele. ».m. />/. (S. kadali.) Plantains -14ne. •£< £ To eulti 
vate plantains, -khane, w. *• To **t P antain*. 

Mo. „./. A species of cedar. (J*»« rf " w "' "•> 

Kejti. kelwi, n./. A small cedar tree. 
Kelwi. ».*/. See the preceding. 

Ken, kyefi, pro. Anything. 

Kenshi l adv. On whicli day I 

Kenu, adv. See Kishu (Bashahr and Kotga.h). 

Ken.yin. pro. Something or anything. 

Keii-yin-ni, pro. Nothing- 

190 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Kera 1 adv. See Kishu (Baghal, Kunhiar and Bhajji). 

Keri, kyari, n.f. Neck. Syn. gardan. 

Ke'ru? adv. See Kishu ? (Balsan and Madhan.) 

Kesh, n.m. ; pi. (S. Kesha.) Hair. 

Kesi ? adv. Which way ? 

Kesr, n.m. (S. kesara.) Saffron. 

Kethi ? adv. See Kei ? 

Keti ? adv. See Kei ? 

Ketnu ? or -a ? ad. m. ; /. -i, />Z. -e. How much ? 

Ketu, w.m. A kind of wild plant. 



Kfe'r, w.ra. Difficulty, hardship, trouble. Proverb: </«« paro 
kfer, taa nd pdni Wr; jaa a ghe'r, taa nd p&n i be'r. '■ When 
there is trouble, one ought not to weep ; when there is an 
opportunity, there should be no delay.' [poor. 

Kgal, ad. (H. kahgal.) Poor, helpless, -honu, v.i. ir. To be 

To be caught in a snare. 

-o de lagnu, 

Khabr, n.f. (P. khabr.) News, tidings, -deni, v.i. ir. To give 
news, -honi, v.i. ir. To be known, -karni, v.i. ir. To in- 

form, -lani, v.t. ir. To take care. 






Khachia or khaehiro, c.p. Having dug. 
Khachnu, v.t. re. To dig, to excavate; 
Khachr, n.f. (H. khachchar.) A mule. ' pi.' -\. 
Ivhachu \ v. May I dig ? 

Khachu-hundu or - a , pas. par. Dug. /. i, pi. -e. 
Kha^l, n.m. A ditch. (Also khddd.) 
Kha d, n.m. (H.) Manure. 
Khad, n.f. A small river. 
Khadd, n.f. See Khad. 
Khadra, nm pl.-e. A kind ol coarse grass. 
Khafju or kha^du, n.m. (H.) A ram. (Syn. bher.) 
Khafki, n.f (P. khafgi.) Displeasure, -honi, vl ir. To be dis- 
pleased, -karni, v.i. ir. To be displeased, -khani, v.i. n 

lo bear one's displeasure, -parni, v.t. re. To be dis 

Khai, n.f Rust, -khoni, v.t. re. To remove rust, -lagni, v.i. 

re. To be rusty, -lagi-jani, v.i. ir. To be rusty. 
ai j,T (1 , Emb ezzlement, misappropriation of money. 
-Jagm or -lani, v.t. re. To emb- /./Jo. (2) A pit, a ditch- 

mJt^L 7 "£*&**■ - To dig a ditch or pit. 


or puiimg. -atan-lagni, v.i. re. To struggle. 

-nu, v.t. re. T<» 

>n. the act 

Vol. VII, No. 5.j Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 191 


Kaiiichawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to pull; /. -i, p*. -e. 

Khajnchmi, v.t. re. See Khainch. 

Khair, n.f. (P. khair.) Welfare, -honi, v.i. ir. To he good. 

-manawni, v.t. re. To wish well. 
Khair, n.m. '(S. khadira.) A tree, the resin of which is used 

in medicine. (Terra japonica or catechu: Mimosa cata- 

chu.) . 

Khgiru, n.m. A kind of gruel made from sour cheese by boiling 

rice in it. (Also kjuwiu.) 
Khairu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, 'pi. -e. Brown (in colour). 
Kha'j, n.f. (S. kharju.) Cutaneous eruption, itch, scab etc 

-honi, v.i. ir. To suffer from itch, -lagm, v.i. re To have 

the'itch. -khurkni, v.i. re. To scab off the itching part. 

-khurk-de-lagnu, v.i. re. To begin to itch. 
Khajanchi, n.m. (H.) A treasurer, -giri, »./« ™ work ot a 

cashier, -giri-karni, ».». »V. To work as a cashier. 
Khajbli, n.f. Haste, -lagni or honi, v.i. To be hasty. 
Khaji, n.f. Itch, scab. 

Khakh, n.m. Cheek, pi. -o. „-*«««* 

Khal, khaul, n.m. The substance that remains after extiact- 

ing oil from oil seeds. , .. #aw* 

Kha'l , n./. (H.) A hide, skin, -karni. v.i. re. To skm. (Ateo 

Kha'l, nlm] A tank, a pond. Dim. -ta, n.m. A small pond. 
Khajja, n.m. A kind of resin, frankincense. 

Khalra, n.m. See Khal. _ , . , . - 

Khalri, W ./. (1) A small skin bag. (2) A skm,* hide, ». a. 

»/. -e. 
Khalta, n.m. See Khalra. (Also fcftaft*.) 

Khalta, n.m. A small pond. 

Khaltu, n.m. See Khalta. 

Kham, n.m. Crookedness. . 

Khamba, ».m. (H. hhambd.) A beam of timber, a pie.. 

Khampa, ».m. An inhabitant of Ladakli. 



-lani, v.i. r> 

digging. .. . ,._ , 

Sa^ %r^rTK^«ia»«* l,toi 

Khafid ft./ 

' Sugar and black grain at °f™*' ke digcord 

Khand, n.f. Discord, enmity. - k ^ n '^ [ be on KOod terms. 

be betrothed. fc , „ - ino h<n4wni V.i* re. 

Khanjri. >,/. (H. ****** ^^X^^M - 

To play on a tambourine, -marnni, 

tambourine with leather. 

192 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

K hank a or -u, ad. to.; f. -i, pi. - e . Lit. 'That which bites.' 
Vicious, fierce, like a lion, bear or leopard, -mrig, n.m. 

A lion, bear or leopard. 

Khan-nu, vt. re. To dig, to 

-u, to. ; /. -i, pi. -e. pre 


excavating, -kha- 

nia or khaniro, c.p. Having excavated, dug. -khanu- 
huiidu or a, to. ; f.-i, pi. -e. pas. par. Excavated, 
rvlianu, v.t. re. To eat, to take food. Khanda., pre. par. Eating. 
Khaia or khairo, c.p. Having taken food. Khau-hundu. 
pas. par. Eaten. 

jvliansi, n.f. (H.) Cough, -honi, v.i. ir. To suffer from cough. 

Khanti, n.f. (S. Khanda.) A bit, a piece. 

Khar, khaur, n.m. Grass, hay. -lun-nu, v.i. re. To cut grass. 

-o-khe-dewnu, v.i. re. To go to'cut grass. Mere kharo khe 

deivnu a\ ' < I have to go for grass. 


^; £^«n. A grain measure equal to 20 juris or dro- 

nas (16 pa/Ms make one /wn.) 

Kharcb, n.m. (H.) Expense, -honu, v.i. ir. To be expended. 

-karna, ©.«. ir. To disburse, to'expend. 
lUiarcha n.m. A thick blanket made of goat's hair. (Syn. 

bakra thd. ) 
Khari, n.f. pi See Kha'r. 
Kharm n.m. A tester of grain. (Mandi.) 

a fodder for cattle. 
Kharki, n.f. See Khark. 
£ larnu, v i. re . (1) fo be tired. 



a^. to.; f..i,pl.e. Good, well, -horra, v.i. ir. To 

• uni . m , v.i. re To stand up 
not stand up. " 

rutinize; /. -i. pi- -e- 

Mere ni kharuwo : "I can ' 

Kliasam n.m. (H.) Husband, master. 


the Simla hills. (The latter form is used in Kotkhai and 

Kha't, n.m. A pit, -khodnu, v.i. re. To dig a pit. (Also khdch, 
or khah.) g F [cremated. 

£haj, n.m. The frame on which a dead body is carried to be 

£ ia an ; ». w . Means, livelihood. 

£ >ati, w ./. See Khat. 

^hatkd, « .«. (1) A knock. (2) A doubt, uncertainty, -bona, 

KhitY-""'' ^/.^ knocked. -Una. To knock, to doubt. 

Kha til ', khtk awnu t>J. re. fo cause or allow to knock. 


Khat nn ■# ™ Ul «' l0 excavate; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Wo'rkW ^ 5? earn ' t0 g^, ' Khatda, pre. W 
vommg. Khatu-hundu, poa. par. 1 irned or gamed. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.'] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 193 


Khatia or khatiro, c.p. Having earned, gained or worked. 
Proverb: Khdid pqisd Rdje rd, jdyd beta jiun ra: ' 1 h- 
money earned is for the Raja, and a son is born for the 

lord of death.' 

Khatnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to earn; /. -l, pi. -e. 

Khatnu, v.t. re. To amass, to gather; /. i, pi. -e. 

Khatr-twaja, n.f. (P. khdtir-tctivazah.) Hospitality, a warm 
reception. -honi, v.i. ir. To be received with great 
kindness, -karni or -lani, v.t. ir. and re. To otter one s re- 
ception. _ 

K-hattr. ad. 71. -wan. m. -win, /. -wen, pJ. Seventy-first. 

Khatu or -a, ad. m. ; /. i, pi. -e. (H. fcftotfa.) Acid. sour. 

Khauhra, w.m. (H. kharahrd.) A currycomb. -lana, v.t.**. 


Khaul, w.m. See Khal. 

Khaulja, n.m. See Khal j a. 

Khaur, n.m. See Khar. . , 

Kh»; «. * „rf », • / -i «/. -e. (1) Clean. 2 Hairless. 

Khaush, n.m. See Kh 


Khawni. n.f. (Fr. khdnu: to eat.) An oath or a curse. »' 

wim Me Mw-/u' <&** : " She cursed me. 
Khbar, n.m. (P. alchbdr.) Newspaper. 
Khbani, n.f. See Khobani. , 

Khdernu, *.*. re. To drive off, to hunt ; /. -i. &< '*' Algo 

Khe. n.f. Excrement, ordure. JWj-.£- £*^JfeE 

an affix added to nouns, as 
for her. Hdmo 

Khe'ch, khet, n.m. (H. Jfefc*.) A field, land. Tocult ivate. 

Kheehi or kheti, »./. Cultivation. - k ^'"V"Jw^ -i. 
Khedawnu, *.*. W. To cause or allow to drive or hunt, /• 

Khedldenu. v.t. ir. To cause or allow to drive or hunt. 
Khednu, v.t. re. To drive, to hunt; f.-i, />'• " e - 
Kheh! n.f. See Khe. 

^■irL A mfmT^. (2) A fair at which archer, i- 


Khelari, n.m. (H.) One who plays, a player. 
Khelnu, v.i. re. To play, to sport- 
Khelwar, n.m. A plaything. 


(H. tan- 

(H.) See Khe'ch, kl 
., .i.f. (H.) Cultivation 
/. An allotment of land made 

ivnetri, //./. An allotment oi i»ii"'»«~ ,, Knmharsain.) 
Khetru, »[m. See Beth* (Bashahr, Ju bba , Ki « ) ^ 
Miichri, khichru, ».*». and /. (H.) A aisn ui i 

boiled together, -honi or -honu, *.. ir. To be mixe 


194 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 


Ivhij, khiz, n.f. Displeasure, indignation, anger, -honi, v.i. ir. 
To be angry or displeased, -karni, v.i. ir. To become 
angry, -saun-ni, v.i. re. To incur anyone's indignation or 

Khijnu, v.i. and i. re. (1) To be angry, to be displeased. (2) 

To become weak. 
Khil,w./. ; pi. -o. Swollen pare] 

re. To parch swollen grain. 
Khilari, n.m. See Khelari. 
Khiftdawnu, v.t. re. To caue^ M 
Khifidda, pre. par. Spilling. 

-bhujni, v.i. 



Khiftdia or khindiro, c.p. Having spilt or scattered. 

Khindi- j arm , v.i. ir. To be spilt or scattered ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Khindnu, v.t. re. To spill, to scatter; 

Khindri, n.f. A quilt. An old quilt. 

Khindta or -u, n.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. A small quilt. 

Khindu-hundu or -a, pas. pay. Spilt, scattered; /. -i, pi- •©• 

Khmkhap, n.m. (P. kamkhwdb.) A kind of laced silk cloth 

(made in Benares). 
Khinla, n.m. A hoe. 

KMr, n.f. (H.) A dish of rice boiled in milk, 
fc-hira, n.m. (H.) See Kakri. 

KJiir-khira-we, adv. aloud.' -hasnu, v.i. re. To laugh aloud. 
Khis, n.f. Breaking wind, -chharni, v.i. re. To break wind. 
Khisa, n.m. See Guja. 
Khiz, n.f. See Khij. 

Khjina, n.m. (P. khazanah.) Treasure, riches, wealth. 
Ivhlai, n.f. A nurse. 

Khlain, n.m, A farmyard. (Also khhrdrd.) 

Kh arm, v.t. re. To cause or allow to melt; /. -i, pi. -e. 

£hlawa, n.m. One who looks after a chief's son. 

K.hhvara, n.m. See Khlain. 

Ivhmar, n.m. See Kmhar.' 

Khobani, n.f. Apricot. 

Khodim v.t. re. To dig, to excavate; /. -i, pi. -v. Khodia or 

khdodiro, c.p. Having dug or excavated. Khod-da -r •». 

m m f. -i, pi. -e. pre. par. Digging. Khodu-hundu or -a, 

/• -i, pi. e. pas. par. Dug. 

Uioh, n.f. (P.) A big pit. 
^ho j, n.m, Trace. 


i^hojnu, V i. re . To trace, to seek, to search; /. -i. p{- ; e ; 

Khojda or -u m.; /. -i. pi. .*, pre _ ^^ Seeking- Khojia 
or khojiro, c.p. having sought. Khoju-hundu or -a. »».; '' 
'• F- -e. p<w. p^. Sought. , , 

lUiolna vf. re. To open, to release, to set free; /. -i, P*/ e - 

KJiolda, pre /)ar . Opening. Kholia or kholiro, c./>. Havn 
opened. Kholu-hundu or -A m i. -i **. -e. pfis. !>"'■ 


or -a m. f. -i, pZ. -e. />"* 

Wionu, ».*. re. (H. khmd.) To spoil, to make unfit; /• -i, P l A 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. L9S 


Khorida, pre. par. Spoiling. Khoia or khoiro. e.p. 
Having spoilt. Khou-hundu, pas. par. Spoilt. 

I Khopa. n.m. See Gari. 

Kho'r, n.m. pi. Walnuts, -ru-dal, n.m. A walnut tree, -khel- 
n'e, v.i. re. To play with walnuts, -jharne, v.i. re. To 

pluck walnuts. 

Khora or -u, ad. m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Lame, -honu, v.i. ir. To he- 
come lame, -karna, v.t. ir. To make one lame. 

Khcrt, n.m. Defect, imperfection, fault -lagna, v.i. re. To be 
afflicted with an imperfection (from a deity), -lana, v.i. re. 
To blame, -thatna, v.i. re. To set one free from an im- 



Khota, n.m. (H.) An ass. _ 

Khotr, n.m. A pit, » hole, -parna, v.i. re. To look like a 

hole, -pana, v.i. re. To make a hole. 
Khotri, n.f. A hole, for playing a game with walnuts, -khelni, 

v.t. re. To play at throwing walnuts into a hole. 
Khoiiwanu, v.i. re. To be spoilt, to be unfit; f. -1, pi- -* 
Khowa, ».m. (H.) (1) The substance obtained by milk. 

(2) v.p. Spoiled, made unfit. 
Khowanu, v./. re. To cause or allow to spoil; /. -i, /". -e. 
Khowi-janu, v.i. ir. To be spoiled; /. -i, V L ' e - 
Khrab, ad. (P. khardb.) Bad, wicked. 
Khraba, ^.m. (P.' khardbd.) Ruin, destruction. 
Khrabi »./. (P. khardbi.) Difficulty, -horn, v.,. »r. To h 


Khrad. n.m. (H. M«ml) A lathe, -o-da-hina, v.t. n 

sharpen by turning on a lathe. 
Khradi, n.m. A turner on a lathe^ 
K„ r adn»^, r , (H. **) ^^^iXh. 


It i- 

Khrain.**./. A testiva «-- ^ ~ difference being 

a ceremony juet like ^a *g*> ^ for a ^ at th , 

that m a jagra the ™«»*^L * wher eas in the hhrqin 

house of the person who unites a, 

the deity returns the same day to its temple. 

Khrarnu, v.t. re. To dig, to «£*•■£,£* sma ll stones to 
Khreban n.f. A sling ^ used for Arow^ ^ ? . . 

frighten monkeys on the cro|». 

To sling a stone. . 

Khrichnu, ?.*. r< . To erase, to excoriate. 
Ivhrid, n.f. (P. kharid.) Buying a pure ha« 

Khridar. ».m. (P. kharid-ddr 

Khridi-denu. «i. »r. To have ^purchased /. -i, 7 * •• 
Khridnu. r./. re. (P. kharidnd.) To parol as e, bu y 
Khriuhth, kin vuiith, n.m. T to «W» -t storey of ^ ^ 
Khud or khudd, n.m. A roof ot mua, ^ , 

house). , « WlM | fc / Mr,': "He himsel 

Khud. a</ (P. A-ii/rf.) Self. £>e 

196 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Khudd. n.m. See Khud. 
Khulawnu, v.t. re. See Kholawnu. 




Khuiida, n.m. A wooden peg to fasten cattle to. 
Khuiidi, n.f. A stick for playing ball. 
Khundu or -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Blunt. 

Khuiigi , n./- Cough, -awni, vA. re. To cough, -honi, v.i .ir. 

To suffer from cough. 
Khungnu, v.i. re. To cough. 
Kbur, n.m. (H.) Hoof. 



Khuti, n.f. pi. and sing. Legs, -lani, v.i. ir. To hold one's legs. 

Khutru, n.m. pi. Feet. 

Khutru, n.m. pi. Small feet. 

Khwas, n.f. A concubine, -rakhni, v.i. re. To have a concubine. 

Khwe'r, n.m. Offering butter to a godling. 

Khyal, n.m. (P. khidl.) A thought' -karna, v.t. ir. To think. 

Khyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to eat ; f. -i, pi. -e. 

Ki, con. Either : as Ki se deld ki se dele: "Either he or they 

will go. 

■> ■> 

Kijnu ; v.i. re. To rot. -u-hundu or -a, ad. m.\ f 



(Also kiltd.) 

Kilai ? adv. Why ? (Bashahr.) Tu kilqi dwu ? ''Why did you 

come I ' ' 
Kilnu, v.t. re. To stake, to pin; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Kilta, n.m. A long kind of basket for carrying load. 
Kimu, n.m. Mulberry, -ra-dal, n.m. A mulberry tree. 
Kinda ? Kindu \ adv. m. ; /. -i, pi. .£ ? Where I 
K; nu ? adv. How ? (Bashahr.) 
Kiiiyan, v. pst. Bid; / -i. pi. . e . 
Kin-yin, pro. See Ken-yift, f. Did. 
Kisha? *fe. (l) How^ (2) ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e ? What kind 

ot . 

Kiska \ or -u ? acfo. w. ; /. -i, pi. . e . To which side ? 

Kjewnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to rot; /. -i, pi. e. 

Kjyuwtu, w./w. SeeKhairu. 

Miivvnu, vA re. To blacken ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Kmhar, n.m. (S. Kumbhakara.) A potter. 

rwnarg, n.m. (S. Kumarga.) A wrongful act. -karna, W. "'• 

lo act wrongfully. 
Knyai, n ,m. A hue and cry, a noise, -nana, v.i. re. To make a 

noise. i . ' 

Kochi, n./ The name of a dialect spoken in Bashahr. As : /f« 

Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of 

Koda, n.m. (S. Kodrava.) A species of grain eaten b^ the pooi 

people. (Paspalum kora.) ' 

Kodu, n.m. The navel. 
Kokla, n.f. (S. Kokila.) The blackbird. 

K6 I, n.m pi. A kind of pulse, or bean. {Dolichos cat},,,,,, ) 
£o an, n.f. A low-caste woman, or the wife of a Koli 
■Mi, n.m. A low-caste man. cf. Dagi of Bashahr. 
&o lth, n.m. pi. A kind of hill pulse. {Dolichos bifiorus.) 
kolfchani, n.m. (Fr. koith 



kolth by boiling, useful for a cold and cough. 
£u n u, n.m. The son of a Koli; -ti, /,./. The daughter of a Koli. 
lion or kun, n.m. pi. Weevils, -lagne, v.i. re. To be eaten l»v 


Kona, n.m (H. kona.) A corner. 

Kond, kauhd n.m. A big silver cylinder used to cany th< 
village deity in when taking him to some other village. 

angry . 


-karna. v.i. ir. To h 

/. A bribe. Muweh hi kor khdia ( "Have 1 accepted 
a bribe V -deni ; v.i. re. To give a bribe, -khani or -Jam. 
v.i. re. and ir. To accept a bribe, -a. n m. One who 
accepts a bribe. (Syn. bashidiig.) 
£ora -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Plain, unused. 

/. (S. Kushth a.) Leprosy, -lagni, v.i. re. To suffer from 




hot, n.m. (I) A fortress. (2) A coat, 

Kotha, n.m. A granary. (Bashahr.) 

Kohti, n.f. (1) A bungalow. (2) A granary into which 

revenue in kind was paid. (Kullu, Suket, Kuniharsain 

and Maiidi.) (3) A group of hamlets, called bhoj in Sirmur 

and Bharauli. 
Kothiaja, n.m. (H. kothiwdld.) (1) A treasurer, called Bhdari 

m the Simla hills. (2) A storekeeper. (Maiidi, Suket. 

and Bashahr.) 



^rai, n.f. (1) Hardship. (2) An iron cooking vessel. 
Krah, n.m. (H. kardh.) A large iron vessel for cooking 
Krgjl, n.m. A kind of tree, the flowers of which are used as 

vegetable. A species of ebony, (Bauhinia variegate.) 
Kovidara «n Sanskrit and Kachnar in Hindi. 
Kraftda, n.m. ; pi. -e. The cone of Indian corn or maize, as well 

as its straw. 

Kra>,n.m. (P.qardr.) An agreement, -karna, v.i. ir. T<» agree 

a jay. 
Maize- Hour. 

198 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911. 

Krauk, n.m. See kdmddr. 

Krenyiii, n.f. A kind of bird like the maind. 

Krhonu, v.t. re. To boil (of milk, curry, etc.). 

Krjgar, n.m. (H. kdru/ar.) A workman, an artist. 

Krigri, n.f. (H. kdrigari.) Workmanship, skill, artistic work. 

Kroch, n.m. A sharp stone fit to pierce, -lagna, v.i. re. To be 

pierced with a sharp stone. 
Krodh, n.m. (S. Krodha, anger.) Anger, indignation, -upjna 

v.i. re. To be enraged, to be indignant or angry, -karna 

v.i. ir. To be angry. 

Krukha or -u. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. e. Rough. 

Krunda, n.m. pi. -e. A kind of shrub bearing black berries. 

Kruiidu, n.m. See Krunda. 

Ksai, n.m. (H. kasai.) A butcher. 

Kshatu, n.m. See Kashatu. 

Kshaw, n.m. Tightness, -nu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to tie. 

Kshokra, n.m. The payment of one rupee on agreeing to under- 
take the oath called dib. -pana, v.i. re. To pay the sum 
of one rupee on agreement to take an oath. 

Ktan, ad. pro. See Katan. 

Kthar, kathar or kuthar, n.m. A grain box. 

Kthiri, n.f (Fr. H. kdth-ki kin.) A kind of long worm, green 

in colour, with many eyes on its back found in green 

Kthisht, ad. Polluted, unclean, -honu, v.i. ir. To be polluted, 
ivtira n.m. pl.-e. Scissors; /. -i. A small kind of scissors. (Also 
khrtu or -h.) 

Ktnoshtu, n.m. A stand for the spindle (tdklu). 
JVtrawnu, vt. re. To cause or allow to cut (with scissors). 
*u, n.m. (S. Kupa, a well.) A well , a pit. Proverb : 

Mdkhe hhani k&, 

Tindd pdi tu. 

" A well was dug for me, 
But you are cast into it. " 
(Lsed when a complainant is found guilty.) 

^ub, n.m. A hump, crookedness. 

kS * «' f i m > I' * ** "*■ Humpbacked. 
Kudal, n.m. A large hoe. -i. n.f. A hoe. 

ivuftu, n.m. A small pond 

Jvujo, n.f. A kind of white wild rose. 

Kukr.M.m. (S. Kukkura.) A dog. 


Kuk lt\i mIT? ^ iea9arU - *••/• A hen pheasant, 


/• Mai 

(Also chhdlli.) 

bud) Um!i ' nmand/ - pl S P routs - (S- Kudmala, a new 
Kwnbr, A kind of grass bearing some pin-like thorns. (Also 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 199 


Kumli, n.f. See Kumal. 

Kumr, n.m. See Kumbr. 

Kun, n.m. pi. See Kon. 

Kun ? pro. Who ? Kunie ? By whom ? 

Kuftd, n.m. (S. Kuiida.) A pool, a deep hole in a stream. 



Kan-iii, kuft-yiri, n.m. pi. Tribes. Tharo-, a term for the Koti 

State. 'The 18 tribes.' 
Kunka, n.m. A grain or seed. 
Kunka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Single, one-sided. 
Kunu, n.m. A heap of rice at harvest. -Una, v.i. re. To heap 

up the rice harvest. 
Kuii-yin, n.m. See Kuii-in. , 

Kuri, n.f. A girl, a daughter. (Bilaspur, Kangra, Kunihar and 

Baghal.) , . 

Kur-r, n.m. A timber log placed over the joint of the root ot a 

village deity's temple, -charhna or -lagna or -lana, v.i. re. 
To place a timber log over a temple. This is a grand cere- 


grand feast is offered to all who are present, 

Kut, n.m. Revenue. 




ali, n.f. Up-hill, an ascent, 

ashnu, v.t. re. To excite, to move; / 

e ? adv. See Kwai ? 



Kzai, ad. Quarrels 



"He will go." 


Laeka, ».»». (P. »W-gaA.) Territory. T 

Lag, n./. (1) Competition. (2) Enmity, -lagm, tu. r*. ^o pre 

C_7 * » \ — / — — -*- 

vail (of a disease). 
Lagan-fera, n.m. A wedding ceremony. 
Lagawnu, v.t. re. (H. lag*nd. ) Toa*^ fr, £~y ^^ 

Lagi-parnu, „.!.«. To begin to take " ^, ^ ^ ^ ^ 

Lagni-ban-m, w./. A kind ot oawi, 

against another. , 

Lagnu,*,<. ? . (1) To^ (2)Tjb^th« k ^ 

Lagu, n.m. An enemy. - ho ^ fi Iir vear's cultivation. (7/. 
Laira, n.m. The produce of the first jear s cum 

Modd, used in Mahlog State. 

200 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

La'j, n.f. (S. Lajja.) Shame, -awni, v.i. re. To be ashamed 

-lagni or -karni, v.i. ir. To be ashamed. 
Laja, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Loose. 
Lakhnu, v.t. re. (1) To mark, to observe. (2) To cross, to ford 

(a river). 
Laklauli, n.f. See Luktli. 

Lakra, n.m. A log, timber, -i, n.f. Fuel, -e, pi. Logs. 
Lakraiigiia, n.m. (Fr. lakr, wood, ughdwnu, to collect). A tax 

levied on the death of a chief at the rate of 8 annas per 

house. (Bashahr State.) 
Lamba, ad. m.\ f. -i, pi. -e. (1) Long, having length. (2) n.m. 

A lama. (3) A snake. 
Lam bar, n.m. Cooked food for cattle, -dena. v.t. ir. To give 

cooked grain as food to cattle. 


Lambu, n.m. The long leaf of an esculent root or potato. 
Lamchata, n.m. A prophet of lower grade, who passes on 

oracles received through a deity's inspired representative 

to the worshippers , if many of the latter are of low castes : 

(Oldham's " Sun and Serpent "). 
Lanka, n.f. (S. Lanka.) Ceylon or Ravan's abode. 
Lankura-bir, n.m. A deity residing with Bhima-kali of Sarahan, 

in the Bashahr State. He is equivalent to Bhairab. 
Lanti-ra-kamo, n.m. A disgraceful act. 
Lanu, v.t. ir. To take. p.t. Lowa, luwa. 
Lanu, v.t. re. To put on, to wear; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Lanwari, ad. w. ; -win, /. wen, pi. Helpless, poor. 

"M, :? -— "- **v/*v/. */«*, V.*. t O. S.KJ IKJIKX UU , 

Lapoghar, ad. A fool, unwise. 

Lara, n.m. A bridegroom. 

Larawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to fight ; / 



/. A bride. Also used for a Rajput's wife. 

Larnu, v.t. re. To fight, to quarrel; /. -i, pi. e. Larda, pre. 

par. Fighting. Laria or Lariro, c.p. Having fought. Lara, 
pas. ten. Fought. Laru-hundu, pas. par. Fought, quar- 

Latka, n.m. Fashion, mode. 



Lebti, n.m. One who takes. (Syn. Leu.) 



Lekha, n.m. (H.) An account, -karna, v.i ir. To count. -»■ 

rauna, v.i. ir. To be innumerable or countless. 
Le n, n.m. (H.) Credit, -den, a.m. A transaction. 
I^P, n.m. (H.) External application of a medicine. 

r V' n '/'Ar Cry - "P^ 1 or - deni > *•*• re. and ir. To cry, to weep. 
**h n.f. (H.) Lying down, -lani or -nu, v.i. re. To lie down. 
Leu, n.m. and /. A taker, one who t.W 

Vol. VII, No. 5. J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 201 


Lhawnu, v.t. re. To shake. Man nd Ihdwai : "Don't shake 


/. (H. lihdf 



ih, n.f. A term for an area of land equal to 8 bighas 
ft. A feminine future affix, as: Se dewli, "She will 

? * 

/. A writing. (Also the tax levied at one rupee per 
house in Koti State as a charge for writing accounts.) 
Likhawat, n.m. (H.) The act of writing. 
Likhi-kamaie, adv. By accident. Proverb : — 

Likhi-kamdie Idgu dhol, 

Jetne uthd ubhd tetne Idgu hor. 

mm • V 

" By an accident a rolling stone hit me, 
As I got up, there came down another to hit me." 


•ite ; /. -i, pi -e. 

-parni, v.i. re. To suffer from 


Likhnu, v.t. re. (H. 
Likho, n.f. pi. The ] 

louse's eggs. 
Linda or -u, ad. m. ; 

tail, tailless. 
Liiiguri, n.f. An edible fern. 
Lipai/w./. The act of plastering. 

Lipnu, v.t. re. (H. lipnd.) To plaster, to clean; /. -i. pi. -e. 
Lir,V/. (1) A piece of cloth. (2) A rag. 
Liu-karo-kaliu, v. Are dazzling. 
Lmari, n.f. (E. almira.) An almira or cupboard. 
L6bh, n.m. (S. Lobha.) Fondness. -lAgna, v.t. re. To be fond. 

Loha, n.m. (H.) Iron. 

Lohal, n.m. An agricultural instrument. 

Lohti, n.m. (H.) Blood. . ,, i-_Ju 

tokhr, n.m. pi. Agricultural instruments, such as the plough- 
share, etc. -land, v.i. re. To cohabit, -lane, v.t. re. To 
sharpen agricultural instruments. „ /o\ a 

Long, nm. pt. (1) Cloves (Myristica canophyllata). (2) A 

nose stud. 
Lor, n.f. The male pudenda. , . , • , . 

will be destroyed like the salt in the water. 
Lotha-lothi, »./. The act of pulling each other, -horn, v.t. ir. 

To be dragged one by another. 
Lotri, n.f. A small water-jug. 
Lowa, v.p.t. See Luwa. , . , 

Luthnu, v.t, re. To pull, to drag; ; /. -h P- ' e ' , w 
LucUareli, n.f. The plant called Lady s bedstraw. 
Luchhnu. v.t. re. To null off; /. -i» P l - " e - 

202 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Lugru, n.m. The ceremony observed at the time of a child's 

eating grain for the first time. (Bashahr). 

rt. and /. Pendulous and sha' 

Poro dwu kuktu lujbude Jean, 

Man nd Jchai kuktuwd an ton 

A Riddle : 

" There came a dog with hanging, quivering ears, 
Don't bite me, pup, I am your customer." 

(Reply : ' The forget-me-not. 5 ) 





j r^ — -w — w ~* Y » 

/. Fickleness, unsteadiness, inconstancy, -lagni, v.i. 

re. To be inconstant. (Syn. laklquli.) 
Lun, n.m. (S. Lavana.) Salt. 


wicked man. -nu, v.i. ir. To be against. 

Lunkr, n.m. See Lor. 
Lunku or -a, ad.m. ; f 


Luwa, v.p.t. Took. (Also Iowa.) 

Lwad,w./. (H. auldd.) Offspring, -honi, v.i. ir. To be blessed 

with offspring. (Syn. dgat.) 
Lwaine, n.f. pi. A kind of grass that grows with wheat. 
Lwal, n.m. (H. uchhdl.) A jump, -dena, v.i. ir. To jump over. 


Ma, n.f. Mother. [Also an affix added to a verb in the future 
tense for the first person singular. As : An karu-ma. 
"I will do." Edmen karu-me. "We will do." Ham 
karu-mi. We (women) will do.] 

Mabao, mabaw, n.m. Parents. 

Machh, n.m. A man, a person. (Also Michh.) 

Machan, nm. A small hut erected on a tree to watch crops. 
(Kangra and Hill States of Simla ) 

Machchh, ad. /. A woman or any female animal whose off- 
spring never lives long. (From Sanskrit Mritavatsa.) 

Machhli, n.f. A fish, -ghani, v.i. re. To fish. 

Machni, v.%. re. f. To sound or resound. 

Madakn. n.f. The head of a sheep or goat. 

Mafi n.f. A free grant of land. 

Magh n.m. p l The long pepper. 

Maghenyin, n.f. See Mugoh. (Kullu.) 

Maghera or -u, ad, m.; f. -i, pl. -e. Dear, costly, of high price- 

Magr, n.m. r>l, A term f rtl . +k„ *_«.„:„u* *u~ i. a * wft «k of P° ,h 

of intense cold and heavy snowfall. 

ine iorcnignt, ine last wc^ — 
Mdgk. It is supposed to be the time 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 203 



Maharaj, maharajea, n.m. (S.) O great king. A term of 

address to a Hill Chief. 
Mahr, n.m. A collector of revenue. (Bilaspur.) 
Mahrai, n.f. A headman's circle. (Mahlog.) 
Maira, n.m. (1) Love. (2) Eagerness. 

Maja, w.m. Pleasure, comfort, -awna, v. i. re. To l>e pleased. 
Majawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cleanse; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Maie-rd, -ru, ad m.f. -ri, pi. -re. Fine, pretty. 
Majire, Vm.V. (1) Stripes or a rim. (2) A kind of musical 


/• -i, Pi 


Majnu, v.f. re. To cleanse, to clean ; /. -i, P»- - e - 

Majniii n.m. A willow tree. Syn. beso. 

Makhan, n.m. See Chopar. 

Makhaul, ».m. Jest, -karna, ».». re. To make a J«t. 

Makhi (S. Makshika.) w./. pi. Flies. (H. Makkni.) 

Makhir, mkhir, n.m. Honey. 

Makhta, n.m. See Ma'n. 

Malai, n.f. Origin or foundation „ rtcaoQfln r 

Malak, n.m. (H.) Husband, owner master possessor. 

Male, n.m. Fighting, -awnu, v.t. re. lo tight 

Malek. malekan, n.m. A curse on one's mother, abuse of one 



■any*,*./. A festival that ^es place at the full .noon of 
September. Cows are worshipped and fed. In the nig 
the fair called Blaj takes place at Koti. 
Malpura, n.m. A kind of sweet bread; pi. -e. 

Malwa', n.m. ; pi. -6. The wild P|f on ( former {orm is used in 
Mam, mama, n.m. Maternal uncle. (Ine toime 


Bashahr) ; / 



Man, pro Me or to me. 
Ma'n, n.m. Complaint. (Syn. Makhta.) 
Man'al, n.m. The wild pheasant. 
Mana-manie-jhurnu, ».t\ re. To pine in lov 

mW-rauni. «.«. *. To disappoint 



ceremony. w i \ Th e nlanet Mars . (2) Tuesday, 

gal, n.m. (S. Mangala.) (1) ^PgJ et he mugician9 called 

mukhi n.m. pi 


ali, n,/. A dish. , , > 

iwm, *, I *•#> To send for; /. •*, F" e ' 

gi, n.f. An eartl 
clarified butter. 

204 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 





;r"ri K mangna.) To ask lor, to beg: 

Manhgheru, ad. See Magheru. 
Mani, n.f. The mulberry fruit. 

Manj pre. Between, -parnu ; v.i. re. To go between. 
Manja, n.m. (H.) A cot. 

Manjawnu, v.t. re. See Majawnu. 

Manjie, phrase. In the middle or centre. 

Manjnu, v.t. re. See Mainu. 

Manjri, n.f. A mat, 

Maftjtu, n.m A small mat. 

Manu in.m. A man. (Kangra.) Proverb. Mdnu md?iu antra, 

A<n m m , fat kdnkrd. " Men are of different kinds, some are 

stones and some diamonds. ' ' 
Manru, n.m. The mind. 


Mapash, n.f. (H. napdi.) Survey, -lani, v.i. ir. ' To survey 
Mapawnu, To cause or allow to measure ; f,i, pi. -e. 




te^"": "••• * To ** beaten ; / 




last' duUe he d6ath Ceremon ^ " lina > »•»• re - To perform the 

Illness, sickness, disease. 


Marm n.m. (S. Marina.)' Secret. 

Mar^L^/xx A plant bearin g leaves like those of spinach. 
Warn n.m. (H. maran.) Death, -hona. v.i. ir. To die . -lana, ' 

vi re t« e-' , -hona, v.i. ir. To die. 

v.i. re -To perform the ast offices 
Marm, v.t. re. To cohabit. 
Marnu, v.t. re. (H. mdrnd.) To beat to hit 
Marnu, v.i. re. To die ; f\ J T' 

'strength ' P Feeble ' weak ' having n ° 

Maru , ad. Dyin a 
Mas, jmj (g, Md " ft8a } Flegh 

MaShf » » T T? daUg \ fcer ° f ° ne ' 8 mother ' s sister - 
Mashara nm\ 2 u l° n ° f one ' s mother's sister. 

(Also M^shitlf °° m US6d to plaater the fl °° r ^ 
Masi, n.f. A stepmother. 

Mast/ ad ml C 7 Sh ; '• - 1 ' &• "*■ 

elephant , AbUndant - (Bashahr.) (2) (H.) Mad (as an 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 205 


Masurika.) A sort of pulse or lentil. (Er- 

vum hirsutum, and Cicer lens.) 
>i, n.f. A ste] 

% n.f. A cou 

re. To be against a mauta. 

-lagni, v.i. 

forehead. " -tekna, v.i. re. To bow down, to 


Mathei, n.f. (H. mithdi.) Sweetmeat. 

Mathra, v. ad. m. -f. -i, pi -e. Younger, smaller. 

Mathu or -a, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Small, little. 

Mati, n.f. (H. matti.) Earth, clay. 

Matolri, n f. A swallow. pJ. -i. 

Matyani, n.f. The wife of a mauta. 

Mau, n.m. A free grant, a jdgir. 

Mau, n.m. A bee. (Alike in sing, and pi.) 

Mauhru, n.m. A kind of oak, the holly oak. 

Mauli, n.f. A kind of coloured thread used at marr 

Mauftsa, n.m. The husband of one's mother s siste 
fisi, n.f. Mother's sister. Proverb : Sakho nm 
ri kareri, "Mother's sister by relationship, but very 

keen at a bargain." 
Mauna, n.m. Wrist. 
Mauta, n.m. see; Kamdar. 

Mauto, n.f. (H. maut.) Death. tW . Bta whose des- 

Mawi, n.m. A term for the original ********* »se 

cendants are still found in the Simla hills, ..?-, ■» 
Meghula, n.m. (S. Megha.) A cloud- 

MehrAi.n./. A headman's circle M a ™>S-> ,, The zo diaeal 
Mekh, n.m. (S. Mesha, a ram.) (D A rara - < ' 

sign of Aries. A , ffl A rn ; To 

Mekkh n./, A nail (of iron or wood.) -marm, 

object. . .__ > „ : f > To be on 

Mel, n.m. (H.) Junction, union • *ona ^. • ^ terms 

friendly terms, -karna, v.t. ir. lo ge* a 

Mela, ».m. (H.) A fair. Sy£. J&t. Fighting with 

Melo, »./. pi. Meetings. Khokhn-ri-meio. g 

swords. , , j pn ^ « j. ir. To speak 

Mr nhna, n.m. An ironical speech^ ^^ words . 

ironically, -sun-na, v.t. re. lo nea 
Menhneri, n.f. A taunting speech. 
Mep, n.m. Measurement. 
Mepawnu, v.t. re. See Mapawnu. 

Mepnu,' v.U re. See Mapnu. . • To roof. 

M,- T . ».». The roofing of a house J-fc-^ 

£LS.t.5Sr fc'ea^or a lW t ; , ,,0,. 

Metna.e.1. re. To spoil, to make u^l,--. !■ '. P<- 

Mewa, n.m. pi. (H.) Fruits. 

206 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

/, (S. Mahishi.) A she-buffalo, a. n.m. A mal 


buffalo. (Syn. jhota). 
Mhajan, n.m. (S. Mahajana.) A shop-keeper. 
Mhaftgu , ad. See Mahaiigu. 

Mharu or -a. pro. m.f.i, pi. -e. My, mine, of me. 
Mhathra, -u, ad. m.\ /.-i, pl.-e. Small, little, young. 
Mhim, n.f. A war, battle. (P. muhim.) 
Uhin , ad . (H . mahin .) Thin. 

Mhina, n.m. (H. mahind.) A month, the twelfth part of a year. 
Mlntnu, mitnu, v.t. re. To meet; /.-i, pl.-e. 
Mhlori, n.f. (S. Amla-lonika.) Wood sorrel {oxalis corniculata). 
Mhoru or mahru, w.m. The holly tree. 
Mhroi, n.f. A kind of dove. 
Mhurt, ti.w. (S. Muhurta.) An auspicious time, a lucky time. 
Mhwera, -u, n.m. The image of a deity. Dim. mhwertu, n.m. A 

small image. 

Mian, miyan, n.m. A word used in addressing a chief's brother 

or kifc h and kin. (From P. midn.) 
Michawni, v.t. re. To cause or allow to shut the eyes. 
Michh, n.m. See Machh. 
Michni, v.i. re. To shut the eyes. 

Mi awnu v.t. re. To cause or allow to join ; /. -i, pi -e. 
MUni, n.f. A ceremonv observer! at n. w^H rl i n a 
Miliiu. vt 

(2) To visit. (3) To call upon. 



Minka, n .w. A frog or toad, (S. Mand 
Min-nu, v.t. re. To pinch, to rub; /. -i 

/. -i, pi. -e. A verb most 

. - - ~. J.V "icwuic , /. -i, pi. -e. a verD most uuujuwv 
used in measuring clarified butter in a pot equal to one 
seer and six chitaks in weight. 
Mintu, n.m. ; /. .{, pL _£. A Um %. [ch itaks 


Mirch, n./ jrf. .o. R e d pe P1 

fe* . The fi ' st > pi*" 

to 11 

Mio^ *, , r . , — ©"*» uocu »« » uame piayeu wuu 

JJ»?» »•»• Mixed corn, the poor man's food. 

M is awnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to mix together. 

m S ' v r ™ To mix t0 ^ ether ; /• -*. ** * 

Mssa, tt . w . F i our of m . xed com / or ^ 
M tha, ». w . ( h. ^fe-.) A kind of vegetable> 

Mitnu, v.t. re. See MhVtnu 


Moal, n.f 

h (from man, mind and ichchhd, desire.) Desire 


(Also mwdl) 

Modi » «, TnT "' or aDuse 0I > one's mother. (Also mw*-> 
(MahTog) produce of the cultivation of the first year. 


2<) 7 


Moi, n.f. A kind of plough to smooth land after sowing. 

-deni, v.i. ir. To smooth the land with a plough. 
Mokhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to suffer; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Uokhnn,' v.i. re. (\) To suffer. (2) To undergo, to bear ; 

/. -i, pi. -e. 
Mokhni-parni, v.i. re. To suffer, to undergo, to bear; m. -a. 

pi. -e. 
Mo'l, n.m. (Ho mol.) Price, -e-lanu, v.t. ir. To purchase. 



Mor, n.m. (S. Mayura.) A peacock. 

Mor, w.m. The way in which a thing should be folded, -mi, v.i. 

To fold up. , „ u 

Morcha, n.m. (1) Intrenchment. An advance guard. (Z) A 


Mormutha, n.m. A bundle of peacock's tail-feathers, set in a 

gold or silver handle, to whisk off the flies, as an emblem 

or insigne of princely rank. , , 

Moshawnu. v.t. re. To cause or allow to wipe; /. -i, pi- -e. 

Mrak, n.m. See Marak 


Mrari, n f. A wild hawk. (Also mreri.) 

Mrekawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to twist ; /. -i, P<- " e - 

Mreknu, v.t. re. To twist; /. -i, pi- •*• . . . „ „ i 0rt1v .rfl 
Mrig/n.m. (S. Mriga, a deer.) A wildammal such as a leopard, 

bear, barking deer, etc. , * T ^ , 

Mrig-satai, »./ A term for the fortnight, from ->2n 1 of Je^l i to 

8th of Har. It is believed that rain in this jo tn,gt t is not 
beneficial; but that sunshine in it is of great benefit to 




r, n.m. JName ot a nacnm***** « - Iwmmtincr a dead 

/. A b^ smell, such as arises from cremating a dean 


cremating ground.) 
nnli <*> ™ /ft MM™, urine.) Urine. 

Much, n.m. (S. Mutra, urine.; v*«~- , water* / 

MuehAwnu, «.«.«. To cause or allow to make water, / 

pJ. -e. 
Muchi, n./. The act of making wai 

to make water. Syn. Chhoti. 
Much-nu, v.i. re. To make water. 

-lagni . v.i. re. To want 

Muchh.6 , n.m. pi. See Guiijo. 

Muda, n.m. A term for the right to»^ ^ 

Mudokhar, n.m. (U The head. (2) The skuii. 

khar.) . kirn ' t , .• r( , To bombard. 

Manila, n.m. Bombardment, -chharna, v.t. re. 

Mui, ad. f. Dead. . . T obtain an audi 

Muira, n.m. An audience, -karna. v.t. vr. io ooia 


208 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Mukan, n.m. The appointed day on which all the relations 
come to the house where a death has taken place, to pay a 
sum of money called kauri-roti. 

Mukawnu, v.t. re. To finish ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Mukhali,w./. The act of washing the mouth, hands and feet. 
-karni, v.i. ir. To wash the mouth, hands and feet. 

Mukhiya, mukhia, n.m. The headman of a village. (Bashahr.) 

Muknu,*;.*. re. To be no more, to finish, to be ended; /. -i, 

pi. -e. 
Muktu, ad 
Mul. n.m. 

a nachhattar or constellation. 

tun, suiiiuicuu. 

(1) Origin. (2) Also the name of 


Mulere, ad. Original. 
Muli, n.f. (H.) A radish 
Muluk. n.m. 




n. (H.mulk.) A country, -kiya, n.m. A country- 

. (H. mom.) Wax -jama, n.m. Wax-cloth. 
Muftd, n.m. (S Munda, head.) The head, -nhanu, v.i. re. To 

bathe after menses. 
Munda, ad.m. f.-i, pl.-e. Upset, reversed, contrary, -karna, To upset, to turn back. 
Mundar, n.m. pi. The act of prohibiting any impious act at a 

fair called Bla'j (Bali-raj), -bandhne, v.i. re. (1) To 

order not to do a sinful act at the Bla'j fair. • (2) To offer 

protection, -kholne, v.i. re. To set free. 
Munde-nagare-dewnu, v.i. re. To be totally defeated. 
Mundi muftdri, n.f. A ring (of a finger). 
Mundokhar, n.m. See Mudokhar. 
Muftdri , n.f. Ring (of a finger). 
Mundro-ban-ne, v.i. re. See Mundar. 
Mung, muftgi, n.m. and /. A sort of kidne 

mungo) A kind of green pulse generally 
Muftgi. n.f. See Muftg. * 

Munni, n.f. A girl or daughter. (Bilaspur an< 
Munnu 5 n.m. A boy. (Bilaspur and Kangra.) 
Murara, n.m. Half-burnt fuel. 

Muri, n.f. Roasted grain for chewing, -chaft-ni, v.i. re. To 
prepare roasted grain, to roast grain. 

Murkh, n.m. and /. (S. Murkha, illiterate.) An illiterate man, a 

Murku, n.m. A kind of small earring, -i. n.f. A small 

nosering. & 

Mwtnf §" ^ lL) A flute - a PiP e ( of mllsic )' 

ApttSe ' ^ image - ) (1 > ^ n ima ^ e ' an id ° L 

SShf •*£ £ 5^^ A mouse or rat; f.-i. 
Mush UdS "h S , 5 U9hala «) A pestle, a club, a mace. j 
«iusni-dhar-barkha, n.f. Heavy rain. Rainine cats and dogs. 



Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pah art Dialects. 209 


Mushli, n.f. A small pestle or club. f 

Mushtanda, ad. m. Young, of sound health ; ad. /. -1. Young 

Mushtu, n.m. The male young of a mouse; /. -ti. 

Mutha or -u, n.m. A handful. 

Mwal, n.f. See Moal. 

Mwehra or -u, n.m. The imase of a village deity. (Also Mhwe- 




Na, adv. (1) No. -haft. adv. Yes or no. (2) Neither. (3) Nor. 
As: Tinie hdn na kyeri ni ditti. " He did not say yes or 
no." Na se thi tiMi, nd se thd. " Neither she nor he was 

there ' ' 
Nabar, nbar. (S. Nivara.) n.m. Corn that grows wthout 

Nachhattri, ad. Fortunate, born at a lucky time. 
Nada -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. e. Difficult, -lagna. v.i. re. To be 

Nadi, n.f. (S.) A river. „ 

Nadr, n.f. (P. nazr, sight.) Sight, -parmi ; v.t. re. io see, 

to appear ; v.i. re. To be seen. 
Nadu-lagnu, *.». re. To pine in love, to be unhappy. 
Nadu-mananu. v.i. re. To be displeased. 
Nag, n.m. (H.) A jewel fit to be fixed in a ring. 

X%.n.l {s/k;: a oobriy 0> A serpent." (2) TI,.- na„,e 

K.J. l^&«.f. A kind of thi,, bamboo nsed i„ making 

atli, n.f. 


(1) A kind of thin bamboo. (2, A basket-maker. 
iNagan, »./. 1 A female snake. (2) The name of a deity 
Nagande, n.m. pi. The sewings which make a quilt, -dene, ».». 

Nag£a .ITa kettledrum. * - Kettledrums. (P. «*■ 

qdrah.) . , 

Nagarchi, n.m. One who beats a kettledrum. 
Nagarkhana, n.m. A place where a band plays. 

Naha * 


Nahora,'w.m. ' (H. w/Aom.) A humble request. 
Nahwanu, nhwanu; v.t. re. To cause or allow to bathe. 

Nai, nawi, n.m. A barber. 

Nai, nau, n.f. A river. u„kk1o 

NaichaT^.m: (P.) A part of the bubble bubble. 

Naita, w.m. A rivulet, 

Naite, adv. By way of the river. rivulet 

Naiti, w ./. ( 1 , A rivulet. (2) adv. By way of the rivulet . 

210 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bew/al. [May, 1911. 

Naj, nauj, n.m. (H. andj.) Food or grain. 

Naj an, ad. Ignorant, unwise. (Also njan). 

Najr, n.f. (nazr) A present, -deni. v.i. ir. To offer a present. 

Na'k, n.m. (S. Nasika.) The nose. 

Nakal, n.f. (P. naqal.) (1) Copy. (2) A pastime. 

Nakamma, ad. Good for nothing. 

Nakhar, n.m. Soap. 

Nakhra, n.m. (P.) Artifice, waggery. 

Nakta, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. One having no nose. 

/ _ 

bleed from the nostrils. 

Nal, n.m. (1) A pipe. (2) A small river. 

Nal, n.m. The joint of the waist. 

Nala, n.m. A waterfall. 

Nalaek, ad. (P. ndldiq.) Ignorant, unwise. 



/. A kind of disease. (Fr. nal, sinews, and bdi, wind.) 

/. (P. ndlish.) Complaint, -ye, phrase, by way of 


Nalu, n.m. A spring, -we-lana, v.t. re. To put a child to sleep 

under a small thread of "water. It is a custom among the 
hill people to put children in summer under a water-shoot. 

Nalu-musa, n.m. A mungoose. 

Namala, n.m. A request to a village deity, -karna; v.t. ir. To 

ask a deity about one's troubles, etc. -dena; v.i. ir. To 
decide verbally, by a village deity. (Also nmdld.) 

Aamawla or nmawla, ad. Motherless. 

Nan, nana, n.m. Maternal grandfather. (The former form is 

used in Bashahr.) 
' / 

(S. Nananda.) 
»w to dance ; /. 

^aiicnnu, v.i. re. To dance; /. -i, pi. -e. 

^andoi, n.m The husband of a husband's sister. 

Nangu, -a. ad m. ; /. -i, pi. - e . Naked. 

Wanh, a^.Jsegatively. -deni, v.t. ir. To deny, to refuse. 

Aani, n.f. Maternal grandmother. 

Nanka n.m. The mother's home. 

Nansal, n.m. See Nanka. 

Nanw n.m. (H. ndm.) A name. 

Nanwkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to name. 

Nanwknu v.t. re. To name, to enlist. 

Nap, n.f. Measurement. 

Napawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to measure. (2) To 

cause or allow to bend. 

«*pnu v.t. re. To measure; /.-i % 

Niratr-T (1)Male ' < 2 >*»^ 
^ara, n.m. Trouser string. 



VoL 7,Va No * 5,] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 


Narain, n.m. (S. Narayana.) The god Vishnu. 

Narat, nrat, n.m. Mistletoe, holly. 

Naratte, n.m. pi. (S. Navaratri, nine nights.) A term used for 

themne days of Chet and Asoj, in which the grand worship 

of Devi (goddess) is performed. 

/. A ball used in chqupa 



f. (S.) The wrist or pulse. Nan da ran. "Be con 


he is dead. 

, n.f. A kir 


Narja, rc.m. A kind of scales peculiar to the hill people. 
Nark, n.m. (S. Naraka, hell.) (1) Hell. (2) Ordure. 
Narmeii, n.f. Cotton. 
Name, n.m. By God. 

Narol, nrol, n.m. Veil, the pardd system. 

Naroliya, nroliya, ad. One who wears a veil, one who lives in 



/. -i, pl.-k. Hard. 

Narth, n.m. (S. Anartha, nonsensical.) Violence, oppression 

-hona ; v.i. ir. To be unusual. 
Nas, naswar, n.f. and m. Snuff, -lani, v.i. ir. To take snuff. 
Na's, tt.w. A beam of timber. 
Nasaf, nsaf , n.m. (P. insdf, justice.) Justice. 
Nash, naush, n.m. pi. (S. Nakha.) The nails. 
Nash, n.m. (S. Nasha.) Destruction, ruin. 
Nashawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to escape ; f 4 ** - A 
Nashnu, v.i. re. To go away. 

Nash-natnn. v t tp Tn min t 


Nasht, n.m. (S. Nashta.) Destruction. 

Nasur, nsiir, n.m. (H. nfisttr.) A fistula, ulcer or sore. 

Nata, n.m. Relation. 

Natachari, n.f. (H. ndtdcMri.) Relationship. 

Nath, n.f. (H. natk.) Nose ring. Syn. Balu. 

Nathawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to escape; /. -i, pi -e. 

Nathnu, v.i. re. To run away, to escape. Generally used when 

a ruler's subject goes to another territory. 
Nau, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. New. 
Nau, ad. (1) Nine. (2) a River. 
Nauhta, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of nine hands, in measure. 
Nauj, n.m. See Naj. 

/. The ninth day of Chet and Asoj on which general 

U**j IV. J, JL lit? ILIIILII \.i.<\y Ul V/iivv — *•— *- j 

worship of Devi (goddess) is performed. 

a feast day. 
Naun, n.m. A place for water 
Nauni , n.f. See Chopar. 
Naur, n.f. (H. nahar.) A can 


212 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Naush, n.m. pi. See Nash. 

Nautor, n.m. Newly cultivated land. 


/. -i, i>£. -6. New. (Also waww 

Nawi, w.m. See Nai. 

Nayan, n.f. A barber's wife. (Also nain.) 
Nbar, w.ra. (S. Nivara.) Rice or other grain growing wild or 


Nbera, n.m. Destruction, -bona, v.i. ir. To be ruined. 

Nchhana, -u. ad.m. -/. -i, pi. -e.' Unsifted. 

Nchhanien, adv. Without sifting. 

Nefa, n.m. The upper part of the trousers in which the string 

is fastened. 


Negi, n.m. 


An officer in charge of a jail in the Simla Hills. In Kana- 

war, a gentleman or well-to-do man. 
Neha, n.m. The spring harvest. 
Nehcha, n.m. See Nihcha. 
Nehtu, n.m. (S. Neha.) Love. 
Neja, n.m. A spear. 
Neora, n.m. Cooked flesh. 
Nere, ad. Near. (Also niure.) 

Nernu, nliernu, n.m. A small implement used to cut the nails, 
^eshne-lana, v.t. re. To ask, to inquire. 
Neshnu, v.t. r-e. To ask. 
Newul, n.m. A hot place. (Also Neol.) 
Nhanu, v.i. re. See Nahanu. 
Nhernu, n.m. See Nernu." 
Nhoknu, v.t. re. To hit, to strike; /. -i, pi. e. 
Nhranu, v.i. re. To humble. 
Nhrawnu, v..t. re. To cause or allow to humble. 


v.i. re. To be con 



V- y r 'J M re ' To wait for ; I -U vi- -e. 

v-iu- N ? L As : Md * ™ chanyin. ' I don't want.' 
IN i-anth], phrase. Isn't. 

Ni-balnu, v. Cannot. 

S' Cl ! 1' m l (S - NIcha '> A ^w-caste man. 
Ni-chanyin, phrase. I don't want. 

S ° T 'I' ad J m - > f - { > * * Clea »> Hne - 

Xichhu or -a, ad. m . ; /. -i, pi . e . * eat , unpolluted. Hachha 

Niffrfi^' ••' C !2 an ' purified P»»y*wally or morally. 

£ gn-janu, v.t. tr . To perish- / -i U ./» 
gTOi, ,,". re. To die P to peri sb /'i t| . e 

^f'^;Acarpenter's P tool. ' ; " ' P 
^halnu, ttf. w . See Nhyalnu. 


Vol. VII , No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 

' [N.S.] 
Nihcha, n.m. (S. Nishohaya.) Patience, belief, -rakhna; v.i. 

re. To have patience, -rauna, v.i. ir. To be assured. 
Nihcha, n.m. Leisure. (Also nehchd.) -hona, ».». »r. To be at 

/. (S. Nidra.) Sleep. 


Nil! n.m. The inner part of the blue or other pine. 

Niin, n.m. An oath, an ordeal, -karna or -thwana, ».*. »f . and 

re. To take an oath, -dena, v.t. ir To offer an oath 
Nim or nimb, n.». (S. Nimba.) A kind of tree. (Meha 


Nimbu,rc.m. (S. Nimba.) The citron fruit or tree. 

Nimlu ^ -a, ad. ». J /. -i, pi. -e. (S. Nirmala,) Clear. Fw «*. 

Oftfe 9»A2u 6oai ft nimlu nimlu rah ja. ' During the 
monsoon, "foul or turbid water flows away but the clear 
or transparent remains," i.e., bad times will pass away and 
happy days return. 

Nindnu, v.t. re. To weed. 

Ninrd, n.m. The tree-frog. 

Nir, n.m. (S. Nira, water.) Tears. N 

Nirn»,».m. Breakfast. (Keonthal ad. m f-'^f't^t 

havin* taken food. Mnw pe*e fcfora »» ^a,,a. Don 

having taken food. j; 


Nisrnu, v.i. re. To come into ear, of pain. 

Nithe, «fc. Down, -pandi, ad. Cohabiting, -khe. ±or 

Nitrnu^.*. re. To dry by letting water run or drip off. 

Niure, ad. Near, nigh- . r n ^ mm 

Nm&nk.fld. «.:/.- flrf.-e. Anxious, full of cart 


Nmane-shetnu, v.t. re. lo casi .««" — ^ ' / . . T have 
Nofa, n.m. {F. na/a.) Interest, gain, -hona, v.t. 

an interest in. 
Nok, n.f. A tip. -e. With 
Nokhu or -a, arf. w. ; / 


( £ m Jf,'; *££ and i*«r. the air.) 

The air 

that blows from a ravine. • . T be 

Nraj, ad. (P. mfefe.) Displeased, angry, -honu, 

displeased or angry. . .karni. To proceed 

Nraji, n.f. Displeasure, anger, -bom or karni. 



Nra^m. See Narat Sy*. «■« — nfc (Fr . S . Niroga.) 
Nroga, -u, ad. m. ; /. -1, J*- ; e - ^ X V , , 
Nrvornu, v.t. re. To overtake; f.-h P- , ^ 

Nryorwnu, ».t. re. To be overtaken; /. -i,2£ e. 
Nw'ai, ,:/. The thread used in makmg a^ ; ^ 
Nwala, n.m. A morsel, -lana, v .*. _. k m easui«- 

Xwan, W .m. Measurement, -lana, M. »• io ™ 

ment. _ . 

Nyaw, n.m. (S. Nyaya.) J usfcice \ ^ 
Nvaw-nasaf , n.m. Redress for a crime. 

214 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May 

Nyo, n.m. See Nyaw. 

Nyoiida, n.m. (S. Nimantrana). Invitation, -dena. v.i. ir. 

To in vita. 

A.s : O re Id. " you. 

5 > 

Obra, n.w. A cattle-shed ; the hill people generally keep their 
cattle in the lower storey, hence this word is always applied 
to the lower storey where the cattle are kept, -karhna, 
v.i. re. To carry out manure from the cattle-shed. 

Obrtu, w.m. A smaller cattle-shed. 

Od, n.f. Moisture, dampness. 

Oda, -u, ad.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Damp, wet, moist. 

Oda, n m. (1) A basket. (2) A boundary stone in a field. 

Oda, n.m. The tooth between the front teeth and the grinders. 

Oda-banda, n.m. Partition, -hona, v.i. ir To be separated 

off with one's own share in one's father's property. 
Odkan, n.m. The frame of wood on which a carpenter works. 
Oduwa, n.m. The lower corner of a field. 
Oduwe, adv. At the corner. 

O'g, n.m. The wedge of a plough. 

Ogla, n.m. A kind of grain grown in the hills ; called kotii in 

the plains. 
Oh, ohu ; int. Ah, alas ! 

O'j, n.m. Excuse, pretence, -lana, v.i re. To pretend. 

Ojr, n.m. The stomach. 
Ojru, n.m. pi. Curls. 
Okhal, ukhal,w.ra. A mortar. 

O'l, n.m. Land-slip, -parna, v.i. re. To slip. 
Ola, n.m. pi. -e. Hail. 

Olan, n.m. Soup or cooked pulse or other vegetables with 

which to take bread or rice. 
Ole, n.m. pi. (H.) Hail, -parne, v.i. re. To have a shower 

of hail. Syn. sharu. 
Ole, adv. On the other side. 
Oliya^ n.m. A piece of twine used to hold up a pot, etc. with- 

-lana, v.i. re. To tie twine to a pot, etc., -banawna, *••• 

re. To make twine for an earthen pot, etc. 
Opra, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -6. Unacquainted, unknown, a foreigner- 
Opre-ralaj, n.m. The treatment or cure of magical attacks. 

Or, n.m. A carpenter. (Bashahr.) In the Simla Hills he is 

t called Badhi. 
Ora, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. .^ Here, at this place, hither. 
O're, adv. For pleasure. 

-re-la, phrase. Oyou! 

Orhawnu. v.t. r P T^ r. n „ on .... -ti__ A / iu.\ 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of 



ii, n.f. 



/. -i, pi. -e. To this side. 

ie of a carpenter. Syn. bddhati. 

f. -i, pi. -e. Neai*, nigh, this side 

/. Dew. -parni, v.i. re. To fall, of dew. 


Paeli, n.m. (S. Patra.) A leaf, -nu, v.t. re. To shave with an 


i.m. ; n.f. Backbiting, injuring one's interests. 
Pachar', n.f. (H. pachchar.) A wedge. f , 

Pachawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to digest;/. -1, pi. -e. 
Pachernii, v.t. re. To smash against; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Pachh'/w.m. A cut in a limb or body, -den a, v.: ir. lo in- 

flict a cut on a limb. 

wj /. .i, pZ. -e. Backwards. 

Pachhe-fa, adv. Afterwards. 

Pachhet, -i, n.m. and /. Late in ripening, ol 

Pachhi, adv. By the back way. 

Pachhka, adv. Behind, backwards; u.m..f. , . 

Pachhla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi ■*• former, previous, of 

i, pi. -i 



— 7 M. v 

Pachi, ad. Twentv-five. 

Pachi-ro-raunu, v.i. ir. To try with utmost .are. 

Pachka, ^'. A hold, a grasp, -pana, tu. re. To have a hold 

of. -dena, v.t. ir. To lay hands on. 
Pachnu, v.t. re. To be digested ; /. -i, !».-*• 
Pachnu, v.e. re. To be engaged attentively. 
Pachnu, v.t. re. To work with an adze «„,-;„- it i 8 

Pad, n.m. One only. In calculation when onh one remains it is 

called pad and is esteemed very luck\ . 

Pada, n.m. The buttocks. ,i:«.iinrffM religious 

Padka, n.m. A learned Brahman who discharges religious 

duties. -ni,n./. The ^fe rf a ftdto. 
Paelage, n.m A term ^ ^'^ Kanet. ' And 

three castes, w., S'^ ^poUe or patr^. 
among Kanets the saluting teim is pa^ 

Lit. : « I bow down to your feet. iournev. 

Paeta, ».*. ,8. Prasthana.) *g-^5OTU 

Paetla, -u, ad. m.\ f. -I, p*. - e , ^"» u ' 

Pag, n./. A turban. (H. pagri.) tnr i vms 

Pa^ie, pagiye, n.m. pi Those who wear turbans. 

Pagiya, n.m Verandah. ^ nt .^ hoimr 

216 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

To make present or perceptible, -e-bolnu, v.t. re. To 
declare, to admit of no other evidence than actual 
presence. (Fr. S. Pratyaksha, presence.) -e-japnu, v.t. 
re. To speak openly. 

Pagri, n.f. A turban, -band, n.m. A chief's official. 

Pahi, n.f. Spleen 

Pajnda, n.m. pi. -e. A road or way. 

Pajiide-de-lanu , v.t. re. To lead on the right path ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Pajfthat, ad. 65. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Sixthy-fifth. 

Pajn-ne, n.m. pi. Steps. 

Paiiitali, ad. 45. -wan, m. -win, -/. -wen, pi. Fortv- fifth. 

Padftti, ad. 35. wan, m. -wiii, /. -wen, pi. Thirty-fifth. 

Pair, n.m. pi. Feet. 

Pajnu, -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sharp. 

Pajri-pe, n.m. See Paelage. 

Pajtan, n.m. A term for a tax at one rupee per year. (Kullu). 

Paja, n.m. A kind of hill cherry. 

Pajah, ad. 50. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. Fiftieth. 

Pajajnu, v.i re. To burn, to kindle; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Pajama, n.m. (H. pnjdmd.) Trousers. (Also pdijamd.) 

Pajattar, ad. 75. -wan, m. -wiii, /. -weft, pi. Seventy-fifth. 

Pajpu, v.i. re. To grow ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Pakaish, n.f. Firmness, durability, -karni, v.i. ir. To 


Pakawnu, v.t. re. (H. pakdnd.) To cook, to boil; /. -i, pi -e. 

Pakh, n.m. (S. Paksha, the dark or bright fortnight.) A fort- 

Pakha, n.m. (H. pankhd.) A fan. -bana, v.i. re. To fan. 
Pakheru, n.m. pi. Birds in general. 


/. -i, p£- -e. A stranger, a foreigner 

Fakkh, n.m. (S Pankha.) A feather, a wi'ng. (Also pdnkkh.) 

Paknu, v.i. re. 
Pakrawnu, v.t. re 

f. -i, pi. -e. 
est or hold ; / 

Pakrnu, v.t. re. (H. pakanid.) To hold or arrest; /. -, , 

Fakyen, n.m. pi. (H. pakwdn.) Rich cakes, etc. 

Pa a, n.m. (H. patfa.) Corner of a scarf. 

; aa ' n - OT - Fr ost. -parna, v.t. re. To be frosty. 

fala n.m. pi. - e . A measure of clarified butter equal to about 

2 or 2£ chiltdlcs. 
Pala, n.w. See Anchal. 

sacred fig. 

Waved leaf of the fi« 

infectoria.) The 

i a ai, n ./. Wage3 for keepi c&m& 

a apu, To cause or allow to cherish ; /. -i, pi *> . . 
raina, n.w. A grain measure equal to one ser and 3 chitaks 

ndian mea sure. 

P«r W "f £ turn ' < H ' 6 «™-) 

FaU, w./. A small v* s «>i ** :' r • ^ „:i 



,] Dictionary of 




Palsar, palsara, n.m. An official in charge of a granary or 
fortress. (Suket, Kullu and Kumarsajn.) 

Paltru, n.m. One whose turn it is to work or guard. 

Palu, n.m. pi. A kind of hill apple. 

Palu, n.m. pi. The grey hairs of old age. -lagne, v.i. re. To be- 
come old. 

Pa'n, n.f. Sharpening, -deni, v.i. ir. To sharpen. 

Panch, n.m. pi. Arbitrators. 

Panchi, n.f. Arbitration, -karni, v.i. ir. To arbitrate. 
Panchhi. n.m. pi. Birds in general. (Also pakheru.) 
Panchmi, n.f. (S. Panchami.) The fifth day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. 
Panda, n.m. A Brahman who receives a donation at an 


Panda, -u, ad. m.; f.-i, pl.-e. Across. T z >xj 

Panda, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Upon, up. Proverb :--Ju nhaMe 

muchqu, munhon pdnde Japan julh, team ka paknj How 
can he, who makes water in his bath, or tells a he face to 
face, be caught." Meaning, how can he be punished f 

Pande, prep. Above, upon. 

Paiidka or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi •&. Across there. 

Pandla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. 4. Of above, upper. 

Pandla, -u, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Of across, trans-river or 


revenue at one time was only Rs. 



Pandro, arf. 15. -wan, m. -win,/, wen.p*. Fi ^nth. 
Pandru, n.m. A festival observed on the 15th of the month of 

Poh, (Jubbal, Kotgarh and Kotknai/. 

Mud of the foul water kept in a field for wwing 


rice during the rainy season. 
Panga, ».m. (H. panga.) A branch, a bough. 
Panhair. n.m. The water-place of a village. f th 

Panhy^in, n.f. A rainbow, -parni, v.t. re. To appear, ol the 



Pani, nj. A shoe or shoes. 

Pamhar n^m. See Panhyair wefi j The fifth.<*.)o. -wan./. •^"'"^^^ called Dhan- 
Panjag, n.m. pi. (S.Papc^ka.) ^J^^ tmihh 6dTBig^ 

ish'ha, Shatbhikha, Purvabhadrapaaa, u 

P-WJ!^ T„e right of the State to buy up gran, at ha, 

i, DJ S,« e ::l ioffiUpK-. milk, curd, wood, 

««&■& Ms^a^- —- - um been 


delivered of a child. 

218 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911. 

Pankh, n.m. pi. See Pakkh. 

Pankhri, n.f. An army, especially infantry. 

Pankhru,rc.m. See Paiichhi. 

Panmesur, n.m. (S. Paramesvara.) God. (Also parmesur.) 

Panth, n.m. (S. Pathin, a road.) A heap of stones kept at a 

cross-road and considered the deitv of the way. Everyone 

passing by has to put a stone on it. 
Pantu, n.m. pi. Children's shoes. 
Panu, v.t. re. To throw in. 

Pariw, n m. Foot. [urna). 

Pariwna, n.m.- /. -i, p l. .£. A guest. A\sopdnu>ui. (S. Pragh- 
Panyajh, n.f. See Panhyairi. 
Pap, nm. (S. Papa, sin.) (1) Sin. (2) A deceased ancestor, 

who is supposed to cause injury if not worshipped. 
/Pujna v.t. re. To worship the deceased with cakes, etc. 
Papi, ad. (S. Papin.) Sinful. 
Par, adv. Across. 

Parajna, n m. (S. Parinayana.) A form of marriage observed 

among Kanets. (See Ruti-manai.) 
I'araintu, n.m. A nuptial ceremony observed on a smaller scale 

than a parqind. 
Paraj, n.m. (S. Palala). Rice-straw. (Also prd'l.) 
Farali-Jane, v.t. ir. pi. To beseech, to implore. Tinen deo 

paralne Jae. ' They began to beseech the village deities ; 

/• -i, -a, sing. 

Paralnu, *.*. re To beseech, to implore ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Parar, prar, adv. The year before last. 

Parat, prat, n.m. A large dish. (H.) 

farewi n.f . (S. Pratipada.) The first day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. 
Pari, adv. Beyond. 


^rfj*^ ( k'. '**!*> love > (I)' Friendship, love. (2) The 

; 8t f? ™ bein S in g°oa terms. 

Parja! ^.'Tubj^tf' * * T ° PUt * **** t0 * b ° W ' 

Parm&r W *r ^^ Pr ^na. a proof.) Acceptable, 
t armesur, n.m. See Panmesur. 

break the string 

Paio, nm. Grain lent on interest. 


LhTnn ° n f ente ™% a new house or temple. 

A ceremony ob- 

t asha, ».w. A die 

(2)Tomts **" ' "•*'•"• (1) To be unsuccessful- 


Vol. VII. No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahuri Diah 

Pashi, n.f. (1) Hanging. (2) In any calculation if two .remain 

as the balance it is considered unlucky, and this balance is 

called Pdshi. 
Pashkri, n.f. The sides, of the human body. 
Pashnu, v.t. re. (H. parosnd.) To serve a meal, to place tood 

before guests. 
Pashu, n.m. pl. (S. Pashu, an animal.) Cattle. 

Pasli, n.f. (H. pasli.) Ribs. . 

Pasm, »./. Tibetan goat's wool : of two kinds, white, and khw<- 

rang or natural colour. 
Pasmina, n.m. A shawl, white or of natural colour. 

Pa't, n.m. (S. Pata.) Silk. 
Patina or ptana, ad. ro. ; /. -i, ^ -e. Barefoot. 
Patanda, ptaiida, n.m. ** -e. A kind of bread made of * heat 
' flour and eaten with clarified butter and sugar. Especially 
prepared on some feast day. 
Patawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to root up; 
Patenu, v.t. re. To conciliate. v - , 

Patewnu, «>.*. re. To be conciliated; /. -i, p*. -«• 
Patha.'ra.m. A grain measure varying from l j to 
Pathiaru.n./. A receiver, equivalent to toAttrtttM 
Pati, pachi, »./. (H. jwtf»0 A leaf. 


Pati, n.f. A small board, to write uu. , 

Patianu, *.», re. To be conciliated; f.-h P*. ^©- • , 

!>«<-•' " • M rr n pmme or allow to conciliate, /. -i» 

Patiawnu, v.*. re. lo cause ui »" 

pl- -e. , 7 - 

Patijnu, v.t. re. To be assured; f.-h P*-' 6 - 
Patiknu, ptiknu, ».*. re. To jump, to crack. 
Patir/».ro. f*. A kind of food made of the leaves ot an 

lent root. t ± t -j a 

Patle-firnu, v.i. re. To be thin or weak; /. -1, P- ■* 

Patnu, v.*. re. To root up; /• 'h V 1 - ' e - 

Pattha, ad. m. Young (man). 

Patthi, ad. /. Young (woman). T weave a 

Patu, n.m. A white blanket, -bun-na, v.*. >*• 

blanket. _ J. ' a ipffpr 

Patu, ».m. A messenger, one who carries a letter. 
Patuwa, w.m. A messenger. 

Patyanu, v.i. re. See Patianu. „ nflmpnr « in (Also called 

Patvari, n.f. A small basket to put ornaments in. (A 

suhdg petty dri.) 
Patyawnu, v.t. re. See Pj***?*' , . g di8tribuU . d . 

Pau, w.m. (S. Prapa.) A place * litre ► 

i' i • W Mtftblish a water supply. 

-Ian4, t>.». re. To esta dust . ca period, 

Pauhar, pohar. ».*». pl. (S. Prahara.) xm , 

adv. -e. In the time. 

/ A ruler s gateway. 

'« " ! *& *iiO Wind storm. 



220 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

r, »./. Likeness, ad., Like. Mere tau tesri pour a'. " My 

case is like his." 
Paw, n.m. (H.) One fourth. 

Pchanwe, ad. 95. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi Ninety-fifth. 
Pchasi, ad. 85. -wan, m. -win,/, -wen, pZ. Eighty-fifth. 
Pchawnu, v.*. re. See Pachawnu. 
Pchheta, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e\ Late-sown. 
Pchhuridka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The last. 
Pchruwanu, v.i. re. To be torn with nails. 
Pchruwnu, v.t. re. To tear with claws (of a beast.) Brdgqi 

tesru munh pchruwi pdu thu. "The leopard had torn his 

own face with his nails." 
Pchuiija, ad, 55. -wan, m. -win, /. wen, pi. Fifty-fifth. 
Pechawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to ruin. 
Pechhi, n.f., A large kind of basket to keep grain in. 



Peoka, pyoka, n.m. A wife's paternal liome. 

Pe'r, n.m. A tree in general. 

Pe't, n.m. (H.) Stomach, belly. 

Petku, n.m. Any esculent root, such as the potato. 

Phim, n.m. See Fim. 



Pich, w.m. Juice of rice, water of boiled rice. 
Pichh, n.m. See Pich. 

"T^^ a aft ^ 






- : ~ & «„ V u, v.t. r t. xo cause or allow to swing : 
Pingnu, v.i. re. To swing. 

Pinhnu v.t .re. To grind, to make into flour ; /. -i, pi -e. 

Pmi, n.f. An egg; pi .{. 

Pinjra, n.m. A cage for a bird. 

Pmjra, -u, ad. m. ; f. .{, pi. -e\ Yellow, pale. 

rajt, w./. A fragrant drug used as a medicine. 

£in a, n.m. A stone for grinding anything. (Batta in Hindi.) 

p ipl',«./. Chilli. 8 - » v .. 

Piphi, w.w. A kind of grass, resembling the chilli, whence its 

name. 6 

Pironda, n.m A silk cord used to bind a woman's hair. (Also 



Pirthi ™ / /q r> '/.'.' *"• " t5 ' -o^ter to the taste. 

K*«. 1/ ( w.«SL VL> . , The earth ' «» WOTld . creation - 


J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 221 

Pishawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to grind ; /. -i, pi -e. 
Pisi-ghalnu, v.t. re. To grind down ; /. -i, pi -e. 
Pishne-denu, v.t. ir. To allow to grind ; /. -1, pi ■*. 
Pishu, ».m. (H.) Fleas. (Alike in the singular and plural.) 

Pissan, n.m. That which is to be ground. 

Pite, ad. Near, nigh. 

Pith, pithi, n.f. (S. Prishtha.) The back. 

Pitha, -u, n.m. Flour. 

Piihi-de, adv. On the back. 

Pitl, n.m. (S. Pittala.) Brass. „„,!-»/« i 

Piunlu, .a, ad. m. ; /. -i, p*. -& Broad, wide. (Also pyuvh,) 

Pja, ad. See Pajah. , g even tv- 

Pjhattar, ad. 75. -waft, ». -win.. /. -wen, pi. seven y 

EJUftt *~ The nightingale, of two colours-black and 




Pkaish, n.f. See Pakaish. /S Plaksha.l 

Plah, *.m. The sacred fig-tree (Ficus rehgiosa). (S. Flaksha.) 

Also palah. 
Plassh, n.m.' A kind of pheasant. 
Plewnu, t>.i. re. To sharpen ; f. -h P L " e - 
Pohar. n.m. See Pauhar. 

«1 Anf fn *>n.r 


Po'r, adv. Last year. 

> eat ; /. -i, P*- ■*; 
/ A «A -e. Hollow. 

-to r, aav. juast yetu. 

Pora, at/?;. Away. . , ^ . j s 1} j .£. 

Pore-bhajnu, J re To mm. to stop M £ 

Pore-muwen-tuse , phrase. Be ott \ ou , g 

Pori, adv. By that way. 

Poriya, adv. At that place, there 

Of last year; adv. To that 


t> i ? j f i rd -e The other one. 

Porla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, P*; - e ; i, . . that s ide. 

Por-ra, u, ad. m. ; /. -i, ^- ?• ™JXJS (2) 
Porshu, adv. (1) The day before yesterday. W 

to-morrow. , ff . r to-morrow. 

Poshu, adv. Yesterday, or the day aftei 

Pothar, n.m. The male organ. • t 

Pothi, » f. (I) A book. (2) A manuscript. 

Pothnu, v.i. re. To spoil ; /. -Mjfcj • L 

Pradhi,ad. (S. Aparadhm.) truel ;; A en &, v.i. ir. To give 

Praich, n.m. Grain offered to a duty. . ^ ^ of eftch 

grain to a village deity. >y 

harvest is first offered to a deity. 
Pr&jna, n.m. See Parana. 
Pr^ntu, n.m. See Pargintu. 

222 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911. 

Pra'l, n.m. See Paral. 

Pra'n, n.m. pl. (S. Prana, the life.) Life, existence, -chorne; 

v.i. re. To work hard, -udne ; v.i. re. To die, to breathe 

one's last, -dewne, v.i. re. To die. -ui-raune, v.i. ir. 

To become weak, to lose strength, to grow old. 
Prana, -u. ad, m. ; /. -i, pl. -e. Old, second-hand. (H. 

pur and . ) 

Pranda, n.m. A coloured thread to bind the braided hair of a 

maid. Also pirondd, 
Praona, n.m. See Prawna. 

Praoni, prawni, n.f. Hurry, haste, -lani, v.i. re. To make 

Praofttha, n.m. Bread cooked with butter or g}ii. 

Pra'r, adv. The year before last. 

Prat, n.f. See Parat. 

Prathi, adv. From the beginning. 

Prathti, n.f. A line of men engaged in weeding a field. 
Prau, n.m. See Pay. 

Prauj, pauj, n.m. The gateway of a ruler or chief. 

" " li, n.f. See Pr 

Prawna, n.m. ; /. -i. pi. - e . (S. Praghtirna.) A guest. 

Prawni, n.f. Haste, hurry, -lani, To hasten, -lagm, 

v.i. re. To be hurried. 
Praya, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi, -e. (H. pardyd.) Others. 
Pret, n.m. (S. Preta.) A ghost, a goblin. 
Prithi, n.f. See Pirthi. 

-ni, n.f. A sieve. Proverb: Priunni du pdni ni raundu. 
' ' Water cannot be held in a sieve. ' ' " 
Proht, n.m. (S. Puroliita.) A priest. 
Pronu, v.i. re. To thread, to string • 

• ' V 



— — — vw — m 

f. (H. Poshdk.) Clothes. 

Pshauri, n.m. A loose shirt like that worn by the Peshawar 

Ptali, ad, See Patali. 
Ptana, ad. m. ; /. -i," p l .£. Bare-footed. 
Ptanda, n.m. See Patanda. 

Ptaravvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to abuse ; /. -i, pl. -e. 
PtAn-lanu, v.t. i r . To get abused; /. -i, pl. -e. 





t. re. To inquire; / 
/. Investigation, ai 




Vol. VII, ls T o. 5.] Dictionary of the Pakari Dialects. 223 


Pujawnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to arrive, to escort. 

(2) To cause or allow to worship ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Pujhuriya, n.m. See Pjhuriya. 

Pujnu, v.t. and *. re. (1) To arrive. (2) To worship ; /. -i, pi. -,'-. 
Pu\,n.m. (H. pul) Abridge. 
Pula, n.m. A bundle of grass. (Also putiu or -id. ) 
Pule, n.m. pi. A kind of jute shoes made in Kullu and Suket. 
ru\i, n.f. A small bundle of grass, or fuel. (Also pvlii.) 
Pulta, see pula. 
Pulti, «./. SeePuli. 
Pultu, n.m. See Puli. 

Pun, n.m. (S. Punya.) Goodness, charity, a donation, demi, 
v. t. ir. To give alms, -karna, v. t. ir. To perform a chari- 

table duty. 

, n.f 

f. (S. Puchchha.) A tail. 

/, A small tail. 


/. (S. Purnaraasi.) The full moon. (Also pitno.) 

Pur, pura, «</. Complete; /. -i, pi. -e. 


^-^c**^ nan. ^o. rurvanga.; me preiu 
wedding or the sacred thread ceremony 
£urbo-khe, adv. To the eastward. 


Pure, imh, p i % Puddings. 

Pure, ad. w. ^. Complete. 

Puri, n.f. (H.) A kind of bread cooked in clarified butter. 

Purnu, v.t. re. To make up; /. -i, pi -e. 

Putha, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Reversed, turned back. 

Puth-kaikla, n.m. A plant ( Achy rant hes aspera). 

Pwaja, n.m. The outturn of a harvest. 

Pwao, pwaw, n.m. (S. Upaya.) Treatment, remedy, -karna, 
v.t. ir. To remedy. [recover. 

Pware-dewnu, v.i. re. To be senseless for a day and then 
Pyahajr, n.m. Green grass for cattle. 
Pyaij, n.m, (H. pydj.) Onion. 
±Tar, n.m. (H.) Love, 
^yass, n.f. (H. pids.) Thirst. 
£yawi, n.f. A nurse. 

Pyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to suck ; 
Pyoka, n.m. See Peoka. 
Py»n!a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Yellow, pale. 
1 ynntru, n.m. A small bird, of yellow colour. 



R a, -u ^o^: affix;/. -i, p*. -re. Of. As: Terd, Vour. 7 T es- 
™. His. Teso-ri, Her. Tina-re, Of them. 

224 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Rachchh, n.m. A handloom. 


Protection . -karni , 

v.t. ir. To protect, -rauni, v.i. ir. To be protected. 
Raesi, rarsi, to.f. The state. 
Ragara, rgara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sunny. Yard ye a ban 

rgdrl jdgd. " Friend, this is a very sunny place." 
Rahi-goi-a-hado-maso-ri mutho, phrase : You have become 

very weak. 

Rai, n.m. The fir tree. (Also ran.) 

Rai, n.f. Mustard, -ri-dali, n.f. The mustard plant, -ra- 
dana, n.m. Mustard seed. 

Ra-i-janu, v.t. ir. To remain. Se ra-Uguwd tethiyd. He re- 
mained there. 

Rain, n.f. A term for a wife who has been brought in 




Rajyownu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to content or satisfy; 

/. -i, pl.-e. 
Rakas, n.m. (S. Rakshasa.) A demon, a goblin, -an, n.f. 

A female demon. 



cotton thread to be 

tied on the wrist at the full moon in Sawan. 




Rajawnu, rlawnu, v.t. re. (H. raldnd.) To mix together;/ 

pi. -e. 

Ra]e-rizkai, adv. By chance. 
Rali, ad. Red, crimson. 


n.f. A 

\.L Sal 






Rand, n.f. pi, -o. A widow, -honi, v.i. ir. To become a 

Rarigan, rwaiigan, n.m, pi. A kind of pulse. 

Rann, ad. m. Barren, uncultivated. Tesrd khech rann raw* 

wd. <{ His field remained uncultivated." (Also ran.) 
Raola, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -c. Belonging to a chief. 
Raot, n.m. A term for a Rajput. 

Rapatt, adv. Entirely. (Also rpalt.) , 

Ra'r, n.m. Roasting anything in clarified butter. •?« or -ae- 

nu, v.t. re. To roast in butter. 
Rar, n.f. Struggle, strife, -honi, v.i. ir. To struggle. -Karni, 

v.i. ir. To strive, to struggle. 

Vol. VII , No. 5.] Dictionary of 





Rarnu, v.i. re. To be displeased, to be angry. 

rari. ** He is displeased with me." 
Rarsi, '»./. A state. (Also raesi). 
Ras, n.m. (S. Rasa.) Juice. 



twnu, v.i. re. To be praised, to boast ; /. -1, !»•.•*• - 

), rso, n./. (H. wwoi.) Cook-room, victuah?, food, .bana- 
wni;V».re. To cook, -honi, v.i. ir. To be cooking, 
-lani, v.i. ir. To take food. 


/. (S.' Ratri.) Night. 

/. -i, pi -e. Red, crimson, (S. Kakta.) 

xvata, -u, aa. m. ; /. -i, pi- " c - *«^«, — * . , , ■, ■>> ; n 

Rath, n.m. (S. Ratha, a chariot.) A peculiar kind of doh in 

which a village deity is made to dance. 
Rathi, n.m. A term for a lower class Rajput (Kangra and Simla 

II ills ) . 
Rathu, n.m. The name of a sept of Kanets. ,„„_., ; n a 

Rathyoli, n.m. A tune used when the village deity dances in 


M^'a/ tr f-u7- - ID Reddi 3l , (2» A species oi 

Rau"™. And. Proverb : ChUwri ran mdu Mittg ni ravMe, 

"Women and bees never live in a good place. 

Rau, n.m. See Raj. /TJ , ,i ir \ 

Raub, n.m. An agricultural implement. (Baslianr.; 

Raun, n.m. A courtyard before a palace. 

Raunu, v.i. ir. To live, to remain ; /. -l, ■/»• " e - To be , 

Rbalnu, v.*. re. (1) To look after; /. -i, V» ' e - * ' 

guile. / ' 7 A 

Rbalwnu, v.i. re. To be looked after ; /. -i, !*-«• , 6 

Rblawnu, *.*. r«. To cause or allow to look after , ;. -i, 1 • 

Re, poss : affix, pZ. See Ra. 

Reb, w./. A kind of cut, of trousers. 

Rebi-pjama, n.m. A kind of trousers. 

Rehar, n.m. Sweeper. 

Reka*, -u, pro. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The other. 

Rekh, w ./, (S. Rekha.) Aline, -dent To draw a 

Rektai, adv. At another place. 


Relior'relti, ??./ 

/ -i, ?*•-*• 

Rei-pe'l-machni, t>.». re. To be crowded. 
Re't, w.m. A saw in general. 
Reta, n.m. Sand. 

226 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Retawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to saw ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Reti, n.f. A small saw. 

Retla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. .e. Sandy. 

Retnu, v.t. re. To saw ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Reuhs, ryufis, nm. A kind of tree the wood of which is used 

to make sticks, etc. 
Rganu, v.t. re. (H. rangdnd.) To dye, to colour ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Rgara, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. See Ragara. 
Rgawnu, v.t. re. To be coloured ; /. i 9 pi. -e. 

— -- , 

Rhami, ad. (H. hardmi.) Unlawful, 





ed ; /. -i, V 1 - "& 
/. -i, pZ. -e. 

Ioa n.rnhftrv. held 

.3 CJ * ' 

i, n.f. A fair at which the people pracl 
in the monsoon. (Madhan,, Theog, Balsan and Jubbal.) 

Ri, poss : affix. See Ra. 

Riehh or rikh, n.m. (S. Riksha.) A bear. (The latter form is 
used in Bashahr.) 

Rigru, n.m. An attendant, a servant, a peon. 

Rijli, n.f. A pleasant thing, -karni, v.t. if. To be pleased 


Rijhawnu, v.t. re. To please; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Rijhnu, v.i. re. (1) To be satislied, to be pleased ; /. -i, V^ " e - 


(2) v.t. re. To be cooked. 
Rijhyawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cook : 
Rijko, n.m. (P. rizq.) Livelihood. 
Rikh, n.m. See Riclih. 
Rikhi, n.m. (S. Etishi.) A sage, a saint. 
Rin, n m. (S. Rina.) A debt, a loan, -denu, v.t. if. To give 

a loan, -grahnu, v.i. re. To realize a debt. 
Rirawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to slip ; /. -i, pi- -e. 

• • ? -— — w 

Rirku, ad. Rolling. 




/. (S. Ritu.) Season. 


Rit, n.f. (S. Riti, the way.) A custom, maimers, -lam , ••* 

ir. To accept the expenses of one's marriage, and aban- 
don one's wife to another, -honi, v.i. ir. To pay oft ttie 
marriage expenses of one's wife, -bartni, v.i. re. To ac 
according to custom. 

Rjhyownu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cook or boil. 



A festival held on the full moon in Sawan at which ta 
twice-born castes don a new sacred thread after consecra 

Vol VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 227 


ting it by Vedic hymns, and a thread (called raksha, rdlch 
or rdkhri) is tied by a Brahman round every one's wrist to 
protect him for a year. Gifts are made to Brahmans 
and rich food is cooked and eaten with friends and 

Rog, n.m. (S. Roga.) Disease, -awnu , v.i. re. To appear, of 

a disease, -honu, v.i. ir. To be diseased, to be ill. 
Rogla, -u, ad. m. : f. -i, pi. -e. Sick, ill, having a disease. 
Roj, n.m. (P. roz.) Day. -roj. adv. Everyday. 
Roji, n.f. Livelihood. 
Rok, n.f. (1) Prevention. (2) Cash. 
Rokawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prevent; /. -i, Pj- •«• 
Roki-denu, v.t. ir. To bar, to prevent, to stand in the ^ay; 


Roknu, v.t. re. To bar, to prevent; /. -i, pl.f. 


Ronu, runu,vi.Ve. To weep, to bewail; f.-i, pl.-e- 

Ropa, n.m. Planting (of rice), -i, *./. The act of planting. 

Ropawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plant (ot rice). 

Ropnu," v.t, re. To plant (rice). 

R6r,'n.m. (!) A small stone. (2) A stirring about. 

w to stir; / 


Rosli, ».m. (S. Rosha.) Anger, indignation, -a*na f v.t. re. 

To be angry, -e-honu, v.i. ir. To be displeased 
Roshawnu, t>I re. To cause or allow to displease /. - , - • 
Roshuwnu, v.i. re. To be angry, to be ^^'J'*^* 
Rot, n.m. A cake for a deity, -prajch. n.m. A present 
' cooked and uncooked food to a village ciem . 

Rowu, ad. One who weeps. 
Rpatt, adv. Entirely. (Also rapati.) 
Rsawnu, v.i. re. See Rasawnu. 
R36, n.f. See Raso. 
Rsotar, n.m. A chief's cook. 

Ru, poss : affix m. See Ra. . T D i ea d. -honi, 

Rub&kari, n.f.. Pleading, -karm, v.i.v- JO F 

v.?'. i>. To be pleaded. , , 7 - 

Rudlmu , v.t. re. (S. Buddha.) To detain ; /. -1, ?><• e - 

Rui, *./. See Run. . ,, one » 8 intention. 

Ruk, n.m. Side, -deklma, v.i. re. To betra> o 

-paltna, v.i. re. To be against. 
Rukawnu, v.t. re. To cause or 


Rukh ».*. A tree. (S. Bhuruha.) unproduc tive. (Al*o 

Kukha. -u, ad. m.\ f. -1, P- e - J* 0U S U ' * 



Rukhra, n.w?. A small tree. 


xvuKnr a , ww . a small re f . detained; / 

Ruknu, v.t. re. (H. rukna.) *° slo P' 

228 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 



Rulnu, v.i. re. (1) To roam to and fro. (2) To be left 

without a guardian. 
Rum, n.m. (I) The act of planting. (2) Hair 
Rumawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to plant; 
Rumnu, v.t. re. To plant ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Rupoiya, n.m. (H. rupayd.) A rupee. 



/. -i, pi. -e. Weep 


Runu, v.i. re. See Ronu. 

Rupmanjani, n.f. A kind of tree which bears 

in the monsoon. 
Rushawnu, v.t. re. See Roshawnu. 
Rushi-janu, v.i. ir. To be displeased or angry. 

displeased ; /. 



from the bridegroom's to the bride's house, dress her, put a 
cap on her head and bring her home to the bridegroom. 
(Kaftgra.) Bit in the Simla Hills. (Syn. Pr&ina.) 
ani, ad. f. (1) Pleasant. (2) n.f. Summer. 


Sabala or -u, ad. m. , f. -i, pi. -e. In favour, -girnu or -firnu, 

v.i. re. To be favourable ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Sabha, n.f. (S.) An assembly, a court. 

Sabhaw, n.m. (S. Swabhava, disposition.) Temper, disposi- 
tion . 

Sach, n.m. (S. Satya.) Truth, -a or -u, ad. m.; f.-i,pl- e ' 

True, truthful. 

Sada, adv. (S.) Always, ever. 

Sadka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Original, constant. 

Saer, saer saji, n.f. The first day of the month of Asoj. 

Sahattar, ad. 70. -waft, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Seventieth. 

Sai, ad. Right, -lani, v.t. re. To trace one's whereabouts. 

Saintnu, v.t. re. To make fit; /. -i, pl.-e. . 

Sajan, n.m. (S. Sajjana.) A term for a husband. (Also sdjn.) 

Saji, n.f. The actual passage of the sun from one sign of the 

zodiac into another. 

Sajnu. v.t. re. To skin a sacrificed goat or sheep. , 

Sajra.-u, ad. m.; f. i, pi. -6. Fresh. As: Sdjrd dud: Fresu 

milk. Sdjru chopar. Fresh butter. Sdjri ckis. Fresh water. 

Sakera, n.m. Readiness, -hona, v.i. ir. To be ready. 

Sakh, n.m. Relation. (Also shdkh.) 

Salag-misri, n.f. A kind of herb used as a medicine. 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 229 


Sama, n.m. (S. Samaya.) Time, a career, period, age. Ebe 

samd bur a lagi-guwd, " It's now an iron age." 
Samana, n.m. Supply, forces. 

bhal, n.f. A j 
To take care. 


Ian', v.i. ir. 


Sambhainu, v.i. re. To be careful; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Sambhlawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to put i 
Sambhnu, v.i. re. To receive or accept ; /. -i, pi 
Sambhwanu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to receiv 
Sameta, n.m. An agricultural implement. 



pi. -e. tii 

Sametnu, v.t. re. To gather, to collect; /. -i, pi- *©• 

Samonu, v.i. re. To mix cold water in too hot water to make it 

fit to touch for bathing. 
Sampto, n.f. (S. Sampatti.) Prosperity. 
Samuftd, n.m. (S. Samudra.) The sea, ocean 
Sa'n, nf. Symbol, sign. Proverb: Chatre ditUsanMurkh 

chaki j/n. • ■ A wise man made a sign , and a foolish man 

took a stone." ... . 

San, n.m. Obligation, -man-na, v.i. re. To be obliged. 



A damp piace To sound the pipe. 

A musical pipe, -bajni, v.i. re. i« 3U t- x 

oauuri, ■«./. Evening, sunset. . , , „ <( nn,. 

Sane,' pre. With. W 7^ t* MiM **«! «** ? " h > 

did you come in with the shoes ! . . . 

Saneha, n.m. A message, a word, -dena, v.t. if. lo send a 

message. . , , • -i - /« To 

Sanewnu, v.i. re. (1) To resemble; /.-i, *s£lJ&J* a chief 

build a house like a deity's temple or the pa ace of a UneL 

This is a kind of sacrilege and *M tta ^* -^ 

be occupied by its owner, and ne wuu 

imitation is severely punished. 
Sang, m.w. Companionship. 
Sangi, sangu, n.m. A companion, a comrade. 

Sangu, n.m. See Sangi. (Bashahr.) v c „ M 

Sanhasar, ad. (S. Sahasra.) 1000. (^*f£ To beC ome 

S. SAvank41a.) Evening, -horn, 0.t. w. 

i, »./. (S. 

t '-' A 

™j««» *•». »«- -^ — iln4 » t re To put on armour. 
Saftjowa, n.m. Armour, -lana, v.i. >e. F Qr 

Sank, »./. A sign. -deni, v.i. if. To give a sigi v y .> 


Saftsar, ad. See Sahansar. _. „ rt -iJ 

a.x./J , ,« « _* - »_ _ w .^HjtAr.) The woild. 


Saiitha, n.m. A deed of grant. 
Sir, n.f. Manner. 

230 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Sarbarambh, n.m. (S.) A rite observed a week before 



/. -i, pl.-e. Enough, abundant. 

Sardha, n.f. (S. Shraddha, faith.) (1) Wish, desire. (2) 

Faith, belief. 
Sarg, n.m. (S. Swarga.) The sky, firmament, the ether. 
Sarp, n.m. (S. Sarpa.) A snake. 
Sartaj, n.m. A kind of flower; -ri. n.f. A kind of single 

Sarte, adv. Everywhere. 
Sa's, n.f. Mother-in-law. (Also Sha's.) 
Sashan, n.f. A free grant. 
Satah&t, ad. 67. -wan., m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Sixty-seventh. 

Satanwe, stanwe, ad. 97. 

Sathi, ad. (1) Together, with. (2) n.m. A companion a 


Sathra, n.m. Bedding, -pana, v.i. re. To spread a bed. 

Satmi, n.f. (S. Saptami.) The seventh day of the bright or 

dark half of a month. (Also sdten.) 

Satro, ad. 17. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. Seventeenth. 

Satt, ad, (S. Sapta.) 7. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. Seventh. 

Satu, n.m. Roasted flour. 

Scau, ad. (S. Shata.) 100. 

Sauj, n.m. (S. Ashwina.) The sixth Hindu month correspond- 
ing to September. 

Sa-uii wan, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Level. 

Saura, n.m. Father-in-law. (Also Shaura.) 

Sawan karna, v.t. ir. (1) To make level. (2) To remit; f.-h 

pi. -e. 

1 Scherati, n.m. The act of purification, purity. 


ili, n.f. x 

"e. To purify, to make pure ; /. »i,frf. * e - . 

i kind of wild plant used for making mats. (A 1 * 

~-, r -- id /. He or she or they. Se kindd dewd ? " Where 

is he gone ? " Se kd karo ? ' « What is she doing ?." * c 

kun thie ? ' ' Who were thev ? ' ' 
Sefo, n.f. Foam. 
Sei, ad. The same. 

Seja, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. That one. . , v 

Sejla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of that or of this. (Also seja. 
Se'k, n.m. Heat (of fire.) -lagna, v.i. re. To feel heat <oi 


eat ; /. -i, pi. '& 
f. -i, pi. -e. 
jefore a fire ; / 

1 § Sch ' is not equal to sh, but sch=^. 


] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 231 



\S I t • » V^« -^ V^ ■www— - * r 

/. A kind of bean used as a vegetable. 
/. (S.). An army, a flock, a herd. 

Seo, n.m. Apple. , 

Seok, n.m. One who manages the corvee or begar. (ttoiilu.) 

(Also steJfe, fr. S. Sevaka, a servant ) 



Setkhana, n.m. A chief's latrine. 

/. (S.) Service. 

Sewak,n.m. See Seok. , 

Sgai, n /. (H. mwK.) Betrothal, -horn. At. »r. To betroth. 

Q»i,«+j{nm,, *, * ™ Tn nsuinnnr allow to put together; /. -i, pi- 



assed; / 

Sgnetuwnu, v.i. re. xo oe »unww« . /• *»r- -• c™«« 

Sgoh, n.«. pi. A term for the 16 days, the last week of Sawan 

and the first of Bhado. During this period ram is sai to 

be very lucky and sunshine very undesirable. Sgoh bashde 

change" ho. » It is good to have rain during the Sgoh. 

Sgotri, n.f. Brinjals. (Bashahr.; | (Also sgotru, m ) 

Shaa', n.m. Strength. ^W fhda m ruwa. I have no 

strength now." (Syn. shah.) 




oiiaui-ueiiu, v.i. vr. iu »hw%t w * , ■ - 

Shadi-ro-'annu, ».*. re. To be invited; f. -l, p.*. 
Shadnu, „j. re. To call, to invite, to send for /. -i,p£ e. 
Shaera. n.m. A kind of plant, bearing purple flowerets 

bloom in October and November. . 

ShAh, n.m.(l) Breath. (2) Strength. W""™- . To 

Shah shahtu, n.m. Strength (of man) -£*»:*£'«• 

become strong, -ni-rauna, v.i. if. To become old. 
Shahi, shai, n.m. A porcupine. 
Shahtu, n.m. Breathing or the breath. 
Shahtu-lana, v.i. ir. To kill, to take life. 
Shai, ad. Right. 

Shaie, adv. Certainly, no doubt. ' . 

Shall , »./. A wooden bolt (chilkham nx Hm^ 
Shailu, n.m, P l. A kind of plant which produces black tno , 

but no fruit. 
Shair, n.f. A precipice, a rocky place. 

Shaii, n.f. Strength, force. 

Shajie, adv. Loudly, aloud. , nfprine 

Shaka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i. pL -e. Own, related ufe rme 
Shakh, n.m. (1) Relation, alliance. (2) A branch, o, p 

Shakra, n.w. Bark (of a tree). 

232 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Simla, n.m. Brother-in-law. 

Shaja, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Cold, chilly. 

Shaiawnu, v.t. re. To make cool ; /. -i, pi. -6. 

Shalewnu, v.t. re. See Shaiawnu. 

Shali, n.f. Sister-in-law. 

Shajk, n.f. A heavy 3hower (of rain). Proverb : 

Bddli pdki bhalfco, 
Pdni ri lagi shalko. 

" When the clouds are red at morn, 
Then there will be a heavy shower of rain." 

Shalni, n.f. pi. Pain, aches, -parni, v.i. re. To feel pain. 

Shalnu, v.i. re. To become cold. 

Shalo, n.m. pi. Locusts. 

Shaluwnu, v.i. re. To be cool or cold. 

Shamanu, samanu, v.i. re. To die. 

Shana, n.m. A kind of grass that grows in fields in the rams. 

(Also shdni.) 

Shanan, n.m. (S. Snana.) Bathing, a bath. 

Shanchar, n.m. (S. Shanishchara.) Saturn or Saturday. 

Shand ad. Barren of a (cow or buffalo). 

Shandnu, v.i. re. To fatigue. 

Shaftdnu, v.i. re. To attach, a ploughshare. 

Shaagal, n.f. The chain of a door. (S. Shrifikhald.) 

Shaftgi, n.f. The throat. 

Shanni, n.f. A small room in a house to keep sheep in. 

Shant, n.f. (S. Shanti, peace.) A religious observance in 
honour of a deity. 

Shapr, n.m. A rock. 

Sharain, n.f. (H. sharm.) Shame, -awni, v.i. re. To be 


Shardd, n.m. A kind of tax. 

Sharh, Har, n.m. (S. Asharha.) The third Hindu month, corres- 
ponding to June. 

Sharhi, n.f. The autumnal harvest. 

Sharin, shrinn, n.f. The smell of anything rotting. 

Shaiu, n.m. pL Hail, -parne, v.i. re. To fall, of hail. 

Sha's, n.f. See Sa's. 

Shasha, n.m. A hare. (Syn. far-ru.) n 

Shashawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to rub oil or butter 

the body. 
Shashnu, v.t. re. To rub oil or butter on the body. 
Shaahuwnu, v.i. re. To be rubbed. 

Shata, n.m. ; /. -i, pi -e. baik (of a tree). l-*4«U 

Sha'e, n.m. pi The straw of the crop called kodd, or k<B ni . » 

used as todder for cattle. . .. . h 

Sha h, ad. 60. -waa, ad. m. /.; -win, pi -wen. The sixtiotn. 
Slid i, n.f. Shingle, a piece of woo;l. Sh41, I Shingles- 
Shatkawnu, v.t. re. To causa or allow o escape ; /. -h P l -" e ' 

Vol. VII, No. 5.J Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 233 


Shatknu, v i. re. To escape, to run away ; /. -i, pi. -6. 

Shatt, adv. Soon, instantly, immediately. -chare, adv. At 

Shau, n.m. A porcupine. (Also shai.) 
Shan, n. (H. squgand.) A swearing, -deni, v.t. ir. To put 

on oath. Tere shau, &n ni dewhdd. "I swear on you, I 

am not going. 


Shaukan, n.f. A rival wife. 

Shaul, n.m. A term for land that may be under direct cultiva- 

tion by a chief. Syn. bdshd. 



Shaura, n.m. See Saura. 

Shdhu i, n.f. See Sdhuli. , 

Shehr4, n.m. (H.) A garland to be worn at a wjddmg- 

Shekhi, n./. (H.) Boasting, -mdrni, v.i. re. To boast of. 

Shekr, shekra, n.m. Bark or shell. 

Shekra, n.m. See Shekr. _ . . j r _ 4.1^ 

Shel,W Fibre used to make ropes. It is P roduced / r f °™ *^ 

bark* of a tree called byohl which is also used 



Sheli, sheltL The root of an esculent plant called kachdlu. 
Sher, sheri, n.t. A long field, generally of rice. t * innr)ia 

Shero, n.f. (S. Sharshapa.) A kind of mustard, (Snap* 

Shersho, n m. pi. See Shero. 
Shetawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to throw at . 

Shetnu, v.t. re. To cast away ; /• -h V 1 - "*• . 
She'uwnu, v.i. re. To be cast away ; /• -L V 1 - ' e - 

diately. . 

Shikh-deni, rX *>. To give good advice 

Shikra. n.m. A small bird of prey. 
Shil , n.f. A stone to grind on. 

Shil, n.f. A large stone. A «Wo where the 

Shila, -u, ad. m ; /. -i, pi. -A Not sunny. A place where 

sun shines but for a short time. 

Shim, n.m. Mucus. M , ._. n ff mn pus • /. -I. 

Shimawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to give off mucus, f. , 

?>/. -e. 
Shimnu, v.i. re. To excrete mucus. ff 

ShiAg, n.m. (S. Shringa.) A horn -o. f- Horn9 - 
Shift -liAwnn «< r* To nause or allow to 



Shir, n.m. (S.) Head, -nama, n.m . Heading. 

su;..i „ * /\v w. l_-j ~t « aa.r»r fined goat or sneep. 



234 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

queen. Save pahdro ri shiri. "The queen of all the 
^ hills. 5 ' 

Shish, n.m. (H.) See Shir. 

Shkon, n.m. The act of drying in the sun. 

Shkonu, v.t. re. To dry (grain in the sun). 

Shkotha, skotha, n.m. A gift of grain given to menials for 

their services at each harvest. 

Shlakhra, n.m. A kind of green wood-pecker. 

Shlaun, n.m. A kind of intestinal worm for which sweet medi- 
cine is the best remedy. 

Shlel, n.f. Peace of mind, -parni, v.i. re. To be pleased or 

Shlotri, n.m. (S. Shalihotrin.) One versed in the treatment of 


Shna't, n.m. A beam or timber in a room for keeping sheep. 
Shnawnu, v.t. re. To cause to hear, or listen ; /. -i, pi -e. 
Shobal, n.m. A sharp point (of anything). 
Shob'a, shobhta or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Handsome, pretty. 
Shobhta, shobta, ad. m. ; f. -i, pi. -e. Pretty, fine, of good 

Sho'g n.m. Mourning, sadness, -kholna, v.i. re. A ceremony 

in which a goat is sacrificed to remove mourning, -man- 
na, v.i. re. To observe the mourning ceremony. 

Shoja, n.m. (S. Shotha.) Swelling, -awna or -hona, v.i. re. 

and ir. To swell. 

Shonni, n.m. The wild carrot. 

^ — — — -"■WW.**. <w W 

f. A hole. Syn. o7. 
v.i. re. To suck ; /. - i 


t, n.f 




Shota, n.m. A sharp piece of wood, -lagna, v.i. re. To be 

pierced with a sharp bit of wood. 
Shotawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to smoke ; /. -i, pi. -& 
Shotnu, v.t. re. To smoke. (Bashahr.) 
Shotuwnu, v.i. re. To be smoked. 
Shra or shrah, n.f. Headache, -lagni, v.i. re. To feel 

Shra'd, n.m. (S. Shraddha.) A religious ceremony in which 

food is offered in the names of ancestors. 
Shriknu, v.i. re. To open the mouth. Pord shrik. " ^ et 


or -u, ad. m. ; f 
n.f. (S. Shudd 



fenujnu, shujhnu, v.t. re. (1) To see, to witness. (2) l0 


Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 235 


Shukr, n.m. (S. Shukra.) Friday. 

Shul, n.f. An ache or pain in the stomach or ribs. 

Shuhdha, n.m. Assafoetida. -hoi-jana, v.i. ir. To get rid of 

Shuiigr, n.m. (S. Shukara.) A hog, a boar. 
Shunhawnu, v.t, re. To cause or allow to sweep ; /. -i, pi -e. 
Shuiihn, n.f. A broom, -deni, v.i. ir. To sweep. 
Shunhnu, v.t. re. To sweep; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Shiinhwnu, v.i. re. To be swept ; f.-i, pi. -e. 
Shunhta, n.m. A broom. 
Shun-nu, v.t. re. To hear, to listen ; /. -i, pi- -<?. 

Shunta, n.m. A pig ; /. -i, pi. -e. 

Shunth, n.f. (S. Shuhthi.) Dried ginger. 

Shiinwnu, v.i. re. To be swept ; /. -i, pi- -©• 

Shunuwnu, v.t. re. To be heard ; /. -i, pi- -e. 

Shurma,'ad. (H.) Valiant, brave. 

Shwala, n.m. A great cry. -dena, v.i. ir. To cry out loud. 

Shwar, n.m. (H. sawdr.) A rider, a horseman. 

Shwari, n.f. ( H. sawdr i.) Conveyance. 

Shwari, »./. A small plot of land in front of a house, used tor 

cultivating vegetables, etc. 
Shwarnu, v.t. re. To ride ; /. -i, pi- -& 
ShwarAwnu, v.i. re. To be ridden ; /. -i, P>- - e - 
Shyai), n.m. (S. Shrigala.) A jackal. 
1 S-hyaru, n.m. A kind of tree. 
1 S-hyaili, n.f. A contemporary (of equal age), 
'^-hyaiii-ra, ad, m. ; -ri, f. -re, pi- Of equal age. 
Sianu-de-bakhte, adv. In old age. 

. A kind of bread ; -o. pi. , . . . flnM u 

..'„_u /a a^Ki^nAvftka,) The deitv Oranesn. 

oimirnu, v.t. re. To Dear in nnnu »/•-*» r- , • tT1 : nf i 

Simrnu, '„.«. re. (S. Smarana.) To remember, to keep m mind. 

Sinch,^./. Sprinkling. . . f ^ . / 4 ^1 -e 

Sifichawnu, £*. re. To cause or allow to irrigate M, ** e. 
Sihchnu,' *.*. re. To irrigate, to sprinkle ; /. -1, P- -» 
Sihchuwnu, *.*. re. To be irrigated or sprinkled ,/.-!, P*« e. 
Sinj, n.f. The joint of a metal vessel. ; rr ;,r a te 

Sinjawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to repair or^ irng*£ 
Sihjnu, v.t. re. (1) To repair. (2) To irrigate/* spnnioe 
Sihjuwnu, v.i. re. To be repaired or irrigated , f. -h P- 

Sihun, n.f. See Siiiwn. - , { / ■, 

Sinwanu, „.*. re. To cause or allow to sew ; /• -*, /><• * 

Siiiwn, sinwni, n./. A needle. 
Sihwni, »./. See Siiiwn. 
Sinwnu, vj. re. To sew ; f. -i, V 1 - "*• . , 
Sinwunu, v.*. re. To be sewn ; /• -h V 1 - * e - 

I S-h : both these tatters ere separately prenottneed, hence the <.»»!> 

236 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

, n.f. A boundary, -lani , v.i. re. To divide by setting up 
boundary stones. 
n.f. The upper part of a field. 
Siuiid, n.f. A line made by combing the hair on the head. 

Siuni, n.f. See Siiiwn or Siiiwni. 


Skor, n.f. The impurity in a woman's delivering a child. 

Amongst the kith and kin up to seven generations this 
impurity lasts for ten days, -honi, v.i. ir. To become 
impure for ten days on the birth of a child. (Also 


Skernu, v.t. re. To repair, to mend ; 
Skotha, n.m. See Shkotha. 
Soch, n.m. (S. Shocha ) Thinking or a thought, -parna, v.i. 

re. To be thoughtful. 




Soena, n.m. (H. sond, S. Suvarna.) Gold, -e -ra, -u, ad. m. ; 

/. -i, pi. -e. Golden. 
Soha, n.m. A kind of plant, used as a vegetable. 
Soji, n.f. Remembrance, -rauni, v.t. re. To remember, to 

Sola, n.m. (1) A ceremony performed 16davs after a death. 

(2) A small grain measure = 5 chitaks. 
So]6, ad. 16. -waii, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The sixteenth. 


Mond ay 

/ \ 7 * /» 

Sotha, n.m. A term used for the compensation paid for a wite 
on her going to another man on payment of the marrage 
expenses, of which one rupee is first paid as earnest money. 

Sna'r, n.m. (S. Swarnakara and H. sundr.) A goldsmith. 

Spanjli, n.f. The slough or skin of a snake. 



Srafnu, v.t. re. To scrutinise or examine, to inspect, to try 




Sraile, n.m. pi. A kind of wild edible root. 

Srol, n.m. A term for a chief's servants, who are authorised to 

enter the female apartments. [ments. 

Sroliya, n.m. One who is authorised to enter the female apart- 

Staj, n.m. See Astaj. 

Sua, u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e\ Red, crimson. 

Sugr, ad. Wise, handsome, good. 

Suhet, n.f. The sight of one who is disliked. Proverb » : 

Dukhne cho't, kanqv due sv h ( t . "A painful limb is often 
hurt again and he who is disliked is often seen. 


] Dictionary of 


S6j, n.m. A tailor. (Bashahr.) [calf. 

Sui-hundi, ad. f. One who has been delivered of a child or 
Suita, n.m. A customary present of clarified butter and wheat 

flour to a woman who has given birth to a child. 
Sujliawnu, v.i. re. (1) To foretell. (2) To show; /. -i, pi. -e. 
bujhnu, v.t. re. To see, to witness, to notice ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Sujhuwnu, v.i. re. To be seen ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Sujnu, v.i. re. ( I ) To swell ; /. -i, pi. -e. (2) To be successful in 

an ordeal. 
Sukhnaw./. A desire, 

Sukhnu, v. t. re. To like, to appreciate; /. -i, pi. -v. 
Sukhpal, n.m. A palanquin, of a chief. 
Sukonu, v.t. re. See Shkonu. 
Sul, n.m. pi. (1) Wisdom." (2) An ache in the belly or ribs. 

-6-ra, -ru. ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of good quality. 
Sule, adv. Slowly. Sule kwai ni iapdd% "Why don't you 

speak slowly? " 


oupna, n.m. (S. Swapna, H. supnd.) A dream, -dekhna, v.i. 

re. To dream. 

Sur, n.m. (S. Sura.) The deity. 

Surg, n.j. (1) (H. surang.) A tunnel; ^2) n.m. Paradise. (From 

S. Swarga.) 
Sutak, n.m. See Skor. 




Situwnu, v.i. re. To be asleep. 

Suwnu, v.i. re. See Sunu. 

Swad, ad. (S. Swadu.) Tasteful, sweei. -honu, v.t. w. lobe 

tasteful, -chan-nu, v.i. re. To cook tastefully. 
Swab, n.f. Ashes. ' 
gwar, n.m. See Son war. 
Swarnu, v.t. re. To shave. 
Swaruwnu, v.i. re. To be shaved. 



Tabakhu, n.m. ' (H. lamdkhn.) Tobacco, -pina, v.i. re. To 

Tabe, adv. Then. 

Tadi, adv. At that time. . , 

Tadka, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. The then, of that time. 
Tadnu, v X re. To stretch, to spread; f. -i, pi. -e. Proverb: 

Jelnu khdtan ho, tetni Idlni, " one ought to stretch one s 

W out in proportion to one's quilt (one ought to spend 

according to one's means). 

238 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [May, 1911. 

Taga, n.m. (1) Thread. (Fr. H. Dhaga.) (2) The sacred 

Tagat, n.f. (P. tdqat.) Strength, might, power, -ni-rauni, 

v.i. ir. To become weak. 
Taggar, n.m. (S. Tagaru.) A plant the root of which is used 

as a medicine (Tabemaemontana coronaria). 
Tahair, tehgir or tyah&ir, n.m. (H. tyohdr.) A feast day. 

Tai, adv. Then. (Bashahr.) 

Tai, n.f. A large iron vessel for cooking mdlpurds. -lani, v.i. re. 

To cook a rich cake or mdlpurd. 
Tgila, -u, ad.m ; /. -i, pi. -e. Sunny. (Syn. ragdrd.) 

T.d.m'gj, n.f. A kind of fig tree with a large fruit. 

Tainso, adv. On that day. (From S. TadJivasa.) 

Tgitha, t^thu, n.m. A kind of flat spoon used to turn bread, etc. 

Taka, takka, n.m. pi. -e. (I) An obsolete term for a rupee. 

(2) One anna. (3) Six pies. 
Takaaa, w.w. (H. thikdnd.) A limit, -karna, v.i. ir. To make 

room, -ni-rauna, v.i. ir. To be beyond a limit. 
Takawu', n.f. A term for the money presented to a village 

Tak'u, n.m. A small wooden spindle used for spinning wool. 
Takltu, n.m. A small wooden spindle used for spinning 

Taknu, v.i. re. (1) To wait for ; /. -i, pi -e. (2) To see. 
Taku, n.m. A kind of wild tree. 
Tai, n.m. (H.) A pond, a lake or tank. -o. pi. 
Ta a, n.m. (H.) An evasion, putting aside, -karna, v.i. ir. To 

put aside. 
Talab, n.f. (1) Food for a chief. (2) Salary. 
Talavvnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to roast in clarified butter. 
Ta awnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to put aside or evade. 
Tail], n.f. (H talli.) A bit of cloth. -lani T v.i. re. To repair. 
Talnu, v.t. re. To roast in clarified butter; /. -i, pi •& 
Tanu, v.t. re. To clean grain, etc.; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Talnu, v.i. re. To be put aside, to evade; /. -i, pL -e. 
Talri, tar-ri, n.f. A kind of esoulent root, called ratdlu in the 

Tamacha, n.m. A slap, -bahna, v.i. re. Toslaporto strike with 

the open hand. 9 t . 

Tamak, n.f. A large kettledrum, such as is seen at the Sipi Fair. 
Tama f , n.m. A grain measure. (Also tdmat.) 
Tamsu, n.m. A vessel. (Bashahr.) 

Tan, pro. Thee. An tdh ghd'demd : I'll give thee the grass. 
Tana, n.m. A loom. 

Tana, n.m. An ironical speech. , ,i 

Tanaw, n.m. The act of entangling, -de-fashnu, v.i. re. lo l* 1 

into a difficulty. 
Tanawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to stretch; /. -i, pi- ' e \ 
Tanawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to entangle ; /. i, P** *• 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of the Pahari Dialects. 239 


Taft-khe, pro. To you or to thee. 

Tan-nu, v.t. re. To spread, to stretch ; ,_ , , 

Tan-nu, v.i. re. To get entangled ; /. -i, pi -e. 

t„ « a° w. « « a »a nd mn . / .1 ml .p. Welcome. 



Tan-un,adv. So long, or until. See Jaii-uii. More. Tan tannin hi chanumX Do yon want 

more ? 

Taiiyinyen, con. Again. 

Tao, taw, (1) n.m. Barning. (2) A sheet. 

Tao'a, tawla or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi- -e- Of hot temper. 

Tap', ».m."(S. Tapa.) (1) Heat. (2) Fever, -awna or cliarna, 

v.i. re. and ir. To suffer from fever. 
Tap, n.m. (S. Tapas, penance.) Majestic influence, pi. -o. 

*« F cv, ,../. (S. Tapta.) Heat. 

Tapawnu, ».«. re. To cause or allow to escape ; /. -i, /*• -< 

tapi-janu, v.i. ir. To be angry; /• -i, V 1 - ■* 
Tapnu/v.if. re. To overcome, to surmount, to conquer : 

p£. -e. 
Tapnu, ».♦. re. To bask; / 
Taponu, v.t. re. To make v, 





tapuwnu, v.i. re. To be surmounted; /. -l, P'- " e - 
Tapuwnu, t>.*\ re. To be burnt; /. -i, P* : * e - . , t 

Tar, taur! n.m. A place where a river is crossed in a boat. 
Taraji, n.f. A poll-tax on chamdrs. (Kuthar.j 
Tarawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to cross (a river). 

Tarnu, v.i. re. To be crossed; /. -i, P 1 '*- ( .>, To do one's 

Tarnu, v.t. re. (1) To cause or allow to cros*. {-) 

Tarpagar, n. A constable. (Once used in KulM.) 

Tar-ri, n.f. See Ta ] ri. . / « w _ e . 

Tashkawnu, v. *. re. To cause or allow to move /. , | 
Tashknu/ v . .. re. To be off, to go away, to move, / / 



Hot, heated. 

Tati-lagni, v. i. re. To be in trouble. 

TauMi,'w./. Summer, the hot weath™. 

Taur, n.m. See Tar. ^Wnr making leaf dishes 

Taur, n.f. A plant, whose leaves aw «****» makin *- 

Its bark is used to make ropes. 
Taw, n.m. See Tao. 
Taw a, ad. See Taola. 

Tayifi, n.f. Bough of a tree. , s;lke f. 

Tayiii, (1) con. Again. (2) prep. For, tor 
Tega, n.m. A kind of sword. 

Tehajr, n.m. See Tahajr. , w , The twenty-third. 

*m,ad. 23. -wan,m. -win,/, -wen, p/. 

240 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Te'k, n.f. Firmness, -rauni, v.i. ir. To be firm. 

Teka, n.m. A prop, a support, a stay, -dena, v.i. ir. To sup- 

Tekawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prop or support; 

/. -i, pi. -e. 

Teknu, v.i. re. To support, to prop; /. -i, pi -e. 

Tel, n.m. (H.) Oil. -aru, n.m. An oil pot. 

Tc'l, n.f. Sweat, -parni, v.i. re. To perspire. 

Tel4ru, n.m. See Tel. 

Telo-ru-lotku, n.m. An oil pot. 

Te}r, n.m. A young one (of a bird), pi Tejru. 

Tejru, n.m. pi. See Telr. 

Tern, n.m. (E.) Time. 

Term, adv. See Tishu. (Bashahr.) 

Teftshi , adv. On that day. 

Tera, adv. See Tishu. (Baghal, Nala^arh, Bilaspur and 


Tera, -u, pro. m. ; /• -i, pi. -e. Thy, thine. 

Terash, n.f. (S. Trayodashi.) The thirteenth day of the bright 

or dark half of a month. 
Tero, ad. 13. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The thirteenth. 

Te'ru, ad. See Tishu. (Balsan and Madhan.) 
Tes, pro. Him, to him. 

Tese, pro. f. agent ive. By her. 

Tes6, pro. f. Her, to her. 

Tesora, -u, pro m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Her, of her. 

Tesru, -a, pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. His, of him. 

Tetali, ad. 41. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi The forty-third. 

Tete, adv. There, -dewa, phrase. Let him go. 

Tethi, adv. There. 

Tethiya, adv. At the very spot. 

Teti, ad. 33. -wan, m. -win, /. -weft, pi The thirty-third. 

Teti, adv. See Tethi. (Bhajji.) 

Tetnu, -a, adv. m.\ f. -i, pi -e. So much. 

Tgada, n.m. (P. taqdzd.) (i) Dunning. (2) A term used for 

the clothes given to a tailor to sew. -karna, v.i. ir. l0 

Thicla, n.m. pi -e. (1) A kind of grasshopper. (2) A boundary 

pillar. K . . 

Thagra, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi -e. Wise, clever, -honu, v.u *- 

To be wise. . 

Thahat, ad, 68. -wan, m. -win, /. -weft, pi Sixty-eighth. 
Thahattar, ad. 78. -waft, m. -win,/, -wen, pi The seventy- 
Thahri-janu, v.i. ir. To cease raining. . n 

Thahrnu, v.i. re. (1) To cea^e, to stop raining. (2) To ^ ll }' 
Thai, ad. 28. .wan,m. -win,/. -weft,pZ. Thetwenty-eigh™- 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of 


T-hair, n.m. See Tahair. 



/. A customary cash payment made on certain 

feast days to a daughter, or sister. 
1 T-hairtha, n.m. A customary gift, given to menials sue 

the ndi, chamdr, dhobi, etc., on feast days. 
Thaka-huiida, -u, ad, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Ill, indisposed, sick. 





Thakar, n.m. The title of a petty Hill chief. 

Thaknu, v.i. re. To become ill, to fall sick; 

Thaknu, v.i. re. To fatigue ; f. -i, pi. -e. 

Thakrai, n.f. A term for the petty Hill States, governed by 

Thakr-dwara, n.m. A deity temple, especially Vishnu. 
Thakri, n.f. A grain measure equal to one ser pakkd. 
Thakur, n.m. (H.) The deities in general, -dhwai, n.f. An oath 

on a god. Thakur -dhwai, an jdi dyd tetaL " I say on oath 

that I have been there. 
Tha'l, n.m. A large dish, especially of a chief or his wife. 
Thai, n.f. An oath of prohibition, -deni, v.i. ir. To prohibit 

by an oath. M , T , ,., . , 

Thtti, n.m. (K.thalld.) Bottom. Proverb: Chisoda path <r pay d 

taa thdle khe dewau. " If a stone is cast into the water it 

goes down to the bottom. 
Thalawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to prohibit by an oath 

Thalnu, v.t. re 
Thaluwnu, v.i. re. To be 



Thatnbha, n.m. (H. khambhd.) A bean of timber. 
Thambhao, thambbaw, n.m. Ceasing, the act of being quiet 
Thambhawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to hold; /. -1, V 1 - " e - 
Thambhnn »« re To hold, to catch ; /• -i, P>- " e - 


-"uuwuuvrim, v. v. i c. j-\j ^^ — 7 

Thamo, n.m. pi. Beams of timber. 

Thana, n.m. (H. thdnd.) Police post. 

ThaM, n.f. Cold, -honi, ».*. ir. To become cold. 

Thaiida, ad m. ; /. -i, p'. -e. Cold. , Sndr0 ri ihana k 

are equal to an ironsmith's single blow . . 
Thani, n.f. (S. Sthana.) The front place of a house. 
Thanira, thnira, n.m. A disease under the navel 
Thanwe, ad 98. -wan, m. -wm, /• ' ven ' pt ' 

Thiftwla^w. A basin for water round the root of a tree. 
Thaper, n.m. A slap, -dena, v.t. ir. To slap. 
T-hara", u, pro. m. ;/. i, pi. -e. Your or yours. 

1 T-h: both letters are distinctly pronounced 


242 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 



Tharo, ad. 18. -wan, m. -win, /. -wen, pi. The eighteenth. 





Thecha-thechi, n.f. Beatingdown. -honi, v.i. ir. To be beaten. 
Thechawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to beat or strike. 



The'k, n.f. Prohibition, restriction, -parni, v.i. re. To be 





Thek-parni, v.i. re. See The'k. 
Thekuwnu, v.i. re. To be prohibited or r 
Thefr, ad. Foolish. 

Thewa, n.m. See Nag. 
Thind, n.m. A youth. 
Thinda, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Greasy, oily, -honu, v.i ir. 

To be greasy or oily. 
Thindnu, v.i. re. To play a trick; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Thinga, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. One who pretends. 
f hiiignu, v.i. re. To be pretended ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
This, n.f. A boast, -marni, v.i. re. To be boasted of. -mi,* 

To boast. 
Thiu, v. Was. Also thia, m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Thnira, n.m. See Thanira. 
Tho'ch, n.f. A mistake, an error, a blunder, -jani, v.i. ir. To 

commit a mi -take, -parni, v.i. re. To make a mistake. 
Thofr, ad. See Thefr. 
Thokawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to threaten or throw in; 


v t. re. To cohabit. (Ba^hahr.) 

/.-:', pl-e. (2) 

. --,.-/. (H.) A stumble, -khani, v.i. re. To stumble. 
Thoku, n.m. Sexual connection. (Bashahr.) -lana, v.i. re. Ao 

have sexual connection. 

Thokuwnu, v.i. re. To b 



Tliosa, n.m. The male organ. 

f.i,pl,-e. (I) A little. (2) Less 

/. -i, pi. -e. More or less. 







No. 5.] Dictionary of 


Was, vl. Thie. 


Thuhar, n.m. (S. Shurana.) A plant, (Bignonia Indica.) 

Thuknu, v.i. re. To spit. (H.) 

Thumme, n.f. A kind of tree. 

Thu f ha, n.m. The water in a cow's footstep. 

thwara, n.m. A corvee of 8 days free work in a State. (Simla 

Hill States.) 
Thwaru, n.m. A man who has to work on corvee for 8 days. 
Tii, n.f. (S. Tritiya.) The third day of the bright or dark half 

__ „ month 
Tika, n.m. The heir apparent of a chief, 
tika-lana, v.t. re. To mark any one's forehead with sandal and 

pay him some cash. This custom is observed at a wedding 

or investiture with the sacred thread. , 

Tikawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to stay ; /. -i, pl- -e. 
Tiknu; v.i. re. (1) To stay. (2) n.m. A mark on the fore- 

head of a beast. 
Til, n.m. pi. Sesamum seeds. 
Tilaru, tlaru, n.m. An earthen pot to keep oil in. 
Tilowe, n.m. pi. A kind of sweetmeat made of saamiiiiK 
Timb.4 timrai, n.f. A thorny shrub, called tejbal in H.ndi. 
Tin-da, -u, ad. m. ; f. -i, pl -e. In it or in that. 
Tinda,Vm. The fruit of the opium plant (Also Undku.) 
tine, pro. m. and / They or by them (Agentive.) 
Tinien, pro. He or by him. (Agentive.) Ttnten bolu. He 

Sa Si'L n ^ / Th«m. -khe. For them or to them ; -ra 

p l Of them or their, -fa. *rom 

m. -ri. / 

°r-ru,i». -«• /• — • r- - , In them, 

them, -da or -du, w. -di, f. -oe, pt. 

Tinu, ad. See Tishu. (Bashahr.) 

Tip,k/. A small horoscope. (Also tipra, n.m.) 

Tipra, n.m. See Tip. . 

Tir,n./. (1) A peak of a hill. (2 ) A urn. ^ 

Tir, »./. (1) A crack, -awni, lo cracn < ; / 

Indian fruit called phut. 
Tiri, adv. By way of Che hill. 
Tiri, n f. A narrow window. 

Tirnu, v.i. re. To swim. , , m h i v q} ir j ne 

Tirth, n.m. (S. Tirtha. , A sacred place, a hoh shrine. 

Tisha, tisa, ad. m. ; f. -i, pl -e ; Such, so. 

Tishka, -u, adv. m.'f. -I pl -e. To that srie. 

Tishkan, »./. The act of slipping or t„mbn ag. £ 

r ! ishkawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to slip or 

Tishknu," v.i. re. To tumble, to slip; /• 'h V- ' e - 

Tishu, tisu, ad. So, such. «^;u«mi* a devotee. 

t:*- i /o AfM : o n-npst ^ A mendicant, a ^ vul ^* 

JLit, n.m. pl. -o. (S. Atithi, a guest./ x* n 

Tittr, n.m. (H. tffar.) A partridge. 


244 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Tittr-bittr, -honu, v.i. ir. To be dispersed. 

Tiuri, n.f. A stern look, -badalni, v.i. re. To be angry or dis- 

Tlaru, n.m. See Talaru. 

Tlawnu, v.t. re. To cause or allow to weigh; 

Tmacha, n.m. See Tamacha. 

Tmaru or -a. pro. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Your or yours. 

Tmasha, n.m. A pastime. 

Tmhara, -u, pro.m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Your or yours. Syn. thard. 

Todi, n.f. (1) A small corner of a field. (2) Name of a tune. 

To'k, n.f. A pain (in the belly or waist), -lagni, v.i. re. To 
suffer from pain. (Also -dwni.) 

Toka, n.m. A taunt, -dena, v.i. ir. To speak ironically. 

Tokni, n.f. A brass pot for water or cooking purposes. 

Toknu, v.t. re. (I) To look at with an evil eye, to accost, to 

hinder, to stop. (2) A small brass vessel. 

Tokra, n.m. A basket. 

Tokru, n.m. A grain receiver in a store-house. (Kullu.) 

Tokuwnu, v.i. re. To be hindered or stopped. 

T61, pre. Down, under, -iya, adv. Downwards. 

T61, n.m. (H.) The act of weighing. . 

Tola, n. m. (H) Twelve mdsds make one told. v. p.U weighed. 

From Tolnu, to weigh.) 


T61-m61-karna, v.t. ir. To settle the price after weighing. 

Tolnu, v.t. re. To weigh in the scales ; /. -i, pi- -6. 

Toliiwnu, v.i. re. (I) To be weighed; /. -i, pi- -e- (2) 1° De " 

come uppermost. 
Tomat, n.f. (P. tuhmat.) False accusat 
Tomat-lani, v.t. re. To accuse falsely. 
Tomra, n.m. See Tumra. 


k by hand or touch ; / 
/. -i, pi. -6. Deaf, -hon^ 

Top, n.m. A hat- 
Topi, n.f. (1) A cap. (2) A gun-cap. 

Tori, n.f. A long kind of pumpkin. 

Totla, ad.m.; f. -i, pi. -e. Lisping. , 

Traha tar, ad. 73. -wan, m. -win, /. -weii, pi. The seventy- 
third. h 

Traj, n.m. (P. ihtardz.) Objection, -bond, v.i. ir. To be ob- 
jected, -karna, v.i. re. To object. 

Traju, n.m. Scales. 

Tra'k, n.m. A swimmer. (H. tairdk.) 

Trakri, takri, n.f. A weighing machine. 

Tra!, trar, n.f. (H. talwdr.) A sword. . , 

TranwS, ad. 93. -wan, m. -win,/, weii, pi The ninety- 
Trar, n.f. See Tral, pi. Trari. # ^ be 

Trass, n.m. IS. Trasa.) Fear, terror. -hon6, v.i. %r. J- 

No. 5.] Dictionary of 



■ afraid, -lagne, v.i. re. To pine in trouble. -karn6, v.%. ir. 




f. The sixty 



Trunja', 'ad. 53. -win, m. -win, /. -weh, pi. The fifty 

Tti, pro. Thou. 
Tui, pro. Thou, thyself. 

pro ~" 


Tukna, v.t. re. (1) To bite. (2) To cut. (Kangra.) 

Tukra, n.m. (H.) A bit, a piece. 

Tulaldan, n.m. (S.) A gift of gold, valuables, grain, etc., of the 

donor's weight. 

Tumeh, pro- Ye, you. Syn. tushe or i«*e. 
Tumra, n.m. (S. Tumbi.) The pumpkin used 



as a vege- 



m ■ f -i, pi. -e. One who lias uu u«~ 
Musicians^ Syn. bdjgi, ma^ldnukhi. 


Turka, n.m. The act ot ; easonn^ ,.^ , 
Turknu, v.t. re. To season or give rehsn 
' /. -i, pi. -e. _ 

' V 

/. pi. Wives 
Turt-furt, adv. Instantly. 
Tuse-tushe, pro. See Turn*". 
Tut, *./. The act of falling short, -parni 

short. , , t g rc 

Tut&-hunda, -u, p. par. m.; A -*> **• - • 

Tutnu, «.!. re. See Chutnu 

• • • * ■ ■ ■ 

v.i. re. To fall 


uu, tr.v« »«*• --— — } - ' 

« Is he ready to die ? Sleeping on the back. 


Twif n^lTWiiday. (H. ***) (2) Incarnation. 


v.i. tr. To be incarnated. 

Tyahair, n.m. See Tahgir. , of gtones . J4nA f «.♦. 

.771. W. -c. r\ oiu * ~ 

To make an oven of stones 


ir. To be ready 

i, n. / 

an.) ***•"• — 
To make ready. 

246 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 


U., v. Ain and are, first person singular and plural of the irre- 
gular verb Honu, to be. Ai, (art) is its second person 



U'ch, ad. Of high caste. 


Uchhab, n.m. (S. Utsava.) A festival, a jubilee. 
Uchhke, adv. Of pleasure, in jest. 
Uchhia,-u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Higher, loftier. 
Udawnu, v.t. re. (H. uddnd.) To cause or allow to 
Udnu, v.i. re. (H. urnd.) To fly; ad. Flying. 
Ughrnu, v.i. re. To be opened; /. -i, pi. -e. 
U'j, n.m. (H. ud.) A beaver. 




Ujknu, v.i. re. To be startled ; /. -i, pi. -e. 
Ujr, n.m. Objection, -karna, v.i. ir. To object. 


Ujrnu, v.i. re. To be ruined; /. -i, 
Ukhaj, n.m. See Okhaj. 
Ukharnu, v.t. re. (H. ukhdrna.) To ruut . 
Ukhri-janu, v.i. ir. To get rooted up; / 



Ulu, n.m. (EL wZ/tf) An owl. 
Umi, n.f. Wheat, roasted a 


/. -i, pi. -e. 

To roast 

Umr, n.f. (umar.) Age. -bitni, v.i. re. To pass, a period. 
Uraro-khe, adv. For life. 

/. Wool, -katni, v.i. re. To spin wool. 

Unda, -u, ad. m. ; / 

Undla, -u, ad. m. ; / 
ITni. ad. Of wnnl 

/. -i, pi. -e. Downwards. 

Upai, upaw, n.f. and ra. Treatment, a remedv. -karna, v.* 

»>. To treat. 
Upan-ni, t?j. re. To create. 
Upaw, w.m. See Upai. 

Upr, ad. Up. -bol-karna, v.i. ir. To make one prosperous. 
Urn, ad. w . (S. Anrini.j Free from obligation, -honu, v.i. *r- 

To be free from obligation. 
Urn-kaina, v.i. ir. To set free from one's obligation. 


A camel. 

Ut, ad. Ignorant, foolish. 

/. -i, pi -e. 

TTf '' i ,'. ^ uwli - ^aisan, Jubbal, Funar, ana Kanwin./ 
Ute, -bile, a^v. Downwards. (Balsan, Jubbal, Punar Raiiwin-/ 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Dictionary of 




/. -i, pi. -e. Upset, reverse. 

Utlu, -a, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Not very deep. 

Proverb : — Halqi utlu, Moie gddu. 

• " Not very deep with a plough, 

But very deep with a smoothing plough. 

(To express inconsistency.) 
Uwabai, n.f. Nonsense, -honi, v.i. if. To become nonsense. 


Wanda, or -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi, -e. Hither, this side. 

Waftdka, -u. ad. m.;f.-i, pi, -e. To this side. 

Wandla, -u, ad. m. ; /. -i, pi. -e. Of this side. 

Wang, n.f. A plant (Achyranthes aspera). Its ashes are used 


in washing linen. 

a plant over a 

patient to cure him. 
Wans, wansi, n.f. (S. Amavasya.) The day of conjunction or 

new moon. 

Wansi, n.f. (S. Amavasya.) See the preceding 
War, adv. This side. -par. adv. To this and that side. 
War, n.m. A fence, -dena, v.i, re. To fence, to enclose 
Warda, n.m. or war-ra, n.m. A custom of waving ?>™™™y 

over the head of a chief and giving it to his servants. 

This custom is generally observed when two chiefs meet 

together. , , , 

Warnu, v.t. re. To enclose, to fence ; /. -1, V 1 - ' e - 

Warshi, n.f. Hereditary estate. . . . 

Waruwnu, v.i. re. To be fenced or enclosed ; /. -1, P- * 
Wasa, n.m. A sleeping room, -e-khe-dewnu , ».t. «• To go 

W4!T/. (1) The ceremony o^ved - ^ b ^^^ 

her husband's house. (S. Vadhupravestia.) w 
cration of a house. (S. Grihapratistha.) 

Waz, w./ 

-honi, v.lir. To sound. 

/. The 

Wazir, n.m. (P.) A minister, a prime- minister 

wife of a minister. ■ ail u nrr n n ate to the 

Waziri, n.m. A wazir or collector of re ;venue subjr d mate ■ to 

skriwazir or ctetom »r or chief minister. (Kuiiu 

/. Bashahr). Ministn 


vj i *r / • «* «> To remember, -karni, 9.t. «r. 

lad, w./. Memory, -awni, ».*.«• 1U lc,u 

To remember, to recollect. Syn. A'r. 

Yar, w.w. A friend, -bona, v.t. vr. lo be men j j 

248 Journ. Asiat. Soc. of Bengal. [May, 1911— Vol. VII, No. 5.] 


Zaiftd, ad. m. and /. Dumb, foolish, ignorant. 

Zakat, n.f. (P. zaqdt.) An octroi tax. (Kuthar and Bash&hr.) 

Zarbo, n.m. pi. (P. zarb.). Trouble, pain. 

Zwad, n.m. Existence, living. (Fr. Zindagi). 



The fourteenth day of the dark half o the month of Bhado 
and the next day of conjunction are . ca led 'Dagyal ki rat. 
It is a general belief in the hills that on these ^^J^* » 
witches 8 who know magic, wander by night and devour any 
beautiful thing that comes before their sight. Tc aver : this 
danger, the Dinwan or a Brahman gives the peop e either 
some rice or some mustard seed, pronouncing the folio* in 
chant or mantar : 

Rakkh Ram, rakkh deb, ^^f u '^"3S rakkh 
paun, rakkh pani, rakkh day a, rakkh chhab ,haj .rakkh rakkh 

ba^ashtete, rakkh dewa, Klfinnwan ten rkhw V^Jgg 

dewa Shraliya, dewa Korgana, dewa I>handiya debie a n ; un 

na suke sat Lmund, tan-u* **^^$ff»j5tt. 
mundro, hare dware, rachha karaj, P^™*^ karai mau 
kheche khlaine rachha karai pashu basetn, rad ha kai aj, . 
dhine rachha karai, bale bhole n ^rachM tafg, tgg ^ 
rachha karai, sarb racbh* karai, ^^J^Slatwe 
banai, waiisi chaudashi lohe ra bar ban| « DhaJldiva, 
ptalaj galai, rakkh dewa Sipa Klamuwan, Shraliya, u y 

Korgana, debie, Barb rachha karai. 

Translation . 
lArlJ nrotect Vishnu, protect 

Protect O Ram, P^* °<^J£„ protect 6 tenderne * S ' 
Shib, protect O wind, protect waters ., P t] lants> pro tect, 

protect from fear, protect, protect <J ail : 7 ^ g , ^ 

protect O deity Klajnu you are the piote ^ ^ ^ 

Shrali deity, O Korgan deity, O g does '^ thepro tection 
the water of the seven oceans is not arie, Brahma may 

uttered by me will not fail the pr otect ^ farmyard> the 
protect house, door, land, earth, tne ti ^.^ gtore> the simple- 
cattle and their herds, the bees wit prote ction may 
minded children, the rooms and the place , ^^r ^ {or ^ 

prepare an iron cage for the J> ltc Xiovofdark Bhado, aniron 
con junction day aiid for the fourteenth oay be sent 

fence may be prepared and the bitches and gli o ^ ^^ 

down in it to the seventh lower regions to ce ^ ^^ 

protect Shrali deity, W^^O Sn 

250 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

The Tale of a Jackal and a Tiger. 

re Chdn-mdn-nie, 

' Kd bold ji mahdrdj ? 
Sato sio roj khdu thie, 
EJci sie kd kari dj ? 

* you Chan-man- ni ! ' 

1 What do you say, my Lord ? ' 

'We used to breakfast on seven tigers, 
What are we to do to-day with only one ? ' 

The tale runs thus : — In a forest there lived a pair of jac- 
kals. One day a tiger happened to arrive near their den. See- 
ing the danger approach, the jackal exclaimed to his wife: 
1 ' you Chan-man-ni ! ' ' The wife replied , ' ' What do you ss 
my Lord?" The jackal said: "We 

day on seven tigers, what shall we do to-day with only one ? 
Thereupon the tiger being greatly afraid of the jackals, ran 
for his life. 

(2) Proverbs. 

(1) Appe kuri ghar nd bashdi, 

Hordnu sikh dashdi. 

" The girl does not live at her husband's, 
But she gives hints to other women." 
(To show negligence on one's own part.) 

(2) Jra, biyd lard, 

6 ~*~ J 


Ard, jdu nd kinde. 

4 'Friend, you fought very well ! 
" friend, I couldn't escape ! ' 

9 9 

evening to the temple at Koti village. One evening when 
returning to his home, a bear caught him. As he was a strong 
man, he struck the beast a blow with his pole on its nose, 
and it ran away. A man who happened to witness the fign_ 
said " Friend, you fought very well." He replied, "Friend, i 


(Used when one is compelled to do any thing by force.) 
(3) Dhanu rai jd tqu par) tany'in bi Idgo. 

< < 

If the bow is all right, the string can be strung 

again. " 

(Used when one's offspring or wife is dead.) 

(4) Tan nd chePn dndhd, 

Jdri shir nd lagfd kdMhd. 

"A blind man will not know, 

Till his head hits against the wall. 
iKan " 

* 9 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. oj Pahan Dialects. 251 


(5) Share sulci, nd Sdwne hari. 

"Neither dry in June nor green in July." 
(Used when a thing is in the same manner as before.) 

(6) Ju nashe khulo tinde ddM nd lane. 

"To that which may be opened by a nail, no tooth 
should be applied." 
(A thing which can be easily done, should not be done with 

much pains.) 

(7) O'j prdune rd, 

Bhoj pere rd. 

" A guest's excuse, 
And a feast of sweetmeat (pera). 

) ■> 

(When a 
good dinner.) 


(8) Hdchhu khdnu, bum bolnu, 


' ' Tasteful food and a bad speech 
Are never out of the memory." 

( 9) Hdchhd kdprd hat i dd bdhar n i nikldd . 

" Fine cloth never goes out of the shop (for « ale ), 
(A well-to-do man is liked and visited by everybody.) 

(10) Kd 

Je kishe khdi krundu, 

Je kishe khdi khor. 

' ' What do the Pahari fools know 
As to how the fruit of the krunda plant is to be eaten 
What do the fools of the plains know 
As to how walnuts should be eaten ,,« n x 

(A jest between a man from the plains and a hillman). 

(11) Khdilu tqu khdilu par 


"In eating they will eat, but .how wi» they swaHow . 

a sore throat.) 

! 12) Je meru-jyo-shundd, 

Tqu pdlu-jyo nd pun da. 

"If you were to listen to me, m . nMr » 

You would not have done it in that manner. 

1 13) Dhdro re ghqu' t a, 

Je pishole nd tqu dh ishole tqu . 

"These stone-mills are on a r id g e ' f 

Though unfit to grind, they can be seen from 



/ Bengal. [May, 1911. 

(14) Bilkhi ru ghyu a bqi, 


Man bhdi sukiei. 

" 'Tis Bilkhi 's butter, 
I like the bread without it." 

(15) Je dg nd jdnqi thi, 

Tqu tquwd hi nd jdnqi thi? 

" If you did not know how to kindle the fire, 
Then did you also not know how to bring the pan ? 

* •> 

(16) Aj niputi kdl niputi, 

Kesar fuld sadd nipiUi. 

"To-day and to-morrow she is without a son, 
She is without a son even when the saffron blooms. 
(Used as of a childless woman, to show impossibility.) 

(17) Tate khe karchhi, 

Shale khe hath. 

" A spoon for the hot, 
And the hand for the cold." 

(18) Je deo-jyd hundd, 

Tqu mano ri bujhdd. 

4 c If I were like a deity , 
I would know everyone's mind." 

(19) Jasrd bdo si ho, 

Se bdj dalkie kwqi khd? 

" He, whose father is a lion, whv 

? ? 

Will he eat without flesh ? 

■> > 

(One who has good supporters will always be successful). 

(20) Ju meri mqiwo nild, 

Se man bi dhdchold. 

M He, who takes away my mother, 
Will have to support me too." 

(Used of a widow's child when its mother takes ^° } ^ 
husband, and meaning that he who ploughs the land will 
to pay the taxes.) 

(21) Galqu tanyin Gdngd, 

Tethia porki jimpr. 

"When bathing, up to one's throat it is the Ganges, 
But above the throat it is death itself." 
(One cannot do what is beyond his power.) 

(22) Je panmesur dekhd ni, 

Tom kadurti fa tqu pachhydnu a. 

< t 

Even if no one has seen God, 

He can still be recognized by His nature 

» j 

Vol. VII , No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 253 

[N. £.] 

(23) Sambie dwdr } basharmo ru munh, 

Jcuchh ni hundu. 

11 A lower door and the face of a shameless man 
are good for nothing." 

(24) Kargdnu 1 bdndi Rdje rd, 

Kdti-ro mar 6 mdwi. 

"The Raja's village of Karganu was divided, 

And the Mawis died after fighting for U," 

(Used when any one interferes in another's case.) 

(25) Bind jap?ie fa hdsnu, 

E bi fjiterdi kdm a. 

1 ' To laugh without speaking 

Is a disgraceful act. 

(26) Es hdsne fa ronui bhalu. 

< < 

Better weeping than such a laughter. 

> J 

(27) Dud khdu kwain ni jdndd, 

Brail ghdu janqu sabqi. 

" No one knows that the milk was eaten. 
But every one knows that the cat has been 


(28) Je man Idgi a tdti tan kyqiri ni karuwa, 

Titi/nd. vn.ri/ri. isihpt. 

Lund mdri ishei. 

i t 


uunif mu/rb tesftrci. 

If I am in trouble, nothing can be done ^ 
But wicked people are so punished (as ij. 

rrkit^^mi mi onih hh.fdo ri basat, 

ituc/in ni nunai 
•« The company of a woman and a flock of sheep 
Are good for nothing." 

(30) Bind luno ruOan, bind chhewp ru ghanr bi, 

Kuchh ni hundu. , 

« Cooked pulse or vegetables without salt, and a house 
without a woman, are good for nothing. 

(31) Shdnd mundqu gafQU 

Duhne bdhne rirau. 

" The barren cow butts, dead." 

While the milch-cow and oxen f aU jtown dead 
(Used when a valuable thing is lost wmie 
ful thing remains.) 

254 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

(32) Je mwehru japan, 

Ton dinwdn lewai puchhi 

" If the idol were to speak, 
Then why should the dinwdn be asked ? 5 ' 

(33) Turi ri dqi hor bkedo ri bhai, 

Kadi ni jdiidi. 

" The begging of musicians, and the bleating of a sheep, 
Never cease." 

(34) Shdnd mhains napar bhdti bi , 

Kuchh ni hundd. 

" A barren buffalo and an uneducated brahman 
Are both good for nothing." 

(35) Mere tqu turi rd bandi guwd, 

Je dendd ni kyain tqu or a tqu chhdr. 

"My case is like the bear's that met a musician, who 

was caught by him, and said to him : 
c If you will not give me anything then please leave 

me.' " 


(Used when one wants to get rid of a danger at any 

only. ) 

(36) Mere tqu Pdwlu ri karhdi hoi, 

Ju lairo bi miiki tqu khdiro bi. 

44 My case has become like the vessel of Pawlu, 
Which was lost after being used only once." 
(Used when one has lost a thing after using it once 

/ ? 9 

(37) Jaa parqu kdl kabariyd, 

Taa Pajqu Ainu ran Sariyd. 

" When there is a famine year, 

Then there are good crops in Ainu and Sariya. 
(Villages of Koti State.) 

(38) Shy dli pdi mundro, 

Mdndre band siddh. 


" He became a mendicant at Shyali village, 
And then became a miracle-monger at Mandr." 
(Villages in Bhajji State.) 

(Used to ridicule a mendicant.) 

(39) Titqu ru shu-ni tqu, 

Tumrei tumrebiji. 

" If we were to listen the mendicant, 
Then we ought merely to sow the gourd-fruit. 
(The gourd-fruit is used for a water-pot by Oriental men 
di cants.) 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 255 

{N. 8.] 

(40) Linde baldau, 

Their o byddhi. 

8 ' To an ox without a tail 
There are 18 diseases." 
(Used when one is constantly in trouble.) 

(41) Dhdno re gdon, 

Prdlp fa jdnu a. 

' l The villages in which rice grows 
Are known by its straw." 

(42) Doe re mundo di pajlqu, 

Tan age dpni bdhqiwni. 

" If fire burns on the head of both, 
Then one ought first to extinguish one's own 

(To denote one's bad luck.) 

(43) Dalki je shari, 

Tan shdgo fa ni pari. 

" If flesh is rot, >f 

Then it is better than a vegetable. 

(44) Faiu thd'h 

Pdihe brobar. 


( i 

A broken dish is equal to a pdthd." 

(A great thing if worn out is superior to a small thing, 
or great men even in misery have lofty thoughts). 

(45) Chan ihinde derd, 

Elcsai chhewrie baser a, 

■' The place where four men live is a lodginghouse, 
The place where a woman lives is a »w>me. 
(It shows that a house without a woman is nothing). 

(46) Dhdro pdtide sdtu kun puno? '_ 
" Who will make roasted flour float on a ridge 

( 47 ) Jaa paro kfe'r, taa nd pdrti U'r; 


- When there is any difficulty, gZgSZZSEf.* 

When there's an opportunity, there snu 

(48) Jaa din a bdnge, 

Taa tuMd mdro ddnge. 

" When davs are unlucky, . . 

( 49) Mangal dewd m ine 

c c 

Sat patdl guwe sine 

When Mars goes into Pisces 

wnen Mars iioes iu*>» -—— ' „ ai . >» 

2» "!^. 1 ?rtL"sr t X m C t g ^ w «— > 

(Much rain is to be expected on 

256 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911. 

(50) Jaa thi nawe neche, 

Bdmno khdu thi sherd re kheche ; 
Jaa how i budhe prdne : 
Bdman khd' man shero re ddne. 

11 When I was a young maid, 

I enjoyed Brahmans in a mustard field; 
Now that I am an old woman : 
Brahmans console me with mustard seed." 
(It means that when she was young, Brahmans used to 

prefer requests to her ; but when she became old, she was obliged 

to beg of Brahmans.) 

(51) Hyun ghalo-ld bddlie soend ghalp suhdg<\ 

Thind ghalp bduthyd, kdnjri rdndi age. 

u The snow will melt with clouds, and #old with borax, 


And so will a handsome young man with a harlot, 

(52) Don bi Idgd pdni bi Idgd, 

Sio brdgo rd by ah bi Idgd. 

" The sun is shining and the rain a- falling, 
The tiger and the leopard's wedding is being celebrat* 
ed." (Of an extraordinary thing.) 

(53) Takeri, bi Q 

Chaja ri bi. 

11 Costing six pies, 
And yet of good quality ! " 
(A thing bought for six pies cannot be of good quality.) 

(54) Sdkho ri maufisi, 

Squde ri karqiri. 

" The mother's sister in relation, 
But very strict in a bargain." 

(55) Dukhne chot, 

Kanaude suhet. 

11 A hurtful limb is often hurt, 
And he is often seen, who is disliked." 

(<>6) Shingo fa chhdrne pore, 

Punjro de dene pachdke. 

"It is unwise to let go the horns 
And catch hold of the tail (of a bull)." 

(57) Karjo ri jimi, ihdHt pd?ii rd nhd», jeih keth'i fdbo. 

*« Land on tax, and a bath of cold water, can be ob- 
tained everywhere." 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Die 


(58) Band sand hor mhqinsd arnu, 

Jaa bigro taa kishu karnu. 

" When a widow, an ox, and a wild buffalo 
Are in a rage, what's to be done then ?" 
(It means that these three are wncontrollable.) 

(59) Jethai gholi, 

Tethqi pyunli. 


i i 


There's the golden colour." 
(It means that a diligent man will gain everywhere.) 

(60) 1 Beog hi chhwdnd , 

Taa Tdndd hi ndchd. 

" When the sun set from Reog peak, 
Then Tanda began his dance. 
(Of an unsuitable time in any business.) 

(61) Budh banian Shukr k&na, 



But Saturn says he must bathe. 
(There is no hope of rain on Wednesday oi 
Saturday must bring rain.) 

(62) Luku luku pashnu, 

Taa prdwne age denu. „ 

' ' She prepares a dish privately , 
Then puts it before a guest. 

(63) KMni pini Shilrue, f 

Bhukhe mari Kdndie ; 
Chaw tamdshd Dhanone : 
Gothi layi Dhdnie. 

« Shilru is good for eating and drinking, 
There is hunger in Kandi ; times . 

Dhanon contains pleasure and pastimes 

^JK„«e very fertile, and 


villages are in Koti State.) 

(64) Dhaki muth Idkho ft, 

Khuli muth kakhd ri. 

6 i 

A closed fist may hold a million 
And an open one, a straw. 

. Tttat was a .a^a^B^Tnd Reog i» the name of a peak- 

258 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

9 > 

(65) Jaa ukhlo du mund chhdrnu, 

Taa choto khe kd darnu ? 

" When one puts one's head in a mortar. 
What's the fear of hurt ? ' ' 

(66) Bddli pdki bhalko, 

Pdni ri lagi shalko ; 
Bddli pdki bydlai. 
Pdrii nd nhydlai. 

" When clouds become red at morn, 
Then there will be a heavy shower of rain ; 
When clouds become red in the evening, 
Then you need not wait for rain." 


(67) Ju nhdnde muchau, 

Munhoh pdnde japqu jhuth, 
Tesru kd pdkri ? 

" How can he who makes water in his bath, 
And tells a lie face to face, be detected . 

(68) Nd pet shashne deu y 

Nd pore nashne den. 

"I'll neither let you massage my belly, 
Nor allow you to go away." 
(The saying of a pregnant woman to her nurse. Used 
when one rejects each alternative). 

(69) J i she guru, 

Tishe chele. 

" As is the spiritual guide, 
So are his disciples." 

(70) Jetnu khdtan ho, 

Tetni tddni. 

• •• • • 

" One ought to stretch (one's legs), 
According to one's means." 

(71) Jishd desh, 

TisM bhesh . 

"As may be the country, 
So should be the fashion (of one's dress)." 
(In a warm country cotton clothing, and in a cold country 
woollen, is suitable.) 

(72) Ldtrii ghd'ni mdchhli, 

MuvMn bhajnu Ram. 

" He kills fish with his feet, 
And performs Divine Service with his mouth." 
(Used when one differs in words and deeds.) 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 259 


(73) Agle re Iff t kd a % 

Ju pdchhle ri fini. 

" The former's feet are not so ugly 

As the latter 's ankles. 

? ? 

(Used when both of two things are defective.) 
(74) Sabi fa bhali chup. 


Silence is better than all (things)." 

(The silent man keeps aloof from all squabbles.) 

(75) Kodd 


But has also hurt his buttocks. 

~~ ' ' 

(Used when one commits two mistakes at a time.) 

(76) Halqi uthi, 

Moie gddu. 

lL Not very deep with a plough, 
But very deep with a smoothing-plough. 
(Used to express inconsistent things.) 

(77) Sari rati gdu bajdu, 

Bhydni khe duiids jdu. 

' ' The whole night was spent in singing to music , 
There was a dead foetus at daybreak : 
(After working hard, the result was fruitless.) 

(78) Munhon dekhi ro ilka land. 

-The gift called tikd should be according to one .dignity. 

(79) Chhote munhen, 

Bare jabdb. 

" The mouth small, 

But the reply great." -hiKtw ) 

(One ought to speak according to one sabihtj.) 

(80) 31 an khe khani kil, 

Tiiidd pdi t/i. 

" A well was dug for me. 

But vou are cast in it- <miltv.) 

(Used when a complainant is found to be gttllQ ) 

(81) Shdtho ri dingli, 

Eki rd bhdrd. 

"Sixty persons' sticky 

Make a man's load. , -i. pr are f great use.) 

(Trifling things, when gathered together, are g 

260 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May 

(82) Jdn-un dppi ni mari, 

Tdn-un surge ni tari. 

'■' So long as one is not dead, 
One can't go to heaven. 
(One's business should be done by oneself.) 

(83) Pap kaput apnei khd. 

11 Sin and a wicked son will injure one's own interests. 

(84) Jos ri Sawane fdto, 

Tes fa? harui dhisho. 

(i He, whose eyes go in July, 
Sees green everywhere," 

(85) Share muin shdshu, 

Sawane dye dshu. 

11 Her mother-in-law died in June, 


But she weeps for her in July. 

* j 

(Of an improper time for a business.) 

(86) Khd 9 pia' astdj, 

Gunjo bhari japoro ri. 

f< A clever man eats and drinks, 
But a fool's moustache is detected. 

j j 

(Used when the culprit escapes, while an innocent man is 

(87) Sndro ri thanak thanak, 

Lhwdro ri ekkqi. \ 

u The goldsmith's many taps 

Are equal to an ironsmith's single stroke. 
(Many small things are equal to one large one.) 

(88) Sou miishe khdia, br till Gdtigd-khe chdli. 

11 Having devoured a hundred mice, 
The cat goes to the sacred place (Ganges)." 
(Used when a sinful man does a virtuous act.) 

(89) Meri shashuwo pith, 

Tere shashuwo hath. 

fl My back may be oiled, 
As well as your hands." . ^ 

(Used when both parties are interested in a transaction.; 

(90) Likhi kamdie Idgu dhol, 

JetnA uthd ubhd tetne Idqu hor. 

" By an accident a rolling stone struck me. 

As I got up there came down another to hit me. 
Used when one srets manv troubles at a time.) 


Vol. VII , No. 5.] Appendix to Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 261 


(91) Ekshdnkk, 

Dujd Ichiro rd bhard. 

4 'In the first place, a conch-shell; 
Secondly, full of rice boiled in milk. 

> ? 

(Used when one is interested in both ways.) 

(92) Lid khdni td hdthi ri, 

Janie pet tau bharuwo. 


? > 

Wherewith the belly may be ! 

(93) Juthu hhdnu tau, 

Mithe re lobhai. 

" Refuse food is eaten 
For the sake of its sweetness. 

(94) Bethd ndwi, 

KuTcro shaulo. 

" An idle barber 
Shaves a dog." 
(Something is better than nothing.) 

(95) Swddo fa' tiiweh khou, 

Bddo fa'muweri khou. 

" You've spoiled the taste, 
I'll spoil the blame." 
(Used when a thing is spoiled in two way 

(96) Thode rd kM 'I 

Pipli rd masdld, 
Kuchh ni hundd. 

1 ' The practice of archery , 
And the spice of red pepper, 

Are no good at all." , * 

(Used when a nuisance of any thing occur,.) 

(97) Chdmbe mule, 

Bhekhlai jdmi. 

' ' Under a fragrant tree 

6 , ? 

There grew a thorny plant 
(Used when a well-to-do man has an ignorant son.) 

(98) Lundo japde, 

Kulcro muchde, 
Be'r ni pardi. 

" A debauchee in speaking, 
And a dog in making water. 
Make no delay." 

262 Journal of 


(99) Kdnde re munk, 

Jgei paine ho. 

' ' The point of a thorn 
Is itself sharp/' 

(100) Rani hhe ndnqi hun bold ? 

" Who can say that the queen has no robes ? 

(101) Jeti kukrd ni hundd, 

Teti kd idtni bhyqiwo. 

5 > 

" Where there is no cock, 
Does not the day break there ? 

y > 

(Used when a thing can be done without one's help.) 

(102) Fd't bdri rd bi sardhnd. 

" A shrewd stroke of an enemy's is worthy of praise. 

(103) Chult fa' nilcld, 

Bhdti da para. 

" Came out of a stove, 
Fell into a large oven." 
(Out of the frying-pan, etc.) 

(104) Pardi pithi de nagdre. 

" Kettledrums on another's back." 
(Used when one is suffering and another happy.) 

(105) Nd ghatai dewd , 

Nd rdkshai chhald. 

u I neither went to the grinding stone (in a river), 

? * 

Nor was I terrified there by a ghost " 
(Used when one is safe from a danger.) 

(106) Khasho Idgi tdti, chdl bhdtd rati ; 

Khasho howd ram, bhdto rd ni Icytn kdm. 

" When a Khash was in need, he said : 

man, by night.' 
When the Khash got well, he said ' There is n< 
a Brahman.' M 
(The Khash sept of Kanets is of selfish character.) 

(107) Bol Jceti thid ? 

Bolo Dilli. 

Bolo kd karm thid ? 
Bolo bhdr jhokii thid. 

" ' Say, where have you been ? ' 

He replied that he was at Delhi. 
g What were you doing there ? * 
He replied that he was making a fire for j 
(Of negligence in a man.) 

'Go on, Brah- 

(108) Jetnu gharo f 

)f Pahari Dialects. 263 


" As far as is the water-place from the house, 
So far is the house from the water-place." 
(It shows the equality of two things.) 

(109) Mqute re then' re inre., 

" The food at an officer's house is tasteful." 
(It shows superiority.) 

(110) Jasrd bdo si, 

Se kwqi daro ? 

"He, whose father is a lion, 
Why should he fear ? ' ' 
(A lion's young one has no fear.) 

(111) Sdppo- re khde-kh e , dinguli-rd dour. 

"He who was bitten by a snake, fears even 

(112) Bolqu keti thid ? Bolqu surge , 

Kd karat thid ? Tdlli Idu-thd. 

< i t 


I was in paradise.' 

I was mending my 

clothes.' " 
(To denote ignorance.) 

(113) m 

i « 

Meri jdn de drd chhan. 

Take this basket and take these apricots. p| 

But be pleased, my friend, to spare my lite. 

£ £ £ 

(One who is in great distress.) 

(1 14) Mered jMt en, kanil!*, Mb f « •*» M "" "^ ' 

0T,,y be.oved property, how did yoe -bum II Uever 

used to give even ^ b JMft^rty." 

that is the reason for burning y r 
(Tit for tat.) 

(115) Tere baldo-re tqu Idmbe shrng a' 

RdM bi iuien i kinyin u. 

• 9 

' Oh ! your ox hoi long ^s. 
'Yes/but I was widowed by them. 

(A good thing which causes injury.) 

(1 1 6) Ddrie, hdthi-re ddM a' <?, 

Dekhne-re hard, chdpne-re horo. 

• j 1 

J 1> 

£ £ 

™ ' j t ThPse are the elephant s teeth, 
Oh my dear ! These are ^^ ^ ^ 


One lot to De iuu^^ - , , 

(One whose words differ from his deeds.) 

264 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [May, 1911. 

(117) Reke-ri fdto t(m thaguwe chanyin, 

Jaa fdto dpni tan Jed kari ? 

" One ought to take warning, from seeing another's 

eyes hurt, 
What's to be done when one's own are injured ? " 

(Of precautions against danger.) 

(118) Priuno-rd bhdri kanau nd thanau, 

Ghato-rd bhdri dewau Iambi lerau. 

' ' One who has his sieve full will not groan, 
But he who has to go to the mill will weep over his 
heavy load." 
(When one is happy and another not.) 



"One has to show one's own property and one's own 

face. ' ' 

( 1 20) Dekh rdndo-rd chdld , 

Shir ndngd munh kdld. 

"See the widow's trick, 
Bare head and black face." 

(121) Hdnd-de karqu chhwdyd, 

Bethi-ro ni chhwdyd chanyin. 

6 ' It does not matter if the sun sets on its way , 
But it ought not to set while sitting still." 
(One ought not to be idle.) 

(122) Shil-bdnki goriyd, paun-bdnki ghoriyd, 



swift , 
He is a man whose conduct is good, and a good cow 

is that which gives much milk." 

(Handsome is that handsome does.) 

(123) Meri ghin nd karqi tan mere skand karai. 

ci If you do not love me, I give you an oath." 
(Love requires no oath.) 

(124) Ldia-ri ghin rqu Idiari ddri ni hundu 

c c One-sided love and a ragged beard are good for nothing.' 
(Unrequited love is a disgrace.) 

(125) Kd kdku kd kdkuru pit, 

Sari hdiidi-dyd Mdndi r Ql l Suket. 

"What a little thing a tinder box is ! 
Yet it has been all through Mandi and Suket." 
(Of one who does a lot of work.) 


>/ Pahari Dialects. 265 



"If a stone is thrown into the water it sinks to the 


3 9 

(A weighty word attracts attention.) 
( 1 27 ) Bashkdl kited I bashqu pldh- dt ch 

" It does not matter whether there is a heavy monsoon 

utea frondosa) always has 

*thpr in comfort or adver- 

no more than three leaves. 
(One who is just the same wh 

(128) Ek dkkh tindi hi divdnj. 

c ; 

He has only one eye, and in that too there is pain. 


(Trouble upon trouble.) 

Note.— Moat of these were furnished by Babu Shib Datt Maht4 


Pahari Riddles. 
(1) Char chip charmakan-ldgi , 

Do khari do ndncJui n -lag * . 
" Four birds began to sing 

Two stand and two dance. 


Reply: a cow's udder 

(2) Uw b€l bhu in thd n wld , 

« < 

Ma gori put sdniv/d. 

A creeper above and a basin below, ^ 

The mother white and the son black. 

Reply : Mugoh (an edible root.) 

(3) Poro dwi rdM , 

Tdii-khe lydi koltho-ri fand. 

" There came a widow, 
And she brought you a bundle ot pulse. 

5 J 

Reply : a snail. 

4) Lou jhiri Ioshkar chdlau , 
Neol qhumqu, yarbat hdlon- 

;. «„11<»H an armv seems to be marching, 
"If the creeper is pulled an <* rni J * , ,, 

The lowland rises up and the hill shakes. 

Reply : a hand-loom. 

(5) Dungi ddbr daniyar karqu, 

Mdnku'mdmd bduwe tarau. 

' ' A deep pond resounds, ( > 
And uncle Manku swims. 

Reply : a frog. 

266 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

(6) War chhldkd par chhldkd, 

Mdhjh ndl'e jamtu pdkd. 

" One wave hither and another thither, 
In the centre of a ravine a citron is ripe." 

Reply: the churning of curd. 


(7) Poro dwi rui, 

Mund goi pchrui. 

; c There came the cotton , 
And hurt the head with its nails. 


Reply: a comb 

(8) Nhy 


u Ina dark ravine a lion roared, 
Five men went to catch him but two brought him out." 

Reply: mucus. 

(9) Poro dwu kuktu lujbude kdn, 


14 There came a pup with quivering ears, 
Don't bite me, pup, 1 am your customer. 

5 ? 



Reply: Forget-me-not. 

" O you, that understand a puzzle, I tell you a riddle, 
On one plant there are three fruits, viz., as assafoe- 
tida, carroway and cummin." 

Reply: a large kitchen spoon. 

(11) Harr karq^ jharr karqu chuhj karqu chash, 

Char sapdi taa chdlqu jaa kamr karqu kash. 

" They quiver and shake with a bird-like noise, 
The four peons will go on when they have girt up 
their loins." 

Reply: a palanquin or a spinning wheel (charkha). 

(12) Bhiti-dd takd, sabi-rd sakd. 

' ' It sits on the wall , 
And is friend of all." 

Reply : a lamp. 

1 It should be noted that the hillmen churn the curd in an earthen 
pot, shaking it by one hand hither and thither until the butter is gathered 
like a ball. 



(13) Ford dwd chelu chdmbd, 

Api hochhkd ddrku Idmbd. 

"One is come there, 

»/ PaJmri Dialects. 267 

He himself is small but has a long beard." 

Reply : a Q ear of barley. 

villa^f'^otTsti'^ 080 W6re fumiHhed hy Maht * K ' i8hi R » ra ° f Shilyu 

(14) Kdterie kdtu nd, nd dhobie dhou, 

Bel merit pydrie, sari prithi khe cholu hou. 

"Neither has a spinner spun it, nor has a washer 
washed it, 

Say, my dear, what is it that makes a cloak for the 

whole world V* 

Reply : the snow. 

The Song of the Bla'j Fair sung in Bla'j. 

Pahld ndhw Ndrdyano rd, junieh dharii pudm, 
Jaldthali hoi pirthibi, debt Mansd rdkhi jagdli. 
Mdnu nd hole kwen rikhi, ekai Ndrdyan rdjd hold, 
fSiddh guru ri jholi fa, dhdi ddnd sherd rd jhard. 
5. Dhdi ddnd sherd rd, mhdre shwdrie bijqu, 
Biji bdji rd sherd, jdmade Id-ge, 
J ami rd sherd, god-ne Idye, 
Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge, 
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuweh Idye. 
10. Gdhi mdndi rd, kyd hoivd pwdjd ? 

Dhdi ddnd bijqu rd, chhuru howd pwdjd. 
Chhuru bhari sherd rd, mhdre bijqu shwdre, 
Biji rd sherd, jdmade Idge, 
J ami rd sherd, godarie Idye, 
15. Godird sherd, pdkade Idge, 

Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen Idye. 
Gdhi mdndi rd sherd, kyd howd pwdjd ? 
Chhuru bhari bijqu rd, pdthd howd pwdjd. 
Pdthd bhari sherd rd, mhdre bijqu shwdr*', 
20. Biji rd sherd, jdmade Idge, 

J a mi rd sherd, gddane Idye, 
Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge, 
Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen Idye. 
Gdhi mdndi rd sherd, kyd hoicd pwdjd ? 
25. Pdthd bhari sherd rd, jun howd pwdjd. 

Jun bhari sherdrd, mhdrp bijqu shware, 

268 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

Biji ro sherd, jdmade idge, 

J ami ro sherd, gddarie laye, 

Godi ro sherd, pdkade Idge, 
30. Pdki luni ro sherd, kunuwen laye. 

Gdhi mdndi ro sherd, kyd howd pwdjd ? 

Jun bhari bijou rd, khdr howd pwdjd. 

Khar bhari sherd ri, mhdre bijau Balae sheri. 

Biji rd sherd, jdmade lage, 
35. J ami rd sherd, gddane laye, 

Godi rd sherd, pdkade Idge, 

Pdki luni rd sherd, kunuwen laye. 

Gdhi mandi rd sherd, kyd howd pwdjd? 

Khdr bhari bijau rd hoi kharshd purd. 
40. Khdrshe shershe bhdiyd, mhdre mundar band, 

Siddh guruwe mundar band, 

By did ke pahre ay a ludrd, by did ke pahre, dyd Ludrd, 


Jimi samdnd, bane mudrd, 
Chand rd surjd , bane mudrd , 

m mm * * m . _ 


Bdsu re ndgd, bane mudrd, 

Sate samudre, bane mudrd, 

Chqurd ran dhurd, bane mudrd, 

Rishi rqu muni, bane mudrd, 
50. Koti ri pquli , bane mudrd , 

Band Raghbir Chandd , bane mudrd , 

Tike dothdnyinyen, bane mudrd, 

Bere rqu bane, bane mudrd, 

Deo Klqinu, bane mudrd, 
55. Deo Sharali, bane mudrd, 

Ded rqu Sipd , bane mudrd , 

Deo rqu Dhdndi ,bdne mudrd , 

Ded Korgand, bane mudrd, 

Deo rqu debi, bane mudrd, 
60. Chdklu ri chhquri, bane mudrd, 

Es Barldjd , bane mudrd . 

Aland di upje debi Mansd , 

Tu hi debie ruwe jagdti, 

Sat kalash, Ndrdyane'ditte, rdkhane khe, 
65. ' Ind debie, rdkhai bhddre," 

Bard barshd khe, sute Ndrdyan jald-biche, 

• Tu debie, ruwe jagdli, 

Nqu mhine kalashd r'dkhe bhddre, 
Mhine dasweH forne lane,' 
70. Ek kalah ford deUe , Brahma pqidd howd ; 

* Tan to bolu Brahmeydn, merd dend bydhfu kari. 
' Charjd nd bolqi, mdtd debie, 

Tu sat jugd ri, dharmd ri mdtd.'' 
Krddh upjd debi da, kard Brahme rd bhasmd tdld. 
75. Dujd kalash ford debie, Vishnu rniidd kinnd. 

' * 


<f Pahari Dialects. 269 


ft * m v ■ 

Char) nd bolai' mdtddebie,sdto jugo ri dharmo ri mdtd, 

dd % karau Vishnu rd bhasmd 


80. ' Tan hi to bolu Mahddebd 

jTmd de tu jyunde hari.' 


Amrit chhitu bdyddebie, Brahma Vishnu Jchare kinye. 
Brahmen rau Vishnuwen debi age arjo kinyi ; 
85. ' Bydhru karumen hati ro, mhdre lane ddmi pwdnni. 9 

Thar 6 hdtho rd kinyd ddmi, tino fa dharti nd chdli, 

»W*/ WW . vww»w r w -•■^--^jw -» mm - j -- 

Dii?e saie Zwwe ddww pwdnni. 

fa dhart 

Chdndi soend rd kinyd ddmi, ndhi karo huftwaro kdro, 

90. A, 


Hunkdro re jdmd putro, age howd Nirankdro. 
Nirankdro re howd putro, age howd Hari Chand rdjd. 
Hari Chand rdje re bakhte, sukhqi baso parjd sari. 
95. Hari Chand rdje re pohre, brag hold bdkri rd jagdld. 

Chand rdje re pohre, billi holi dhinche ri jagdli. 
Chand rdje re pohre, musd hold nqujo rd bhddri. 


Hari Chando re jdmd puiar, age howd Bali Chand Raja. 
100. Bali Chand Rdje re bakhte, bari holi dhdgdi lagi : 

* _ mi *m m m If m f 7 7 * 5 

1 Parhe dnqu pandato, mahlo rd muhurat dekho.' 
Bdro odi rdje pauli, bdro rdkhe pohru jagdle. 
Pdthre'chine rdje mahlo, lohe re cheolo bandwe, 
Kdnse tdmhe re kinyen f all e, chdndi re chha 


hdwe. A , 7 , , M 

105. Soene re kalsho kur-ro charhdwe, khore dnqu Nardo 

shddi rd. , , 

ChaM dhure nyondd dena, rikhi mum sabi butawne, 
T>^iA^A a, ma h™„ shnrA dhdmn 1 ' hori khe dena JSa 

Buldwne deote horo chdro dhdmd, 


,*w NJrdtinu Mid suno. 9 Bdmno rd bhekh kihyd 


ba ithd 

Ndrdya ne, 
Ai-guwd Bali Chando re duwdre p 

^Tbhn^dndrmm vindd. < Kdrjo sidhdri merd 

110. Nd an khduad na pan 



'\ad: Ddno re luwe dharmo 


Kd rj 


pan i ra am 

ia ddno md 

1 N&rdo, the Divine sage Ndrada. ,4 R^^fWre 

* Jagannath-puri, Setbandh RAmeshwar. Dwteka, andBadrmathare 

called the Chardhdms. 

270 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

' Mdngi 1 16 Bdmnd re dan, mdngi 16 Bdmnd re 
dd n , 

115. Jo tit mdngai se parmdn, jo tu mdngai se parmdn.' 

Poriyd : ' fed Rdjed tere tqutd jyd ? ' 
1 Tqutd bolqi nd Bdmnd! e puny a rd chando.' 
Poriyd : ' kd Rdjed tere jyowtd jyd ? ' 
' Jyowtd bolqi nd Bdmnd, e Bdsu rd ndgo. 

120. Mdngi 16 bdmnd re dan, mdngi basto ndhinkdr' 

Mahlo dd : ' kd Rdjed tere, soeni rd jyd chothru ? ' 
' Chothru bolqi nd Bdmnd, e a* mahlo rd chhato.' 
' Kdrjo sidhdrd Rdjed terd, ddno khe badluwi guwd. 
Dhdi bikh man dharti deni. Bhuld Bdman, mdngi nd 

125. Chdndi soend Bdman dan, ghord bdgd Bdman dan, 

Khar she dendd tan badauwi, Balgo ri ser.' 
Ek bikh dewj ddhe sansdre, duji bikh dewo sdre sansdre, 
Adhi bikho khe thenyd nd thai, Bali Rdje kanri ddi. 
Gddd sdtwe ptdle. Bali Raja arjo karo : * ndnwd nd 
merd gale ; 

130. Do de Rdjed man wdhsi, do de parewi,'' 

' Etna dan Rdjed mere, dittd ni jdndd, 
Ek deumd tan wdnsi, ek deumd parewi.'' 
( A'weli Diydli re kabai r ' Kdti ri wdnsi ami.' 
1 Kanie kanie re lobhe ? ' ' Chhewri chhoiu re lobhe. ' 

135. ' Awili Diydli re kabqi ? ' ' Khoro mur'i re lobhe. 

Chnjari chhewri re lobhe, chajare gdbru re lobhe.' 

This ends the Blaj Fair Song. 

After this song, they sing a brief account of the Ramayan, 
the adventures of Raja Ram Chand, in the Pahari language. 

Then dramatic performances are displayed. ' First of all a 
gang of Bgiragis (Vaishnavas) enter with their preceptor. His 
disciples serve him respectfully, but with comic sentences, which 
make the audience laugh. Then other pieces, such as a 
banker's or other person's drama, are performed during the 
whole night, and the people all disperse at daybreak. After 
taking some refreshment they again gather by the evening, 
when archery b practised, and the man who shoots under the 
knees of a running man, is praised. Turn and turn about 
they play with bows and arrows. This practice is called Khe'l. 
Ihere is a proverb — 

Dhanu ra khe'l, pipli ra masdld, kuchh ni hundd. 
The practice of archery, and spice of the chilli, are no 


Translation of the Bid* j Song. 

The first is the name of the Almighty God, who has 
created the earth, 

1 Rag Shyamkalyan, tal chhuk r a, sung with music and dame. 


>/ Pahari Dialects. 271 

The whole earth was drowned in the water, Mansa 

Devi * was kept as a guard. 
There were no men, no sages, only the Supreme God 

was king, 
From Siddh-gww's * wallet, there fell down two and a 

half grains of mustard. 
5. The two and a half grains of mustard we should sow 

in a small field, 
Having been sown the grain began to grow, 
When grown up, the mustard plants were weeded. 
Being well weeded, they began to ripen , 
Being ripen and out, they were heaped at one place. 
10. Wliat was the produce after cleaning them in the 

farmyard? [chhuru.* 

The seed was two and a half grains, the produce one 
Ons chhuru of grain we should sow in a small field, 
Having been sown, it began to grow. 
Being grown up, the mustard plants were weeded, 
15. Being well weeded, they began to ripen, 

Being ripen and cut, they were heaped at one place. 
What was the produce after winnowing them from 

the straw ? . 

Of one chhuru of seed, the produce was one patha. 
One pdthd of mustard seed, we should sow m a field. 
20. Having been sown, it began to grow up, 

Being grown up, the field was weeded, 
Being well weeded, it began to ripen, 
Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place. 
What was the produce after winnowing it from the 

straw ? . , , . , fi 

25. The seed was one pdthd, and the produce one pi*. 

Now one pin of the seed, we should sow in a held, 

Being well sown, it began to grow, 

Being well grown up, the field was weeded, 

Being weeded, it began to ripe up, 
30. Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place. 

What was the produce after winnowing it from the 

straw? . a' 6 

Of the one pin of seed, the produce was one Ha/ . 
One khdr of seed we should sow in the large field 


of Balg, 
Being sown, it began to grow up 

1 Mansa Devi is the name of a goddess, who sprang from God's 


i Siddh guru was a devotee. : Chhuru is= 1 \ tola. 

* Pdthd is a grain measure equal to three seers 

6 Jun, a grain measure equal to forty-eight seers. 

> Khar, equal to 20 juns. n\,v,*A Stat 

7 a „;iio„i ^ +i,~ v,«„„J«n- of Balsan and Glmnd btat 

272 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911. 

35. Being grown up, the field was weeded, 


Being well weeded, the plants began to ripen, 
Being ripe and cut, it was heaped at one place. 


straw ? 



The seed being one khdr, the produce was one 
Ichdrsh . l 

40. O brothers, with one khdrsh of mustard we must ask 


The Siddh-guru offered protection, 
And by evening time, there appeared Shib (Ludar), 
Who said : ' ' The earth and the sky are hereby pro- 

The sun and moon are hereby protected, 
45. The region of constellations is hereby protected, 

The nag Basuki is hereby protected, 
The seven seas are hereby protected, 
The courtyard and the 

The saints and sages are hereby protected, 

50. The gate of the Koti State is liereby protected, 

The Rana Raghubir Chand is hereby protected, 

The Heir Apparent and his brother are hereby pro- 

The palace and the boundary are hereby pro- 

The village deity Klainu is hereby protected, 
55. The deity Shrali (Junga) is hereby protected, 

The deity Sip is hereby protected, 

The deity Dhandi is hereby protected , 

The deity Korgan is hereby protected, 

Gods and goddesses are hereby protected, 
60. The courtyard of Chdklu i is hereby protected, 

And lastly this Bla'j Fair is hereby protected." 

Mansa Devi sprang from God's mind, 

And God told her to guard the earth, 

God gave her seven earthen pots to keep, saying : 
t>5. "0 goddess, keep them in the store-house." 

God slept for twelve years in the ocean, and said : 

" goddess, thou should 'st guard them carefully, 
Keep them for nine months in the store-house, 

On the tenth month they must be broken." 

Brahma : 


1 Akharsh is equal to 20 khars. 
to , c *««» is a place about two miles 
takes place on the full moon of Kartik 



>f Pahari Dialects. 273 

" I tell thee, Brahma, be pleased to solemnize my 

" mother goddess, say not such a strange thing, 
Thou art my virtuous mother of the seven ages," 
said Brahma, 

The goddess being very angry, burnt him to ashes. 
75. The second pot was broken by the goddess, and 

there appeared Vishnu : 

" I tell thee, Bishnu, pray perform my wedding/' 

said the goddess. 
" goddess, say not such a strange thing, thou art my 

seven ages 5 virtuous mother, answered Vishnu, 
The goddess being very indignant, burnt Vishnu to 

The third pot was broken by her, and there appeared 

Mahadeb (Shib) : 
80. " I tell thee, Mahadeb, be pleased to arrange for my 

wedding," said the goddess. 
"Promise me, goddess, thou that hast killed my 
two elder brothers," 

Be pleased to restore them to life. 

The goddess threw a drop of nectar, straightway 

arose Brahma and Vishnu. 
Brahma and Vishnu besought the goddess : 
85. " We will perform thy wedding after we have created 

A man twenty-seven feet in height was created, but 

he did not suit the earth, 
A man of two feet was created, but he did not suit the 

ear th . 
The next time they again created a man. 
A man was created of gold and silver, but he did not 

suit the earth. 
90. A man of bell-metal and copper was created, but he 

did not suit the earth. 
A man of Cupid was created, who answered and was 

called Hunkar, 
Huiikar got a son, who was termed Nirankar. 
Xirankar got a son, who was called Hari Chand. 
In the reign of Hari Chand all his subjects were 

very happy, 
95. In his time, the leopard used to graze goats, 

In his time the cat was the keeper of the milk-store, 
In his time the mouse became the keeper of the gram- 

And, in his reign, the civet was perhaps the door- 

Hari Chand got a son, whose name was Raja Bah 

274 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [May, 1911 

100. In the reign of Bali Chand, the earth was dazzling. 

Bali Chand said : 
" Ask learned pandits to find a lucky time to build a 


Twelve gates were erected, and twelve persons ap- 
pointed gatekeepers. 

The palace was built of stone, and beams of iron 

Its planks were of copper and bell- metal, and its 
roof was made of silver, 

105. Its uppermost roof was made of gold. Then he 

bade call Narad, 

Invitations were sent to the four quarters, saints and 

sages were summoned. 
All the deities of the four dhdms were invited. Then 

he said : " Narad, invite all, 
But take care that Vishnu may not hear." Vishnu, 

assuming the form of a dwarf, 
Arrives at the door of Bali Chand, and seats himself at 

the gate. 
110. He neither takes food nor drinks water. Bali Chand 

saith, " O Brahman, please accomplish my sacri- 
fice ; 
I will give you whatsoever you may ask for/' The 

dwarf bound him by an oath. 
He fed the sacred flame with iron fuel, and lighted a 

lamp with water, 


Thus accomplishing the sacrifice, he asked for the 
And Bali Chand said : u Brahman, ask for the gift, 
ask for the gift, 
115. Whatsoever you ask for is acceptable to me." 

The dwarf inquired: " Raja, what is that thing 

like a pan ? 

The Raja replies : " Brahman, call it not a pan, 'tis 
the full moon." 

The dwarf inquires: "O Raja, what is that like a 
rope there ? ' ' 

The Raja replies: "O Brahman, call it not a rope, 
it is the Basukinag. 
120. O Brahman, ask for a gift, there is no refusing any- 
thing you may ask for." 

The dwarf inquires again: u O Raja, what's that on 
the roof like a golden basket ? " 

The Raja replies: "0 Brahman, call it not a basket, 

'tis the golden roof. 

y > 

The dwarf said: <k I have accomplished your sacri- 
fice, but you are changed. 

Bestow on me two and a half paces of land." Said 
Bali Chand: ci You are misled, and do not know 
how to ask, 

• f 

Vol. VII, No. 5.] Appendix to the Dicy. of Pahari Dialects. 275 


125. Gold, silver, horse and robes are gifts for a Brahman. 

I would have given you the fertile land in Balg , where- 

in grows a khdrsh of grain." 
In one step he covered half the earth and in another 

the whole world, 
But there being no room for the half step, Raja Bali 

Chand bent down his neck for it, 
He was cast down into the seventh lower region. Rs 
Bali besought Vishnu, saying : " Do not abolish 

my name. 
130. Give me two days of conjunction and two days of the 

new moon," asked Raja Bali Chand. 
" Raja Bali Chand, I cannot give you so much, but 
I'll allow you one day of conjunction and one day of 

the new moon," added Vishnu. 
Bali Chand exclaimed: "0 Diwali, when will you 

come ? " She said, "in October." 
"With what greedy desire?" "Of maidens and 

children." „ ... .. , . 

135. " O Diwali, when will you come ? with the desire 

of walnuts and roasted grain, 1 
And with the desire of beautiful women and hand- 
some youths." 

So much is the Bla'j Song. 

I Roasted grain and walnuts are divided among friends and rela- 

tions at the fair. 

23. A Vocab 

Kunchbandiya 2 Kanj 
By W. Kiekpatrick. 

Pasi Boli l or Argot of the 


Kunchbandiya Kanj 

«.^ UMBUUy „ ivaiijais are ac cue present day a non- 
criminal section of the vagrant tribes of a Gipsy character 
Known all over India by the generic name of Kanjar. 


Lord Curzon's Persia, Vol. I, p. 225 etsq. 

lobetson's Census Report (Punjab) 1881, pp. 154 and 311 and 

oOl . 

Sir Herbert Risley's Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I. 

p. 419, Kanjars. 
herring's Hindu Tribes and Castes, Vol. I, p. 389, for Kanjars. 


£°- do. do. , .„ _ Jjr 

*J°- do. do. for Kanjars, Vol. II, p. 155. 

^°- do. do. for Yarakhala Sansias, Vol. 

^ HI, p. 137. 

JJo - do. do. for Siakali Lambadi, Vol. Ill, 


p. 138. 

Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India and Eastern and S. Asia, 
HI, p. 74, for Kanjars. 
Do- do. * do. for Sansias, Vol. I, p. 131. 

2 This secret code or language Kanjars themselves call Pari Boli, 
Mr. Gayer in his Lecture on the San^i and Beria says, if In speaking 
before others they employed Hindustani but among themselves they 
spoke a Marwari dialect, or a tribal dialect which they themselves 
called Parsi (sic)"; see note on the Chandramedis of Indore, a con- 
fraternity of criminals, in Appendix to Mr. Kennedy's M Criminal 
Classes in Bombay," — they have "a secret code vocabulary called 
parsi." J n the way the word was always pronounced to me the u r y * 
*as absent, i.e. pdsi. - W. K, 

4 i.e. makers of brushes; from Kunch the brash used by weavers 
for cleaning the warp threads, and bd dhnd to tie. 

3 Mr. Crooke gives the derivation as »Sanskrit Kdndndchdrd 
ir * the sense of a wanderer in the jungle; cf. with Harriott's ingenious 
derivation of Romnichal *#**J -Bamna M a park, plain or champagne," 
a ud chaliX*. "rover, wanderer, traveller." Mr. Nesfield f s theory and 
^tymolooy i 8 to me quite ag convincing and more picturesque. See .Mr. 
Nesfield's article in Calcutta Review, Vol. LXXVII Sir Herbert Risley 
P* 4< Tribes and Castes of Bengal M disposes of the Kanjar with the foilow- 
^g description : " Khangor, Kanjar, a gypsy caste of the North-West 
provinces who hunt jackals, catch and ent snakes, and make strings of 
h©mp and cotton. In Behar they are chiefly rope twisters." 

4 For the first six references I am indebted to Sir Herbert Risley. 

278 • Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

J.W.P., Vol 
for Sansias. 

Do. do. do. 



Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVL p. 61, under Kanjars, and p. 65 
under Kai kadis 

Mitra's Account of the Gypsies of Bengal, 1 in Memoirs of the 
Anthropological Society of London, Vol. VIII, pp. 120- 
133, London, 1870. 

Leitner, Dr. G. W., Detailed Analysis of Abdul Ghafur's Dic- 
tionary of terms used by Criminal Tribes in the Punjab. 

Lucas's Yetholm Gypsies, p. 88, 91, Ed. 1882. 

Rowney's Wild Tribes of India. 2 

Gunthorpe's Notes on Criminal Tribes. 

MacRitchie's Gypsies of India. 3 

The Dialect of the English Gypsies by B. C. Smart and N. T. 

Crofton, 1875. 

Hoyland, 1816, Historical Survey of the Customs, etc., of the 


Harriot, Col. John Staples, M Observations on the Oriental 

origin of the Romniehal." Royal Asiatic Society of 
Great Britain, Vol. II. London, 1830 pp. 518-588. [I have 
seen a reference that this pauer was read before the Society 
at Calcutta on the 12th April, 1822.— W K.] 

Irvine, Lt. fl On the Similitude between the Gypsy and 
Hindi Languages." — Transactions of the Literary Society 
of Bombay, 1819. 

Barrow, George. " Romano Lavolil," Word-book of the 

Romany or the English Gypsy Language, 1874. 
Sleeman, Maj.-Genl. W. H., " Ramaseeana: or a Vocabulary of 

the Peculiar Language used by the Thugs." 
Carnegie, Patrick, Dy Commr. and Settlement Officer of Faiza- 

bad, " Notes on the Races, Tribes and Castes inhabiting the 

Province of Avadh " (Oudh). 

Sir H. Elliot's Races of the North- West Provinces of India, 

2 vols. 

Paupo Rao Naidu's History of Railway Thieves, etc 

inal Tribes of India." 

Some Crim- 

Calcutta Review LXXVII, p. 368, an article on " Kanj 

by J. C. Nesfield. 

5 ? 

9 > 



~~~c<,vp , a nt*mo vviiuti according to &ir tieroert Kisley in " inoea »"" 

Castes of Bengal," Vol I, p. 8>, is descriptive of •• a number of vagrant 


* This is a compilation on popular lines devoid of acknowledgments 


or references 

k J* S C i ud ^ S fcranslatior * °f a •« Contribution to the History of Gypsies 
by M. DeGoeje, Protessor of Arabic in the University of Ley den. 

t f 

Vol VII, No. 6-] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 279 


Nesfield, J. C, Brief View of the Caste System of the 

N.W.P. and Oudh, Allahabad, 1885. 
G. R. Clarke, I C.S , The Outcastes (The Maghya Doms). 
Asiatick Researches, Vol. VII, 1801, p. 457 et seq. 
M An account of the Bazeegars, a sect commonly denominated 

Nuts, by Captain David Richardson. 1 " 
Lelands, The Gypsies, 1882. 
Pri chard, James Combs, Researches into the Physical History 

of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 520, second ed., 1826. 
Criminal Classes in the Bombay Presidency, M.Kennedy, D.I.G. 

Police, Bombay. 

My excuse for introducing the above Bibliography is that 
it may be of use to others interested in the wandering and 
casteless tribes of India. A reference to these authorities, whe- 
ther they be the severe officia. recorder of facts or the ardent 
"gypsiologist," will show that many, if not all, have suc- 
cumbed to the fascination of discovering linguistic likenesses, and 
perhaps what is nearer the mark, the similarity of purpose be- 
tween Romanes or Romnichal and the cant of various Indian 
gyP s 3 T tribes. Although these recognized Gypsv tribes of India 
are not by any means bound by such ties as a common argot, it 
is in this connection that the Bibliography might be appreciated. 
Most of the authorities quoted give vocabularies of various 
secret and slang languages, and there are certainly many 
instances to be found of the resemblance of words ; for example 
between the collection ol Nut words by Capt. D. Richardson 100 
years ago, and the Baoris cant given by Mr. Gayer in his lectures 
on " Some Criminal Tribes in India." 

It will be observed that in the following vocabulary nouns 
predominate. This and a systematic use of inflections suffixed 
to the verbal root is a common characteristic of Gypsy 
argots, so that for purposes of ordinary conversation the 
code is maintained by an amalgamation with local dialects, 
such as Punjabi, Jdt-ki-gal, Hindi or Marwari. I am informed 
by members of the clan themselves that the code is used even 
with Guzerati verbs as the medium. 

The Kunchbandiya , and in fact all sections of Kanjars, 
practise a strict system of exogamy, and for this purpose are 
divided up into exogamous septs, mostly totemistic ; and a 
case of a girl of a sept or sub-section from near Poona (Guzer ati) 
marrying into a Kanjar " camp " at Karnal came under my 
observation. From such alliances— which are not at all un- 



I Capt. D. RicharJson, who gives an interesting vocabulary of 
"Bengal Bazeegars or Nuts,'* back-slang, states that "the Knnjurds 
are no other than those Bazeegars or Nuts who inhabit the Upper 

Provinces of Hindustan. 


280 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 


we must expect a certain common use or union of dialects, 
and a resultant patois or argot which combined with the tribal 
special " slang " provides a sufficiently extensive vocabulary 
for the limited conversational requirements of a community 
of the present-day social status of the Kan jars. This process 
of an amalgamation of dialects among these vagrant tribes 
must eventually result in the discarding of any real original 
language , and a constantly changing argot. Much interest there- 
fore attaches to words with which we can show some analogy in 

the various secret languages of Gypsies, whether in India or in 

I have compiled this short code personally without the 
aid of intermediaries, and in many ca-es caught the right 
word, and as far as I could the real phonetic pronunciation 
only after hearing it in actual use several times and over an 
extended period. My first experience of the Kunchbhand 
Kanjars was with a sub-section who in Delhi and the district 
call themselves Geharas, and supply the local Tent Clubs 
of Delhi and Muttra with shikaries. It was owing to their 
tactics during the earlier days of our acquaintance that I was 
fired with a desire to get to know more about them. It was 
common knowledge in villages and in " camp ' ' among syces and 
others that these Kanjar-log had a boli % o! their own; but 
my earlier attempts at linguistic research in this direction 
were not successful. My informers unb'ushingly foisted on 
me what I subsequently discovered to be absolute gibberish, 
and it was only after I had known the clans settled in and 
around Delhi for some years, that I was really admitted into 
their confidence. It also so happened that about nine years ago 
I was in a measure instrumental in getting these Geharas 
exempted from the more rigorous operations of the Criminal 
Tribes Act, and I believe I thus became something of a 
persona grata among them. I make no apology now for my 
apparent breach of confidence in committing their meagre 
cant to the care of the Asiatic Society. This particular branch 
of the tribe whom I discovered to the local authorities as 
Geharas, and who have been mostly the source of my informa- 
tion, are now more or less occupied in the peaceful pursuits of 
making khas khas tatties and collecting pig's bristles, while 
the adventurous among them find scope for their natural bent 
in following " the line " of the Tent Club or taking the globe- 
trotter out shikaring. As I say, the Gehdrd sub-section of the 
Kunchbandiya Kanjars in and around Delhi are now a prac- 
tically settled community, and any interest therefore which 


I t!^ 60 ! Baden Powell ' s book on Pigsticking in India. 
Talk or langua-e. In Hindustani apa* led boli hai = ' 

" there is a 

hnU f +ui„u ■». l-i i \, «*««« mo xvanjars tnnnseives cai 

boh. I think ,t hkely that pasi is slang for apas or apis or apse 

Vocabulary of 


Vol. VII, No. 6.] A 

we take in them or their manners and customs, their origin 
and language can only operate to their benefit. 

Food and Domestic. 

Bajra (lesser Millet). 



Child (male) 

Child (female) 

Cloth, clothes 

Dead , he or it is 


Eat. to 

Ghi (clarified butter) 

Gold mohur 
Gur (molasses) 


House, hut 

Millets (Bajra) 


Plate, earthen (utensils) 




Sugar, sweets 





W heat 




Khimti dubdigo. 




Toopkd . 



Dath log (or dut log) 


Khasarf: 1 


Noojd . 


Sarkud . 






Chain ; Chd-een. 




t • 

Kumar i. 






t • 


Inter-Tribal Appellations. 

This use of Afferent and disguised names by one tribe 
another is curious. The popular name is well known to 

\ KusTanl To^-a stmple but effective disguise and this affixing 
* Hindustani asarji »* r comn ion method of conversion in 

of « consonant, ususlly an LT "^,2 » l°?Z, Hindustani ik. 
W 7fi 'S ? -» instsnso o? dropping the suffix and prefixing 

the f am. liar k or kh— khddmi and khad. 


>/ the Asiatic Society of 

[June, 1911. 


the tribe, but they prefer a slang designation ; for instance, in 
speaking of the Bhdtus or Bhdntu, the Kunchbhand Kanjars 
call them Bhdntu : or, as they put it, " they are Bhdntu but we 
call them Bhdntu." This is a peculiarity which must add 
considerably to the perplexities of the census enumerator, and 
I can well imagine it to be a fruitful source for the discovery 
of new septs and sub-sections. Take the Bediya or Beriya — 
the Kunchbhand and other Kanjars as well, I believe, call them 
Joddi, and it would be only what one might expect for a not 



a new 
The following are a few 

sept or sectional name, and soon. 

distinctive inter-tribal names,— they might best be° described 
nick-names,— for all that, a particularly interesting part of 

this brief vocabulary : 

Bhatus or Bhantus 


Bawariya or Baoria 

Bediya or Beriya 



Kunchbhand Kanjars 

Samperas, particularly; but 
an appellation common to 
all wandering tribes 






Godr (not to be confused 

with Gohar) 


If the Kunchbhand Kanjar is ever in the jungle— and he 
is frhere pretty frequently— and he me^ts the Sdmperd tribe, 
his salutation is " A Ndth Earn Rdm\" and the greeting he 
gets in return is "Ram Ram bhai Gehari 0!" Notice the 
feminine Gehari ! ' 

This salutatian indicates a past brother- 

hood when the Kunchbhand Kanjar was himself a nomad. 








Eleven, twelve and thirteen UM 
slang for; counting after this is done 
i»*du, and after twenty we have 



Rachelu l 






up to twenty there is no 
in tens ; but twenty is 
forty = dobiselu, sixty 

1 Notice the R , Rachelu~not Pachelu as might be expected. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 283 

thibiselu, and so on, to nabiselu or "nine twentys," which is 
one hundred and eighty, the grand summit of their numerals 
and monetary value. Nabiselu reka = nine twentys, or one 
hundred and eighty rupees is the " bride- price " or what the 
bridegroom or his family have to pay the bride s family. In 
parting with his bride -divorcing her— a like sum has to 
be paid to her or her relations, presumably as a dot to help her 
to find another husband, a convenient arrangement for the 
gentleman who may have been the cause of the disruption. 


Boar (Wild) Ghurer 






Jackal Ghegar, Syar ' 


Parrot Nutd 

q x Rail 

Snake Rapila, Sdnpilo 

Wild boar (single and in 

sounders) Ohurir 



Sand Lizard Sdndd 

Natural Phenomena. 

Afternoon, midday, Thipdro, dopdro, pailpdro i.e. 
morning. *»e 3rd, 2nd and 1st watch- 

es, in fact the same as 
Hindustani, but there is a 
distinct and peculiar pro- 
nunciation which quite ob- 
scures even familiar words 

like these. 
jy Din same as Hindustani 

Dawn Din nifargo » 

Death Mikatch 

■p[ Te Jhurrdi, Jordhi 

Moon S???* * 

Night KUrth 

ZiZ$^JF^*F> IJs^i : Sa„ S Jit **, a 
]ftCk f Hind. San1-a stallion; the oil of this sand lizard has a repu- 
"^ ^^JoTn^o i S to run-the day is running out of the 

nigh 4 Hind, c*««dmoon,so that ck^**»^™^™^ 
of clever disguise in pronunciation. Romanes for moon is chiend. 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 






Rddul l 
Khdndi % 
Tarenge s 



Bolt, do a 

Caste or tribe 



Goes, there it goes 


Excitement (of the hunt or 


Hide yourselves (imperative) 

Move on ; gone on 


Him, to 


Quickly go 

Run, to 

He has gone somewhere, or to 

some place unknown 
Sleep, sleep, gone to 
Sleeping, He is 
See, to 

Seen (it), I have 

Spring, or well, or water hole 


Wait (imperi 
Swim, to 


Drink water 

n/> 4 



J at held 



Wo Jaogdd 



Jabelo ghabrdro 

Nipharo, challagdao 




Nipharnd 6 

Rdrdes gdogiro 
Turrak rdhro 
Maine tigro 

in the sand of a river bed Dhodn 






Nimani kurchlo 

Smoke tobacco (i.e. drink or Romdk kurchlo 


Smoking or drinking, he is 
Know, I 

Kurch rdhro 






Hind. Bddul = clouds. 

Hind, dndhi == dust-storm. 

Hindi, tdra = stars. 

A simple adaptation of Hind, jdgn 

Hind, ghdbrd giya = confused. 

See '« dawn " and '* move on." 

to wake 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Bolt. 285 


Call out, in reference to a 

hank or ' ' beat ' ' when f j^Mro 
hunting and driving a 
jungle for game 

Oh mother! expressive of sur- 
prise or disgust, an appeal 
to their Deity Diya ! 

who is also called Marani or Maharani 

If we accept the conclusion that the Gypsies scattered 
throughout Europe are all of Indian origin and descended from 
one original parent stock, and there appears to be a certain 
unanimity of opinion on this point, 1 it is not remarkable that 
there should be an incidence of resemblances and even actual 
identity between Romanes and the argots of Kanjars and 
allied tribes of a Gypsy character. 

This vagrant race of people, or shall we say certain 
vagrant races of people, we call Gypsy in England,-a cor- 
ruption of Egyptian, originating in the vulgar error that Egypt 
was their native place, and tbev are variously called Tinkler 
(Tinker) or Caird in Scotland, Gitana in Spain, Zigeuner in 
Germany, Zingari in Italy, Kanjar in India and so on A 
comparative survey of the manners customs, habits and occu- 
pations of the Kanjar with the English Gypsies,-the Zigeuner 
with the Zingari or the Gitana with the Bohemien, as they 
are called in France,-a comparison of their nomadic and oc- 
casionally predatory, habits all temptingly point to their 
Sity In addition we find all these people have a phrase- 
ology of their own, call it what we may, back-slang or cant 
oMargon or gibberish. An investigation will show that none 
of thes g e various argots or codes are without some consistence 
fnd XarTcter, whether we study the vo^an^g^ by 
Grellman, or Hoyland, or Irvine, or Colone 1 H "o ; 
Leland or Smart and Crofton, or even any of the various 

cotesand vocabularies of ^^P^^J^^^ 
large number of reliable collections, and to which reference 

^ S^Tw'tve the remarkable linguistic similitude 

between &£& or Rommichal and v™™^?^ 
«* mJ ,v h* elearl v demonstrated from _ a comparison ot any 


Tee e ™e twoVo S. to Ty Kaujar vocabulary to which 
I would drrwattcntio n ,-whcther the analogy .a of any 
philological interest I leave it for others to de c,de To me 

^^j^ air a *~ — ** * 

~ 7Z, r>~^~t ift72 n. 158, for a complete refutation 

1 See Bengal Census Report, 1S/^, p. 100, «« ^ 

of fchis theory. 

286 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

are yet common to the argot of the Kunchbandya Kanjars 
and to Romnichal or Romanes of English and European 
Gypsies, common only to these two argots, and as far as 
I have been able to discover, to no other. The word for Dog 
in European Romanes is Jookal. Dr. Paspati gives it as 
djukel, Smart and Crofton in their elaborate and carefully 
prepared vocabulary give it as Jookel. Grellman includes 
Dog in his comparative view of "Gypsy & Hindustani" 
and gives the Gypsy for dog as Jukel, but— and I would 
emphasize the significance of the omission— gives no Hindu- 
stani equivalent. Colonel John Staples Harriot in his ex- 
haustive "Comparative Vocabulary of the Gypsy Dialect 
" with a variety of Asiatic Synonymes deduced chiefly from 
"the Hindi or Language of Hindustan" gives the gypsy 
word for Dog as Jukal, Juklo. Lt. Irvine gives the gypsy 
for Dog as Jookil. Now compare the word in my collection 
used by the Kunchbandya Kanjar for a Dog —they call it Jhukal 
or J hookul. I have made a close search in the fairly numerous 
codes and vocabularies of Indian Gypsies, to be found in the 
authorities I have already quoted, but do not find this equiva- 
lent repeated. Mitra's Bedeya vocabulary gives dog = nelya, 
while the nearest approach to a similar word is in Sleeman's 
Kamaseeana or Vocabulary of the Thugs " which gives Dog = 
Jokkur. further interest attaches to this word from the fact 
that the dog is a totem common to the Kanjar and allied 
Indian tribes. 

Another word to be noticed is Mail-z Horse in Kunch- 
bandya, while in Gypsy, according to Smart and Crofton, 
we have meila = im Ass ; Hoyland moila, Harriot maila-an ass 
or donkey. Irvine myla; Borrow mailla; again Sleeman's 
Kamaseeana gives mawil a horse. This with Jokkur a dog 
in the language of the Thugs is suggestive, and may indicate 
the existence in days gone by of relations closer than mere 
cant between the Thugs and Kanjars. It is easy to see 

jli^l mi ? ht , be P^nounced as mawil, and in the case of 
Jokkur the interchange of the last letter r for I is a common 

Loobhar in the Kunchbandiya Kanjar vocabulary is a 
woman, while Smart and Crofton in their vocabulary of 
Komanes give Loobni a harlot or lubni , luvni. Plural Loobniao. 
Faspati gives lubni ; Colonel Harriot ludm. Irvine Loovani = 

a wench. 


Tndi* - ^ 6 7 eld J? his arfcicle on " The Kanjars 
thPmil T ta ? €VieW > LXX VH, p. 368, says: -Among-. 
, kZ I 68 y r ! aVe a secret ^nguage which no one but 
been abl ?* *5 ^ From the «P~imen8 which I have 
a ™t?~ V°l eCt (and these were acquired for me by 

chieflv bZT G g ^ atest difficul *y), this seems to be 
chiefly based upon Hindi with certain inflections which 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] A Vocabulary of the Pasi Boli. 287 

perhaps have been derived from some old Prakritee dialect 

obsolete. Some of the words, however, seem to have 


no connection whatever with any of the tongues now written 

or spoken in India." in 

Mr. Nesfield's vocabulary consists of eighteen words, all 
of which are confirmed in the collection I have made 
with one exception, and that is the word ' Wife ' the Kamar 
for which Mr. Nesfield gives as gihdri. Now I have particularly 
referred to the sub-section of Kanjars who call themselves 
Gehdrds. The feminine for Gehdrd is of course Gehdri, and the 
wife of a Gehdrd or for that matter any woman of the 
tribe would be called Gehdri— just as we have the feminine 
for Jat as Jatni Rajput, Rajputni, or Ghokrd a boy, chokri a 
girl, and so on. Gihdri therefore is only • ' the wife of a Gehara, 
and is not the common word for "wife." I venture to 
emphasize this point as it is largely from the Gehdrd Kanjars 
that I have collected the above vocabulary. Gehara was 
apparently until 8 or 10 years ago used exclusively as an 
intertribal appellation ; to every one else the tribes round 

Muttra, Agra Karnal 

It is in endeav- 

ouring to throw oft the social stigma which attaches to the 
name Kan jar. and at the same time with the object of escaping 
the rigors of the Criminal Tribes Act, that these several 
families first openly declared themselves to be , Gehdrds and not 
mere Kanjars I have not come across Gehara ^ as either 
a tribal or sept name in any census report or other Ethno- 
graphical analysis of Indian tribes or castes, and this makes 
Nesfield's application of the word Gihari as Kanjar for a 
wife " all the more interesting. Mr. Nesfield s article was 
written previous to 1883, and the conclusion is that Gehard is a 
secret tribal name, which it has only recently been found con- 
venient to divulge. 

24. The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants* 

By Rakhal Das Banerji, M.A. 

In July last Mr. F. E. Pargiter, late of the Indian Civil 
Service, published three copperplate grants found in East 
Bengal in the "Indian Antiquary." The earliest of these 
plates was discovered twenty years ago and the discovery 
announced in 1892. Dr. Hoernle promised an edition of this 
copperplate eighteen years ago. 1 It appears from Mr. 
Pargiter' s article that the plates, now three in number, were 
sent to the late Prof. Kielhorn in March 1905, but his sudden 
removal from this world prevented him from dealing with 
them. This indeed was unfortunate, as Dr. Kielhorn 's unerring 
judgment would have saved all controversy on the subject. 
Mr. Pargiter has published these plates at the request of Dr. 
Hoernle from whom he obtained them in October 1908. In the 
second paragraph of his article Mr. Pargiter refers to a fourtli 
plate, which was brought to Dr. Hoernle's notice by the late 
Dr. T. Bloch, then Superintendent of the Archaeological Survey, 
Eastern Circle. Mr. Pargiter had a photograph of the fourtli 
plate before him when he edited the three other plates I had 
the honour of editing this fourth plate in the Journal of the 
Society, and as the publication of the three other plates 
throws further light on the history of this period, I am forced 
to make some remarks on the conjoint evidence of these four 
copperplate grants. The fourth plate belongs to Mr. H. E. 
Stapleton, B.A., B.Sc, of the Indian Educational Service. 
Further particulars about the provenance of this plate have 
already been recorded by the owner in a prefatory note to my 
article. The Bengalee gentleman referred to by Dr. Bloch in 
his letter to Dr. Hoernle is Prof. Nilmani Chakravartti of the 
Presidency College, to whom the plate was submitted for 
decipherment. I am rather surprised to learn that these three 
copperplates were purchased by Dr. Hoernle on behalf of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal, as there is no record in the Society 
to show that they belong to it. So also in the case of the Grant 
of Vidyadhara Bhanja, Dr. Kielhorn' s statement about the 
ownership of these plates was a revelation to us. 

The following conclusions are derived from a comparative 
study of these four copperplate grants : — 

(1) From an examination of the characters of these 
inscriptions it appears that they were written in mixed alpha- 

1 Ind. Ant., vol. xxi. p. 29, 

290 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911 . 

bets. While editing Mr. Stapleton's plate, I have tried to 
discuss the peculiarities of the characters to their fullest extent, 
but the publication of Mr. Pargiter's article necessitates a 
recapitulation of the whole argument. It appears to me, that 
on the basis of Palaeography, these four copperplates may 
safely be announced to be forgeries. The date of the forging 
of these grants cannot be exactly determined, but it is certain 
that they are not modern forgeries, but on the other hand, at 
least as ancient as the 11th or 12th century A.D. 

(2) These copperplates show a novel method of granting 
land and conveying the same. In the grants published by 
Mr. Pargiter, this method, though different from those 
employed in all other grants, differs slightly at the same time 
from that employed in the fourth or Mr. Staple ton's grant. 

(3) The seals on the three copperplate grants are at least a 
couple of centuries older than the characters employed in the 
inscriptions. The seals, it should be mentioned, are not of the 
princes mentioned therein, but belong to certain District 
officials. In this case too we find a remarkable departure from 
the usage to be found in the majority of copperplate grants. 

(4) The language of the three older copperplate inscrip- 
tions is not so vague as that of Mr. Stapleton's grant. 

(5) The dates to be found on these copperplates cannot 
be referred to any particular era known at present. In my 
article on Mr. Stapleton's grant, I have said that the date in 
it probably referred to the Harsa Samvat, but a careful perusal 
of Mr. Pargiter's article and a thorough examination of the 
three inscriptions published by him have convinced me that 
these dates are either regnal years, or as vague and indefinite 
as the inscriptions themselves. 

(6) Finally, we have some material at least for the history 
of Bengal during the dark period which ensued upon the 
fall of the empire of Harsa- Vardh ana till the rise of the Palas 
of Bengal. This material, though not so definite, casts some 
side lights upon the internal condition of the country in that 

I shall now take the conclusions stated above in proper 


I. The Characters 

First of all, I shall take the inscriptions edited by Mr. 
Pargiter in the order in which he has taken them. 

(1) The Grant of Dharmmaditya : the year 3. 
A very marked difference is noticeable in the use of the 



be found in the Allahabad Inscription of ftamudragupta, 1 the 
Kahaum Ins cription of Skandagupta* and the Dhanaidaha 

1 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 6. * Ibid., p. 67. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 291 


Grant of Kumaragupta I. 1 In all we have eight instances 
of the use of this form of Ha in this plate : 

Brhaccatta in line 4. Avadhriam-astiha in line 10. 

Icchdmyaham ,, „ 7. Hastena ,, „ 15. 

Brahmanasya ,, ,, 8. Paratranugraha n M 18. 

Grhztva ,, ,, 8. Himasena ,, ,, 23. 

In all other eases we find that the Ha of the Western variety 
of the Gupta alphabet in use with its 6th century addition 
of an acute angle. We have in all eight cases of its use : 

Mahdrajadhirdja in line 2. Mdtdpitroranugraha in line 1 9. 
Maharaja ,, „ 2. Haret M f| 24. 

Mahattara „ ,, 4. Himasena ls ,, 25. 

Tadar hatha „ ,, 8. /SaAa ,, ,. 25. 

In a previous paper I have already noticed that the early 
Gupta forms were gradually dying out of the Eastern alphabet 
about the middle of the 5th century A.D., so it is not likely 
that they should occur with such persistence in 7th or 8th 
century inscriptions*" 2 

This discrepancy is still more remarkable, as the scribe 
has used the different forms in writing the same word ; for 
example, compare the word Himasena in line 23 and line 
25 and the word Anugraha in lines 18 and 19. It should be 
noticed in this connection that the form of Ha of the Eastern 
variety to be found in this inscription is somewhat different 
from that to be found in the three inscriptions cited above. In 
fact, it is difficult to make out whether the letter is a Ra of the 


ol tne oth century, oo aiso in the case 
of the letter La, we find that in some instances the hooked 
form, which is to be found in the Eastern variety of the early 
Gupta alphabet, has been used, but in the majority of cases 
the form of the Western vari 
the earlier form in six cases : 

Labdha in line 2. Labhqh in line 13. 

Kdlasakha ,, lines 5-6. Samkalpdbhih ,, ,, 14. 
Durllabha % , line 6- Silakunda$ca ,, ,, 24. 


,, **** v v . ~-„.~ wvvw ., V w 3f 9 , 

but the form of Western variety is found in all other cases : 

Kulacandra in line 4. Dhruvildtydm in line 16. 

Aluka f9 ,, 5. Kulya i9 ,, 16. 

Kulasvami ,, ,, 6. Kala ,, ,, 18. 

Mulyam ,, ,, 8. Salanga ,, ,, 19. 

Pustapdla ,, ,, 9. Uparilikhita ,, tJ 20. 

Kulya ,, ,, 11. Anupalancha ,, M 21. 

1 Ibid., vol. v, p. 459. 

* Ibid. j p. 460; c/. also Bloch in Arch. Survey Report, 1903-4, p. 102. 

292 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

Kalana in line 12. Pratipdlamyam in line 22. 

Abhilasa ,, ., 14. Lihgani „ „ 23. 

Nale?ia ,, „ 16. 

We also find two forms of the superscript form of long I. 
We have two cases of the older forms: — Sfri Dharmmaditya 
in line 2 and Pratipalaniyam in lines 22-23 : as well as two 

Upakriya in line 8 and Sima 


in line 23. We have also two fori _. _ r 

One is the earlier form resembling the Greek letter 6 which 
is to be found in the word Apratiratha and the word Abhyar- 
thana in line 9, and the acute-angled 6th century form of the 
letter to be found in Tatha in line 11 and line 14. 

The lingual $a throughout is of the looped form, which is 
one of the characteristics of the Eastern variety of the early 
Gupta alphabet. The form of Ma is peculiar ; it has the form 
which is to be found in the Bharadi Dili Inscription of 
Kumaragupta I. 1 

(2) The Grant of Dharmmaditya, no date. 
The collotype plate published by Mr. Pargiter is very 
indistinct and its palseographical peculiarities cannot be 
determined with certainty. So far as I have been able to 
examine them they vary much less than in the plate mentioned 
above. The following peculiarities are noticeable : the form of 
Ha is throughout that of the Western variety of the Gupta 
alphabet, the acute angle being absent. We have two varie- 
ties in the case of La. In one case the Eastern form of the 
early Gupta alphabet occurs, e.g., Mandala in line 4, but in all 
other cases the 6th century form with the usual acute angle 
has been used. There are altogether seven clear instances of 
its use, and what is still more remarkable in one case where 
the letter has been used as a superscript the Nagari form has 
been used, e.g., Slokani in line 24. In this case the form used 
is clearly the Nagari form, or more accurately, the Eastern 
variety form of the 9th century A.D. The East is very 
conservative, and even so late as the time of Devapaladeva of 
Bengal the form used resembles the Gupta form rather than 
the Nagari. In the Ghosrawa Inscription of Devapaladeva the 
form used is that of the early Gupta alphabet without any 
acute angles. 2 The earliest certain date of the use of this 
form of Lain the East seems to be the Diahwa Dubauli Plate 

of Maharaja Mahendrapaladeva of 


Instances of the use of the 6th century form of La : 

1 Ibid., p. 458, pi. xix. 

* Ind. Ant., vol. xvii., p. 309. Biihler, Indische Paleographie, 
Tafel v, col. v, 37. 

3 Ind. Ant., vol. xv, p. 112. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 293 

Labdha in line 3. DharmmaHla in line 19. 

Kale ,, ,, 4. Nalena „ „ 19. 

Kulya ,, ,, 14. Lihgani „ ,, 20. 

Akhila ,. ,, 15. 

>> »> 



The form 

in Mandaia is the usual form to be found in inscriptions 
from the 4th century A.D. to the 8th century. There are 
several other cases of the occurrence of this compound, but 
the form everywhere is the same except in line 5. The form of 
long 1 is peculiar in Mahapratihdra in lines 3-4. The form of 
Ma is the one usually found in Gupta inscriptions. The 
lingual 3a throughout has the looped form in all cases of its 


(3) The Grant of Gopacandra: the year 19. 
The facsimile of the third plate also has not been well repro- 
duced. I believe if the second and third plates had been repro- 
duced by photogravure or photo-etching the result would have 
been far better. Experience has gradually shown that the 
reproduction of shallow inscriptions from inked impressions is 
a mistake. The plates published with my article on Mr. 
Stapleton's grant are reproduced from photographs of the 
original plates. The obverse side of the third grant is badly 
corroded as has been stated by Mr. Pargiter, and consequently 
the reproduction is -hardly of any use for pal geographical 
purposes. I have had to depend on the reverse for the palaeo- 
graphical examination of this grant. So far as is legible of 
the obverse of this grant has also been used in the following 
examination. On the obverse the 6th century form of Ha 
has been generally used, but on the reverse the Eastern 
variety of the Gupta alphabet is to be seen in all cases. On the 
obverse only one specimen of this letter is distinct: Maha- 
pratihdra in line 3, while on the reverse we have four instances 
of the use of the early Gupta form : 

Hastastaka in line 19. Hareta in line 24. 

Dhruv'ilatydgrahdra ,, ,, 24. Saha „ ,, 25. 
In the majority of cases the form of La used is that of the 
6th century variety. In two cases only the older form has 
been used: Vatsapdla in line 5 and Lingani in line 21, but 
even then with some modification, so that the difference is not 
noticeable. We have in all nine clear cases of the use of the 
6th centurv forms : 

Mulyam in line 14. Nalena in line 19. 

Pustapala ,, ,, 17. Vatsapala ,, „ 19. 

Kulavdran „ „ 18. Kulya _ „ „ 19. 

Prakalpya „ „ 18. Dhruvilatyagrahara „ „ 22. 

Dharmma&ila ,, ,, 19. 

294 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

There is an important departure in this plate compared with 
the preceding two. This is the use of the bipartite form of Ya 
side by side with the usual 6th century open-hooked tripartite 
form. Dr. Hoernle has made exhaustive enquiries into the 
limit of the tripartite form of Ya, but as Dr. Kielhorn has 
shown in several places, the exact limit cannot be fixed with 
certainty, but the anomaly of the use of the bipartite with 
the tripartite is evident even to the uninitiated. We have four 
clear cases of the use of each in this grant : 

Bipartite Form. Tripartite Form. 

V ihhriyamdnakdni ] in line 17. NavyavakaHkayam in line 3. 

Nayabhuti ,, ,, 17. Viniyukta ,, ,, 5. 

Yo ,, „ 24. Nayasena „ ,, 5. 

Visthdyam ,, ,,25. Avadharariaya in lines 17-18. 

The form of lingual 8a used in this plate is the usual one 
of the Eastern variety of the early Gupta alphabet, but the 
loop is more pronounced in this plate than in the preceding 
couple. The form of Ma also is not the same as in the preced- 
ing ones. It is indeed the usual form of the 6th century 
alphabet of the East. 

(4) The Grant of Samacaradeva : the year 14. 

I have already exhaustively treated the peculiarities of the 
characters of this plate in my previous article. What remains 
for me is to compare the characters of this grant with those 
of the other three dealt with above. The perusal of Mr. 
Pargiter's able article on the three grants from Faridpur has 
obliged me to modify portions of my reading of Mr. Stapleton's 
plate ; consequently some new statements on the palaeography 
of this grant will be necessary. It is already evident from the 
above examination that the test letters of this period are 
Ha and La. The test letters of the earlier period — the palatal, 
lingual and dental sibilants — are no longer of much value ; in fact 
the palatal 8a remains practically unchanged in form from the 
1st century A.D. to the 8th. In the Eastern variety of the 
characters of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. the form of the 
lingual #a is indeed a test to prove the Eastern or Western 
origin of the alphabet ; but it is on the two letters mentioned, 
La and Ha 9 that we have to depend for a critical determination 
of the nature and characteristics of the alphabet. Similarly 
we have another test letter in Ya, which at this time changes 
from the tripartite form to the bipartite form when it occurs 
singly. In a former paper I have had to deal exhaustively 

1 This should be read Vikkrlyamanakani instead of Vikkrlyamanani 

as Mr. Pargiter proposes to read. The plate shows a syllable between na 

and nt, but this appears to be ta and is probably due to a flaw in the 

impression. I propose to restore it in the form stated above. We 

have an extra ka in the same word in plate i, line 11. Ind. Ant, 1910, 
p. 195. * * ' 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Far id par Grants. 295 


with the transformation of this letter when used as a sub- 
script. 1 Dr. Hoernle's labours on the later transformation 
of this letter hardly leaves any room for further work with the 
data at present in hand. The presence of the acufce angle is 
also another important feature in the determination of the 
characteristics of the alphabet. On this point Dr Biihler 

says : 

"About the beginning of the 6th century we find in the 
Northern Inscriptions both of Eastern and Western India 
(Plate IV, Cols. X-XII) distinct beginnings of a new develop- 
ment which first leads to the forms of the Gay a Inscription 
of A.D. 588-89 (Plate IV, Cols. XV, XVI), Their chief 
characteristic is that the letters slope from the right to the 
left, and show acute angles at the lower or at the right ends, 
as well as that the tops of the vertical or slanting lines invari- 
ably bear small wedges, and their ends either show the same 
ornaments or protuberances on the right. These peculiarities 
are observable in a large number of inscriptions of the next 
four centuries, and it seems to me advisable to class the 
characters of the whole group as those of the acute-angled 
alphabet."* So the presence of the acute angle though a 
determining factor is at the same time not a very clear indica- 
tive of the age of an inscription : but in the earlier period of 
the acute-angled alphabet, i.e., when the transformation of 
right- anded letters into acute- angled ones take place, the 
acute angle has justly been regarded as a determinant of the 
date of an inscription. In the following centuries the acute 
angle ceases to be of any value in the determination of the 
date of an inscription. In the Eastern variety of the Northern 
alphabet the latest use of the right-angled characters seem to be 
in the Muncle.4vari Inscription of Udayasena. 8 

The acute angle is more or less present in the characters 
of the first grant : thus we have it very distinctly in $a 9 Sa 
Ya, Gha, Dha, Ha (of the 6th century form) and Ma. It is 
conspicuous by its absence in the case of certain letters such 
as Ja, Pa, and Va. In the second grant we have acute 
angles in Ya f Sa, Sa and Gha. It is absent in La, Pa and 
some other letters. In the third grant the acute angle is 
present in Ya, both bipartite and tripartite, Ha, Sa, Sa and Ma. 
It is absent in La, Va, Pa, Dha, etc. In the fourth grant the 
acute angle is present in Sa, Pa, Ya, Dha and Ma. It is 
absent in $a, Ha Ja, etc. Thus we find that in these grants 
the acute angle is present in certain letters and absent in 
others. This alone would point out the date of these inscrip- 
tions and place them in the last half of the 6th century or first 

1 i r, , . 

1 Ind Ant.. 1908, pp. 34 39. 

2 Btihler'8 Indische Palceographie (Eng. Ed.), p 49. 
Epi. Ind., vol. he, p. 281. 



296 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

half of the 7th. The next point is the form of the letter Ya 
when it occurs alone, as the subscript form does not vary in 
inscriptions of this period. We find that the first two grants 
invariably use the tripartite form of Ya : it is only in the third 
grant that we find both forms of Ya used together. In the 
fourth grant, on the other hand, the bipartite form of Ya has 
been used throughout the inscription. Finally we come to the 
test letters Ha and La. I have already shown in the examina- 
tion of the characters of the different plates the several 
different instances of the use of the different forms of these 
two letters. Thus we find in the first grant in eight cases the 
Eastern variety of early Gupta form has been used, while in 
the remaining eight cases the early 6th century form is to 
be found. In the case of La, we find the earlier form in six 
cases and the later form in 17 cases. But in inscriptions in 
which the presence of the acute angle is general one hardly 
expects to find such early forms of a character used side by 
side with the later forms. Unfortunately in the ca^e of the 
second plate the facsimile does not allow us to be definite in 
our statements, but as much of it as is legible shows the same 
mixture of earlier and later forms. The reproduction of the 
third plate is somewhat better, though the obverse is more or 
less blurred by corrosion. Here also we find the same mixture 
of early and later forms of Ha and La; but in this plate the 
earlier form of La approaches more to the 6th century form 
than in the two preceding plates. In the case of the fourth 
plate I have all the advantages of having the original before 
me just now. Here also we find the same mixture of the 
different varieties of Ha and La. I do not want to recapitu- 
late the details of my former examination, but it is gratifying 
to see that I was correct in my estimate of the characters of 
this plate. The correctness of my result is supported by the 
foregoing examination of the characters of the three other 
plates. The palaeographical evidence of the four plates taken 
jointly prove that the grants are spurious. The alphabet in 
which they are written has been compiled from that of three 
different centuries, viz. 4th, 5th and 6th centuries AD. I shall 
have to refer to the numerals used in these plates in a later 
of my essay, and the determination of the date of these 
grants is a matter of considerable difficulty and ought to be 
treated separately. 

The foregoing palaeographical examination will be incom- 
plete if the characters of these four plates are not compared 
with those found in some records which have been incised in 
characters of a similar nature. The most important inscrip- 
tion in Nepal for this period is the Changun'lrayan Pillar 
Inscription of Mlnaieva. I mean that this is important 
for the palaeography of the four plates which form the subject 
of this paper. This inscription was brought to public notice by 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the F arid pur Grants. 297 


the late Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji. 1 The inscription is dated in 
the year 386 of a certain era, which has not been specified in it. 
Scholars differ very widely about the era in which this inscrip- 
tion is dated. Dr. Indraji referred the inscription to the 
Vikrama era, which is manifestly impossible. Later on Dr. 
Fleet in his Classic Work on " Gupta Inscriptions" * referred 
the date to the Gupta era. This also is hardly possible, as in 
that case the date of the inscription would be equivalent to 
705 A.D. It is evident even at a glance that the charac- 
ters of the inscription are centuries older than those used in 
the 7th or 8th century A.D. M. S. Levi, who has reopened 
the subject in his admirable work on Nepal, has proved defi- 
nitely from accurate astronomical calculations that the year 
386 is equivalent to 496-97 A.D. S M. Levi's calculation is 
amply supported by the palaeography pf the inscription. 
He has not examined the characters at length, but he has 
referred the reader to his remarks on another epigraph 
inscribed with similar characters, viz. that on the Pillar 
of Harigaon: 4 but the inscription of Changunarayan — the 
date of which has been accurately fixed — is too important to 
be omitted. In this document we find that the La and Ha 
throughout are of the form which is to be found in the Eastern 
variety of the early Gupta alphabet (i.e. the Northern alpha- 
bet of the 4th and 5th centuries A.D.). We find all other 
characteristics, which, according to Bfihler, characterize this 
variety. Thus w r e have the looped form of the lingual Sa and 
the medial 1 which " consists of two horns." There is not a 
single instance in which the 6th century or the Western variety 
form of Ha, La and §a have been used in this inscription. 
Biihler has already noticed the presence of the acute angle in Pa, 
Sa and Sa. b So the characters of the inscription belong to the 
4th and 5th centuries A.D., and it can never be accurately re- 
ferred to the 8th century. This, I believe, is a strong support 
of M. Leva's astronomical calculation. The second inscription 
in early Gupta characters edited by M. Levi is the Harigaon 
Pillar Inscription. Unfortunately this inscription is not dated, 
but here also we find that in all cases Ha, La and Sa have 
the form which we find in the Eastern variety of the early 
Gupta alphabet. I must make certain r> ervations about the 
characters of this inscription. The facsimile is so very 
indistinct that I must admit my examination is not definite. 
The original is very large in size, and its reproduction on an 

1 Ind. Ant., vol. ix, pp. 163 166. 

* Fleet's G'tpta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 95. 

8 Annates du Musee duimet, tome xix ; le Ntpal, par Sylvain 
Levi, vol. iii, pp. 8 9. 

* Ibid., pp. 36-41: Journal Asiatique X"^ s6rie, tome iv, pp. 207- 

* Biihler's Indian Paleography (Eng. Edn.), p. 47. 

298 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

octavo size plate is almost illegible. The reproduction both 
in the Journal Asiatique and in the Annales of the Musee 
Guimet should have been on a more liberal scale. The 



6th century A.D. 1 On the other hand, I beg to differ from his 
conclusion. The inscription certainly belongs to the 5th cen- 
tury A.D. and cannot be referred to any later date. In this 
connection, I may be allowed to state that M. Levi's theory 
about an era of the Licchavis, the initial year of which falls in 
110 A.D., does not in any way interfere with my statements 
about the peculiarities of the epigraphic alphabet of the 
6th century A.D. 2 Thus if the date of Bendall's Golmad- 
hitol Inscription be 516 instead of 316, and if, at the same 
time, the date is referred to the era of the Licchavis 8 and not 
to Gupta era, the actual difference in the date is very slight 
and does not interfere with my arguments. Referred to the 
Gupta era the date is 318 + 319 = 637 A.D., if referred to the 
era of Licchavis*— 518 + 110 = 628. Thus, if both conditions 
are observed rigidly, the actual difference in the date is ten 
years only. I believe M. Levi is quite right in reading the 
numeral for oOO and referring the date to the era of the Liccha- 
vis. Thus we find that in the 6th and the 7th century the Ha, 
La and Sa have the usual form of the characters : cf . the steles 
of Hangaon dated Harsa samvat 30 and 32, i.e. 636 and 
638 A.D. The older inscriptions dated in the Harsa era have 
been already mentioned by me in a previous paper quoted 
above and they fully bear out the conclusions arrived at. 

(II) The Method of Granting Land. 

We find a novel method of granting land to a Brahmana 
in these four copperplate grants. The usual method, which 'is 
to be found in the majority of the copperplate grants in 
JNorthem India, is that a King grants the land to a Brahmana 
and has the document inscribed on a plate or a number of 
plates of copper in order to ensure its permanency. In my 
paper on Mr. Stapleton's, grant I have already stated the usual 
characteristics of a copperplate grant. They are :— 

"(1) The first portion may be either in prose or verse and 
generally gives the genealogy of the King or an eulogium on 
mm. In shorter grants this portion is written in prose and 
gives the titles of the King." There are two grants in which 
a Fnnce of subordinate rank grants a piece of land. 

i Annates du Mueee Guimet, torn 
•2 Epi. Ind., vol. ix, pp. 285-286. 

I *™ al ™ du Musee (Juimet, torn. 
+ Ibid., pp. 50-51. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 299 


(i) The Ganjam Grant of Sainyabhita-Madhavaraja of the 
Gupta year 300. In this inscription Madhavaraja acknowledges 
himself to be a vassal of SaSarika, whom the use of the Gupta 
era shows to be the same man as the adversary of Harsa-Vard- 
liana. In this inscription we have simply the mention of 
Sasanka as a suzerain. The earlier verses give the complete 
genealogy of the race of the grant or from Sailodbhava to 
Madhavaraja. 1 

(ii) The Patiakella Grant of S'ivaraja. This is a very short 
inscription, and in this we have simply the mention of the 
suzerainty of S'ivaraja 2 ; but we find a startlingly different 
method in these four grants, and in order to get at the method 
employed in each of these plates we shall have to analyse 
them separately. 

(a) Grant of the time of Dharmmaditya, the year 3. — From 
this grant we learn that in the third year of the Emperor 
Dharmmaditya a subordinate King named Sthanudatta reigned 
in the Vdraka-Mandala. The connection of the Visayapaii 
Jajuva with the rest of the sentence is not certain ; and Mr. 
Pargiter's translation is still more indefinite. We feel surer 
ground when we come to the announcement that a certain 
Vatabhoga announces to the principal men of the district, 
whose names are enumerated at length, that he wishes to buy 
a parcel of land from them and to give it to a Brahmana ; the 
headmen agree and lay down certain conditions. Vatabhoga 
having agreed to these conditions purchased the land and bes- 
towed it on a Brahmana named Candrasvamin. 

(b) The undated Grant of the time of Dharmmaditya. — In 
this inscription we have some still more startling conditions. 
In the empire of Dharmmaditya a certain officer {Mahapratl- 
hara-Uparika) named Nagadeva was placed in charge of Navya- 
vakdiika. This name is also to be found in Mr. Stapleton's 
grant and is probably the name of the Bhukti in which the 
Varakamandala was situated. Nagadeva appointed Gopala- 
svamin as an officer in the Varakamandala. Vasudevasvamin 
approached the officers, the Elder Scribe {Jyestha Kayasiha) 
Nayasena, and the leading men of the district, with a view to 
certain land. As before in the case of No. 1, the land was 
sold and granted to a Brahmana named Somasvamin. 

(c) The Grant of the time of Gopacandra, the year 19. — From 
this grant we learn that in the 19th year of the Emperor 
Gopacandra, Nagadeva was in charge of NavyavakaUka. He 
seems to have gained some additional titles, but the decay of 
the inscription prevents us from quoting them at length. I 
would, however, restore the word beginning with Ku as 
Knmara-padiy-ii matya-U par ilea ; but a new officer has been ap- 
pointed to the Varakamandala and his name is Vatsapalasva- 

I Epi. hid., vol. vi, p. I VS. * EpL Ind., vol. ix, p. 286. 

300 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 191 1. 

min. The decay of the inscription makes it impossible to state 
who approached the Elder Scribe and the leading men for the 
purchase of a parcel of land, but so far is certain, that the land 
is afterwards granted to a Brahmana named Bhatta Gomidat- 
tasvamin. The statement in lines 19-20 seems to indicate that 
Vatsapalasvamin himself was the purchaser and grantor of the 

(d) The Grant of Samacaradeva, the year 14. — From this 
inscription we learn that in the 14th year of an Emperor 
named Samacaradeva a certain Jivadatta was in charge of 
Navyavakasika and a second officer named Pavittruka held 
the maridala of Varaka under him. A certain Supratikasvamin 
informs the officers and the leading men that he wishes to dedi- 
cate a piece of land for the performance of Vedic rites and 
sacrifices. The exact wording of the plate is very doubtful, 
but so far is certain, that in this plate there is no mention of 
the land being conveyed to a Brahmana. In the preceding 
plate mention is made of a Pustapala or Record-Keeper, who 
measures land or parcels it out ; thus we have Vinayasena in 
the first grant, Janmabhuti in the second, and Nayabhuti in the 
third grant. But in the fourth grant we have the mention of 
some officials Karanika, of whom only two are named, Naya- 
naga and KeSava There is no mention of the determination 
of land or the measurement as in the three preceding plates. 
We have a new word in this plate which occurs also in the 
third plate and which I took to be Kulacaran. 1 

To sum up, we find that in the first two plates a private 
person approaches the officers and the elders of a district and 
with their consent purchases a piece of land. It is not men- 
tioned whether the purchase is made from private persons or 
from the royal or public domain land. The officers agree to 
the purchase and the area is determined by a Record-Keeper. 
Immediately after the purchase the land is granted to a Brah- 
mana. In the third plate the purchaser of the land is himself 
an official, all other conditions of the purchase being identical. 
In the fourth plate we find that a private person approaches 
the officials and elders of a district for a piece of land, which 
is to be set aside for the performance of Vedic rites. It should 
be noted in this connection that the word sale has not been 
used at all in this inscription, and it may be that Supratikas- 
vamin approached the officials and the elders of the district 
for a parcel of land for his own use. I have already noted this 
fact in my article on this plate. In this respect the fourth 
plate differs very greatly from the preceding ones, and it seems 
probable that the forger of this grant was not so capable a 
man as those of the preceding ones. Thus we have a new 
order of copperplate inscriptions, viz. records of the sale of a 

1 Ind. Ant., vol. xxxix, p. 205, Note 40. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Oram*. 301 


land to a private person by officials and elders and the granting 
of the same by a private person to a Brahmana. This remark 
applies with equal force to the first three plates ; the uncer- 
tainty of the meaning of the fourth inscription making its ea » 
doubtful. In the long list of Northern Indian Copper Plate 
Inscriptions we do not find a single instance of the sale of land 
to private persons either by or through state officials or of a 
grant of land made to a Brahmana by a private person ; 
neither do we find an instance of a grant of land being made 
by officials with the consent of the leading men of a dis- 


(Ill) The Seals of the Copper Plates, 

Only the first three copperplates have a seal attached to 

each of them. 


has lost its seal, though traces of its attachment are still clear. 


It is cir- 

cular in shape and is divided into two unequal portions by two 
parallel horizontal lines. The upper part -which is the larger 
bears the emblems and the lower one the legend. A double 
scroll-ornament is attached to each side of these seals. The 
seal of the second plate has lost portions of this ornament. 
On the seals of the first two plates the emblem consists of a 
standing female figure in the middle with a tree on ea^h side; 
two elephants are pouring water over her head. Mr. Pargiter 
supposes that in the first plate he can discern a kneeling at- 
tendant figure and in the second a standing attendant. The 
emblems agree remarkably well with those to be found on the 
clay sealings of the early Gupta imperial officers discovered by 
the late Dr. Bloch at Basarh in the Mozufferpur district of 
Bengal. Here we find that in the majority of official seals a 
standing female figure occurs in the upper part. Thus : 

( 1 ) Yu varaja-pMlya-Kumaramatyadh ikara n a. l 

(2) fiK-'T 'umraja'BhaUamka'padiya'Kumaramntyadhikara^ 

i/xsya! 1 

( 3) Tirabhukty- U parik-adh ikara nasya. s 

(4) Tirabhuktau- Vinaya-sthitusthapak-Mhikaranasya. 3 * 
In his article on Basarh Dr. Bloch refers to the similarity 
between the seal of the first grant and some of his clay seal- 
ings. 5 

It should be noted that the seals affixed to these copper- 
plates are not those of the officers who approve the sales, nor 
do they belong to the private personages who give away the 

1 Annual Report of th< Archccohgica? Survey of India, 1903-04. 
p. 107, No. 4, pi. xi, 10. 

* Ibid., pi. xi, 1 1. 3 Ibid., p. 109, pi. xi, 8. 

♦ Ibid., pi. xi, 13. 6 ibid., p. 106. 

302 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

land to Brahmanas, but on the other hand, they are seals 
of the officer in charge of the Varaka mandala. This fact also 
is exceptional in character, as no other Northern Indian copper- 
plate bears the seal of an official. The only exception to this 
is the Tippera copperplate referred to by Dr. Bloch. 1 This 
copperplate was sent to the Asiatic Society of Bengal or the 
Indian Museum. This plate is written in characters of the 9th 
or 10th century A.D., but the seal attached to it is several 
centuries older, as it is written in the alphabet of the early 
Gupta Kings. The legend runs as follows : 

Kumaramatyadhikaran asya. 

This shows that several centuries after the downfall of the 
early Gupta empire, descendants of their officials in different 
parts of the country continued to hold sway over the terri- 
tories held by their ancestors. Dr. Bloch says— "If the 
inscription on the plate is not a mere forgery, which I am un- 
able to decide at present, we should find an officer of the rank 
of Kumar amatyadhikar na continuing to enjoy a certain amount 
of territorial independence in a remote district of the East for 
centuries after the period of the early Gupta Kings." Thus 
we see that the seal belonged to an official of the Gupta 
empire and most probably retained in the possession of his 
descendants. It was used to forge these three grants in order 
to establish a claim to certain lands, evidently during a period 
of confusion and anarchy. Such periods were unfortunately 
only too frequent in the history of Eastern India during the 
century between the fall of the empire of Harsavard liana and 
the rise of the Palas in Bengal. 

(IV) The Language of the Grants. 


of certain words, which though found in previous records were 
unintelligible. Thus the word Kulya vapa occurs in the 
inscription of Laksmanasena. 2 The word Nalena is common in 
inscriptions and it occurs in the Dhanaidaha Grant of Kumara- 

JTIintfl. T 3 »S Nnlrtbn Qi - .^;i„„l.. <-!»„ : j A !£!-X.»m 


is to be found in line 11 of the same grant. The extremely 
bad state of preservation of the Dhanaidaha Grant made it 
impossible for me to make out a new word correctly. But I 
am sure what I read as Nalaka sada (?) vi..chya is really 
Nalakam-apavinchya. A comparison with the plate convinces 
me of the certainty of the reading. I may note in this con- 

I Ibid., pp. 120-121. 

1 Journal Asiat. Snr. 

p. 64. 

Part 1 

$ Above vol. v, p. 461, pi. xx . 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridpur Grants. 303 

nection that the word Sddhanika is not a new word as Mr. 
Pargiter is apt to think. 1 It occurs in the majority of copper- 
plate grants in several forms, such as, Dausadhanika^ Dausad- 
hasadhanika, etc. Its meaning is .not yet certain. In the 
copperplate grants this name is to be found along with those 
of other officers like Uparika, Antaranga. One of the new 
names of officials Kulavara, which occurs in the third and 
fourth grants, cannot be definitely translated as M referees M or 
"arbitrators.*' I read this word as Kidacardn in the fourth 
grant, but of course I must admit that I was wrong. About 
proper names : Brhac-catta would not bear comparison with 
modern Cattopadhyaya. In this connection I may note that 
the meaning of the word Cat a seems to be definitely settled at 
last. Rai Bahadur Hiralal and Dr. J. P. Vogel are agreed on 
this point. In his article on the Sarangarh Plates of Mahasu- 
deva Mr. Hiralal quotes some remarks of Dr. Vogel which are 
worth reproducing: — "On my first visit to the ancient hill 
state of Chamba (Panjab) I learnt that the head of a pargana 
there has the title of Char, which is evidently derived from the 
Sanskrit Chdta. The Char collects villagers who have to do 
work (forced labour) on behalf of the State ; he arranges for 
load carriers and supplies in case the Raja or some traveller 
visits his district. I have little doubt that the Chnta of the 
copperplates is the same as the Char of the Chamba State. 
In the Chamba Copperplates published in the Annual Report 
of the Archaeological Survey (1902-03) I have therefore ren- 
dered the word by "district officer." It was clearly a privi- 
lege of importance that the head of the district was not 

allowed to interfere with the granted land; in other words, he 
was not allowed to collect labourers or to demand supplies etc. 
on behalf of the State."— Epi. hid., Vol. IX, p. 284, Note 10. 
Similarly Somaghosa (second grant, line 8), Villi taghosa (4th 
grant, line 7), etc., cannot be taken as the progenitors of th© 
modern Ghosas of Bengal, and Nayasena is not a Kayastha of 
the Sena family. As Candragupta the Maurya cannot be taken 
to be the progenitor of the Guptas of the Vaidya caste, and 
Rsabhadatta (Usabhadatta) the Scythian to be the progenitor 
of the Dallas of the Kayastha caste, so Somaghosa and Naya- 
sena cannot be said to be the forefathers of the Ghosas and 
Senas of Bengal. If we agree to do so, we shall have to 
admit that the Brahmana Carudatta was the forefather of the 
Vaidya and Kayastha Dattas of Bengal ! 

Finally I must note that the language of the three grants 

edited by Mr. Pargiter is not so vague as that of the fourth 

:rant. A comparison with the three other plates has enabled 

me to improve the reading of Mr. Stapleton's grant in many 

points : 

i Ind. Ant., vol. xxxix, p. 194. 

304 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

(1) Mr. Pargiter has already noticed the superfluous 
uses of the word Ka in these four inscriptions. The presence 
of the seals together with the comparison of the three grants 
enabled him to read the name Varaka with certainty. In the 

absence of the seal I 


This is natural, as the previous word is usually written Anumo- 
dita and not Anumoditaka. Similarly in the absence of the 
seal in the other plates I believe no one could have read the 

In the fourth grant we 

have to read J ivadattas-tadanumoditaka Varakamandale. 

(2) In the 11th line we have to read Tadarhatha instead of 
Tadarham yatha. This word occurs in the three grants edited 
by Mr. Pargiter. 

(3) In the 12th line we have to read Yata etadabhyar- 
thanamupalabhya instead of Yatadhanadabhyarthanmupalabhya . 
The very phrase is to be found in the first grant (line 9) and 
the third grant (line 15). 

(4) I have already stated that the word read by me as 
Kulacaran is to be read Kulavdran. 

(5) In the 16th line the reading is to be corrected into 
Krtya kseltra kulyavdpattrayam. 

(6) In the 22nd line the first word is written Sadatdm in- 
stead of Sadattam. 

(7) The reading of the date is to be corrected to 14 instead 
of 34. Dr. Bloch read the date as 14, but at that time I did 
not agree with him. I was of opinion that the forger of the 
grant has tried to stick to the 6th century forms both as to 
alphabet and numerals, but now I find that he has committed 
another mistake in using the 8th century form for 10 in an 
inscription which he wanted to be taken as a 6th century one, 
or possibly still earlier. I shall have to refer to this numeral 
several times in the next paragraph. It should be noted that 
the form of dental na in the word Supratikasvaminah is the 
8th or 9th century form and not the earlier form. I had omit- 
ted this inadvertently in my first article. 

(V) The Date of the Grants. 

Only three of these four plates are dated, and in these the 
date is always expressed in numerals. The clue to the proper 
assignation of the dates of these inscriptions is probably to be 
found in the forms of numerals used in them. This part of the 
question may be taken in two different instalments Firstly, 
the forms of the numerals used, and secondly, the assignation 
of dates. First of all, in two of these dates out of three we 
have the numeral for 10. When I edited Mr. Stapleton's grant 
in these pages, I was of opinion that the grant was issued in 
the 34th year of Samaearadeva, but as I have already noted 
above, the late Dr. Bloch was concurrent in opinion with 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Evidence of the Faridmir Grants. 305 


Mr. Pargiter and Dr. Hoernle about the interpretation of the 
symbol. These three scholars agree in taking this symbol to 
stand for 10. I am now convinced that they are correct, but 
at the same time it is not possible to assign these three inscrip- 
tions to the 6th century A.I), or any date before that. Prom the 
majority of Northern Indian inscriptions we can prove that the 
symbol for 10 from the dawn of Indian history to the 6th cen- 
tury A.D. has been the lateral Ma and no other form is tobe 
found among cognate inscriptions. The only exception to this 
is a solitary inscription found in Nepal. The date of this 
inscription is still doubtful, as it is dated in an era the initial 
year of which still remains to be definitely calculated. 1 Dr. 
Buhler in his masterly work on Indian Palaeography has 
proved absolutely beyond doubt that the symbol for 10 during 
the first six centuries of the Christian era is the lateral Ma 
with very slight changes. It is only during the latter part of 
the 7th century that changes take place in the sign for this 
numeral. The sign which is usecl in these three dates is to be 
found in Nepalese inscriptions of the 8th century A*D and 
not before that. In Northern Indian inscriptions of the first 
six centuries A.D. the lateral Ma denotes the numeral 10 and 
changes come over the numeral from the 6th to the 8th century 
A.D. These transition forms are to be found in the Valabhi 
copperplate grants, and they show that the form used in these 
inscriptions had gradually been evolved out of the older form ; 
so by means of this datum, viz., the date of the inscription from 
Nepal in which this form of the symbol is to be found, it can 
be safely asserted that this form is a later one. As Dr. Kiel horn 


as si 

numeral on the basis of palaeography only, but it is quite saft 
to assert that such and such form is earlier or later. Compara- 
tive terms are always used with reference to a particular period 
and locality. The gradual evolution of this symbol will be ap- 
parent from Dr. Buhler's tables. 3 The only other noticeable 
form in the numerals used in these inscriptions is the symbol 
for 9 in the Grant of Gopacandra. It is unlike any of the 
well-known forms of that numeral to be found in Indian In- 
scriptions. In fact, the decipherment of this symbol is one of 
Mr. Pargiter 'a greatest successes. It resembles Dr. Buhler's 
Col. X to some extent. From the very first I was pretty 
doubtful about the reading of this symbol. I had the oppor- 
tunity of examining the original, as Dr. Hoernle has since 
returned the plates to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and I am 
quite convinced of the faultlessness of Dr. Fleet's ink impres- 

> Bend all's Journey to Nepal, p. 72, pi. VIII. 

* Epi. lnd. y vol. iv, pp S9-3& 
Indische Paheographie. Tafel ix, Cols, i— xiii. 

306 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

sion. The second part of the question is far more difficult than 

the first. 


dates has not arrived as yet. Though these three dates form a 
regular series, yet it is by no means certain that they belong to 
the same period or to a particular era- On the contrary, I 
believe that they are separate regnal years and have no connec- 
tion with each other. Thus, Nagadeva, who held the province 
of Navyavakasika for Dharmmaditya, seems to have remained 
in that charge till the year 19 in the reign of Gopacandra. If 
these dates form a continual series the reign of Samacaradeva 
must fall between that of Dharmmaditya and Gopacandra. 
But we find another governor for Navyavakasika in the year 
14, so it is evident that the dates are regnal years. The forger 
of these grants I believe had no idea of forming a consecutive 
line of Kings. Dr. Hoernle's identification of the Emperor 
Dharmmaditya with Yasodharmman is purely tentative and 
has no basis. Similarly his identification of Gopacandra with 
Prince Govicandra or Gopicandra of Northern Bengal tradition 
is also tentative. There is absnlutelv no 

gestion save the similarity in names. 


(VI) The Importance of the Grants. 

Finally the four plates — forged as they are — yield some 
valuable material for the construction of the History of Bengal 
during the dark period from the death of Harsavardhana to the 
rise of the Palas of Bengal. This period has now been short- 
ened by the researches of the late Dr. Kielhorn and Mahamaho- 
padhaya Haraprasau S'astrf. Synchronisms and slight mention 
have now enabled us to state definitely that the Pala empire 
rose in the middle of the 8th century A.D. and that the date 
of its rise must fall before the Gurjara conquest of Kanauj. 1 
It is now definitely settled that the initial year of Dharmma- 
pala's reign falls between 783 and 817 A.D. ; so this dark period 
extends from 672 to 783 A.D. or a little over a century. The 
Guptas of Magadha survived the transitory glory of the Sthan- 
viSvara Kings. Of this line we have the ; " " m ' * ** 



further downward by the Deo-Banarak (Deva-Varanarka) 
Inscription of Jlvitagupta II. 3 For this period extending from 
672 to 738 A.D. we have no definite data and the material sup- 
plied by the four copperplate grants comes in very handy. 

«f - m ° St im P° rtant fact is ^e use of genuine seals of the 
officials of the Gupta empire. As I have noticed above Dr. 
Bloch has already stated that the officials of the Gupta empire 

1 Memoirs A.S.B., vol. iii, No. I, pp. 3-4. 

I rl^ 8 Gupta Ascriptions, p. 210. 
6 Ibid., p. 215. 


No. 6.] The Evidence of the Far id pur Grants. 307 

or their descendants continued to enjoy a certain amount of 
territorial independence centuries after the dissolution of the 
ancient empire of the Gupta. The seals of these three copper- 
plates show that the officer in charge of the Varakamandala 
had carved out a small principality for himself and that his 
descendants continued to enjoy it for three or four centuries. 
They do not seem to have laid claim to royalty as is usual in 
such cases, but on the other hand continued under the same 
designation as their founder. This is a parallel 
of the Native States of India which sprang up after the disso- 




independent Princes in reality, continued under their old rank 
and titles in the majority of cases. It is possible to assert on 
this data and the evidence of the seal of the Tippera Grant 
alluded to by Dr. Bloch that after the dissolution of the an- 
cient Gupta empire officers in charge of the provinces gradually 
carved out small principalities for themselves and their descen- 
dants. We have clearer examples in the case of the Senapatis 
of Valabhi and the Parivrajaka Maharajas. In Bengal the 
Aphsad Inscription of Aditvasma provides us with a long line 
of local rulers, who most probably were descendants from the 
ancient Gupta Emperors. Besides the Guptas of Magadha, the 
stray Kings like Narendragupta, we have no other data for the 
History of Bengal after the fall of Har^avardhana. 

The seals of the Faridpur copperplates 


which came 

into existence after the dissolution of the ancient Gupta empire 


Thus in 

Bengal only we have two separate dynasties descended from 
the officials of the ancient Gupta empire who continued to rule 
till the rise of the Palas. The case is verv clear in the 


the Tippera Giant, but in the case of the Faridpur Grants it is 
different. In the Faridpur Grants we find that a genuine seal 
of an official of the ancient Gupta empire has been used to seal 
a land-grant instead of that of the Prince during whose reign 
the grant was made, or that of the person who made the 
grant. At the same time, it is interesting to note that the 
seal belonged to the officer in charge of the district in which 
the land granted is situated. Jn that case it may be safely 
asserted that a descendant of the officer in charge of the 
Varakamandala of the ancient Gupta empire continued to hold 
sovereign rights over the whole or part of that district, other- 
wise the forger would not have sealed the grants with his seal. 
Most probably Dharmmaditya, Gopacandra and Samacaradex a 
were great Kings according to the tradition then current in 
Bengal, and the forger of these plates has referred to them by 
name only owing to the absence of other details concerning 
them. It is to be noted also that he has used regnal years 
instead of definite dates in these plates. It may be that the 

308 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. J 

plates were forged after the rise of the Pala empire, as it is 
during the time of the Palas only that regnal years were exten- 
sively used in Eastern Indian Inscriptions instead of definite 
dates in a well-known era. Finally I wish to note that the 
seals used in these grants are later in date than the clay seals 
discovered at Basarh. In the Basarh seals we have the 
Eastern variety form of the lingual Sa in the majority of 
cases, but in the Faridpur seals the form used is that of the 
Western variety, that is, a rectangular letter with a straight 
horizontal cro c s bar and without any traces of acute angles. 

Recently the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J., of the St. Xavier's 
College, Calcutta, has sent me a copperplate, which though of 
a much later date resembles the Faridpur Grants in one point. 
The inscription opens as follows. 


(1) Om\ Paramabhattdraketyddi Rajavikatdditya (Vikramd- 
ditya) devanamatitarajye varsa = (2) S'atatrayodasdbda-sattrimsa- 
tatamddhi /cam phdlguna krs n apancamydm Bhimavasa —(3) re 
iti likhamdne yatrdnke samvat 1336 phalguna dine 5 bhaume Sri 
(4) Pa(m)cakukudasatdvasita (samdvdsita) Vijayakatake Para- 
mabhatjdraka Paramehara Parama (5) mdhesvara Nagavam- 
kodbhava Arirdjagopigovinda Rdjddata (?) varsacari —■{§) Raja 
Srima Asakandradeva Maharaja Vijayadeva Sandhivigrahika 
S'ri Ni. (7) Mahattaka iri Someivara Pratihdra kr% Harihara 
AksapataHka Thakkura sri Akhatandga (?). (8) Bhanddgarika 
Khag ivitta Sovav ivitta Kasthivitta Sddhanika Paniydgd. (9) -rika 
Dandaka Dandanduaka Kotlapdla Dvdraka Paurika Paramakar- 
yamantri. (10) Samupagatasesa rajapurusam Raja Itajanyafca 
Rajaputra Rdjamatya. 

Thus it will be seen that some of the officials are men- 
tioned by name in lines 6 and 7, while the titles only of the 
rest are enumerated at length. I have reasons to suppose that 
this plate also is a forgery, and I expect to publish it shortly in 
another paper. 


. <* * * 

25* Elucidation of certain passages in I-tsing« 

By Kashi P. Jayaswal, B.A., Davis Chinese 

Scholar iOxon.). Barrister-at-Law. 

By bringing to light the work of I-tsing, Japanese scholars 
have rendered great help towards the stupendous task of 
restoring Hindu History. I-tsing's Records afford glimpses 
into the social condition of our country towards the end of the 
seventh century (671 — 695 A.C.). This great monk, no less 
famous in the Buddhist world of China than Hiuen Thsang 
with whom we are more familiar, was pre-eminently a scholar 
and the best Sanskritist amongst the Chinese pilgrims whose 
writings have yet reached us. His stay at the centres of 
learning in the Hindu colonies of Sumatra, and ten years' study 
at the university of Nalanda under the greatest professors of 
the time, gave him an intimate knowledge of the methods of 
the teaching of Sanskrit and the complete curriculum in vogue 
in those days, and enabled him to describe them in faithful 
detail. The unique treatment of the subject forms the 35th 
chapter of The Records of Buddhist Practices in India. 

The chapter is so full of important materials for the stu- 
dent of the Hindu social history, that it is eminently desirable 
to have every word in it made perfectly clear. To get at the 
correct meaning of Chinese texts is sometimes inconceivably 
difficult. Dr. Takakusu, the learned translator of I-tsing's 

— - — — - - -j 

English rendering. 




body of his masterly translation (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 
1896). These passages occurring in the 35th chapter on "The 
Methods of Learning in the West," have specially attracted 
my attention on account of the importance of the subject- 

On page 178 there occurs the passage : 

M They (the Scholastics who had defeated their oppo- 
nents) l receive grants of land, and are advanced to a 
high rank [their famous names are, as a reward, written 
in white on their lofty gates]/' 

The r>recedine passage runs as follows : 

"When they are refuting heretic doctrines all their opponents 

become tongue-tied and acknowledge themselves undone. Then the 

ound of their fame makes the five mountains (of India) vibrate, and 

their renown flows, as it were, over the four borders'' (borders = 


310 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

The passage which I have marked with brackets is a 
rendering of the original : — 


The last character men, primarily meaning c doors,' 'gate/ 
has been, it seems, the source of puzzle to translators. Mr. 
Fujishima, who translated some parts of the work into 
French, 1 took it to signify "the court" and the whole 
sentence he would render by : 

" which (the rank) gives them access to the court 5 ' 
[ c qui leur donne acces a la cour ']. 

To make men mean ■ royal court ' could neither be warranted 
by its use in general literature nor the present context. 
Those who received grants of land, presumably, like the candi- 
dates for the Government Service, had already been to "the 
King's Court to lay down before it the sharp weapon (of their 
abilities)," % and would hardly be in want of the M access to 
the court." Further, there is no character in the text which 
would mean " access," nor men has been anywhere found to 
signify " Court." 

Dr. Takakusu takes men in its literal sense; ^Sj 
1 lofty gates.' But, then, he has to detach the first character 

shang from the sentence and translate it by the adverbial 


' to give,' ' to confer/ " to bestow.' To make sense, he sup- 
plies a complete sentence, viz. "their famous names are writ- 
ten" The second character J|£ m, in its common meaning, 

1 simple,' • white,' adds to the confusion ; and an unintelligible 
rendering, M their famous names written in white on their lofty 
gates" is the result. To write in white, and that on what 
gates ? On the gates of the house of the scholastic, or of the 
king, or on the gates of some temple, or of the city- walls ? 

If by Pn men really some gates were meant, they would have 

been specified. Again, as far as we know, there was no such 
practice as to inscribe names of scholars on any gates. I>r. 
Takakusu, however, avows that the text is not clear to him and 
that his rendering is only tentative. 


If we take pn men in the classical sense to mean ■ school/ 
1 system/ we would not be, perhaps, far from what I-tsing 

1 The Journal Asiatique, 1888. * I-teing, p. 177 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] Elucidation of certain passages in I-tsing. 311 


intended to convey. The classical meaning of men as ' school * 
or ■ system ' can be illustrated by the following references : 

(1) Speaking of the martial music composed by the famous 

Yu, Confucius asked his disciples: ^^ jSl "fc& ff 

~y PH * what has it to do with my system? 9 the analects, 
Bk. xi, Chap. 14, 1. 

(2) In the prefatory paragraph of the ffl H£!t* the 

doctrine of the mean, %\ Pn» Khung men means the 
■ Confucian School,' Legge, Classics (1893), Vol I, p. 384. 

men jen, which would literally mean * the men 

of the gate,' is used for ' the followers of the system/ 'the 
disciples.' the analects, Bk. iv, ch. 15, 2; vii, 28; ix, 
11 ; xi, 10; xiv, 2; xix, 3. Men jen suggests the history of the 
meaning of men as 'system,' as the disciples went to the mas- 
ter's 'gate, 7 every day, they became 'the men of the gate' ; 

and from different ' gate-men' their different PH men's, ■ sys- 
tems,' would have been distinguished. 

The second character ^|S su, interchanges with ^£J so, 

6 to search,' * to study,' in the Classics. Chu, the celebrated 
commentator, writing on the Chapter xi, i, the doctrine of 

the mean, takes the character 3|u su to read and mean as 

so (according to Legge, hsi 9 but according to Giles, so 1 ), ■ to 
study' {vide Legge, Classics, 1897, Vol. I, p. 391,7*. 11). It 
is easy to see that the two words being alike in origin, form 
and sound, as in several well-known similar cases, iuterchanged 
with each other. The character, both in I-tsing's text and 
the classical passage referred to above, yields a perfectly 
sensible meaning only when we adopt its reading as given by 
Chu, who, it must be remembered, is not a mean authority. 

Further justification in accepting 3££ su as 



>/ the Buddhist Pract 

1 Giles's Dictionary, p. 1011, No. 10183. 

* See also C. Goodrich's Dictionary, pp. 177, 178; and Williams's 

Syllabic Dictionary, pp. 815 and 816, when 
and the meaning given is * to search into.' 

written as su 

312 Journal of the A siatic Society of Bengal . [June ,1911.] 

Now taking P^j men and f^ su { = so) in their classical 
uses, the text ^ |g ^ pj could be translated thus :— 


f^ei/ £iw dissertations upon the Great Systems 

* ? 

that is, those learned laymen, having vanquished their philo- 
sophical or theological opponents, received grants of land from 
the State in recognition of their learning, and having thus 
attained the rank of authorities, expounded the great systems 
of philosophy in their own l way. This is probably a description 
of the Dig-vijayi Panditas—a, line of the " world-conquering ' 
scholastics culminating in the great Sankara-Acharya. 

Just a few lines above (p. 177), speaking in respect of the 
candidates for the Civil Service who presented themselves in 
the House of Debate to prove their 'wonderful cleverness,' 

I-tsing uses the expression "jflf Rj£ chung hsi, which has 

» » 

been translated by Dr. Takakusu as " they raise their seats, 
and which, according to I-tsing's commentator Kasyapa, refers 
to ' the Indian custom ' of taking the seat of the vanquished 
opponent and adding it to that of the victorious disputant. 
Whatever be the value of Kasyapa's information, chung hsi 

oan not mean 'doubling seats.' jffa hsi is the Sanskrit trina- 

asanam ((sure*^)), the familiar piece of mat to sit upon; 
and chung means 'heavy,' 'important,' 'grave demeanour. 
Chung has never been used in the sense of 'doubling' or 
' raising,' and the passage following, viz. " and seek to prove 
their wonderful cleverness," indicates that they had not yet 
defeated their opponents but were going to do so ; therefore , 
even accepting Kasyapa's authority as to the existence of the 
alleged custom , chung hsi could not be intended to mean ' ' they 

raised their seats. 

» > 

By adhering to the literal meaning of the characters, we 


demeanour, sat on the asanas 


» > 

translation, chung will have to be taken as a verb and the 


>> a 

but the context would give preference to the former transla- 
tion, as when they were going * to prove their wonderful 
cleverness,' they would naturally ' sit dignified ' ; and I-tsing, 
an ultra-mannerist , would characteristically notice the impres- 
sive demeanour. 

1 See the note on p. 309. 

* This rendering is suggested to me by Dr. E. Ross. 

26, Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 

By David Hooper, F.C.S. 

One of the most important discoveries of recent times is 
the relation that has been traced between the use of milled 
rice and the disease known as epidemic dropsy or beri beri. 
The investigations of Drs. Stanton, Fraser, Highet and Brad- 
don have shown that the lack of phosphorus in cleaned or 
milled rice is the predisposing cause of the disease. By ex- 
perimenting on fowls with rice of varying quality it was 
demonstrated that polyneuritis (similar to the epidemic dropsy 
of man) was developed when milled rice was used, but not 
when rice simply husked was given. By chemical analysis 
of the rice it was possible to determine its disease-provoking 
or disease-resisting property, and it was shown by control 
experiments that rice containing 0469 per cent, of phosphorus, 
in the form of phosphoric anhydride, was a healthy diet for 
fowls; but rice containing only 0277 per cent, of phosphoric 
anhydride developed polyneuritis within a few weeks. Since 
the publication of this theory in 1909 further researches have 
been made in the East, and they have tended to confirm the im- 
portance of phosphorus as an essential constituent in dietetic 

In 1910, Major E. D. W. Greig, I. M.S., was placed on 
-pecial duty to investigate the outbreak of beri-beri in Bengal, 
and I was appointed to assist him by analysing the samples of 
rice and food grains collected during the enquiry. Major 
Greig's preliminary report has been issued as No. 45 (New 
Series) of the Scientific Memoirs by Officers of the Medical and 
Sanitary Departments of the Government of India, and is en- 
titled " Epidemic Dropsy in Calcutta." It is on the present 
occasion considered desirable to deal with the chemical aspect 
of the subject in a separate paper, by quoting the analyses of 
a large number of rice samples from different parts of the 
country, and showing the amount of phosphates in other food 
substances commonly consumed in India. 

Rice being the staple food of many eastern countries it is 
important that its constituents should be fully studied. In 
the Agricultural Ledger No. 5 of 1908-09, analyses are given 
of one hundred and sixty samples from various localities in 
India, and the proportion of protein, fat, carbohydrates, fibre 
and ash are recorded. All the samples of rice were husked 

314 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

or milled, and a difference was noted between those samples 
that had been simply husked and those that had been polished 
after the husking. The variation in either series was attributed 
to high or low cultivation. Another paper on the ' ' Composition 
of the Rice Plant," by W. P. KeJley and A. R. Thompson, 
has been published as a Bulletin (No. 21) of the Hawaii Agri- 
cultural Station. 

When paddy is converted into rice for the market, the 
chaffy husk is removed by wetting, drying and beating, and 

the grain that is left is enveloped in a natural layer rich in oil, 
protein and ash. The rice grain is further prepared or polished 
by subjecting it once or twice to a milling process which re- 
moves the outer layer of nutritious elements and leaves a 
smooth, white, starchy grain of elegant appearance. The re- 
moval of protein, oil and especially the phosphatic ash, reduces 
the food value of the rice, and renders the grain liable, when 
used as the sole diet, to induce epidemic dropsy. 

The following tables represent the phosphoric value, calcu- 
lated as phosphoric anhydride, of rices from various provinces. 
The determinations were made according to the molybdic acid 
method adopted in Agricultural laboratories. 

The analyses of husked rice grains before passing through 
a mill were made on selected samples These are typical of 
of what are known as unpolished rices : — 

Calcutta Mill 1 
Calcutta Mill 2 

Madras, red 

• • 

• • 


Ash P 2 6 

1-7 -80 

1-8 -58 

1-3 61 

1-2 '59 

21 69 

1-6 -67 

1-6 65 

The next table consists of miscellaneous samples collected 
in Calcutta, and used in connection with experiments with 
fowls, or forwarded from districts where beri-beri existed: 

Ash P 2 

Bengal, fermented .. . . -72 '37 

Bengal, "Bank tulsi" -70 33 

Calcutta, once milled . . 10 "50 

Calcutta, twice milled .. 1-0 '45 

Calcutta , once milled .. 1-0 '43 

Calcutta, twice milled .. 10 -38 

Rangoon rice 

• • . • 

•63 -31 

Rangoon, extracted .. -65 -35 

Vol. VII, No. 6.J Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 315 


Rangoon (Commissariat) . . *60 

Rangoon, once milled . . "90 


• • 


Mymensingh .. ..105 



Sylhet 1 
Sylhet 2 
Sylhet 3 

• • 

• « 

Ash P 2 6 




1 10 








In the above table it will be observed that the highest 
phosphorus content is found in the grains only partially milled 
or polished, where portions of the outer aleurone layer are left. 
It is invariably the custom in rice mills to subject the grain to 
a further polishing process in order to remove, as far as possible, 
the whole of the outer layer so as to produce the much 
appreciated white or table rice. 

Separate figures need not be given of a long series of 
samples of "balam," "atap" and '' desi " rices collected by 
Major Greig from houses in Calcutta where cases of epidemic 
dropsy had occurred. "Balam" rices on the whole were su- 
perior, and contained an average of 0-41 per cent, of phosphoric 
anhydride, while the " Desi" rices contained a mean of 0*29 
per cent. The whole of the series of 35 cases is thus summa- 
rized : — 


• • 

Ash P 2 5 

133 -49 

•60 -26 


•90 -362 

Samples of rice used in the Bengal Jails, supplied by the 
Inspector-General, had the following composition : — 

Ash R0 5 

Arrah, cleaned . . . . -80 -36 

Arrah, uncleaned .. ..1-06 48 

Berhampur, red . . . . -86 39 

Berhampur, white .. .. 1-13 *48 

Jess ore 


• • ♦ • 

. . 106 44 

•73 -25 

•86 -2S 

10<> -38 

•73 25 

316 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 


Ash PA 

100 -32 

220 '50 


1-03 37 

For the sake of comparison, a collection was specially made 
of samples of rice sold in the Madras Presidency, and these 
were chemically examined for their phospho. us value. 

Madras Rices. 

Ash PcO 

Sirmani, a fine rice . . 9 39 

Berhampur, Ganjam . . 11 "40 

Nellore, superior 
Nellore, ordinary 

6 27 

8 35 

Bezwada, superior . . ..13 *47 

inferior . . ..12 '49 

Tanale, inferior . . . . '8 "39 

Cocanada, superior .. 7 '33 

Kalingapatam , superior 7 '36 

,, inferior . . '9 '34 

Jagganadum, superior .. 10 '51 

medium 10 44 

inferior .. 1*5 '49 

I hmdiwanum, superior . . '7 '30 

,, medium . . 1'6 "44 

inferior .. 22 '47 

Chingleput, No. 1 .. 10 '45 

No. 2 ..18 -43 


11 '40 

In these samples those which are regarded as superior on 
account of the fineness and milk-white appearance, ?tnd which 
realize a higher market value, are as a rule comparatively defi- 
cient in phosphorus. In Madras a large quantity of rice is 
imported from Rangoon. It is a coarser rice than the local 
varieties, and although it is fairly rich in phosphorus there is a 
prejudice against its use, and it is consumed chiefly by coolies 
and emigrants. The rice in which the lowest amount of phos- 
phorus was detected was a sample from Bangalore. It was 
imported as 'Patna" rice from Kngland, where it had been 
re-milled. The grain was pure white and pearly, but contained 
only 0*21 per cent, of phosphoric anhydride. 

In the following tables the rices of Patna, and Purulia, 
where they are not cleaned by modern machinery, are arranged 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 317 


according to their market values, and it will be observed 
that the amount of phosphorus is almost uniformly in inverse 
ratio to the price of the samples. 

Patna Rices. 

Bansmati I 
Kari bank 

Arua I 
Dhania Arua 
Bansmati II 

Arua II 

Kela sar 
Bansmati III 
Selha I 

Selha II 
Karhamia (red) 


Per Md. 



,. Rs. 








3 3 




3 3 




' • 3 3 




3 3 




► • 33 











3 3 




' * 3 3 




' • 3 3 








3 3 




3 3 




• 3 3 




• • 

« • 



Purulta Rices. 

Badshah bog (I) 

„ (ii) 

Kulam Kati 

Chandan sal 
Rashi (red) 
Kawya (red) 


Per Md. 

Rs. 8 






I -00 










It has been shown in the above anatyses that unmilled rice 
contains on an average of 065 per cent, of phosphoric anhy- 
dride, while milled rice contains about 38 per cent. The pro- 
cess of milling or polishing removes a substance of great value 
rich in phosphates which requires some notice. The polish- 

318 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

ing or bran which amounts to 8 to 10 per cent, of rice is 
called "Koorah" in Bengal, " Thavudu " in Madras, and 
"Dadak" in Java. It is used for feeding fowls and cattle, 
as bait for fish, and is largely exported to the continent on 
account of the oil it contains. The analysis of a sample from a 
Calcutta mill is appended. 

Moisture 8 30 

Fat .. 24-04 

Proteids .. 13-56 

Carbohydrates . . 33- 47 

Fibre .. 6-88 

Ash .. 13-75 



Nitrogen .. 2-17 

Phosphoric anhydride 3*36 
Silica ;. 7-50 

As might be expected, rice bran contains the phosphates of 
rice in a highly concentrated form. With regard to the organic 
compound containing phosphorus there have been several 
investigations, but Sozuki, Yoshimura and Takaishi have 
proved {Bull Coll Agric. Tokyo, 1907, 495—572) that 85 per 
cent, of the phosphorus in the bran of rice is present as phytin. 
Phytin has been described by Postern ak (Compt. rend. y 1903, 
136, 1678—80) as a phospho-organic acid, CH 5 5 P, which 
differs from phosphoric acid by the elements of formaldehyde. 
Lecithin, another organic compound found in seeds by Topler, 
Schulzeand others, occurs in smaller amount, representing only 
1 to 7 per cent, of the total phosphorus. Phytin or anhydroxy- 
methylene-diphosphoric acid is obtained by treating the pow- 
dered substance with 0*2 or 0*3 per cent, hydrochloric acid, 
pressing out the liquor, neutralizing with magnesia, and puri- 
fying by reprecipitation the calcio-magnesium derivative. 
Another method is to precipitate the acid solution by means of 
alcohol. Fraser.and Stanton {Lancet, Dec. 17, 1910, 1755) 
have recently shown that the addition of rice polishings to a 
diet of white rice is an effective preventive of the development 
of polyneuritis in fowls. Working in the light of what is known 
on phytin, they further prove that the substances contained 
in the polishing which are effective in preventing the disease 
are not precipitated from the hydrochloric acid solution on the 
addition of the alcohol, but are retained in the filtrate from 
the phytin The essential portion comprises 16 per cent, or 
less by weight of rice polishings, or 1/6 per cent, of the original 
unpolished grain. 



Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food 


Further research will be necessary to determine the nature 
of the phosphated compound soluble in alcohol which possesses 
such vital importance in the feeding value of the grain. Rosen- 
heim and Kajiura (Journ. Physiol., 1908, 36—53) state that 
there is in rice an absence of gliadin or alcohol soluble protein, 
and glutenin or alcohol insoluble protein, both of which sub- 
stances are necessary for the formation of gluten. By extracting 
rice and rice bran with alcohol, I was able to separate phosphoric 
acid and nitrogen, but in a very small proportion compared 
with the amount present in the original substances. It has 
been suggested that the phosphated compound is of the nature 
of the lipoids found in the brain, spinal column and other 

animal organs. 

Wheat and Flour. — Samples of wheat and flour were next 
examined, to discover what proportion of phosphorus is removed 
in the process of milling, compared with rice. 

Five samples of locally available wheat grains were found 
to have the following amounts of ash and phosphoric anhydride : 




• • 













The agents of one of the largest flour mills in Calcutta 
supplied me with a series of samples of genuine flour and other 
products derived from wheat for purposes of analysis. The 
following grades were examined : — 

Flour No. 1 
Flour No. 2 
Flour No. 3 
Soojee (large) 

Soojee (small) 

Atta B 

No. 2 
No. 4 

9 9 

9 ? 









The last named approaches the composition of the entire 
grain, and is therefore of greater nourishing value than the 

finer flours. 

Nine samples of bazaar attas, collected from various houses 
in Calcutta during Major Greig's enquiry, afforded an average 
of 068 per cent, of ash and 025 per cent, of phosphoric anhy- 
dride, showing that they were of the usual composition and 
not adulterated. 

320 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

At the Seventh International Congress of Applied Chemistry, 
(London, 1909), F. Vuaflart read a paper on the composition 
of wheat, in which he showed that the phosphoric anhydride 
varied from 0*759 to 0*988 per cent., in entire wheat, and from 
0*197 to 0*283 in the flour. Sixty-six parts are contained in the 
starch, 13-8 in purified gluten, 2*4 parts in the ether-alcohol 
extract of the gluten, and 17*8 parts in the wash waters. From 
these figures the average composition of wheat flour in Europe 
is similar to that of wheat flour in India. 

Barley. — Three samples of barley (Hordeum vulgare) show 
a considerable difference in the amount of phosphorus : they 
contain according to the degree of husking they have been 

subjected to: 

Ash P*0 

Unpolished grain . • . • 3-4 *94 

Barley, husked . . 1 3 65 

Pearl barley . . . . 2*9 *53 

Other instances of the composition of Indian cereal grains 

are here quoted : 

Ash P,0 


Bajri (Pennisetum typhoideum) . . 4-5 1*03 

2-ft *78 

Juar (Andropogon Sorghum) . . 12 '70 

Marua (Eleusine coracana) . . 3-0 *68 

Pulse. — The pulses constitute a class of food-stuffs which 
are rich in phosphoric acid. Pigeon pea (Cajanus indicus), a 
pulse fed to pigeons, is a healthy diet, and no cases of neuritis 
have been known to occur when this is habitually given. The 
Marwaris are in the habit of employing various pulses as mung, 
besan and dal, and they are generally free from epidemic dropsy 
when their neighbours, the rice eaters, are attacked. The 
combination of dal with rice is a convenient means of increasing 
the phosphates in the diet, and corrects the deficiency usually 
found in the polished grain. The following analyses of pulses 

are recorded. 

Arhar {Cajanus indicus) 

Besan (Pisum sativum) 

Mung or dal (Phaseolus radiatus) 

J> 5 ? >> 

Papar (A preparation of dal) 
Lentils (Lens esculenta) 
Soy (Glycine hispida) 

Ash P 2 

4-0 '86 

3*2 '84 

3-2 '95 

4-3 117 

6*5 '85 

2-2 75 

50 120 

Goa beans (Psophocarpus tetragonolobus) 4*2 1*35 

In addition to the pulses, the Marwaris of Calcutta consume 
large quantities of leguminous and other green pods which are 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] Phosphorus in Indian Food Stuffs. 321 

imported from Rajputana for their special use. These beans 
are of great nutritive value as will be seen from their analyses 
made on the air-dried samples as received : 

Kair (Capparis aphylla) 
Sangar (Prosopis spicigera) 
Gourphali (Cyamopsis psoralioides) 
Moth a ka phali (Phaseolus sp) 

• • 





P 2 6 





With regard to the amount of phosphorus in foods in 
general, two papers have appeared in foreign scientific journals. 
'The Distribution of phosphorus in Foods" by M. Balland 

(Compt. rend., 1906 




W. Reeb (Arch. E xv .- Pathol . u. Pharmak.. 1908 


The papers deal with a wide range of articles of European 
consumption, and the results show that phosphorus is found to 
be associated with nitrogen in constituting a nutritious or poor 
food-stuff. In all future analyses of dietetic articles it will be 
desirable to estimate the amount of phosphoric anhydride. 

The phosphorus value of Indian food-stuffs, as far as I am 
aware, has not been recorded in any scientific work, and in 
order to complete this paper several determinations are tabu- 
under animal foods, 


lated for reference. 

farinac , o , , r _ 

articles of diet consumed both by Europeans and Indians. 

Beef steak 
Cold beef 

Fish boiled 
Fish spiced 
Magoor fish 
Maurola fish 

Potato boiled 

Plantain meal 
Cassava arrowroot 
China almond (Arachis) 

Tea leaves 


* ' 


Pan (Piper Betle) 











P 2 












Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.] 



(Lentinus eocilis) 

Edible fern (Asplenium esculentum) 
Sag (Amaranthus gangeticus) 


9 9 

3 9 


.. 7-5 

.. 1-2 


.. 1-3 

boiled 1-2 

Beans (Vigna Catiang) 
Karela (Momordica Charantia) 
Kumra lal (Gucurbita maxima) 
Patral (Trichosanthes dioica) 
Cucumber, sliced 


Guava cheese 
Edible bird's nest 

> ? 




















27* The Waqf of Moveables. 

By The Hon. Dr. A. al-Ma'min Suhrawardy, 

Barrister-at- Law. 


The subject of this paper has been a fruitful source of con- 
troversy among jurists in all ages in all countries under Muslim 
Law. Elsewhere ' I have traced in detail the history of this 
controversy in the various countries of Islam. Here I shall 
content myself with merely indicating the conflicting decisions 
on the point to be found in the Indian Law Reports : Khajah 
Hossein Ali v. Shahzadi Hazrah Begum (1869), 12 W.R., 344 ; 
Fatima Bibi v. Ariff Ismail ji Bham (1881),9C.L.R.,66; Kalehola 
v. Naseerudeen (1894), 18 Mad. 201 ; Abu Saytd Khan v. Bakar 
Ali (1901), I.L.R., 24 All. 190; Sakina Khartum v. Laddan 
Sahiba (1902), 2 C.L.J., 218; Civil Rule No. 51 of 1902, un- 
reported (Rangoon, 1903) ; Mofazzul Karim v. Mohammed 
(1905), 2 C.L.J., 166; Kulsom Bibi v. Golam 


Ariff (1905), 10 C.W.N., 449; Banubi v. Narsingrao (1906), 
I.L.R. , 31 Bom. 250 ; Mohammed Ismail Ariff v. Ibrahim Oholam 
Ariff , unreported (Rangoon, 1907) ; Bai Fatmabai v. Golam 
Hossein (1907), 9 Bom. L.R., 1337; Yusuf Saratera v. Mollah 
Mahmood, unreported (334 of 1907) decision of the Cal. H. C. ; 
Kadir Ibrahim Rowther v. Mahomed Rahamadulla Rowther (1909), 
33 Mad., 118. 

purpose of this pape 

Muslim Law. Be- 

rn ade 

Fatdwd Anqarawiy 

yah, p. 704, ed. Cairo, Minhaj al-Talibin, Fath al-Qarib 

• History of Muslim Law (Tagore Law Lectures 1911). 

324 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June 1911. 

A careful perusal of this paper— the result of considerable 
labour and research— containing excerpts from works of the 
highest authority, will, I venture to hope, leave no doubt in 
the minds of the readers about the validity of the waqf of 
moveables, including money, shares in companies, securities, 
stock, etc. In order to follow the historical development of 
this branch of Muslim Law, the reader would do well to peruse 
the extracts in the order indicated in the Bibliography in 
Appendix I. The relevancy of some of the extracts (appar- 
ently irrelevant to the matter in issue) will, no doubt, be 
obvious to the practical lawyer, if not to the lay reader. 

I have kept the English translation as close to the original 
as possible, even at some sacrifice of the English. Passages 
in the translation placed within crotchets do not occur in the 
Arabic original, and are inserted merely for explanatory rea- 
sons. Similarly, passages in the or ginal enclosed within crot- 
chets have been omitted in the translation, to avoid repetition 
or the introduction of irrelevant matter. The system of trans- 
literation adopted by me is, with slight modifications, that 
recommended by the Fourth Congress of Orientalists. 

I take this opportunity of expressing my sincere thanks 
to Muhammad 'All Chevky Bey, and to Zaimzade Hasan 
Fehmy Bey, grandson and First Secretary respectively to Field- 
Marshal Ghazi Ahmad Mukhtar Pasha, late Ottoman High 
Commissioner in Egypt, for obtaining access for me to several 
important Libraries in the Ottoman Empire, and also for pro- 
curing for me the Fatw&s of the Grand Mufti of Egypt, and of 
the Mufti of Alexandria ; to Shams al-Ulama Shaykh Mahmud 
Gllani for the Fatwa from his brother, the celebrated Mujta- 
hid of Karbala; to Lt.-Col. Phillott for affording me every 
facility for research and placing at my disposal the Library 
of the Board of Examiners which is rich in the possession 
of some unique manuscripts on Muslim Law ; and lastly, 
to my friend and colleague Mr. R. F. Azoo, for assistance in 
the elucidation of several obscure and difficult passages in the 


In a subsequent issue of the Journal of this Society I hope 
to give a translation of the well-known treatise on the subject 
of this paper by the celebrated Shaykh al-Islam, Mufti Abu'l- 
Su'ud, a manuscript copy of which I have just discovered 
in Constantinople. I am indebted to the Hon. Mr. G. H. C. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waaf of Moveables. 325 


Ariff for having arranged to procure for me a transcript of 
that unique manuscript. 

The Bar Library : ) A. Al-Ma'mun Sfhrawardy. 

August, 1911. 


I._ The following extract from the commentary of the 
Hidayah by Ibn Shahnah is quoted by the great doctor al-Blrt at 
the beginning of his commentary on al-Ashbah : 

When the accuracy of a hadlth (saying of the Prophet) is 
accepted and it is found to be contrary to the doctrine of the 
madh-hab (school), practice should be in accordance with the 
hqdith, and thenceforward it shall be considered as his (Abu 

madh-hab and his sectary will 




of Abu Hanffah : — " When a hadlth is proved to be accurate 
it is my madh-hab." Ibn 'Abd-al-Barr reports this dictum 
from Abu Hanffah and other Imams. Imam al-Sha'rani also 
reports this from the four Imams. 

The signs of mercy " : the differ- 

ence of opinion of the Imams affords latitude and facility 
to_ the people ; as is laid down at the beginning of the 
Tatarlchdniyyah. This is an allusion to the celebrated hadlth on 
the lips of men, viz., " The difference of opinion of my people 

is a mercy from God " : Said the Prophet of God : 

" Whatever you have been given in the Book of God, you must 
act upon. There is no excuse for anyone for abandoning 
it. If it is not in the Book of God, then my previous 
practice. But if there is no practice of mine, then what my 
companions have said. For verily my companions are like 
the stars of the heavens ; whichever of them you follow, you 
will be guided aright ; and the divergence of opinion of my 
companions is a blessing to you" .... Al-SuyutI reports from 
'Umar b. ' Abd-al-' Aziz that' he used to say : " It would not have 
pleased me if the companions of Muhammad had not differed. 
For had they not differed there would have been no concession, 
facility or indulgence (rukhsah). (Radd~al- Muhtar , vol. i, p. 70. 
Ed. Const.). 

II. It is known that divergence of opinion is one of the signs 
of mercy. Thus, the greater the difference the greater the bless- 
sing, as they (theUlema) have declared. (Durr al-Mukhtar, vol. 

i, p. 70. Ed. Const.). 

Mufti in delivering his fatwds 

should deliver fatwds positively regarding matters about which 

326 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

our jurists are unanimous in the ' ' Conspicuous Reports ' ' ; 
but opinions differ regarding matters about which they differ. The 
most correct view is that stated in the Sirdjiyyah and other 
works, viz. , that the Mufti should give fatwd according to the 
dictum of the Imam absolutely, then according to the dictum of 
the second, then that of the third, then according to that of 
Zufar and Hasan b. Ziyad. In the Hawi-al-Qudsi ', th 



is conflict between two views declared to be correct. — It is laid 
down in the chapter on Waqf of the Bahr alBd'iq and other 
books that when there are two " correct views " regarding 
any particular question, it is lawful to give judgment and 
fatwd according to either of them. 

In the beginning of the Mudmardt it is stated : The 
signs of the fatwd are his (the jurist's) saying, ' in accordance there- 
with is the fatwd ' ; • with it is given the fatwd ' ; ' it we follow ' ; 
' on it is the reliance '; ' in accordance with it is the practice 
to-day ' ; ' in accordance with it is the practice of the people '; 
1 this is the correct view,' or 'the most correct,' or ■ the most 
obvious,' or * the most likely,' or ' the most reasonable,' or 
the select,' and such like expressions stated in the super- 
commentary of al-Bazdawi. End of the quotation. Our 
master al-Ramli says in his collection of fatwds : Some expres- 
sions are more emphatic than others. Thus the word 
fatwd is more emphatic than the word "correct," "most 
correct," "most likely," etc. The expression "with it is 
given the fatwd ' ' is more emphatic than ' ' the fatwd is in 
accordance therewith." "Most correct" is more emphatic 
than " correct " ; and " more cautious," than " precaution." 

End of the quotation. 

M unyah 

al-Halabl it is stated that when there is connec- 
tion between two Imams of authority, one employing the word 
' ' correct," the other " the most correct," it is better to follow 
the view signalised ' ' correct. ' ' For both of them are unani- 
mous as to its being ' « correct,' ' and it is more agreeable to 
follow the view about which there is unanimity. ... I found 
afterwards in the treatise on the ' * Duties of a Mufti ' ' that when a 
report in an authentic work ends with ' ' the most correct,' '" bet- 
ter " or "a fortiori," or " the most conformable," or the like, 
then the Mufti is at liberty to give fatwd according to it or its 
opposite view, whichever he likes. When a 

" correct," or " the view followed," or " „ „ e . 

fatwd," or " in accordance therewith is the fatwd" fatwd 
given according to its opposite view, unless it is stated 
in the Hidayah, for instance, " it is correct," and in the Kdf'% 
its opposite view has "it is correct. ' ' In such a case he has 
the option and he selects what he considers to be the strongest , 
be8t ff mos * advantageous. End of the quotation. This 
should be remembered. The substance of what Shavkh Qasim 

with it is eiven the 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 327 


says in his cc Correction " is that there is no difference between 
a Mufti and a Qadi except that the Mufti gives information as 
to the rule and the Qadi gives effect to it. (Durr aUMukhtdr, 
vol. i, pp. 70 to 76). 

Comments of the Radd. 

III. c ' Conspicuous Reports . . ' ' The questions dealt with 
by our Hanafi masters are classed into three groups, to which I 

have already alluded : 

1. Questions of fundamental principles, also called Conspicu- 
ous Reports. — These are the questions reported from the leaders, 
founders of the school, Abu Hanifah, Abu Yusuf, Muhammad, 
Zufar, Hasan b. Ziyad and others, who studied under Abu 

Hanifah. But the common view is that " Conspicuous Reports 

comprise the dicta of the three. The Books of Conspicuous 
Reports are the six books of Muhammad, viz. : (1) Mabsut, (2) 
Ziydddt, (3) J ami' -al- saghir , (4) Siyar-ah saghir, (5) 'Jdmi'- 
al-Kabir, and (6) Siyar-al-Kabir. They are designated "Con- 
spicuous Reports, 5 ' because they report from Muhammad au- 
thentic reports which are proved to come down from him either 
on account of their coming from different repeated sources or 
on account of common repute. 

2. Questions of Rarity. — These are questions reported 
from the above-mentioned masters, but not in the above-men- 
tioned books. Rather they are contained either (a) in other 
works of Muhammad, e.g.,Kaysdniyyat, Hdruniyydt, Jurjdniyydt, 
Raqqiyydt or (6) in books by authors other than Mu- 
hammad, e.g., Muharrar by Hasan b. Ziyad, etc., or books con- 
taining notes dictated by Abu Yusuf to his pupils or (c) reported 
by a single isolated report, e.g., the report of Ibn Sima'ah, 
etc., regarding certain specified questions. 

3. Occurrences. — These are the questions deduced by later 
Mujtahids when questioned about cases with regard to which 
they could not find any report. They (later Mujtahids) are the 
companions of Abu Yusuf and Muhammad and the companions 
of their companions, and so on, and they are numerous. 
Thus amongst the companions of the two Imams are men like 
'Isam b. Yusuf, Ibn Rustam. .... AbuHafs al-Bukharl . . . . 
Sometimes they have controverted the views of the founders 
of the school because of the proofs and causes which came to 
their knowledge. The first collection of their fatwds according 
to our information was that by the jurist Abu-'l-Layth of Samar- 
qand. After him other collections were made by other masters, 
e.g., Majmu'-al'Nawdzil, Wdqi'dt aLNdtifi. . . . Know that 
amongst the books of the questions of fundamental principles 
is the Kitab al-Kdfi, by al- Hakim al-Shahld, which is an authentic 
work on the traditional rules of the school, and has been com- 
mented on by a number of doctors amongst whom Imam Shams 

328 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

al-A'immah al-Sarakhs! may be mentioned. It is known as the 
Mabsut of al-SarakhsI. According to the most learned doctor 
al- Tarsus! , whatever is opposed to the Mabsut of al-SarakhsI 

accordance with it, 
upon it. The Muntaq 


be placed except 

the school . . . Know that there are numerous copies of the 
Mabsut reported from Muhammad, the clearest of which is the 
Mabsut of Abu Sulayman al- Jawzjani. A number of later jurists 
have commented upon the Mabsut, e.g., the Shaykh-al-Islam 
Bakr, better known as Kh waherzadeh , his commentary being 
called the Mabsut-al-Kabir ; and Shams-al-A'immah al-Halwa'i 
and others. Their Mabsuts are really commentaries interwoven 
with the Mabsut of Muhammad, as the commentators of the 
J ami' -al- Saghir have done, e.g., Fakhr-al-Islam, Qadi '. 
and others. Thus it is said, " Qadi Khan has mentioned it in 
the J ami' -al- Saghir ,' ' his commentary being intended thereby. 
Similarly in other works. . . . This should be carefully remem- 


tion of the Masters of the School which we shall mention shortly. 
In the chapter of the two ' Ids of the Bohr and Nahr it is stated 
that the J ami' -al- Say&ir was written by Muhammad after the 
Asl, therefore what it contains is reliable. The Nahr also states 
that the Asl was designated Asl, because it was composed first 
of all, then the J ami' -al- Saghir, then the Kabir, then the Ziyadat. 
Thus it is laid down in the GhayaUal-Bayan. 

' ' Dictum of the Imam ' ' : The Mufti gives fatwd i Q accord- 
ance with the dictum of the Imam, because, says ' Abd-Allah b. 
Mubarak, he had seen the Companions of the Prophet and 
had given fatwds contemporaneously with the successors of the 
companions, therefore his dictum is more correct and stronger 
so long as there is no change of time and age. 

"In the Hawi al-Qudsi, etc. " : I say that this is indicated 
by the statement of the Sirajiyyah to the effect that the first 
view is more correct when the Mufti is not a Mujtahid. Thus it 
is explicit that the Mujtahid {i.e., one fit to examine the 

argument, proof) should follow, out of the v^ . , — 

which has the strongest proof. Otherwise the order stated 
above will be followed. Owing to this you will find that some- 
times the jurists give preference to the dictum of some of his 
companions over the dictum of Abu Hanifah himself, e.g. , they 
have preferred the dictum of Zufar alone in seventeen cases. So 
we follow what they preferred , for they were fit to scrutinize the 
proof. He (the author of Tanunr-al-Absar) has not stated any 
rule as to cases regarding which there' are conflicting reports 
trom the Imam Abu Hanifah or there are no reports at all 
either from him or his companions. In the first 
there are conflicting reports, that which has th< 



wn in the Haw. Then he says 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 329 


when there is no clear answer from any of them regarding a 
particular case, but the later jurists have unanimously expressed 
an opinion about it, it is to be followed. If, however, they 
differ, the opinion of the majority is to be followed. 

If no answer by way of express ruling is found from any 
source whatever, the Mufti should examine the case with care, 
consideration and ijtihad, so that lie may deduce a rule concerning 
it which should approach exemption from responsibility. "The 
Ulema have delivered fatwds, etc.'' 

The learned base their fatwd (or decision) on the opinion of 
Abu Hanlfah in all questions of 'Ibadat (or devotional acts) 
.... They declare that decisions are to be based on the opinion 
of Muhammad in all questi ons relating to distant kindred (i.e., of 
inheritance). In aUAshbah in the chapter on the M Duties of a 
judge " it is stated that decision is according to the opinion of 
Abu Yusuf in whatever relates to the duties of the judge, i.e., 
because he had a fuller knowledge of the subject and because of 
his practical experience. For a like reason Abu Hanlfah after 
going on pilgrimage and knowing its hardships gave up his 
former opinion that charity is more meritorious than voluntary 
pilgrimage. It is stated in the commentary of al-Blri, that 
decision is according to the opinion of Abil Yusuf in questions 
of evidence also, and decision is according to the opinion of 
Zufar in seventeen questions. ... 

When there are Qiyds (analogy) and Istihsan (favour- 
able construction) regarding a particular case, the practice 
should be in accordance with Istihsan except in a few 
well-known cases. . . . When there are three views con- 
cerning a case, then the preferred opinion is that in the 
beginning or the end and not that in the middle. It is laid 
down in the Sharh-al-Munyah that when reason is in conformity 
with report, it should not be departed from. This is stated in 
the chapter on the obligatory ceremonials of prayers ; where the 
author gives preference to the report concerning the obliga- 
toriness of rising from the posture of bending and prostrating 
the body in prayer, on account of the arguments adduced, al- 
though it is contrary to the well-known report from Abu Hanlfah. 

"In the chapter on Waqf of the Bahr, etc." : When of 
two conflicting opinions, one is more favourable to the waqf 
as will be stated in the chapters on Waqf and Ijarah, the Mufti 
should deliver fatwd in accordance with that opinion, out of the 
conflicting views of the Ulema, which is more favourable to the 
waqf ; and likewise if one of the two conflicting views is the 
view of the majority, as we have quoted above from al-Hdw%. 

11 And such like expressions " : e.g., their saying, " Its prac- 
tice has become current " ; " It is the recognized practice." 

4 ' Our Master ' * : wherever this expression occurs in this book 
without any further qualification, the most learned doctor 
Shaykh Khayr-al-din al-Ramli is meant by it. 

330 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911. 

to the requirements of his time. 


' More advantageous " : is that which he deems suitable to that 
particular case. {Radd-al-Muhiar, vol. i, pp. 71—76. Ed. 

IV. It is stated in al-Mi'rdj on the authority of Fakhr 
al-A'immah :— ' ■ If a Mufti were to decide in accordance with 


view to convenience or to make matters easy, it will be right. 
(Ibid., vol. i, p. 79). 

Y- The seven ranks of Mujtahids or eminent jurists.— The 
Mufti should know the position of the jurist on whose opinion 
he bases the fatwd. It is not enough merely to know his name 
and genealogy, but it is essential to be aware of the extent of 
his knowledge of reports, his eminence in reasoning and his 
rank in the classification of the jurists, so that he may intelli- 
gently discriminate between jurists holding opposite views and 
have adequate power to give preference to one of two conflict- 
ing views. (1) To the first class belong the Mujtahids with 
respect to the Sacred Law, e.g., the four Imams, and those who 
followed their policy in founding the first principles of juris- 
prudence, and by this characteristic they are distinguished from 
others. (2) To the second class belong the Mujtahids within the 
School, e.g., Abu Yusuf and Muhammad and the rest of the 
companions of Abu Hanlfah, capable of deducing rules from 
the proofs in conformity with the first principles concerning rules 
laid down by their master Abu Hanlfah. Although they have 
differed from him in certain minor rules, they follow him wHh 
respect to the fundamental principles. In this respect they are 
distinguished from the opponents of the School like al-Shafi'i and 
others, opposed to him (Abu Hanlfah) as regards rules, and not 
following him as regards fundamental principles. (3) To the third 
class belong the Mujtahids of cases regarding which there are no 
express rulings from the founder of the School , e.g. , al-Khassaf , 
Abu Ja'far al-Tahawi, Abu'l-Hasanal-Karkhl, Shams al-Ayim- 
mah al-Halwa'i, Shams al-A'immah al-SarakhsI, Fakhr al-Islam 
al-tfazdawi and Fakhr al-din Qadi Khan and others like them. 
Ihey can oppose Abu Hanlfah neither with regard to funda- 
mental principles nor with regard to rules applicable to particu- 
lar cases, but they deduce rules, applicable to cases regarding 
which there are no express rulings, in conformity with the funda- 
mental principles and rules. (4) The fourth class is that of 
the « « people of takhrlj ' ' (deduction) , comprising of such sectaries 
as al-Razl and men like him. They are not at all capable of 
making Ijhhad, but on account of their thorough grasp of the 
lundamental principles and mastery over the original sources, 
ttiey are capable of making detailed analysis of a general 
dictum susceptible of double meaning, and an ambiguous rule 
capable of two interpretations, reported from the founder of 
tne School or one of his companions, bv means of their own 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 331 


judgment and examination of the fundamental principles, and 
analogy based on a comparison of similar and parallel cases. 
The statement in the Hidayah, "Such is the takhrij of al- 
Ivarkhl and the takhrij of al-Razl" is of this kind. (5) 
The fifth class is that of "the people of preference M from amongst 
the sectaries, e.g., Abu 1 1- Hasan al-Quduri and the author of the 
Hidayah and others like them Their position is that of giving 
some reports preference over others, like their saying, c< This 
is better " ; u This is more correct as to report ' ' ; 4 ' This is 
more lenient to people," (6) The sixth class comprises the sec- 
taries capable of discriminating between "the strongest, 

strong and " weak," between the obvious reports of the 
School and the rare reports, e.g., the authors of authentic texts 
from amongst the later jurists, e.g., the author of the Kanz, 
the author of the Mukhtar, the author of the Wiqayah and the 
author of the Majmu'. Their position is that they do not report 
rejected traditions and weak reports. (7) The seventh class 
comprises of those below the rank of the jurists mentioned 
above. 1 ( Radd. i, p. 79). 

VI. Absolute Mujtahids [i.e., of the first rank like Abu 
Hanlfah, Malik, etc.] have become extinct. But limited 
Mujtahids are divided into seven well-known ranks. As for us, 
it is our duty to follow what they have preferred and declared 
correct as we would have followed their fatwd in their lifetime. 
If it is said that sometimes they state opinions without indica- 
ting any preference, and sometimes they differ as to the correct 
view, I reply that we should act as they acted, viz., take into 
consideration the varying practice, the condition of society, 
that which is more lenient, that with regard to which practice 
(Ta'amul) becomes manifest, and that whose reasoning is strong. 
(Durr-al- Mukhtar , vol. i, p. 80. Ed, Const.). 

Comments of the Radd-al-Muhtar. 

VII. ' '" Without indicating any preference " : So it 
shall not be departed from without there being an explicit 
preference in favour of the opposite view. The same rule holds 
good when one of the two views occurs in the texts or comment a- 

1 Mawlawi 'Abd-al-Hayy of Lucknow, in his Introduction to his 
commentary on the Sharh-al Wiqayah (p. 8), reproduces this classification 
of eminent jurists with some further details. He adds a note on € ■ the 
people of preference f * to the following effect : Amongst them al-KafawI 
counts 'Ali al-Razi, pupil of Hasan b. Ziyad, Ibn Kamal Pasha of 
Turkey, and Abfi/1-Su'ud al-'Imadi of Turkey, the celebrated commenta- 
tor of the Qur'an; the author of Bohr al-Ra'iq counts also amongst 
them Ibn Huraam, the author of Fath-al-Qadir. It is also said that the 
latter attained the rank of a Mujtahid. 

332 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

ries, or happens to be the view of the Imam (Abu Hanifah) or 
there is Istihsan regarding cases other than those excepted, or it 
happens to be more favourable to the waqf. (Vol. I, p. 80). 

VIII. M His School" : A Hanafi giving judgment accord- 


according to his own school. 

" Contrary to his school " : i.e., the fundamental basis of 
his school, e.g., when a Hanafi gives judgment according to the 

school of al-Shafi'i, etc But if a Hanafi gives judgment 

according to the school of Abu Yusuf or Muhammad or any 
other companion of the Imam like them, the judgment will not 
be contrary to his opinion (Durar), i.e., because the companions 
of the Imam never gave expression to an opinion which was not 
originally held by the Imam himself. (Radd al-Muhtar ', iv, 
518. Ed. Const.). 

IX. The 'Umdat-al-Ri'ayah, Commentary on the Sharh- 



The fact of the matter is that our greatest Imam said, " It 
is not permitted to any one to accept our dictum so long as he 
is not aware of its source, either from the Book, the Sunnah, the 
consensus of the people, or manifest analogy with regard to 
any particular case." ('Umdat-al-Bi' ayah, p.. 14, Ed.Lucknow). 

Al-Shafi'i said, "When a hadith is found to be correct con- 
trary to my dictum, throw my dictum over the wall, and act on 
the sound hadith." (Ibid., p. 14). 

In the chapter of the Ashbah on the Duties of a -Judge, it is 
laid down that the Mufti should base his fatwd on what he con- 
siders to be advantageous. The same view is stated in the 

chapter on Dower of aUBazzdziyyah It is laid down also 

in the Ashbah that the fatwd regarding a waqf should be based 
on what is most favourable to it. The same view is stated in the 
Sharh-al-Majma' and the H dwx-al-Qudsi . (Ibid., p. 15). 

By the words ' ' Imam ' ' and ' ' the greatest Imam ' ' occur- 
ring^ in the works of our leading jurists, the founder of the School 
Abu Hanifah is meant. And he is also meant by the expres- 
sion " founder of the School . " By the phrase, " Two com- 
panions," Abu Yusuf and Muhammad are meant, and by ' ' Two 
Shaykhs," Abu Hanifah and Abu Yusuf; by "Two sides," 
Muhammad and Abu Hanifah. By the " Second Imam," Abu 
Yusuf is meant ; by the " Divine Imam," Muhammad ; by their 
expression, "according to our three Imams'," Abu Hanifah, 

Muhammad and Abu Yusuf; and by "four Imams'," Abu 
Hanifah. Malik. a.l-Sh».fi«T anA n m ori +u a t^„„A~™ ^f +v«» xv&\\- 




Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 333 


The pronoun occurring in such expressions of the jurists 
as " this is the decision according to him," M this is his school," 
when no other substantive precedes to which it can be referred, 
refers to Abu Hanifah, even though no mention of him precedes, 
because he is supposed to be mentioned conventionally. ' c Ac- 
cording to the two," i.e., Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. Sometimes 
Abu Hanifah and Abu Yusuf and sometimes Abu Hanifah and 
Muhammad are meant by this phrase according to the context. 

The difference between tc according to him " and M from 
him" is that the former indicates the School and the latter the 
report. Thus, when they say, " Such is the case according to 
Abu Hanifah," it indicates that such is his School. But when 
they say, " From him is such and such," it indicates that such 
is the report from him. (' V mdaUal-Ei' ayah , p. 17). 

Often they lay down a decision, introducing it by the ex- 
pression, "it is said " ; and the commentators and annotators 
write below it, " this alludes to its weakness." The fact of the 
matter is that such is the case when the author adopts it as a 
conventional term to indicate overruled decisions and their 
weakness. In such a case decisive judgments can be given 
regarding it . . . otherwise not. (Ibid., p. 17). 

X. Fatawa Khayriyyah {Vol. I, p. 218, 2nd ed, Govt. Press, 

Bulaq, Cairo). 

Answer. — Yes, it is valid. Our celebrated Ulema have 
expressly declared the validity of exchange (istibdal) even 
with dirhams and dinars. They declare that when it is advan- 
tageous to do so, it is lawful to act in spite of any stipulation to 
the contrary. .. .our jurists are unanimous in giving fatwa 
according to what is more advantageous to the waqf where there 
is difference of opinion. 

XL The Is'af [Ed. Bulaq). 

And the subject-matter of waqf is any property having 
legal value on condition of its being land or moveable or anything 
the waqj of which is recognized. (Muta'arif, p. 9). 

If he makes waqf of a field and makes merftion of the slaves, 
water-wheels and the implements of husbandry in it, they 
become waqf . . . and if some of them become too infirm 
to work, the Mutawalli may sell them, and purchase other slaves 
in their stead. Similarly he may sell the water-wheels and the 
implements and buy with their price that which is more bene- 
ficial for the waqf (p. 17). And in the Fatawa Natifi it is reported 
from Muhammad b. 'Abd- Allah al-Ansarl, one of the com- 
panions of Zufar, that it is valid to make waqf of dirhams and 
edibles, and that which is sold by measure and that which is 
sold by weight. It was said to him, " How are the dirhams 
to be employed ? " He said, it should be invested in business 

334 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911. 



what is sold by measure and what is sold by weight should 
be sold for dirhams and dinars, which should be invested in busi- 
ness and the profits given away in charity, (p. 18). 

Chapter on the Waqf of Moveables by Thkuselves. 

And the correct view is that reported from Muhammad 


aqf of such moveables with respect 

;/) has 

on account of the existence of recognized practice (Ta'aruf) 
regarding the waqf of these things, whereby analogy {Qiyjte) * s 
abandoned as in the case of Istiswa' . . . • one of the conditions 
of the validity of waqf is perpetuity tt we have described above, 
but we have abandoned it (a) regarding the things just men- 
tioned owing to recognized practice (Ta'aruf) ; and (o) regard- 
ing arms and horses for jihad on account of express tradition. 

If a person makes waqf of a cow for the service of a rest- 
ing house, stipulating that its milk, curd and butter should be 
given to wayfarers, it is valid where such is the recognized prac- 
tice, as in the case of the water of a public fountain ; otherwise 

» « • 

. . . And it has already been Btated above that Muhammad 
b. 'Abd- Allah of the companions of Zufar, held the 



(pp. 20—21). 


validity of waqf of Musha' , which is not partible, e.g., public 
baths, wells and mills. But there is divergence regarding what 
is partible. It is declared valid by Abu Yusuf, and the jurists 
of Balkh have accepted his decision, but Muhammad has declared 
it void, and if a Qadi decrees the validity of a Musha' waqf the 
divergence is removed, (p. 21). 

XII. The Fatawa QadI Khan (Vol. Ill, p. 306, Cairo edition). 

Chapter on the Waqf of Moveables. 

Shams-al-A'immah al-Sarakhsi says :— As regards waq\ of 
moveables independently there is a difference of opinion 
between Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. This is stated in the 
Siyar-al-Kabir. He says the ' correct answer is as follows : 
Anything with regard to which there is a clear practice 
among men to appropriate, it is valid to make waqf thereof, 
e.g., (1) Bier and its pall. (2) Anything needed for the 
washing of the dead, such as pot and vessels. (3) Copies of the 
Qur an. (4) Horses, camels, etc., arms and horses for jihad. 
(5) Jurists are not agreed as regards waqf of books , which , how- 
ever, is declared valid by the jurist Abu'l-Lavth, and the faiitfd 


Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of 


is in accordance with it. Naslr, 



books. (6) A man makes waqf of a cow for the benefit of a rest- 
ing house, so that what may be obtained in the shape of milk 
and butter and curd will be given to the wayfarers. Then if 
this happens in a place where they have recognized it, the waqf 
is valid, as it is valid to make waqf of the water of a public 


of a resting place. 



benefit of the people of a village, in order to cover their cows ; 
this is not valid, because religious merit is not intended thereby, 
and there is no clear practice in its favour. (9) A man places a 
jar. ... (10) A man makes waqf of a building without its site. 
Hilal says this is not lawful. (11) And it is reported from 
Zufar : a man makes waqf of dirhams or grain or what is 
sold by measure or what is sold by weight. He declared it valid. 
It was said to him, " How would it {waqf) be (carried out) V ' He 
said that the money should be invested in business and the profits 
given in charity for the benefit of the object of the waqf, and what 
goes by measure and weight should be sold and their sale pro* 
ceeds invested in commerce (bida'ah) or business 


as in the case of money* They have held on the analogy of the 
above decision, that if a person says " this Jcurr (measure) of 
wheat is waqf M on condition that the same should be lent to 
such of the poor who have no seed grains with them, so that 
they may cultivate the same for themselves, and then the quan- 
tity lent should be taken back from them after the crops have 
grown and the same should be lent to other poor people ; and 
in this wise perpetually — the waqf shall be valid in this way-, 

(12) A sick person makes a will in regard to thousand dirhams. . . . 

(13) From Abu Yusuf it is reported that the waqf of 

animals, etc., is not valid. (14) A man makes waqf 

of a garden with cows, cattle, slaves, etc., valid. 



and intervenes between the waqf and him. The Shaykh Imam 


Fadl si 
sr place 


. . . When the thing dedicated deteriorates, it is necessary to 
supply a substitute, as in the case of a dedicated horse, which is 
killed, or when a slave dedicated to the service of the Ka'bah 
is killed. (16) If the Mutawalll of a waqf spends the dirhams 

of the waqf for his own use (17) Mutawalll may sell 

animals dedicated to a resting-house when they become old 
and useless. (18) The people of a mosque (19) Muta- 
walll of a mosque buys a house with the income of the mosque. 

(20) Mutawalll buys a bier with the income of 

the mosque by (21) Ruined village with a well . . . . 

336 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 



from Ztifar that when a person makes a waqf of dirhams 
and grain, and what is capable of being measured or weighed, 
it is valid .... (24) When waaf is made of a bier .... etc. 

XIII. The Jami'-al-Rumuz of al-Quhistani (Vol. Ill, 

p. 524, Ed. Cal). 

And it is valid according to Muhammad to make waqf of 
moveables (i.e., things capable of being moved from one 
place to another) with regard to which there is Ta'amul 

(i.e., Ta'aruf), e.g., a -copy of the Qur'an and the 

like (e.g.. books, pickaxes, saws, vessels, bowls, biers, and their 
palls; arms, horses, donkeys, slaves, oxen, agricultural imple- 
ments, trees, right of water with the land, pigeons with their 
cote, bees with their hive. But if they are not the subject of Ta'a- 
mul, their waqf is not valid except by way of dependence. 


Muhammad, waqf 

{Ta'amul). But according to Abu Yusuf the waqf is void if it is 
not the subject of Ta'amul. And the fatwd is in accordance 
with it, i.e., the fatwd is given in accordance with the view of 
Muhammad which declared such a waqf valid, because of the 
necessity of the people. 


XIV. The Durr-ai^Muntaqa {Vol. I, p. 740, Ed. Const.). 

Similarly the waqf of any moveable property whose waqf 

Muhammad the ivaaf of such moveables of 


it is laid down 


in the Sharli-al-Wahbaniyyah 
Kabir, and it has hepn fnllnwprl 

who has affirmed the rule, and it has been cited by al-Quhis- 
tani, who has also affirmed it. This must be carefully noted. 
But in al-Birjindi, etc., it is stated that the waqf of moveables 
whose waqf is not recognized in practice is not valid, according 
to all the three. But according to al-Shafri everything from 


gmai, pr 
as that of land 

with the pres 
wful, its waqf 

and all implements of husbandry, right of water, hatchets 
saws biers and their palls, and likewise the waqf of woollen clothe 
tor the benefit of the poor. And in our time some Mutawallishav< 
made ivaqf of furs for the use of the Muezzins at night in winter 
oucn a waqf ought to be valid , especially according to the statemen 
above, reported from al-Zahidi. " Cauldrons, vote, copies of th 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 337 



Qur'dn, books, etc." And our jurists have 
to those mentioned by Muhammad and Abu Yusuf, acting on the 
principle of Ta'amul, as is laid down in the Manh. I, therefore, 
say that taking into consideration this opinion and that of al- 
Zahidi, already stated above, there is no need of referring to the 
report of al-Ansari from Zufar with regard to waqf of dirhams 
and dinars as has been supposed, and indeed have been issued 
royal orders to the Qadls, to give decrees according to it (the view 
validating the waqf of dirhams and dinars) as i> laid down in the 



capable of being measured or weighed is valid, they being sold 
and their price being applied in business or commerce like dir- 
hams. On the analogy of this they have declared the validity 
of the waqf of a toirr of wheat on condition that it should be lent 

to one who has no seed, etc 

If a person makes waqf of a cow on condition that whatever 
comes out of it in the shape of milk and butter should go to the 
poor, if they are in the habit of doing so, I should expect the waqf 
to be valid. The Manh has added to the list the waqf of 
buildings without the site, and likewise that of trees without the 
land because they are moveables with regard to which there ifl 


view of Muhammad 


as in the case 
les to be made 


said : ■ ' Whatever 
the sight of God." 


XV. The Majma'-al-Anhur 


Similarly is valid according to Muhammad the trnqf of 
moveables, the waqf of which has become recognized in practice 
(Ta'aruf), as is valid the waqf of moveables directly when people 
have made a Ta'amul of their waqf, e.g., pickaxes, shovels, hat- 
chets, saws, biers with their palls, cauldron, pots, copies of the 
Qur'an, books. And according to it, i.e., the view of Muhammad, 
is the fatwd in consequence of the presence of Ta'amul in these arti- 
cles. And this view has been adopted by the majority of the jurists 
of all countries : and that is the correct view, as is laid down in 
the Is'af ; and that is the view of thegenerality of jurists as is laid 
down in the Zuhiriyyah. Because qiyas is sometimes abandoned 
<>n account of Ta'amul as in the case of Istisna' . . . . And al- 
Mujtabd reports the difference of opinion between Abu Yusuf 
and Muhammad differently to what has been just stated, viz., 
that according to Muhammad, waqf of moveables was valid, 
absolutely, whether any practice respecting it prevailed or not 
thfi view of Abu Yusuf being that it was valid if there was Ta'- 

338 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

amul respecting it. As Ta'amul became prevalent with regard 
to the ivaqf of dinars and dirhams in the time of Zufar, their 
waqf being declared valid according to one report, they came 
within the purview of the dictum of Muhammad in accordance 
with which is the fatwd respecting the waqf of every moveable 
concerning which Ta'amul may arise as is obvious. Con- 
sequently there is no need of especially ascribing the view 


Ansari : and verilv has 


fatwd in favour of their validity without reporting any 
of opinion on this point ; this is laid down in the Manh 



case of waqf 


down : ' ' the recognized practice 

a. hnilrlincr witlimit, its site. So 

also the waqf of trees without the land : thus the fatwd is deter- 
mined in favour of its validity because these are moveables in 
which there is Ta'amul" By Ta'amul is intended the Ta'amul 
of the companions of the Prophet and that of the companions of 
the companions, and of the Mujtahids from among the Imams 
of the faith, and not the Ta'aruf of the common people , as some 
of the learned have held. According to this view, the statement 
of the author of al-Manh, viz., " that the practice, etc., because 
they are moveables in which there is Ta'amul" is not reliable. 
But in the Muhlt and other works it is laid down : " A man 
makes a waqf of a cow for the benefit of a resting-house , on con- 
dition that what comes out in the shape of milk and butter should 
be given to the wayfarers : where such waqf prevails, I should 
expect it to be valid. ' ' But some of our jurists hold it to be valid 
absolutely, "Because," say they, " Ta'aruf has ensued with 
regard to it in the country of the Muslims." This shows 
that the meaning is absolute 'Ta'aruf, not what some have said. 


Edition Cairo). 

(a) Text of the Kanz with the Commentary of Mulla Miskin. 

The waqf of moveables in which there is Ta'amul is valid, i.e., 
with regard to making waqf of which there is practice ('Adah), 
unrestrictedly whether it is a copy of the Qur'an, or pickaxe, or 
shovel, or hatchet, or saw, or bier or its pall, or cauldrons, or 
pots, or transport animals, according to Muhammad. And the 
TTh y ° f ^ Urists have ado Pt«d his view on account of 


(6) Commentary of the Fath-al-Mu l in. 
In which there is Ta'amul " : e.g., pickaxes, hatchets 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 339 


dirhams and dinars. Thus it has been laid down in the Tanwir, 
and this is the view of Muhammad, and according to it is the 
fatwd. — Durr from the Ikhliydr. 

From this we learn that the waqf of dirhams and dinars 
belongs to the class of waqf influenced by Ta'dmul, and the same 
information we gather from the statement of al-Zayla'I and al- 
'Ayni. Accordingly Ta'amvlm all countries is not a condition, 
and this shows the inaccuracy of the argument of the Nahr when 
it says, " The statement of Muhammad, which has just preceded, 
necessitates the invalidity of that in Egyptian lands in conse- 
quence of the absence of its practice (Ta'aruf) altogether. Yes, 
indeed, the waqf of dirhams and dinars ha^s become recognized 
in the Turkish dominions." Again in the Sharh Multaqd'l- 
Abhur by al-'Ala'l 1 after the quotation from the text the 
following comments occur: "And similarly is valid the 
waqf of moveables whose waqf is recognized in practice accord- 
ing to Muhammad, and similarly that which is not recognized 
in practice is also valid according to Muhammad, as is laid 
down in the Sharh al-Walibdniyyah from al-Zahicfi from 
the Siyar-al-Kabir, and Shurunbulall has followed it, and al- 
Quhistanl has affirmed it." Then it (Sharlyal- M uUaqd) states, 
1 c Therefore according to what has preceded as reported from al- 
Zahidi, there is no necessity for referring to the report of al-Ansarl 
from Zufar. And the royal command had already been 
issued to the Qadls to give decision to that effect as is laid down 
in the Ma'rudat of the Mufti Abu'l-Su'ud.' \ From this it is learnt 
that the fativd of some to the effect that the view declaring the 
validity of the waqf of dirhams is weak, because of its having 
been reported from Zufar, is incorrect. t€ That is to say, there 
is practice to make waqf of it ' ' ; On account of the saying of the 
Prophet, "Whatever is good in the sight of the Muslims is 
good in the sight of God," and because Ta'aruf is stronger 

than qiyas, so qiyas is disregarded thereby as in the case of 
istisna' . 

XVII. The Bahr-al-Ra'iq and the Manhat-al-Khaliq 

(Vol V 9 p. 216 et seq., Ed. Cairo). 

_The subject-matter of waqf is property having legal value 
{Mai M utaqawivirn) , (p. 202). 

The waqf of land with its cows and serfs is valid, and also 
that of Musha* whose validity has been decreed, and that of 
moveables wherein there is T a' amid. 

And Muhammad has laid down that such moveables with 
regard to which there is Ta'amul is valid, and the view has 
been adopted by the majority of the jurists of various countries 

because qiyas is disregarded on account 

1 t.f., the Durr aUMuntaqa. 

340 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

'arnicas in the case of Istisna'. And in the Mujtabd this difference 
of opinion with regard to moveables has been reported differently 
and referred to the Siyar, viz., that the view of Muhammad is 
its validity absolutely, irrespective of there being any practice 
or not, and that of Abu Yusuf is its validity pro vided that there 
is practice with regard to it. And the Hidayah instances the 
following as examples of moveables influenced by Ta'amul : 
pickaxe, hatchet, saw, bier and its pall, cauldrons, pots, and 
copies of the Qur'an. And it is reported from Nasir b. Yahya 
that he made waqf of his books on the analogy of the waqf of 
copies of the Qur'an — and this is correct. 

It is laid down in the Tahrir whilst discussing the primary 
meaning of words, that Ta'amul means the more frequent in 
use ; that is why Imam Muhammad has confined the validity 
of waqf of moveables to those things. Therefore those 
things which were not influenced by Ta'amul were excluded, e.g., 
clothes, animals, gold, silver, even if in the shape of ornaments, 
because their waqf cannot be perpetual, and this is indispensable ; 
contrary to the case of transport animals and arms because of 
express tradition regarding them, and to that of the articles 
stated above in consequence of Ta'amul: the rest come 
under the operation of the original rule of qiyas. Verily some 
jurists have added to the list of Muhammad other moveable 
articles when they perceived the prevalence of Ta'amul regarding 


Thus it is laid down in the Khulasah 

valid. (3) And waqf 

d. (2) It is reported from 
r, with regard to the waqf 
measured or weighed 


clothes being given to the poor to benefit by it in the season of 
wearing it. (4) Waqf of bull .... not valid. (5) Waqf of slaves 
and slave-girls for the service of a resting-house, valid. Thus 

;*■ -: 

down in the Fath-al Qadlr. (6) the waqf 

not stated , nor am I aware of anyone expressly stating it , and 
there is no doubt that it is included under such moveables as 
are not influenced by Ta'amul. Thus its waqf is not valid. (7) 

Waqf of a garden with cows, cattle, slaves, etc valid. 

(8) Waqf of medicine for hospital not valid unless the poor be 
mentioned. (9) Two more cases remain .— (a) waqf of a building 
without its site. In the Dhakhirah it is laid down that the waqf 


whose waqf is not practised ; (6) waqf of trees not 


XVIII. The Hidayah {Vol. V, p. 430, Ed. Cairo). 

And Muhammad has held that it is valid to dedicate 
es and arms, i.e., it is valid to make waqf of them in the 

Vol. VII, No. 6.J The Waqf of Moveables. 341 


way of God. And Abu Yusuf agrees with him in this on the 
ground of Istihsan, the qiyas being according to what we have 
said before that such a waqf is not valid. The reason for apply- 
ing the principle of Istihsan is based on well-known traditions 
concerning these articles, e.g., the following saying of the Pro- 
phet : ' ' As for Khalid he has verily dedicated suits of armour and 
chargers in the way of God." Talhah, also, dedicated his armour 
in the way of God. ' ' 

66 Horses M means war-horses, etc. Camels are also compre- 
hended in this term, because the Arabs ride camels in battles ; 
arms are comprehended in the term " suits of armour." 

It is reported from Muhammad that it is valid to make 
waqf of such moveables as are influenced by Ta'amul, e.g., spades, 

Qur'an Muhammad 


as in the case 

in these articles. It is reported from Naslr b. Yahya that he 

qf of his books 

of the 


jurists of various countries have adopted the view of Muhammad. 
And such moveables as are not influenced by Ta'amul, their 
waqf is not valid according to us. But al-Shafi'i has said that the 
waqf of anything from which profit can be derived consistently 


lawful, is valid; because it is possible to derive profit from it, 
and so it resembles land, horses and arms. Our (Hanafi) 
argument is that the waqf of these articles cannot endure per- 
petually, and this is indispensable as already stated. Therefore, 
these articles become like dirhams and dinars (unlike land) 

whilst there is no antagonistic 


of express tradition or that of Ta'amul. So they remain under 
the operation of the original rule of Qiyas (analogy). This is bo 
because land endures, and jihad is the highest religious duty. 
Therefore the idea of piety in these two is stronger than in any 
other thing. So other articles besides these cannot come within 
their meaning. 

The Fath-al-QadIr (Vol. V, p. 429, Ed. Cairo). 
Al-Quduri says that Abu Yusuf held the waqf of land with 

cows and its cultivators (and they are slaves) valid 
And if some of them fall ill and become incapable of 
work, the Mutawalll may sell those who become unfit for work 
and buy with the price others who can work. Similarly as 
when some of them are killed and he takes the blood-money, 
he is bound to purchase another with it. 

.... The reason for applying the rule of Istihsan is based on 
well-known traditions concerning those articles, i.e., concerning 

342 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

horses and aims. And among those traditions the following 
saying of the Prophet is reported from Abu Hurayrah in the 
two Sahihs {al-Bukhari and Muslim) : — 

" As for KMlid, verily you are hard upon him, whilst he 

has verily dedicated his suits of armour in the way of 

The other statement by the author of the Hidayah to the 

effect that Talhah dedicated his armour, is unknown 

The majority of jurists of all countries follow the dictum of 
Muhammad, viz., that the waqf of those moveables which are 
influenced by Ta'amul is valid; those which are not in- 
fluenced by Ta'amul it is not valid to appropriate them in 
accordance with our (Hanafl) opinion. But al-Shafi'l says that 


qf of anything is valid from which nrofit can be derived 

is the view also of Malik and Ahmad. But the waqf of anything 
from which no profit can be derived except by its destruction, 
is not valid like gold and silver, and eatables and drinkables, ac- 
cording to the generality of [Shafi'l, Maliki and Hanbali] jurists. 
J5y gold and silver is meant dirhams and dinars, not anything in 
the shape of ornaments, for as to ornaments, it is valid to make 
waqf of them according to the opinion of Ahmad and al-Shafi'i, 
because Hafsah had bought ornaments for 20,000 dirhams and 
dedicated them for the use of the women of the family of al- 
£nattab ; hence no poor-rate was levied on them. According to 
ibn ^udamab m his Mucihnl, Ahmad does not hold the waqf of 
ornaments vahd, and denies the" authenticity of this tradition. 
Ihe substance of the reason of the body of Shafi'l, Maliki, and 
lianbaii jurists is based on the analogy of horses. And 
the author confutes this argument by saying that tin- 
ettect of a legal waqf is perpetuity and other articles besides 
land do not endure, although indeed this condition is disregarded 
in the case of phad. 

Now that you have known the rules that govern the waqf 
of moveables you should know that some jurists have added 
other moveab es to the articles mentioned by Muhammad when 
they perceived the prevalence of Ta'amul [in their time]: (1) Waqf 
of cow stipulating that milk, butter .... valid. (2) Reported 

vZ ;£w rt V ••••■; •■ M °tf of dirhama, grain, etc 

vahd (3) Woollen clothes and shrouds, when dedicated by 
way of charity perpetually . . . valid. (4) Waqf of slaves and 
slave-girls for the benefit of a resting-house . . . vahd. 

XX. The Kifayah (Vol V, p. 431, Ed. Cairo). 

" Consistently with the continued existence of its original 

lLV n I u T J°, guard gainst dirhams and dinars, becau 
«e tor which dirhams and dinars are made is price [media 

? ' 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. . 343 


of exchange] and it is not possible to profit by them consistently 
with the continuance of their originals in his possession. 
"Sale is lawful" — this is to guard against Umm-al-Walad, 
whose waqf is not valid. ' ' Whilst there is no antagonistic 
influence on the ground of tradition ' ' — The qiyas with regard 
to moveables is that their waqf is not valid, because their waqf 


tagonistic influence of tradition has overruled 


cases, as for instance, in the case of horses and arms 
because of the existence of well-known traditions \ and in 
certain other cases the antagonistic influence of Ta'amul has 
overruled qiyas, as for instance/ in the case of axes, hatchets, 
shovels, cauldrons, and pots; the rest, for instance, articles like 
clothes and carpets, and those like slaves and slave-girls 
dedicated independently continue subject to the rule of qiyas 9 
as there is no opposing force with respect to them on the ground 
of tradition or Ta'amul. 

XXL The 'Inayah [Vol. V, p. 432, Ed. Cairo). 

We (the Hanafls) contend that the waqf of moveables does 
not endure, and that is obvious, and whatever does not endure 
cannot be made waqf of — perpetuity being indispensable as 
stated before. Therefore all the moveables become like dir- 
hams and dinars. The author's statement "unlike land " is 
by way of reply to his (al-ShafiTs) reliance on the analogy of land. 
The author's statement ' ■ whilst there is no antagonistic in- 
fluence on the ground of tradition" is by way of reply to 
his (al-Shafi'l's) statement, "therefore it resembles horses 
and arms." The reason is that like dirhams, originally, 
the waqf of horses and arms also were not valid, but that 
we have abandoned it (qiyas) in consequence of an out- weigh- 
ing antagonistic influence based on tradition. The author's state- 
ment "nor on the ground of Ta'amul" is by way of reply 
to the following argument : The original principle has been 
disregarded with respect to horses and arms in consequence 
of an antagonistic influence based on tradition which is not 
present in cauldrons, shovels, etc. Therefore, let the 
dispute be decided on the analogy of these. The reason is that 
the articles mentioned above have been affected by an antago- 
nistic influence based on Ta'amul which is not present in the 
question in dispute, e.g., slaves and slave-girls, clothes, carpets 
and the like. So these remain subject to the rule of the 



• * 



in consequence of Ta'amul. 

344 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

XXII. Sa'dI Chalpi (V, p. 430, Ed. Cairo). 

As to the statement of the author (of the 'Inayah) that 
11 one of its conditions is perpetuity, and perpetuity is not 
present in moveables," I say that this statement is open to 
criticism; the reason being given in the reply from the argu- 
ment of al-Shafi'I as will be stated later on. The author says ' ' it 
(the perpetuity) is indispensable as stated before.' ' I say the 
logical conclusion is that what is indispensable is the continuance 
of the waqf, so long as the subject-matter of the waqf continues, 
and this condition is fulfilled in the case in dispute also. There- 
fore the matter requires careful consideration. 

XXIII. Al-'Ayni's Commentary on the Hldayah (//, 

p. 993, Ed. Lucknow). 


such moveables from which profit can be derived consistently 
with the continuance of their originals is valid. From Malik there 
are two reports with regard to the waqf of horses and arms. As 

All P ffc i t t n « * * _ _ *m * 



that their waqf is not valid according to t 

etc.] jurists and scholars, but that what 

Malik and al-Awza'I that the waqf of grain is valid, has not been 

confirmed by the companions of Malik: therefore, this is not 

correct (p. 993). 

< c 

As for Khalid 

This saying of 

from Abu Hurayrah (p. 994). 

Bukhari and Mu 

• • 


profit can be derived consistently, etc., original" : This is to 
guard against dirhams and dinars because the use for which 
dirhams and dinars are made is price, etc. 

" Its waqf is valid because it is possible to derive profit from 
it, therefore it resembles land, horses and arms": The reason 
is that originally the waqf of horses and arms was not valid, i.e., 
every thing from which profit can be derived oonsistentlv with 

qf. ' ' We 




of things is tliat perpetuity being indispensable the «**<// 
what does not endure is not valid. 

i C 


of perpetuity. 

can be derived consis 

moveable from 


Vol. VII, No. 6.] TheWaqf 


original), "like dirhams and dinars," i.e., with regard to the 

absence of validity. 

"Unlike land," i.e., because there is perpetuity in it, 

although not expressly mentioned or stipulated. 

' ' Whilst there is no antagonistic influence based on tradi- 
tion," i.e., this is by way of reply to his (al-Shafi'I's) statement. 
" therefore it resembles land, horses and arms." " Nor on 
the ground of Ta'amul": this is by way of reply to what 
may be said to the effect that the principle has been abandoned 
in the case of horses and arms owing to an antagonistic force 
based on tradition 


hatchet and shovel, etc., therefore let the question in dispute 
be decided on the analogy of these. Th 


two articles have been influenced by an antagonistic force based 


slaves, slave- girls, clothes, carpets and the like 

* " " "" cava • A rtp.raon makes waai of 

The author of the Muhli 



; tliis waqf 

in business (Mudarabah) and the profits applied to the pur- 
poses of the waqf. The same rule holds good, says the Muhtt, 
in the case of waqf of dirhams and what is sold by measure 
and what is soil by weight (p. 996). 

XXIV. Mustakhlas-al-Haqa'iq (204, Edn. Bom.). 

"Moveables in which there is Ta'amul," i.e., amongst 
people, e.g., pickaxes, dirhams and dinars, cauldrons, a bier and 
its pall, copies of the Qur'an and books; contrary to those in 
which there is no Ta'amul. 

XXV. The Kanz-al-Bayan (Vol. I, 116, Edn. Cairo). 

It is valid to make waqf of a moveable independently with 
respect to which there is Ta'amul of the people, e.g., pick-axes, 
shovels, dirhams, dinars, cauldrons, a bier with its pall, copies of 
the Qur'an and books ; contrary to those with respect to which 
there is no Ta'amul, e.g., clothes and household goods in the 
rvr^v.;™ «f MnViommori » n A Hio fVr/iivf is in accordance therewith. 

XXVI. Al-' Aral's Commentary on the Kanz al-Daqa'iq 

{II, p. 461, Edition Lucknow). 

and arms 

qf of moveables, such as horses 
m ahnvpls. saws, a bier and its 

1 Or according to another reading, "for the benefit of the sick 
from amongst the sufis." 

346 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

pall, copies of the Quran, books on jurisprudence, traditions and 
literature, and other things besides, with regard to whose waqf 
Ta'amul or Ta'aruf (practice) arises. This is the dictum of 
Muhammad, and the fatwd is in accordance with it on account 
of traditions being in its favour. Arguing on the analogy of 
horses and arms al-Shafi'I holds the waqf of everything valid 
whose sale is lawful and from which profit can be derived 
along with the continuance of its original. We (Hanafis) contend 
that the original state is the absence of the validity of waqf ; 
therefore waqf should be limited to those tilings regarding which 
the law is express, viz., land and horses. The rest continue 
in the original state suggested by analogv (qiyds) except 
those with regard to which Ta'anml arises when they become 
like dirhams and dinars. 

XXVli. Super-Commentary on al-'Aym on the Kanz 

(//, p. 463, Edition Lucknow). 

Wherein there is Ta'amul, i.e., is lawful the waqf of move- 
ables with regard_ to which there is Ta'amul of the people, i.e., 
the practice ('Adah) of making waqf of which has arisen. 
±nis is the view of Muhammad, and the fatwd is in accordance 
therewith : and it is said that Abu Y.lsuf agrees with him in this 



XXVIII. The TanwIr-al-Absar (///, p. 578, Edition Const). 

And if a person makes waqf of land with the cows and the 
serfs attached to it, it is valid like Musha' whose validity 
has_been decreed by a Qklf, and moveables wherein there is 
Laamul, e.g., axes, shovels, dirhams, and dinars. 


h«„ a ^ /n ;- — z . ^' " 31 * ves wr *ne purposes or a resw»g 

Ih^M * f ', and if any is killed wilfully, recourse 

JvZ ut^ ha ^ t0 Sanation (Bazzdziyyah) , but rather the 
price should be realized in order to purchase with it his substitute. 

Like Musha' etc.," because it is a case for ijtihad ; there- 
iianati sectary has the option of decreeing the validity or 
of the waqf of Musha' because of the divergence of pref- 
er, when there are, with regard to a particular ques- 
'o opinions both of which are pronounced correct, it is 



with oifv.^. * 17 — '"*""• <*"" "»e judgment in aceoruauv^ 
Absar) iem {Ba ^ r and the au * h °r of the Tanwir-al 

Ta'amul ' ' : And likewise is valid 

herein there is 


waqf of every 

Ta'amul ni ™ IT' r u "? veaDle independently wherein there is 
laamul of people, for instance, axes, shovels, nay, also dirhams 

Vol. VII, No. o.J The Waqf of Moveables. 347 

and dinars. 


by royal command to decree in favour of its validity as is laid 
down in the Ma"rudat of the Mufti Abu'l-Su'ud. And also what 

is sold by measure, etc., etc. 


of a cow directing that the produce of her milk and butter 
should be given to the poor, if people are accustomed to that 
('AdaJi), I should expect it to be valid. 

11 And a cauldron and a bier " : and its pall, and copies of 
the Qur'an and books, because Ta'amul overrules analogy in 
consequence of the saying of the Prophet, cc Whatever is good 
in the sight of the Muslims is good in the sight of God/' 
11 Unlike those articles wherein there is no Ta'amul" e.g., clothes 
and household goods. This is the view of Muhammad, and the 

fatwd is in accordance then 

In the Bazzdziyyah it 
clothes for the poor is valid 


. The Radd-al-Muhtar (///, p. 406, Edition Cairo). 

"And is valid, etc.. resting house " : The apparent meaning 
is the validity of their ivaqf independently, and this is supported 
by the fact that in the Fath-al-Qadir which quotes the Kkula&ah 
this instance is enumerated along with the cases of the waqf 
of moveables with respect to which there was Ta'amul. The 



(of the Tanwir-al-Absar), " and moveables wherein there is 
Ta'amul," so that it may not be imagined that it is a waqf 
subsidiary to the resting-house, as has been imagined by the 

author of the Bahr-al-Ra'iq when he says, etc 

. . . If he sells a disabled slave and buys with his price another 

his stead 

implements may be sold and with their price may be pur- 
chased what is more beneficial to the waqf. 

" As is valid the waqf of Musha', etc." : and it will become 
unanimous by the decree of a judge. The divergence with 
regard to the waqf of Musha' is based on the stipulation of 
delivery and its absence, because partition is its completion. 
Abu Yusuf holds it valid because he does not make delivery a 
condition, and Muhammad holds it invalid because of his making 

delivery a condition and we have stated above 

that the occasion of the divergence is with respect to what is 
capable of division, unlike what is not capable of it, and the latter 
is, therefore, unanimously valid except in the case of a mosque 

or a cemetery. 

" Because it is a case for ijtihad 1 * : i.e., ijtihad is permitted 

because of the absence of its being in opposition to any express 

text or Ijma' (consensus of jurists). 

348 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Boxjal. [June, 1911. 

" Therefore the Hanafi sectary etc.' ' : therefore it is stated 
in the Durar in the Book on the " Duties of a Judge" where the 

contrarv to 

-JT -("-emwivui c* JUUgC UUMliIUiy W 1118 SUI1UUJ 

that it means contrary to the principles of the school, e.g., when 
a Hanafi gives judgment according to the school of al-Shafi'I. 
But if a Hanafi gives judgment according to the view of Abu 
Yusuf or Muhammad or others like them from amongst the com- 
panions of the Imam, then it is not a judgment contrary to his 


" Two opinions, both of which are pronounced correct 

? J 


i u — "y***» ^"^xci/jr une currecwiess is pronounceu ait' 
equal ; otherwise it is decidedly preferable to follow that which 
is more emnhatio in Mia nmn^n« rt ^ 4- ,j t i *. . „ 




nidi,, 01 me expression it is correct," imd the other by that 

Uf f ex P reS3i ° n ' ' il1 accor dance therewith is the fatwd, ' ' the 
latter is the stronger. Similarly, if one of them occurs in the 
texts or m the Conspicuous reports," or is adopted by the 
majority, or is mo re suitable to the people, then if this and 
the view opposed to it are both correct, it is decided I v prefer- 
this work ^ dy Stated at the commencement of 

if Hp rW,? ° f then l" \ ie,} an y of the two opinions lie likes, but 
not thJ i' P f ? lCU ^ CaSG accordi "g to one of them, he has 
vtw X v °f. dec J^ng that very case according to the other 

toe-in ™ w 18 hke the J ud ^ e in tbis r <*Pect He should 
TtUlZ ?1* T re COnve nient and advantageous. This 

alcordrr ,n ^° f * , he d ' C t Um that the Mufti gives his fatwd in 

lloZ TZ W lat * benefici al, i.e., advantageous in a reli- 

gious, not temporal, sense. 

*»d F ::Z y ,,?Mtt. M?!'-» Je"tl y ; ■ : hot), atari „les . »■ 


to the validity of waqf 



The differ- 


other tin^f w, uV CiCime *° in e iawtulness of a waqf 01 
ZT of teh a m Pr ° pert ' y - For according to Abu Yusuf, 

Mul mm S J h , h ™° VeableS £ not Valid ' whe ™s according - 
lawfX hf T m ™» bl «- wh erein there is Ta'amttf n 
lawfully be made tw?/ f. This view h M 

mi*Z may 


unsra or an countries as is mentioned in the Hidayah 
correct view as is mentioned in the Is'af, and this i 


of Ta'amul v\TT g %T? as) ma * vbe abandoned inconsequence 
to Muh^mmJl L *»""** ***** ^om al-Siyar that according 
but tha ac^W ^Z Moveables is unrestrictedly valid ; 
is valid as to ^ e 1h° A ? U Y T f ' the «^/ of *»»«» moveables 

details ofth?, will^?? atl °5 ° f ^ Ch there is T "'™ ul - Ful,er 

this will be found in the Bahr. What has first been 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 349 

stated however [as being the opinion of the two disciples] is 
that which is generally known as being theirs. 

"Waqf of Dirhams and Dinars M : The opinion that 
the waqf of dirhams and dinars is valid is attributed in air 
Khulamh to al-Ansarl, who was one of the companions of Zufar. 
In the Fatawa of Qadi Khan this lias been attributed to Zufar 
(himself) when he says, wt It is reported from Zufar." This 
is the statement of cd-Skururihulaliyah. The author in his 
Marih says : — As Ta'amul lias arisen in the Turkish dominions 
and other countries in our days to make waqf of dirhams 
and dinars, these have come under the dictum of Muham- 
mad according to which is the fatwd, viz., that any moveable 
wherein there is Ta'amul may be made waqf of as will readily 
be understood. There is no necessity, therefore, to say that the 
validity of waqf of these things rest specially on the authority 
of Zufar as reported by al-Ansari, and God knows best. Our 
master, the author of the Bahr, has given his decision as to the 
validity of waqf of dirhams and dinars without making any 
mention of any divergence of opinion. Here ends what is men- 
tioned in the Manh. Al-Ramli thus comments on this : To place 
dirhams and dinars under the category of those moveables which 
it is the practice to make waqf of, is not without some doubt, 
since they are of those things from which no profit can be derived, 
keeping them at the same time in the possession of the dedicator, 
and the fact that the author of the Bakr has already given hi> 
fatwd (decision) as to the validity of waqf of those things without 
mentioning any difference of opinion does not show that these are 
included in the things to which the dictum of Muhammad (accord- 

lg to which /< 
aqf of artic" 

adopted the opinion of Zufar and decided accordingly. 
The argument cited in aUMank and based on the question of the 
cow which is mentioned below is rebutted by what we have already 
said, for it is possible to make use of its milk and butter and yet to 
preserve its substance. However, if the decision of a judge is 
obtained, every difference will be removed. End of the passage 

I fnrm T sav coins cannot be made determinate 


by the simple act of specifying them, therefore although it is not 
possible to make use of them and retain the original, yet their 
substitute always exists since they cannot be made specific. 
They are. therefore , as good as if they had ] 



are included among the things which Muhammad had declared 
to be lawful to make waqf of. It is for this reason, seeing that 
Muhammad had given examples of things with respect to 
which Ta'amul had arisen in his age, the author of the Fath- 
al-Qad%r says that some doctors of law have added to those 
mentioned by Muhammad other moveables when they saw 

350 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Btw/al. [June, 1911. 

the prevalence of Ta'amul with respect to them in their 
time. He (the author of F alh-at-Qadtr) mentions the case of 
dedicating a cow stated below and that of coins and measurable 
articles when he says, "It is stated in al-Khulasah : a man 
makes waqf of a cow on condition that the milk and butter 
obtained from it should be given to wayfarers. It was an- 
swered, " If this happens in a place where waqf of such things 
prevails it is expected that such waqf should be valid." It 

is related of 



of being measured and weighed, whether his waqf was valid. 
He answered, "Yes." He was asked, And how?" He 
answered, " The money should be laid out in business {Muda- 
rabah) and the income therefrom distributed in charity in the 
way laid down in the deed of waqf. Those articles which are 
capable of being measured or weighed may be sold, and their 
price given likewise in business or as capital stock." He adds 
that according to this analogy, it would be possible to make waqf 
of a measure of wheat on condition that it should be lent out to 
the poor, who do not possess seeds, so that they may sow them 
for themselves, and when it is harvest time the quantity lent 
out would be taken from them and afterwards given to other 
poor persons— in this way perpetually. 

From this becomes evident the correctness of what the 
author has mentioned, viz., their inclusion among the moveables 
whose waqf has been recognized in practice according to the 
dictum of Muhammad, in conformity with which fatwd is given. 



become recognized at that time, and because he was the first to 
give it as his opinion that such waqf was valid. Al-Nahr 
says:—" According to the preceding dictum of Muhammad it 
would not be lawful to make waqf of that, i.e., waqf of wheat, 
in Egyptian lands as this is absolutely unknown. Yes, indeed, 
tries*"^ ° f dirhams and drnSrs is recognized in Turkish coun- 

''Because analogy is abandoned inconsequence of Ta'amuV'- 
according to analogy waqf of moveables is not valid as perpetuity 
i a a condition of waqf, whereas moveables cannot exist per- 
petually. Ta'amul according to al-Bahr, whose authority is al- 
l ahnr, means the more frequent in use. It is stated in the 
commentaries of al-Blri, quoting from the Mabsut, " Whatisestab- 
l+tr m P ractlce »as the same authority as that which i» 
dtetif ed ??, a te L xt < of the Q ur, an or traditions). A fuller 
NaZ Ta ( T Subject wUl be found « our treatise, entitled 
m^ot\S( ,e ^~ i: Basin g of certain ruleson what is recognized 
nrSoe rwWi M GVldent f rom fche caae of the cow, that a new 
nt Sun t C T r e8lI l to ? xi8tence at any time or place] is taken 

CCOUnt - U ,s n °t, therefore, necessary that the practice 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 351 


should have existed from the time of the Companions. Such is 
also the evident conclusion from what we have already said that 
some doctors of law have added other moveables in which To- 
'amul has arisen in their time. According to this, what is obvious 
is to take into consideration the practice in some place where, 
or at some time when, the practice came to be recognized and 
not otherwise* Thus the waqf of dirhams is practised in Turkish 
countries and not in our country, and the waqf of axes and 
spades was practised in the age of the ancients, but it is not 
heard of in our time. Therefore it would appear that it 
is not valid now, and that if it should be found rarely 
it should not be taken into consideration, since it has been 
already stated that Ta'amul means M the more frequent in 
use." The reasoning is false. "In consequence of the 
saying of the Prophet " : reported by Ahmad, etc. ' 4 And house- 
hold goods," i.e., that from which some use could be had; thus 
it is a conjunction of a general term to a particular ; so it includes 
what is used in the house, e.g., household goods like beds, carpets, 
mats, other than those used in a mosque, vessels and cooking 
pots. Yes, the waqf of brass vessels have come to be recognized, 
and the ancients have expressly declared the validity of the 
ivaqf of vessels and cooking pots required for washing the 

"And this," i.e., the validity of waqf of moveables recog- 
nized in practice. 

"The Bahr has assimilated boats to furniture ": that is to 
say, it is not valid, but the Master of our Masters al-Sa'ihanl says 
that they have recognized the practice of their waqf; so there 
is no doubt as to its validity. 

It appears that the practice arose after the time of the 
author of al-Bahr. And in alrManh the waqf of a building 
without its site has been assimilated to moveables whose waqf 
has been recognized. Similarly the waqf of trees without the 
land, because they are moveables with respect to which there is 

c 4 It is valid to make waqf of woollen clothes ' ' : I say in 
our age, some of the Mutawallis have made waqf of furs for the 
benefit of the Muezzins at night in winter. Such a waqf should 
be declared valid, especially according to what has been reported 
from al-Zahidl. This quotation from Sharh-al-Multaqd should 
be especially considered, i.e., what has been mentioned by al- 
Zahidi in al-Mujtabd concerning the validity of waqf of move- 
ables unrestrictedly according to Muhammad. 

. ..." It is valid if they could be counted" : This .con- 
dition is based on the rule stated by Shams al-A'immah, viz., 
when the object of waqf is stated, it is indispensable that indi- 
gence should be expressly mentioned, either actually, e.g. , the poor, 
or according to usage amongst people, e.g., orphans or confirmed 
valetudinaries, because usually they are poor. Therefore it is valid 

352 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. I.June, 1911. 

for the benefit of the rich and the poor amongst them, if they 
could be counted, otherwise for the poor only. 

It is reported from Muhammad that what cannot be counted 
is ten, and from Abu Yusuf hundred, and that is the view 
accepted by some. Some say it is forty. Some say it is eighty. 
The fatwd is to the effect that it should be left to th 

of the judge — Is'af 
Ed. Cairo). 

iii, p. 409, 

XXXI. The Tahtawi (//, 539, Ed. Cairo). 
The general view is that it is Muhammad who holds the 



nized and that Abu Yusuf denies it. And it is reported in the 
Mujtabd that it is Muhammad who holds the validity 

t valid 

waqf of moveables unrestrictedly and Abu Yusuf declares 
when there is Ta'amul respecting it. The apparent meaning 
of alrNahr is to limit the validity of the waqf of moveables to 
the countries where their waqf has become recognized. This 
view has been controverted by Abu'l-Su'ud, which see. . 

" To pass a decree with respect to it " : i.e., with respect 
to the waqf of dirhams and dinars, i.e.^ their validity. " Like 
clothes ' ' : The case of woollen clothes mentioned below is 

vxtaf being valid in consequence of later Ta'amul] 


from amongst such moveables the practice of making waqf of 
which has not been recognized, i.e., goloshes and mats on winch 
people sit in a place other than a mosque and the like. In the 
Bahr it is laid down that animals and gold and silver including 
ornaments were excluded [at the time of Muhammad] 


qf, because their waqf is not perpetual. In the 
it is laid down that Ta'amul having arisen 

regarding the waqf of tools of ironsmiths, their waqf should be 


,§ And this/ 5 i.e., the details stated above. " In the Bahr 
waqf of boat has been assimilated to furniture " : as there was 
no practice of making waqf of it in the time of the author of aZ- 
Bahr. But in our time the practice has arisen with regard to 
ships of the Red Sea. For some of them are made waqf of for 


for the benefit of the poor.' ' 


XXXII. The Fatawa 'Alamgir 


If the slave (i.e., an endowed sh 
the Mutawair 


instead. If he cannot find a slave in his stead for that 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 353 


price, there is no harm in his adding to it something from the 
profits of the lands. Similar is the rule applicable to the case of 
beasts of burden, implements of husbandry when dedicated 



money, he should buy with it another slave ; thus it is laid 
down in the F ath-al-Qadir . . . . As for the waqf of move- 
ables independently, if they be horses or arms their waqf is valid. 
With respect to articles other than those, if they be things 
the practice of making waqf of which is not recognized, 
e.g., clothes and animals , their waqf is not valid according to 
us. But if their waqf is recognized (e.g., axes, shovels, a bier 
with its pall, such vessels and pots as are required for washing 
the dead, and copies of the Qur'an), according to Abu Yusuf 
their waqf is not valid, but according to Muhammad it is valid, 
and the generality of jurists including the Imam al-Sarakhs! 
follow it. Thus it is laid down in the Khulamh. and this in t.h* 
accepted view, and the fatwd is in ace 

Muhammad, etc Waqf of a bier, etc Waqf 

of Qur'an, etc Waqf of books, etc Waqf of a 

cow, etc valid like the waqf of the water of a public 

fountain. Waqf of a bull .... not valid. Waqf of building in 
land, etc Waqf of shops in a bazar, etc. 



house, valid. As for the waqf of that from which no profit can be 
derived except by its destruction, like gold and silver and eatables 
and drinkables, its waqf is not valid, according to the generality 
of jurists ; and by gold and silver is meant dirhams and dinars 
and what is not ornament. Thus it is laid down in the Fath-al- 
Qadir* And if a person makes a waqf of dirhams or what is 
estimated by measure or clothes, it is not valid, and it is said 
that where they have recognized it fatwd is given in favour of 
its validity (Vol. II, pp. 462-64). 

XXXIII. And it is laid down in the Fatawd of Abu'l-Layth : 
when a person makes a waqf of a cow for the benefit of a resting- 
house, stipulating that what comes out of her in the shape of 


ters say, " If it was in a place where such a waqf 

I should expect it to be valid M ; but other jurists declare their 


unrestrictedly because the practice of making such a 


XXXIV. The <Umdat-al-QarI ( Vol. VI, p. 516, Ed. Cairo). 

Text : Chapter on the waqf of beasts of burden, war-horses 
camels, commodities, and coins. Commentary: i.e., this is a 


354 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 


chapter which explains the waqf of beasts of burden, etc. 
By this heading he indicates the validity of the waqf of move- 
ables. The word kura' means war-horses. The word 'urud is 
the plural of l ard, and it means commodities other than coin. 
The word samit is the opposite of natiq. It is used here in 
the sense of money or coin. 

Text : Al-Zuhri was asked : A man dedicates a thousand dinars 
in the way of God and makes them over to his slave, a trades- 
man, for investment in some trade, the profits to go to the 
poor and his relations by way of charity. Can that man law- 
fully eat of the profits of the said thousand even if the profits 
had not been given in charity to the poor ? He answered : He 
cannot eat anything out of it. 

XXXV. The Fath-al-Bari {Vol. II, p. 40, Ed. Cairo). 

[The Fath-al-Bari reproduces with further details the remarks 
of the ' Umdat-al-Qari and replies to the objection of al-Isma'ili 
that no use can be made of coins without their substance being 
transformed into something else in the following terms :] To 
restrict the use of coins to the only way which he indicates 
can not be admitted, for it is possible to derive benefit from 
coins by making an advantageous use of them, e.g., by making 
waqf of such coins as women are allowed to wear, in which case 
the waqf is valid as the original is detained while the women 
can derive benefit from them by wearing them when wanted. 

XXXVI. Ibid. ( Vol. XI, p. 31, Ed. Delhi ; p. 408 of the 

4 U mdat-al-Qari) . 

Text : If he makes a sadaqah or waqf of part of his property 
or part of his slaves or animals, it is valid. This chapter, deals 
with the validity of the waqf of moveables. . . .The reason of 
the validity of the waqf of musha' and of moveables being inferred 
from the above text is the employment of the phrase "part 
of his slaves or animals." The following case will also be in- 
cluded, viz., if he were to make waqf of part of a slave or of an 
animal. . . .it is valid according to those who declare the waqf 
of moveables valid and the dedicator shall be referred to for 
the purpose of specification. 


XXXVII, The Shara'i' al-Islam (p. 318, Ed. Col.). 

On Commodate. 

1. The subject will be treated in four sections 
1st— The lender....; 2nd— The borrower....; 3rd— The 
thing ('ayn) lent, which is anything that is lawful to make use 
of consistently with the preservation of its substance {'ayn). 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 355 


Ibid. (p. 334). 

It is lawful to hire dirhams and dinars, if a legitimate use 
can be made of them consistently with the preservation of their 
substance {'ayn). 

XXXVIII. Ibid. (p. 234, Cal. Edn.). 

Four conditions attach to the subject-matter 

1st— that it must be c ayn ( defined specific property) ; 

2nd — it must be a property which a Muslim may lawfully 
possess ; 

3rd — must be such as benefit may be derived therefrom con- 
sistently with the continued subsistence of the original ; and 

4th— delivery of its possession must be possible. 

As an illustration of the first condition , waqf of what is not 'ayn 
is not valid, for example dayn ; also if he were to say, ' I make 
waqf of a horse or a camel or a house ' without specifying it. 
It is valid to make waqf of land, clothes, furniture and lawful in- 
struments, the principle being that waqf of anything from which 
lawful use can be derived consistently with the preservation of its 
substance is valid. Similarly it is valid to make waqf of owned 
dogs and cats as it is possible to derive benefit from them. But 
it is not lawful to make waqf of a pig as no Muslim can have 
it. Nor is it valid to make waqf of runaway slaves on account 
of the impossibility of delivery. Is it valid to make waqf of 
dinars and dirhams? Some say 'No/ and this is the more 
apparent view, because their only use is to spend them. But 
others say, ' It is valid,' for we may imagine them to have some 
use consistently with their preservation. 

The Masalik-al-Afham {Teheran Ed., p. 365 J. 

* » 

Is the waqf of dinars and dirhams valid ? The more weighty 
opinion is that they are valid. Since these uses (i.e., uses to 
which dirhams, etc., can be put without destroying their sub- 
stance) are familiar and that there are more important ways of 
using them does not prevent their being made waqf of in this 


XL. The Mudawwanah {Vol. II, p. 103, Ed. Cairo). 

I put the following question to Malik, or it was put to him : 
A man makes waqf of a hundred dinars with the object of 
lending them to people who would return the same to the 
dedicator, and so on. Is zakat to be paid on those dinars? 
He answered, " Yes, my opinion is that zakat should be paid." 
I asked him, " What if a man were to dedicate a hundred 

356 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

dinars to be distributed in the way of God, or for the poor and 
they remain for a whole year, is zakat to be taken on them? " 
He answered, " No, these are all for distribution ; they are not 
like the first." 

XLI. The Mukhtasar of Sidi Khalil {p. 184, Ed. Paris). 

Valid is the waqf of any property even when taken on hire 
and even if it were an animal or a slave, such as a slave dedi- 
cated for the service of the sick, provided no injury is intended 
to him thereby. As regards food grain and similar things there 
is some hesitation. 

XLII. The Dardir (Vol IV, pp. 70 to 73, margin, Ed. Cairo). 

It is valid to make waqf of any property in one's possession 
or anything capable of being possessed (mamluk) even if condi- 
tionally, as when a man says, " If I come into possession of so 
and so's house, it shall be waqf " ; or if the waqf be part of a 
joint property provided it is capable of division. The dedica- 
tor will be compelled to divide if so desired by his co-sharer. 

Where no division is possible there are two opinions [i.e., 
that it is valid and that it is not valid], both of which have 
been declared to be " preferable." Those who declare it to be 
valid, say that the dedicator w r ould be forced to sell if his 
co-sharer so desired, and with the proceeds a property similar 
to the waqf should be purchased. 

Under u property in one's possession or anything capable of 
being possessed (mamluk)," the author means to include both 
possession of the substance and possession of the usufruct 
thereof. That is why he goes on to say, " even though 1 9$ the 
property indicated by mamluk be "by hire," as when he rents 
a house for a number of years. In this case he can make 
waqf of the use of the house during this period. This is 
because perpetuity is not a condition of waqf as shall be 
stated below. The words "by hire" include the case of 
one who rents a house that has been made a waqf for a certain 
period. He can dedicate the use of it to any person other 
than the first during the said period. But the person for 
whom it is dedicated cannot himself dedicate the use of it, to 
which he is entitled, and that is because what is appropriated 
cannot be re- appropriated [by the beneficiary]. " And even 
though the property be an animal or a slave" : both of these 
are included in the general term; that is to say, the waqf of 
this is valid and must be given effect to: and likewise clothes 

1 In imitation of the Arabic original the words of the text of the 
Mukhtaxar are put within inverted commas to distinguish them from 
those of the commentary. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 357 


according to our school, " as dedicating a slave for the sick," 
that is for their services ; provided that the master does not 
intend thereby to do injury to his slave, otherwise it shall not be 
valid. The same applies also to a slave-girl dedicated for the 
service of female patients, in which case it shall not be lawful for 
the master to have intercourse with her, because by dedicating 
her, her use passes to others ; just as in the case of a slave-girl 
taken on loan or pledged. " As regards " the validity of things 
like food grain, the identity of which cannot be recognized if 
removed from one's sight, as for instance, " coins" (and this 


nion as indicated 
zakat: " Zakat it 

on c Ayn, i.e., gold or silver that has been dedicated for the 
purpose of giving it as free loans), or the non- validity of such 
things as inexpedient or illegal ; ■ ' there is some hesitation," but it 
is said that this hesitation is as regards fungibles other than 
money, for as regards money there is no hesitation whatever, it 
being absolutely valid to make waqf of it as it is the 
express teaching of the Mudawwanah. By waqf here is 
meant waqf for the purpose of lending out. The replacing of 
it by money of the same value is considered as "preservation 
of substance," but if it were to be dedicated with the condition 
that the identical coins should be preserved, it is not valid 
according to the unanimous opinion of the doctors as there is 
no legal advantage in such a waqf. 

XLIII. The DasuqI {Vol. IV, p. 73). 

"By waqf here is meant waqf for the purpose of lending 

By this he wishes to indicate that the hesitation is in respect 
of a waqf made with the intention of use being made of it and 
then replaced by coins of the same value; but when a waqf of 
it is made with the condition that the original should be 
preserved, as for instance, when it is dedicated for the decora- 

aqf is unanimously forbidden and, if made 


it would be invalid. 

XLIV. The Dardir ( Vol. /, p. 412, 

Zakat should be taken by way of obligation on • Ayn, i.e. , gold 
or silver coins, that has been appropriated for the purpose of 
being lent out ; that is to say, the Waqif or the Mutawalll should 
pay the Zakat out of the money itself, if one year has passed 
from the time it has come into his possession. 

XLV. The DasuqI (ibid.). 

dedicated for the nuroose of 

as a free 

358 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

loan, and when they can afford to do so replace it by paying the 
value. It is all the same if dedicated to specified persons or 
persons not specified. The author's statement is based on the 
accepted opinion that gold and silver coins may be made waqf 
of for the purpose of lending. 

XLVI. DasuqI (ibid.). 

The gist of the whole matter is this, that as for coins dedicated 
for the purpose of lending, if no one takes them out as a loan, the 


if one whole year passes since they come into his possession. 



XLVII. The Ghayat al-Bayan (Cairo Edition, p. 228). 

To constitute a valid waqf the property appropriated 
should be a definite specific substance ('ayn) capable of bein 
made use of while the original remains ; it should not be made 
dependent on a condition ; and the person or object for which it 
is made should be in existence at the time. 

XL VIII. The Sharh Ghayat- al-Bayan (p. 228). 

Chapter on Waqf. 


In law it means the detention for a lawful object of pro- 
perty, from which it is possible to derive benefit along with 
the continuance of its original, by divesting the appropriator of 
his power of disposition. Its basis is the following tradition 

Muslim: "When 

except from three sources: (a) continuous charity, (b) or know- 



be a definite specific substance capable of being made use of 

while the original remains. 


to make waqf of musical instruments, a trained dog, grain, 
sweet-smelling gathered plants, nor the waqf of dirhams 
and dinars. But it would be lawful to make waqf of landed 
property, moveables, undivided shares, divided property 
snares, springs, wells, fruit trees, animals for their milk, wool, 
hair and eggs, bull for covering the cows, etc. 


XL IX. The QudubI 

• . . . And the waqf of landed property is valid, and the waq 
of what is capable of being moved and what changes in form i 


Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 359 


not valid, except when there is Ta'amul of the people regard- 
ing it. And Abu Yusuf has laid down that when a person 
makes waqf of land with its cows and cultivators, if they are his 
slaves, it is valid. And Muhammad holds that it is valid ' 
to make waqf of horses and arms. 

L. The Jawharat-al-NayyirxVH (//, p. 19, Ed. Lucknou). 

" And waqf of landed property {'agar) is valid," because 
it is lasting ; ■ ' and waqf of what is capable of being moved and 
what is liable to change is not lawful ' ' ; since such property is 
not lasting, therefore its waqf is not valid. 

Al-Khujandl holds that the waqf of moveables is not valid 
except (a) when subsidiary to something else, as when a 
person makes a waqf of land with the bulls and serfs for its 
purposes ; then they become waqf along with the land as 
accessories ; (b) or when the practice ('adah) arises of making 
waqf of them, e.g., a spade for digging graves or a bier and the 
pall of a bier. 

If a person makes a waqf of standing trees it is not valid 
according to analogy, but it is valid according to Istihsan . . . 
It is stated in the Waqi'at that when a person makes waqf of 
a bull in favor of the inhabitants of a village for the purpose of 
covering their cows, it is not valid because the waqf of move- 
ables are not valid except of such whose waqf is recognized 
(Ta'aruf) and there is no recognized practice with respect to 
this. But it is valid according to al-Shafi'i. 

And Muhammad holds that it is valid to make waqf of 
horses and arms, etc., and they say that Abu Yusuf agrees 
with him and this is due to Istihsan according to him. 
And Muhammad has laid down that the waqf of moveables 
wherein there is Ta'amul is valid, e.g., pickaxes, spades, shovels, 
saws, a bier and its pall_, cauldrons, copies of the Qur'an and 
books. According to Abu Yusuf it is not valid, but the majority 
of jurists of all countries follow the view of Muhammad. 
Vnd when a waqf is valid, its sale is not valid nor its "transfer, 
except when it is Musha' according to Abu Yusuf. 




land), or except when it is recognized in practice. A man 
makes waqf of his horse for use as aled-horsein the way of God. 
This is valid having regard to recognized practice. And similarly 
if he makes waqf of weapons (of war) or horses or of copies of 
the Qur'an, or if he makes waqf of land with the right of way 
or of implements of husbandry, this is valid. 

360 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 


LII. The Sharh al-Wiqayah (Ed. Cal., pp. 256-257). 

It is the opinion of Muhammad that it is valid to make waqf 
of such moveables with respect to which there is Ta'amul such 
as a pickaxe, a spade, a shovel, a saw, a bier and its pall, a 
pot, a cauldron and a copy of the Qur'an. The majority of the 
jurists of various countries have accepted his view. 

LIII. The Zakhirat-al-'Uqba (ibid.). 

Muhammad says, as for those moveables the waqf of which 
has been recognized by people, it is valid to make waqf thereof 
by way of Istihsan, as in the case of the things mentioned in 
the text. Those things the waqf of which has not been 
recognized in practice cannot be made waqf of, e.g., clothes, ani- 
mals and other household goods. The view of al-Shafi'I, Ahmad 
and Malik is that the waqf of moveables independently is valid, 
provided that the moveable is something of which use can be 
made consistently with the preservation of the original, of what- 
ever nature it may be. 

They are unanimous that it is not valid to make waqf of 
dirhams and dinars. The reason of al-Shafi'Ps view rests on the 
analogy of land and war-horses, the quality common to both 
being the possibility of making use of them consistently with 
the preservation of the substance. But we (Hanafls) say that 
this analogy is weak, as it is the analogy of what endures on 
what does not endure. Thus it is stated in the Bayaniyyah. 
It is gathered from the Mi'rajiyyah that in the case of the two 
precious metals, that which is not valid to make waqf of is the 
coined dirhams and dinars. But when made into ornaments, it 
is valid to make waqf of them, according to Ahmad and al-Shafi'I, 
seeing that Haf sah, the daughter of « Umar andfwif e of the Prophet, 
bought ornaments for 20,000 dirhams and made waqf of them 
for the benefit of the womenfolk of the family of al-Khattab 
Hence she paid no poor-rate on them. According to Ahmad, it 
is not lawful to make waqf of these even, and he denies the 
authority of this tradition. It has been said, if we allow the 
hiring of dirhams and dinars as valid, it is equally valid to 
make waqf of them. But this is of no weight. Here ends the 
quotation from the Dirayah. And it has been said in the 
Bazzaziyyah, that if a man makes waqf of dirhams and dinars 

. ... it is valid In the Fatawaof QadlKhan, it is stated 

from Zufar that a man makes waqf of dirhams . . . itis valid. 
But we say that the way to reconcile what has been mentioned in 
these two authentic works, viz., that it is lawful to make waqf 
of coins and food grains with what has been mentioned in the 
commentaries on the Hidayah, w*., that it is not valid, is that the 
commentators could not imagine that it is possible to make use 
of them consistently with the preservation of the original, 
whereas the propounder of the view expressed in these two 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 361 


works does imagine it to be so. But the true answer is that 
there is no need to reconcile the two views, as the propounders 
of the two views belong to rival schools [i.e., the Hanafi and 
the Shafi'I ] as you see ; whereas reconciliation is only necessary 
when it is a question of views propounded by people belonging 
to the same school. The matter requires critical consideration. 

LIV. The Fatawa Khayriyyah (Vol. L p. 132, 2nd Ed., 

Govt. Press , Bulaq, Cairo). 

The following question was asked : A man makes waqf 
of a moveable in which there is Ta'amul for the benefit of his 
minor children and after them for a perpetual charitable object. 
He then appoints a testamentary guardian for his above- 
mentioned children, and directs him to look after the subject- 
matter of the waqf and protect it till one of the children 
attains the age of discretion. Then the dedicator dies, and 
the testamentary guardian performs his duties and then dies 
without specifying the waqf property, and it perishes. Then one 
of the children attains the age of discretion. Will the guardian 
be held responsible for indemnity realizable from his estate or 
will he not ? 


Answer — You know that this testamentary guardian 

was the Mutawalll of the said waqf. Now it is expressly laid 
down that in case the Mutawalll dies without specifying the 
proceeds of the waqf, he is not liable for indemnity. But in 
case he dies without specifying the money of islibdal he will be 
liable, and from his liability for money of islibdal it has been 
inferred that he will be liable for indemnity also when the sub- 
ject-matter of waqf is dinars. 

LV. The Tanqih-ai^Hamidiyyah(FoZ. 7, p. 120, Ed n. Cairo). 

Question. — It was asked : A woman makes waqf of an 
ascertained amount of dirhams for the benefit of two children 
of her daughter .... Is such a waqf valid * 

Answer. — Yes, the Grand Mufti of the Ottoman 
the late 'All Effendi, had given fatwa of its validity, 
stated in the Fatawa Qadl Khan amongst the waqf of move- 
ables : Zufar was asked about a man making waqf of dirhams 
or grain or what is weighable or measurable. He said it is 
valid .... A similar statement is to be found in the Durar 

And it is 


the Khulasah 

LVI. The Fatawa Qunyah (p. 196, Edn. Calcutta). 

A man makes a waqf of 150 dinars for the benefit of the 
sick. The gold should be handed over to a man in order to 

362 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

make it yield profit by being employed in business (mud- 
arabah ] ), the profit being given to the sick--Muhit. The waqf 
of dirhams and articles sold by measure and weight is valid 
in the same way. 

LVII. The Fatawa Bazzaziyyah (MS. in the Calcutta 

Madrasah, p. 319). 

If a man makes waqf of dirhams and dinars or of food 
graiiis or of articles sold by measure or weight, it is valid. 
The coins and the price of what is not coin (e.g., articles sold 
by measure or weight), after their sale, should be invested 
in mudarabah or bida'ah, 1 and the profit arising therefrom 
should be spent for the purposes of the waqf. 

LV1II. The Waqi'at-al-MuftIn (/>. 74, Cairo Ed.). 

It is reported from Zufar that when a person makes a 
waqf of dirhams or grain or what is estimated by measure 
or weight, it is valid. 

Marginal note L— It is laid down in the Fatawa Natifi on 
the authority of Muhammad b. 'Abd- Allah al-Ansarl, one of the 
companions of Zufar, that the waqf of dirhams and grain and 
what is estimated by measure and weight is valid. 

LIX. Fatawa Mahdiyyah (Ed. Cairo). 


asked on behalf ot 

the agent of the Finance Department : — A native of Mecca 
named Ahmad Jalabl is the Mutavvallf of a house which is a 
private waqf. The house is acquired by the Government to 
include it in the palace of the wife of our late great ruJer; and 
as it is a private waqf, the payment of its price lias been with- 
held for the purpose of its exchange (istibdal). Now the agent 
of the owner of the above-mentioned house lias submitted a 
petition to the effect that the remaining portion of the waqf 
buildings stands in need of necessary repairs, which would cost 
more than 4,000 qirsh, the price of the above-mentioned 
house ; and he (the agent) prays for the payment of that price 
for the purpose of repairing the above-mentioned places because 
of the principle of preserving the waqf at the sacrifice of a 


Answer. — When 


its value, neither the price nor the value of the land should be 

1 For the technical meaning of mudarabah and bijja'ahda, see th 
Chapter on Partnership in the H'idayah or"any other work on Muslim Law. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 363 


spent for repairs, but another piece of land should be purchased 
which should be waqf in the stead of the original waqf. The 
price of the debris, however, when sold on account of the build- 
ing being difficult to restore or through fear of loss of the 
debris, may be spent for repairs and the Mutawalll of the waqf 
may take the price and then spend it for repairing the rest 
of the waqf property. In the Tanqih-al-Hamidiyyah it is laid 
down at the beginning of the chapter on waqf after a statement 
from the Fatawd-'l- Lvtfi : Its logical conclusion is the validity 
of expending the money obtained in exchange, for repairing 
the waqf. The matter requires critical consideration. And 
exchange (istibdal) and sale are one and the same as regards their 
final result, and God knows best. I say that Shaykh Isma'fl 
has also answered similarly in his Fatavi, viz , that repairs 
should be made out of the money obtained in exchange, and 
borrowing should not be resorted to, as it is unnecessary, 
seeing that there is money belonging to the waqf. And what 
has been stated in the I 'atawd- 7- Lutji is as follows : And 
sometimes the .dirhams obtained in exchange are spent in 
making necessary repairs of the waqf with the permission of a 
Cadi authorized to give it; and they are replaced out of the 
profits of the waqf after the repairs in order to purchase with it 
something which would be waqf like the original waqf, and it 

will not be property belonging to the beneficiaries of the waqf, 
nor inheritance. (Vol. II, p. 524). 

LX The validity of waqf of Misha' even when 


The following question was put on behalf of the Bayt-al- 
Mal of Egypt : A woman makes waqf of half of her house in 
Cairo for some purpose, and the other half she gives to her 
husband what is the order with respect to it ? 

Answer. — There is divergence of opinion concerning the 
waqf of Musha' ; but the judge may decree its validity relying 
on the view of the second Imam, Abu Yusuf. Therefore when 
the fact of the woman's having made waqf of half the house is 
proved, fulfilling its conditions, the judge is at liberty to decree 
the validity of the waqf and its bindingness. (Vol. II, p. 541). 

LXI. Question. — A man makes waqf of half a public bath, 
which is Musha' , incapable of division, for his own benefit for life, 

then for the benefit of his children, etc Answer. — There is 

divergence of opinion regarding the waqf of Musha*. If a decree 
is obtained in favour of its validity, it is given effect to, as there 
are two views with respect to it, both of which are pronounced 
correct. Tlus divergence of opinion is with regard to what is 
capable of division. As for that which is incapable of division 
as in the present case, it is valid unanimously except in the 


364 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 


books of the school. (Vol. II, p. 545). 

LXII. Question. — Is exchange permissible [in Egypt] when 
the dedicator has expressly forbidden it and there is no advan- 
tage ? 

Answer. — (The Fatwa also includes the names and seals of 

Shaykh Khalll-al-Rashidi, Registrar of Fatwas, and Sheikh 
Muhammad al-Mansurl, the Hanafite.) There is an old diver- 
gence of opinions amongst the Ulemas regarding the exchange 
of waqf in the absence of any stipulation to that effect made 
by the dedicator. But the practice of the Cadis of Egypt is 
not to permit exchange at all without the sanction of the Sultan, 
thus acting according to what is known, viz. , their being forbidden 
to do so. A Cadi's office demands particular regard to time, place 
and the circumstances of the case. A Cadi's order will not 
take effect with regard to a question which he is forbidden to 
deal with. Thus a Cadi has not the power of making 
exchange of the above-mentioned waqf without the sanction of 
some one having the authority to do so, specially in the absence 
of any advantage and the prohibition of the dedicator to ex- 
change it. For verily the stipulation of the dedicator is like the 
express ruling of the law. It is not permitted to contravene 
his stipulation without any legal ground. (Vol. II, p. 559.) 


was asked 

Department : — The children of Sheikh ' Ali Khalifa, one of the 
Ulema, his wife and an Abyssinian freed woman, have certain 
stipends granted to them and a share of t he iltizam land, and they 
intend to make waqf of the same and the command of the 
sovereign lias been issued to give effect to it. Amongst the 
children there are minors. Having regard to the text of the 
order is there any legal impediment in the way of making 
waqf of the shares of the five adult children of the Shaykh, etc. ! 

Answer.— _ Making waqf of iltizam lands and stipends from 
the Bayt-al-Mal payable to persons to whom they are due is of 
the nature of irsad. Therefore it is valid by command of the 
person authorized to regulate its expenditure [i.e. the sovereign]. 
So when the person so authorized permits the person in whose 
name is the grant and who is adult, to make waqf of it in the 
above-mentioned way, the waqf will take effect in the terms of 

Ktr fl-io ooma rkrinnirilp. GO" 


knows best. (Vol. II, p. 639) 



ing question was asked by the officer 
Mai:— Muhammad Sadiq died leaving 

gs left by 

him, a document is found to the effect that he makes waqf of a 
quantity of copper 01 copper utensils, etc., for a certain purpose. 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 365 


Now is it lawful to- sell it, or is it waqf, when what is stated 
above is proved ? 

Answer. — There is divergence of opinion as regards the 
validity of the waqf of moveables But the corr< t view 
followed by the majority of jurists is the validity of the waqf 
of that with regard to which there are Ta'amul and usage 
('adah). Therefore of t he articles stated above with respect to 
whichever of them there is Ta'amul, it is valid to make waqf of 
them; while those with respect to which then' is no Ta'amul, 
their waqf is not valid. (Vol. II, p. 655). 

LXV. Our most learned master was questioned concerning 
a dedicator who had stipulated in his waqf its cancellation or 
ratification. This stipulation was called into question and the 
person criticizing it wanted to render the waqf null and void on 
account of the stipulation, saying that cancellation amounts to 
nullification, and thus such a stipulation renders the waqf null 
and void ; but the judge decrees the absence of nullification and 
declares the waqf valid. Is it permissible after this for another 
judge to declare the waqf invalid, or to give a fatwa in favour 
of nullification or not ? 

He answered* — The above-mentioned waqf is valid, and 
such is the actual practice, even though no judge had decreed 
its validity. But the stipulation of the dedicator reserving to 
himself the power of cancelling and nullifying the waqf, is 
an invalid stipulation, according to the accepted view adopted 
for fatwa ; and what has been reported from the chapters on 
waqf of Hilal and Khas-af to the effect that a waqf is rendered 
null by such a stipulation is contrary to the accepted view 
adopted for fatwa. This has been clearly stated by the most 
learned doctor Qasim b. Qutlubgha and the Shaykh al-TusI in 
their collections of Fatawd. And this has been reported by al- 
TarsusI from the Tatarkhaniyyah and the Fatawd U-Kubrd. 
Furthermore, after a judge had decreed its validity it is not 
lawful to give fatwa in favour of its nullification and such a 

fatwa will not be acted upon, and God knows best. 

The learned have expressly declared that when there is a 
difference of opinion amongst the jurists, fatwa will be given 
in accordance with that view which is more favourable to the 
waqf. And the current practice is the validity of waqf con- 
taining such a stipulation; for frequently stipulations like this 
are met with in waqfs whose validity is nevertheless main- 
tained; the dedication is acted upon but the condition is 
ignored. Therefore the view on which reliance ought to be 
placed is the view in favour of the validity of waqf. (Vol. II, 

LXV I. The following question was asked by the Cadi of 
Suyut on the 24th Muhurram, 1292 A.H : — A man owned a mill, 
a glass factory, both the sites and the buildings, and certain 

3t>6 Journal of the Asiatic Society of tiemjal. [June, 1911. 

shares in date- trees planted in Khiraj land on a permanent 
basis. He made waqf of the property owned by him as des- 
cribed above, a waqf taking effect from the year 1273 A.H. for 
the benefit of a mosque which he commenced building .... 

• * 

Is the above-mentioned waqf valid \ 

Answer. — Yes, the above-mentioned waqf is valid on 
account of existing practice, in addition to their having been 
Ta'amul with regard to the waqf of buildings and trees planted 
in land taken on a permanent basis without the land. Such is 
the case when there is no other impediment. (Vol. II. 754). 

LXVII. Answer. — When the waqf buildings fall into ruins 
and stand in need of necessarv repairs, the Mutawalll is not al- 
lowed to spend anything out of the income, for the benefit of the 
beneficiaries, till he has made the necessary repairs, even if the 
dedicator made no stipulation to the effect that the Mutawalll 
should first of all devote the income of the waqf to repairing it. 
For preference is given to this over Ihe beneficiary without 
there being any stipulation. If there is any such stipulation, d 
fortiori, preference will be given to repairs. Rather when there 
is such a stipulation, the Mutawalll is bound to reserve funds 
for future repairs, even though the waqf properly may not 
stand in need of repairs in the present. Such is t : accepted 
view of the jurist Abu-'l-Layth. Thus it is laid down in 
the Tanqih al-Hamidiyycth on the authority of the Ashbah, 
that when the dedicator stipulates that preference should 
be given to repairs and the balance should remain for the 
beneficiaries, as is the case with the waqfs of Cairo, it is in- 
cumbent on the Mutawalll to reserve an amount sufficient to 
meet any future demand for repairs. (Vol. II 80">). 

LXVIII. Answer. — There is divergence of opinion regard- 
ing the validity of the waqf of buildings and trees without 
their sites. But the existing practice is to decree its validity 

'sTa'amul and recognized practice concerning it. (Vol. 


11,822). ° f ° 

LXIX. The following question was asked by the mayor- 
alty on the 24th Jumada I, 1279 :— The benefit of the ruling of 
law is sought with respect to the sale of a certain amount of money 
which was payable from a certain department of the Bay t-al-Mal 
to a woman named the Abyssinian Nasukh, who is dead. The 
above-mentioned department had placed the money with the Med- 
jidie Co. A man proved himself to be the heir of that woman after 
her death by decree of the Cadi. Now a Christian claims to 
have bought the amount from the aforesaid heir and demands 
the amount and its interest. 

Answer. — The proceedings in this case from beginning to 

end are not in accordance with the requirements of law; and 
the sale by her heir of the amount with the Company and the 

Vol. VII, No. 6. J The Waqj oi Moveable*. 367 


Bay t-al-Mal payable to the Abyssinian Nasukh is not valid, under 
the circumstances, whether it is dayn or c ayn. But granting 
that the amount was the woman's own property, and that 
it devolved on her heir by way of inheritance, even then 
the sale is bad. The contract of sale should be rescinded, and 
its equivalent should be returned to the purchaser, since the 
transaction which has taken place is sale. This is the require- 
ment of law. But the person to whom the amount with the 
Company or the Bayt-al-Mal is due should take delivery of it 
himself. (Vol. Ill, p. 163). 

LXX. The Ashbah, &e. 

Know that in law many questions depend upon a con- 

sideration of usage ('Adah) 

Urf) . So 

much so that they [jurists] have made it a principle [of juris- 
prudence] And several questions are concerned with this 

rule : — (1) What establishes usage {'Adah) ? There are several 
minor questions connected with it : (a) There is difference of 
opinion concerning usage as regards menstruation, Abu HanTfah 
and Muhammad holding that usage is not established except 
by two instances. Abu Yusuf, on the other hand, holds that a 
single instance establishes it, and they [jurists] say that the 

fatwa is in accordance with this (b) Training a hunting dog 

to abstain from devouring its prey so that abstention becomes a 
habit ('Adah) with him. This is established by his abstention 
from devouring three times (pp. 58-59, Ed. CaL). 


The sale of written orders issued by the Dlwan to the 
Governors for the payment of certain sums of money is not 
valid, unlike the sale of the shares of the Imams [which is valid], 
because in this case the money derived from the w r aqf property 
exists, while in the other case it is not so. — Ashbah and Qunyah. 
The meaning is that it is lawful for the beneficiary to sell his 
bread before he takes delivery of it from the supervisor. Com- 
ments of the Radd-al Muhtar on the above quotation from 
the Durr-al-Mukktar : u Unlike the sale of the shares of the 
Imams " : shares, i.e., fixed stipends or rations out of the waqf, 
i.e., their sale is valid. This is contrary to what is laid down in 


1 1 rds 

of a fixed stipend or ration. He answeredin the negative. — Taken 
from the margin of the Ashbah. I say that the following is the 
text of the Pay ra fiyyah : — He [the author of the Sayn 



said it is not valid. For either the possessor of the hazz sells 
what is stated in it or the hazz (ticket) itself. There is no 
ground for the validity of the first as it would be the sale of 
something which he does not possess Nor is there any ground 

368 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

for the validity of the second, as this much paper has no 
legal value, unlike an order on a governor, because that piece 
of paper has legal value. (Vol. IV, p. 19). 



legal value (Mutaqawwim), e.g., wine, pigs, etc. A property 
having legal value is that from which lawful profit can be 
derived in accordance with the Sacred Law. (IV, p. 155). 

LXXII. Lawfulness is the original character of things. 
(IV, 273). 

LXXIII. The usage Vadah) at that time was such. It has 
changed , therefore the ruling has changed. Change of usa^e 
necessitates change of rule based on tradition, so much so 
that were the Prophet alive, he would expressly lay it down. 


regard should be had to the practice of the age in question. It is 
quite clear that these rules are based on recognized practice . 
therefore in every'clime and every age regard should be had to 
the practice of the people. (IV, 293.) 

LXXIV. A man gives his capital to be employed in 
mudarabah to an ignorant person. It is lawful for him to 
participate in its profits unless he becomes aware of their being 
acquired by unlawful means. 

Comments of the Radd-al-Muhtar on "acquired by 



This question has been clearly explained in tin- Tatar- 
khaniyyah where it is stated : "A man acquires money 
by unlawful means and then he purchases something with it. 
This may happen in five ways— (1) He delivers those very 
dirhams to the vendor first of all and then buys something 
him with that money ; (2) or he purchases the article 
question before paying the price with that money and does so 
afterwards ; (3) or he purchases the article before deli vering that 
money and pays other dirhams ; (4) or he purchases without 
specifying any money and pays those dirhams ; (5) or lie pur- 
chases with other dirhams and pays those dirhams ; Abu Na>r 
says that the transaction is good and it is not necessary tor 
him to give Sadaqah except in the first case. This is the view 
adopted by "the jurist Abu-'l-Lavth. But this is contrary ™ 
the "Conspicuous Report." For it is laid down in the 
J ami' -al- Saghir that if a man usurps a thousand and buys a 
slave-girl with it, and sells it for two thousand, the pro™ 
should be given in charity (Sadaqah). Al- rvarkhi says that the 
transaction is not good in "the first and secon<l cases but it is 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 369 


good in the last three. Abu Bakr says that it is not good in 
all the cases, but the fatwa nowadays is according to the view 
of al-Kharkhl in order to free people from narrow restrictions. 
In Walwalijiyyah it is stated that some of the jurists say that 
the transaction is not good in all the cases, and that is the 
select view, but the fatwa to-day is according to al-Karkhi's 
view in order to free people from narrow restrictions, unlawful 
gain being very common nowadays. (Vol, IV, 340). 

LXXV. But you should accept what is in the Fatawd Qadi 
Khan, for verily Qadi Khan belongs to the class of people com- 
petent to express opinion concerning accuracy and preference. 
(Vol. IV, p. 385). 

LXXVI. And this [rule] changes with the change of time and 
place, as we see. I say, the ground on which the rule was based 
was fear, which is likewise absent on account of merchant 
vessels known in our days as steam-boats, because there is 
a strong presumption of safety with regard to them, so much 
so, that no merchant nowadays feels secure unless he ships his 
goods in them. When the ground is no longer existent, the rule 
also disappears. For, we have said before, and it will be stated 
later on also, that regard should be had to the recognized prac- 
tice concerning the protection of deposits. Now that the recog- 
nized practice is such, it should be said that there is no 
difference between travelling with the deposit by land and 
travelling with it by steam-boat. (Vol. II, 334)* 

Ibid. (p. 309). 

LXXVII. " Al-Shafi'i states absolutely that a creditor 
may take what is due to him as regard things not of the same 
nature as what he had given his debtor," that is to say, in 
either money or commodities; for as regards money, it is 
permissible to take it according to our school, as stated previ- 
ously. Al-Quhistani says : In this there is an indication that 
he may receive payment in things not of the same nature, 
similar in the possession of a value. This is when of greater 
convenience, so that we may adopt it, although not the opinion 
of our school, for, as al-Zahidl says, a man may be excused 
if he were to follow this under necessity. 

LXXVIIL The Radd-al-Muhtar (///, p. 376). 

The substance of all this is that the reason given here on 
the authority of al-Hidayah is based on the principle that " all 
things are originally lawful." This is the opinion of the 

370 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

Ibid. (p. 377). 

To ascribe the original lawfulness of things to the Mu'tazi- 
lah is at variance with what is stated in books on the Principles 
of Law ; for, in the Tahrir of Ibn-al-Hammam it is stated that 
that all things are originally lawful is the authoritative view of 
theHanafis and Shafi'ls generally. It is also stated in the com- 
mentary on the ' ' Principles' * ( Usui) of al-BazdawI by al- ' Allamat- 
al-Akmal : The majority of our doctors as well as the majority 
of the Shafi'i doctors say that all tilings which it is permissible 
that Law may allow or forbid, are, before the law speaks, 
lawful, for lawfulness is the original property of things ; so 
that it has been declared permissible for one who has not heard 
of the law to that effect to eat whatever he likes. And it is to 
this that Muhammad alludes when he treats of compulsion. 
He says : " the eating of what is dead and the drinking of wine 
have not become unlawful except by the prohibition." So he 
makes lawfulness to be the original state of things and unlaw- 
fulness only an accident. 

LXXIX. The Nur-al- Anwar (p. 221 , Ed. Lucknow). 


and the dissent of one is an impediment like the dissent of 
the majority, i.e., if at the time of the meeting of the ijma 6 
one man expresses his dissent, his dissent will be taken into 
consideration and the meeting of the ijma' will not be held 


ummah (people) will never agree upon an error " embraces 



and it is said that the least number whereby it (valid ijma') 
is held is three and al-Sarakhsi inclines to this view because it 
(the number three) is the least number which connotes the idea 
of a multitude (jama'ah) : (c) and it is said that it (the number 
necessary for a valid ijma') is two, because it (two) con- 
notes the idea of plurality ; (d) and it is said that if only 
one Mujtahid is to be found his opinion will amount to an ijma' 
because the word (ummah) ' people ' becomes applicable to him 
when he is the only Mujtahid ; as God said, " Verily Abraham 
was an ummah (people) devoted to prayer." 

Ibid. (Lucknow Ed., p. 83). 
The second kind comprises of the word " three " when 



by the definite article denoting a class or species. To this class 
belongs also what is plural in meaning only, e.g., nation, 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 371 


tribe. The minimum to which these words may be applicable is 
"three," because the least number connoting the idea of 
plurality is M three " according to the consensus {ijma c ) of the 
lexicographers. Therefore if these words are applied to less 
than three individuals they would be deprived of their proper 
signification. Some of the companions of al-Shafi'l and Malik 
have said that the least number implying plurality is two. 
Therefore it is the minimum number to which these words may 
apply. They rely on the saying of the Prophet, u Two and 
upwards make a multitude." The author replies to this by his 
statement that the saying of the Prophet, "Two and upwards 
make a multitude," applies to questions of inheritance and 

Note. — ' Questions of inheritance,' i.e., not to lexicology 
because the Prophet was sent for the purpose of delivering 
ordinances and not for the purpose of elucidating lexicology. 

Ibid. {p. 243). 

Istihsan (liberal construction) is based on (a) tradi- 
tion, (b) ijma* , (c) necessity, and (d) latent analogy {qiyas 
Khafi). Manifest analogy {qiyas jail) demands something, 
and (a) tradition, (tyijma' , (c) necessity, and (d) latent analogy 
demand its opposite. Then analogy {qiyas) should be noted 

upon, but recourse should be had to istihsan (liberal con- 

Ibid. {Lucknow Edn., p. 37). 

The authority of the rule that a change of proprietorship 
causes a change of substance constructively is based on the 
following tradition : The Prophet visited Barlrah and she 
presented to him some dates, but there was a pot full of 
meat boiling, and the Prophet said to her, " Won't you let 
us have some of the meat ? ' ' She answered , " O Apostle of God, 
it is meat which was sent me by way of charity/ ' He said, M It 
is charity for you, but present for us." He means, when you 
received it from the owner it was charity for you, if you 
give it to us it will be a present to us. From this is known 
that a change of proprietorship brings about a change of sub- 
stance. Many questions are decided on this principle. 

LXXX. Document containing a Legal Fatwa from the 

Grand MuftI of Egypt. 
Fee — Six Piastres. 


His Excellency the Mufti of Egypt. 

What is your opinion concerning the following case ? An 
Indian of the Hanafi sect makes waqf of Government securities, 

372 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [ June, 1911. 

stocks and bonds known amongst Europeans as Rente, or of 
shares in trading companies, the practice of which has been 
recognized in our time in certain countries. Will such a waqf 
be valid and permissible in India if it is recognized in Turkey 
for instance, and is it valid to make waqf of pickaxes and 
shovels in our time? Hasan bey Fehmy, Secretary 

to H.E. Ghazi Mukhtar Pasha. 

The Answer.— V raise be to God alone ,_ and peace and 

blessing be to the last of the Prophets 


the Ulema that the subject of waqf must be property having 
legal value (mal mutaqawwim), provided it is land or moveable 
property with regard to which there is Ta'amul. If, therefore, 
the said securities be property having legal value and there has 
been a practice of making waqf of them in the country of the 
dedicator, their waqf would be valid according to the opinion 
of Imam Muhammad, like the waqf of dirhams and dinars the 
waqf of which is now recognized . So also is the waqf of pick- 
axes and shovels when their waqf independently has been 
recognized according to the opinion of the above-mentioned 
Imam. This opinion has been adopted by the_ majority of 
jurists of various countries as stated in_the Hidayah, and this 
is the correct opinion as stated in the Is'af, and it is the dictum 
of most doctors as stated in the Zahiriyyah. Thus it is laid 
down in the Radd-al-Muhtar and it is expressly laid down in 
the commentary on the Burr that the fatwa is in accordance 
with this. As to the waqf of moveables accessories to 
land, it is valid without any difference of opinion between Abu 
Yusuf and Muhammad. The followir~ ~ ; " ' Ua 


"According to this, what is obvious is to take into con- 
sideration the practice in some place where, or at some time 
when, the practice came to be recognized and not otherwise. 
Thus the waqf of dirhams is practised in Turkish countries 
and not in our country, and the waqf of axe and spade was 
practised in the age of the ancients, but is not heard of in our 
time. Therefore it would appear that it is not valid now, 
and that if it should be found rarely it should not be taken 

- , -i J.- ., • :± u~~u ~i a~ ~4-<,4-nA fhnr. TViimul 


critical consideration. 


as ., 

use. The matter therefore requires 

nized practice or not. Now as to shares in trading companies, 
their waqf is of the nature of waqf of musha* ; so if the y * r £ 


Yusuf and Muhammad if they are not capable of being divided. 
But if they are capable of division, then the validity of their 
waqf is in accordance with the opinion of Abu Yusuf and no 
with that of Muhammad. Both these opinions have been pro- 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 373 


nounced correct by the application of the word fatwa. If they 
are shares in moveables their waqf is valid provided that they 
are not capable of division and there has been recognized 
practice as to making waqf of them. For in the gloss of Ibn 
'Abidln on the Bafjr we find the following : " And Muhammad 
says — It is valid to make waqf of moveables when recog- 
nized in practice, etc." Now that you know that the waqf 
of moveables is valid according to the opinion of Muhammad, 
you should have regard also to the conditions laid down by 
him concerning the waqf of these things, e.g. that they should be 
divided, not musha\ when they are capable of division, and 
that they should be delivered to a Mutawalli, even though they 
do not satisfy the condition of perpetuity (ta'bid)." Finis. 
Finally you should know that the language of jurists here show 
some leaning towards taking special recognized practice ('urf 
khass) into consideration. This is one of the views of the school, 
and it is a proper view, since the language of the dedicators is 
based on their special practice ( c urf) . , 
Written on the 9th of Muharram, 1326 A.H. Fatwa No. 167. 

Official Seal of the 
Fativd Department. Seal of the 

Grand McttI. 

LXXXI. Answer by Muhammad Bakhit al~Mutt'i, the H ana ft 
jurist of the University Mosque of al-Azhar, Mufti of 
Alexandria : 

Praise be to God ... I have perused the above-mentioned 
question. As these securities, company shares, pickaxes and 
shovels and similar things are all included under the term 
moveables, and as the rule applicable to the waqf of move- 
ables is to the following effect : — "The waqf of moveables, if 
accessories to land, is valid without any difference of opinion 
between Abu Yusuf and Muhammad. If the waqf of such 
moveables be made independently and not as accessories to 
land, Abu Yusuf rejects their waqf, but Muhammad's opinion 
is in favour of the validity of waqf of such moveables as regards 
which there is Ta'amul. This opinion has been adopted by the 
majority of jurists of various countries as stated in the Hidayah, 
and this is the correct opinion as stated in the Is'af, and it is the 
dictum of most doctors as stated in the Zahiriyyah. Moreover, 
it has been stated in the Mujtabd on the authority of the Siyar. 
that according to Muhammad it is valid to make waqf of 
moveables unrestrictedly and according to Abu Yusuf only 
when there is Ta'amul — therefore when a practice has arisen 
as to mi king waqf of these securities and shares, their waqf is 
valid, specially as they are of the nature of coins, dirhams and 
dinars. Now we find in the Manh : As a practice has arisen 
in our days in Turkey and other countries of making waqf of 

374 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [June, 1911. 

dirhams and dinars, they come under the dictum of Muhammad 
in accordance with which is the fatwa as regards moveables in 
which there is Ta'amul. So also it is valid to make waqf of 
pickaxes and shovels when there is a practice of doing so. 
Similarly [is valid the waqf of] all moveables including articles 
sold by measure and weight, things having price (qfmf) and 
similars (mithll), cauldrons, bier and its pall, copies of the 
Qur'an and books. Since the Ta'amul of the Muslims as re- 
gards these things is based on the rule of recognized practice 
('urf) whereby analogy is disregarded on account of the saying 
of the Prophet, ' Whatever is good in the sigh 



That is why it is laid down in the Mab$ut % — ' What is estab- 
lished by usage (<urf) is like what is established by express 
text/ And God knows best. 

(Signed) Muhammad Bakhit al Mutl'I. 
LXXXII. Fatwa of Shaykh 'Abd-Allah al-MazandaranI 


Question.— What does the great llujjat-al-Isliim and the 


in conneetion 

with this religious point in law that, if several persons form 
into a joint stock company and purchase a property at a 
fixed price and divide it into a number of shares of equal 
value — for instance some purchase 10 shares and some 20 
shares, and so on, each having a different number of shares so 
that the annual profit may be divided proportionately amongst 
the share-holders according to the number of shares they hold 
to explain this point more clearly, hundred men purchased a 
Bazar the total value of which is divided into 1,000 shares, 
of 100 rupees each, so that each share-holder may receive 
the annual profit in proportion to the number of shares he 
holds; for instance Zayd has got 10 tickets, i.e.. 10 shares, 
whether Zayd can make a waqf of his own shares, so that 
the principal may remain as it is and the income may be spent 
for a specific purpose. Whether such a waqf, according to 
the Shrah Law, is valid or not ? It is hoped that your Holi- 
ness may write your opinion on this point based upon the 
trustworthy writings of the learned predecessors and endorse 
it with your seal. 

Answer. — In the name of God the Most High. The 
Shi'ahs in general and the majority of the Sunnis belong- 
ing to the Four Schools and others (with the exception or 
a few ordinary men whose views on the subject are out 
of the way) hold that musha' waqf is valid. Numerous 
authentic traditions from the Imams, peace be on them, 
have been handed down, respecting musha* charity (sadaqah) 
which clearly lay down that by Sa/aqa is meant either waqt 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 375 


itself or that waqf is the most obvious kind of it . Therefore the 
validity of such a waqf on account of its being owned by a 
joint stock company cannot be questioned. And as possession 
is the condition for validity of a waqf, therefore the donor 
must hand over (the property) either to him for whose benefit 
the waqf is made, or to the Mutawalli ; [he must give posses- 
sion to the Mutawalli, etc.] exactly in the same way as he 
would have done to a purchaser to whom he had sold his share. 
In the case of waqf he must give possession to the Mutawalli. 
If he constitutes himself the Mutawalli, he must act according 
to the deed of waqf, and must consider his possession as that 
of a Mutawalli and not that of an owner. If he has made 
a waqf of musha* property and given possession the waqf 
is valid and binding. If he has not given possession, he 
may revoke the waqf during his lifetime. If the dedicator 
dies before giving possession, the waqf is null and void. God 
is the All- knowing. 

11th Sha'ban, 1325 A.H. 
Seal of the Mujtahid. 

"I certify the seal marked A on the margin of this paper 
to be that of Shaikh Abdullah Mazindarani, the celebrated 
Mujtahid of Najaf, who made the same in my presence this 
28th day of September 1907." 

Karbala, 28th September, 1907. 

(Sd.) M. H. M. . . 
British Vice-Consul 




The Koran. 

I. The Koran. -The first and foremost fountain-head of 
Muslim Law, religious and secular, is silent on the point. 


The HadIth. 

II. ' Umdat-alQari. — The celebrated commentary on the 
Sahih of al-Bukhari by the great doctor, al-' Ayni (see infra XVI 
and XXII). Al-Bukhari is the highest recorder of the tradi- 
tions. His collection of the sayings of the Prophet entitled the 
Sahih is the most authentic and celebrated. It is second 
only to the Koran. (Encyc. Brit., 9th ed.. vol. xvi, p. 594. 
Introd. to Morley's Digest of Indian Cases, ccliii. Brockle- 
mann, Gesch. der. Arab. Litt., ed. 1901, p. 130). 

III. F alh-al- Bari . — Another celebrated commentary on 
the Sahih of al-Bukhari by Zayn al-din 'Abd al-Rahman b. 
Ahmad, 'the Hanbali, died 795 A. H.— (Haji Khalfa, vol. vh, 
p. 997, ed. Leipzig). 

Shi'ah Law. 

IV. Shara'i' al-Islam.—" It is the chief authority for 
Shi'ah Law in India." — Morley, cclxxvii. 

V. Masalik-al-Afham.—" A valuable and voluminous com- 
mentary on the Shara'i' at-Islam." (Ibid.). 

Malik I Law. 

VI. The Mukhtatar of Sidl Khalil— -This celebrated com- 
pendium of Malik! Law is the Hidayah of the Maliki School. 
"The Mukhtasar of Khalil Ibn Ishaq is a work professedly 
treating of the law according to the Maliki doctrines 
Morley, p. cclxxiv to cclxxv. 

VII. The M udawwanah —One of the great original sources 
of Maliki Law. " He (Suhnun) held the post of Kadi at Caira- 
wan, and on points of doctrine his opinions are of standard 
authority in the Maghrib. He is the author of the Mvdawwo- 
nah (Digest) containing the doctrines of the Imam Malik ; this 

work is the main authority relied on by the people of 

Cairawan. Died A.H. 240 (A.D. 845).— Ibn Khallikan s 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveable. 377 


Biographical Dictionary, vol. ii, p. 131 (Baron De Slane's 

VIII. Dardir. — A well-known commentary on the Mukhta* 
sar of Sidi Khalil. 

IX. Dasuql. Another well-known commentary on th< 
Mukhtamr of Sidi Khali 

Shafi'I Law. 



See Supplement to the Catalogue of the Arabic MSS- in the 
British Museum by Dr. Rieu, p. 203, No. 318, Ghayat aUBayan 
of al-Ramli, " a commentary by Jamal-uddln upon a metrical 


See Brockelmann, p. 224. 

Hanafi Law. 
A. Early Authorities. 

XI. Quduri, also spelt " Kudury." — The earliest extant 
treatise on Hanafi Law, the celebrated Hidayah being only one 
of its commentaries. See Morley, p. cclxv. 

"Al-Kuduri died in A.H. 428 (AD. 1036).° Ibid., 

|). cclxv. 

XII. Qadi 


&c), author of Fatawd Qaii Klian otherwise called Fataivd 
Khaniyyah or simply al-KJianiyyah, d. 592 A.H. (1195 A.D.). 
Esteemed of equal authority with the Hidayah. (Morley, 
cclxxxv ; Harington's 'Analysis of the Bengal Regulations,' 
vol. i, p. 236). Higher than the Hidayah according to — 

(1) D'Ohsson's Tableau General de V Empire Ottoman. 

(2) Radd-aLMuhtar, vol. i, p. 79, Ed. Constantinople. 

Ibid., vol. iv, p. 385. 

Frequently quoted and referred to by the author of the 
Hidayah himself. As Qadi Khan was himself a Judge (Qadi) 
as well as a jurist, his decisions are of great value (Ameer 

Ali, vol. i, p. xlviii). 

B. The Hidayah Group. 

XIII. The Hidayah, the well-known authority on Hanafi 
Law by Burhan al-dln 'All, d. 593 A.H. (1196 A.D.). Morley, 
cclxvii. Translated into English by Hamilton from a loose 

Persian version of the original Arabic. 

XIV. The Kifayah 
by Imam al-dfn Amir, etc. Morley, cclxix. The date of the 


work is 747 A.H. (1346 A.D.). 







Badr al-din b. Ahmad al- c Ayni, d. 855 A.H. (1451 A.D.). 

Morley, cclxx, cclxxxvi. 

378 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

XVII. Fath-al Qadlr , by Kamal al-din Muhammad al 
SiwSsI, commonly called Ibn Hammam (d. 861 A.H. = 1456 
A.D.), is the most comprehensive of all the comments on the 
Hidayah. Morley, cclxix. Harington, p. 237. 

XVIII. Sharh-al-Wiqdyahis a commentary on the Wiqayah 
(an introduction to the study of the Hidayah) by Ubayd- 
Allah b. Mas'ud (d. 750 A.H. = 1349 A.D.). Morley, cclxx; 

Harington,. p. 240. 

Dhakhiral-al-' Uqbd, commonly known as the gloss of 

dial pi, is the most celebrated super-commentary on the 
Wiqayah by Yusuf b. Junayd, commonly called Chalfi. 

Harington, p. 239. _ m 

XX. Jami'-al-Rumuz, otherwise known as al-Qvhistdm. 
It is a most copious and esteemed commentary on the Nikayah, 
which is an abridgement of the Wiqayah. The date of the 
work is 941 A.H. ( = 1534 A.D.) 

C. The Kanz Group. 

. The Kanz-al-Daqfr iq, by Hal. al-din al-Nasafl 
(710 A.H.), a book of great reputation, principally derived 
from the Waft. Morley, cclxx. 

XXII. The Ramz-al- H ana' i q , better known as al-'Ayni s 
commentary on the Kanz-al-Daqa- 'iq by Badr al-din b. Ahmad 
al-'Ayni, d 855 A.H. = 1451 A.D. Morley, cclxx. There is 
also a gloss by al-'Ayni on the Kanz-al-Daqa 'iq. 

XXIII. Mustakldias-al-Haqa 'iq is a commentary on the 
Kanz-al-Daqa' iq by Ibrahim b. Muhammad 906 A.H. — 1500 
A. D. Haji Khalfa, vol. vii, p. 988, ed. Leipzig. 

XXIV. The Kanzal-Bayan, a commentary on the Kanz- 
al-Daqd'iq hy the great doctor, Shaykh Mustafa al-Ta'I. 

XXV. Mulla Miskin is a commentary on the Kanz-al- 
Daqa'iq by Mulla Miskin . 

This work was consulted by Ibn Nujaym, the author oMhe 
Ashbdh wa'l Naza'ir. who is also the author of the Bahr-al-Ra iq, 
in writing that work. See Ashbdh, p. 3, ed. Cal. 

XXVI. Fath-al- Mil' in is a commentary on the Kanz-al- 
Daqa 1 iq by the great doctor Mu'in al-din al-Haranl. 

XXVII. Bahr-al-Rd'iq, by Ibn al-Nujaym (d. 970 A.H. = 
1562 A.D.), is the most famous commentary on the Kanz-aj- 
Daqa'iq. It may indeed almost be said to have superseded it 
in India. Morley, cclxx. , 

Received as an authority in every city of Islam. Equalled 
only by the Fath-al-Qadir , the famous commentary on the 
Hidayah. Harington, p. 238. 

XXVIII. The Is'af.— The date of the work is 93G A.H. = 
1499 A.D. The author Burhan al-din Ibrahim died in 9U 
A.H. = 1516 A.D. Haji Khalfa, vol. i, p. 284. The author 
was an eminent Hanafi jurist who nourished in Tripoli. This 

Vol. VII. No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 379 


work exclusively deals with the law of Waqf and is based on 
that of al-Khassgf and al-llilal on tin- same subject. It is 
frequently quoted as an authority on the law of Waqf in the 
Fatawd 'Alamgin, the Durr-al-Mukh tar, the lla<hlal-M ulnar and 
other authoritative works on Muslim Law. 

_ E. 

XXIX. The Fetifiwd 'Alamgiri, a collection of cases under- 
taken by order of the Moghal Emperor Aurangzib, 1656 A.D. 
It is not an original work but a mere compilation by a number 
of Mawlawls under the supervision of Aurang/Jb. 

F. Ottoman Group. 

XXXI. The Mvltaqd H-Abhur, by Ibrahim b. al-Halabl 
(d. 956 A.H. = 1549 A.D.), one of the most important works 
on Hanafi Law. 

XXXI. Majmcr al-Anlmr, by ' Abd al-Rahman, com- 
monly known as Sheikh Zade, is a commentary on the MvJ- 
taqu. It was completed in 1077 A.H.= 1670 A.D. Morley, 
celxxiii, Haji Khalfa, vol. vi, p. 105. 

XXXII. The Durr aUMuntaqd, by' Ala'al-dln al-Hiskafl, 
d. 1071 AH. = 1677 A.D. 

XXXIII. The Tantmr td-Absar, by Shams al-dfn al- 
Ghazzl. The date of the work is 995 A.H. = 1586 A.D., one of 
the most useful books according to Hanafi doctrine. Morley, 

XXXIV. The Durr al-Mukhlar, written in A.H. 1071 = 
A.D. 1660, is one of the most noted commentaries on the 
Tanwir alAbsar and is well known in India. "As high an 
authority as Qadi Khan." I. L. R. 8 All., 149, F. B. (1886). 
Morlev, cclxxxviii. 


XXXV. The Radd-al-Miihlar is a commentary on the 
Durr-al-Mukhtar by Ibn 'Abidln of Syria, b. 1198," d. 1252 
A.H. =1835 A.D. 

XXXVI. Tahtawi, one of the most celebrated commen- 
taries on the Durr-al-Mukhtar. 

XXXVII. Faidwd Tanqih al-Hdmidiyyah,a, collection of 
Fat was by Ibn ■ Abidln.. the author of the Radd-al-Muhtar. 

G. Miscellaneous Group. 

XXXVIII. Fatawd Qunyah. The Qunyat at-Munyah is a 
collection of decisions of considerable authority by al-Zahidf, 
d. 658 A.H. = 1259 A.D. Morley, celxxxvi. 

XXXIX. Fatawd Bazzaziyyah. Morley, ccxcii. 

XL. Fatawd Mahdiyyah (1090 A.H). By the Shaykh 
al-Islam and Grand Mufti of Egypt, Shaykh Muhammad al- 
'Abbasi (1301 A.H.), the celebrated Hanafi jurist of al-Azhar. 


Tanqih al-Hamidiyyah (Vol. I, p. 117, ed. Cairo). 

Question. — A man makes a waqf of buffaloes in a place 
where their waqf is not recognized in practice, and with respect 
to which there has not been any Ta'amul. Will it, or will it 
not, be deemed [sufficient to establish] Ta'amul, if such a 
waqf is practised by one person or two persons ? 

Answer.— [After quoting the Fatawd 'Attabiyyah, the Khu- 
lasah, &c, the author says :] (1) The necessary inference 
drawn from their (the jurists') expression " if the practice of 
making such waqfs prevailed," is that it (i.e. Ta'amul) cannot 
be established by the practice of one person or of two persons, 
as that cannot be described as a prevalent practice. (2) Accord- 
ing to Ibn Hammam, Ta'amul means "the more frequent 

in use. 1 ' 



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j *»a.t ^j Jjtfj g y6u V c-iW v lk«- , l JT *UJ JU *&«**» lilt ^J^ 


* aWftfl ^* «-^y «*l < ^*» ;iSJj ^** a#uj if, **>&! yfyW t -*V' 

ia>*j Jt^l *M ^i W^*-» j t#wJ er° g/^ u c;' c^ »>^ '-*'-> 

. ^^l^ ^sJf ^p^ &»**> -/a*j ae^*bJl ijl^Jt ^1* i)lft£Jt 


jJt -liLJIi ^U ^ilwJi j ^lljAJf y* jly*l - * A ^I *^? t° *!>■» 

*a^JU» ^ ^JUoj *lftj 5* W uA*i 51 *^ly»j aI^J^Ua>|j ^\^\ c-al 

398 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 



XXI. {JT K ^ *>»Ji fcr^ &»JU; Aj!o.$)| ^JLe £>1>*J| 

LI A'l ^ ; Jtf Ub| ^J, ^ ^,, a5j .^ jj j^, ^ ^ j ^j, 3 


* * sjj^. e,j ji«» ^uiji ^x. ^ii j^i*iji ^y *^ 



cr«Wi ^1 „,. x^^ ^^j, j^ ^j^ ^^^ 

•• * 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 399 


XXIII. yiUJl v»Ji n r *»*« *»*♦>! ^ c^**' 1 

[# &JUy) ^/0 U.Jjiij w^jJl i-A#jf Akijj^^j J| 

£&i\> I/O <_K «Jt?jJ,j3\J ^11*3 *»Jjf ,♦«♦*) *^lj tJ^/Oj ^M ~Jt Jli) 

* JU3 

cr i [ £,c}Jl ^ ali)J| ^j| ^* ] fUx>j ^Upjl »lj; *ft*j.>*Jf I** <j2 

»^* cs j| 

^UJlj^ftljJf t£»al& ^Jt &I&JI gfi jftHfeJt j j**fy*J| ^ A/)/^f 

[ * A»ij iisw ^i .Uu.f| aJLe| ^L»j g/c Aj 

. gjft <^l Jj&J» tf* ^t — O* 

# l&*& l ^ ci^ (• 

# i>JoUJl i|JLi| ^X5 (J-ki l^i — ^ 

400 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

• * LA3 

r w — r 

t * )^«Jl f^ (^' — <ji 

* V^ f^ /** r j e;'j ^ jUj ' **• o li — <J* 


• «-£Ji ^ 

XXIV. r • ^ Astft * ^JlftsJf t^eUuL^c 


XXV. , , ■, **JLe J,y gjj| ^jtf 

r*h* j r^ -> c 1 *' u»W uuw **j u* f ^^5 j^x) oij ;,,»j , 


* ^yJJl *a! c j j^w Jy u lc ^ J 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 401 


* j <**»~J liili 

j&ijfj -j*aJ f ^ ^iiJ | ^. ^iJl j _H~Jl ^ pL/JK' J**'* <-Wj U*j| ^j 

XXVII. Mr *»i^>^l ^ jJ^Jl 


jy J.* t^ 

UJ| J*Uj *J .-.iJl Jyujl 

[ # ^L^ju*! t^A ^i ] *«« ^ *-ft-^J U jyl Jii j t^^' *±k J r ; °'* 2B - 

xxviii. ;U.u y yj v* jjtUt ^ 

JUUj tX) J^AXi j »jl^»J ^<A» (Jjjj ^aO Uo ij^t ^ jS^Uj ;IAjJ| ciJ»j y^ 

* J**** j f* b*> v*' > w^ 


XXIX. ; ^^Jt j-Ji e^» ^ Ju i >>^' 

*y ±«i*K* *ij( - -UU v^»j ^ US' *J<V l«? csr/^ ***** -^3 Jj - ajjI^j 

i^yJl ,jJUi. J( «i JUw j glAJf ^ Aai-flJ ^ e;t a!«J| y aisJl> 

402 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

• ■ 

c; o.*sw> Jy b*j J&oj V U& &x» JUUi' yl* J**j er-* a1J( ^JM* 

* ^Ji JU A*»r&i i-m, 



v^L«t Aftij ;£* »,»l& . ±y I jLa* JU ^ OS, )U ^ »)jJ 

• 31* *il£c fjA* awl ^Ui j j*W| f\>j) j - rAd 

i^ijo ifj&ijWmn Mbiij v*V j ' «-0^j j^f c^r ^* J l *J 

Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Wagf of Moveables. 403 


^x* l^lfti &a» a>4.>>o a £ A*^U> ^ -Ujf| v l».^f Jy"| ^ itji ^ai ] 

* Aj^jJjJf AaaJLaJf i) 

•* " 

404 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

* ^i>t Ufe. ,jl*4 p> , l««i, Jl>»u jp»** *-*».««• lijf^o ^t *i ^ 


ju i j i^j c>) o^suo 13m uj oJ^ d*'jw w ^ a*»» j^f 

* 'i 5 ^ tfjtj J ^u jLxJt !^A ^ 1*4 *i^»M 

^b o ; l*iJt J^axjb l^iisJl ^ ciiuAJi 8 yi U isws^JJ l^«0 

»t*lit W? j*» t^' * ** ^ 


!> <^t <-£Ji 3*^* (•^ ^ ; ,X ^ R -' <I t.»* ^*l* t^ 6 '* ^ ^' «^» J 1 ' 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 405 

IN, 8.] 

^f ^Jj il • &»laJ| tJyJl ; Li*| ^ajJi Aii~x> ^ ^oU^aIJc ^ o^Ji ^ 


^ *# j ^ **=*-* ^» *v ^» ^ »^° W r^ 1 ^ i=r5U| u =^ 1 ^ 

* u^;^ 1 ^->^ * li - j| ^ ^ ijl w* t^' ^>** J| 

Uc i>*. 

^J f ^ ^JLiJl 0I J«}li, ^UJIi' ^.Uf^ ^l^i^f y ,1/iJK Aa^ 


406 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

yt. ; uU^j ^j! v* j *r^ L5***N ^ lx) o' ^ ; *« suo 1^ isv J 


^JUJ J*5 j e^;f J*» j t>*>l *** *> i>Uf ^ j. 

*^u^ Ji»-I ^l«Jf ^f; <^l u^ *' ^ ^ &j| * 

• t 


aixD <WL?j tiv}** lx > A«u^j Jl5 ^jJt ^A t^3\x> ^| j ^4^ J I ^ 

• • 

* A*A*.j i-ft^J yf j 


iJi^J U a f j liitaxj *jj?u Ij^xi* ^1 ^xlaxjf ^ (^^ $ 

a*)Qj ^J aiS, iJjyy (j/l^f ^i aiSj ai*u* ^5 j$\ j*& ) 

jj&*. J J-^J^ *W_jJ jliWl -SO -J U/0 «>U ^iiiij 1/O^jA - f^^ ^V 

* iys6 } Asm ^i «y l«*l* cr^?H 

i^jf eJ^I k**> y j *^l j v^ 1 ,? c^*-*^ r J* -> -J*^ 1 t*' J 15 


# &)±i % *8* 


* ***i O 


* jx^iujt ^ .?i u ^t - 1** j *->y 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Wagf of Moveables. 407 


XXXII. ivr «~i- c5 ljJ ' ^ - *i;^ [ ^ 

UlU ax»w (c/^J ) **SH c; ? d ^ o 1 ' '-J*^ 1 e^ <5**r ,f "-**"' w 1 * 


^Slt <*li ^* ,JJi Jt ±>y_ J i\ } \.i *&< Uili *um o^j ^J ^U a-^x. 

^LoJ/l ^Lo *.^>Sl&J|£«U ^i &>J(^ j>su ^sui Jlij \ysu. V 

* jlx&J) y&> ) l«8&$\ ^i |A? ^-a^t 

* e> ^^^^ Jy o-^ c5^ J ' ^ 

* [ eM-ft*** ^KJ yj \& is/^l 

[# k*5Rj| (^» 1^ -; 

* Aj^j^Jt ^ »tf &laJ| *U ;,^«.j US' jL., . . ^t J* ^ftj wij^ cU ; 




itf yijfejf^ v^ ^1 uii, ^ js/h »-», ^i^j 

[ * %»-Jl «^> 

* ... «j»;' fJ * l V' ^3^^ ^ 

408 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

• &*i ^y» ^<*° t> ^t^pJf ,j c;UaJ| »-M, 

*,U* gJAj j( l^^j ^ ^f^AAlJ ^Ju ^aS\ Jli cAxT J*i ] jl^pJb ^ 

XXXIII. y-^Ul ^Jjjj ^.X^JUJf 

wJAj gjiyo ,J ^ ^ UAJUU jjiu Jli JLvJf ^UlJ ^k*j l^-w j Ifft^M 

XXXIV. d I 1 - (j^LJl *>aa.)l ,0^1 8^ c 


^1 - (j5 - 0**U!t _, yiyJl ^ C l/Jt ^ wt^Jl ^ ^L . ^ 

XXXV. ^;Wl -M 

^kr ^x V | J(3 J| ^^ J^iJ, ^^J ^, -jjj ^ _ j,^J ( Jtfj ^Ut 

Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 409 


JU «J|£ l*>| ^** y^ <suai ^1* tLLtJl V W| ^^ ^ tJJi *»J <»a>, j 


• • 

^Ij A> jfiiij Uil o*/eUJ| 3 Alyju jftiij j aU| (j-iau ^Ij ^**J f*k> ^**Jl 

t^^l cjf u*'/ 


o^taJb e lfiiW| ^*J J> fU*J ^-J o.*UJU eUityl ^ *, 



XXXVI. ^\^ 

UU^yl t*S ca'IsuJi ^ ] Jy^w'f <_fli,3lyfJ »^fl*>o A»^yJ| »i* 

k ^ ^-^Jt eH « ik ^-' c *i» ^JL«_<| ^ ^Jl ^ 5 j 3'^ [ & K 

• « 

-a)l c^ «&**UW o* y* J ^^1 * J #^J ^ ai *^ 



iljuc Ax- J J AJ^ *•>! *-M. jt ^'^t J» ^* J| <^° l>* "^ 

AJy ] . ^.JJt ,> aJ| £^y ^ J^Ji ^3er~ u* *>' ^i cK ^ 

, U-« (^ 

410 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

• • ... . ■ : •• 

^jklJe Am* cJjbc (_>£*? cJ^JLs tJw<:f <3JjJ AX* &+A.S) 

Jl JJa Jt .IftJl wi* 


XXXYII. r f a **^ r iuj|i gSyA 

• . •'• i . • « - 

♦* - t» 

£* Ax*^ a*Axx> l^J c^aasui ^i ^UJt^ fA|yjJf ;l*u^! j^Wj 

* l #H c *^ 

XXXVIII. rrt* ***<^ r ^Sl tV 


Jli ^J i*f ^ ^jj(^ ^j ^u utfj ^m & I^Uii a. , U5& 

A^UJf oBt 


lfl*J| yJ3 3 £ 


, - A, J «^! t^' j **** *& £« Alias.* A*JUx> Aj pUSLJjff ^j L> J> 
*^ V ** ^>±Jl U», ^ Jlj e U»ii|, Ji*1 j^J\ ^ jf>, 

£fc M yi^ *J *i J ^ j JUS ^ UJ o^J l * I W £** 2T< 


^j Xj f*~ 


# ia*& e* 

r1d aski* ^i^ti ic^kjf- ^Jfl ^Uo 


XL. I ♦ r *»i*e ^ IjJ ! ^Jjp.J| . ^^CJt &j*J| 

<^y ^ - J li * - »"0 3 t W <^y J* Ua* uJU^ cjJi J* wji j a* 


Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 411 


JU y 6yo alii J*~ J pi* 8UJ** **, JJi - *< -Oi . g$Ji i«* 

i^ftj l«lT »^a i) _ Jla* - g^i Ui* *i£J Ja J,»J| W*l* Jl»i e^ 1 ^' 

XLI. ! At* A*"** Ji 1 ^ (^Aft- 1 ^=^1 


XLII. c^f *>^t vr *~»-* - ^^^1 j vr Ji v ^^ • ^^ 

vjU-Cj |J| <jUx> (JL&M to d^JUJO fifjf j Afiij Jle ^J AW (>*lj ^ 
(XwJf (JUaj^ ^flj J D|j •Jiij.J ( JJ;^ ) <>i~Jl ( *«fl5i fJ ) «***•> ^-cAsbJ 

* «JUi lp w3^ ***;« &«a»* Jl il UliGi j^-i * 

412 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 

XLIII. ^i^ ddjty d»* ^ ^J| fj^ ; Ui» . ui\ z\jj\ j*)ji (I ) 

- Wi& ^ ( ai»W («•) oil, ) &*i ,» ^ (^ U^, ( ^3 , ) 


1 ^ Ja5 ^ i^» J>* W*>« u,l U^ l^xl* ^JyUl ,1 tAiip 

XLV. l*al~i> ^Uxjf ^J *•&, ^., . aJUL/ *&, «U (f) 


v-flLJJ ^x J| v_ftjj jf^A. ^y© 0*X*J| (^ 


XLVI. U&UX pi ft d>UJ HjSjJ ^ b| »#U d*b^ 

XL vii. ^tfjU 

xl vii i. ^lu, ^ 4j*a.i i*4j| aij ^j* ^Uxjj &u yi 

Aiit ^^ ^y^i ^uy ( a^i ^ a^w ^jji ^.s. A^iUJi ^ 


* rr k &s>.k*Cj*i+> cj*Wl d [ ' J 

'uSj}\ v 

^ *),jj AJ gftiu ^U J A^U A5^ iib ^ 3|| *JL* jJaaif r if c J 

* «-ftVl <> *UW| JA- AJ^^-c A^bJl AiO-W| ^ A) ^±i 

^Wi ^liJ| j^lj, oV T^ ^* Hi ( Uu'l ^o L, g&j ^ 3U u^ ) 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 413 


* *!>*' j U***H J ^ J or*'' i ^ f-' l <^l 3 

XLIX. *-m^i v lir in* ***** ci-;^ 1 

^U. j>aw ^j l^p/l ^ Ujft.xj <**i*e oii_, |i| ; \A*piy>) JU' j ^ 

* ^.ILJi , ^p\ ^^ %*J ^ *>**^ JIJ ^ 


L. , :, A««i^ ^J-jJ) g *iJf jjjAj-»J| 

_>*J ll^ ^ e»^ o 1 *• J> J ' *-".> JJ** * <o y*-<**Jl Jl* 

foUJ| i£j>j*>ji W"» !■*** ^j n>j*>*^ l*adl«o*J jkaxc j^tyl Iffe* Uy v-wij ^t 

j^j y f*^ Jk >i>*^ y J*' ^ ^y ^ ^1 oUJijJi «^> j^ 

y^Ut ^, p^i)| j jj\ 5 ^liJl^ o5l>aiJl ^ J*U> i*i Lo «ji,, ;^suj 


ji»-j ^iJi j*x« ^i ^^ y i^iu *-«jj lit 

414 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

LII. ,rr - d&J\ J& . Aids, e ^J| . «jt|y, a 

LIII. c^f Xjt^j) 

JU ^ ^'j i^M J^"j &a*»^ u>, ^x^Ji j v u^i 

* • ^ * t** U*+i [ ^ J^f ofc 1*1 |*4U *, J^J| ci 

LS" L£ 

Z° £}&% cM«\ t <^i j J^J,, ;l iW, ^Jb ,,1x5/1 CJ ^JCJ| 



IftU v^Uu, ^ A 4 C jj, ^ ^ |^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ g 

[*b US?, u ^ j^uj, ^ j, ii>-iJ ^^ ^ U/o ^ ^ ^y f jj 
u ,| jig l, y r uu, y ] ^, Jd j f j^ dk, c; y) ^ j iV^I ^ J^" ^ 

l«Ltt ^ ^ a, ; U* ^ fj j, £ ,VJ Jli e,^, a^ ^ J JL51 t^ [JUT ^ 

tb^t d »j^ r ** ^ &, |(H j t cJ y| ^yj I* i# j r 1 *^' J> ^' ^ 

Vol. VII, No. 6. ] The Waqf of Moveables. 415 


CJ 5 oUK ^ v- U* Jt^tl ttf 3 l ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ 

* a-w^^l -c 

^aj e/° 




j*. r . juy rife «fe J~y j, ^ ^'t^t tr- /* rt *** *** 

^;^t e^^ y^yV ^ ujy ^^^ «^^ c: ' I ^' , '^^ 

jj^ij jA>Jt JU iLr?^ cU tit j lsH ^ St ^^f ^^ ^ 

,t^JU liilW. ^i ^ftUi^j ] **M;*W ^'^ J^' JU "^ 

* r c^»^i Jb^*" ^^ ^ ^ Jl - ^ xU * j| J 

«• • • 

LV. fc»A^*^l «**»-' 

... ^ v -? ur^ w 1 * r*'^ 1 ' ^ L ^ u< ul ^ *^ * ]j * [ s**( ^^ ) 


^,, JU r>v Jt axW) aJ^I ^ ^^ i/«j (** ( v'^' ) 

416 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911. 

LVII. r I ") **U"* a*^ i£\y ^-jUi 


* **JLc w-a5j U ^Jl J^lsJi ^ 


f J& trt***Jl e,l»J»U <**^ 

yj V U^| ^ ^jUoiJfi aU| *m ^ ^ ; ^x^ ^ JtioMi] ^/i* <y 

* ci>>^ 3 J^ f J c 1 *^' j r*lW' *-* S J J** 4 * J 



LIX. [art* <*=*.«*> ^ilDt jj)^J| . iijj..j! ^U&l ] 

igy&jltfj AJjtfci ^ftt Uij J^M *) ^^ J^l -xiJl ^Aj **, 

..h. ^U 


*».»,* 8;Uc g r) J) Oij)\ JU* ,-»* ^1 ^ >/*♦>! JJ^ 1 t 

<j-k t^i oj- ^ _, ; ^ji j>ji u ^ j£ oJ( r Juu ; t ^ <•»/" 

* A^-i y* w*J^i ,u^i j^t ^) g.yAJi ^'UVf »;>** v» **>* 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 417 


p*il ^** til yilftijt ^ u ' -> Jj5" J*? liS J el/* > T ; liL? ISO?** 4 
oy^J KLc ^3 5/ ^ Jji)!^ to, ^yj U I4J ^ y&fcJ g ; L*)f <x«j ui» Ji 

* ty * ^ rt* 1 * 

LX. d^f ^^ 

<W~alJ iLLi y ^ pl^ Ji 1JU9 Axwj ^5 u^JLkxs 

UJvi/c Uua> Oa&Jj £N-*( ^t l^i^-^c^ix) Jl/c c^aj ^vx> Aj^'a* ^ . <Jd*o 

* &cjjj j ^-fti^it AaciAa-' ^sJt ^lilj ^^j &&\J* IJyL^o JjUJl iJlajJ 

LXI. d^ ft»i^ 

**Jb ^JU ft^-ftl) IbCi ^^ Ul&o ^l^* v-ft^i *-a:^ J^; c5^ - Ji- 

418 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal . [June, 1911. 

-. • 

LXII. <5 6S *~»«= 

k)W Jl^^f ctf&¥ Jl**i-Jl» u^ l ** U «-*$[^f ^ «**** ^ ■ ^*~ 

* Jljs^ilt fjA ^ AsJLdxi J) j U^-Aa. Axv-AJt (t£ fP-'° 

JI^Lwl ^laJf h£l*J il* Axe c. yi.+* jib l*u ^y^-Alf *£»• *&| M Aj^lwJf j 

LXIII. im *»**> 


f aakU. ^ ^ijf ^j^f ^i a^a* uj ax-^yt ^ - J$~» 

.rtjf gM ^lii^t aL^iJi ^^ ^Ubl ^» ^^^^tsvx) ^li* JUyHt 
»^| JU3 aUij jjUii* ^ ^ji^ jl&^i ^y^j ^u *, ^j U*-»» 

LXI V. 1 a d AxijUfi 

C^ UiU fa^x= ^f i^^c In J^j ^^ ^ J^^.JU 

*W ^ O^ Ait ^ i^j ^(^J jsjj ^^ ^y ^ ^ ^ JUl *tf ^ 

•/3 U ^^ ,i, Ui, ^ jf ^; v ^ JUj J^i ^^ ai, M 3 1^ 

a*1* ^oJf ^*Jf ^ j^ij, j^ ^^ • ^. iu ^ l ^ ^ ^ j^ x 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 419 


uUUUl (cj^ko j£* Xd [ *)\ j J*oUiJ| ZSLSy i^sj^ *-**j ^^ fcjUJf •*?! 

# Ac\ ^1*3 aJL>|^ iU y lo ^ aiij Asv* ^jwxv^iJU gj^jjl *LiJ|| Cl ^o ^iiij-j 

f ♦ v 

LXV. v«r ***** 

juwjit ja uafl-vJi w i Hsu *j ojyi jm ^uJi ,ii ; f j iyji i^a ^ ^ 

,>aj c. y*-i Jl§j i-fti^Jl *»^o^ J^i'l (*«** J ^^laJt *i-aa.i i_c.ij.JLt JJaj-o jA j 

.Uav^J f.fUnJl ifai^ J ^t _j *J J^'*-*' <'i^ uc ^ySj-Jl t-ft.jjj| • ^Ifett 

^.-jJWl £**Jfj l*jyja» ^ ^*.li **JUJ| 4JJ00 ^> ^jiiil) ; ILrJ( o^ 

^ij ^aJls iU**j ±yd\ f^ o^J/t f«^ j o^Vt !* A V^S^H J^J! j 

* i-ii>)| Axuaj J^aJ| a*]* JlyuJf 

LXVI. v^ *»*«* 


f, rfUjyfc^ yi U s-fti^^l A^j ^ ^>^ o^/ y? &)J* (Mu %f 

# I^Uj Liit ^s^-/c ^tf 1 r v^» <Xv« ^^ p.s?i/c 

Jl*aJ| AaIc U ^i: ^jor^ AA^Jf f ^ A e5-^ )^^Jl ^A? 

Lr^f (3~ eH^r^'i u*^ J *^' ^j l^ J^UIJi e)ljf^ 5^5 

* t i/oji ^o. tiA ^ ^ hi 

420 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 


LXVII. A-* *«J>^ 

i^^ J) A ^;f g ; U*U c**li*J , dJj>\ e/l-l c^*3 fii - v 1 * 1 

■ *&», 

JL &ao£x> ^ it aj,L*j **+) ^r* !<>■" c>f ^tjJl -^Aj f* 


^ iWsJf ^ao J» aJDI^I ^*aIJ ; U^Ji J^i^ gjU^I^I 

LXV1II. Arr *~^ 


iUs Jlf a^lu* l^JJlo ^/o gyo| l^y^li^t <x5^Ux) ^y *> 


A/cJ^o g T ^L> 

\»jS, g^UJi AkJyi Ly-* ; ^lm i^i liJj ^ . ^i Wj^ 

aJ* ^t j oHii Aix^ J ^vi ^ cr^'J ^ ^ • * 



* o>- , lUWJi * y^* *** **~" ^ 

LXIX. i ir *~*-* • ^J^i *)*Ji - ***♦* ^* jt 

A^yai *Wo g^fAJl AstUJf C^J cJ >c A*i^«J. ^J-i ^ *'/" 
jja^i, ^cAli ^ jJUi, UV< am »^Jt uiUiJ Axjt ;J J^ ; v^xJtj AiO^^' 

Vol. VII, No. 6.] The Waqf of Moveables. 421 


^y Uf Jl aJ<X> 4v, *Jl)| aIxw *«t9 ^ ;4 i a^»i| Jj^Ju USj|[|l Jfti^l 

♦ AL*a. ^-o A^XJ JU( OXJ _, aV,1*c 

^.JOJ! «i>V! <j 


g^ j?Ux> aoiJi ^j *J| ^3 ^yJi , liWi ; uid b,i ^Ui j 


l*| «JJi t?W 

JU*u»j - ioWf cou liUi J,*l - .fi*».U* g**UUl »*«j (3^*5 > 

; i>*xuc j AfiAla. ^t ^w W v_ftlii.l - ^sJ| v b yi ibUJf J,JM . ^,y 

AjjIc j tyiS . g**jj g^w o*»3 c; «-£-*» ^t *'u: 3 - y^J Sit o4* v 

|»U d^Mf^ij *£ <^ iX\ iJjL *?U)f ^KJl ^ <y&t - ^y^i 

JUL- Jit o,* r ^i U ; U3 lot* - ^t £* ^' ufcH w' ^ 1 

r Wt ^Jt as&| A;^ ^J| ^l*dl fUJfJl y>j** fcjlfcJl ^ JU 

* [ ^l **$*. <-Mj - u* 1 *^ ^^ ****** * 

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428 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [ June, 1911. 


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430 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [June, 1911.] 

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28. Notes on the newly found Manuscript of Chatuhsatika 

by Aryadeva* 

By Mahamahopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri. 

A batch of palm-leaves came to my hand, containing frag- 
ments of four different works. One fragment of this has seve- 
ral colophons, purporting to say that the leaves belong to some 
commentary on Aryadeva's Catuhsataka. This roused my 
curiosity, and I carefully examined the leaves. I found that 

only twenty- three leaves belong to Aryadeva and his com- 
mentator. The last possessor of the manuscript had obliterated 
all the original leaf-marks, except one, and had put in new leaf- 
marks of his own from 16 to 38, the leaf containing the an- 
cient leaf-mark being the 15th. The leaf marked 29 by the late 
owner does not belong to this work at all, but to some work on 
grammar. So I did not count it among the 23 leaves, which 
really belong to Aryadeva's work. 

The leaves were not in order. The first chapter ended in 
the 3fith leaf, the third chapter in the 15th, the fourth chapter 
ill the 17th, the eighth chapter in the 34th, the ninth chapter 
in the 37th, the thirteenth in the 28th, and the fifteenth in 
the 33rd. Instead of attempting to put the leaves in order I 
allowed them to remain as they were, and transcribed each leaf 
in a sheet of foolscap, writing the obverse side in one half 
sheet and the reverse side in another. I then tried to put the 
foolscap sheets in order. The 20th leaf came before the 
18th : they are consecutive. The 24th and the 25th leaves, on 
examination, were found also to be consecutive. The 21st and 
the 19th are also found to be consecutive. The 22nd, the 34 h 
and the 38th appear to be consecutive, but I can not be posi- 
tive on the point that the last two are so. The 26th, the 27th, 
the 28th, the 30th and the 31st are also found to be consecu- 
tive. By reading over the sheets several times, I have given 
them an order of my own, and marked them from 1 to 23. 

As the 3rd chapter came to an end in leaf 15, which alone 
in these leaves bears the ancient leaf-mark, I thought the aver- 
age length of chapters to have been five leaves; and as there are 
sixteen chapters in this work the length would be, according to 
that average, eighty leaves. But as the last eight chapters 
are philosophical and controversial, and therefore, are likely to 
have been longer than the first eight which are dogmatic and 
religious, I would give them a leaf more each, so the length of 
the work would be about 88 leaves The fragment in hand 
therefore is only a fourth of the whole work. But as the colo- 

432 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

phons of seven chapters are to be found in these 23 leaves, 
there is enough to know about the ends of these chapters and 
the beginnings of the next following chapters. At the end of 
the 8th chapter there is a statement : "In the subsequent eight 
chapters will be treated of — how men can understand the nature 

of the world." "^ ^JTcT^T^fsH *TOT wfa cTOT ^tK^T- 

sftftiaTTCTfw sfcnTT^fa^jfcr." In the beginning of the 9th 
chapter there is a statement to a similar effect. "^rflg^fTTTQ^r 

Wim ! ^^^ft^^^lT^TTcTT^^T^^Tf ." So from this it 
appears that the last eight chapters are the ^asrafar^ or the 
remaining chapters of the work. In the commencement of the 
16th chapter there is a statement to the same effect — *'*lfl?pliT- 

m^l ^jifanftfT^'tu^nR Vtxvi u^awTWT." From all 

this it is apparent that the whole work is divided into 16 chap- 
ters, and that the first eight chapters are dogmatical and religi- 
ous, and the last eight chapters are philosphical and controversial. 

The first four chapters treat of the means by which 
one may get rid of four wrong impressions. The first of these 
impressions is the belief in the eternity of things that are 
non-eternal. The second impression is that of happiness where 
only sorrow exists. The third is to consider that to be pure 
which is really impure. The fourth is to consider that to be 
self which is not self. And in the subsequent four chapter 
Buddhas are extolled as the only teachers of truth. As liber- 
ated souls they have no interest in teaching, yet for the benefit 
of the animated creation they constantly teach. The eighth 
chapter ends with a quotation from Buddhapfilita, a teacher 
not known to Nanjio. The 9th chapter proves that in reality 
nothing exists. The 10th chapter in the" beginning controverts 
a novel doctrine of there being two souls to a man. It also 
controverts the theory of the Sankhyas. The Sankhya doc- 
trines controverted here differ in many respects from that of 
Isvarakrsna, the oldest writer on Sankhya known up to the 
present date. The 13th chapter declares that there can be 
neither senses nor the objects of senses. In this and in the 
following chapter the writer comes into conflict with the Vaise- 
sikas. In the 15th chapter he proves the non-reality of the 
phenomenal world. The sixteenth concludes the whole work. 

in the colophons of the first and the 8th chapters the work 

is named as 


ift fa 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] 


found MS. of 


jiX the Yogacara doctrine of the Bodhisattvas, and 

as Catuhsataka or composed of 400 Slokas. The term Catuh- 
sataka may mean either a work in verse or in prose, the extent 
being 400 -lokasof 32 letters each. In the present case the work 
appears to be in 400 Anus f up verses, though I am not sure that 
there are not some sentences in pn le. But when it is named 
Catuhsataka, the extent must be 400 x 32 letters or something 
approaching to it. The text is accompanied by an exceedingly 
lucid commentary by some writer later than Buddhapalita, 
the commentator of the Madhyamaka Karikas by Nagarjuna. 
The writer of the text is well known. Nanjio's catalogue con- 
tains the names of nine of his works. He is of ten mentioned in 
HieunthSang's itinerary. Beal in his Caternea speaks very highly 
of his works. He is said to have been a disciple of Nagarjuna, 


But we 

know nothing of the commentator, not even his name. Some 
of his words have a peculiar Bengali look. He might have 
hailed from Eastern India. Aryadeva was a Southerner. 

In order to ascertain the verses of the texts I had to col- 
lect all the verses given in these leaves in one place. Their 

number is 186. 


leaves without any introduction, and they are in various metres. 
These are no part of the text. Thirty have been introduced 

with such words as * fc qfcTqi^rj*rTf 




in one 


in seven instances, cf*Txn*TH?T 

3^jfa % in one, cipT y^rsja in one, and ^t^T^I ^T^ 

in one, 5pn3ifRnT 

in one, 





ed with such words as "a^r fy ** "wnj ^ n "sgftl 


'J C. 

99 <> 


the commentator to support the text. Such verses may be 
long to other authors or other works of Aryadeva, but not to 
the text. The verses introduced with such words as "cj^jjji- 

Wffi*r, ? ' "our HJisaT," 4 *33i^n*Tsj $:snTfwr, ,f and "chjtjrt 

j^Sf" are undoubtedly quotations from known works. But 
when a verse is introduced with such words as 4< 

m « 

^TW ^i^r/* ^ becomes difficult to say whether they 

belong to the text or to some other work. But when any one 
of such verses is accompanied by a long commentary, it is most 
probably a part of the text. Taking the number to be about 
30, this fragment contains 59 x 30 verses of the original text. 

434 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

We have found, however, that 118 verses have been commented 
on. But some of them are undoubtedly outside the text. 

In the first eight chapters of this work, the commentator 
often illustrated philosophical ideas by short stories which are 
charmingly beautiful, and throw a flood of light on the man- 
ners and customs of the people and may contribute to the 
already rich folk-lore of India. I will give only four in- 
stances : 

(1) To illustrate the fact that custom (^ff 

than law (y£r), he gives the story of ^-f^-^f^,^ or marry- 

ing a daughter. A certain person went to the country of the 
Yavanas. He found a Yavana light a fire, and by his magical 
power made the fire speak. The fire said, "Your daughter 
will be your wife." The man had a handsome daughter at 
home. He thought of manying the daughter. He implored 
the Yavana to give him the magical power. Armed with the 
magical power he went home and lit a fire. But the fire said, 
"You cannot marry your daughter: that is not the custom of 
your country." 

(2) To illustrate the doctrine that things seen in the pro- 
per light appear ugly and uninteresting, he gives the story of a 
friar in Kamboja. A Buddhist Bhiksu went to Kamboja for 
mendicancy. A man came to him arid said, " Begging here is 
regarded as a very low occupation. So do not utter a word 
asking for anything. The Bhiksu went on with the alms-bowl in 
hand without speaking a word. The people there never saw a 
Bhiksu : they were experts in making machines. They thought 
that some expert machine-maker sent them a curious machine 
which can open and close its eyes like a man And he has 
done so to overmatch them. They in their turn prepared a 
similar machine and sent it to him. lie saw the fun of it. He 
came out and asked the Bhiksu to speak. The Bhiksu spoke, 
"Let there be no disease." The people of Kamboja werestruck 
with wonder and said that they had not the skill to make the 
machine speak. If they knew that he was reallv a Bhiksu, 
they would have treated him with contempt. 

(3) To illustrate that Buddhas are never inactive aim 
even their very breath is for the benefit of the animated world,. 

a Stnrrr ia nixrart nf o RUM™. f__ • .1 1 _r „ P1r>l- 

inactive and 

_ %/ o — — — ""»U" OUJUUI unit' 111 W1C I1UUOC v* «■» — 

sara or a machine-maker. A Bhiksu went to the house of a 

machine-maker for alms. The macliine-maker invited him to 

He gave the Bhiksu 


his food. When the Bhiksu wanted to go after four months, 
the man paid a sum of money for the purchase of mona-tio 
robe, and also wanted to pay his wages. The Bhiksu refused 

-^ »v,v C pi any wages, as 

The man nrrinfarl /-»„«• *i 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] The newly- found MS. of Chatuhsatika. 435 


there was a machine which worked constantly by the pressure 
of his body as he moved about, and produced blades of knife, 
and that he was a great gainer by the sale of these. Just as 
every motion of the Bhiksu was for the benefit of the owner of 
the machine, so every motion of the Buddhas was for the bene- 
fit of the three worlds. 

(4) The Brahmanas say that the man who dies in battle 
goes to heaven, because he sacrifices the dearest thing in the 
world, his life, for glory. Says the commentator, this is not 
proper. And to illustrate it, lie gives the story of a milkmaid 
who offered her person to her father-in-law. The son of an old 
milkman was away. His wife treated the old man very 
badly, insulted him and gave him scanty food. On the return 
of the son, the father complained of her conduct, and he 
scolded his wife and ordered her to do everything to make his 
father comfortable, and to do even the hardest thing to please 
him. When the son was again away the daughter-in-law 
served her father-in-law with great attention and care. At night 
she made a nice bed for him, washed his feet with tepid water 
and prepared to lie on the bed with him. The old man said, 
" What are you doing ? ' ' She said, ' ' Your son has ordered me 
to do the hardest tiling to please you ; and nothing is harder 
for a woman than to offer her person." The old man greatly 
annoyed left the house. The son on his return enquired about 
his father, and the wife gave him the whole story, not omitting 
the offer of her person. The son drove her away and entreated 
the father to come and live with him. She made a great sacri- 
fice, but nobody praised her for it. So if you die only for 
glory, you do not do the right thing. 

The work, a fragment though it is, throws a good deal of 

light on the life in ancient India : (1) It often speaks of 
curious machines as in the stories given above. (2) It speaks 
of the unreal nature of the caste-system ; it speaks of people 
of other castes and other countries being regarded as Khsatri- 
yas on account of their Ksattriya occupation. (3) It scouts 
the idea of purity on which the whole Brahminic system is 
based. (4) It gives expression to the extreme democratic idea 
that the king is only a servant of the mass, who pay the 
sixth part of their income as his wages. (5) It ridicules the 
monks who secretly drank wine at night. (6) It presupposes 
the existence of a literature in the Kavya style and quotes 
many verses, of which later Sanskrit poets might well be proud. 
(7) It brings out, in bold relief, the antagonism which existed 
between the Buddhists and Brahmanas in the story of Acarya 
Sanghasena and his pupil. Acarya Sanghasena asked his pupil 
to become an Upasaka. But he demurred. But after a few 
days he came back and said, M O Acarya, I have become an 
Upasaka, because whenever I meet a Brahmana, I wish to kill 

436 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.] 

The philosophical ideas embodied in this fragment are 
characterized by boldness which is rare even in works that are 
already published, of the Mahayana school. The soul, the senses 
and the object of senses are all declared to be phenomenal : 
and then all phenomena are declared to be unreal. What the 
reality is can not be gathered from this fragment. Aryadeva 
is reputed to be pupil of Nagarjuna, the author of the Madhya- 
maka or the Sunyavada theory. In this work, however, Arya- 
deva though refuting the Vaibhasikas does not seem to say 
anything against the Madhyamkas; yet the work is called 
Bodhisattva-yogacara. And the probability is that he is a 
teacher of Yogacara or the Vijnana-vada theory. That the 


rowed largely from 
This book, therefore, is ex- 

tremely valuable as one of the earliest works on the tran- 
scendental school of thought in India. 

Though Nanjio speaks of the translations of nine works 
by Aryadevas in Chinese, the Catuhsatakas is not one of them. 
It is said to have a Tibetan translation. The fragment, there- 
fore, is that of a unique work, both as regards the text and the 



and published in J.A.S.B. n 1898. I could not find the name 
of the work. But Professor Bendall wrote to me to say that 
its name was Cittavisuddhiprakarana. A tentative translation 
of the work appeared in the Evangelical Review. That book 
is also characterized by the boldness of its conceptions, its anti- 
Brahminic tendencies, and by its att mpts to whitewash the 
blemishes of monastic life. 

On the last day of his stay in Calcutta, I showed this MS. to 
Professor Schervetzky, and he was convinced of the genuineness 
of the work. He pronounced it to be a ^ reat discovery. He said 
that European scholars would be anxious to gel it, and asked me 
to go to press at once. Little did he think at the time that the 
owner, by effacing the old page marks, had put even this small 
fragment of this work into great confusion. Dr. Ross tells me 
that Professor Schervetsky regarded the finding of this work as 
the greatest sensation during his stay in India. 

it is not out of place to mention here that though 1 have 
paid great attention in transcribing and trying to understand 
the work, the difficulty of understanding a unique work in a 
fragmentary condition is such that my readers should accept 
my findings as tentative till the work is subjected to a more 
careful examination. 

29. Folk-songs and Folk-lore of the Gehara (Kanjars), 

Bv W. Kjrkpatrjck. 

Gehdrd, as I have stated in a previous paper, is the inter- 
tribal appellation of an endogamous section of Kanjars. 

It will be noticed that in the following few verses prom- 
inence is given to the name of one Mdnd, each line or verse 
beginning and ending with this name— apparently by way of 
invocation. Mdnd l is seemingly a sort of deified ancestor 
common to various Kanjar tribes, and among the Gehdrds is 
sometimes known as M and Guru. 

A well-known legend — confirmed with some slight varia- 
tion by Mr. Crooke— is that Mdnd was attached to the Court 
of Delhi as a maker of khas-khas tatties (Crooke's version is 
that he was a brush-maker ; hunch band). The King of Delhi 
had two famous wrestlers {pehlwdn) Maid and Dana -Crooke 
gives the names M Kdllu and Mallu 7 — who were champions 
of the world." Anyhow Maid and Dana were noted as 
athletes (Crooke: "for their skill in swinging the athlete's 
chain bow"; lezdm). Mdnd apparently did not take these 
two pehlwdn seriously and suggested an exchange of occupa- 
tions. Crooke says: "Mana happened to pass by and 
"taking the bow plunged it so deep into the ground that no 
"one could withdraw it." The Emperor hearing of Maud's 
prowess and ambitions sent for him and made him wrestle 
with Mala and Dana. Needless to say Mdnd was victorious. 
The version of the story as given to me continues that Maid 
and Dana both fought Mdnd at the same time, but quickly 
seeing themselves outmatched they took a mean advantage 
Dana seized Mdnd's choti 3 or chuttid from behind while Mold 

1 Mr. Nesfield says: " The man-god whom the Kanjars worship is 
fc * Mana — a name which does not appear in any of the lists of the Hindu 
•'divinities. While he lived amongst men (the italics are mine W K.) 
"he was the model fighter, the ereat hunter, the wise artificer and the 
i4 unconquered chief. He was not only the teacher and guide but aUo 
11 the founder and ancestor of the tribe." 

Col. Phillott has suggested to me that this use of M&n&'s name at 
the beginning and end of a song or verse i- in conformity with a com- 
mon practice in Oriental poesy and would identify Mana as the 'writer 

and composer.' 

* Ibbetson's Punjab Ethnography in describing the Sdnsia (a tribe 

closely allied to the Kanjars — W. K.) divides them into two tribes known 
is K'Hlcd and Mull >. The Bawdries also have a section called K'ilkamalid, 
not to be confused with ihe Sansis or Kanjars however ; KdlkamaliA 
with the Bawarias meaning simply " Black blankets." 

B The propriety of continuing to wear the choti or chuttid by Hindu 

438 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

made a feint in front. 



eventually threw them both, " dsmdn dakhdia ] — but the loss 
of his choti deprived him for ever after of his virtue as 


Hindu, 2 and in no small degree of his renown as an ancestor! 
A fable of this sort affords an irresistible opportunity to a 
tribe for explaining away their present or recently past non- 
Hindu state, and an excuse to hark back to an imaginary 
Hindu origin. In fact we here have Maud's claim to pos- 
thumous fame being denied him by his own people; striv- 
ing as they are with the rest of the casteless millions of 
India to obtain a footing, even though it be on the lowest 
rung of the Hindu social ladder. 8 And so it comes about 
that Mdnd is at the present day looked upon by the Kanjar 
community, certainly the Geharas, rather in the light of a 
necessary evil — so much so, if I have been able to correctly 
gauge their thought, that he is disreputable enough to require 
propitiation, that his name may not to be mentioned except as 
we see it in use — as an invocation. One of my informants, a 
well-known Gehara shikari, was hic;hly amused at my expecting 
him to pronounce the name in ordinary tones. Ho had no 
objection to repeating the name M Mdnd" but only in a sort 
of drone or chant— " 0h\ Ma-d-d-nd ! " 

Mdnd had a wife called Nathiy 



the Great Mother or Mother Great Queen, the female and 
supreme deity known as Mdri* or Mdhdrnni or Data Mdhd- 
rdni. b Mdhdrdni is the principal Kanjar deity, and her male 

converts to ( hristianity has recently been the subject of some discussion 
in Missionary circles in India. 

1 Ashman or " asmdn dakhdiyd" = "showed him the sky." I 
referred this expression to Mr. C. A. W. Sands of the U.P- Police 
(C.I.D.u *&e authority on Indian Kilshti or wrestling, and he has very 
kindly given me the following interesting note : — " There is a custom in 
•• parts of the Punjab (chiefly I believe in the South) of regarding ** 
as a fall (chit) for a man to be supine — to 068 the sky. This is not 
"generally recognized among Indian wrestlers as a fall. The ordinary 
"fall is the <donon shdw'n Ice kushtV— that of both shoulder blades 
u touching the ground. This is the 'chit ' generally recognized through- 
out India." ° 

* This is interesting, as Crooke in " Tribes and Castes," III, p. MJi 
saya:^"T-e Kunchbands sometimes offer the hair of an infant to 
Mana." The Gehards are a section of the Kunchband Kanjars. 
M * ^ s Sir Herbert Risley puts it, "that course of development b> 
^ which a non-Aryan tribe transforms itself into a full-blown caste 
claiming definite rank in the Krahmanical system." . . 

♦Crooke. Vol. IV, p. 74, in description of Nats, says: "Man is 
worshipped when cholera appears in the village." The Kolhatcs of 
Bombay worship among others the cholera goddess Muia— Bombay 
Uazette, XX, 186 sq. c 

Tovri S l e J oca |> ll,ap y of PA * Boli or Argot of Kunchband Kanjars- 
Joum. As. Soc. Benq., vol. vii, no. 6, p. 277 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Folk-songs, etc., of the Gehara (Kanjars). 439 

companion is known as Khetrpdl, 1 who is however of no great 
consequence, and, I imagine, has been introduced to the Gehara 
Kanjars by contact with allied tribes. Khetrpal is the same as 
Bhumiyd (Bhewdni f), and in another form Sdim or Sdydm. 
Still it is interesting to note that when on rare occasions he 
has to be propitiated he has a special form of puja. A small 
square space is cleared and plastered over with cow-dung, and 

on this seven 

ndoor. 1 Betel 

and wine are then dispensed and the huc/d handed round. 
Khetrpdl is said to have a particular shrine somewhere near 
Calcutta, under an Imli (tamarind) tree. 

Mdhardni Dai or Ddiyd has a shrine at Mirdnpore (Maha- 
ranpore?), near Allahabad, also under a tamarind tree. The 
Imli, it has been impressed upon me, is the Kanjar's faodar or 
special sacred tree. This shrine at Allahabad is periodically 
visited by all the Kunchband and other Kanjars from the 

districts of the United Prov- 
l by Delhi Kanjars for over 



fifty years. It wi 


> > 

Another legend connects Mdnd with Ddnd—the wrestler 
who deprived Mdnd of his ch6ti~;\s his brother. This I think, 
however, is only a convenient excuse for introducing some more 
Aim flam to show Hindu origin. Mdnd and Bund it is said 
were both Koli or Juldhds, and had " huqa pdni" relation- 

1 Khetr — earth, place ; pal— protector or owner. See Ibbetson's 
Census report, account of the Aheris, or Thoris or Heris who " worship 
"specially Babaji or Kohmand in Jodhpore and Khetrpal of Jodh- 



Kumaon. . 

« Saindur — the red lead which is used by so many castes and 

tribes in India, in one of the most binding pnrts of the marriage 
i- >remony— the bridegroom rubs saindur on the bride's head ; the 
parting in the hair painted red is a sign of the married state. 

s In confirmation of this, Mr. Geoffrey Clarke, I.CS., Postmaster- 
General, U.P., while at Allahabad this year very kindly obtained and 
sent me the following note :— •• Miranpur is a village on the banks 
" of the Jumna on the Allahabad city side of the Jumna Bridge 
•and under a small Imli tree about ten years old ia the Mand.r ot 
" the goddess Dharand Mai : she is placed on a small kutcha platform 
« and rests against a small wall. She is about a foot m height. The 
-land on which the shrine stands was the property of Mahamdu, and 
«' some time back was purchased by Jhun ri Kanjar, resident of Colone - 
•« gunge, Allahabad. Jhungri is still alive, and appears to be the ofhciat- 
"inK -priest.' The Mandir is well know, to and frequented by 
*' Kaniars, Nutts and Badiya*. 


"though he is the owner of the deoghar. It is well known to local 
" Pandus that D^lhi and Punjabi Kanjars pay visits of pilgrimage to th« 
"Bhrine and venerate the Imli tree. Ther appears 10 be no fixed 
«* season for the worship of the goddess. Fowls, goats and pigs ar 
fc< sacrificed and sweetmeats are offered and distributed by Jhungri 
' Kanjar." 

440 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 


with all Sudras ; but one day unknowingly Mdnd partook of 
some food off a leaf plate which had been left by Dana as hit; 
jhutd. Dana thereupon outcasted Mdnd, and this following 
upon the loss of his choti was the last straw ! M ana's wife, as 
I have said, was Nathiyd ; she died before Hand's d 
and this is why it is explained all married Geharas when they 
die are cremated, while the unmarried are buried— in a lying 
posture, face upwards— head to the north and feet to the south. 
When the Chowdhri or Naik of a camp dies and time and 
money permits he is buried in a sitting posture. I was never 
able to get a very definite confirmation of this practice, but it 
is a custom known to the Geharas and in fact claimed by them, 
and I mention it as it is common to many of these wandering 

As an example of how difficult it is to make too definite 

statements with regard to the folk-lore or origin of these 

hitherto casteless tribes, particularly now that they are so 

rapidly coming under Hindu influence, I had a reputable old 

Chowdhri of the Delhi gang disclaiming all knowledge of Mana: 

he said his pir was "Earn Dijai whose shrine is at Ronecha 

nearPokerji m-ridsat Jodlipore," and I believe this is all it 

was— Ram Dijai is his own particular saint. In a generation 

or two the luckless Mana will be wiped off the Gehara pantheon 

and Ram Dijai will reign supreme. This old disc i pie of the 

usurper Ram Dijai insisted that Maharani committed sati on 

Ram Dijai's pyre, and that Ram Dijai was an incarnation of 

the feu fi poet Kabir.' This is the sort of story one has to 

''sift out," but nevertheless there is some interest attaching to 

the relationship claimed with Kabir. Captain Richardson in 

Jus much-quoted article on Nats or Bazeegars mentions Kabir 

as the bard of the Nats. 

The first song, inculcating endogamy, is perhaps the only 
one of interest from an ethnological * | >oint of view. The 
uenaras are an endogamous section divided up again into 
several distinct exogamous septs mostly of totemistic origin, 
l Have only been able to discover one song, or as 1 should more 

™nif Z<i des , cri 7 be ifc > a Proverb, with an exoga.nic allusion. 
Oh! Sohnra, leas me nd tknd" = «« Oh Sohnra, do not swim in 
tne rushes! Sohnra' is the title of an eponvmous exogani- 
ous sept of the Gehdrds, the founder being one Sohnrd who 
once when journeying came to a river in full flood, and as 
lie could not cross over, he laid him down to sleep among 
the leas or feathery rushes on the bank. At midnight he 



oriein^niTv. ^ Ku * >eer - a ^ell-known Debt and Sufi poet of humble 

• SoW f0Und ° ° f the 86Ct known « Kabirpant. 

«oh r^ZVs\™™™ y Wel1 be an invention, a nickname in fact; 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Folk-songs, etc., of the Gehara (Kanjars). 441 

ing grasses had the appearance of flowing waters. Under the 
delusion that the river had overflowed its banks and that 
he was surrounded by water, he struck out to save himself, 
going through the actions of swimming. Hence M kds me 

a, savin it annlied to anvone. so to speak, erovel- 

' •) 5 

tirna is now 
ling in the dari 


tirnd, may well be used, and I believe it is applied as 
against marriage outside one's own sept. 

1. Song inculcating Endogamy. 

Oh, JIdndl Gehdri karsl tho ndo chdh 


Oh, Mana! (invocation) : 
(If you) take unto yourself a Gehdri then (your) name will 

And (but) if you take {kar si = do it with) a Kdjri (out- 

cirlof mivrmn nnf, n. fifth ATI ^. (Vonr C\T 0\\r\ name Will not 


2. In Sickness. 

Deo merd rothero U jdi Mdndi ke re, 

Jin pakre thu ne b6)th ab ne chale third Mane — bhai re ! 

Goddess! for the sake of Mdnd take away my troubles 

Which you have (thought fit) to give me. Now you remove 

them— To vou M&n&l — Oh brother ! 

3. In Worship (Thanksgiving). 

Dai, Ma* rani barro gad-si pakhdro 
Sond lai gadldro-jhtnch 


dl Mid Tar-bar ! Jaggo Magge choln 


Oh Mother! Great Queen ! (invocation) : 
Go (thou) and bring a real (well made) spear 
And bring golden cymbals. 
(And) awake! and like a thread (which breaks) (your 

troubles) will be cut away. 
And proclaim Lalmia 1 victorious. 
fin the sense that Lalmia will prevail). 

1 Chalba-bro. This is a fanciful inflection (instead of chalsi in the 
first line) to meet the requirements of the chant. C haU i- chain* to go. 
a Lalmia — The red or " beautiful one " — a heroic title for Mdna 

442 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911.] 

4. Ordinary Worship, Propitiation in a Spirit 

of Humility. 


Mdnd theri rdhene gujargdi Mdnd i 
Theri ddin Kdlkd, bain Purbeni 
Simar he chailo ! Mdnd ! 

Mana ! (invocation) : 
Your stay (addressed as to oneself) is fleeting (literally 
* ' has expired " ) . 


Kdlkd , 

And (supported by these) you (we) should go forward, 
or continue, in (our) life with proper humility — Oh 
Mdnd\ (invocation). 


I read it as being an invocation, and not that the warning 
conveyed is addressed to Mdnd. It is, I believe, the suppliant 
who feels that his protestations will not carry weight unless 
he propitiates Mana by using his name. 

30. The Stambhesvari. 

By B. C. Mazumdar, B.L., M.R.A.S. 

Communicated with a note by R. D. Banerji, M.A., M.R.A.S., 

Indian Museum, Calcutta. 


Mr. Mazumdar 

antiquarian. I have nothing to say about the ethnological 
part of the paper, but I believe Mr. Mazumdar is right in his 
conclusions, as he has resided in the Sambalpur district for 
more than a quarter of a century and knows the Orissa Feuda- 
tory States very intimately. The modern vernacular_ for a 
pillar, the Sanskrit stambha, is khambha in Hindi, ihama in 
Bengali, and khambd in Oriya. So a goddess, whose name in 
Sanskrit is Stambhesvari, would be called •Khambhesvari. 
During the lifetime of the late Dr. Bloch I had the good 
fortune of examining the Puri plates of Kulastambhadeva, and 
I think Mr. Monmohan Chakravarti's transcript cannot be 

improved. 1 

I believe Mr. Chakravarti is right in assuming that the 

king Kulastambhadeva is descended from the Calukyas. In a 

copperplate grant which I have recently received through the 

Superintendent, Orissa Feudatory States, from the Chief of 

Talcher, Kulastambhadeva is described as an ornament of the 

Sulki dvnasty, who were famed in the Three Worlds : 

i renavah svasti tribhuvana-vidite Sulki-raja-vamsa- 

— dabja % 

Obverse, 1. 2. 

Now Sulki seems to be the equivalent of Sblahki, which is 

ertainly derived from Calukya or Caulukya. The antiquity 

of the name Stambhesvari is apparent from this plate also. In 

the ninth line it is mentioned that the king Ranastambhadeva 

obtained a boon from the Goddess Stambhf vari : 

&rhStambhewari'labdJM-vara-prabh«vo mahdnubhdvah Para- 


10. — ro mdta-pitr-pdddnudhydyi samadhigata-panca-mahd- 

6abdo Ma- 

1 1 . — harajadh imp 
—Obverse, 11. 9-11. 

1 J.A.S.B., Pt. I, pp. 123-27. 

444 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

It appears from another copperplate belonging to the 
Raja of Baudh, which also I have received from the same 
source, that the Goddess StambheSvarl was also worshipped 
by the Bhaiija kings : 

16. — Samadhigata-pancamahasabda mahasamanta-vandi- 
ta Stambhesvarl 

17. — labdha-vara-prasada Ranaka S'ri Raiiabhanjadeva 

These plates will be published in the Epigraphia Indica. 

R. D. B. 

iur stands 

pillar which is known to be the pillar of StambheSvari Devi. 
The word stambha means a pillar. When was it that this 
pillar was raised is not known to the people. The Maharaja of 
Sonpur has informed me that it is believed by the people that 
his ancestor Raj Singh Deo, father of Achala Singh Deo and 
great-great-grandson of Raja Madangopal, the first Chief, 
brought this pillar to light, while removing a very big heap of 
old ruins. A slab of stone bearing an inscription of no great 
importance was also unearthed at that time. This inscription 
gives no clue whatever to the pillar or to any king who got the 
inscription engraved. Another account is, that the wife of Raj 
Singh Deo brought a little toy pillar of Khambesvarl from the 
house of her father, a Raja of Kimidi. Raja Raj Sing then 
built a temple for Khambesvarl to honour the goddess of his 
wife's forebears. 

The tradition that it is a Stambhe&varl pillar is of im- 
portance ; for the Goddess Stambhesvarl or Khambesvarl, as 
popularly called, is not worshipped by the Briihmans and 

The homa e that is now paid to tins 
pillar is for the fact that an old pillar once consecrated to some 
god or goddess has been found out in the debris of old buildings- 

Khambes vari (Stambhesvarl ) is now found in the Sambal- 


m the western 


Mahals, to be the tutelary goddess of the Dumal people. 
Kandhs who live on the south-eastern border of Sonpur and in 
the State of Boad adjoining this border, do also regard Kham- 
besvarl to be their tribal goddess. The Dumals are Hindus, 
and the Brahmans drink water fetched by them. Both the 
Dumal 3 and the Kandhs set up wooden posts in their villages 
to represent the Goddess KhambeSvari. 

The Dumals say that they originally came Irom Odsinga> 
which is in the Feudatory State of Athmallik which borders on 
the State of Boad to the south, and which almost touches the 
north-eastern border of the State of Sonpur, where this State 
adjoins the State of Rehrakhol. The geographical name 
Udsmga is of importance. For we find this name mentioned 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] The Stambhesvari. 445 


in the copperplates of the Trikalinga Guptas. In one charter 
of Mahabhava Gupta Deva it has been mentioned that a 
Brahman family which came from Odayasrnga (OdSinga) was 
granted a village in the Patna State (E.I., viii, pp. 138-43). 

I have also been informed that some Dumals say that 
they came originally from Khemri or Khemidi in Ganjam. 
My informer Pandit Kasinatha Dani gave me a couplet in 
Oriya, which, he says, the Dumals gave him in narrating their 
history. I have not yet been able to get the statement 
properly verified by any Dumal. The couplet spoken of is as 

follows : 

Khemandi rajya nija stha?ia 
Deda lakslia Dumba kala btiiyawi 

The meaning is — Khemidi was the original home which 
created or gave rise to the Dumbas or Dumals to the extent of 
one lakh- and- a-half in number. If this is a genuine tradition 
amongst the Dumals, I am inclined to believe that it was Raj 
Sing's wife of Kimidi Raj family who introduced the goddess 

in the State of Sonpur. 

The Dumals set up their Goddess Khambesvarl by putting 
two posts of black wood in the earth. The Dumals never wear 
any cloth or ornament which is black in colour. They always 
wear dhutis and saris having red border, and it is only red lac 
churis which they wear It is also to be noted that their 
women never put the mark of sindur or vermilion on their 
forehead as all the Hindu married women do. Usually in the 
Oriya villages the walls of the houses are painted dark with 
sticky ash-coloured earth; but the Dumals invariably paint 
their house walls with brown- coloured geri mati. They say 
that as their Goddess Khambesvarl is black, they do not wear 
anything which is black in colour. 

The Dumal women do not wear any ornament about their 
feet or ankles, as usually women of other castes do. They 
only bore their left nostril to wear a nosering, and perforate the 
lobes of the ear for similar purpose But they religiously 
avoid perforating the other parts of the nose and the ear. I 
notice these customs so that in future some clue may be 



The Dumfds worship their tribal Goddess Khambesvarl in 
the month of Asvin when the Durga Puja is celebrated by the 
Hindus. In the month of Asvin they worship Khambesvarl 
under the spreading branches of a mahua fbassia latifolia) tree. 
It ia significant to note that the god or goddess who has 
his or her seat under the shade of a tree, is called dimli in the 
Sambalpur tract. May it not be the case that the name Dumal 
has its origin in dimli owing to the fact that these people 
worship a dimli goddess ? 

446 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

There is a caste in the Sambalpur tract called Sudh. This 
term is supposed to be a contraction either of the term S'udra 
or of the word Suddha (pure). There are two sections of the 
Sudh people, namely, the Butka Sudhs and the Bad Sudhs. 
The Butka Sudhs are treated still as an aboriginal tribe and 
are not touched by the high class Hindus. But the Bad (big) 
Sudhs are allowed to offer water to the Brahmans. The 
Dumals interdine with the Bad Sudhs, but the Sudhs and the 
Dumals do not intermarry, this shows that the Dumals and 
the Sudhs are akin to each other, while the Sudhs must be 
supposed to have once belonged to the tribe of the Butka 
Sudhs, who are considered to be of low origin. 

Even where the Dumals have their temples (called by the 
Telugu name gvdi by all the Hindus of the Sambalpur tract) 
for their goddess, they fix in the earl h two pieces of wood, one 
to represent Khamsiri or Ivhamh svari <md the other to 
represent Parmasiri or Paramesvari. For the Paramesyari a 
piece of rohinl wood is obtained The word rohinl is in the 
feminine gender, and it means red-coloured goddr-s. The 
wood rohinl is Indian red wood which is known to the 
Botanists as soymida febrifuga. The Br&hman priest wor- 
ships the Parame^varl for the Dumlls, while the Dumals 
themselves worship their Khambe&vari. 

It is difficult to say whether the Khambesvari has come 
over to the Dumals from the home of the Kandhs. The 
Aryan form of the name point- to a time of Hitida or Hin- 
duized influence both over the Dumals and the Kandhs, 
at least in the translation of the name of the goddess. The 
sacrificial post of the Kandhs is also known to be of black 
wood. Regarding this, however, I have not trot yet very 

satisfactory information. 

I now relate another account of Khambe4\;ui , I hough I 



has any connection or not with the goddess of the Dumals. 
The Goddess Stambhesvaii is found to have been the tribal or 
family goddess of some Rajas whose copperplate grants were 
published by Babu Manomohan Chakravarti in the " Journal ol 
the Asiatic Society of Bengal" (Ixiv, 1895, pp. 123-27). 

It is rather unfortunate that the original plates have not 
been published in the Journal. The editor of the Journa 
has also remarked that the text published in the Journal 
is that given by the author, and that the plates were not avail- 
able for comparison. Since Biibu Manoniohan Chakravarti is 
not himself sure whether his reading is correct all throughout, 
it is difficult to rely much upon the text. Line 8 of Plate A 
gives us one half foot and one full foot of the Indravajra verse. 
Lines 11 to 13 contain two feet of Basantatilaka. If the text 
could be carefully read in the light of those meters, reconstruc- 


Vol. VII, No. 7.] The Stambhesvari . 447 


tion of some portion of the text could be attempted in spite of 
wrong spelling and bad grammar. 

That Stambhesvari was the family goddess of the grantor 
is clear from the fourth line of Plate A. Whatever may be the 
form of the names of men, it cannot be said that the grantor 
belonged to Southern India, The inference of my friend Babu 
Manomohan Chakravarti that the grantor belonged to Calukya 
line cannot easily be accepted. Wrong spelling of words in 
the plates cannot justify us in changing Sulki into Calukya. 
On reference to the wrong spellings it can only be said that the 
plates were engraved at a time when the vowel "r" was pro- 
nounced both as "ri" and "ru" in Orissa. In the plates of 
the Trikalinga Guptas we get from the wrong spelling the 
northern " ri " sound only of **T." But in the plates of 
Kulastambha Deva " 6atru " has been misspelt as "Satr 
(line 19, Plate A front), and again " paficariSaya " (line 4, 
reverse) has been engraved for "pancarsaya." The reading 
of the text by Babu M. M. Chakravarti is "ya£ca" for 
" panca." Though the original plates cannot be obtained now 
for comparison, it can be easily said that " ya " could be 
misread for " pa" and "Sea" for "fica." This only shows 
that the southern influence in Orissa only commenced, and 
the northern linguistic influence did not till then die out. 
This leads us to fix the date of the plates after the time of 
Mahabhava Gupta and his successors. 

Then again the concluding lines of the charter are the 
same as we get in the charters of the Trikalinga Guptas (Epi- 
graphia Indica, Vol. Ill, pp. 323 et seq.). In the light of the 
text of the plates of the Trikalinga Guptas I am inclined to 
think that the Kayastha officer mentioned in the plates was a 
Bengali Kayastha like Kailasa Ghosa, Ballava Ghosa, Charu 
Datta, etc., of the plates of the Trikalinga Guptas. 

Be that as it may, since no definite information can be 
obtained regarding the grantor who had Stambhesvari for the 
family goddess, it is safe not to make any inference at all 
regarding his original home and origin. 

Thus far is certain, that some time after the reigns of 
Mahabhava Gupta and his successors, who assumed the title 
Trikalingadhipati, a Raja made a grant of lands in Kalinga or 
Orissa and this Raja had Stambhesvarl for family goddess. 

Referring to the Epigraphic records of Assam we find that 
once by about the eleventh century or a little earlier, the 
Rajas Salastambha, Bigrahastambha, Palakastambha, Bijaya- 
stambha and others established a kingdom in Assam. This 
Salastambha has been spoken of as a great chief of "the 
Mlecchas" (Gait's " History of Assam/ 9 p. 27). Who can say 
that the Saiva Kulastambha was not Mleccha to begin with, 
and did not belong to the Mlecclia clan of Orissa tradition, 
which possessed Orissa for some time ? 

31 . Persian letters from Jahan Ara, daughter of Shah 
Jahan, king of Dehli, to Raja Budh Parkash of Sirmur, 

Communicated by Mr. H. A. Rose. 



b 1 e, 1 ^ 


/A>a oi;) P^° ****** j*l u«*»j^ J^^ ^ cAm^ J* 3 «**IsU»j 

gl >.^ ^15 js A ^U. aU ji^i ^i f*^ ^^V 

* «MJ> .iji- 

450 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911 . 


Ijf cA* 


^ji\ u+*j)l >JJf p~J 

*k u'b'M **j* ;-*^° cr^y **>.5 *aJ^yi U**/y^*j »W> j ^>*^ 

* iULy *i*tj*j iuj^ ^ a!J( j; _ fey ,M ^**\ Jj 

u»y» i a «u <yiiji £, ; ^ ^ o^ ^i* 




*1 «JUl 

'/o 1 ^ 


*4Uy^j 31 ^ ^ ^^^ jLs ^ ( ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^x, ^y!^ 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahan Ard. 451 


jxAw .>>;*• *>" jj\ A*~ly UA *>.>>? ^jf *** iJ \) i^j'y ^^ o£±f 

; ^Lu| jf 9 - ^^ ; *A|^ £*. $*f ^t^^J Aj£ *<*[^ ^Mfj 3 or** 3 **7* 

llrt^J W** 3 5-^ * r *" *Afj».i 0^- ^teij f^** j*M lT* J 


^» l 




13 ^ iJLi* ^I^Ij a*« a< ^iifj A-y - <*i\±> t^i ^|*H ^^t i 

jiu_, c^l ^^ a».^ ^j ; v «e**t<5* ^^ *^ JS f *y^jW 


^ li u-A r 1 *^- ^^ j<r r I ^; Uj| t** U*" 3 

452 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [July, 1911 


Jt* i* 



tfl aUi 

aJUlf AxJLc 

u-e&"° * f -A^;*" J ,Ai4X !) l?^" J ^s*-** j' ^* -> li *l C^ **-*->? 

- *u>j ijiji ^ (sb p Im *m* »^ u^ * r &b>*y° % )* ] * 

* it ' 

rr &* {j** * l * (*** 3 ^-^ M)^ ^ l^ 

Vol. VII , No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahan Ard. 453 



In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate. 

The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of 
favour and kindness, Raja Budh Parkash may know that his 
'arzdasht together with several animals and a basket of pome- 
granates have been received and shown to us by the women of 
our holy threshold. As to his requesting us to recommend 
him to His Majesty, the lord of the earth and the age, master of 
the house and of the dweller thereof, and the means of comfort to 
the world, he is informed that as His Majesty, the protector of 
kings, is at Akbarabad, the seat of the Caliphate, and we are 
here, we cannot comply with his wishes at present. He may 
know that we shall always attend to his affairs. Dated 16th 
Jumada II, the 13th year of the Julus. 


The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of 
favour and kindness, submissive to Islam, Raja Budh Parkash 
may know that his 'arzdasht together with myrobalans, some 
pomegranates, zedoary, a golden- winged bird, and musk have 
been received and shown to us by the women of our high house- 

A A J __■_„_ — _ I I J 

hold. We 


will shortly reach him. He may know that we shall always 
attend to his affairs. Dated 11th Shawwal, the 14th year of 

the Julus. 


In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate. 

The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of 
favour and kindness, submissive to Islam, Raja Budh Par- 
kash may know that his 'arzdasht together with some pods of 
musk and a flapper {chanwar) have been received and shown to 
us by the women of our great household. The presents have met 
with our approval. He writes about the misconduct of Sondha- 
and others of his tahwildars saying, that the zamindars of the 
varganahs of Sadhora at first stood'sureties for them, but after- 
wards helped them run away with cash and property ; and re- 
ouestins us to send illustriousT/arman* to Ruhu-1-lah Kb .in, 

an, Faujdar of Sahrand, and 

Ali Akbar, Amin-i-faujdar of the parganah of Sadhora, ordering 
them to arrest the tahwildars and zamindars. In our opinion 
the addressee was wrong in trusting the zamindars. As we do 
not interfere in such matters, he had better write an 'arzdasht 

454 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

to His Majesty, the protector of kings, on the subject. Ruhu-1- 
lah Khan and others will not take any action until His Majesty 
is informed of the affair. Dated 21st Rabi TI, the 18th year of 
the Julus. 


God is Great. 

The best of his equals and contemporaries Raja Budh Par- 
kash, while expecting favour from us, may know that his 
several 'arzdashts together with two boxes of snow have been 
received and shown to us. He writes that the snow belongs to 
the Royal store and that it was sent by Sayyid Shafi and 


Bhori. We 


snow was very dirty and a large portion of it was melted. 
From this it appears that the snow was not taken from our 
store. The zamindar of Garhwal writes to say that it is he who 
sent the snow. God knows who really sent it. As to the 
addressee requesting us to ask His Majesty to do justice in the 
dispute between him and the Raja of Garhwal, we spoke to His 
Majesty on the subject. Accordingly His Majesty repeatedly 
ordered the Bakhshis to write a hasbu-l-hukm to the effect that 
whoever was aggressive, would be severely punished. The 
zamindar of Garhwal states that he has never been aggressive, 
that the land under dispute has been in the possession of his 
family from ancient times, that it was taken from him by force, 
and that now that he has got an opportunity, he has recovered 
it. How different his version of the case is from that of the 
addressee ! Until His Majesty deputes an Amin to inquire into 
the case and is informed of the true facts thereof, he will not 
consent to troops being sent to settle it. Moreover, as it is 
necessary to send expeditions towards (he Deccan and Kabul, 
we do not think that troops can be spared for any other pur- 
pose. Dated 7th Jumadal. the 2 1st vear of the Julus. 


God is Great. 

The best 
favour and k: 


deserving of 

'arzdasht together with some pods of musk and a basket of 
pomegranates have been received and shown to us by the 
women of our high household : we were extremely pleased 
with the musk that he first sent us. We therefore desire him 
to procure some more and send it to us. He should see 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jdhan Ard. 455 


that the article is genuine and not imitation. We assure him 
that we shall always attend to his affairs. Dated 21st Rama- 
za?i, the 21st year of the Julus. 


God is Great. 

The best of his equals and contemporaries, deserving of 

favour and kindness. Raja Budh Parkash may know that his 

s » 'arzdasht together with a falcon and some honey have been re- 

^ \ ceived and shown to us. As the falcon was too young, we 

exchanged it for an (older) one. The honey met with our ap- 
proval. As to the turbulent zamindar of Srinagar between 
whom and the addressee there is always war, the addressee has 
done well to bring the matter to the notice of the high and 

Nholy Presence. We have understood what he says regarding 
w the quantity of the snowfall there, the dilatoriness of Abdu-r- 
Rahman, the Daroghah, in collecting snow and the wages of the 
labourers. An illustrious farman has consequently been sent 
to the said DarogMh ordering him to collect snow diligently and 
telling him that the wages of the labourers will be paid accord- 
ing to the agreement, and that if he is remiss in collecting 
snow, as he was last year, he shall suffer the consequences. 
Dated 25th Muharram, the 23rd year of the Julus^ 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911 t 










• — * 





&- c 

© © 

r3 Cg 




-+3 -M 





§ 5 
F F 

2 © 

© -P 

a &p 
a p 

© fl to 


o £ S 

© o S 



7th Jam 

adi ub 





of Shah 












Received two boxes 

snow. The snow 
is not good. The Za- 
mindar of Garhwal 
says that he sent them. 
God alone knows who 
sent them. Your com- 
plaint against the ag- 
gressions of the Za- 
mindar of Garhwal 
was brought to the 
notice of the emperor. 
His Majesty eays that 
the aggressors will 
surely be punished. He 
says that his ancestral 
property was seized 
and hence getting a 
suitable opportunity 
he has recovered it. 
So long as a special 
Amin is not sent th 
emperor cannot form an 
opinion. The army is 
required for active ser- 
vice in Kabul and the 
Dec can in these days, 
and hence it iR difficult 
to send an army any- 
where else. 

Your application 
with peshkash. hawk 
and honey duly receiv- 
ed. The hawk was 
young and hence ex- 
changed. The honey 
is also liked. You 
speak of the aggres- 
sionsof the Zamindar of 
Srinagar,but it appears 
there is a long-stand- 
ing enmity between 
you and him . He does 
not mend his ways. 

Vou'have acted rightly 
in bringing the case 
to the notice of • the 
Emperor. We have 





Vol. VII, No. 7.] Persian letters from Jahdn Ard 


." tit^ 


A p ° d 


fe; 5 g o 



2 3 ® 3 





■*» © o 

«H * J o 

© S O ! 





"S s£5 





e e 

(h CD 



S be 








© *"_g 




- — 9 

" © 






come to know about 
the fall of snow and 
the laziness of Abdul 
Rahman in collecting 
Bnow and paying re- 
muneration to labour- 
ers. He has been 
informed that he 
Bhould collect snow 
largely and continue 
to send it to us. If he 

lazily like last 
year, it will be not 
well for him. 


16th Ja 



of Shah 











21st Ram 
z5n, 41. 




Acknowledges the re- 
ceipt of some animnls, 
pom rranates, etc. 
Informs him that the 
Emperor is at Akbara- 
bad and his requests 
therefore could not be 
brought to His Ma- 
jesty's notice. 

Acknowledges the 
receipt of yellow my- 
robolnn, sour pome- 
granates, zedoary (a 
spicy plant), white 
cock and musk : and in- 
forms him that a Khil- 
lat of honor has been 
granted him. Directs 
him to send another 
white * cock. (* The 
original hasZHrin. It 
may mean white or 

Acknowledges the 
receipt of musk and 
pomegranates. Orders 
him to send genuine 
and first-class musk. 





Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, [July, 1911.] 






o ° 













sani, 18. 





of Shah 





Acknowledges the 
receipt of mask and 

ohauri. ' It 

from your letter that 
Sondha, etc., with the 
help of the zamindars 
of Sadhaura have 
absconded. We can 
not interfere in such 
imperial matters. You 
had better write to the 
Emperor. So long as 
the Emperor's orders 
are not issued on the 
subject, Rub Allah 
Khan and others will 
never arrest them.' 

* We cannot go to the 
Darbnr owing to ill- 
ness. Your applica- 
tion has been sent to 
Jafar Khan Madar-ul- 
Mnham for disposal. 
Poittns will be sent 
during the winter. 1 



x ! 

= & 
c5 _ 


X , 
S +5 

*" -5 

J" O S3 

• - 2 « ° ° 

r o id 
fc a 5 

<D 0Q g 






32. Errata, etc., in the A.S.B. Edition of Abu Turab's 

History of Gujarat, Calcutta 1909. 

By H. Beveridge. 

Dr. Denison Ross lias conferred a boon on all who are 
interested in Indian history by his edition of Abu Turab's 
work. It is quite a new source for the history of Gujarat. 
Apparently the British Museum MS. Or. 1818, Rieu, Cat. III. 
967, is unique. It is one of the many manuscripts that we owe 
to that devoted scholar Sir Henry Elliot, the tablet to whose 
memory is one of the ornaments of Winchester Cathedral. 
Dr. Denison Ross's edition has been prepared from a copy of 
the B.M. MS. made for him by Hajf 'Abdul Majld of Baghdad. 

The copyist was evidently a good scholar, but as he had 
only one manuscript to work from, and that not free from worm- 
holes, some mistake have occurred. Possibly too there are 
some printer's errors in the edition. As I regard Abu Turab's 
work as of much importance, I have collated the imprint 
with the B.M. MS., and have here set down all the misreadings 
which are likely to embarrass a reader or a translator. I have 
also made a few remarks on what seemed to be obscure 

Page 2, 1. 3. For 0J1U read cutis. Page 5, 1. 4. In the 

first line of couplet, for &* Ui^ *l£ read &(g,&U», The copyist has 

mistaken the hamzaiox a nun, and Dr. Ross has justly remarked 
on the obscurity of the couplet. When we read, however, 

as we should do, Shddiabad 


intelligible. It was composed in praise of Bahadur Gujarati's 
father Sultan Mozaffar II, and celebrates his generosity in 



This couplet may be translated 


Whate'er thou takest, thou restorest. 

The chronogram which precedes, yields 929 A.H., which 
corresponds to 1523. There is a much more difficult couplet 
at p. 25. The copy, however . is correct : it is only the 
enigmatic meaning which is obscure. It seems that Ikhtiyar 
Khan, Bahadur's governor of Champanir, had a reputation for 
making versified riddles. This one he is said to have made 
when Humayun offered him his choice between taking service 

460 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July 1911. 

under him, or of returning to Bahadur. The Mirat Sikandari, 
see Fazl Ullah's translation, p. 196, gives a different account 
of the circumstances under which the enigma was composed, 
but both it and Abu Turab's work agree that the couplet 
contains an allusion to Humayun's name, and perhaps to its 
numerical value according to dbjad. But neither of these works, 
nor the translator Fazl Ullah, explains how the abjad is effected, 
and I have failed to understand the point. I can only suppose 
that Mah " the Moon" in the second line is an anagram of 
"Huma" which is the essential part of Humayun's name. 
This view is corroborated by another specimen of Ikhtiyar- 
Shan's enigmas which is given at p. 195 of Fazl Ullah's 
translation. (Page 252 of the Bombay ed. of the Persian text of 
the ' ' Mirat S.") There the enigma seems to consist of a bad pun 
on the name Jamal. Garcin de Tassy in his work on " Oriental 
Rhetoric and Prosody," 2nd ed., Paris 1873, remarks on the 
obscurity of the department of orental prosody which relates 
to Mu'amma, riddles. 

Page 12, 1. 21 ; see p. 74, three 11. from foot— ^ Base. 
This is the Vasha of Bates' Hindi dictionary, p. 661 , col. 2, and 
the Vasa of Sanskrit dictionaries. It means a woman, and 

A&jjui a'»/i 

i.e. weak, or subdued. 

Page 13, 6 11. from foot— *i**. Chaghta. Dr. Ross remarks 

that this word has the appearance of incorrectness. But it has 
been correctly copied. See infra. 

Page 14, 10 11. from foot— sahsalah chapar n\z yaft. These 
words occur also in the B M. MS and are unintelligible. Dr. Ross 




for chhappar "a thatch," and would translate" grass three 
years old from thatches." Neither explanation seems quite 
satisfactory. Possibly gah-i- sahsalah (there is an izafat after 
gah) should be gah~i-sipahsalar 


• nu- TiT y™«-*'o*,i,ur uie straw tor the uommanuei- 
in-Uiief, _or, what I think is more likely, the proper reading 
may be aahe-sah salak u rhhstmnr,*. „i7~ *.zu 4-1^4. ,•« "af.ra.w 

chhappar chiz yaft 

three years old, and that from thatches were precious." But 
it is all very doubtful. See infra. 


it is the Arabic form of Parghali. He was Humayun's Pir and 
is frequently mentioned in the Akbarnama and the Tarikh 
Kasjjidi. He was drowned at Chausa. See Akbarnama, text, 
1. 166, where there is also the reading Pir 'All. 

Page 17, 1. 8. A line has been accidentally omitted here. 
After as^ Chitorke there should be inserted ; tir *s~o jt J l ^ J ' 
(etc. gU) | ;j) | aij ^UC AM*, ^ j* ^ ^iUa-i etc.," Chitor, 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Errata in Abu Turab's History of Gujarat. 461 


which has just been freed from the infidels, should be given to 
him in order that we may go (and bring him to terms). 

Page 18, 6 11. from foot. For ^&;jf read ^)j Uzbegl, 
"an Uzbeg" ; compare Akbarnama I, translation, p. 305. 
Page 18, 3 11. from foot. For ±£ read **£. 
Page 18, 2 11. from foot. After Sultan insert b. 

Page 19, 1. 3. For ** read o " two. 

3 t 

Page 19, 4 11. from foot. For j*£ & read l^f atishha. It 

refers to Humayun's ordering that the burning of the houses 
in Champanlr should be stopped. 

Page 20, 1. 11. For ^j^ read ufji^i M an old woman." 

Page 20, last line. For iilS read <u^ gashta sirha. It means 

" in a confused state " : see Vullers II, 283 col. b, and 282 col. b. 

Page 27, 1. 3. >AJ 


for vsjU, san, a well-known word for a review of troops. See 
Vullers II, 194a, and P. De Courteille's Diet. 341, and 
Babur's Memoirs, Ilminsky ed., p. 127, 9 11. from foot. The 
Hyd. ed , p. 103b, line 7, has as the word for a review dim, 


or vim. Jferhaps d%m is the Persian 

kurdilar might mean "a seeing of fj , _, OT » 

tion. Sun occurs again in Abu Turab, p. 44, 1. 4. 

Page 33, 1. 7. For & read Jjyi. 

Page 33, last line. For jj|>j read jy 

Page 35, 1. 3. For^£* read )j£*. 

Page 39, 3 11. from foot. For e>ji read e>f • 

Page 40, top line. Insert conjunction 3 before alhal 

Page 40. 4 11. from foot. Insert 

hamza after *t>Jo*» saped 

and delete conjunction j. The passage is obscure. I do not know 
what bad saped means here. 

Page 43, 1. 4. For f*U*A.< read ^ Ui . 

Page 49, 1. 3. &\sf*)& unintelligible. Dr. Ross has also 
noted passage. Perhaps it should be aJL-^ kasala " causing 
affliction." The expression occurs again p. 85, 1. 11. 

Page 50, 1. 9. *■*& *U«« unintelli 


Page 50, 4 11. from foot. Here the copyist has deviated from 
his original which has quite clearly iJ&ȣ gostash, which I take 
to be for ^fix&^t " his flesh." The passage is, I think, goshtash 
ba yaz kandand, c< They tore his flesh with thorns." 

Page 53, 1. 7 from foot. For ^ **tf should apparently be 
read ft* *<*> 13 tasa sham, the wretched (Mirzas). 

462 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [July, 1911. 

Page 54, last line. For ^y\ read ^y>, that is, Ba Wali-al- 
Haqq ; the tashdid has been wrongly made into the dots of a ta, 

Page 60, 1. 14. For ^ii*» read ^*i-~j Istld. Compare Istada 
just above. The passage means, " Dont you stand." 

Page 64, 1. 8. Though Man Sen agrees with original, it 

should be Man Singh. 

Page 75 , last line, $j£\ 


lAi v*t+* 

Page 83, 1. 3. For ( j^^.)^ read ^va. jl$a.. The mistake 

is important for it makes a remark of A. T.'s unintelligible. 
What he says is that he was convinced that the siege of 
Ahmadabad by the rebels would be unsuccessful, for there were 
four discordant parties among the besiegers, viz. 1st, Ikhtiyarti-1- 
Mulk and all the Gujaratis; 2nd, the Mlrzas (Moghuls) ; 3rd, the 
Afghans ; 4th the Abyssinians. 

Page 83, 1. 13. For tjJLb read dj^jlf. Also delete word 
after dashtand. 

Page 34, 1. 3. For <+iy read ^jy. 

Page 84, 6 11. from foot. Is an important passage as it gives 
us the name of 'Umar Khan LodI the father of the famous 
Daulat Khan whom A. T. calls the Vakil of 'Aziz Koka. See 
Blochmann 502, 'Umar Khan then was the grandfather of 
the still more famous Khan Jahan LodI of Jahar 
Jahan's time. 

Page 99, top line. For i w read <»rr*. 
Page 99, 1. 3. For *uf read *mT . 
Page 99, 1. 10. For **tf read ijif . 
Page 103, 1. 6. For A-y read *^t. 

Page 108, last line. Apparently the word basababahar is, 
as suggested by Dr. Ross, a mistake for baslha " woman." 


Page 32, line 16. My friend Mr. White way has shown me 
a passage in a book on Portuguese ships in the 15th and 16th 
centuries in which, at p. 11, a distinction is drawn between the 
two Portuguese words barca and barcha. The latter is clearly 
the barsha of Abu Turab. The book is by a Portuguese naval 
officer named Lopes de Mondonea and is entitled: " Estudos 
sobre Navios Port, ' ' etc. 

Page 13, 1 18— aI**.. This word has been correctly copied, 
and is, I think, right. It means, apparently, that the man 

Vol. VII, No. 7.] Errata in Abu TuraVs History of Gujarat, 463 


called Khurasan Khan was a native of Chaghatai or Jagatai 
in Khurasan. I find that in Colonel Stewart's map of 
Khunlsan published in the Royal Geographical Society's Journal 
for 1881, and reproduced, on a reduced scale, in li Through 
Persia in disguise,' * 1911, Jaghata is the name of a village 
in northern Khurasan, and that also there is a range of 
mountains called the Jaghatai mountains. 

Page 14, 1. 14. It seems not improbable that Dr. Denison 
Ross's suggestion of chapri ,4 bran" is the right one, for I see 
that Dr. Aitchison in his account of the Botany of the Afghan 
border, Transactions of the Linnean Society, 1887, says p. 5, 
"The fodder supplied to us for our cattle consisted of the 
crushed straw of wheat and barley, and of the stems of 
millet.' 1 Chn/pri might represent " Crushed straw." But the 
passage is still somewhat of a riddle. 


33« Corchorus capnularis var. oocarpus — a new variety 

of the common jute plant* 

By I. H. Burkill, and R. S. Finlow. 


On the left is the fruit of the variety here described : on the right 
fruit of the type for comparison. Both natural size. 


,,v, describe here a variety of the common jute plant, 
which was detected by one of us (R. S. P.) a year ago (1910), 
among the jute crops of south-eastern Mymensingh, and which 
ha?, since then, been studied in cultivation. Its local name is 
Baupdt and it differs from' the type in the elongation of its 
fruit, as figured above. It does not differ in other respects ; 
even' having the same number of seeds as has the type. It 
appears to be about midway between early and late ' as regards 
its time of ripening, being, in the latter respect, as well as 
in size and colour, rather similar to the races Barapat and 
Parbatya of Mymensingh. The cultivators seem to keep it pure 
and they regard it as the best race for cultivation on higher 
lands, which are not deeply inundated during the rainy season. 

One authority has held a that Corchorus capsulans so varies 
in fruit as to render its distinctness from the long-fruited 
C. olitorius doubtful. To that statement our work lends no 
support • the two species we hold are conspicuously different m 
fruit, as well as in flower and foliage; and though var. oocarpus 

I Vide our " Races of Jute," in the Agricultural Ledger, No. 6 of 

190 t Watt, "Commercial Prod uds of India , 1908, p. 406; and in Journal 
of the Royal Society of Arts, lvi, 1908. p. 264. 

466 Journal of the Asiatic Society oj Bengal. [August, 1911.] 

has a distinctly longer fruit than is usual, we do not claim it 
to be in any way an intermediate. 

The requisite Latin diagnosis is appended. 

Cokchorus capsularis, Linn. , var. oocarpus. Capsula 
obovoidea, 16 mm. longa, 10 mm. diametro. Varietas. haec in 
distrietu Mymensingh colitur. 

34* The Polarity of the Bulbils of Dtoscorea bulb if era, 


By I. H. Burkill. 

The following brief note embodies two series of observations 
made to ascertain if the bulbils of Dioscorea bulbifera put out 
shoots with equal facility from any part of their surface, or 
possess a polarity in this respect. For the purpose a quantity 
of bulbils collected on the outskirts of Calcutta in November, 
1910, were kept dry in a bag in my office until the end of 
March, 1911, when for observation they were spread upon a 
laboratory table. 

First series of Observations. 

About thirty- five bulbils were left spread on the table with- 
out water, and without any interference, exposed to the damp 
atmosphere of Calcutta, where they sprouted. On May 12th, 
1911, they were examined and the position of the shoots deter- 
mined with regard to the two poles— the adaxillary pole whereby 
the bulbil had been attached, and the abaxillary or apical 
pole. Six belts were delineated on the bulbils thus : 

(1) the pole surrounding the scar where the bulbil had 

been attached in the parent axil, — adaxillary pole, 

(2) a belt next to that pole, 

(3) a belt above the equator, 

(4) a belt below the equator, 

(5) a belt next to the abaxillary or apical pole, 

(6) the abaxillary or apical pole — the pole containing the 

apex of the organ transformed into a bulbil. 

On May 12th , twenty-eight of the bulbils had germinated, 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

five producing two shoots. The distribution of the shoots was 
found to be as in the following diagram : — 

Diagram of bulbil, giving the position of the shoote, adaxillary 

pole uppermost. 

The single shoot in the fifth belt was the second shoot on a 
tuber which had produced a shoot near the adaxillary pole, 
and so also was one of the two in the fourth belt. 

Second series of Observations. 

On March 29th, 1911, twenty-six of the bulbils were cut 
transversely at the equator into approximately equal halves, 
and the halves were put, the cut surface downwards, onto a 
porous tile standing in a little water. 

On the 12th of May, eighteen of the halved bulbils had 
started to grow, nine of them from both halves and nine from 
one half only. 

The 8 bulbils which had not grown at all, were among the 
smallest; and some of them had undoubtedly suffered from par- 
tial dessication. Of the nine which had produced shoots from 
one half only, 7 had produced them from the adaxillary half, 
and 2 from the abaxillary half. 

u- J 1 . B jj°° fcs in al1 had 'been produced by the 27 half bulbil* 
which had started to grow, i.e., some had produced more than 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Bulbils of Dioscorea bulbifera, Linn. 469 


one shoot, 3 in the case of one adaxillary half, two in the case 
of another adaxillary half, and 2 in the case of one abaxillary 


Thus there were : — 

20 shoots from adaxillary halves, 
11 shoots from the abaxillary halves* 

The adaxillary halves had put out shoots more freely than 

the abaxillary halves. 

Dividing the bulbils into belts as before, the distribution of 
the shoots may be represented diagrammatically thus : 

Diagram of halved bulbils, giving the position where the shoots arose, 

adaxillary pole uppermost. 

The reader will notice how freely on the lower half the 


As a 

matter of fact they were generally very close to the cut. 
have conducted no experiments to determine how far the 
moisture of the tile was responsible for this, and how far we 
have in it a wound stimulus. But it is evident that the bulbil 
has a tendency to put out new shoots from the adaxillary half, 
just as the terrestrial tuber of Dioscorea bulbifera, when start- 
ing its new year's growth, similarly puts forth its shoots close 
to the pole whereby it was attached to its parent. 

35* Translation of an Historical Poem of the 

Emperor Shah 'Alam II* 

By Professor M. Hid ay at Husain. 

The following poem was written by the Emperor Shah 
'Alam II of Dehli (takhallus Ajtab) after he had been deprived 
of sight by the treacherous Rohila Chief Ghulam Qadir Khan, 
son of Zabit Khan, and grandson of Najib ad-Dawla. After 
extorting all the sums he could from his royal master, the 
traitor ordered his Rohilas to pluck out the impoverished 
Emperor's eyes. This tragic event took place on the 7th of 
Zl'l Qa'da, a.h. 1292 (a.d. 1788). He then placed on the 
throne Bidar Bakht, son of Ahmad Shah, and grandson of 
Muhammad Shah. 


1. A storm of misfortune arose for my humiliation, 
And scattered to the winds all my sovereignty. 

2. I was the sun in the sky of royal sublimity, 

But my black deeds alas ! have brought it to the dusk of 

3. Good it is that the Sky has plucked out my eyes, 
So that I do not see another ruling in my place. 

4. A son of an Afghan gave to the winds the grandeur of my 

Who but the Holy One can lend me a helping hand 

5. The golden wealth of this world was to me as a life- 

consuming malady, 
But through the Grace of God this malady has been cast 

from me. 

6. I must have sinned grievously to have thus been punished, 
But it is l known that Heaven will pardon all sinning. 

7. He that destroyed me, had been my minister for thirty 

years , 
Swiftly have my wrongs to others reaped their reward. 

8. Promises and oaths made my friends, but treacherously 

they acted. 
Well indeed have my friends shown their sincerity. 

9. I gave milk to and nurtured the young of a snake ; 
In the end it girt itself to suck my blood. 


A This refers to the promise of salvati 
those who suffer for their sins in this world. 


472 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bew/al. [August, 1911. 

10. Of my provision for my children, gathered by thirty 

years' toil, 

I was plundered and stripped — of all I possessed. 

11. Mughal and Afghan, one and all, tricked me. 

Did they not suffer me to be taken into captivity. 

This beggar's son from Hamadan (surelv will he go to 

He it was who broke my heart by his cruelties. 

13. Gul Muhammad, a Marwan l in wickedness, 

Was the instrument that brought affliction upon me. 

14. Also Ilahyar, Sulaiman, and Bad a] Beg the damned, 

All three girt up their loins t<» cast me into captivity. 

15. Ah! may Timur,* who is of my blood, 

Hasten soon to my assistance! 

16. MadhujI Sindhia, my " farznwl-i-jif/a* 


Is busy righting the wrongs done to me. 

17. Asafad-Daw* mmm 

Would it be << 


a and the English are my counsellors; 

WOlK Of IT rJif»\r nnn-.ii +r\ m *f naaiafntipo l 

18. Rajas, Raos, and Zamlndfirs, all, rich an i poor. 

r»V V6re ini( * uit y did the y not f eel ray griefo. 
*»• Of the beauties of my court, my foiid companions, 

20 ? j° n - e * a , Ve Mal?al 8 Mn,mrak has s*a} d to serve ine - 

p ^ b " » To-day I have seen misfortune from the Sk 

-Perhaps to-morrow God may restore me my sovereignty 

L ^ is)**-*- &> ^~^y. t^sSmjM 1. 

[ ~ K isM eM JLf-»)j* 4»-»H *»4 

f-i**-*. CS-* 1 -^ ^-^», yjXi^—^ 2 


L* ^ *x_^ ,T Jly. A 

r v_-. ;<S tj-j 


[ -" c*; 1 — * »*-i ^fl J_^ 3. ^_^ 

( A D 1 ftwS fu £ name is Marwan bin al ftakam, and he dM io a.h. 65 
deeds. ,S notor,oua »• Islamic literature tor his treacherous 

« «uJ h - r ° ferS to - ,5h TImfir < son ° f Shlh \bdali, brother-in-law 
of Shah 'Alam. and ruler of Kabul. 

8 This was the title of the ch f wife of Shah 'Alam. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.J A Poem of the Emperor Shah ' Alam II. 473 


pi*i> i^—iiy* 







I— /o ^l£^i£ &sJL-£\j *5 ^j 




j>L>j z]& \jq ** &9L- &> J'-* 3 e5^ l^*3> — ^ 





<jJSt*Ui *-itU y^ 

l_i^ aJ^J *^ ^L* A/ ^L-x-j^ ^ 

Lx3 #c;bt-ij <^^-^ v^ - ^ ^1-^=^/0 

• » 

J > i^-rf 3' >r^ 


" Lsh 

*J OjiU 

*;,>!.> ,*\l-i **a ^_ *it ^ a*1 



• t 


KSi J 

I <X_<~J 

• ■ 



- c^'j' C* 




j *r-' ;•* ** 


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Ij c: 


> •«» ,5»li if 5 

^~ ujic « ^ 







HsJ /^ ia»%U6 *j e^'jjT" 3 ^ ^♦^^ LP 13. 


*3|U 15. 



I ^/o (^Jojl^ **jy uajk^ 




I—* C5^ 







• • 

*jf ^* p—Lm* *S±-»/i\ j *)j^J:«-fi— ef 




(&i>A> *ju>t— 


j^;!^;^ 1 ; » 



i — /o ^yy*** ^j *S}i 

*j A? |>At V-AJ;^ 

AJ,^J fJX — ♦* ^ JJ 


l — x ctr; u ^ ^ ti)l-^cl 

^ . 



x <s)^y 

W .vJ 


4>— il **>* '<-V i l — ! 




tf t5^ o 1 ^ 19. 

^ j^t uu-i* jt a-yf 20. 



36. The Ghagrahati (Kotwalipara) Grant and Three 

other Copper-Plate Grants. 

By F. E. Pargiter, MA. 

Babu Rakhal Das Banerji has published in this Journal 
(Vol. VI, No. 8 for 1910, p. 429) an interesting description and 
reading of a copper- plate grant, which is dated in the reign of 
a king named Samacaradeva, and which was found in mauza 
Ghagrahati in the south-west corner of the Faridpur district 
in 1908. Dr. Bloch brought the grant to the notice of Dr. 
Hoernle and me towards the end of that year, when I was at 
Dr. Hoernle' s request editing three copper-plate grants found 
in the same district some years previously ; and we were 
informed that it would be published in the Indian Archaeologi- 
cal Report. A photograph of it was sent me by the kindness 
of a friend in 1909, and I read it then for the purpose of ob- 
taining information that might elucidate the three earlier 

~ — v — — 

grants. My article on those grants was published in 1910. ] 
The fourth grant has now been published in a fine copy and 
has been edited by Babu R. D. Banerji in this Journal as 
mentioned above a — an event that I have awaited with much 
interest, as it enables me to comply with the Society's desire 
that I should write a paper dealing with these grants. The 
three other grants are marked A, B and C in my article and 
will be oited by those marks in this paper. I may express my 
regret that this grant has been styled the fl Kotwalipara 
Grant," because Kotwalipara is some two or three miles 
distant from where it was found. It is better to name it the 
11 Ghagrahati Grant," because it was found in Ghagrahati, and 
presumably relates to land there as will appear further on. 

I may begin by giving my reading and a translation of 
this fourth grant, because he has marked several words in his 
transcript as doubtful, and has not given us the benefit of a 
translation of it as he reads it. The plate published with his 
article and his reading of it have enabled me to correct my 
reading in three words, Pavittruko (1. 5), cam (1. 10) and krtya 
(1. 16), and the plate has enabled me to reconsider three diffi- 
cult words, vothya (1. 3), and samsmriya and bhavya (1. 13) ; 
but in all other respects the reading that I made two years ago 
has not needed alteration, because the photograph sent me 
was an excellent one. As he makes no reference to my 
article on the three other grants, it seems he had not seen it 

1 Indian Antiquary, vol. XXXIX, 1910, p. 193. 

* It has als > been published subsequently in the Rep. A.S.I, for 
1907-8; see postscript. 

476 Journal of the Asiatic Soci> ty of Remjal. [August, 1911. 

when he published his article on this fourth grant. I had the 
advantage of seeing the photograph of thifl grant before I 
published my article, and a comparison of all the grants is 
almost essential to an understanding of this grant. 

It will be most convenient then, if I first give my reading 
of this grant with remarks explanatory of my reading, and a 
translation of the grant with notes explaining its meaning and 
object, and afterwards consider the validity of this grant with 
reference to the scrutiny which he has made of it, comparing 
throughout all matters in the four grants that bear upon and 
elucidate one another. I will give my transliteration of this 
grant in Roman characters, because they are more convenient 
than Devanagan letters, inasmuch as they permit of the words 
being separated and thus exhibited more clearly than i 
possible with the latter. Letters and marks cm closed in round 
brackets in the transcript are particulars, that have been 
omitted in the grant and should he added to make i correct. 


& ide 


Svasty-Asyam- prthivvam apratirathc Xrga-N'ahusa-*- 

2 dhrtau Maharaj dhiraja-SrI-Samfio§radeve prata- 


3 yugal-'iradhan-oufift t-NavynvakHsikayiihi suvanuia- 


4 nga Uparika'-Jfvadatt;is T ; ul-anumo<litaka-Varaka- 

mandale visaya- 

5 pati-Pavittruico Yato f)s\ vyavaharatah Sttpratl- 

kasvami,,,, j v ith-adhi- 

6 karanika-Damuka-pi imnkham adhiknraimni risayar 


»varada( '.)- 

8 mahattara-1 iyadatta -rnahattar ■ .1 .nfmldanakuncl- 

adayah anye oa 

9 vahavah pradhan! wavaha(i i I na*=ca vijnapta B lech* 

my^aham bhavata(ih) prasa- 

s " ~ '-kh Ha. Miii .Hmr.dnln.kaih vali-caru- 




11 vrahman-opayogaya ca tamra-patf f-krt va bad^arbatW 

prasada(m) ka(r)ttu- 
U m=iti Yata enad abhvarthanam upalabhya Sanitn- 

oparilikhit-a i 

• • • • 

i \\Zi ka,, ' ala - *R *P* ***** 

b >1 ', lplfl *" "I cir -a "'"»• 

Some al rag are obliterat. ,1 her two. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahali (Kotwalipara) Grant. ill 


Second Side. 

13 nyair=vyavaharibhih samsmrtya Sa sata 6vapadair= 

justa rajno bhavy-artha-nisphala 

14 vatsa bhogyl-krta bhumir-nrpasy-aiv-artha-dharm- 

ma-kr(t) Tad-asmai vrahmana(ya) dayatam J ^i- 

15 ty-avadhrtya karanika-Nayanaga-Ke£av-adin-kula- 

varan=prakalpya prak=tamra-pattl- 

16 krtya* ksettra-kulya-vapa-ttrayarbm 3 =apasya Vya- 
. ghra-corako 4 yac=chesam tac-catuh^sima- 

17 linga 6 -nirddistarii krtvasya Supratikasvaminah tam- 

ra-pattl-krtya pratipadita(m) 

18 Slma-lingani c-attrah 6 Purvvasyarh pi6aca-parkkatti 

Daksinena Vidya- 

19 dhara-jotika PaScimayam Candracampa-kota-kenah 

Uttarena 7 Go- 

20 pendra-coraka 8 grama-sima c-eti || Bhavanti c-attra 

Slokah Sastim=varsa-saha- 

• • • • • — 

21 srani svarge modati bhumi-dah Aksepta c-anumanta 

ca 9 tany=eva narake vaset I 

22 Sva-da(t)tam=para-dattam~va yo hareta vasundha- 

rarii sva-visthaya(m) krmi(r) bhutva pitrbhi(h) 

23 saha pacyate [j Samvatsa 10 4 Kartti di 1. 

Remarks on the reading of the Text. 

I will now discuss the points in which my reading differs 

from Babu R. D. Banerji's. 

In the first place, this inscription makes no distinction 
between 6 and v 9 but has v in every case. He transcribes the 
v sometimes as b and sometimes as v ; thus for instance, he tran- 
scribes the word vahavak (L 9) as bahavdh as it should be in 
correct Sanskrit. It is always desirable that a transcript 
should be accurate, but apart from that, this point is of some 
importance. The use of the character for v in all cases 
(whether the proper sound should be b or whether it should be 
v in correct Sanskrit), even in the word vrahmana (11. 11 and 
14) shews that (subject to the qualification mentioned below) 
no distinction was ordinarily observed between these two letters, 



tion was composed. Hence it appears that two opposite 
changes had taken place, namely, the sound of v disappeared 
and was replaced by b, and the character for 6 disappeared 

1 Read dlyatanu 

2 Krta- would make better grammar, but the meaning is clear. 

3 Read ttrayam. 4 Read corake. * Read linga-. 
6 Read c-dttra. 7 Read uttarena. 8 Read corako. 
9 Read ca, or perhaps va. 


»/ Bengal. [August, 1911. 

and was replaced by that for v. These changes characterize 
Bengali at the present day, for it has not got the sound of v 
nor the character for b, and the sound of b is expressed by the 
character for v. This peculiarity then must be observed in 
transcribing this inscription ; but this conclusion must be 
qualified by considering the value of the character for v when 
it is the last member of a compound consonant in a single 
word. I do not refer to cases, where v beginning a word 
follows a word ending in m and the two appear as mv in the 
plate, as in adhikaranamvisaya (1. 6), because there the con- 
clusion would not be affected. Where v is compounded with a 
labial or r, as in Amvarisa (1. 1), purwasyam (1. 18) and 
samvatsa (1. 23), it had no doubt the sound of b; but when 
compounded with a dental, as in krtva (1. 17), or with a sibilant, 
as in svamin (11. 5 and 17) and hvapadair (1. 13), it could hardly 
have been pronounced as b and had probably the sound of w as 
in Sanskrit, for it could not have then acquired the indistinct 
sound which it has now in such compounds in Bengali. Thus 
it appears that in no position did the character for v have the 
sound of v, but was always pronounced as b except in certain 
compounds where it had the sound of w probably. 

The other grants differ in this respect The character for 
b is used in grant A in labdha (1. 2), bappa (1. 6) and brahman- 
asya{\. 8); and injrant B in Ambarisa (11. 1—2), brahman* 
(1. 11) and brahmana (1. 20). in grant C very much has been 
destroyed by corrosion, yet perhaps b occurs in labdha (1. 2). 
The letter b was therefore distinguished in grants A and B, and 
perhaps in C ; yet the above changes were developing then, 
because v is substituted for 6 in grant A in Amvarisa (1. 1) and 
pravandhena (1. 12) ; and in grant C in Amvarisa (1*. 1)- They 
had become completely established at the time of this grant. 

In the next place it mav be mentioned that Babu R. D- 
Banerji does not always transcribe as double the letters that 
are doubled in the inscription, for instance, the words PaviUruko 
(1. 5), sattra (1. 10), kseltra and ttrayam (I. 16), and cdttrah 
(1. 18) appear in his transcript with the t single. In this con- 
nexion I may notice suvarnna in 1. 3. He transcribes it as 
suvarna, but reads it really 'as suvarnda (p. 431), remarking 
there that da (that is, da) has two forms' when occurring in the 
compound nda, namely, one form in suvarnda and mandaU 
(1. 4), and the other in {V atsa-)kun da (1. 7) and Janarddana- 
kunda i (1. 8). This seems to me to' be a mistake, for the d in 
the last three words is the same (though not exactly identi- 
cal, because no two written letters are ever exactly alike, and 
even the n is not identical in those three words), whereas 
in the first word there are unmistakable traces of a second » 

1 He writes Janarddaka ; probably a clerical error. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati (Kot wall para) Grant. 479 

written under the main n t so that the letter is really rnna. 
He rightly conjectures that this is what is meant (p. 434). 

remarks may be made 


clearly shown in grants A and B. Babu R. D. Banerji writes 
it dhrtam, but there is a stroke to the left above the letter t y and 
as it is no part of dh or t it must be meant for a vowel mark, 
being written flat because there was hardly room to write it in 
its proper shape without running into the letter stya above it. 
The whole aksara then looks like to with a dot over it, and the 
dot is not, I think, anusvara but represents the third stroke 
which goes to form the vowel au, for the following reasons. 
There is much laxity in the way in which vowel marks are 
written in this plate. The sign which denotes a is written in 
various ways, and its chief modifications may be seen by com- 
paring it ii^ the words svadatam (1. 22), ja in raja (1. 2), dma 
(1. 20), °opatta (I. 3), kundddayah (1. 8), purwasyam (1. 18), 
navya° (1. 3), and varan (1. 15) ; but in one instance dacciro 
(1. 10) it is reduced to what is practically a dot. There is a 
tendency, where a vowel sign consists of more than one stroke, 
to reduce one of the strokes to a dot. Accordingly the a 
stroke which constitutes part of the vowel sign o is reduced 
practically to a dot in Pavittruko (1. 5), coralco (]. 16) and kota 
(I. 19). Similarly the curl of the wowel sign % is replaced by "a 
dot in almost every case, as is clearly seen in Supratika (1. 5), 
slmd (1. 20) and KeSavadln (1. 15). It would be quite in ac- 
cordance with this tendency then to turn one of the three 
strokes of au into a dot, and especially in dhrtau since there 
was hardly room to make the middle stroke properly because 
of the closeness of the letter stya above it. 

I will now notice the other differences between my reading 
and Babu R. D. Banerji 's line by line. 

Line 1. He writes prthivyam pratirathe, but the text has 
prthivyam apratirathe clearly. 

Line 3. He reads va£ya°, but the vowel sign over v con- 
sists of two strokes and cannot be a. It seems to be meant 
for o, the stroke which should be turned to the left being turned 
here to the right, because there was hardly room to write it 
properly because of the closeness of the letter tye above it. 
The main part of the second aksara is th and not 6, as will be 
seen by a comparison of th in_prthivyam (1. 1), artha (1. 15), etc., 
with 6 in 8V% (1. 2), katikayam (1. 3), etc. The word appears 
therefore to be vothya°. At the end of the line he has 
omitted ra. 

Line 4 The letter ka between anumodita and Vdraka is 
the termination of the former word. Many instances in which 
ka is added to verbal participles will be found in inscriptions, 
and Varaka is the province ; see p. 487 below. 

Line 5. He reads vyavaharaiah, but the h has no vowel 

480 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

mark a and the word is vyavaharatah. It is however probably 
amistake for vyavaharatah. 

Line 7. He reads frurada; the first letter however is not 
6u which occurs in S'ucipaliia in this line, but is &va as is seen 
in ivapadair (1. 13) ; though perhaps it may be intended for 
Sea which we find in vyavaha{ri)na&-ca (1. 9) and pa&cimayam 
(1. 19). The second letter resembles ra, but appears to have 
two dots on its left which suggest that it may be some other 
consonant unfinished ; and further it seems to have some in- 
distinct vowel marks above it. The third letter is much 
blurred; so much as is clear suggests da, but it may be some 
other consonant and seems to have r or m written over it. I 
transcribe it as svarada, but feel certain it is really something 
different, though I cannot suggest any emendation. 

Line 8. Babu R. D. Banerji reads Priyadatta, but the d 
has the vowel a, and the word is really Priyadatta, though it 
should no doubt be Priyadatta. He reads kundadaya, but 
there is a visarga after it, and the reading is kundadayah. 

Line 9. I agree with him that vyavahanaS is a mistake for 
vyavaharinaS. It is merely a clerical error such as is common 
in grants. 

Line 10. The reading is not khandalaka but khandalakam, 
because there is an anusvara above and a little to the right of 
the k. He reads pravarttaniya, but the word written is pra- 
varttaniya, for the n is dental and its vowel is i and not * as 
will be seen on comparing these vowels in other words. The 
word should be pravarttaniya. 

Line 11. The reading is not brahmanopaya gayaca but 
vrahmanopayogaya ca, for the first y has clearly above it a 
leftward stroke which with the a stroke forms o, though its 
significance is somewhat marred in that it joins the bottom of 
the letter nna in the line above. He reads tad arham [ya]tha> 
but the words are tad arhatha, for the h has only a superscript 
r and not an anusvara in addition, and the th has no vowel 5. 
Arhatha is the second person plural of the present tense of arh. 
He reads the last word as katra, but it is kattu. The difference 
between conjunct r and the vowel u is seen on comparing sattra 
(1. 10) with anumodilaka (1. 4) and catuh (1. 16), but the full 
curve of the u in kattu is marred because it is on the edge ol 
the plate. The whole word (if we complete it by reading on 
into 1. 12) is kattum iti, which is an error for karttum iti. There 
must be an infinitive here after the verb arhatha. ., 

Line 12. The reading is not yata dhanad but yata enad 9 an 
and e being much alike. Enad. is the accusative case singular ot 
etad in the neuter. He reads sam tho, but the word is iamtno , 
the sibilant being clearly i. This must be read with the 
following letters as &amthoparilikhita\ that is, iamtha + upan- 
likhita\ At the end of the line came some word, which began 

with a (so as to produce °likhitu° by Sandhi), and had probably 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati {Kotwalipara) Grant. 481 

two aksaras which have been obliterated, and finished with 
nyair in 1. 13. 

Line 13. This is the most difficult of all the lines as Babu 
R. D. Banerji has noted. The first two aksaras are more than 
nya vya° as he reads, for fch* nya has vowel marks above it and 
the vya appears to have a superscript r. The reading must be 
nyair vya° ; and nyair is the final syllable of the word which 
has become obliterated at the end of 1. 12, and which is in the 
instrumental case plural agreeing with vyavaharibhih. Still if 
we read nya, it would be compounded with vyavaharibhih, and 

the meaning would be the same. 

Next comes a difficult word which he reads as samantya, 
but the main portion of the second aksara in it is the same as 
the first, that is s in both cases. The third aksara is either 
tya or nya but has not enough strokes to be ntya. It appears 
to be tya if we compare it with tya at the beginning of line 15 
and thr shape of / in tac ca (1. 16). These inferences combined 
give sasatya. It will be seen from the subsequent remarks on 
the grammatical construction of II. 13 and 14, that this word 
must be an indeclinable past participle, and the termination 
ya shews that the root must be a compound one. The only 
preposition possible in this word is sam. Now the right limb 
of the fir^t s is continued above the top of the letter into a 
small knob, which appears to represent anusvara ; hence the 
fiist aksara is sam. En the middle of the second s is a thin 
perpendicular line which suggests that a compound consonant is 
intended, and if so, that can only be sm, and we may conjec- 
ture t!»at the engraver erroneously incised only s instead of 6W, 
and the mistake was corrected afterwards by inserting that 
middle line in order to make the character look as nearly like 
sm as was possible. Further under this sm there seems to be 
a faint trace as of the vowel r\ but, whether that is real or 
not, there can be little doubt that the word intended was 
samsmrtya. In support of this rendering it may be pointed 
out thai no other indeclinable past participle (as far as I am 
aware) can be suggested waich will satisfy both the script and 
the sen e of this passage. 

The remainder of this line and the greater part of 1. 14 con- 
tain many d fficulties, and the key to unlock them is found in 
tin- fact that the words between samsmrtya (1. 13) and tad 
a-smai (1. 14) compose a Sloka. 

He reads the first three aksaras of the sloka as sapati, but 
the last is /a, and the form of 1i is seen in patti (11. 11, 15 and 
17). The second is not like any p in this inscription, for it 
has a bar along the whole of its top, whereas the general form 
of p is shown in the next word Svapadair. This aks.ira must, 
it seems, be meant for sa y the middle horizontal bar of which 
has been carelessly blended with the wedge-shaped top and so 
gives the appearance of a continuous though not clean-cut 

482 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

line along the top. Something of such carelessness may be 
seen in visaya (1. 6) and especially in chesam (1. 16). I read 
these three aksaras then as sa sata> and in explanation of 
sata would suggest that it is an irregular instrumental case of 
the numeral sas, 'six/ declined in the singular after the ana- 
logy of the higher numerals. The correct instrumental sadbhih 
would suit the metre perfectly, but might have been beyond 
the learning of the person who composed this grant, for the 
Sanskrit contains many errors. This suggestion has its diffi- 
culties, yet in support of it I may add that no other reading of 
the second character yields any sense. I may also point out 
that a similar irregular formation occurs in grant A in anaih 
(1. 22), which is probably meant for ebhih; and, as the correct 
word was apparently beyond the composer's learning, he 
coined anaih from anena after the analogy of Hvena and Hvai^ 
The next three words are clearly 6vapadair justa rajno. 
The remainder of this line consists of three words of which the 
last two are certainly artha-nisphala, though the last two 
aksaras are somewhat blurred. The first word which consists of 
two aksaras is difficult. The first letter is certainly a soft con- 
sonant (because rajnah has become rajno before it) and appears 
to be dh or bh with a faint indication of the vowel a. The 
second is a double consonant, but peculiar. Babu R. D. Baner- 
ji read it as rmma, but it is not like m and there is no a ; yet if 
so taken it can only be rmma. It seems to me however to be 
vya ; compare it with the v in °vdriha (1. 14). The two aksaras 
would therefore be dharmma as his reading would stand then, 
or bhavya as I take them. This word and the next then read 
dharmmartha or bhavy-artha. In favour of his reading it may 
be noted that dharmmartha (or rather dharmmartha, as it would 
have to be amended, and as he amends it) would correspond 
to arthadharmma in the second half of the Sloka in 1. 14; but 
against it are the arguments (1) that the first aksara has traces 
of a and the second has none, and (2) that there 'is no instance 
here in which m as the second member of a compound con- 
sonant is written incompletely as a subscribed character, for its 
right limb is always carried up to the top as in dharmma and 
asmai (1. 14). On the other hand bhavy-artha satisfies the con- 
ditions, for it has a in the first aksara, and y as the second 
member of a compound consonant is sometimes written wholly 
as a subscript character; compare samsmrtya (1. 13), bhogy* 
(1. 14) and prakalpya (1. 15), in all which words he agrees that 
there is a subscript y; and further it is not necessary there 
should be precise parallelism regarding dharma and artha in 
lines 13 and H. The reading therefore appears to be bhavy- 

b*+- Li Zl U n He reads the firsfc six aksaras as icchato vya^.)- 
f£ a k J\ 18 P uzzlin g, but the others are tsorbhogy^kfta, 

tor the second has no c in it but is t with a subscripts 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ohdgrdhdti {Kotwili/nrd) Grant. 483 


the third is bho, the rounded left limb being characteristic of 
bh as in bhavatd(m) (1. 9) vyavahdribhih (1. 13), etc.; and the 
fourth is gyi, as shewn by comparing g in nrga (1. 1), °yogaya 
(1. 11), ndga (1. 15), etc., and the vowel i in KeSavddin (1. 15), 
strrid (1. 20), etc. The first aksara is not i nor i, for it is 
different from i in icchdmi (I. 10), and neither of those vowels 
can with tsa form an intelligible word ; and the word must be 
intelligible because it occurs in a 61 oka quoted. It resembles 
no particular letter, and the letters which it suggests, namely, 
p, I and s, produce no intelligible word. We must therefore 
see what word is possible in this 6loka, which contrasts well- 
cultivated land with land infested by wild animals. Now there 
are only two letters which with tsa make a word, namely, ma 
and va. Matsa is inadmissible ; it is a rare form of matsya and 
makes nonsense of this passage. Vatsa therefore is the only 
possible word, and it yields a good and striking meaning. It 
must be admitted that the character is not va not even ba, and 
I can only suggest that the engraver has bungled the letter. 
Bungled letters will be found in grant B ; see my Article, 

p. 199. 

The next word is bhumir and not bhumim, for there is no 

anusvara over the mi, and there is an r above the following 
nr. The succeeding words are nrpasyaivartha-dharmma-hr. 
Here the &lok a ends, and the following words tad asmai y etc., 
introduce a new sentence. Kr cannot end a word, and it is 
obvious that the word intended is krt, and that the final t has 
been forgotten coming as it does in connexion with the follow- 
ing tad. 

The sloka then stands thus : 

Sa sata &vapadair justa rajno bhavy-artha-nisphala 

Vatsa- bhogyi-krta bhumir nrpasyaivartha-dharma-krt. 
where (as I conjecture) sata stands for an original sadbhih. 

In the remainder of this line vrahmana is a mistake for 
vrahmanaya, and dayatdm for diyatdm. The declension of brahr 
mana appears to have puzzled some of the local scholars, for 
in grant B the dative is brahmand in 1. 20, as it is here, and 
brahmaixe in 1. 11. This suggests that in ordinary parlance the 
final a had disappeared, and the word was pronounced brahman 
and was sometimes treated as a base ending in an. The sug- 
gestion is supported by a converse process that we find, 
Sanskrit bases ending in in are treated sometimes as if they 
had a final a, thus grant A has svdminasya and adhydyinasya 
(1. 19) as genitives. Hence it seems a lair inference that the 
final Sanskrit a was generally dropped in the ordinary language, 
as it is at the present day. 

Line 15, The reading is not kulacdrdn but Jcula-vdrdn, the 
third letter being a v as in the preceding KeSavadin. 

Line 16. The second word is not ksitra but kqettra, the 
vowel being an e. The third word is rightly read as kulya. 

484 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal [August, 1911. 

The next words are vapa- ttrayamm apdsya, the t being doubled 
with the r as is generally done here and in the other grants, and 
a superfluous anusvara being wrongly placed over the ya. The 
remaining letters are not vyaghracora koyacchi patacca bhuhsima 
but vydghra-corako yac chesam tac catuk-stma- ; the vowel over 
the cck is e and not i ; the next letter is a badly formed sa and 
not pa 9 for p has no bar at the top of its right limb ; and over 
this sa is an anusvara which is slightly displaced to the left 
because the aksara Ipya in the preceding line prevents its 
being placed in its proper position. What he reads as bhu is 
tu formed rather carelessly, for the left limb has the curve 
that t always has in this inscription (see for instance the t in 
tac ca immediately preceding), whereas that limb in bh is 
always curved the other way (see remarks above on L 14). 
His conjecture therefore about patacca (p. 434) is unnecessary. 

Line 17. The reading is Supratika-svaminak, and not 
Supratika-svaminah % though this is probably a printer's error. 

Line 19. He reads jogika, but the word is jotika for the 
second letter has not the bar at the bottom of its left limb 
that g always has ; and similarly his reading koga further on 
should be kota. He reads candravarmma , but there is no r 
over the last aksara, and the third aksara seems to be ca, for 
it is far more like the ca in the preceding candra and in cdttrah 
and piSaca (1. 18) than the va in purvvasyam and Vidyd (L 18), 

This word is in my opinion Candracampa. His reading 
uttarena, though correct Sanskrit, is not what the plate has, 
for it has uttarena plainly. 

Line 20. The reading is not candra but cdttra ; it is the 
same word as cdttrah in 1. 18. His reading sasthi should be 
sasti, for the second aksara is st and not sth, the form of which 
is shown in visthdyd(m) in I. 22. 

Line 21. He reads va after cdnumantd, but it is ca like 
the cd in that word. It is no doubt a mistake for ca or perhaps 
va. The last word is vaset and not vaseta, for there is under 
the t a line which is evidently a virama. At the end the plate 
shows a single bar clearly, so that a double one has not to be 

Line 22. The first word is not sva-datlam but sva-datdrn, 
as the / is not double ; this is an error of course. His reading 
vasundhardm should be vasundhardm , for the s has not only its 
right limb extended downwards to denote u, as in Supraiika 
(U. 5 and 17), but al^o a curve added thereto which makes the 
long u. This of course is another error The reading «* 
vi$thaya[m) and not vistaya[m) ; see remarks above on 1. 20. 
He places a bar at the end of this line, but there is none in the 
original, and there can be none because the Sloka does not 
end here. 

Line 23. The reading is pacyate and not pacya*i, the 
vowel mark being e rather than i. He reads samvat, but tne 


Vol. VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahdii {Kot wait para) Grant. 485 


third aksara is not a single t nor has it a virama, but it con- 
tains three well-marked downward strokes which can only 
denote a doubled t, as in pravarltaniya (1. 10), Jivadattas (1. 4), 
etc., or the consonants ts. The true reading therefore is either 
samvatta or samvatsa. The former is inadmissible, hence the 
word must be samvatsa, and in fact there are traces of lines at 
the bottom of the aksara which indicate that the word is 
samvatsa, short for samvatsare, the final syllable being omit- 
ted as in Kartti and di. This ts may be compared with ts in 

vatsa (1. 14). 

The first numeral is not 30 as he reads it, but 10 as I take 
it and as Dr. Hoernle and Dr. Bloch also read it. It is formed 
like the letter la with a hook (like the vowel sign r) beneath it. 
The sign for 30, when made like la, has no hook beneath it; 
whereas the sign for 10 was sometimes made like la or la and 
then had the hook beneath it The difference is clearly shown 
in Biihler's Indische Palceographie, Table IX, where the various 
signs for 10 and 30 are given ; and this sign for 10 is figured 
twice in col. xiii, once in col. xvi, and again in col. xix. Pre- 
cisely the same sign occurs also at the end of grant C. The 
reading is therefore samvatsa(re) 10 4, that is, 14. The word 
samvatsara shews that the year does not belong to any era, 
but means the regnal year of Samacaradeva. The date is 
given similarly in grants A and C. 


Welfare! While the supreme king of great kings, S'rl- 
Samacaradeva. who is without rival on this earth and who is 
equal in steadfastness to Nrga, Nahusa, Yayati and Ambarlsa, 
is glowing in majesty, the Uparika Jivadatta is the privy 
minister appointed over the suvarna-vothya 1 in New Avaka- 
sika, which he obtained through paying court to the pair of 
lotus-like feet of this monarch. Pavittruka is the lord of the 
district in Varaka province, which is caused to rejoice by that 

Whereas, according to this lord's practice, 2 Supratika- 
svamin informed the district government, wherein the oldest 
official Damuka is the chief, and the leading man of the 
district Vatsa-kunda, the leading man Suci-palita, the leading 
man Vihita-ghosa, and the local (?) 3 leading man Priya-datta, 
the leading man Janardana-kunda and other leading men, and 
many other principal men of business, thus — "I wish through 
your honours' favour for a piece of waste land which has long 

1 See remarks, p. 487 below, 

* I read the emendation ruavahxxratah ; but vyavaharatah of the 
text would give the meaning " while he is conducting the business of 

3 As regards trarada (?), see p. 488 below. 

486 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

lain neglected 1 ; and do ye deign to do me that as a favour, 
after making a copper- plate grant of it to me for my employ- 
ment as a brahman to be engaged in offering the bali, the cam, 
and sacrifices." 


2 of Santha, having entertained this request, 

and having called to mind the verse—' 1 That land, which is 
revelled in by the six kinds of wild beasts, 8 is unprofitable as 
regards the wealth that should accrue to the king : land, when 
made enjoyable by young animals, 4 produces wealth and 
righteousness indeed to the king;" and having decided, 
"hence let it be given to this brahman"; and having consti- 
tuted the karanikas Naya-naga, Kesava and others the arbi- 
trators 5 ; and having put aside the three kulya-sowing-areas of 
cultivated land which have been previously granted away by a 
copper-plate 6 ; and having defined the four boundary-indica- 
tions of the remaining land which is in the 'Tiger's char,' 1 
have bestowed it on this Supratika-svamin by executing a 
copper-plate grant. 

And the boundary-indications are these. On the east, the 
gobWn-haunted parkattl 3 tree; on the south, Vidyadhara's 
cultivating-tenure 9 ; on the west, Candracampa's hut-tent 10 ; 

1 According to the emendation cirdvasanna. 

* I cannot suggest any word which will fit the blank where the 
letters are obliterated at the end of line 12. 

5 Perhaps tigers, leopards, hyamas, bears, wild boar and buffaloes. 
The verse is a general statement. 

* The idea is that the land should be so safe that no danger could 
befall anything young. 

6 Or referees. This word kulavara is discussed in my article on the 
three other grants (p. 205). 

6 This is the literal translation if we read krta instead of krtya at 
the beginning of 1. 16 ; and if we retain krtya, the meaning is the same, 
though the construction is less elegant. 

1 This is the translation if we read corake in 1. 16; but, if we 
retain corako, the translation is •• the four boundary-indications of what 
is the remainder, namely, the 'Tiger's char' "—which does not ?ay 
what it is the remainder of. 

* The waved-leaf fig-tree, Fieus infectoria. , 
» JoHka. This is not Sanskrit. It is obviously a word formed 

trom jo fa, and I am inclined to read jota as equivalent to the modern 
word^or, «' the land-tenure belonging to* a cultivating raiyat," though 
the t s are different. Some such meaning seems obviously required 

here. .int. no if «o »....;*<..-.„ i i « ■• /<» u a- la nlso 


a.iv "I'leient. some such meaning seems obviously requ«*"- 
Jot, as it is written and pronounced in Bengali (though it is also 
i yot and pronounced jot), is a word of doubtful derivation, 
oume derive it from the Sanskrit root yu or yuj, though the connexion 
in meaning is difficult. The Bengali dictionary, Prakritibad Abhidhan, 
says xt 1S a foreign word (Persian or such like), but this seems erroneous. 
« is probably an indigenous term ; and as an indigenous t wavered 
n 9i e ou ansk , rit • and ' < see Beames' Comparative Grammar, vol. 1, 
oWinlj J? 06 ," 11 ?'! 0ra ™™*r of the Gaudian languages, pp. 8-10) the 
modem l°J d T 8 H ap P ear M *>*« wh ™ Sanskritized here or as jot in 
abound S ^ nde ! d * have heard the word jot pronounced with 
)oT 0/ ' ™ ediate bet *'een t and t. 

•° means a ' h «t-' There is no Sanskrit word kena, but there 

Vol. VII. No. 8.] The QhagrahVn (Kotwalipara) Grant. 487 


on the north, Gopendra's char and the boundary of the 


And here apply the verses 1 — "Whoever confiscates land 

that has been granted away by himself or granted away by 

another, he becoming a worm in his own* ordure rots along 

with his ancestors." 

In the regnal year 14; the first day of Karttika. 

Notes on the Translation. 

The mavdala or province was Varaka in all tho grants, 
and in addition to what has been said about Varendra in my 
article (p. 209), I may mention that Varendra was sometimes 
regarded as a part of Gauda-deSa, for at the end of the descrip- 
tion of the Purdna-sarvasva MSS. , numbered 143-4 in Aufrecht's 
Bodleian Catalogue, a notice of its author is inserted which 
begins thus (p. 87) — Gaude S'rividite Varendra-visaye, etc. 

The capital of the province was New Avakasika as men- 
tioned in that article (p. 211), and it is this grant which makes 
it clear, because the references to it in grants B and C leave 
uncertain what is meant by the term. At this time Jivadatta 
was the Uparika and ruler of the province and resided in New 
\vakaSika, being a successor of the Uparika Xagadeva men- 
tioned in grants B and C, for 1 agree with Babu R. D. Banerji (as 
will be shown later) in placing this grant later than the three 
others. He conducted a special branch of the administration, 
for he is called "the antaranga appointed over the suvarna- 
vothya in New Avak ika." Antar-anga means "an inner 
member " and appears to denote a member of the inner council 
of the king. Suvarna-vothya seems to me, not a place because 
it was in New Avakasika, but some branch of the administra- 
tion, as will be seen on comparing the corresponding passages 
in grants B and C. In both of those the Uparika Nagadeva 
had the office of "chief warden of the gate," and in C he had 
been also appointed principal minister of trade (pp. 201, 205). 
Suvarna means gold, but vothya is nob Sanskrit and must be 
some Prakrit or indigenous term Sanskritized. I cannot 
explain it, and can only suggest that it may mean something 
like Exchequer,' and, if so, that the Uparika had charge of 
the Revenues or Finances. 

Within the Varaka province were a number of visayas or 
districts, and Pavitrnka was the lord or governor (pati) of the 

is a word ten AS, a *tent,' and it is an obvious formation from a 
simpler word such as kena. Kota-kena therefore means a ' hut-like tent * 
or ' tent-like hut/ such as is used to this day by low wandering castes. 

1 Plural, but only one verse is cited. 

* The more usual reading is sa or eva- instead of sva-. With sa 
the meaning is— "he becoming a worm in ordure" : and with Ira- 




488 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

district in which this grant was made, as Jajava was in grant 
A (p. 195). It appears that under him the local administra- 
tion continued to be, as in grants B and C, conducted by a 

Board of officials, in which the chief was the oldest official 
named Damuka 

The mahattaras were the local leading men, as explained in 
my article (p. 213), and this title with the word vara added, 
that is, mahattaravara, is I conjecture the term from which has 
been derived the word matabbar or matabar, the title now given 
in Chittagong and East Bengal to the headmen of a village 
(p. 213, note). The expression which I read tentatively as 

in 1. 7 seems to imply a distinction from the word 
visaya in 1. 6. The latter word is prefixed to the three 
mahattaras Vatsakunda, Sucipalita and Vihitaghosa, while 
Svarada (?) is prefixed to the mahattaras Priyadatta and Janar- 
danakunda. If one may venture a conjecture on this appar- 
ent distinction, it may be suggested that perhaps there were 
two classes of leading men, visaya-mahattaras and SvaradaC 1 .)- 
mahattaras, the latter having a more local status than the 

This copper-plate was found, as stated by Mr. Stapleton 
in his Prefatory note to Babu R D. Banerji's article, in the 
mauza of Ghagrahati, which adjoins Pinjuri on the south-west 
and borders on the river Ghagar, in the south-west corner of 
the Faridpur district. Some interesting inferences may be 
drawn by studying the local allusions in this grant with the 
aid of the Revenue Survey map of this region (on the scale of 
one inch to a mile). 

The names of most significance are Vyaghra-coraka and 
Gopendra-coraka. The word coraka in them is an interesting 



. It is clearly not Sanskrit, for the Sanskrit word coraka 
ins only " a thief ; a kind of plant ; a kind of perfume" ; and 

none of those meanings are appropriate here. There can be no 
doubt that it is the Sanskritized form of the common Bengali 
word w, which is well known in its Anglicized form ' char 
or < chur,' any • alluvial formation thrown up in or at the side 
of a river-bed.' Such chars are common in all rivers of any 


x , „,„^ .unj, llL oi^b aim cuaracter iruui a- niuv o r -~ - 

unproductive sand to an extensive deposit of riuh and fertile 
soil. The rivers of Bengal have always carried down large 
quantities of silt, and have always shifted their beds, the silt 
being deposited and forming chars wherever the current is 
*lack. These chars are so important a feature of the riverine 
tracts that they must have had a name from the earliest times, 
and there can be no doubt that in coraka we have the Sanskrit 
iorm of the then vernacular word for 'char.' Chars, if of 

considerable siz* a™ „«^^^ ~„j iL . * n^oA in 

(in Bengali Ttanr *?r or TT*r 


Vol. VII, Xo. 8.J The Ohagrahati (Koiicalipara) Grant. 489 


"Gopendra's char." This "Tiger's char" was a large one, 

tivated land had been made out of it, and by this grant the 
remainder was given to Supratika svamin. In the article on 
the other grants the meaning of a " kulya sowing area M has 
been discussed, and reasons have been adduced for estimating 
it at about an acre or three standard bighas (pp. 214 — 6). 
Hence the "Tiger's char" was more than thrice that size and 
presumably contained a good deal more than nine bighas. A 
char of this size could only be formed in a rather large river ; 
hence this char and Gopendra's char were on the side of a 
rather large river, which corresponded therefore to the modern 
Ghagar. The map shows no trace at present that the Ghagar 
was connected northwards with the Ganges, yet it may have 
been so in early times, because the configuration of the Ghagar 
and the other water-ways near it favours this view, and it is 
well known that river-beds have been completely silted up 
and obliterated. 

Samtha or Santha is not a Sanskrit word, and can only, 
it seems, be the name of the place where this grant was made. 
It is stated the land was given by the vyavaha 'rins or men of 
business who (as I read the passage) belonged to Santha This 

word pyavaharin deserves notice, for nothing is said about 

villagers, and it suggests that Santha was not an ordinary 
agricultural village, but was rather a business place. As the 
chars were alongside it, it was evidently in close proximity to 
the river Ghagar. Hence it seems a fair' inference, that Santha 
was a trading centre for ships and boats, and that the vyavaha- 
rins were the local merchants. I do not find any name 
resembling Santha in the map, but, as this copper-plate was 
found in Ghagrahati, one may reasonably presume it was 
found in its original site and that Ghagrahati is the modern 
name of the old Santha. This is supported by some further 
considerations; hence it appears that this grant should 
properly be called the Ghagrahati grant, 

Ghagrahati means "the village (or locality) of the hat 
(mart) on the Ghagar," and proves that there was once a hat 
or mart at tins place, though it has apparently long ceased to 
exist ; and thejact, that the village took its name from the hat 
and not the hat from the village, shows that a trading mart 


that the village 

grew up from it. This accords well with the predominance 


A mart so situated 


of the (Faridpur) district. It 
fine water-way in the R. Madhumati and the Haringhkta 
estuary, and the small ships of those days could have reached 
it readily. Such ships penetrated further inland for thev are 



490 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

The existing hats are situated more northward. The 
present Ghagarhat, "the hat on the Ghagar," is some three 
miles to the north ; and there are besides Pinjurl-hat about a 
mile to the north-east, and Parkuna-hat about four miles to 
the north. The noteworthy point here is that " the hat on 
the Ghagar" has been shifted northwards. It was originally 
in Ghagrahati as the name testifies, and although this mauza 
still retains its name, the hat which gave it its name has been 
moved to the north. What was the reason for the removal ? 
I venture to suggest the following explanation. 

The map shows that all the country adjoining Ghagrahati 
on the south and south-west is now bil or " marsh." It is not 
likely that the ancient hat on the Ghagar would have been 
placed in proximity to a marsh, when excellent sites were 
available a little further northward. Elsewhere ' I have ad- 
duced reasons to show that there have been local subsidences 
of the land in the northern middle portion of the Sundarban 
region, sufficient to turn land that was of ordinary elevation 
into marsh, and it is highly probable that some such sub- 
sidence took place in the southern tract of the Ghagar, because 
a large area south and south-west of Ghagrahati is now marsh. 
It may be inferred therefore that, when the hat was estab- 
lished in Ghagrahati, all the country around it was of good 
elevation, and that when the land subsided, the hat with the 
same name Ghagra-hat was moved northwards to a better 
situation, while the village around the old site remained with 
the name Ghagrahati. If this explanation is valid, one can 
well understand that this copper-plate might have been aban- 
doned, where it has been found, as being no longer of any 
value ; and that it was really a Ghagrahati grant. 

Further, from the considerations put forward in my article 
on the other grants (p. 209) and from what is known of the 
course of Sundarban forest reclamation, 2 it is very probable 
that the Sundarban forest could not have been very far from 
this spot at the time of this grant ; and this is supported by 
the pointed reference to wild beasts in lines 13 and 14. Hence 
it seems that Santha could hardly have been a town, but was 
presumably something like what Morelganj, which is further 
south, was 60 or 70 years ago. 

Character of the Grant. 

terefore being an outlying mart was not one 
of position would particularly choose to settle 

„ *i T « m ^ ", Reven «e History of the Sundarbans " and in an article 
on the Sundarbans in the Calcutta Review in or about 1889. I caon°* 

IZIVQ IlinfA nronioft » n ( n _ «i « . . . i _ *,4« wnA. 

give more precise references as those publications are n< 

bee my - Revenue History of the Sundarbans/ ' 

not beside me. 

Vol VII, No. 8.] The Ghagrahati {Kotwalipara) Grant. 491 


in. Supratika-svamin does not appear to have been a brahman 
of position, for nothing is said about his lineage or attainments, 
such as we find in the other grants. In A the grantee Candra- 
svfunin was of the lineage of Bharadvaja, was a Vajasaneya 
and studied the six Angas. In B and C the grantees Soma- 
svamin and Gomidatta-svamin were of the lineage of Kanva, 
were Vajasaneyas, are styled Lauhityas and are commended as 
virtuous. It appears from the tenor of this grant, that 
Supratika-svamin had come to this place and was willing, if he 
could get some land, to settle in it and perform religious rites. 
The matter was transacted between him and the vyavaharins 
who resided here. Nothing is said about the villagers taking 
any part in it. Information of the proposed transaction had 
to be given to the adhikarana and the mahattaras, as has been 
noticed in my article (p. 214), but it is stated clearly that it 
was the vyavaharins who accepted his proposal and gave him 
the land. The arrangement therefore was one entirely between 
him and them. There was no grantor who bought the land 
and bestowed it on a grantee as in the three other plates ; but 
he asked for some land as a consideration for his undertaking as 
a brahman to offer the bali, caru and sacrifices, and they ac- 
cepted his proposal. It was no case of purchase, but a free 
gift by the vyavaharins on condition that he should perform 
priestly functions. The general terms used imply that he was 
to become priest to them generally, and that there was no 
other brahman in the place. Here then we have an instance 
of the way in which brahmans moved onwards and settled as 
priests in new places which had reached a position to need 
their services. 


igement was made with the cognizance of the 
adhikarana and in the presence of the mahattaras, and the seal 
of the adhikarana would have been affixed to this plate as it 
was to the other grants. The curved shape of the left-hand 
margin of the inscription in all the grants shows, that this 
plate was made to receive a round seal fastened on its front as 
the other grants still have, and that the triangular hole, which 
Babu R. D. Banerji comments on (p. 434), was made to enable 
the seal to be soldered through the hole on to the back of the 
plate. The fastening has decayed and the seal 

Supratika-svamin asked for a piece of waste land, and 
what was given him was the remainder of the " Tiger's char." 
As it was not bought from any one, but the vyavaharins 
gave it, it must have been the common property of the vyava- 
harins, if not of the whole village; and was therefore land 
somewhat similar to that in grant A, as explained in my 
article (p. 214). It was waste char and therefore land of recent 
formation ; hence no reference was apparently necessary to the 
record-keeper as in the other grants (p. 213). As there was 
no purchase but the remainder of the char was given, it was 

492 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

unnecessary to measure the area as in those grants (p. 213). 
It was presumably covered with jungle in which tigers and 
other dangerous animals could lurk, for so much is implied by 
the citation of the verse, which contrasts the benefit that 
accrues to the king, when land is perfectly reclaimed, with 
what he loses when it is infested by wild beasts. It may also 
be inferred from that citation that the area was considerable, 
because the verse would not be significant, if the area was only 
a small patch insufficient to offer harbour to wild animals. It 
seems probable therefore that the remainder, which was given 
to Supratika-svamin, could hardly have been much less than 
what had been granted away previously. 

Validity of the Grant. 

Babu R. D. Banerji pronounces the grant spurious and 
bases his decision on three grounds, (1) that the forger betrayed 
himself by introducing archaic and obsolete letters in the 
script, (2) that the grant does not follow the formula of a 
regular grant as found iu the majority of copper-plate inscrip- 
tions, and (3) that its purport is irregular, obscure, ambiguous 
and in parts unintelligible. I do not see the cogency of these 
grounds to his conclusion, and for the following reasons. He 
reads the date as the year 34 and, assigning it to the Sarsa 
Era, equates it with A.D. H40-1 ; and the gist of his criticisms 
on its script is to place its real period in about the last quarter 
of the 7th century (p. 432), that is, only some 40 or 50 years 
later than its professed date. If a former wanted to make the 
grant appear to be only 40 or 50 yearsolder than it really was, 
it was surely unnecessary for him to introduce obsolete letters 
and endanger his object by rendering its purport uncertain. 
This remark touches his first and third grounds, and the 
second will be considered later. See also postscript. 

ine true date however is the 14th regnal year of the 
monarch Samacaradeva. As nothing is known of him, his 
regnal year is no clue towards fixing the date of the grant. 
We must therefore estimate its period on other grounds ; but 
before attempting that, I must first consider whether the three 
grounds mentioned above are really sound. 

Babu R. D. Banerji says (p. 432), " the characters used in 
this copper-plate inscription were collected from alphabets in 
use in three different centuries," namely, the alphabets of (1) 
the 3rd and the first half of the 4th century A.D., (2) the last 
nail of the oth century and the first half of the 6th century of 
mrth Eastern India, and (3) the 6th century which came into 
general use in North- Eastern India in the early part of the 7th 
the wZ' f ° W *J i8 wel1 know,i ^at old habits persist in out-of- 
ininoTtL? I l0ng after the y have disappeared from more 
important an d progressive places. Hence we ought to expect 

Vol. VII, Xo. 8.] The Ohagrahati ( Kotwalipara) Grant. 493 

[A T .,S.] 

that a document executed in this outlying region should show 
older styles of writing than would be found in contemporane- 
ous inscriptions at Bodh Gaya and Ganjarn with which he 
compares this grant. An interesting illustration of this diver- 
gence is found in grant C In the body of that deed the letter 
8 is always written in its eastern form but on the Government 
seal attached thereto it has the western form. The western 
variety therefore had been introduced at head-quarters while 
the eastern variety was in general use among the people. 

I will now consider the remarks which Babu R. D. Banerji 
makes regarding various letters in proof of his conclusion 
stated above. 

The first letter he discusses is h (p. 430). When uncom- 
pounded h is always (except in one instance) written here in 
early western Gupta form shown by Biihler in his Indische 
Patceogiaphie, Table IV, cols, viii to xviii, which prevailed 
from about A.D 500 to 675, and even earlier in the later 
Brahmi alphabet: see his Table III. The one exception is in 
sahasrani (11. 20-21), which Babu R. D. Banerji has over- 

to the left. It has 


vrahmana (11. 11 and 14). The early western shape is used in 
the Bodh Gaya insciption of Mahanaman which is dated in 
A.D. 588-9 (FGI. p. 274), and is found in this Faridpur district 
even earlier, for it occurs in grant A which belongs to about 
the year 531. Babu R. D. Banerji savs— "In a previous 
numb, r of the Journal I have tried to establish that the 
Eastern variety of the early Gupta alphabet was dying out in 
the early decades ot the fifth century" (pp. 430-1); but that 
proposition must be revised in the light of the three grants 
edited by me. In grant A of 531 A.D. both forms of h are 
used, the eastern 9 times and the western 6 times, and it 
appears they were used indifferently, because both are used in 
the same words maharaja (1. 2), anugraha (11. 18 and 19) and 
Himasena (11. 23 and 25), and both occur in line 4 and again in 

t> \ T j er6 km a PP ears in fche eastern form (1. 8). In grant 

B, the date of which is 567 at the latest, only the western form 
is used throughout, even in hm (11. 9 and 20). But in grant 

C, which is some 20 years later, the eastern form is used 
throughout and the western form does not appear at all 
m the portions that are legible. Those grants show clearly 
that the two forms were in use side by side in this region 
during the 6th century, and the eastern form at least a century 

nd a half later than he estimates, and that even then the 
western form had attained no ascendancy over the east -rn 
I he fact then that in this grant the western form is used 
generally and the eastern once uncompounded and twice in hm 
is in full agreement with the other grants, and is no indication 
of falsity but rather a local characteristic of genuineness 

494 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

The next letter he notices is long £ (p. 431). I have dis- 
cussed its shape partially above (p. 479), and may here point 
out that it tended to vary considerably. Its various forms in 
grant A may be seen on comparing (to give only salient 
instances) S'ila (L 24), °padaniya° (1. 22), kriya (1. 8), vikriya 
(1. 11), irl (1. 2), grhitva (1. 8) and ktrtti (1. 14). The copy of 
grant B on plate II does not show all details quite clearly, yet 
the shapes of % may be noticed in sima (1. 21), 6rl (L 2), 
parkkrati (1. 21) and vikriya (1. 14). Grant C is so badly 
corroded on its obverse that there is not the same opportunity 
of scrutinizing details, yet the form of % may be seen m 
vikkritam (1. 20), £ila and sima (1. 23), sima (11. 22-3) and pratlta 
(1. 19). There was a tendency to reduce the size of the inner 
curl of this vowel sign, and in these last two words and in 
vikriya (grant B, 1. 14) it has practically degenerated into a dot 
connected with the outer curve. To separate the dot and the 
curve would be a natural modification, as we find in this grant; 
and here the i sign always consists of a dot or small stroke, and 
a curve on its right, except in Supratika(l. 17) where their posi- 
tion is reversed. The form of % then in this grant is no 
indication that it is spurious. 

His third point relates to initial i (p. 431). 
only once, in icchami (1. 9) ; and his reading of ice! 
untenable as explained above (p. 483). The i in icchami con- 
sists of two dots, one above the other, and a perpendicular 
stroke on their right. There is nothing suspicious in this 
form, because it is used in the same word in grant A (1. 7). I* 
occurs in inscriptions of the fourth and fifth centuries (see 
Biihler's Table IV, cols, i and v), and persisted later in this 
outlying region. 

This occurs 

to m and the bipartite y. The m's in this grant are like those 
in grants B and C and are not open to distrust. I have dis- 
cussed the forms of y in my article (pp. 206-7), and the form 
which it has in this plate is always of the third and latest style 
which has been figured there. The instances here present three 
stages in its formation. In the earliest of these the left per- 
pendicular reaches the bottom horizontal stroke, as shown u» 
the second y of Yayali (1. 1), visaya (1. 4) and °yogaya (1. H)j 
and this shape constitutes a connecting link with the second 
form figured in my article. The second stage is exhibited in 


grant C in the words A^' 
(1. 24). This grant is there 

fore closely like C as regards bipartite y, and differs from it f 
no longer usinjr ihft Aari;» t~ — a j i „„ <-v^ e^ond. 

form figured bv me 

it thus appears that as regards both m and y there is no ground 

tor suspicion m this grant. He adds—" Th« hiW.ite va looks 

He adds—' « The bipartite ya 



Vol. VII, No. 8.] The QhagrahaU (Kotwalipara) Grant. 495 


which no acute angle can be traced 5 ' ; but my scrutiny of this 
grant does not support this statement, and letters like these 
in shape are found in grant C. I need not dilate on this 


Its form here is 

He deals next with the letter la (p. i6i). 
the later western shape, and it is also found in grant B, where 
for instance we may compare laddha (1. 3), kale (1. 4), Gopala 
(1. 5), etc. The earlier western shape is more prevalent in 
grant C, in which the left limb of I is not carried to the top of 
the line, as we see in hula (1. 18), fila (1. 19), nalena (1. 19), 
lingani (1. 21), etc. ; yet even there I occurs once in Dhruvilaty 
(1. 22) like Jin this grant. In grant A all the forms of I are 
used indifferently; thus the eastern form appears in labdha 
(1. 2),hala (1. 5), labhah (1. 13), abhilasa (1. 14), samkalpabhi 
(1. 14) and Slla (1. 24) ; the earlier western form in Kula (1. 4) ; 
and a shape nearly approaching the later western form in 
mandate (1. 3), likhita (1. 20) and lingani (1. 23). It thus 
appears that both the eastern and the western forms of I were 
in use in this region in 531 the date of grant A, and, though 
the former does not occur in grants B and C, yet it may have 
lingered on in this remote locality, so that its use in this grant 
is no certain ground for disparagement. 

The sixth point (p. 431) concerns the letter da (that is, da) 
and has been discussed above (p. 478). 

Seventhly, Babu R. D. Banerji refers (p. 432) to the word 
parkkatti (1. 18). He objects to the form of the pa as peculiar, 
and says, it " does not resemble the remaining ones, which are 
usually rectangular in form, seldom showing an acute angle." 

lape as that in pravarttaniya 


(1. 10), nrpasya (1. 14) and plhaca (1. 18) ; and p ir 

varies from the rectangular shape, in prasada (1. 11), pari 

(1. 12), Supratlka and paifi (1. 17) and pitrbhi (1. 22). He adds, 



led shape is found in the Bodh 


of Mahanaman of 588-9 (FGI. p. 274), and is figured as earlier 
by Biihler in his Table IV, col. ix. Most stress however is laid 

second aksara rkka 9 which he savs " consists of two 


looped as shown 

but the upper k is not 

only the second is looped. Precisely this form of doubled k is 
found in the Bodh Gava inscription of 588-9 : and therefor* his 

last quarte 


ot tne seventh century A.JJ. and afterwards ' (p. 
432) needs modification. There is nothing objectionable there- 


I have now considered all his criticisms on the script in 
this grant, and have shown that the features which he dis- 
trusts are to be found in other almost contemporaneous 


496 Journal of the Asiatic Society oj Bengal. [August, 1911. 

tions which are genuine ; so that as regards the script there is 
nothing suspicious in this grant. 

In stating his second ground for discrediting this grant he 
points out that it differs from the formula found in the 
majority of copper-plate inscriptions (p. 432). I need not 
examine the formula, because he refers to grants in which the 
donor is a royal person; whereas this grant is, as explained 
above (p. 491), not a royal grant but a grant by the business- 
men of Santha of a part of the common land of their village. 
Hence that formula can have no application here, and the 
procedure was quite different. What the formalities on such 
occasions were has been discussed in my article (p. 214) and 
noticed abo^e (p. 491), and the same procedure was observed 
in this grant as in the three others. Hence his strictures on 
its form (p. 433) are misplaced. 

One important point must be kept in mind in construing 
ancient grants. It is a fact well known to all Revenue Officers, 
that, when gifts of land were made in old times, they might be 
granted either subject to the land-tax due to the sovereign, or 
exempt therefrom ; that is, they might be (in modern Revenue 
language) either ■ revenue-paying' or ■ revenue-free.' It was 
no doubt to guard the royal revenues from being endangered 
that the parties to a grant were required to give notice to the 
Government. Neither the king nor his high officials could 
attend every small grant such as these were, and it would seem 
that the mahattaras attended as representatives of the local 
administration at the transaction. 

Babu R. D. Banerji points out that grants might be 
forged, and cites an instance mentioned in the. Madhuban 
Plate of Harsa (Epig. Ind. VII, 155). Certainly grants were 
sometimes forged, but the particulars and circumstances of 
that case and this grant are altogether different. In that case 
the brahman, who held the kuta^asana, claimed a whole 

village under it. What 

He did not 

dispossess the inhabitants and cultivators of the village (for he 
could not cultivate the lands himself and certainly did Dot 
depopulate it) and they remained, but he imposed himself 
upon them as lord of the village. All that he would have 
claimed from them was the various taxes and dues payable by 
them and, as they were bound to pay those, he would not have 
interfered with their life and ways more than the sovereign s 
own officers who levied those demands, unless he exacted more. 
The position of the villagers therefore remained unaffected, and 
the person who suffered was the king, because the whole, or at 
least a part, of the revenue might have been intercepted by 
the false grantee. It was therefore for the king to annul the 
falso grant, and not for the villagers to contest it. 

Ihe particulars and circumstances of this grant however 
were altogether different, as has been alreadv explained. It l3 

Vol. VII, So. S.j TheOhagrdhati (Kotwalipara) Grant. 497 


incredible that a poor brahman of no position, who wanted 
only a parrel of waste land for his personal occupation, could 
have i ted himself into this village by forging a copper-plate 
giant for b piece of char land as having been given to him by 
the business-men of the village. If he attempted such a fraud, 
he would lmve set the whole village up in arms against himself, 
and his claim would have been in-tantly disproved by the 
inhabitant- and the mahattnras Further, such a deed, if forged 
forty or fifty yean after its alleged date to support a claim 
to this piece of land, would have been wholly futile, because it 


have known, thai he had not been in possession of the land 
during those years. In fact, this grant was a natural agree- 
ment between the people and the brahman for their mutual 
benefit, and its very pettiness shews it cannot be spurious. 
Moreover it is expressly said that the cultivation of waste land 
increases the king's revenue. 

Babu R. D. Banerji's third ground deals with the meaning 
of this grant. He says the wording " is very ambiguous " 
(p. 433), and "The contents of lines 12 and 13 are quite unin- 
telligible. Here and there words of Sanskritic origin are to be 
found mixed up with what seems to be unintelligible gib- 
berish" (pp. 433-4). I venture to think that my reading and 
translation redeem the grant from this condemnation, and 
render it not oily clear and intelligible but also remarkably 
vivid in its local references; and that they shew that the word 

»t: vj_ • __ - i i ,\ . ■ . ... 

tamrapaUa la not open to the stricture which he passes on 
it (p. 434). 

I here are certainly some words which are not proper 
Sanskrit, but their use, so far from being suspicious, is only 
what might be expected when local conditions peculiar to this 
outlying region had to be put into Sanskrit dress. There 
could not be Sanskrit equivalents for every vernacular term, 
and the only course open was to Sanskritize those terms'. 
Further, it would have been surprising, if a good scholar had 
been found in this remote spot, and suspicious if this petty 
grant had been drawn up in correct Sanskrit. The peculiar 
words here are vothyi (1. 3), kvaradal (1 7), satu (1. 13), coraka 
(11. 16 and 20), johka and keria (1. 19). As regards ivarada (?) 
no explanation can be attempted, because (as already men- 
tioned, p. 480) it is doubtful what word was written; still a 
meaning has been suggested which seems possible. K?na has a 
corresponding secondary form in Sanskrit. For sain an expla- 
nation ha been put forward which is based upon substantial 
.'rounds and is appropriate. Coraka is a vernacular word 
Sanskritized, and bo 1 think is jotikn, and probably vothyfi also • 
and for these three words meaning- have been suggested which 
are perfectly suitable. 

Peculiar words are also found in the three other grants. 

408 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

Thus grant A has sadhanika 1 (11. 7, 15), sal (1. 19) and kseni 
(1. 25); B has karardaya (1. 5) and dandaka (1. 23) and probably 
the local title mridlwb Sanskritized (see my article, p. 202, note 
18); C has apparently vyaparardya (1. 3): and apavinchya 
occurs in all of them (A, 1. 16; B'/l. 19; C, 1. 19). 

All the grounds on which Babu R. D. Banerji has pro- 
nounced this grant to be spurious have been examined, and it 
appears that the particulars which he considers open to dis- 
trust are not really suspicious, and that the grant has all the 
marks of genuineness in the character of its script, the form 
in which it is drawn up, and its purport. I am therefore of 
opinion that it is not spurious but perfectly genuine and valid. 

Date of the Grant. 

There are some data to enable us to fix approximately the 
period in which this grant was made and in which the king 
Samacaradeva reigned. 

First, we have the shapes of the letters k, y and s, and 
the disappearance of the character for b. 

The disappearance of this character, which is used in 
grants A and B and perhaps in C, has been discussed above 

B and probably later than C also. 




4/ ^ 1 WW |_ — w 

the age of writings from the fifth to the seventh century A.D. 
Its shape in this grant is the third of the three kinds discussed 
in my article (p. 206) and is similar to that in grant C ; but this 
grant is later than C, because (1) the second kind of y which 
appears in C does not occur here, and (2) the third form has 
almost reached its full development here. 

In the body of all the other grants the letter s is written 
in the eastern form, but in the government seal attached to C 
it has the western form as already mentioned (p. 493). The 
corresponding seals on A and B are too much corroded to 
permit of its shape being ascertained. The people therefore 
used the eastern form, though the western had been introduced 
at head-quarters, and some time would be required before the 
latter would oust the former Irom general use. In this grant 
we have a Liter stage because only the western form is used. 

On these three grounds therefore this grant is later than 
C, and the date of C is 586 at the latest and mav be five or 

ten years earlier. 

The first inscription in which the looped form of k was 


» I hive to th-ink Bahu K. O. Bunerji for pointing out that sadhanika 
occur* also in other grants in the forms Dausadhanika, Damadhasadha- 

mka, eto. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] 


Grant. 499 

used in Eastern India is, I believe, the Bodh Gay a inscription 
of Mahanaman of 588-9 (FGI, p. 274), and some time must 
have elapsed before it reached this outlying region since it does 
not appear in the other grants. 

These four considerations suggest that this grant must be 
later than 5S6 and 588-9 A.B. The question, how much later 
it was, depends on what may be considered a sufficient interval 
to permit of all these modifications establishing themselves in 
this remote locality. I do not think we can estimate a shorter 
period than some thirty years, and if so, this grant might 
be assigned to the latter part of the first quarter of the 
seventh century. 

Next, we may consider the reference to the king Samacara- 
deva. Though nothing is known of him, there seems to be no 
good reason to doubt the genuineness of the name, because the 
grant is genuine; and even if it were spurious, no forger would 
be so foolish as to date it in the reign of a king who never 
existed, especially if (according to Babu R. D. Bancrji's ar<m- 
ments) it was fabricated no very long time after its professed 
date The name moreover is a possible one, being analogous 
to the royal names Dharmaditya and Siladitya and personal 
names such as Gunadeva 

The description of Samacaradeva suggests certain in- 
ferences. The earlier emperor Dharmaditya in grant A 
though styled only maharajadhiraja (1. 2), is yet alluded to ai 



title and also bhaUaraka (1. 2) In grant C Gopacandra, who 
may have be™ a descendant of the Guptas as suggested in mv 
arncle (p. 208), received I the same two titles, and he reigned 

nhS^H ,* *" ,nde P ende rL t monarch after the dissolution of 
Dharm d.tyas empire. Here Samacaradeva is styled only 

ordinate to the emperor Dha madityT In grant B.S 
:.?IL' S _ the , , local . monarch, and no one is mentioned as hi. 

S P Be r ngal *™* * '"-" "»* he was an mdepende n rki n g 

the whole of RpnnnT * ^utroi as suzerain over 

dom of Kama^upf or e A™am indT "Vl di8ta ' lt kin 8- 
full sovereign authority ™£' . J° have P«««>ed 

(V Sm,th,IL*; 2 „d y ed p 7m "ft f, ° entra i Be ''? al " 
established Ins supremacy in thb > «.V " C °"' d not '""* 

after h,s -essio/andX^'KubduK '^TS 

500 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

India, that is, probably nob until about 620 or even 625. 
The date might be even later, because he continued fighting 
for many years and was engaged in a campaign against 
Ganjam as late as 643 {ibid., p. 313). His empire lasted till 
his death in 646-7. l After his decease it fell to pieces. M After 
his death the local Rajas no doubt asserted their indepen* 
dence" and very little is known concerning the history of 
Bengal for nearly a century (ibid., p. 366). 

There were independent kings therefore in Bengal before 
Harsa extended his supremacy over it, and again after his 
death ; and Samacarade va must be placed either in the first quar- 
ter of the seventh century before Hnrsa's conquest, or in the 
third or fourth quarter after his empire decayed. The latter 
alternative is not piobable, because of the character of the 
script in this grant. It has been pointed out that tins grant 
exhibits the eastern forms of certain letters, which, though 
ousted by the western forms generally, yet remained in use 
in this remote locality. They might have continued till th< 
first quarter of that century as shewn above (p 499), but 
could hardly have persisted about half a century longer (till 
the fourteenth year of a new king after the dissolution ot the 
empire), because Haisa's supremacy over Bengal would have 
facilitated the predominance of the western forms and hastened 
the disuse of the eastern forms. It may be reasonably in- 
ferred therefore, that Samacarade va reigned in the first quarter 
of the seventh century. 

There is another consideration which supports this infer- 
ence The king of Pundravardhana, that is Bengal, whose 
kingdom was more or less subject to Har-a, belonged to the 
brahman caste, as Mr. V. Smith says (History, p. ;^29) 2 now 
this (Faridpur) district would have appertained to Pundra- 
vardhana, and the termination deva in names often designated 
brahmans. In the name Samacfuadeva deva in not a separate 
word or title as it often is in royal appellations, but forms a 
real compound with samdcara. Hence it seems probable that 
Samacaradeva was a brahman, and was a king of the Pundra- 
vardhana dynasty which was reigning when Harsa conquered 

The conclusions then which seem fairly established are, 
(1) that this grant was later than C which was executed in fc he 
year 586 (at the latest), and (2) that it was prior to Hana s 
subjugation of Bengal, which may be assigned to about the 

1 Mr. V. Smith tells me that this year is the correct date of Harsa's 
death, and not 647 8. 

* Mr. V. Smith tells me he is unable at present to cite the authority 
for this statement Possibly therefore an m g nraent may not be hasea 
confidently on it, yet the existence of a Samacarml-va. king of Hen ^f 
or Pundravardhana, probably at this very time, su »*« that 
dynasty did belong to the brahman caste. 

Vol. VII. No. 8.] The QhSgrahati (Kotwalipara) Grant. 501 


years 620 — 5, or perhaps later. These conclusions coupled 
with the inference drawn from the script, that the grant 
belongs probably to the latter part of the first quarter of the 
seventh century, lead me to assign it to about the years 615—20 
A.D. Between the two dates 586 (at the latest) and 620~5 
there is room for two or three independent kings in Bengal 
after the death of Gopacandra, whose nineteenth year was the 
former of those dates; and it seems probahle that Slmacara- 
deva was one of them, possibly the immediate predecessor of 
the Pundravardhana king who was Harsa's visual, and that 
the commencement of his reign may be placed approximately 
in the years 601—5 A.D. 

Names in the Grants. 

Some interesting conclusions may apparently be drawn 
from the names mentioned in all these grants. 

The names of the mahattaras in this inscription do not 
appear to be genuine compound words in which the component 
parts depend on one another, such as Dharmaditya, Sthanu- 
datta and Kulacandra in grant A (II 2—4), but seem to consist 
merely of two separate words in juxtaposition. Hence we 
may with full propriety write them as Vatsa Kunda, S'uci 
Pal'ita, Vihita Ghosa, Priya Datta and Janardana Kunda; and 
perhaps Jiva Datta may be so treated. Hence it appears that 
in these names we have four of the caste-sunn m s which are 
common in Bengal now, namely, Kunda (modern Kundu), 

, Ghosh and Datt. A caste-name karanika l< mentioned 
(1. 15). Karavika ia not classical Sanskrit, but is evidently a 
word formed from karaua which was the name of a mixed cast 
that had the occupation of writing, accounts, etc. (I >iet v .) : 
hence karanika apparently meant a member of this caste This 
caste was presumably either the same as, or closely akin to, 
the kayastha caste The position of senior member of the 
Board was in grants B and C held by the then oldest kayastha 
named Naya Sena. As this grant is later than those, it is 
worthy of note that, whereas the modern name kayastha i* 
mentioned in grants B and C, the name used in this later grant 
is karanika, a title which is not used now. Where a person s 

case of the karanikas, for, while one is named Naya Naga 
(Nag is another modern surname), the other is called simply 
Kesava (1. 15). It seems a fair inference that the second parts 
of these names were established as caste-surnames at the time 

of this inscription. 

But in the other grants this feature is not so clear. Many 

persons are mentioned in A, but none can be resolved into a 
clear personal name and surname except Vi[na]ya Sena and 
Hima Sena. Sen is a well-known caste-surname in Bengal 


Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911.] 

now. In grant B few names are mentioned, and there is not 
much scope for scrutiny, yet two can be resolved, Naya Sena 
and Soma Ghosa. Grant C is so much corroded that, though 
apparently many names were mentioned, few can be deci- 
phered now; yet two are divisible, the same Naya Sena and 
Visaya Kunda (?). This grant therefore shows a greater 
development of the caste-surname than the three earlier grants, 
and if that method of naming was fairly prevalent in this 
outlying district, it was presumably in more general vogue in 
the central part of the province. It seems therefore probable 
that the use of caste-surnames, which is universal at the 
present day in Bengal, was becoming generally adopted in 
the early part of the seventh century. 

O Tl "•*• -*-s-*-^» m.m*u 'UUVJV. UMU 

incription baffled him; for instance, he 


After this article was in the press another reading of this 
Ghagrahati grant was published in the Report of the Archaeo- 
logical Survey of India for 1907-8, p. 255. It is by the late 
Dr. T. Bloch, arid he pronounced the grant to be a forgery, 
although it appears from his article that a great deal of the 

'-"- , , ... says (p. 256) -"The 

grammar of the inscription, especially the syntax, is in such a 
bad state of confusion, that it wou'd be impossible to attempt 
anything like a connected and literal translation of the text." 
Accordingly, while offering a transliteration of the text, he 
has not attempted a translation. All or nearly all his criti- 
cisms will be f und practically answered in this my article. I 
cannot extend this article, already long, by further discussions, 
but a comparison of his and my articles will remove all the 
difficulties that he found. My article on the three other grants 
was published last year, and he wo dd ao doubt have entirely 
revised his article if he had lived to see that. 

I will only add as a general remark that it is hardly sound 
to pronounce anything that is not readily intelligible to be a 
forgery be ause even forgeries are meant to be quite intelli- 
gible, otherwise they would fail in their object. 

37- A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 


Arabic-speaking races, like other Orientals, are extremely 
fond of pro verbs , and it is probable that their language con- 
tains a greater number of them than any other. A large 
collection of Arabic sayings generally was made by the writer 
• luring a stay of six months in Damascus; but in order to 
bring the list down to the limits of this article only those 
proverbs have been included which are actually current in 
Syria at the present day. Common ones, such as have already 
found their way into print, as well as those which might be 
considered either enigmatical or pornographic, have been 
omitted. It has been considered advisable to give trans- 
lations of the Arabic proverbs rather than their equivalents, so 
as to preserve their national character as far as possible. 

Damascus contains a larger Arabic-speaking population 
than any other city in the world. In fact the percentage of its 
270,000 persons who do not speak Arabic is almost negligible. 
Since the days when Straight Street wa<< thronged with Sun- 
worshippers, its inhabitants have loved proverbs. The strange 
thing is that, in a city of such extraordinary antiquity, any- 
thing should become obsolete. Yet many of the proverbs which 
one meets with in the Damascus libraries and bookshop, one 
never hears used by the people nowadays. Only a few of these 
proverbs are also current in Egypt. Many of them, if a little 
obscure, are certainly curious. The collection may, therefore, 
prove an interesting one. My thanks are due to Abdo Effendi 
Kahil and Al-Anisah L. Kahil, of Damascus, and also to 
Mr. R. F. Azoo. of Calcutta . for their valuable assistance 

504 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 
1. Let that profession die that does not show itself on its 




self :— " What 


? 1 

3. If women were told that a wedding was taking place in 

Heaven, they would rise up and put ladders against 
the skies. 

4. The writer has no mercy on the reader. 

5. Some people write what God alone can explain. 

6. A man's paradise is his home. 

7. After dinner rest awhile, after supper walk a mile. 

8. He who plays with the cat must expect a scratching. 

9. Live for forty days with a tribe, and you will be in it 

and of it. 

10. A son was born to a blind couple, and they blinded his 

eyes by touching them. 

11. If you see a blind man push him; why should you be 

more merciful to him than his Creator ? ' 

12. Do no good and you will meet no evil. 

13. Turn the jar over on its mouth, the girl grows like her 


14. A sparrow in the hand is worth ten in the tree. 

15. A loaf for a loaf ; don't let your neighbour go to bed 


16. He who lightens his head tires his feet. 

17. Can't dance and says the ground is crooked. 

18. Rise, O Man, and I will rise too. 

19. The drum beats, and away goes the foolish girl on the 

wings of impatience. 

20. The cat and the mouse agreed to ruin the house 

21. If the mice agreed they would soon ruin the Greengrocer's 


22. They said to a mule, -'Who is your Father?" He 
• re P lied » ' ' % Uncle is a horse. ' ' 

a. The girl without hair boasts about that of her cousin. 
-4. I am talking to you, Oh! My daughter-in-law., for your 

edification, Oh ! My neighbour ! 

2o. There was a great funeral, and the corpse was that of a 


26. He is behind and he only walks where there an -tones. 

27. Every rising has a falling. 

28. Wish good to your neighbour and you will find it in your 

own house. 

29. Whilst I am on this mat it is not too long and not too 


According to the length of your carpet stretch your feet. 

«. Hie horse you have just got off let the people ride 

1 A very curious proverb.— (J. M. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 505 


# ,Uj» ^k*. ft->lj JVfc j-/Jl jUxJi y^ r 

iu)t *JJf ^j ajUJJi ^u ^U ^i * 

# 15*+?) 45*3*3 ^Wj c^*-* v 

# (j^^Jb *^££ l^nJi ^x^ ^^»*U »l». f ♦ 

* g^uiJl ^ gy^ Jfj ^itj ; y*^ |^ 


* (^Uja £l ; U ^Ujjfj *-«i c y *-a^; » 6 

* Jul*.) s-**Jl *—U ot£^. c ,* j «) 

* ^ ufc* Jj*- J O^y o *^ u c5 Ja J» 

•VI * I •• 


* tfijfuo *}JU ^fc U fy3 f A 

* J'a^l ^ v^ ; llJ ' J* 31 ,if r ' 


* w-ir ovi, * 1 -* 1 ^ S) 15 *^ '* 

* gt^Ji ^ Hi v **j U, ; ^< r i 


iijj,. l t J A»lJr J^ rv 

• £Jjfa <y sift's £l l»J y^'i >>j ; r a 
* l^j r yJi ^ l^ c i_>ij ^iJt ^yJl r t 

506 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

32. Let him who has no mother pitch a tent in the grave- 


33. Leave your spare money for a black day. 

34. An olive stone will keep a jar of a hundred rottles ] from 


35. He beat me and wept, and then went about and accused 


36. He who has treated you like himself has not misused 


37. A promise without fulfilment is enmity without reason. 

38. Low ground drinks its own water and other water as 


39. Many trades, few paras.^ 

40. Every age plays with its own age. 

41. By continual use the rope cuts the curbstone of the well. 

42. Food left about teaches the people to steal. 

43. A cockroach looked at her daughter on the wall. So 

she said : c< How nice is the blackness of my daughter 
on the white wall! M 

44. Live, Oh ! Mule, till the grass grows. 

45. I will water you with promises, Oh ! Kamoon ! 8 

46. One more hole in a strainer won't make any difference. 

47. The eye of the lover is blind. 

48. Writing is two- thirds of seeing. 

49. The worms in vinegar are in it and of it. 

50. God g ; ves almonds to those who do not know how to 

crack them. 

51. Your tongue is (like) your horse; if you take care of it, 

it will take care of you ; if you ill-treat it, it will ill- 
treat you. 

52. Every cock crows on his own dust-heap. 

53. He who makes his mouthful too big, gets choked. 

54. He who carries a pack-needle will prick himself. 4 

55. Smart clothes and empty pocket. 

56. A mistress and two servants to fry two eggs. 

57. A bald girl with two combs; and a one-eyed one with 

two phials of collyrium. 

58. The fly knows the face of the milkman. 

59. A man is a blessing in a house even though he be a 

negro. . 

60. Who is afraid for the cat in the larder lest the mice should 

eat her ears ? 

1 The Damascus Jiij =5 lb. 

* The v«th of a piastre. 

S A plant of the fennel kind. 

4 Pack-needles are often carried, and used as goads 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modem Arabic Proverbs. 507 


# £^UajJ XylaL ai-3 *y r! j *;>> r^ 


* -|*/| ij^k I&U } \jU\ £* J^Jt F| 

** LS' 

* kx±J|^ljj 

* -^uiaJi o^i.j ^^ uri^Li ji^e pp 

^^rij **yu ij^a^i ^ 

# ^ tjyifj <^*U 3,Ul ^fcj *U| 


508 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

61. Take girls from the breasts of their aunts. 

62. You are fit for me and I for you ; the times have made 

us successful. 

63. Look to high birth even though there be poverty. 

64. Accept hospitality from the man who once had wealth, 

and not from the man who has acquired it recently. 

65. Give the dough to the baker even if he eats half of it. 

66. If you want peace, say of everything you see: <f It is 


67. A beggar, and makes conditions ! 

68. He killed the dead and then went to the funeral. 

69. From want of men they called the cock Abu Ali. 

70. From lack of horses they put saddles on dogs. 

71. I love you, Oh! My bracelet, but not as much as my 


72. Better an agreement in the harvest- field than a quarrel 

on the threshing-floor. 

73. Train your dog, and he will bite you (all the same). 

74. A running stream, and not a dry river. 

75. They threw a pailful of leban 1 over a Jew, and he said: 

"Bymy Religion, I like it!" 

76. The son of a dog is a pup, and that of a lion a whelp. 

77. A one-eyed man is a king amongst the blind. 

78. Don't live near an ignorant divine. 

79. The dread of a calamity is worse than the calamity 


80. He who catches a fox is more cunning than it. 

81. If the prayers of clogs were heard the heavens would 

rain bones. 

82. Two dogs fight over a bone, whilst a third one carries it 

off and runs away. 

83. A man's value is the value of what he possesses. 

84. He who does not place himself above the ignorant. 

places the ignorant above him. 

85. Time creates and time destroys. 

86. The bride is at the dressmaker's, and the bridegroom is 

at the jeweller's. Why are the people talking? 

87. If a thief gets no chance of stealing, he begins to think 

himself virtuous. 

88. The longer the friendship J the stronger. .. 

89. If the pitcher falls on a 'stone, woe to the pitcher ; ii a 

stone falls on the pitcher, woe to the pitcher; what- 
ever happens, woe to the pitcher. 

90. Curse a man for his errors. 

91. Ask the man of experience, and not the man of learn- 


1 Roiled milk curdled. 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 509 


* oU*Jl ))** ^yo &[\J) \j*i* t f 


AJ jU ^U ^ Jf Uy jJ ^ Ja ^ ^ if* 

# *j)tt% ^J ; U^ Jj&Jl Jit ^a 


« lit 1 * cJ l *»*'l c -iJ y-cVI VV 

J»U v *3 w/ ^fc-S I va 

• A* .s 3 ^ jZ jU 1 £>y V 1 


• A 

• *sJW 0\ **M oJli UV A A 

# j^JU Jij ,>* U t J ^ »»Jo» 


/• > 


* ^iw Jl-J^ <~>/P* J l -I 1 > 





Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [August, 1911. 

92. Don't fatten your dog lest he should eat you. 

93. Hope is only extinguished by death. 

__ , dancer to dance 

From under the leak to under the water-spout. 1 

makes you laugh. 



98. Waste 

99. Go near a roaring river, but not a still one. 
100, Oh! departing one, do many good things. 

1 CL the Persian: — oiu^ itft^fti tsjtjbjf- — C - M - 

Vol. VII 5 No. 8.] A Hundred Modern Arabic Proverbs. 511 


38* New and Revised Species of Graminea> from 
By R. K. Bhide, Assistant Economic Botanist. Be 

(With Four Plates). 


-Bombay Presidency in 1907, while assisting Mr. G. A. Gammie, 
then Economic Botanist, in his work: and since then I have 
been steadily engaged in this study. The following note deals 
with some forms that seemed to me to be new or wrongly 


Dr. Stapf of Kew was good enough to examine the 
specimens and express opinions on them ; and I am deeply 
indebted to him for his kind assistance. I am also indebted 

Mr. W. Burns 


kindly translated my original English descriptions of the 
following species into Latin. 

Pars prima diagnostica latine. 

Danthonia Gammiei, Bhide. 
Culmi 10 — 20 cm. alti, nodis glabris. j 



ciliatae, 2-5 

basibus rotundis nee 

truncatis ; ligula angustissima, truncata, fimbriata, membra- 
nacea. Pedunculae et rhachides hirsutae. Paniculae laxae, 
racemosae, 2*5—5 cm. longae, 12 — 16 mm. latae. Spiculae 
paucae, breviter pedicellatae, circa 2 cm. longae (aristis ex- 
clusis). Olumae quatuor, quarta multo minima : prima et 
secunda glumae vacuae, lanceolatae, acuminatae : prima con- 
spicue 5-nervis, dorso rotundo glabro subcoriacea, marginibus 
membranaces : secunda circa tertia parte minor, membrancea, 
3-nervia: tertia (arista exclusa) florem ferens, prima et 
secunda multo minor, teres, convoluta, 7 — 9-nervis, in dorso 
ubique villosa, bidentata, dense hirsuta dorso, arista conspicue 
lata mediali ornata, aristae columna aureo-flava torta scintil- 
lanti, aristae cauda minute scabrida dorso anguste 2-canali ; 
dentes in aristis par vis tenuibus prolongati mediae aristae 
columnam aequantibus basi pilis longis albis ornatis. Palea 
glumam aequans, bidentata, bicarinata, carinis superne ciliatis 
inferne contractis cum rhachilla producta conjunctis. Qluma 
quarta minima, ciliata, aristata vel non-aristata ex rhachilla 
hanc loci orta est. Stamina 3. Styli 2, distincti. Oermen com- 
pressum, glabrum. Anther ae et stigmata plumosa glumae 

514 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. [Aug., 1911. 

ftorentis summa extrusae. Lodiculae membranaceae, anthera- 
rum dimidium aequantes, oblongae, emarginatae. 

In provincia Bombay, ad Castle rock, collegit G. A. Gam- 
mie, mense Octobris, a.d. 1902. 

Andropogon Paranjpyeanum, Bhide. 

Culmi tenues, erectae, 28 — 42 cm. longae, nodis superoribus 
pubescentes. Foliorum vaginae glabrae; ligula brevis, erecta, 
membranosa ; laminae 2*5 — 7'5 cm. longae, 2 mm. latae, basi 
subcordatae, utrinque longis tenuibus pilis hirsutae, margini- 
bus turgidis minute inaequaliter repandis spinuloso modo 
serrulatis. Bacerni singuli, 1*25 — 25 cm. longi (aristis exclusis). 
Pedunculae tenuissimae. Spiculae sessiles 3 mm. longae. Glu- 
mae quatuor : gluma prima oblonga, obtusa, inconspicue 5—7- 
nervis, glabra, marginibus anguste incurvis, carinis summa 
breviter ciliatis : gluma secunda quam prima paulolongior, 1 — 3- 
nervis, apiculata : gluma tertia quam prima vel secunda brevior, 
hyalina, marginibus ciliatis, epaleata: gluma quarta aristae 
angusta basis est, glumae primae dimidium aequans, obscure 
marginata et 1-nervis, summa duobus obscuris lobis et inter- 
posita tenue torta scabrida arista circa 2 cm. longa ornata, 
bisexualem florem ferens. Spiculae pedicellatae circa 4 mm. 
longae articulis et pedicellis obscure canaliculatis oblique 
truncatis utrinque brevibus albis piJis ciliatis sessilis spiculae 
dimidium vel bessim aequatibus. Gluma earum prima oblonga, 
obtusa, 7 — 9-nervis, marginibus incurvis, carinis late alatis, 
alis ad summa breviter ciliatis. Gluma secunda quam gluma 
prima minor, oblonga, acuta, 3-nervis, marginibus ciliatis. 
Gluma tertia quam gluma secunda minor, hyalina, ciliata, 
inconspicue 3— 5-nervis, epaleata, masculina. 

In provincia Bombay, ad Castle rock, collegit R. K. 
Bhide, mense Octobris, a.d. 1909. 


Enteropogon Badamicum, Bhide. 

Culmi 56—70 cm. longi, tenues, erecti, glabri. Foliorum 
*" M * ^^ribus subtiliter longe ciliatae; ligulae breves, 

btilibus pilis marginatae ; laminae angustae, 
10—17-5 cm. longae, 3—6 mm. latae, versus tenuem acumina- 
tionem contractae. Spica singula, terminalis, 15 cm. longa. 
Spiculae biseriatae et secundae in rhachide trigono piano parce 
!? a ^ nd0 j subsessiles vel brevissime pedicellatae. Glumae prima 
o Q ^.,«j , ntes, vacuae, scariosae, 1-nervis, glabrae vel 


w, i/uu^ume. v*iuma prima glumae secundae aimiuiu^ 

aequans, lateris inaequalibus, nonnunquam uno latere lobata, 
ovata, subacuta, summa erosa. Gluma secunda breviter 
inaequaliter summa bidentata, breviter mucronata. Gluma 

Vol. VII, No. 8.] New and Revised Species of Oraminece. 515 


tertia florem ferens, paulo longior quam secunda, bidentata 
summa, 3-nervis, arista rigida a dorso orta glumam aequante, 
dorso et lateribus scabrida, ventro canaliculata, dorsali jugo 
in arista prolongata : canalis oppositus est. Callus pilis bre- 
vibus albis sericeis hirsutus. Palea quam gluoia paulo longior, 
in dorso et earinis scabrida, 2-nervis, summa paulo bifida 
etiamque erosa, bisexualem florem ferens. Germen oblongum, 
planum, paleam aequans. Gluma quarta glumae tertiae similis, 
sed minor, bisexualem florem ferens. Rhachilla supra glumam 
quartam prolongata et glumam sterilem aristatam quam glumam 
quartam minorem ferens. 

In Provincia Bombay supra antra viculi Badami, ad cas- 
trum, eollegit mense Septembris, a.d. 1909, R. K. Bhide. 

Tripogon RoxburghianUxM, Bhide. 

Planta 10—17*5 cm. longa. Culmi fasciculati. Foliorum 
vaginae glabrae, marginibus hyalinis: laminae filiformes, circa 
2-5 cm. longae, marginibus et ligula longis pilis ciliatae. Ligula 
oblonga, lacerata, membranosa. Spica singula, 5 — 6*25 cm. longa. 
Spiculae 3 mm. longae, 1 — 2-florae ; rhachilla articulata et supra 
florem superiorem prolongata ; flores in rhachide insidentes 
piano. RJ&chidis internodii vicissim turgidi et tenues. Gluma 
prima et secunda vacuae. Gluma prima, spicula remota, semper 
in rhachidis parte concavapersistat, hyalina, admodum obliqua 
vel uno latere paulo lobata, late 1-nervo. Glumi secunda ad- 
modum coriacea, turgida, late 3-nervis, circa duobus dimidiis 
partibus longior. Gluma tertia florem ferens, in dorso inferiore 
parte hirsuta, quam gluma superior vacua paulo brevior, mem- 
branosa, 3-nervis, bidentata, breviter mucronata, dentibus bre- 
viter mucronatis. Callus hirsutus. Palea glumam fere aequans, 
bicarinata, earinis minute scabridis. Stamina 3. Styli 2, dis- 
tinct!. Stigmata plumosa. Germen teretum. Lodiculae 2, 
cuneatae. Flos superior bisexualis, imperfectus vel neuter, si 
adsit inferiori similis. 

In provincia Bombay ad Badami, collegit R. K. Bhide, 
mense Septembris, a.d. 1909. 

Second part in English. 



My examination of a herbarium specimen of Woodrowia