Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder
and Saint Jerome
An Edition and Translation
of
Sermones pro Sancto Hieronymo
xexTS & sxaOies
Volume 177
Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder
and Saint Jerome
An Edition and Translation
of
Sermones pro Sancto Hieronymo
by
John M. McManamon, SJ.
Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
Tempe, Arizona
1999
Generous grants from
Pegasus Limited for the Promotion ofNeo-Latin Studies and
the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation
have assisted in meeting the publication costs of this volume.
® Copyright 1999
Arizona Board of Regents for Arizona State University
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Vergerio, Pietro Paolo, 1370-1444.
[Sermones pro sancto Hieronymo. English]
Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and Saint Jerome : an edition and translation
of Sermones pro sancto Hieronymo / by John M. McManamon.
p. cm. — (Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies ; v. 177)
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-86698-219-1 (alk. paper)
1. Jerome, Saint, d. 419 or 20 Sermons Early works to 1800. 2. Sermons,
Latin Translations into English. I. McManamon, John M. H. Title,
ni. Series: Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies (Series) ; v. 177.
BR1720.J5V4713 1999
270.2*092— dc21 99-19915
CIP
This book is made to last.
It is set in Garamond,
smythe-sewn and printed on acid-free paper
to library specifications.
Printed in the United States of America
Table of Contents
List of Illustrations vii
Preface xi
Abbreviations xv
Part I: Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and the
Cult of Jerome as a Humanist Saint
1. Jerome: From the Scholar of History
to the Saint of Legend 1
2. Vergerio's Perspective: A Path to Sanctity
through Humanism 15
Part IL manuscripts and Editions
3.' Manuscripts 29
4. Printed Editions 85
Part III: History of the Texts
5. Vergerio's Lettered Public 91
6. The Panegyrics for Saint Jerome 103
Part IV: Editorial Matters
7. Criteria for the Edition 125
8. Vergerio's Sources 130
9. Sigla 133
VI
Table of Contents
Sermo 1
Sermo 2
Sermo 3
Sermo 4
Sermo 5
Sermo 6
Sermo 7
Sermo 8
Sermo 9
Sermo 10
Part V: Pierpaolo Vergerio,
Sermones decem pro Sancto Hieronymo
136
142
150
160
170
196
206
220
234
250
Part VI: Bibliographical Aids
10. The Library of Pierpaolo Vergerio 259
11. Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera: A Finding-List 267
12. Works Attributed to Pierpaolo Vergerio 313
13. Works Dedicated to Pierpaolo Vergerio 318
14. Renaissance Commentary on Works of Pierpaolo Vergerio 322
15. General Bibliography 324
General Index
Index of Manuscripts
371
390
List of Illustrations
[following page 134]
Plate 1: Antonella da Messina, "St, Jerome in His Study."
Plate 2: Autograph subscription of Marsilio Papafava.
Plate 3: Autograph subscription of Francesco Gonzaga.
Plate 4: Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder.
Plate 5: Historiated initial with a portrait of Pierpaolo Vergerio the
elder.
For John O'Malley
Preface
In concluding a recent biography of Pierpaolo Vergerio, I argued that
he comprised one of the most creative voices of the third generation
of Italian humanists. At a moment when Coluccio Salutati, revered elder
statesman of the movement, retreated from a full defense of humanism
out of austerely Christian convictions, Vergerio used a Christian hero of
his childhood as a model for the committed humanist intellectual. One
could, therefore, be humanist and Christian; in fact, in Vergerio's esti-
mation, Jerome's pursuit of the humanities had made him that much
more catholic. In what follows, I have attempted to supply for scholars
and students of Italian humanism a crucial portion of the documentary
evidence that led me to those conclusions. For the first time, all ten of
the panegyrics that Vergerio composed to express his devotion to Saint
Jerome are presented here in a critical edition with an accompanying
English translation.
Through his characteristic depiction of Jerome in sermons and letters,
Vergerio inspired appreciation for the saint among his fellow humanists.
Vergerio depicted a Jerome who sanctioned the study of classical and
Christian works and demonstrated the ways in which a humanist educa-
tion based upon the classical languages assisted the task of theological
scholarship. This kind of education had special relevance for exegetes
who utilized philological methods to interpret the text of Scripture. Ver-
gerio depicted a Jerome who renewed the Roman ideal of the ethical
orator, an individual of eloquence who lived the values that he advo-
cated. Time and again, Vergerio emphasized that Jerome had sought to
achieve that ideal in his intellectual activities on behalf of the believing
community and thereby earned the ecclesiastical title of doctor. And
xii Preface
Vergerio depicted a Jerome whose behavior easily distinguished itself
from that of leading churchmen of the Renaissance. The contrast led
Vergerio to stress the need for religious reform according to the exem-
plary pattern set by the humanist saint. In so depicting Jerome, Vergerio
adapted for his preaching the conventions that classical rhetoricians had
specified for epideictic oratory. As I trust that the reader will concur,
Vergerio's medium and message helped to initiate the special recognition
accorded Jerome by Renaissance intellectuals.
Because I nurture fervent hope that the work of textual criticism will
remain the last outpost of the res publica litterarum, I have adopted con-
ventions in this book that may be more familiar to scholars in Europe
than America. In all Latin quotations, I have expanded abbreviations
and followed modern criteria for punctuation and capitalization. I cite
classical and patristic authors in like manner, without punctuation
between the author's name and the title of the work. In cataloging
manuscripts, I use the Latin form of the name for authors born before
1200, and I use the more customary form of the name — Latin or vernac-
ular—for those born after 1200.* I follow the same criterion for an
author's name in the notes. The contents of a manuscript are divided
into a maximum of three layers: Roman numerals designate the parts of
a composite codex, bolded Arabic numerals designate groupings or
individual entries, and normal Arabic numerals designate the entries
within a grouping. The word "sylloge" is used to describe an identi-
fiable collection of texts, usually letters. An ascender is the initial stroke
on a letter such as "b," a descender the initial stroke on "p." In editing
the sermons, I employ angular brackets < > for editorial additions and
square brackets [ ] for editorial deletions. To prevent confusion, I have
followed the same conventions everywhere in the book. I reserve
<5ic> for readings that may appear strange but are so written in the
text. In order that readers may understand the logic of the manuscript
sigla, I give the definition in Latin; I often follow the choices made by
Leonardo Smith in his excellent edition of Vergerio's letters. The rea-
sons for the criteria adopted in editing Vergerio's sermons are given in
full in Part IV below. Throughout, I have tried to be as consistent as
possible, to follow the lead of the best textual critics, and to minimize
pretentiousness. Let the good reader decide.
' Armando Petrucci, La descrizione del manoscritto: Storia, problemi, modelli, Aggioma-
menti 45 (Rome: La Nuova Italia Scientifica, 1984), 84.
Preface xiii
I take pleasure in acknowledging the generous assistance that I have
received while preparing these texts for publication. I first thank the
institutions who offered their financial support: the Gladys Kjrieble
Delmas Foundation, Loyola University Chicago, and the Jesuit Research
Institute in Venice. A semester as the Visiting Jesuit Scholar at John
Carroll University gave me a chance to correct the edition of Vergerio's
panegyrics. For that opportunity, I am especially grateful to Fr. John
Dister, S.J., and, for that reason and many more, I remember with great
affection the deceased president of John Carroll, Fr. Michael Lavelle, S.J.
To collate Vergerio's sermons and assemble the catalog of manu-
scripts preserving his works, I had to visit numerous libraries and corre-
spond with the administrators of those I could not reach. Even though
many were already named in my biography of Vergerio, I again wish to
acknowledge my debt to them all. Scholars and librarians at the follow-
ing institutions graciously responded to my written queries: the Univer-
sity Library in Cambridge, the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in Munich,
the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, the Ambrosiana Collection at the
University of Notre Dame, the Library at Holkham Hall in Norfolk,
the Pius XII Library and the Vatican Film Library at St. Louis Univer-
sity, the British Library in London, the Staats- und Universitatsbiblio-
thek in Hamburg, the Universitatsbibliothek in Tubingen, the Biblio-
teca Universitaria in Padua, the Biblioteca del Monastero in Camaldoli,
the Biblioteca Comunale degli Intronati in Siena, the Osterreichische
National Bibliothek in Vienna, the Bibliotheque Royale Albert ler in
Brussels, the Stadtbibliothek in Trier, the Hill Monastic Manuscript Li-
brary at St. John's University, and the Archive y Biblioteca Capitolares
in Toledo.
Through the congenial service of directors and staff, I was able to
consult a wide range of materials in the following institutions: the Bod-
leian Library in Oxford, the Biblioteca Queriniana in Brescia, the Biblio-
teca Estense in Modena, the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense in Milan,
the Biblioteca Comunale and the Biblioteca Capitolare in Treviso, the
Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples, the Biblioteca Guarneriana in San Da-
niele del Friuli, the Museo Civico and the Biblioteca del Seminario in
Padua, the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice, the Library of the
American Academy in Rome, and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in
Vatican City. My work at the Vatican Library was greatly facilitated by
Antonio Schiavi, Luciano Droghieri, and Elvio Buriola.
I am very grateful to those persons and institutions who made it
possible to reproduce materials in this work. For permission to quote
xiv Preface
from volume 262 of the Loeb Classical Library, Select Letters of St.
Jerome, translated by F. A. Wright, I thank Ms. Melinda Koyonis and
Harvard University Press. For permission to reproduce photographs, I
express my gratitude to all of the following: Ms. Mandy Marks and the
Picture Library of the National Gallery in London, Dr. Goffredo Dotti
and the Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense in Milan, Dr. Susy Marcon and
the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice, Dr. Mauro Giancaspro and
the Biblioteca Nazionale in Naples, and Ms. Deborah Stevenson and the
Bodleian Library in Oxford. For invaluable counsel with regard to
problems of textual scholarship, paleography, and codicology, I thank
Armando and Franca Petrucci, Gianfranco Fioravanti, Maurizio Bettini,
Ronald Witt, Roland Teske, Laura Casarsa, Concetta Bianca, and
Massimo Miglio. I also appreciate the bibliographical assistance supplied
by Eva Horvath, Eva Irblich, Pierantonio Gios, and J. C. Marler, They
all saved me from mistakes along the way, though I am sure that I have
still made them and therefore beg the reader's pardon.
Finally, I am grateful to the former editors of MRTS-Binghamton as
well as Prof. Robert Bjork, Dr. William Gentrup, and all of their associ-
ates at MRTS-Arizona State University who bravely publish critical edi-
tions. They have given me an opportunity to dedicate this book to a
person I truly admire. Many of my close friends— and especially my
mother — often want to know why I spend so much time studying the
humanists of the Italian Renaissance. Though the more cynical among
them probably trace that interest to my first meal in a Roman restau-
rant, it actually stems from a course I completed in 1972. The course
dealt with the history of the Italian Renaissance and was taught by Fr.
John O'Malley, S.J. I will always remember it as a model of good teach-
ing: it expanded my narrow horizons and left me pondering a number
of intriguing questions. From our first meeting till today, I have never
ceased to admire the imagination of John's research, the humanity of his
convictions, the quality of his life. I am delighted to pay tribute here to
John's many achievements and his constant friendship.
Abbreviations
Abbreviations for classical authors and works are taken from
P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1982), ix-xx; and Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, eds., A
Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), xvi-xli.
Andr. Andreas, Andrea
Ant. Antonius, Antonio
att. attested
Bart. Bartholomaeus, Bartolomeo
BAV Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
Bern. Bernardus, Bernardo
BHL Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis.
2 vols. Edited by Socii Bollandiani. Subsidia hagiographica
6. Brussels, 1898-1901; Supplementum. Subsidia hagiographi-
ca 12. Brussels, 1911; Novum Supplementum. Subsidia hagio-
graphica 70. Brussels: Societe de Bollandistes, 1986.
Bibl. Bibliotheca, Biblioteca, Bibliotheque etc. (Library)
BMC A Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in
the British Museum. 12 vols. Edited by R. Proctor and A. W.
Pollard. London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1908ff.
Briquet Charles M. Briquet. Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des
marques du papier des leur apparition vers 1282jusqu 'en 1600.
2d ed. Paris, 1923.
Car. Carolus, Carlo
cart. cartaceus (paper)
CCL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina. Turnhout: Brepols, 1954ff.
XVI
Abbreviations
CIL
Clavis
cod(d).
Col.
Comm.
Copinger
CSEL
CTC
DBI
Ep.
Epist.
ex.
excerpt.
expl
fol(s).
fragm.
Franc.
Gasp.
GW
Hain
lERS
IGI
impr.
IMU
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863ff.
Clavis Patrum Latinorum. Edited by Eligius Dekkers and
Aemilius Gaar. 2d ed. Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri,
1961.
codex / codices
Colutius, Coluccio
Commentarius (Commentary)
W. A. Copinger, Supplement to Main's Repertorium Biblio-
graphicum. Part 2, Additions. 1 vols. London, 1898-1906.
Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum. Vienna,
1886ff.
Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum. Edited by
P. O. Kristeller and F. Edward Cranz. Washington, D.C.:
Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1960ff.
Dizionario biografico degli Italiani. Rome: Istituto della
Enciclopedia Italiana, 1960ff.
Epistola (Letter)
Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio. Edited by Leonardo
Smith. Fonti per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate dall'Istituto
storico italiano per il Medio Evo 74. Rome, 1934.
exeuntis (from the last quarter of a given century)
excerpta (excerpts)
explicit (the concluding words of a text)
folio(s)
fragmentum (fragment)
Franciscus, Francesco
Gasparinus, Gasparino
Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Leipzig: K. Hiersemann,
1925ff.
Ludovicus Hain. Repertorium Bibliographicum. Berlin, 1925.
Indice delle edizioni romane a stampa (1467-1500). Vol. 1.2
of Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento.
Edited by P. Casciano, G. Castoldi, M. P. Critelli, G. Cur-
cio, P. Farenga, and A. Modigliani. Littera Antiqua 1.2.
Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica,
e Archivistica, 1980.
Indice generale degli incunaboli delle biblioteche d'ltalia. 6
vols. Rome: La Libreria dello Stato, 1943-81.
impressus (printed)
Italia medioevale ed umanistica
Abbreviations
xvn
in.
inc
loan.
Iter
Leon.
Lud.
Mazzatinti
m.
membr.
Nic.
Petr.
PL
PPV
Praef.
Ps.
Raph.
ras.
rem. sim.
RIS
s.
sim.
s.t.
UnivB.
var. diverg.
var. ident.
var. sim.
(1)
(2)
ineuntis (from the first quarter of a given century)
incipit (the opening words of a text)
loannes
Paul Oskar Kristeller. Iter Italicum. 6 vols. Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1963-91.
Leonardus, Leonardo
Ludovicus, Ludovico
Giuseppe Mazzatinti et al. Inventario dei manoscritti delle
biblioteche d'ltalia. Forli, 1891-1911; Florence, 1912ff.
medii (from the middle quarters of a given century)
membranaceus (parchment)
Nicolaus, Nic(c)ol6
Petrus
Patrologia Latina. Edited by Jacques-Paul Migne. Paris,
1844-64.
Pierpaolo Vergerio (the elder)
Praefatio (Preface)
Pseudo
Raphael
rasura (erasure)
remotely similar to
Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Edited by Ludovico Antonio
Muratori. Milan, 1723-51; n.s., Citta di Castello and Bolo-
gna, 1900ff.
saeculi (from a given century)
similar to
sine typographo (Publisher unknown)
Universitdtsbibliothek (University Library)
divergent variety attested
identical variety attested
similar variety attested
from the first half of a given century
from the second half of a given century
Part I
Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder
and the
Cult of Jerome
as a Humanist Saint
CHAPTER 1
J
erome:
From the Scholar of History
to the Saint of Legend
Erudite and pugnacious, a Dalmatian priest named Jerome arrived in
the city of Rome in the autumn of 382. The next three years
proved to be among the most consequential of his long life. Soon after
he had settled in the imperial capital, he was employed by Pope Dama-
sus (366-384) to draft important documents. He also began to offer
spiritual counseling to a select group of noble women. Through his
ministries to the bishop and aristocratic ladies of the city, Jerome
furthered the process of Rome's Christianization and Christianity's
Romanization. However, his obstreperous personality, then as often,
stirred up troubles, especially when he used caustic prose to chastise the
Roman clergy for what he perceived to be hypocritical worldliness.
Jerome's caricatures of clerical life were so vivid that even the pagans
found them entertaining reading. He did not mince words when he
wished to claim that he and his small flock of female ascetics lived a
more fervent Christianity than the community's spiritual leaders. Peter
Brown justly highlighted Jerome's exhortation to "learn of me a holy
arrogance and know that you are better than them all."' Once his
' Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early
Christianity, Lectures on the History of Religions, n.s., 15 (New York: Columbia Univ.
Press, 1988), 366-67, citing Hieronymus Ep. 22.16 {CSEL 54:163). Brown begins his treat-
ment of Jerome with the trial in Rome. Among modem biographies, I have especially con-
sulted Ferdinand Cavallera, Saint Jerome: Sa vie etson oeuvre (Louvain and Paris, 1922); and
2 CHAPTER 1
patron Damasus had died, he soon faced a reckoning of accounts with
his Roman enemies.
In August of 385, a tribunal of Roman clergy gave their verdict on
accusations that fellow priests had made against Jerome. Though the
Roman investigators ruled in his favor and acknowledged that those
who had charged him with fornication were guilty of libel, they never-
theless urged him to leave Rome. Conceding that he could no longer
minister effectively there, Jerome bowed to their wishes. The image of
Jerome bitterly departing the city seems symbolic of his entire career: he
was a turbulent figure in turbulent times. The strength of his personality
militated against achieving heroic status among fellow Christians.^
Moreover, he struggled throughout his life to find a spirituality expres-
sive of his deepest convictions.^ Torn by competing priorities, Jerome
took delight at times in secular learning and at others in self-denial. The
urban cleric active in Roman affairs had only a few years earlier champi-
oned the life of a hermit in the wilderness.
Born in the small town of Stridon, so effectively sacked by the
Goths years later that no trace of it remains today, Jerome was sent by
his father to Rome as an adolescent to receive the best education avail-
able. Hoping to win a lucrative job in public service, he attended the
school of Latin grammar directed by Aelius Donatus. He must have
enjoyed those early years of schooling because questions of correct
grammar and scholarly detail never ceased to interest him. Advanced
training in the art of rhetoric supplied him with the weapon of satirical
prose that he wielded so effectively. During his student years, Jerome
also discovered how strong were the urgings of one's libido, and he
struggled to control them with mixed results. Though Jerome would
praise virginity in the most exalted terms, he had to admit that his own
had proven a casualty of his wild adolescence.'^
J. N. D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York et al.: Harper &
Row, 1975). Useful summaries of Jerome's life are available in Angelo Penna, "Girolamo,"
in Bihliotheca Sanctorum (Rome: Istituto Giovanni XXIII, Pontificia Univ. Lateranense,
1961-69), 6:1109-32; and Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance (Baltimore and Lon-
don: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), 1-22. For an extensive bibliography on all aspects
of Jerome's career, see Paul Antin, CCL 72:ix-lii.
^ See the characterization of Jerome's friendships in Kelly, Jerome, 335-36.
' Louis Bouyer, The Spirituality of the New Testament and the Fathers, vol. \ oiA History
of Christian Spirituality, translated by Mary Ryan (Kent, Engl.: Burns & Oates, and New
York: Desclee, 1963), 459-67.
^ Hieronymus£p. 49(48).20 {CSEL 54:385). See also Cavallera, S'^tmt/^owe, 2:72-73; and
Kelly, Jerome, 10-23.
Jerome 3
Just as important for his future development, Jerome offered himself
for Christian baptism in Rome, in all likelihood before the year 366.
That was a serious step usually reserved for a later moment in life. How-
ever, the ideals of Christianity so appealed to Jerome that he made his
public commitment to the faith. Thus, his first stay in Rome nourished
his mind in the two cultures that would subsequently compete for his
loyalties. He embraced the culture of his Roman ancestors as he began
to build an impressive private library of their books and sought employ-
ment in the emperor's bureaucracy. The world of the text, moreover,
established a bridge to his enthusiasm for Christian belief. Jerome exam-
ined the books of the Bible and participated in the rituals of Christian
faith. Indicative of those parallel developments, Jerome described the
visits he made on Sundays to Rome's catacombs. He expressed his fer-
vent piety for the martyrs in the reliable idioms of Ciceronian style.
Increasingly ascetical ideals eventually led Jerome to abandon his
quest for employment at court and move to the eastern part of the em-
pire. At Antioch in Syria, he lived for a time as a guest of the priest
Evagrius. Wealthy and influential, Evagrius entertained Jerome at his
country estate; the host exercised his priestly ministry in a way that his
visitor found attractive and yet unsettling. The time as a guest of Eva-
grius triggered a psychological crisis for Jerome. He found himself facing
what seemed an irreconcilable conflict of values. This time, however,
the conflict between pagan culture and Christian renunciation triggered
a dream of terrifying reality. The famous dream probably occurred
during Lent in 374, when, due to fasting and illness, Jerome found that
his flesh could hardly cling to his bones.^ In a delirious state, he felt
himself led before the judgment seat of Christ, where he was interrogat-
ed about his ultimate loyalties. Although Jerome declared himself a
Christian, he found himself condemned and flogged for being a Cicero-
nian. The painful nature of his punishment led him to cry out for
mercy. Once the flogging had ceased, he solemnly promised never again
to read or possess the literature of the pagans.
Jerome's account of the dream has captivated readers ever since be-
cause he skillfully used the rhetorical techniques that he had learned in
the schools of Rome. Paradoxically, he embellished his narrative with
^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190), citing P. Virgilius Maro Ed. 3.102 ("vix ossibus
haerent"). Kelly, /erome, 43: " < Jerome's > pangs of conscience found an outlet in the fan-
tastic shapes of his nightmare."
j_ CHAPTER 1
phrases and imagery that he drew from the pagan poet Virgil.^ Over the
course of his lengthy career, Jerome ukimately determined that any
wholesale rejection of the culture of Greece and Rome would be self-
defeating. He found justification for consulting the writings of the
pagans in the biblical account of the captive Gentile woman, who could
be taken as a Jewish wife once her head was shaven. Following the al-
legorical interpretation of Origen, Jerome determined that God allowed
believers to appropriate the best of pagan culture, once they had
trimmed away anything inappropriate/ Immediately after the dream,
however, Jerome decided to realize the most radical of his ascetical
ideals. He withdrew from Antioch and took up the life of a hermit in
the Syrian desert near Calchis.
For two years, from 374 to 376, Jerome battled the heat and isolation
of the desert. Those few years, which hardly typified his career, taught
Jerome about the weaknesses of the flesh and bred his militant desire to
tame those weaknesses. The graphic description that Jerome wrote of his
life near Calchis forcefully juxtaposes body and soul in a way that even-
tually acquired canonical status among Western ascetics. Jerome high-
lighted the sweltering body of a hermit under the desert's relentless sun;
the exterior heat mirrored an inner struggle to master one's lustfulness,
which Jerome found aroused by memories of his adolescent carousing in
^ Jean Jacques Thierry, "The Date of the Dream of Jerome," Vigiliae Christianae 17
(1963): 32-35, documents the language reminiscent of Virgil and suggests that the scene may
be modeled on the descent of Aeneas into the underworld (cf. Aen. 6:566-72). Paul Antin,
"Autour du songe de saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95
(Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 71-75, argues that the judge of the scene is the Christ of Paul's
letters (cf. Rom. 14:10, 2 Cor. 5:10). Pierre de Labriolle, "Le songe de saint Jerome," in
Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San
Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 230-35, finds such close parallels in literary examples that he feels
that Jerome never had the dream and that its subsequent importance in cultural debates is
highly ironic.
^ Deut. 21:10-13, cited in Hieronymus Ep. 21.13 {CSEL 54:122-23). In general, see
Arthur Stanley Pease, "The Attitude of Jerome towards Pagan Literature," Transactions and
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 50 (1919): 150-67; Edwin A. Quain, "St.
Jerome as a Humanist," in Francis X. Murphy, ed.,A Monument to Saint Jerome: Essays on
Some Aspects of His Life, Works, and Influence (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1952), 201-32;
Paul Antin, "Touches classiques et chretiennes juxtaposees chez saint Jerome," in Recueil
sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 47-56; KtWy, Jerome, 41-
44; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 3-7; and David Rutherford, "Timoteo Maffei's
Attack on Holy Simplicity: Educational Thought in Gratian's Decretum and Jerome's
Letters," in Leif Crane, Alfred Schindler, and Markus Wriedt, eds., Auctoritas Patrum: Zur
Rezeption der Kirchenvdter im 13. und 16. Jahrhundert (Contributions on the Reception of the
Church Fathers in the 15th and 16th Century). Veroffentlichungen des Instituts fiir Euro-
paische Geschichte: Beiheft 37 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabem, 1993), 163-64.
Jerome 5
Rome. When alone in the desert, Jerome became acutely aware of his
sexual powers. Unfortunately, Jerome's persuasive prose abetted the
"sexualization" of Saint Paul's teaching about the flesh, which Paul
himself had used with wider application.^ Devout Christians felt that
they must reject the body, especially the sensual pleasure it could pro-
duce. You could best achieve that radical renunciation by abandoning a
pagan society that goaded you to gratify your lust. Jerome actually won-
dered whether Christians could profess the faith and continue to reside
in cities.^ Not uncharacteristically, he seemed more intent on removing
the speck from another's eye than attending to the log in his own, for
he himself never practiced the ascetical extremes of other hermits in that
desert community. In his rather comfortable lodging, ample enough for
his large library, he greeted a steady stream of visitors. From that hermi-
tage, moreover, Jerome continued to correspond with his many acquain-
tances and to improve his knowledge of languages, focusing especially
on Hebrew. ^°
Jerome left his cave when he could no longer tolerate what he per-
ceived to be the hypocrisy of his fellow hermits. To the ascetics around
Calchis, he had always seemed a Latin outsider who was far too proud
of his erudition and powerful friends. When those ascetics began to
criticize him, he lashed back in characteristically pungent prose. Despite
their flamboyant asceticism, those hermits had experienced no true con-
version of heart and arrogantly questioned the pronouncements of
church councils and the bishop of Rome.^^ Attracted once again to the
cities, Jerome moved first to Antioch where he finally accepted ordina-
tion as a priest. ^^ He genuinely revered the priestly ministry, though
* Brown coined the term "sexualization" in Body and Society, 368-86. I have closely
followed Brown's analysis because I find it compelling.
' Hieronymus Ep. 14.6 {CSEL 54:53), where Jerome responds to the question, "Qui-
cumque in civitate sunt, Christiani non sunt?" Philip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the
Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978), 102-4, notes
that, in later years, Jerome tended to soften his original position on this issue. In general,
see Paul Antin, "Le ville chez saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Lato-
mus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 380-81, 386-89.
'° See Hieronymus Ep. 5.2 {CSEL 54:22) for the abundance of manuscripts and the
young assistants who worked as his scribes. In Ep. 125.12 {CSEL 56:131), Jerome commented
on the difficulties of learning Hebrew, which he used to discipline himself when he was
distracted by thoughts of Rome's pleasures. In general, see KeWy, Jerome, 46-52; and Rous-
seau, Ascetics, 99-106.
" See Hieronymus Ep. 17.2 {CSEL 54:70-71); and Kelly, /erome, 55-56.
'^ See Hieronymus Contra loan. Hierosolymitanum 41 (PL 23:410-11); and Rousseau,
Ascetics, 106-7, 125-32.
6 CHAPTER 1
he was never reticent when it came to reprimanding its dissolute mem-
bers. Still, the decision to be ordained had again stirred deep-seated mis-
givings. Jerome salved his conscience by continuing to espouse a life of
asceticism and by describing himself as an ascetic. He would never allow
the learned prestige of the clerical state to water down his renunciatory
ideals. Although Jerome was ordained in the church of Antioch, he in-
sisted on freedom from that church and selectively exercised the sacra-
mental ministries. From Antioch, he continued his pilgrimage to Con-
stantinople, where he studied with Gregory of Nazianzus. In 382, he
moved to Rome, where he assisted Pope Damasus and counseled aristo-
cratic women.
With typical bravado, Jerome later claimed that, had jealous clerics
not driven him from Rome, he would have been elected to succeed
Damasus as pope.^^ By drafting important papal correspondence, Je-
rome created the historical basis for his legendary status as a cardinal.
He worked hard to fulfill the pope's commission to revise the Latin
translation of the Gospels. Jerome's thorough scrutiny of the sources
taught him the complexities of textual scholarship: there were "as many
forms of the text as there were manuscripts."^'^ He checked the Latin
versions of the Gospels against the Greek original, and he consistently
consulted manuscripts that were older than any we possess today. Be-
cause Jerome began to change translations that had long been used in the
liturgy, he added to the controversy swirling around him. His oppo-
nents insinuated that he had no right to tamper with the sacred text.
While taking the first steps toward the Vulgate translation, Jerome
also advised an intimate circle of aristocratic women. His counsels help
us understand the character of a Christian spirituality that took root in
Rome in the second half of the fourth century. The letter that he wrote
to Julia Eustochium, daughter of his confidante Paula, became a classic
presentation on the ideal of consecrated virginity. With purposeful
irony, Jerome praised a virgin's potential fecundity, and he encouraged
Roman women to study the Scripture. He actually taught some of them
Greek so well that they were more fluent in the language than church
leaders like Ambrose. Virginity, therefore, might help to propagate learn-
ing. There was also an undeniably radical streak in Jerome's advocacy of
" Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). In general, see Kelly, /erome, 80-115.
" Hieronymus Praef. in quatuor evangelia 2 {PL 29:526), cited by Kelly, /erome, 86, and
by Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 11.
Jerome 7
virginity, as he came to see sexual activity as "intrinsically defiling."^^
His lifelong ascetic ideals emerged in their unbending rigor when he
encouraged his female devotees to fast, to wear coarse garments, to
neglect their personal appearance, and to avoid luxuries like bathing.
By meddling in the life of Paula's eldest daughter, Blesilla, Jerome
piqued the anger of the Roman elite. Unlike her sister Eustochium,
Blesilla had thrown herself into the spirited life of aristocratic society.
Even after her husband's sudden death, she continued to attend closely
to matters of fashion and style. Some time thereafter, the young woman
found herself bedridden with fever; while recuperating, she underwent
a conversion along the lines that Jerome had long recommended. Aban-
doning her dedication to life's pleasures, Blesilla plunged into a rigorous
regime of mortification and the study of Hebrew. Within four months,
however, her body gave out under the strain of her new lifestyle. When
Blesilla's mother Paula collapsed in grief at her daughter's funeral, Je-
rome decided that he had to rebuke her for such indecorous behavior?^
The episode fortified the convictions of those in Rome who saw
Jerome as a dangerous fanatic. Meanwhile, he did little to moderate his
truculent outbursts. When Jerome attacked Helvidius for questioning
the perpetual virginity of Mary, he belittled the state of marriage. When
he addressed his fellow clerics, he caricatured them as effeminate glut-
tons bent only on enriching themselves. When he lectured Roman so-
ciety in general, he challenged some of their most cherished values, espe-
cially pietas. "Too great a loyalty to one's own," Jerome decreed, "is a
betrayal of God."^^ It is little wonder, then, that, after the death of
Damasus, he was soon forced to leave the city.
In August of 385, Jerome set out on a new pilgrimage to the eastern
Mediterranean. In the company of Paula and Eustochium, he toured the
various monastic communities of Egypt and the Middle East. Eventual-
ly, the little band of exiles settled at Bethlehem, founding separate mo-
nastic communities of men and women. Jerome found the years that
immediately followed among the most fulfilling of his entire life. He
had few worries because Paula assumed the considerable expenses in-
volved in his scholarly activities: she set up his library, hired his copy-
'^ KeWy, Jerome, 102. For the significance of the letter {Ep. 22), see ibid., 99-103; and
Rousseau, Ascetics, 108-10.
'^ See Hieronymus Ep. 39.6-8 {CSEL 54:305-8); Kelly, Jerome, 98-99; and Rousseau,
Ascetics, 110.
" Hieronymus Ep. 39.6 {CSEL 54:306), cited by Rousseau, Ascetics, 109.
8 CHAPTER 1
ists, and paid a Jew named Baraninas to tutor him in Hebrew. Jerome
was free to concentrate on his pastoral and scholarly tasks. To care for
his flock, he preached in local congregations, gave spiritual direction to
the female members of the monastic community, and taught in the
school he had established. To assist believers through his learning, he
produced scholarly writings at a pace that Eugene Rice has justly charac-
terized as "stupefying."^* He retranslated the Old Testament from the
original Hebrew texts and thereby demonstrated that translators needed
philological expertise, historical erudition, and rhetorical competence.
Early in 393, after eight years of relative tranquillity, Jerome im-
mersed himself anew in controversies regarding the definition of Chris-
tian doctrine. Regrettably, he gave those disputes a personal edge. One
disagreement pitted him against his boyhood friend, Rufinus. From
Hippo in North Africa, Augustine wrote Jerome to express his dismay
that so great a rift now divided church leaders once joined by the deep-
est bonds of affection. Ostensibly, Jerome and Rufinus fought over the
legacy of Origen and matters of episcopal jurisdiction. In a scornful
apologia, however, Jerome did not conceal his jealousy of Rufinus who
had become intimate friends with a holy woman named Melania. Worse
still, the controversy led him to underline the inescapable risk of temp-
tation whenever men and women gathered in the same place. A lifelong
spiritual advisor to pious women, Jerome now claimed that such associa-
tion must perforce be seen as extremely dangerous. ^^
The controversy with Rufinus was the most grievous of those years.
Jerome also took umbrage when Augustine wrote to him and ques-
tioned his translation and exegesis of specific biblical passages. Sarcasti-
cally, he conceded that a mere ascetic like himself should never presume
to disagree with so exalted a bishop.^° Eventually, Jerome and Augus-
tine made common cause against the positions of the British monk
Pelagius, who arrived in the Holy Land sometime after 413. Jerome
condemned the misplaced optimism of Pelagius and his naive belief that
Christians might achieve moral perfection here on earth. To refute
Pelagius, he felt it sufficient to point toward the overwhelming power
of lust. Theological controversies touched a broader mainstream in the
'* Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 15. See further KeWy, Jerome, 129-78.
" See KeWy, Jerome, 195-209, 227-58; and Brown, Body and Society, 379-85.
" Kelly, /erome, 217-20, 263-72.
Jerome 9
fifth century. A disgruntled mob, spearheaded by followers of Pelagius,
attacked and burned Jerome's monastery. Their pillaging probably
destroyed the library of books that he had painstakingly collected from
his youngest days in Rome. Grief for the loss of his precious volumes
was compounded by the deaths of Paula in 404 and Eustochium late in
418 or early in 419. Jerome had also learned that Visigothic warriors had
breached Rome's seemingly impenetrable walls in 410. Deprived of his
intimate female associates and his books and convinced that Alaric's sack
presaged the end of the world, he died in Bethlehem around 420.^'
Even a brief summary of Jerome's life reveals why he left such a
complex legacy to fellow believers. Despite his forceful description of
life as a hermit in the desert, Jerome found more happiness in the
palaces of aristocratic ladies and powerful priests, including the pope
himself. During his long years in the monastery at Bethlehem, he rarely
separated himself from his most trusted associates. He preached to local
congregations, supervised arriving pilgrims, and dictated to scribes as he
advanced his scholarly activities. And he never ceased to minister to
pious women. In the final analysis, therefore, Jerome's learning over-
shadowed his eremitic ideals: he excelled as a translator and expositor of
Scripture and as a spokesman for ascetic piety. Despite his lingering
unease at combining the practice of asceticism and the study of secular
writings, Jerome made himself the best textual scholar of his era, and it
would be centuries before Christendom produced exegetes of compara-
ble ability. His primary genius lay in the instinct to scrutinize the books
of Scripture in their original languages. In the assessment of J. N. D.
Kelly, Jerome made himself "one of the greatest of Latin stylists," even
as the Roman Empire collapsed around him.^^
All of those scholarly achievements, however, engendered a trou-
bling question for later Christians: should one so learned in secular
culture and so torn by that allegiance be numbered among the saints? In
many ways, Jerome seemed deficient in the qualities that might make
him the object of a popular cult. Only his female advisees had been con-
sistently privy to the kindness of his heart. The extreme ascetical ideals
that he had sanctioned mirrored the fury of his temperament. Subse-
quent generations of Christians, therefore, found it advisable to domesti-
^' See Kelly, /erome, 309-32; and Rousseau, Ascetics, 116-19, 122-24.
^ Kelly, Jerome, 335.
10 CHAPTER 1
cate the legacy of Jerome in much the same manner that he was sup-
posed to have tamed a lion. By extracting the thorns from his polemics
and underlining his submissive obedience to church authority, he might
safely become the object of Christian devotion. Much of the history of
his cult from his death in 420 to the dawn of the revival of classical
studies in 1350 reveals how devotees created the legend of a domesticat-
ed Jerome. ^^
In constructing that legend, Jerome's admirers could draw upon the
wealth of personal data that he himself had supplied in his letters and
prologues. The earliest biographers of Jerome, working from the fifth to
the twelfth century, rearranged the chronology of his life in an effort to
highlight the events that best served their own purposes.^"^ They actual-
ly inverted the historical order, claiming that Jerome started in Rome
where he served Pope Damasus, then moved to Constantinople where
he studied with Gregory of Nazianzus, and finally settled in Syria where
he experienced his agony in the desert. Jerome's movements declared his
ascetical ideals, culminating in a grueling stay in the wilderness near Cal-
chis. Similarly, the biographers made Jerome an exemplar of the virgini-
ty he had so vigorously advocated, even though he himself had admitted
that he had lost his virginity as an adolescent in Rome. Anachronistical-
ly, they assigned him the rank of a cardinal-priest, thereby endowing
him with a status to rival the other great intellectual saints of the Latin
Church. Ambrose and Augustine had served the community as bishops,
while Gregory the Great was elected to the supreme office of bishop of
Rome. Jerome's biographers refused to allow him to remain on the
lower rung of mere presbyter. The fiction that he attained a cardinal's red
hat gave added luster to that office as it emerged to special prominence
^ See Francesco Lanzoni, "La leggenda di San Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana:
Scritti varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 19-36;
Millard Meiss, "Scholarship and Penitence in the Early Renaissance: The Image of St.
Jerome," in The Painter's Choice: Problems in the Interpretation of Renaissance Art (New
York: Harper & Row, 1976), 189-97; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 23-83; Daniel
Russo, Saint Jerome en Italie: Etude d'iconographie etde spiritualite, Images a I'Appui 2 (Paris:
Decouverte, and Rome: Ecole franjaise, 1987), 37-148; and Anna Morisi Guerra, "La leg-
genda di San Girolamo: Temi e problemi tra umanesimo e controriforma," Clio 23 (1987):
5-12.
^^ Alberto Vaccari, "Le antiche vite di S. Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti
varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 4-18, who
identified Nicolo Maniacoria as the author of the twelth-century biography of Jerome. The
three principal biographies are 1) Anon., Viu Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus noster),
ca. 800-856, BHL no. 3869; 2) Anon., Vita Divi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum), ca.
875-900, BHL no. 3870-71; 3) N. Maniacoria, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita, ca. 1150, BHL
no. 3873. See also Russo, Saint Jerome, 20-26.
Jerome 11
during the period of the Gregorian Reform in the eleventh century?^
Most challenging of all, the biographers sought to enhance Jerome's
status as a spiritual patron; he needed miracles to prove his efficacy in
petitioning favors from a gracious Divine Lord. He first achieved the
status of a wonder-worker through the aforementioned taming of a lion.
Jerome's biographers almost certainly borrowed the story from the
legend of Saint Gerasimus, a revered Palestinian anchorite of the fifth
century. The legend can ultimately be traced to an anecdote preserved
by Aulus Gellius. Because an escaped Roman slave by the name of An-
drocles had extracted a thorn from the paw of a lion, he thereby gained
a friend who would not devour him when he was thrown to the wild
animals in a Roman circus. After Androcles, the story of the lion then
passed from Gerasimus to Jerome, facilitated by the colloquial pronunci-
ation of their Latin names (Gerasimo-Geronimo). However, as narrated
by Jerome's biographers, the miracle also helped to magnify his standing
as an advocate of cenobitic monasticism. Once subdued, the lion was
told by Jerome to guard the ass who carried water to the monastery for
the use of the monks. After initially proving less than vigilant, the re-
morseful lion eventually fulfilled Jerome's command with exemplary
religious obedience. Although he had successfully tamed a lion, he still
had to wait several centuries for his first confirmed ex voto. In a twelfth-
century biography, a biblical scholar by the name of Nicolo Maniacoria
claimed that Jerome had saved his mother from death during childbirth.
As Anna Morisi Guerra aptly observed, Jerome went centuries without
such an attribution because no one probably thought to pray to him.^^
^ The anonymous Carolingian biography (inc: Hieronymus noster) first inverted the
chronology; see Vaccari, "Le antiche vite," 8. The legend of Jerome's virginity ultimately
derived from a remark of Marcellinus Comes (d. ca. 534); lacopo da Varazze called attention
to the error in the Legenda aurea. See ibid., 2, and Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 19, 32. A second
Carolingian biography (inc: Plerosque nimirum) claimed that Jerome was raised to the office
of cardinal; the anonymous biographer thereby compounded the error of a predecessor who
had asserted that Jerome was ordained in Rome. After the Gregorian Reform, Nicolo
Maniacoria assigned Jerome the prestigious title of cardinal of S. Anastasia. See Vaccari, "Le
antiche vite," 14, 18; and Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 35. In the twelfth century, Joannes Beleth
attributed liturgical standardizations of the Carolingian era to Jerome and then inflated their
importance; see Lanzoni, 26-29.
^^ Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi . . . vita,"PZ, 22:185; and Morisi Guerra, "La
leggenda," 6-7. Maniacoria served as a deacon in Rome under Pope Lucius II (1144-45) and
later became a Cistercian monk. For the story of the lion, see Vaccari, "Le antiche vite,"
12-13; Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 33-34; and Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 37-45.
Vaccari argued that the story passed from Gerasimus to Jerome through the literary medi-
ation of the Pratum spirituale of loannes Moschus, who died in Rome in 619. The fable of
Androcles is found in Aulus Gellius Noctes Atticae 5.14.
12 CHAPTER 1
Early in the fourteenth century, however, an enterprising forger,
perhaps a Dominican associated with the canons of Santa Maria Mag-
giore in Rome, decided to fill the final gap in the legend of Jerome. In
letters attributed to distinguished ecclesiastical contemporaries of Je-
rome, the forger narrated the holiness of the saint's death in heroic
defense of the faith and the miracles that he had performed before and
after that exemplary death.^^ Freed from the technical language of the
Scholastic theology of the day, those letters stirred admiration for Je-
rome as a wonder-worker and taught principles of Catholic doctrine as
it was then being defined. He emerged in that context as a champion of
orthodox faith, lending his prestige to the inquisitorial activities that
engaged many Dominican friars. This apologetic approach to theology
not only bolstered the efforts of inquisitors who saw themselves defend-
ing Latin Christianity from internal subversion but also those of crusad-
ers who sought to vanquish Christendom's formidable external enemy,
the infidels of the Moslem religion. Conveniently, Jerome was said to
have arranged the transfer of his own relics from Bethlehem to Rome in
1291, after the last stronghold of the Latin kingdom had fallen to the
Mamluks. Just a few years later. Pope Boniface VIII (1294-1303) gave
official endorsement to Jerome's teaching authority by naming him one
of the four doctors of the Latin Church.
By the early fourteenth century, sufficient data had now been added
to the record of Jerome's activity in order to make his sanctity heroic
for a much broader range of Christians. The rest of that century saw the
consolidation and institutionalization of his cult in the Latin West, espe-
cially in Italy and Spain. In the second half of that century, five new
congregations of religious men were established, all of them proud to
place their monastic observance under the patronage of Jerome. Though
distinct groups, the Hieronymites shared a common spirituality, which
focused largely upon penitential exercises. The members of Hieronymite
congregations lived a life of rigorous poverty and often chose not to be
ordained. In keeping with their ascetic ideals, they looked with hostility
on education in secular matters. In keeping with their image of Jerome
as a champion of orthodoxy, they used his status as a doctor of the
church to ingratiate themselves to church authorities. In that respect, the
Hieronymites set themselves apart from groups like the Spiritual Fran-
ciscans, with whom they shared an emphasis on strict poverty. The asce-
^^ The letters were attributed to Eusebius of Cremona (BHL no. 3866), Augxistine of
Hippo {BHL no. 3867), and Cyril of Jerusalem {BHL no. 3868).
Jerome 13
tic emphasis of the Hieronymite cult of Jerome took visual form as well.
Portraits of Jerome as an emaciated penitent in the wilderness adorned
their churches and monasteries, even though that sojourn in the desert
proved less defining than the popularity of such depictions would lead
one to believe.^^
By the middle of the fourteenth century, Giovanni d'Andrea (Joan-
nes Andreae, d. 1348), a professor of canon law at the University of Bo-
logna, made it easier to become familiar with the recent additions to the
legend of Jerome. Dismayed by the lack of reverence for Jerome in Italy
and inspired by the success of the forged letters, Giovanni d'Andrea
assembled a compendium that he appropriately entitled Hieronymianus.
The volume included a biography of the saint, extensive excerpts from
his works, and recommendations for fostering his cult in Italy. Giovanni
hoped that devoted adherents of Jerome would further exploit the
materials he had put together. Much like the great compendia that then
served university instruction, the Sentences of Peter Lombard and the
Decretum of Gratian, Giovanni's tribute to Jerome gathered a vast
amount of information. However, Giovanni himself tended to treat the
information rather indiscriminately. Despite admitting his fascination
with Jerome's linguistic abilities, Giovanni did not see the study of
classical languages as a way to improve education and expand cultural
horizons. And even though Giovanni recommended that artists portray
Jerome as a cardinal in his study, the image of a penitent Jerome, who
meditated upon the cross and his sins in a wilderness far removed from
his books, remained much more popular.
Only with the flowering of the humanist movement in Italy would
Jerome become the inspiration once again for serious philological study
of the Bible. Even so, the first two generations of humanists treated
Jerome as an opponent whom they had to answer rather than a scholar
whom they wished to emulate.^' Censorious ecclesiastics, who opposed
^* Rice, Jerome in the Renaissance, 104, offers a statistical comparison for paintings of
Jerome from ca. 1400 to 1600. There are 558 examples of Jerome in penitence as contrasted
to only 133 examples of Jerome in his study. See further Russo, Saint Jerome, 201-73.
^' See Giuseppe Maugeri, // Petrarca e San Girolamo (Catania, 1920), 27-29, 80-88;
Berthold Louis Ullman, The Humanism of Coluccio Salutati, Medioevo e umanesimo 4
(Padua: Antenore, 1963), 54, 61; Manlio Dazzi, // Mussato preumanista (1261-1329): L'am-
biente e I'opera (Vicenza: Pozza, 1964), 108-23; Pietro Paolo Gerosa, Umanesimo cristiano del
Petrarca: Influenza agostiniana, attinenze medievali (Turin: Bottega d'Erasmo, 1966), 156-79;
Ronald G. Witt, "Coluccio Salutati and the Conception of the Poeta Theologus in the Four-
teenth Century," Renaissance Quarterly 30 (1977): 540-41; and John M. McManamon, "Pier
Paolo Vergerio (the Elder) and the Beginnings of the Humanist Cult of Jerome," The
Catholic Historical Review 71 (1985): 363-68.
14 CHAPTER 1
the growing interest in classical literature, adduced Jerome's dream and
his statement that "the verses of poets are the food of demons" {Ep.
21.13) as clear evidence that it was wrong for Christians to study the
literature of antiquity. Already in 1315, the Dominican Giovannino da
Mantova cited Jerome's remark about the poets to reprimand Albertino
Mussato of Padua (ca. 1261-1329) for writing verse. As public recogni-
tion of his ability, Mussato had recently won a laurel crowning. Begin-
ning with Francesco Petrarca (1304-1374), humanists also wrestled with
the issue of Jerome's dream and his condemnation as a Ciceronian. They
spent much time interpreting Jerome in a way that, if it did not make
him quite favorable to the cause of the humanities, would at least blunt
the effect of his negative attitude toward pagan literature.
Petrarch himself emphasized that Jerome continued to study Cicero
even after his oath not to do so. Consequently, Jerome's writings betrayed
an inherently Ciceronian style. However, Petrarch preferred the interiority
of Augustine to Jerome's more activist spirituality. Petrarch wrote to
Giovanni d' Andrea and expressly disagreed with Giovanni's ranking Jerome
a better scholar than Augustine. Petrarch and his early disciples preferred to
look to Augustine as the primary Christian model for their literary and
scholarly efforts. Giovanni Boccaccio (1313-1375) saw Jerome's stated oppo-
sition to the poets as selective and felt that Jerome really objected to the
obscenity of comedy. Moreover, Boccaccio upbraided critics of humanism
for quoting Jerome's remark about the "verses of poets" without any refer-
ence to his further comments. In that same letter, Jerome had appealed to
the book of Deuteronomy to indicate the ways in which Christians might
appropriate the most worthy elements of classical culture. Toward the end
of the fourteenth century, Coluccio Salutati (1331-1406) likewise contended
that those who presented Jerome as a doctrinaire critic of classical poetry
badly distorted the saint's thinking. Jerome had paraphrased Virgil in the
very same letter in which he cautioned against the dangers of poetry. Salu-
tati felt that the dream simply reiterated Jerome's fundamental conviction
that one should not engage in excessive study of classical works. Thus, the
first two generations of humanists were compelled to deal with the figure
of Jerome primarily because opponents of humanism pointed to Jerome as
a religious authority hostile to pagan learning. Those humanists showed no
special reverence toward the saint and often found him a problem.
CHAPTER 2
Vergerio's Perspective:
A Path to Sanctity
through Humanism
In keeping with his personal experience and his humanist studies, Pier-
paolo Vergerio the elder (ca. 1369-1444) offered his era a richer pic-
ture of Jerome. Vergerio closely associated the saint with the formative
experiences of his childhood. To render homage to its blessed patron,
Vergerio's family offered a banquet on his feast for the local poor and
the domestic servants of their household. Vergerio's family was con-
vinced that Jerome had rewarded their loyalty by protecting their flight
from Capodistria to Cividale del Friuli during the War of Chioggia
(1378-1381).^ Nourished in an environment that saw the family as hon-
ored clients of a powerful heavenly patron, Vergerio committed himself
to a public act of devotion to Jerome for the rest of his life. His sermons
and letters, written to extol Jerome on his feast-day (30 September), rep-
resent the concrete fruit of that commitment.^
In discussing Vergerio's originality in the sermons, it is only fair to
' See Epist., 186-87; and, in the present volume, Sermo 5.
^ See John M. McManamon, "Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of
Pier Paolo Vergerio the Elder," Rinascimento, n.s., 22 (1982): 24-27; and McManamon,
"Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Beginnings," 356-63. Three of the sermons are dated: 5 (Pa-
dua, 1392), 8 (to the papal court in Rome, 1406), and 9 (to the papal court in Siena, 1408).
From internal evidence, it is clear that three sermons were delivered to monks who fol-
lowed the rule of Benedict (1, 5, and 10 at a rural monastery). Two of the sermons were
given in the region of Istria (3 and 6). Evidence in eight of the sermons (1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9,
10) establishes that none of them was the first that Vergerio delivered.
16 CHAPTER 2
acknowledge that he was not unaffected by recent accretions to the
legend. Yet, in more than one instance, the content and form of Ver-
gerio's sermons demonstrate that he evaluated the tradition with the
critical eye he generally brought to historical research. In fact, he shaped
the material to his broader goal of fostering a cult of Jerome that would
make him the patron saint of humanist studies. Though Vergerio dis-
cussed Jerome's envious rivals in several sermons, he alluded only once
to the farcical story that some of them attempted to destroy his reputa-
tion by leaving a woman's dress near his bed.^ After Vergerio had used
the account publicly, he seemed to have lost faith in it. Vergerio also
praised Jerome for his ascetic withdrawal into the desert, and he admit-
ted that he liked to quote the famous passage in which Jerome had de-
scribed his sufferings. Vergerio's surviving sermons bear him out: that
passage is cited in eight of the ten panegyrics. In keeping with recent
traditions, then, Vergerio's Jerome exemplified the value of asceticism,
but that asceticism did not spring from a rejection of secular culture and
all of the dangers associated with it. Rather, it sprang from Vergerio's
concern for interior freedom, which acquired authentic expression when
one controlled selfish and libidinous desires. Nor did Vergerio concen-
trate exclusively on monastic piety: though he alluded more than once
to the story of the lion, he never mentioned the lengthy account of the
lion's obedient service in Jerome's monastery. Moreover, Vergerio
stressed that Jerome tamed the lion not only by removing the thorn but
by instilling a sense of his trustworthiness.
Similarly, Vergerio accepted the legend that Jerome was a cardinal,
though he winnowed away the details surrounding the appointment that
he found in previous sources. He actually claimed that Jerome deserved
to be ranked higher than his fellow Latin doctors, but he did not use the
criterion of hierarchical office to defend that claim. Rather, he used a
criterion of useful scholarship, according to which he felt that Jerome
had proved himself superior to Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory the
Great. Vergerio's first attempt to derive the etymology of Hieronymus
was based upon information in the Legenda aurea, a passage that Gio-
vanni d'Andrea likewise cited in the Hieronymianus. After Vergerio had
studied Greek under Manuel Chrysoloras, however, he succeeded for the
^ PPV, Sermo 3: "Nam muliebri veste per fraudem contectum de incontinentia calum-
niati sunt." The story originated in the biography of Nicolo Maniacoria; see Lanzoni, "La
leggenda," 36.
Vergerio's Perspective 17
first time in determining the correct etymology of "sacred name." In
both instances, he emphasized a fitting tie between the meaning of the
name and the learned activities of the one who bore it. No enemy of
learning, Vergerio's Jerome instead testified to the value of humanist
scholarship for biblical exegesis and for an authentically catholic piety.
Vergerio explicitly drew a parallel between the Christian doctors who
aided the res publica Christiana through their preaching and writing and
the humanist orators of antiquity who aided the res publica Romana
through their public speeches and their historical writings.
Vergerio used his portrait of Jerome to promote rhetorical education
based upon classical standards and to advance certain proposals for
church reform. He praised Jerome for his knowledge of letters (peritia
litterarum) because Vergerio felt that an education in letters made it
possible for Jerome to be successful in his various ministries. By letters,
Vergerio meant proficiency first of all in the Latin language, and then in
Greek and Hebrew. These linguistic abilities helped Jerome to become
an expert philologist. By letters, Vergerio also meant eloquence, in
which Jerome attained the standard of excellence set centuries earlier by
Cicero.'* Nor did Vergerio evade the controversial character of Jerome's
humanist learning. On one occasion prior to his permanent move to the
papal court in 1405 and repeatedly thereafter, Vergerio discussed Je-
rome's dream. Vergerio interpreted the dream as a warning to Jerome
that he shift his scholarly priorities. Humanist learning should provide
the skills necessary to undertake serious philological study of sacred let-
ters. Vergerio suggested that virtually all of Jerome's exegetical works
came after that frightening experience. He could never have accom-
plished his scriptural studies, however, without thorough grounding in
the three relevant languages, nor had he ever ceased to study pagan lit-
erature.^
* PPV, Sermo 5: "... ipsum medius fidius Ciceronem mihi legere videor cum libros
Hieronymi lego." In Sermo 3, Vergerio claims that Jerome had equaled the accomplishments
of Cicero in the field of eloquence.
^ PPV, Sermo 3: "Posthac autem, ut ipse asserit, codices gentilium legit, sed tanto studio
divina tractavit quanto ilia ante non legerat, unde aut totum aut certe partem maximam
suorum librorum postquam id evenit edidit. In quibus tamen tantum est peregrinae
historiae, tantum gentilium fabularum extemaeque disciplinae, omnia ad fidei usum
accommodata ut nihil aliud dies ac noctes egisse quam ut ilia conquirat videri possit. Sed et
de fide tot tantaque praescripsit ut nusquam ei vacasse libros gentilium legere facile credi
queat." If Vergerio's sermon is correctly transmitted, he revised Jerome's account in order
to favor humanist studies. In the Comm. in Ep. ad Galatas {PL 26:427), Jerome claimed that
he had not read any of the secular writers for fifteen years after the dream. To embellish the
18 CHAPTER 2
Ciceronian eloquence also supplied Jerome with a set of values
worthy of his scholarly vocation. According to Vergerio, Jerome had
consistently questioned himself about the relevance {utilitas) of his intel-
lectual pursuits. Jerome was never satisfied merely with the personal en-
joyment {otium, voluptas) that his studies engendered. He had under-
taken vast projects like the revision of the Vulgate translation in order
to provide vital assistance to a variety of ecclesiastical activities. Vergerio
attempted to characterize the supreme value of the scholarship of Je-
rome by claiming that no one had ever written anything more essential
to the life of the believing community. Secondly, Jerome proved to be
a scholar in the Ciceronian mold because he had safeguarded the persua-
sive power of his ethos. Vergerio fused the title of Christian doctor with
the ideal Roman orator, an upright man skilled in public persuasion.
"He was a doctor not only in word but in deed and was no less distin-
guished by his life than he was by his language. That is the best type of
learning, in which one confirms by the example of his life what he has
publicly advocated that all should do."^
Jerome proved to be victorious in the greatest of life's conflicts, the
subjection of oneself to reason and the dictates of an informed con-
science. Three times, Jerome gave dramatic proof of the degree of
interior freedom that he had achieved. First, when all thought that
Jerome would be chosen as the next pope, he left the city of Rome. He
overcame the temptation to grasp supreme power in the church and of-
fered a noble example of indifference. By leaving Rome altogether, he
also stymied those jealous Roman clerics who had intrigued to under-
mine his influence at the papal court. Secondly, Jerome went to study
under Gregory of Nazianzus at a moment in his career when he was
considered one of the most learned scholars of the day. Consistent with
the ideals of Socratic philosophy, Jerome remained constantly aware of
the limits of his knowledge. Finally, during his time as a hermit in the
Syrian desert, Jerome suffered intense temptations to abandon his asceti-
cism and return to the carousing of his adolescence. Vergerio accurately
legend of Jerome, the fourteenth-century authors had even assigned him competence in
several other languages. Vergerio returned to Jerome's description of himself as "trilinguis";
see Lanzoni, "La leggenda," 36-41.
^ Epist, 184-85: "Doctor non solum verbo sed exemplo, nee minus vita clarus quam
sermone. Illud enim est optimum doctrinae genus, ut, quod ore quis faciendum monet, vita
exemploque suo comprobet." See also PPV, Sermo 5: "Non solum enim verbo et scriptis sed
re et exemplo docuit . . ."; and Jerome's comments on Lea in Ep. li.l {CSEL 54:212): ". . .
et comites suas plus exemplo docuisse quam verbo."
Vergerio's Perspective 19
noted that Jerome's spiritual struggles intensified after he had abandoned
the civilized world of the city. Those who simplistically saw such
withdrawal as a flight from life's challenges did not understand the
movements of the spiritual life.
Above all, Jerome concerned himself with fidelity to the values that
he advocated and usefulness to others. Employing a healthy dose of the
pragmatism that Vergerio admired, Jerome had adapted his actions to
the needs of his day. Vergerio likewise adapted his message to the needs
of his audience. When speaking before monks, Vergerio emphasized the
importance of reform through observance of the rule. Too many
monks, in Vergerio's estimation, had surrendered to the temptation to
relax the zeal of their commitment. They should be inspired to reform
by the example of Jerome's integrity. Jerome's biographies of the desert
fathers, replete with vivid descriptions of their austere lives, reinforced
that message. Though monks in Vergerio's day might not reach the
heroic levels of sanctity of those early hermits, they could certainly imi-
tate the desert fathers by practicing charity. Once they renewed them-
selves, they might help monastic life to flourish once again.
Vergerio also used his praise of Jerome to indicate other areas where
the church had need of reform. He suggested that preaching had lost
vigor because preachers were solely concerned with achieving populari-
ty. Their appeal to moral values suffered because they themselves led
such dissolute lives. Jerome had once reminded preachers that the faith-
ful frequently ask themselves why a given preacher did not do the things
he urged them to do.^ The spiritual life of the church had lost intensity
as the faithful observed the moral shortcomings of the clergy. Unlike
the ascetic Jerome, contemporary clerics were wealthy and well-fed.
Worse yet, they openly sought advancement in the ecclesiastical hierar-
chy. Jerome had left Rome when his election as pope seemed guaran-
teed. In Vergerio's day, two rivals claimed to be pope and refused to
consider any resolution of the schism that might endanger their own
standing. Vergerio wondered how anyone could be surprised to see
' Epist, 184-85: "In qua re parum curiosi mihi praedicatores nostri temporis videntur,
quibus omne in bene dicendo studium est, in bene faciendo nullum; quasi vero in fide de
eloquentia, non de ratione vitae contendatur, aut orationibus, non bonis / atque Sanctis
viris, caelum pateat. Qui ergo recte docet et ita vivit ut docet, vere ille doctor est; qui aliter,
mendax et se ipsum sententia sua condemnans." See also Hieronymus Ep. 52.7 {CSEL
54:426-27): "Non confundant opera sermonem tuum, ne, cum in ecclesia loqueris, tacitus
quilibet respondeat: 'cur ergo haec ipse non facis?' "
20 CHAPTER 2
Utterly unworthy candidates occupying the throne of Peter, Ambitious
men longed for the comforts of life at Rome or Avignon.^
It was finally characteristic of Vergerio's sermons to place little or no
emphasis on the miracles that Jerome had performed. By "passing over
those miracles in silence," a use of the rhetorical figure of paralepsis,
Vergerio implicitly censured the tales of wonder-working in the forged
letters. The letters improperly pandered to the credulous instincts of the
common people. Vergerio offered a spirituality that emphasized the im-
portance of learning for an elite group of educators and scholars. Never-
theless, in one of the sermons, he did describe a miracle that Jerome
performed on behalf of two pagan travelers, whose curiosity had led
them to set out for Bethlehem in order to see the grave of Jerome. The
two young men lost their way and wandered into a forest where they
were spotted by a band of thieves. Jerome intervened to protect the two
travelers by making them appear to be a much larger group. The rob-
bers immediately retreated when they felt they were outnumbered.
Once the protagonists had grasped the nature of Jerome's miraculous in-
tervention, they were moved to action. The pagans accepted baptism
while the thieves entered a monastery.
The miracle reflected Vergerio's convictions in three important
ways. First, Vergerio had not forgotten the protection that Jerome of-
fered to his family on the road to Cividale del Friuli, Secondly, Vergerio
consistently saw vision as the most significant and powerful of the hu-
man senses; he would easily recall an instance when Jerome accom-
plished his miraculous purpose by creating an optical illusion. Finally,
of all of the miracles attributed to Jerome, Vergerio chose one worked
on behalf of two non-believers. Having demonstrated that Jerome
assisted pagans and criminals, Vergerio assured his audience that Jerome
would be generous toward all Christians and Catholics in particular, if
they venerated his name.^ As a matter of fact, Vergerio had dedicated
himself to promoting Jerome as a protector of the pagans in his own
day. He did not hesitate to advance his argument from worthy pagans
to pious Christians because, in his estimation, both deserved to benefit
* PPV, Sermo 1: "Ex quibus factum est ut non tarn summo pontificatu, ad quern etiam
indigni pervenire possunt, quam regno caelorum, quo nullus pertingit indignus, se dignissi-
mum redderet. ..."
' PPV, Sermo 7: "Sic igitur hie gloriosus sanctus in gentiles et nefarios homines tam
pronus tamque beneficus extitit; quanto magis in Christianos et vere Catholicos, si nomen
suum venerabuntur, existet?"
Vergerio's Perspective 21
from Jerome's patronage. Vergerio thereby transformed Jerome from
the enemy of humanist learning to a proof of the value of those studies
for the believing community, especially for its "sacred philology." ^°
To communicate that portrait of Jerome as an exponent of humanist
learning, Vergerio appropriately chose a humanist medium. He con-
sciously changed the manner of preaching common in his day. In the
introduction to a sermon that Vergerio delivered in 1392, he told his
audience that he was omitting a thematic verse from Scripture as the
basis for his remarks. Once he did that, he no longer had to structure
the sermon as an explanation for the relevance of the scriptural theme.
He could rather concentrate on the life of Jerome. Vergerio therefore
used the rhetorical topics of a panegyrical oration as specified in the
classical handbooks. He had become conversant with those topics in
those same years as he wrote epideictic speeches for the Carrara court in
Padua. Vergerio claimed that he was doing what the most up-to-date
preachers {apud modemos) commonly did. As a matter of fact, scholars
who have investigated Renaissance preaching have not found any earlier
examples of sermons based upon classical norms. Even Vergerio ac-
knowledged on one occasion that his avant-garde methods were causing
controversy.^^ He eventually brought his innovative medium and re-
forming message to the papal court.
Vergerio moved from Padua to Rome in 1405, and he served in the
court of Innocent VII (1404-1406) and Gregory XII (1406-1415). In
September of 1406, he prepared to deliver a panegyric for Jerome during
a moment of unusual happiness. Just a few weeks earlier, Vergerio had
written a poem to describe his idyllic life at the court of a generous
patron. Reunited there with his close friend, Leonardo Bruni, Vergerio
commended Innocent VII for offering support to the humanist move-
'° Paul Oskar Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, ed. Michael Mooney (New
York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1979), 72.
" For the controversy, see Epist., 93 (". . . plurimi qui dicendi tantum genus adverterent
arguerentque si quid ineptius excidisset. . . ."). On the originality of Vergerio's approach, see
Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and Its Sources, 248-49; John W. O'Malley, Praise and Blame
in Renaissance Rome: Rhetoric, Doctrine, and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court,
ca. 1450-1521, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 3 (Durham, N.C.:
Duke Univ. Press, 1979), 85-86; and McManamon, "Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Begin-
nings," 369-71. The outline for a thematic sermon on Jerome prepared by Vincent Ferrer
(1350-1419) demonstrates the traditional methods that Vergerio rejected. For the outline, see
Les Sermons Panegyriques, edited by H. D. Pages, O.P., vol. 2 of Oeuvres de Saint Vincent
Ferrier (Paris, 1909), 734. On Vincent's career as a preacher beginning in 1399, see Alvaro
Huerga, "Vincent Ferrer," Dictionnaire de Spiritualite (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994), 16:815-16.
22 CHAPTER 2
ment at a critical moment, ^^ For several years, learned clerics like
Giovanni Dominici had mounted a sustained attack on the humanist
program. In sermons and tracts, Dominici claimed that humanist studies
in no way assisted a believer and at times proved positively harmful.
Dominici specifically censured the manipulative power of orators
trained in classical principles. The Florentine Dominican seemed to be
the one opponent of humanism who understood the importance of rhet-
oric to ancient culture. Dominici used that importance to emphasize the
dangers of a humanist education. ^^
The attack on humanism figured prominently in Vergerio's mind as
he composed his annual panegyric for Jerome in 1406. Vergerio also
became increasingly concerned when Innocent did not fulfill his promise
to call a council which would address the problem of the Western
Schism. A rebellion in Rome the previous year had threatened Inno-
cent's position, but with his authority restored, Vergerio saw no excuse
for further delay. Vergerio's panegyric on 30 September 1406 addressed
both of those concerns. In response to the criticisms of Giovanni Domi-
nici, Vergerio presented Jerome as epitomizing the humanist ideal of
education that Vergerio had already traced in a treatise entitled De inge-
nuis moribus (ca. 1402-1403). Jerome was learned {doctus) and upright
{rectus). He had mastered a variety of disciplines that included the three
biblical languages, Ciceronian oratory, history, and literary criticism.
Vergerio also claimed that Jerome had approached theology from de-
pendable perspectives, utilizing his linguistic skills to interpret the text
of Scripture.
That learning constituted prima facie evidence for Jerome's sanctity,
and the Roman Church had publicly acknowledged that fact by naming
'^ On the poem and its context, see PPV, Poetica narratio, in Epist., 453; George
Holmes, The Florentine Enlightenment 1400-50 (New York: Pegasus, 1969), 60; and Ger-
mano Gualdo, "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico (1406-1436)," Archivio storico italiano
147, no. 4 (1989): 750-57. For Bruni's activity at the court, including his drafting of a bull
announcing the reestablishment of the University (dated 1 September 1406), see Gordon
Griffiths, "Leonardo Bruni and the Restoration of the University of Rome," Renaissance
Quarterly 26 (1973): 1-10.
" Ullman, Humanism of Salutati, 63-65; Giorgio Cracco, "Banchini, Giovanni di
Domenico," DBI, 5:657-64; Holmes, Florentine Enlightenment, 32-35; Peter Denley,
"Giovanni Dominici's Opposition to Humanism," in Keith Robbins, ed.. Religion and Hu-
manism, Studies in Church History 17 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981), 109-14; and Daniel
R. Lesnick, "Civic Preaching in the Early Renaissance: Giovanni Dominici's Florentine
Sermons," in Timothy Verdon and John Henderson, eds., Christianity and the Renaissance:
Image and Religious Imagination in the Quattrocento (Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1990),
214-22.
Vergerio's Perspective 23
him one of its doctors. Speaking before a distinguished audience of
Roman clerics, Vergerio again confronted the problem of Jerome's
dream. He claimed that the dream had only censured excessive enthusi-
asm for humanist studies, and not their pursuit. As a matter of fact,
Jerome's entire career demonstrated that he had enriched the church's
theology by interpreting Scripture with sound training in the biblical
languages and history. Furthermore, Jerome exemplified the sort of
ethical cleric that the church needed in every era. Jerome had more in
common with the virtuous pagans of antiquity than he did with many
clerics of the fifteenth century. Though Jerome almost certainly would
have won election as pope, he preferred to leave Rome for a life of
asceticism. In Vergerio's day, two popes clung to their authority, there-
by causing a prolonged schism. God had endowed Jerome with holiness
sufficient to tame a lion in order to demonstrate that patience and kind-
ness best served the cause of overcoming hatred. Innocent VII should
approach the rival camp in Avignon with the same patient kindness. ^^
In September of 1408, Vergerio again spoke on Jerome before the
papal court, which was momentarily resident in Siena. Support for
Gregory XII had begun to hemorrhage because Gregory had repudiated
a promise to meet with his rival, Benedict XIII. Instead, Gregory had
taken refuge at Lucca, where he compounded the problem by violating
his oath not to appoint new cardinals. When several of his cardinals
protested by leaving, Gregory sent a papal army into Florentine territo-
ry to arrest them.^^ Vergerio stayed with the pope and attempted to
convince him to abide by the plan for face-to-face negotiations. In his
panegyric for Jerome, therefore, Vergerio once again hammered away at
favorite themes. Jerome exemplified the appropriateness of secular learning
and the importance of interior detachment, which he had proven by ceding
to his enemies and withdrawing from Rome. Gregory should mirror the
image of that dedicated saint, who never wavered in his courageous convic-
M ppY^ Sermo 8: "Cum mundo quippe gessit et vicit, quando sacerdos iam f actus et
summo sacerdotio dignus habitus ab urbe cessit pompisque saeculi et omni ambitioni
mundanorum honorum renuntiavit. . . . maledicos benefaciendo vincere et eorum in nos
odium virtute patientiae mansuetudinisque superare."
'* Leonardo Bruni, Epistolarum lihri VIII, ed. Laurentius Mehus (Florence, 1741), 59-65
(£/». 2.21). An English translation of the letter by Gordon Griffiths is published in The
Humanism of Leonardo Bruni: Selected Texts, Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 46, in
conjunction with The Renaissance Society of America: Renaissance Texts Series 10 (Bing-
hamton, N.Y., 1987), 328-32.
24 CHAPTER 2
tion that ecclesiastical rank does not make one a Christian.^^
Through a special devotion, Vergerio transformed Jerome from an
enemy of humanist learning to an advocate of its benefit for committed
Christians. The portrayal of Jerome as a Christian scholar who endorsed
the value of humanist studies galvanized subsequent exponents of the
movement. A half century later, Timoteo Maffei argued that eloquence
gave philosophy and theology their persuasive force, while Lorenzo
Valla claimed that Jerome's dream had really condemned the study of
philosophy, not the humanities. In Valla's estimation, the humanist
disciplines actually provided an ideal preparation for authentic theology.
Radical in word and deed. Valla undertook an incisive philological study
of the New Testament based upon his knowledge of Greek. As human-
ists, Vergerio, Maffei, and Valla restored Jerome to his study where he
engaged in scholarship useful for believers.^'' They insisted that human-
ist studies made a saint like Jerome more catholic than his zealously
ascetic instincts might have led him to be. And humanist panegyric of
Jerome helped to inspire Renaissance artists, who depicted him as a
scholar in the service of the church.
That seems apparent in Antonello da Messina's famous portrait of
"Saint Jerome in His Study" (Plate 1).^* A beardless Jerome, dressed in
cardinal's robes, works at his desk on an elevated platform in rather
unusual surroundings. The beardless face suggests that the artist has por-
trayed Jerome as a contemporary scholar-cardinal, perhaps Nicholas of
Cusa. More importantly, Antonello has stripped Jerome's study of the
symbols of mortality— the skull and the hourglass— that traditionally
guided the saint's meditations. Now Jerome is surrounded by symbols
that suggest the lasting value of his endeavors: the peacock and the
partridge. The artist has invested Jerome's humanist activities with a
lasting quality of value for believers. And he has followed the lines of
thought traced by humanists like Vergerio because he placed Jerome's
study within a church.
When Antonello da Messina devised the setting for Jerome at work.
'* Hieronymus Ep. 14.9 {CSEL 54:58): "Non facit ecclesiastica dignitas Christianum."
'^ For humanist attempts to deal with the dream's legacy, see Rice, Jerome in the
Renaissance, 85-87; McManamon, "Pier Paolo Vergerio and the Beginnings," 363-71; Morisi
Guerra, "La leggenda," 12-17; and Rutherford, "Timoteo Maffei's Attack," 165-70.
'* In my comments on the painting, I am indebted to the analysis of Herbert Fried-
mann, A Bestiary for Saint Jerome: Animal Symbolism in European Religious Art (Washing-
ton, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), 157-63.
Vergerio's Perspective 25
he revealed a special genius. Humanist studies here appear as an "elevat-
ed activity" for a leading churchman. There is an openness and mutuali-
ty between the scholar's activity and the believing community for
whom he labors: the study consists of an open alcove without walls to
separate humanists from the church. Jerome works calmly there; the
environment is so serene that a cat falls asleep as the faithful lion saun-
ters down a side aisle. Antonello implied that the church enriches itself
when its learned members offer sanctuary to cultural traditions that go
beyond the official boundaries of belief. And the raging lion within is
thereby tamed. At their best, humanist studies foster a sense that truth
has no value unless it impinges upon the way a believer lives. A dialogue
with broader cultural traditions, in Vergerio's estimation, made Jerome
the great servant of the church's needs in the late fourth and early fifth
century and prevented him from blundering wholly into the radical
asceticism that guided his severe admonitions about human sexuality.
Vergerio suggested to his contemporaries that they should imagine for
a moment the character of Jerome's piety without the tempering influ-
ence of his humanism; he had a point.
Part II
Manuscripts and Editions
CHAPTER 3
Manuscripts
A Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1890, 1891
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Membr. in folio. 13
October 1483 and 17 November 1484, Florence. 420 X 280 mm. 439 and
536 folios. Quinternions with signatures in the lower right-hand corner.
Vertical catchwords within right-hand margins below last line. 42 lines
per page on 267 X 152 mm., bounded by double vertical and horizontal
lines; space between verticals measures 7 mm. Writing above the top
line. Single column throughout. Illuminated initials and Italian decora-
tion. The first leaves were replaced in the early sixteenth century with
substitutes on which a French artist painted the arms of Cardinal
Georges d'Amboise (in one case over those of Cardinal Guillaume Bri-
9onnet). Written in antiqua by scribe who signed both volumes in his
characteristic way: "Omnium rerum vicissitudo est" (Lat. 1890, fol. 439;
Lat. 1891, fol. 536). Scholars have identified the scribe as Neri Rinuccini
(1435-1506).^
' Albert Derolez, "Observations on the Colophons of the Humanistic Scribes in Fif-
teenth-Century Italy," in Gabriel Silagi, ed., Paldographie 1981 (Colloquium des Comite Inter-
national de Paleographie Munchen, 15-18 September 1981, Referate), Miinchener Beitrage zur
Mediavistik und Renaissance-Forschung 32 (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft e.V., 1982), 253,
256-57; Derolez, Codicologie des manuscrits en ecriture humanistique sur parchemin, Biblio-
logia 5-6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1984), 1:154; Albinia de la Mare, "The Florentine Scribes of
Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon," in Cesare Questa and Renato Raffaelli, eds., // lihro e il testo
(Urbino: Quattroventi, 1984), 247, 262-64; and De la Mare, "New Research on Humanistic
Scribes in Florence," in Annarosa GzrzeWi, Miniaturafiorentina del Rinascimento 1440-1525:
Un primo censimento, Inventari e cataloghi toscani 18 (Scandicci [Florence]: La Nuova Italia,
1985), 1:471-72, 521-23.
30 CHAPTER 3
History: De la Mare believes that Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon (d. 1485)
originally commissioned the codices for the Royal Library at Naples.
They are listed in the inventory of the French Royal Library pre-
pared by Nicolas Rigault in 1622 (no. 173, 186) and in the inventory
of 1682 by Nicolas Clement (Reg. 3628, 3629).
Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula. The scribe copied the
works from the edition in two volumes printed at Parma, 1480.
118 (Lat. 1890, fols. 437v-39) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermo de laudibus
Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc:
Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae).
Bibliography: Leopold-Victor Delisle, Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bi-
bliotheque Nationale . . . (1868-81; repr. Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1969),
1:252; Philippe Lauer, ed.. Catalogue general des manuscrits latins (Bi-
bliotheque National) (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1939ff.), 2:222-25;
Derolez, Codicologie, 2:97 (no. 629); De la Mare, "Florentine Scribes,"
279 (no. 42); and De la Mare, "New Research," 1:466-67, 522-23.
Ar London, British Library, cod. Arundel 304
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart, in octavo, s. XV
(ex.). 92 fols. Humanist cursive hand of high quality.
History: Formerly owned by Jakob Spiegel von Schlettstadt (Selestat).
From a donation of Thomas Marshall (1621-85).^
Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula
1 (fols. 3-77v) < Hieronymus, Epistolae >: 1 (fols, 3ff) Hieronymus, Ep.
. . . ad Heliodorum . . . de vita solitaria (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hie-
ronymiana, 1:5, 400); 2 (fols. 13ff.) Ep. .. . adRusticum monachum (cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:62-64, 975); 3 (fols. 30vff.) Ep.
ad Paulinum de institutione clericorum et monachorum (cf. Lambert,
Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:26-28, 668); 4 (fols. 41ff.) Ep. de morte
Nepotiani (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:28-30,
682); 5 (fols. 41vff., cf. fol. 71v) Ep. ad Nepotianum de vita clericorum
et monachorum (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, \:1\-T1, 602);
^ In a letter dated 24 November 1516, Erasmus Strenberger wrote that Jakob Spiegel
"comparavit opera S. Hieronymi, quae et pulcherrime fecit illigari . . ."; see Karl Heinz
Burmeister, "Die Bibliothek des Jakob Spiegel," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds.. Das
Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum Buch, Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung
4 (Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977), 177 n. 86. According to The Dictionary of National Biography,
12:1132-33, Thomas Marshall was made "chaplain in ordinary to the king" shortly after he
became master of Lincoln College, Oxford, in 1672.
Manuscripts 31
6 (fols. 59ff.) Ep. consolatoria ... de morte . . . Nepotiani (cf. Lambert,
Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:28-30, 682)
2 (fols. 78ff.) Anon., Sermo de morte et de die iudicii (inc: In hac vita
positi fratres)
3 (fols. 85v-86v) < Hieronymus, Epistola et tractatus>: 1 (fols. 85vff.)
Hieronymus, Ep. ad Demetriadem (inc: Ferventissimi in terrenis,
fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 1:66, 998); 2 (fols.
86vff.) Adversus lovinianum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hiero-
nymiana, 2:386)
4 (fols. 87-92v) < Pierpaolo Vergerio > , Sermo in laudem Sancti Hiero-
nymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) (copied from vol-
ume one of the editio princeps printed at Rome, 1468).^
Bibliography: Josiah Forshall, The Arundel Manuscripts, vol. 1, n.s., of
Catalogue of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1834-40), 89;
Bernard Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition
manuscrite des oeuvres de saint Jerome, Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steen-
brugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 1:200, 2:386, 3:687; and
Iter 4:125a.
B Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XL56 (3827)
Cart, in folio. Composite codex, s. XV (2)-XVI (in.), Italy, ca. 325 X
220 mm. I + 97 + II (missing fol. 70). Late numeration in ink in upper
right-hand corner. Unnumbered single folios after fols. 77\, 88v, 90v.
I
fols. l-73v, 97r-v. Watermarks: fols. 1, 5, Balance, sim. Briquet 2591, att.
Venice, 1496; fols. 3, 15, 21, Balance, sim. Briquet 2512, att. Venice,
1494, 1496, Naples, 1504, Salo, 1506; fols. 10, 19, 20, 31-45, Balance; fols.
11, 12, 17, Tete de boeuf {with serpent and cross); fols. 22-26, Tete de
boeuf, sim. Briquet 14522, att. Venice, 1492, 1495; fols. 48-73, 97, Ba-
lance. Collation uncertain due to poor state of codex: 1-2^ 3*, 4^°, 5-8*,
9*^"'^, -h 3 fols. Signatures: a(i-ii), b-i (letters only). Plain horizontal
catchwords that correspond to quires (catchword also on fol. 65v that
corresponds to fol. 66). Average of 33 lines on ca. 240 X 160 mm. with-
out ruling. Single column except for poetry in double column (fol. 97r-
v). Humanist cursive hands; Smith identified those of the notary Paolo
' The microfilm that I received from the library shows that the folio numeration for the
sermon has been changed to fols. 86-91v. The older foliation is still visible immediately
above the new numbers.
32 CHAPTER 3
Vergerio and his father Pierpaolo di Vergerio, who married in 1475.
1 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et opuscula > : 1 (fol. 1) PPV, Ep. 99
{Epist., 251-53); 2 (fol. Ir-v) Ep. 104 {EpisL, 269-73); 3 (fols. lv-2) Ep.
128 {Epist., 339-43); 4 (fol. 2) Ep. 54 {Epist., 121-22); 5 (fol. 2r-v) Ep.
120 {Epist., 316-19); 6 (fol. 2v) £p. 114 {Epist., 303-4); 7 (fol. 2v) £p.
121 (£pwt., 319-21); 8 (fols. 2v-3) Ep. 48 {Epist., 109-12); 9 (fol. 3) Ep.
51 (£/7wf., 115-18); 10 (fol. 3r-v) Ep. 52 (£>«?., 118-19); 11 (fol. 3v)
Ep. 53 {Epist., 119-20); 12 (fols. 3v-4) Ep. 55 (£pwt., 123-24); 13 (fol.
4) Ep. 57 {Epist., 126); 14 (fol. 4r-v) Ep. 58 (Zpwf., 127-31); 15 (fol. 4v)
Ep. 61 (£/;wt., 141-42); 16 (fols. 4v-5) Ep. 64 {Epist., 154-56); 17 (fol.
5) Ep. 65 (£pwf., 156-57); 18 (fol. 5r-v) Ep. 68 {Epist., 160-61); 19
(fols. 5v-6) Ep. 69 (£/7i5t., 162-65); 20 (fol. 6) Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83);
21 (fol. 6r-v) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 22 (fol. 6v) Ep. 73 (£/7wf., 172-
73); 23 (fols. 6v-7v) Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 24 (fol. 7v) £p. 131 (£/?«£.,
347-48); 25 (fols. 7v-8) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32); 26 (fol. 8) Ep. 6 (£/7wr.,
15-17); 27 (fol. 8v) Ep. 11 (£/7wf., 22-24); 28 (fol. 8v) Ep. 18 {Epist.,
33-34); 29 (fol. 8v) Ep. 12 (£pwt., 24-25); 30 (fol. 9) Ep. 21 {Epist., 38-
39); 31 (fol. 9v) Ep. 132 (£p«r., 349-50); 32 (fols. 9v-10) Ep. 137
{Epist., 360-62); 33 (fol. 10) Ep. 98 (£/7wr., 249-51); 34 (fols. lOv-11)
Ep. 140 (£/7wf., 384-87); 35 (fols. llv-12v) Ep. 141 {Epist., 388-95); 36
(fols. 13-15v) Ep. 138 (£/7wf., 362-78); 37 (fol. 16r-v) Ep. 45 {Epist.,
102-6); 38 (fol. 17) Ep. 91 (£/7wf., 232-34); 39 (fols. 17v-18) Ep. 76
(£pwf., 180-82); 40 (fol. 18) Ep. 71 {Epist., 171); 41 (fol. 18r-v) Ep. 78
{Epist., 184-85); 42 (fols. 18v-20) Ep. 88 {Epist., 224-27); 43 (fol. 20r-
v) Ep. 90 (£pi5f., 230-32); 44 (fols. 20v-21) Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23); 45
(fol. 21) Ep. 92 (£pwt., 235-36); 46 (fol. 21v) Ep. 80 (£/;«?., 187-88); 47
(fol. 21v) Ep. 66 {Epist., 157-59); 48 (fol. 22r-v) Ep. 139 (£pwt., 379-
84); 49 (fol. 22v) Ep. 146 {Epist., 424-25); 50 (fols. 22v-23) Ep. 147
(£/?i5r., 425-26); 51 (fol. 23r-v) Ep. 115 {Epist., 304-6); 52 (fols. 23v-
24) Ep. 46 (£pwt., 106-8); 53 (fols. 24-25) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30); 54
(fol. 25r-v) Ep. 3 (£pwr., 6-11); 55 (fols. 25v-26) Ep. 23 (fpwt., 41-42);
56 (fol. 26r-v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5); 57 (fol. 26v) Ep. 13 (£/7«f., 25-26);
58 (fol. 27) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52); 59 (fol. 27r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp.
Barzizza to PPV) (£/7wr., 353-54); 60 (fol. 28) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza
to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56); 61 (fol. 28r-v) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42-
43); 62 (fol. 28v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33); 63 (fol. 29r-v) Ep. 40 {Epist.,
87-89); 64 (fols. 29v-30) Ep. 4 (£pwf., 12-14); 65 (fol. 30) Ep. 47
(£/7wf., 108-9); 66 (fol. 30r-v) Ep. 38 {Epist., 84-86); 67 (fols. 30v-31)
Ep. 39 (£/;wt., 86-87); 68 (fol. 31) Ep. 49 {Epist., 113-14); 69 (fol. 31v)
Manuscripts 33
Ep. 50 {Epist., 114-15); 70 (fol. 31v) Ep. 63 {Epist., 152-54); 71 (fols.
32-33) Ep. 70 {Epist., 165-69); 72 (fol. 33r-v) Ep. 71 {Epist., 170-71);
73 (fol. 33v) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6); 74 (fols. 33v-34) Ep. 67 {Epist., 159-
60); 75 (fol. 34r-v) Ep. 82 (£pwt., 202-5); 76 (fols. 34v-35) Ep. 9
{Epist., 19-20); 77 (fol. 35) Ep. 22 (£/7wt., 39-41); 78 (fols. 35v-37) £p.
27 {Epist., 46-53); 79 (fols. 37-40v) Ep. 34 (£pwt., 66-78); 80 (fol. 41)
Ep. 103 (£/7i5f., 267-69); 81 (fols. 41v-44) Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202); 82
(fols. 44-45) Ep. 44 {Epist., 97-101); 83 (fol. 45r-v) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-
46); 84 (fol. 46r-v) Ep. 125 (£pwt., 332-35); 85 (fol. 46v) Ep. 126
{Epist., 335-36); 86 (fols. 46v-47) <Ep.}> (inc: Plutarchus in descri-
benda) {Epist., 451-52); 87 (fols. 47-48) Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29); 88
(fol. 48) Ep. 145 {Epist., 423); 89 (fols. 48v-49) Ep. 124 (£/;wt., 330-32);
90 (fol. 49r-v) Ep. 127 (£/7wf., 337-39); 91 (fols. 49v-50) Ep. 119
{Epist., 313-15); 92 (fol. 50r-v) Ep. 97 (£pwf., 246-48); 93 (fols. 50v-
51) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300); 94 (fol. 51r-v) Ep. 102 (£pwf., 263-67);
95 (fols. 51V-52) Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37); 96 (fol. 52r-v) Ep. 118 (£pwf.,
311-12); 97 (fols. 52v-53v) Ep. 89 (£/7wt., 228-30); 98 (fols. 53v-56)
Ep. 59 {Epist., 131-37); 99 (fols. 56-57) PPV, De monarchia (fragm.)
{Epist., 447-50); 100 (fol. 57r-v) Ep. 93 (£/;z5f., 237-39); 101 (fol. 57v)
Ep. 94 (£pwt., 239); 102 (fols. 57v-58) Ep. 95 {Epist., 240-42); 103
(fols. 58-59) Ep. 60 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV)
(£p«f., 138-40); 104 (fols. 59-61v) Ep. 62 {Epist., 143-52); 105 (fols.
61V-62) Ep. 41 (£pwt., 89-91); 106 (fols. 62v-63) Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61);
107 (fol. 63r-v) Ep. 28 (£/7wr., 53-56); 108 (fol. 63v) Ep. 32 (Col.
Salutati to PPV) (£pwt., 64); 109 (fols. 63v-64v) Ep. 33 {Epist., 64-66);
110 (fols. 64V-65) Ep. 29 (£pwf., 56-58); 111 (fol. 65r-v) Ep. 31 (£/;wr.,
62-63); 112 (fols. 65v-66) Ep. 36 {Epist., 81); 113 (fol. 66r-v) Ep. 35
(£pwf., 79-80); 114 (fols. 66v-67) Ep. 37 {Epist., 82-84); 115 (fols. 67-
68) Ep. 109 (£/>wr., 283-92); 116 (fol. 68v) PPV, <Facetia>> (inc: M.
. . . q. Cauchius primi apud Venetos) {Epist., 452-53); 117 (fols. 68v-
69) Ep. 105 {Epist., 17^-7(>); 118 (fol. 69r-v) Ep. 42 {Epist., 91-93); 119
(fol. 69v) Ep. 143 {Epist., 399-400); 120 (fol. 69v) Ep. 43 {Epist., 94-
97); 121 (fol. 71) Ep. 106 {Epist., 17(y-77); 122 (fol. 71r-v) Ep. 116
{Epist., 307-8); 123 (fols. 71v-72) Ep. 117 (£/7wt., 308-10); 124 (fol.
72r-v) PPV, KOratiopro Cermisone> {Epist., 431-36); 125 (fol. 73)
Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87); 126 (fol. 73) Ep. 144 {Epist., All); \17 (fol. 73v)
Ep. 56 {Epist., 124-26); 128 (fol. 97) PPV?, <Proverbia et sententiae>
(inc: Non sinit obscurum f acinus); 129 (fol. 97r-v) PPV, Poetica nar-
ratio {Epist., 453-58).
34 CHAPTER 3
II
fols. 7A-77w. Watermark: fol. 77, Monts, sim. Briquet 11761, att. Inns-
bruck, 1466, Wiirzburg, 1468-69. Collation: 10^^"^^ (unnumbered single
folio after fol. 77y). No signatures. Average of 34 lines on ca. 182 X 135
mm. without ruling. Humanist cursive hand.
2 <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 74r-v) PPV, Ep. 48 {Epist.,
109-12); 2 (fols. 74v-75) Ep. 51 {Epist., 115-18); 3 (fol. 75r-v) Ep. 52
(Epist., 118-19); 4 (fol. 75v) Ep. 53 (fragm.) {Epist., 119-20); 5 (fol. 76)
Ep. 57 (fragm.) {Epist., 126); 6 (fol. 76r-v) Ep. 58 (fragm.) {Epist., 127-
30); 7 (fol. 77) Ep. 69 (fragm.) (£pwr., 164-65); 8 (fol. 77r-v) Ep. 77
{Epist., 182-83).
Ill
fols. 78-88v. Watermarks: fols. 78-79, 83, Oiseau, sim. Briquet 12127,
att. Verona 1467, var. ident. Verona, 1476-79; fol. 85, Monts. Collation:
]^li2(-i) ^^q\Iq missing after fol. 86). No signatures. Average of 34 lines on
ca. 220 X 150 mm. without ruling. Humanist cursive hand.
3 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et opuscula > : 1 (fol. 78r-v) PPV, Ep.
103 {Epist., 267-69); 2 (fols. 78v-79v) Ep. 44 {Epist., 97-101); 3 (fols.
79v, 83r-v) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46); 4 (fol. 80r-v) Ep. 125 {Epist., 332-
35); 5 (fol. 80v) Ep. 126 (fragm.) {Epist., 335-36); 6 (fol. 81) Ep. 124
(fragm.) {Epist., 331-32); 7 (fols. 81-82) Ep. 127 {Epist., 337-39); 8 (fol.
82r-v) Ep. 97 {Epist., 246-48); 9 (fols. 84r-v, 87), De monarchia
(fragm.) {Epist., 447-50); 10 (fol. 85) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300); 11 (fol.
85r-v) Ep. 102 {Epist., 263-67); 12 (fol. 86) Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37); 13
(fol. 86v) Ep. 118 (fragm.) {Epist., 311-12); 14 (fol. 87v) Ep. 93 (£pwf.,
237-39); 15 (fols. 87v-88) Ep. 94; 16 (fol. 88) Ep. 95 {Epist., 240-42);
17 (fol. 88v), <Dialogus de morte, fragm, > {Epist., 445-46).
IV
fols. 89-96v. Watermarks: fol, 90, Croix grecque, sim. Briquet 5539, att.
Rome, 1505; fols. 92, 96, Balance, sim. Briquet 2584, att. Salo, 1501.
Collation: 12^ D^^""^) (unnumbered single folios after fols. 88v, 90v).
Average of 38 lines on ca. 240 X 170 mm. without ruling. Humanist
cursive hand with marked chancery characteristics,
4 < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermones, orationes, et epistola > : 1 (fol. 89) PPV,
< Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Gloriosi doctoris, fragm. at be-
ginning); 2 (fol. 89r-v) < Sermo in latidibus Hieronymi> (inc: Hodie
Manuscripts 35
mihi fratres carissimi); 3 (fol. 89v) <Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi>
(inc: Sermo hodie mihi ad vos, fragm.); 4 (fol. 90) <Sermo in laudi-
bus Hieronymi> (inc: Praestantissimi patres, fragm. at beginning); 5
(fol. 91) < Oratio> (inc: O altitudo divitiarum, fragm. at beginning)
(ed. Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33); 6 (fols.
91-95v) . . . Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad Romanos cardi-
nales oratio . . . (ed. Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74); 7 (fols.
95V-96) Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82).
History: origins of part I at Capodistria among direct descendants of Ver-
gerio. Girolamo Vergerio possessed that part of the codex in the first
half of the seventeenth century. The four parts were bound together
by the time Abbot Giovanni Brunacci (1711-72) acquired the codex.
Brunacci's heirs sold the manuscript to Tommaso Giuseppe Farsetti
(cod. 98), and Farsetti bequeathed his collection to the Marciana in
1792. Half-parchment binding covered by brown marbled paper (330
X 225 mm.). New library shelf mark pasted onto fifth panel of spine.
Bibliography: lacopo Morelli, Delia biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso
Giuseppe Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine Gerosolimitano
(Venice, 1771-80), 2:38-44; Pietro Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici lati-
ni della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia (non compresi nel ca-
talogo di G. Valentinelli) (Trezzano [Milan]: Etimar, 1980-85), 1:484-
85; Epist., xxxi, xxxiii-xxxvi; and Iter 2:239a.
Bp Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 29-169, 179-83, Croix grecque; fols. 177,
187, 197, Monts, sim. Briquet 11754, att. Padua, 1479, Venice, 1473. s.
XV (ex.), Padua. 306 X 208 mm. II +200 + 1 (modern pagination with
two pages skipped in the numbering after 151). Late signatures A-K (all
majuscules; "F primo" and "F secundo"). Collation: 1-6^°, 7^ 8^^^ 9\
10*, 11^^"^'. Plain vertical catchwords against right-hand margin; they
correspond to quires (no catchwords on 100, 170, 178, 194). 36 lines per
page on 187 X 117 mm., ruled in ink and bounded by single vertical
lines. Single column with writing above the first line. Certain titles, ini-
tials, and marginal cross-references in red ink. Humanist cursive hand of
high quality that also wrote marginal corrections, emphases, and notes
on text."*
* In at least one instance, the scribe gave an alternative reading (198). There are marginal
notes from Matteo Palmieri's Liber de temporibus {17, 128) and from a Liber de origine pro-
36 CHAPTER 3
History: from the collection of Antonio Piazza (ex libris on inside
pastedown) to the library. Half-leather binding covered by marbled
paper in blue, white, and black tones (314 X 217 mm.). Spine has
lattice decoration and hexagons. Title on spine reads: "Miscell. Opu-
scol. Padovan. MSS." The library shelfmark is pasted below.
Contents: < Miscellanea humanistica>
1 (1-4) Laureationis Petrarcae privilegium (inc: Ad perpetuam rei memo-
riam) (Petrarca, Opera, 3:6-7)
2 (4) Philippus rex Aristoteli salutem (inc: Filium mihi genitum scito) (cf.
Bertalot, Studien, 2:247-48)
3 (5-16) PPV, De vita, moribus, et doctrina illustris poetae Francisci Pe-
trarcae et eius poemate quod "Africa" inscrih<itur> (Solerti, ed., Le
vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302)
4 (16-18) Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem oratio (inc: Si Dii habi-
tum corporis tui)
5 (18-20) Pius II, Ep. to Doge Cristoforo Moro (inc: Quod iam pridem
occulto concepimus, dated Rome, 25 October 1463)^
6 (20-22) Pietro Bravo da Verona, Invectiva ... in quendam graeculum
Andronicum . . . (inc: Cum tuas nuper Andronice) (ed. James Han-
kins, "Renaissance Crusaders," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 [1995]:
203-4)^
7 (23-35) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (23-26) PPV, Ep. 17
{Epist., 46-53); 2 (26-35) PPV, Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78)
8 (35) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Haec ad perpetuam ipsius memoriam in cellula
ubi continuo morabatur descripsit (inc: Laura propriis virtutibus illu-
stris) (ed. De Nolhac, Petrarque et I'humanisme, 2:286-87)
9 (36-56) < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opuscula > : 1 (36-38) PPV, Ad illustrem
principem Franciscum luniorem de Carraria super reditu natorum . . .
carmen (inc: Carriger nobis pater) {RIS 16:242); 2 (38-45) Ep. 81
{Epist., 189-202); 3 (45-48) Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87); 4 (48-53) Ep. 141
{Epist., 388-95); 5 (53-56) ... De situ et conditione urbis lustinopoli-
vinciarum attributed to Lorenzo Valla (54-56). The text of Vergerio's Vita Petrarcae has for
a colophon, "P. P. Vergerius manu propria" (16), suggesting that the scribe copied Ver-
gerio's autograph.
^ The letter is also found in Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 54, fols. 57v-58 {Iter
6:89a).
* Because of the rarity of this text, Pietro Bravo may have been the original owner of
the codex. Bravo served as chancellor of Verona from 1483 to 1499.
Manuscripts 37
tanae {RIS 16:240A-41D). 6 (56) M. Iunian(i)us lustinus, < excerpt, de
Histria> {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13-15)
10 (56-57) Lactantius, < excerpt. > de orbis calamitatibus angustiisque . . .
(inc: Propinquante igitur huius saeculi) {Div. Inst. 7.15; PL 6:786-88)
11 (57-58) Ippolita Sforza, Oratio . . . publice habita coram summo ponti-
fice et dominis cardinalibus Mantuae 28 Mali 1459 (inc: Tantam esse
huius sanctissimi sedis)
12 (58-59) < Pius II > , Responsum . . . (inc: Habuisti dilecta filia coram
nobis) (oration and response in Pii II Orationes, ed. Mansi, 2:192-93;
ed. De Tummulillis, Notabilia temporum^ 231-33)
13 (59-92) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opuscula>: 1 (59-66) PPV, . . . De dig-
nissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis . . . Francisci Senioris de Carraria
{RIS 16:189A-94A); 2 (69-73) < Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris de
Carraria> {RIS 16:194B-98C) (followed by epitaph) {RIS 16:198C);
3 (74-92) . . . Pro Francisco luniore de Carraria adpopulum {RIS 16:204-
15)
14 (92-94) Franc. Barbaro, Ep. to Enrico Lusignano {Epistolae, ed.
Quirini, 29-31 [no. 18]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 11)
15 (94-97) Giovanni da Spilimbergo, . . . Ad Marcum Lipomano . . . prae-
torem civitati Belluni de congratulatione suae praeturae oratio . . . (inc:
Cum viderem praetor magnifice) (cf. Sabbadini, "Giovanni da Spi-
limbergo," 64)
16 <Guarino da Verona, Epistola et orationes >: 1 (97-99) Guarino, Ep.
to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:340-42 [no. 213]); 2
(99-100) Oratio . . . inprincipio rhetoricae (inc: Antequam ad hunc lo-
cum) {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:342-44); 3 (101-3) Laudatio c. v.
Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Animadverti saepe-
numero magnifici viri) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 349 [/ codici del
Petrarca, 201])
17 (104-22) < Leonardo Giustiniani, Orationes funebres>: 1 (104-12)
< Leon. Giustiniani > , Adc. v. Georgium Lauredanum funebris oratio
(Molin, ed., Orazioni, 1:12-20); 2 (112-22) . . . Oratio habita infunere
. . . Caroli Zeni . . . {RIS, n.s., 19.6:141-46)
18 (122-31) Andr. Giuliano, . . . Oratio infunere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae
habita . . . (ed. Boerner, De doctis hominibus Graecis, 16-35)
19 (131-33) Girolamo Dalle Valli, Ad ... Pasqualem Maripetrum ...
oratio pro universitate sua (inc: Qui celsitudinem tuam his tempori-
bus adeunt) (cf. Ronconi, "Lauro Palazzolo," 47-51)
20 (133-36) Bern. Giustiniani, Oratio . . . habita ad . . . Pium secundum
. . . (inc: Sanctissime ac piissime pater cum devotissimi) (Bern. Giusti-
38 CHAPTER 3
niani, Orationes, sig. D, 2-D, 3; Piccolomini, Opera inedita, ed. Cu-
gnoni, 156-58)
21 (136-50) <Pieq)aolo Vergerio, Epistolae et 5ermones>: 1 (136-37)
PPV, Ep. 16 {EpisL, 31-32); 2 (137-38) £p. 98 {Epist., 249-51); 3 (138-
43) Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo . . . (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fi-
dei nostrae); 4 (143-46) Eiusdem Pro Sancto Hieronymo elegantissima
oratio (inc: Hodie mihi fratres carissimi); 5 (146-47) Ep. 129 (Alme-
rico da Serravalle to PPV) {EpisL, 343-44); 6 (148-49) Ep. 131 {Epist.,
347-48); 7 (149) £/7. 121 (fpwf., 319-21); 8 (149-50) Ep. Ill (Nic.
Leonard! to PPV) (£/?wf., 322-23)
22 (150-52) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . epi-
stola et de dispositione vitae dialogus (ed. Ferrante, "Lombardo della
Seta," 480-87)
23 (153-54) Anon., Ep. to "virgo nobilissima" (inc: Legimus Tullium
Ciceronem Romanae virtutis) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia,
2.1:583 [no. 10598])
24 (155-58) Col. Salutati, Declamatio Lucretiae (Menesto, ed., Coluccio
Salutati editi e inediti, 35-43)
25 (158-59) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Claudius (inc: Nuper accidit quod
et ipse probavi) (cf. Stegmiiller, Repertorium Biblicum, 1:155 [no.
183.1])
26 (159) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Tiberius (inc: De lesu Christo quern
tibi) (cf. Stegmiiller, ibid., 1:158-59 [no. 187]; Bertalot, Studien,
1:163)
27 (160) PPV, Disticha to Franc. Zabarella {RIS 16:241D-E)
28 (160) Ps. Avicenna, Ep. to Aurelius Augustinus (inc: Apparuisti com-
patriota noster)
29 (161-63) Pietro del Monte?, ... Facetia (inc: <S>olveramus e Pa-
tavio urbe) (ed. Tournay, "Un nuovo testo," (>7-7t)
30 (164-68) Ant. Panormita, Ep. to Poggio Bracciolini {L'epistolario, ed.
Resta, 151 [no. 91])
31 (168) Anon., <excerpt. de vita Cromatii> (inc: In sede postmodum
patriarchali)
32 (169-70) Ps. Hieronymus, <Ep. 11, fragm. > ... De amandis colen-
disque parentibus sermo elegans et litteris aureis descrihendis (inc: Paren-
tum meritis subiugans filios) (PL 30:1 50-5 IC)
33 (171-73) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae>: 1 (171) S. Polenton, Ep. to
Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi,
109 [no. 15], the continuation of letter on 200); 2 (171-72) Ep. to
Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 97-99
Manuscripts 39
[no. 8]); 3 (173) Ep. to Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le
epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 99-100 [no. 9])
34 (173) Anon., <Ep. > ad lacobum Magnaguadagno notarium in Monte-
silice (inc: Labat animus quo se primum)
35 (173) Anon., <Ep.> eidem (inc: Nescio praesumptuosus frater
amande)
36 (174) Laelius, <Ep. Marco> (inc: Diebus istis quibus apud te)
37 (174) Marcus, <Ep. Laelio> (inc: Posteaquam Laeli tu pro humani-
tate)
38 (174) Anon., Ep. to Fantinus (inc: Delapsus sum nescio quo fato)
39 (175-77) De sacerdotio domini lesu translatio Latina < Laurus Quiri-
nus> (inc: Tempore lustiniani imperatoris Christianissimi)''
40 (178) Raffaele Reggio, Ep. to Bartolomeo Girardini (inc: Terentii Co-
moedias sex, dated Venice, 1474) (publ. in P. Terentius Afer, Comoe-
diae < Venice: tip. dell'Ausonius Hain 2176, after 5 May 1473 >,
Hain 15374, /G/ 9413)
41 (178) CippicHS ad lectorem (inc: Quem petiso lector studiosissime) (cf.
Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 1:218 [no. 4768])
42 (179-80) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae>: 1 (179) S. Polenton, Ep. to
Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi,
86-87 [no. 3]); 2 (180) Ep. to Giac. Scriba {La Catinia, le orazioni, e
le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 85-86 [no. 2])
43 (180) Anon., <Ep. > Domino Condeo Drudonis in insula Patras (inc:
Dedit litteram tuam utriusque)
44 (181) Anon., <Ep. > amico nomine alterius qui frater eius erat (inc:
Reminiscenti mihi alias ad te)
45 (181-200) <Sicco Polenton, Epistolae et orationes>: 1 (181-82) S.
Polenton, Ep. to Ant. da Bergamo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epi-
stole, ed. Segarizzi, 127-28 [no. 22]); 2 (182-83) <Ep.> to Ant. da
Lucca (inc: Epistolam tuam quae ad me); 3 (183-84) Ep. to Andr. Bi-
glia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 90-91 [no. 5]);
4 (184-85) Ep. to Giovanni Francesco Capodilista {La Catinia, le ora-
zioni, ele epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 100-1 [no. 11]). 5 (185-86) Anon., Ep.
to Ant. da Bergamo (inc: Nulla res venire in humanis). 6 (186) Sicco
' On the text and its various translators, see Giovanni Mercati, Traversariana, fasc. 1 of
Ultimi contributi alia storia degli umanisti, Studi e testi 90 (Vatican City: BAV, 1939), 70-85.
The recipient of the following letter, Bartolomeo Girardini, translated the work. However,
the incipit given in Iter 1:14b for that translation differs ("Temporibus lustiniani imperatoris
pientissimi").
40 CHAPTER 3
Polenton, Ep. to Andr. Biglia {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed.
Segarizzi, 92 [no. 6]); 7 (187-88) Ep. to Raph. Fulgosius [La Catinia,
le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 88-89 [no. 4]); 8 (188-89) Ep. to
lac. Badoer {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 102-3
[no. 12]); 9 (189-90) Oratio pro Nicolao de Campolongo ad introitum
vicariatus Tridenti < ni > anno 1418 {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epi-
stole, ed. Segarizzi, 65-67); 10 (190-93) Oratio facta pro domino Nico-
lao vicario Tridentino congratulatoria adducent Austriae pro creatione
novi episcopi Tridentini 1419 {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed.
Segarizzi, 67-71); 11 (193) Ep. to Nic. Campolongo {La Catinia, le
orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 100 [no. 10]); 12 (193-95) Ep. to
Venturinus "philosophus" {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed.
Segarizzi, 125-27 [no. 21]); 13 (195-96) Ep. to Fantino Dandolo {La
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 114-16 [no. 17]); 14
(196-98) Ep. to Fantino Dandolo {La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole,
ed. Segarizzi, 106-9 [no. 14]); 15 (199-200) Ep. to Leon. Bruni {La
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 104-6 [no. 13]; cf.
Luiso, Studi, 166); 16 (200, cont. on 177) Ep. to Ant. da Bergamo {La
Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole, ed. Segarizzi, 109 [no. 15], where
Segarizzi only published the segment on 200).
Bibliography: La Catinia, le orazioni, e le epistole di Sicco Polenton, ed.
Arnaldo Segarizzi (Bergamo, 1899), Ixvi; Giuseppina Ferrante, "Lom-
bardo della Seta umanista padovano (?-1390)," Atti del R. Istituto
veneto di scienze, lettere, edarti 93, no. 2 (1933-34): 479; Epist., xxxii-
xxxiii; Marcello Zicari, "II piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo
Vergerio il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 55-56; and Iter
2:23a-b.
Br Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. L.III.30
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV, Italy. 197 X 142 mm. II +
134. Modern foliation in black ink in upper right-hand corner. Late fif-
teenth-century monastic binding of woodboards with half-leather cover-
ing in poor condition. Leather portion decorated with interweaving
design of circles and diamonds; towards spine there are large rectangles
cut by double lines. Traces of single closing centered along right edge
(apparently thong with metal clasp). Five nerves on spine.
I
fols. l-54v. Watermarks: fols. 2-13, 29-42, Tete de boeuf, sim. Piccard,
Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 6.279, att. Brescia, 1429-36; fols. 16-27, 45-
Manuscripts 41
53, Cloche, Briquet 4054?, att. Bergamo, 1438-42. Collation: l-3^^ 4^'^^-^\
No signatures. Horizontal catchwords within pyramidal decoration to
right of center. 39 lines on ca. 140 X 88 mm., ruling in ink and plummet
bounded by single vertical lines. Writing above the first line. Single and
double columns. 8-10 line initials for books of Boethius in red and black
with decoration; further 2-4 line initials in red (some against a yellow
background). Three hands: (fols. 1-53) an Italian Gothic hand for text
(colophon, fol. 53: "Postquam finimus omnes Christum laudemus");
(fol. 54) a Semigothic hand; and marginalia in Humanist cursive.
1 (fols. 1-45) Boethius, De consolatione philosophiae (fols. 45v-46v) blank
2 (fols. 47-53) Egloga Theoduli^ (fol. 53v) blank
3 (fol. 54) < Anon., Prosodia Latina, fragm. > (inc: < O > dor? fragrans
levia? pira saltant) (fol. 54v) blank.
n
fols. 55-134. Watermarks: fols. 55-86, 88-101, Balance, sim. Briquet
2454, att. Brescia, 1481, Udine, 1495; fols. 87, 102, 104-34, Arhalete, sim.
Briquet 746, var. simil. Venice, 1470, 1471-73, 1475. Collation: 5-9^^
Plain horizontal catchwords across right margin. 40 lines per page on ca.
146 X 87 mm., ruling in ink bounded by single vertical lines. Writing
above the first line. Single column. Various 2-3 line initials (red, red and
blue with decoration, solid blue); titles generally in red ink (guides
occasionally present). Semigothic cursive hand of mediocre quality.
4 (fols. 55v-129) loan. Chrysostomus, Sermones XXV praedicabiles (with
dedicatory letter to Marco Barbo) {Sermones XXV magis morales;
Epistola ad monachum Theodorum, translatio Latina Christoforus Per-
sona <Rome: Georg Lauer, ca. 1471 >, Hain 5039; BMC 4:36; IGI
5209)
5 (fols. 129-31) Hieronymus et Augustinus, <Epistolae> [CSEL 34:237-
43, 279, 350-51)
6 (fols. 131-33v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Beati Hiero-
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem
fidei nostrae) (copied from volume one of the editio princeps printed
at Rome, 1468) (fol. 134r-v) blank.
* According to Ennio Sandal, this text was probably used as the model for the first
edition printed in Italy: Brescia, Bernardino Misinta and Cesare da Parma, 13 May 1492.
42 CHAPTER 3
History: Dr. Ennio Sandal suggests probable origins of part I in the
Benedictine scriptorium of San Faustino in Brescia early in the fif-
teenth century. Part II has a terminus post quem of ca. 1471, the
period when Chrysostom's sermons and Vergerio's panegyric of Je-
rome were published in Rome. Since the binding originates from the
second half of the fifteenth century, the codex had assumed its pres-
ent form by then. From Paolo Guerrini to the library in 1923 (table
of contents on second flyleaf and foliation apparently by Guerrini).
Stamp of Bibl. Civica on first flyleaf ("Anno 1923 / Ro. No. 268").
Inside pastedown has "Chi 72" in pencil.
Bibliography: Iter 1:36b.
C Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Canonici misc. 166
Cart, in quarto; a membr. flyleaf (front and rear). Watermarks caught in
binding: flyleaf, Lettres assemblees (F and P), not in Briquet; fascicles 1,
17-18, 21-25, 31-33, Monts, sim. Briquet 11882, att. Venice 1457; fasci-
cles 2-3, Brunissoir, sim. Briquet 2878, att. Udine 1456; fascicles 4-5, 15,
26, Lettre M; fascicles 6-10, 19-20, 30, 34, Enclume, sim. Briquet 5961,
att. Udine 1457; fascicles 10-14, 16, 27-29, a single unidentified water-
mark, s. XV (ex.), Venetian Empire (the principal scribe used autographs
of Vergerio in three instances; see fols. 218, 235v, 256v). 212 X 140 mm.
XI + 331. Modern foliation in pencil; there are errors in calculating the
front flyleaves and in numbering fols. 140 (treble), 160 (treble), and 170
(double). Correct composition: II + 342 -I- II. Old numeration of first
five folios of a quinternion visible in fascicles 10-16, 25, 27-31 in the
upper right-hand corner. Collation: 1-30^°, 31^^, 32-34^°. No signatures.
Catchwords centered between margins and correspond. Ruling of lines
irregular, at times through pricking and drypoint (27 lines) and at times
in ink (average of 29 lines). Ruled surface averages 130 X 70 mm. and is
bounded by single vertical and horizontal lines. Written in ink in a
single column. One initial decorated in black ink (fol. 248) to mark the
beginning of the collection of epistolae. Space left for 2-6 line initials to
fol. 114 (presence of guides erratic). The principal scribe wrote fols. IV-
XI, 1-3 lOv, 313-31. A second hand added the letters of Vergerio on fols.
311-12v. Marginalia and emphases in later hands. The principal scribe
wrote in a Humanist cursive of high quality. The parchment flyleaf may
be the original binding.
History: Italian hands. lacopo Soranzo. Matteo Luigi Canonici (1727-
Manuscripts 43
1805/6).^ Giuseppe Canonici. Giovanni Perissinotti. Purchased by
the Bodleian Library in 1817 (library stamp on fols. 30, 71, 97, 135,
168, 198, 218, 240, 269, 300, 330v). Late binding in brown leather
(220 X 145 mm.). The spine has four nerves framed by gold fillets
and shows damage from woodworms and moisture. The first panel
has the impression "166" and the second a maroon tag with gold let-
tering: "P. VERGERII / DE CARRARIEN. / HIST. ET PLURA /
ALIA OPUSC. / M.S." Both covers are framed by double fillets and
rolled with a plant motif (papyrus?). A second set of fillets encloses
a mandorla.
Contents: < Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera > (late, summary table of con-
tents pasted onto first flyleaf, fol. I)
1 (fol. IV) PPV, Ep. 138 (fragm., cf. fol. 208) (fols. IVv-XI, l-2v) blank
2 (fols. 3-104) <PPV, De gestis principum Carrariensium liber> (Gne-
sotto, ed., . . . De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (fol.
104v) blank
3 (fols. 105-13) <PPV, Francisci Petrarcae vita> (Solerti, ed., Le vite di
Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302) (fol. 113v) blank
4 (fols. 1 14-39v) PPV, . . . De ingenuis moribus liber incipit (Gnesotto,
ed., ". . . De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescentiae," 95-
146) (fols. 140a-c) blank
5 (fols. 140cv-60av) PPV, < De laudibus Hieronymi orationes sex, praevia
praefatione>: 1 (fol. 140cv) PPV, <Praefatio> {Epist., 91-93 [Ep.
42]); 2 (fols. 141-44) Sermo deSancto Hieronymo eiusdem (inc: Sanctis-
simum doctorem fidei nostrae); 3 (fols. 144-46v) Eiusdem Pro eodem
(inc: Gloriosi doctoris ac patris nostri); 4 (fols. 146v-49) Oratio pro
eodem (inc: Hodie mihi fratres carissimi); 5 (fols. 149-52v) < Sermo
pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Quotiens reverendi patres fratresque
' See Vittorio Rossi, "La biblioteca manoscritta del senatore veneziano lacopo Soranzo,"
// libro e la stampa: Bullettino ufficiale delta Societa bibliogra/tca italiana, n.s., 1 (1907): 3-8,
122-33, repr. in Dal Rinascimento al Risorgimento, vol. 3 of Scritti di critica letteraria
(Florence, 1930), 251-71; and Rossi, review of Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, edited by
Leonardo Smith, Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 313-17. When lacopo
Soranzo died in 1761, his library was divided between Marin Zorzi and Ca Comer. Cano-
nici later bought most of the codices from the Ca Comer. See further lacopo Morelli, Della
biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso Giuseppe Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine
Gerosolimitano (Venice, 1771-80), 2:44; Irma Merolle Tondi, L'abate Matteo Luigi Canonici
e la sua biblioteca: I manoscritti Canonici e Canonici-Soranzo delle biblioteche fiorentine
(Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1958), 32-37; and J. B. Mitchell, "Trevisan
and Soranzo: Some Canonici Manuscripts from Two Eighteenth-Century Venetian Collec-
tions," Bodleian Library Record 8, no. 3 (1969): 125-35.
44 CHAPTER 3
carissimi, dated Siena, 1408); 6 (fols. 152v-57v, fol. 154 and portions
of fols. 153v, 154v blank) <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc:
Sermo mihi hodie ad vos, dated Padua, 1392); 7 (fols. 157v-58v) <Sermo
pro Sancto Hieronymo, fragm. > (inc: Veni ad vos) (fols. 159-60av) blank
6 (fols. 160b-64) PPV, In apparatu funebri in exequiis Francisci Senioris de
Carraria {RIS 16:189A-94A)
7 (fols. 1 64-68 v) PPV, <Oratio in funere eiusdem Francisci > {RIS
16:194B-98C)
8 (fols. 169-80) <PPV>, Oratio habita pro populo Patavino ad Franci-
scum de Carraria luniorem {RIS 16:204-15) (fols. 180v-87v) blank
9 (fols. 188-89) PPV, Ad illustrissimum principem Franciscum luniorem
de Carraria super reditu natorum eius Francisci et lacobi ex hostili
captivitate congratulantis multitudinis carmen . . . {RIS 16:242) (fols.
189v-97v) blank
10 (fols. 198-203) Eiusdem Contra Carolum deMalatestis {Epist., 189-202
[Ep. 81]) (fols. 203v-7v) blank
11 (fols. 208-13v) PPV, De morte cardinalis Florentini {Epist., ^(il-7% [Ep.
138]) (fols. 214-17v) blank
12 (fols. 218-20v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53)
13 (fols. 220V-27) Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78) (fol. 227v) blank
14 (fols. 228-29v) PPV, In foeneratores facetissima exprobatio {Epist., 384-
87 [Ep. 140])
15 (fols. 230-33v) PPV, Ad . . . loannem Segnensem . . . facetissima narra-
tio {Epist., 388-95 [Ep. 141])
16 (fols. 234-35v) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D)
17 (fol. 235v) Textus lustini {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13-
15)
18 (fols. 235v-37) Eiusdem De situ et conditione et republica urbis Vene-
tiarum (ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republi-
ca Veneta," 38-40, lines 1-52) (fol. 237v) blank
19 (fols. 238-39) Franc. Petrarca, <Ep.> Ciceroni {Familiares 24.3)
20 (fols. 239-43v) Responsio domini P. P. Vergerii pro Cicerone facta
{Epist., 436-45) (fols. 244-47v blank)
21 <PPV, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 248-50) PPV, Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 2
(fol. 250r-v) Ep. 73 {Epist., 172-73); 3 (fols. 250v-53) Ep. 74 {Epist.,
174-75) (fol. 252r-v) blank; 4 (fol. 253r-v) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62); 5
(fols. 253V-54) Ep. 46 {Epist., 106-8); 6 (fols. 254-55) Ep. 54 {Epist.,
121-22); 7 (fols. 255-56) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32); 8 (fol. 256r-v) Ep. 98
{Epist., 249-51); 9 (fols. 256v-58v) Ep. 43 {Epist., 94-97); 10 (fols.
258V-60) Ep. 109 {Epist., 283-92) (fol. 260v) blank; 11 (fols. 261-62)
Manuscripts 45
Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) {Epist., 253-57); 12 (fols. 262-65v) Ep.
101 {Epist., 257-62); 13 (fols. 265v-66) Ep. 131 {Epist., 347-48); 14 (fol.
266r-v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4); 15 (fols. 266v-67) £/;. 121 (fpwt., 319-
21); 16 (fols. 267-68) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19); 17 (fols. 268-70) Ep. 128
(£/7wf., 339-43); 18 (fols. 270-71) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 19 (fol. 271)
Ep. 131 (fragm.) (£pwf., 347-48); 20 (fol. 271r-v) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-
53); 21 (fols. 271V-73) Ep. 104 (£pwt., 269-73); 22 (fols. 273-74) Ep. 48
{Epist., 109-12); 23 (fols. 274-75) Ep. 51 (£pwf., 115-18); 24 (fol. 275r-
v) Ep. 52 {Epist., 118-19); 25 (fols. 275v-76v) Ep. 53 (£/7wt., 119-20);
26 (fols. 276V-77) £/7. 55 (£pwr., 123-24); 27 (fol. 277r-v) Ep. 57
{Epist., 126); 28 (fols. 277v-79v) £/7. 58 (£pwt., 127-31); 29 (fols. 279v-
81) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42); 30 (fols. 281-82) Ep. 64 (£/7w^, 154-56); 31
(fol. 282r-v) Ep. 65 {Epist., 156-57); 32 (fols. 282v-83v) Ep. 68 (£/7wt.,
160-61); 33 (fols. 283v-85v) Ep. 69 (£/7wf., 162-65); 34 (fols. 285v-86)
Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83); 35 (fols. 286-87) Ep 3 {Epist., 6-11) (fol. 287v
blank); 36 (fol. 288r-v) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87) (fol. 289r-v blank); 37
(fol. 290) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6); 38 (fol. 290r-v) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20); 39
(fols. 290V-91) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41); 40 (fol. 291r-v) Ep. 6 (£pwf., 15-
17); 41 (fol. 292) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24); 42 (fol. 292r-v, repeated on
fol. 310) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34); 43 (fols. 292v-93) Ep. 12 {Epist., 24-
25); 44 (fols. 293-94) Ep. 21 (£/;wf., 38-39); 45 (fol. 294r-v) Ep. 4
{Epist., 12-14); 46 (fols. 294v-95v) Ep. 40 (£/;wr., 87-89); 47 (fols.
295V-97) Ep. 15 (£/7wf., 28-30); 48 (fol. 297r-v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33);
49 (fols. 297V-98) Ep. 1 (£pwf., 3-5); 50 (fols. 298-99) Ep. 23 {Epist.,
41-42); 51 (fol. 299r-v) Ep. 13 (£/7f5f., 25-26); 52 (fols. 299-300v) Ep.
24 (£/;wr., 42-43); 53 (fols. 300v-l) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52); 54 (fols.
301V-2) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (£pwt., 353-54); 55 (fols.
302-3) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56);
56 (fol. 303) Ep. 122 (Nic. Leonard! to PPV) {Epist., 322-23); 57 (fols.
303-4) Ep. 129 (Almerico da Serravalle to PPV) (£/7wt., 343-44) (fols.
304-9v blank); 58 (fol. 310) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34); 59 (fol. 310r-v) Ep
7 {Epist., 17-18); 60 (fol. 311) Ep 148 (Unknown to PPV) (£pwr.,
426-27); 61 (fol. 311r-v) Ep. 5 (Franc, da Faenza to PPV) {Epist., 14-
15); 62 (fols. 311v-12v) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) (£pwf.,
26-28); 63 (fols. 312v-13) Ep. 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) {Epist., 18-
19) (fols. 313v-19v) blank
22 (fols. 320-22) Eiusdem Poetica narratio spectaculi ApoUonis etMusarum
{Epist., 453-58) (fols. 322v-31v) blank.
Bibliography: Henry O. Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Canonicianos
46 CHAPTER 3
Complectens, part 3 of Catologi Codicum Manuscriptorum Bihliothecae
Bodleianae (Oxford, 1854), 536-41; Falconer Madan, A Summary
Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford
... (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1895-1953), 4:313 (no. 19642); Epist.,
xxxi, xxxvi-xxxvii; and Vittorio Rossi, review of Leonardo Smith,
ed., Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, in Giomale storico della lettera-
tura italiana 108 (1936): 315 n. 2.
E Modena, Biblioteca Nazionale Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186
(Alpha 0.6, 22, formerly V.C.33)
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV-XVI (part II written at Venice
in 1542). I + 92 + I. Modern foliation in lower left-hand corner in pen-
cil. Older foliations: in faded ink in upper right-hand corner to fol. 48
(single unnumbered folios after fol. 18 and 38); in black ink in upper
right-hand corner from fols. 48a-80. Binding in brown leather (232 X
166 mm.). Front and rear covers framed by double vertical and double
horizontal black lines. The upper spine reads in gold lettering:
"VERGE- / RIUS / VITA / FRANC. / PETRAR- / CHAE / ETC."
The library shelf mark is pasted onto the lower spine.
I
fols. l-58v. Watermark: Ancre dans un cercle, sim. Briquet 484, att. Salz-
burg, 1530; sim. Piccard, Wasserzeichen Anker, 5.259, att. Verona 1516;
sim. Mosin, Anchor Watermarks, 789, att. ca. 1550. 222 X 156 mm. Col-
lation apparently 1^, 2-6^°. No signatures. Vertical catchwords placed
outside and below the right-hand margin (fols. 13v, 18v, 28 v, 38v, 48 v),
which correspond. An average of 22 lines on ca. 170 X 105 mm. without
ruling. Written in a single column. Humanist cursive hand that also
added marginal corrections.
1 (fols. l-57v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio and Francesco Petrarca, Opera>: 1
(fols. l-20v) PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae . . . , <Argumenta in Afri-
cam, Materiae omnium librorum Africae> , late title on fol. 1 and
fols. lv-8v blank (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio,
294-302). 2 (fols. 20v-21) < Franc. Petrarca, Nota de Laura> (inc:
Laura propriis virtutibus illustris) (ed. De Nolhac, Petrarque et I'hu-
manisme, 2:286-87). 3 (fols. 21v-23) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo
oratio elegantissima (fragm.) (inc: Sermo mihi hodie habendus ad vos
est); 4 (fols. 23-29, 37-5 Iv) . . . Pro Francisco de Carraria ad populum
Manuscripts 47
Patavinensem [RIS 16:204-15)^°; 5 (fols. 29-36v) . . . De dignissimo
funehri apparatu in exequiis . . . Francisci Senioris de Carraria {RIS
16:189A-94A); 6 (fols. 37, 51v-57) ... Oratio < in funere Francisci
Senioris > {RIS 16:194B-98C) (fols. 57v-58v) blank.
II
fols. 59-72v. 214 X 152 mm. Collation: 7^'*, An average of 19 lines on ca.
185 X 130 mm. without ruling. Written in a single column. Antonio
Maria Crivelli copied the work in a clear Italic script (fol. 71: "Ego An-
tonius Maria de Cribellis hoc exemplum conscripsi").
2 (fols. 59v-71) Bernardino d'Este, Reverendi sacerdotis Antonii Estensis
civis Patavini humanarum litterarum professoris . . . vita (to Marco
d'Este, inc: Christi spiritus quem secutus absum, dated Venice, 1542)
(fols. 59, 71v-72v) blank.
Ill
fols. 73-76v. 206 X 150 mm. Collation: 8'^. An average of 25 lines on ca.
160 X 132 mm. without ruling. Written in a single column. Clear Hu-
manist cursive hand.
3 (fols. 73-76, title at the end) Franc. Gratiadeus, Oratio ad .. . Anto-
nium Caputvaccae de laudibus et eius triumpho (inc: Vellem profecto
Antoni eques splendidissime)'^ (fol. 76v) blank.
IV
fols. 77-84V. 213 X 148 mm. Collation: 9^ 28 lines on 152 X 100 mm.,
bounded by single vertical lines. Writing above the first line and at times
below the last line. Numerical table in six columns.
4 (fols. 77-83) <Anon., Tabulae duodecim astronomicae ad novilunia
invenienda> (fols. 83v-84v) blank.
V
fols. 85-92v. Watermark: Tete de boeuf, rem. sim. Briquet 14800, att.
Augsburg, 1472; sim. Piccard, Die Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 13.184-85,
att. Rattenberg, 1492. 220 X 152 mm. Collation: lOl An average of 32
'° The scribe interpolated into the funeral oration for Francesco il Vecchio those
portions of Vergerio's oration to Francesco Novello, which focused primarily upon the
father.
" The same oration is preserved in Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat.
XI. 108 (4363), fols. 224-37 {Iter 2:256b). The article on Capodivacca by Roberto Zapperi,
DBI 18:641-43, notes that the Doge made him a cavaliere in 1508.
48 CHAPTER 3
lines on a maximum of 168 X 90 mm. without ruling. Written in a
single column. Humanist cursive hand.
5 (fols. 85-92v) < Miscellanea astronomica> : 1 (fol. 85r-v) < Tabulae
planetariae > translatio Latina loan. Hispalensis (inc: Dominus? do-
mus virtutes habet). 2 (fols. 86-88) Anon., De diversitate durationum
omnium rerum (inc: Duratio est misera qua res). 3 (fol. 88) Anon., De
differentia inter stellam, astrum, sidus, imaginem, et planetam (inc: Li-
cet unumquodque corpus caeleste). 4 (fols. 88v-90) Anon., , . . Tracta-
tus de diebus creticis (inc: Circulus eccentricus? angelorum distebit). 5
(fols. 90-91) <Leopoldus Austriae>, Tractatus de imaginibus (inc:
Cum vis facere imaginem) {Compilatio .. . de astrorum scientia decern
continens tractatus. Venice and Augsburg: Erhard Ratdolt, 1489. Hain
10042, sig. n, 4r-v)^2 (f^js 9iv_92) blank. 6 (fol. 92v) <Anon., Ta-
bula astrologica > .
Bibliography-. Codices Mss. Latini, vol. 1, part 3 oi Manuscriptorum codi-
cum Bibl. Atestinae catalogus in quinque partes tributus . . . secundum
pluteorum et ipsorum codicem ordinem (typewritten), 54; and Iter
1:370a.
(G) Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barbabianca,
unnumbered codex
Cart. s. XVII. 300 X 210 mm. 165 folios of which some were blank.
Written and annotated apparently by a single hand, probably at Capo-
distria.
History: probably belonged at one time to the Petronio family in Capo-
distria. Obtained by Count Anteo Gravisi-Barbabianca. The codex
was seen by Smith in the 1920s and 1930s, but it has been missing
since the Second World War. It had seven of Vergerio's sermons on
Jerome (fols. 53ff.).
Bibliography: Epist., xxxiii, xlvi-xlvii, 92-93n.
'^ Cf . Jean-Charles Houzeau and Albert Lancaster, Bibliographie generate de ['astronomic
(ou Catalogue methodique des ouvrages, des memoires, et des observations astronomiques)
(Brussels, 1882-89), 1:396 (no. 773); and Francis J. Carmody, Arabic Astronomical and
Astrological Sciences in Latin Translation: A Critical Bibliography (Berkeley and Los Angeles:
Univ. of California Press, 1956), 170-71.
Manuscripts 49
Gn Cambridge, University Library, cod. Dd.VII.1-2
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Membr. in folio. 1490
(printed catalog mistakenly gives 1390), England. 320 and 394 folios. Sev-
eral folios missing: vol. 1 has two folios missing after fol. 18 and a single
folio after fols. 29, 54, 70, 88, 92, 120, 149, 161, 172, 180, 224, 257, 260;
vol. 2 is incomplete at the beginning and the end, is missing a single
folio after fols. 67, 77, 100, 109, 116, 118, 137, 166, 180, 234, 301, 308,
310, 311, 347, 376, and preserves fols. 104 and 194 in a mutilated state.
2 columns. 44 lines per column. Rich illuminations that have suffered
damage. Written in a Late Gothic hand of lower grade {semi-quadratd)
and medium quality. Space left for insertion of matter in Greek.
History: vol. 1 has a colophon indicating a date of 1490 (fol. 320v): "Divi
Hieronymi Epistolarum partis primae volumen feliciter finit die IX
lulii MCCCCLXXXX." A note in a later hand on the same folio
indicates that John Gunthorpe (d. 1498) donated the manuscript to
the library: "Ex dono Magistri loannis Gunthorpi domini Decani
Wellensis ac quondam Magistri Aulae Regiae."^^
Contents: Hieronymus, Epistolae et opuscula
Vol. I
1 (fols. l-3v) Index (beginning with Ep. 21)^"*
2 (fols. 3v-7v) Anon., Divi Hieronymi vita (inc: Plerosque nimirum)
("Vita Divi Hieronymi," ed. Mombritius, 2:31-36)
3 (fols. 8-16v) Rufinus, Expositio in symbolum apostolorum (fragm.) (cf.
Lambert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:427)
4 (fols. 17-22) Ps. Hieronymus?, Contra quinque haereses (fragm.)
5 (fols. 22-24v) Ps. Hieronymus, Expositio fidei Nicaeni concilii (cf. Lam-
bert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:90)
6 (fols. 25-32v) Ps. Hieronymus.^, Defidei credulitate
7 (fols. 33-70v) Hieronymus, Adversus lovinianum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert,
Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:382)
8 (fols. 71-76v) Hieronymus, Adversus Hehridium (fragm.) (cf. Lambert,
Bihliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:369)
" For information on Gunthorpe (Gundorp), see 777e Dictionary of National Biography,
8:794-95. In 1460, he studied at Ferrara with Guarino, and he gave some of his manuscripts
to Jesus College, Cambridge.
'* The index ends with a promise of a similar list of contents for the second volume.
Those folios are now missing at the beginning of volume 2.
50 CHAPTER 3
9 (fols. 76v-80v) Hieronymus, In Vigilantium haereticum (cf. Lambert,
Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:397)
10 (fols. 81v-88v) Hieronymus, Altercatio Luciferii et Orthodoxi (cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:362)
11 (fols. 93-120v) Hieronymus, Dialogus contra Pelagianos (fragm.) (cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:417-22, who does not include
this manuscript)
12 (fols. 128-40v) Hieronymus, Liber ad Pammachium contra loannem
Hierosolymitanum (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 2:403-5,
who does not include this manuscript)
13 (fols. 148V-49) Rufinus, y4po/ogz^ < ad Anastasium> (CCL 20:19-28)
14 (fol. 149) Anastasius, <Ep.> ad loan. Hierosolymitanum (fragm.)
(cf. Clavis, 358 [no. 1640])
15 (fols. 150-72) Kui'mus, Apologiae contra Hieronymum libri II (irngm.)
{CCL 20:29-123)
16 (fols. 172-92) Hieronymus, Epistolae?
17 (fols. 192-210) Hieronymus, Apologia adversus libros Rufini (fragm.)
(cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 4:215)
18 (fols. 210-21v) Hieronymus, Liber tertius adversus libros Rufini (cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 4:224)
19 (fols. 222-23) Ps. Hieronymus et Ps. Augustinus, Dialogus de origine
animarum (fragm.) (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:145)
20 (fols. 223v-316) Hieronymus, Epistolae}
21 (fol. 316v) Augustinus, Retractationes (cap. xlv) (ed. Knoll, CSEL,
36:154)
22 (fols. 317-18) Ps. Hieronymus, De corpore et sanguine Christi (cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:151)
23 (fols. 318v-19) Ps. Hieronymus, Homilia super evangelium Sancti
Matthaei (cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:155)
24 (fols. 319-20v, old foliation 343-44v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo
de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei
nostrae) (copied from the edition printed at Parma, 1480).
Bibliography: Charles Hardwick and H. Luard, A Catalogue of the Manu-
scripts Preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge (Cam-
bridge, 1856-67), 1:319-20; and Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana,
4:56 {ad indicem).
Manuscripts 51
MB Milan, Biblioteca Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22
(formerly Phillipps 984)
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 1-99, Chapeau, sim. Briquet 3456, att.
Venice, 1499; var. simil. Venice, 1501; fols. 102-59, Monts, sim. Briquet
11912, att. Padua, 1515; var. simil. Padua, 1527-46. s. XVI (2 June 1507),
Padua. 307 X 206 mm. Ill + 159 + III. Modern foliation in lower right-
hand corner in pencil; earlier pencil foliation in upper right-hand corner
that does not correspond. Collation apparently 1-15^°, 16^°^"^^ No
signatures. Horizontal catchwords against right margin on first four and
last two folios of the first ten fascicles; pattern breaks down in fascicle
11 where catchwords present only on first two folios (fols. lOlv, 102v).
An average of 26 lines on ca. 190 X 105 mm. bounded by single vertical
and horizontal lines (fols. 1-102). The rest of the codex (fols. 103-59) has
a double vertical fold. Written in a single column. Chapters in the
Carrara biographies (fols. 1-84) have 8-11 line initials and entire first
line in majuscules. Orations and letters (fols. 90-159) have late titles and
marginalia in red. Slash marks in that portion of the codex suggest that
the codex was copied. Evidence of at least three different hands. The
bulk of the codex (fols. l-109v, 123-59) was written and corrected by
Marsilio Papafava in a late Humanist cursive (fol. 84: "Haec sumpsi ego
Marsilius Papafava a quadam chronica veteri, in qua non erant alia huius
familiae nee aliorum dominorum Paduae, et ei imposui finem die Mer-
curii, 2 lunii 1507, in Vigilia Eucharistiae").^^ A second scribe copied
the oration on fols. 11 0-22 v. Subsequently, titles, dates, and marginal
emphases, often in red, were added by a third hand.
History: purchased by Phillipps at sale of manuscripts by Sotheby's on
14 March 1825. These manuscripts had been collected by Abbot
Luigi Celotti from Santa Giustina (Padua), San Giorgio Maggiore
(Venice), the Jesuit library (Tours), and private collections of Gia-
como Nani, Giovanni Salviati, Scipione Maffei, and a Mocenigo. The
Braidense obtained the manuscript from the Libreria Antiquaria
Hoepli on 13 June 1911 (fol. 1). Late binding in parchment (319 X
217 mm.). Spine reads in black lettering: "PIER PAOLO / VERGE-
RIO / - / DE / CARRARIENSIU. / FAMILIA / - / ORATIONES
/ ET EPISTOLAE / MS. CART. / 1507."
'* Papafava's writing (Plate 2) is distinguished by: an uncial a in two distinct strokes,
minuscule g with a triangular lower bowl, elongated minuscule/and s with a hook on top,
a dotted y, and a majuscule D with a preparatory stroke from the line upwards.
52 CHAPTER 3
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, < Opera >
1 (fols. 1-84) <Petri> Pauli Vergerii lustino Politani De Carrariensium
familia, late title, perhaps by Roberto Papafava^^ (Gnesotto, ed.,
. . . De principihus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (fols. 84v-89v)
blank
2 (fols. 90-97) < PPV, De dignissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis . . .
Francisci Senioris de Carraria> (RIS 16:189A-94A)
3 (fols. 97V-103) PPV, Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris {RIS 16:194B-
98C)
4 (fols. 103v-9v) Ep. 138 {Epist., 362-78)
5 (fols. 110-22v) PPV, < Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria>
Oratio congratulatoria {RIS 16:204-15)
6 (fols. 123-29) Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202)
7 (fols. 129-32) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53)
8 (fols. 132V-40) Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78)
9 (fols. 140-41) Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32)
10 (fols. 141-42v) Ep. 98 {Epist., 249-51)
11 (fols. 142V-44) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) {Epist., 253-57)
12 (fols. 144V-48) Ep. 101 {Epist., I'bl-dl)
13 (fol. 148r-v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4)
14 (fols. 148V-50) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
15 (fols. 150-51) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53)
16 (fols. 151-53) Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73)
17 (fols. 153-57) PPV, Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi, late title in
red (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae)
18 (fols. 157v-59v) Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87).
Bibliography: The Phillipps Manuscripts: Catalogus Librorum Manuscripto-
rum in Bibliotheca D. Thomae Phillipps, St. (1837-71; repr. London:
Holland Press, 1968), 12 (no. 984); A. N. L. Munby, The Formation
of the Phillipps Library Up to the Year 1840, Phillipps Studies 3 (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1954), 50-51, 147; and Iter 1:353a.
N Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, cod. IX.F.62
Cart, in quarto. Watermark: Tete de boeuf (with stem and five-petaled
flower), rem. sim. Briquet 14872, att. Brescia, 1457-70; sim. Piccard,
'^ On fol. 19v, Marsilio Papafava inserted a note regarding the tomb of "Nicolaus
grandis Carrariensis."
Manuscripts 53
Ochsenkopfwasserzeichen, 12.856, att. 1466-69, 12:857, att. 1455-70. s. XV
(1462), Italy. 210 X 150 mm. I + 29. Foliation in ink in upper right
corner (some numbers cut off in rebinding). Collation: 1-2^°, 3^°^"^^ (rear
pastedown may be the last folio of the third quinternion). No signa-
tures. Catchwords below last line against right margin; they are enclosed
within four pairs of curvilinears. 51 lines on 160 X 98 mm., bounded by
single vertical margins and upper horizontal margin in pencil. Single
column. 3 line initial R and 10 line initial E on fol. 1; the E was cut out
of a printed text and pasted into the manuscript. Space for a 13 line
initial (fol. 18). Autograph of Francesco Gonzaga in Semigothic script
(colophon on fol. 27: "Scripsi hanc epistolam ego Franciscus de Gonzaga
ob devotionem tanti patris et conplevi die Mercurii de mane, XVII No-
vembris 1462").^'' Gonzaga added marginal emphases and corrections,
while a second hand added the title on fol. 1.^^
History: Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga (1444-83). Possessor's note in
lower margin of fol. 1 erased. Lender's note (fol. 15): "lo Zuane Zue-
havel de Masarada dichiara.^ aver dato Signor Durigo Robabeli per
averli? in prestado valore? ducati 4.10?" Provenance from the library
of the Capuchin convent of S. Ephrem Novus in Naples (fol. 1:
"Bibl. Novae Capuc. Neap." and library stamp on fol. 28v: "Bib.
Nov. / Bibliothec. Capuccinorum Conceptionis Neapolis"). Binding
of parchment over pasteboards (216 X 155 mm.) typical of Capuchin
Library. Front cover has "21," and spine reads in black ink: "Victo-
riae mirabilis divinitus de Turcis habitae duce S. loanne de < Capi-
strano> ." The codex entered the Bibl. Nazionale in 1865 (stamp of
the Nazionale on fol. 1).
Contents:
1 (fols. 1-18) Fr. loan, de Talglacotio, O.M., <Ep.> to Giacomo della
Marca, dated Udine, 22 July ("in festo Sanctissimae Magdalenae")
'^ Gonzaga's writing (Plate 3) is clear despite the small corpus. Gothic features include
the overlapping of reverse curves and the use of r in the form of 2. Gonzaga used an et
nexus, and his minuscule g at times resembles an 8, with the lower bowl below the line. His
majuscule Q occasionally has a bowl raised well above the line, and his majuscule N and P
are formed in two distinct strokes. The inventory of his possessions, published by D. S.
Chambers, A Renaissance Cardinal and His Worldly Goods: The Will and Inventory of Fran-
cesco Gonzaga (1444-1483), Survey and Texts 20 (London: Warburg Institute, 1992), 169, lists
among the books (no. 728) "La vita de fra Zoanne da Capistrano in papiro." On Gonzaga's
learning and patronage, see ibid., 50-74.
" The hand may be that of the Capuchin librarian who placed the possessor's note at
the bottom of the same folio. A loose piece of paper inserted in the codex reads: "IX.F.62
/ P. Elpidio Bocchetti, O.F.M."
54 CHAPTER 3
1460 (inc: Etsi non ignorem) (ed. Wadding, Annates Minorum,
12:394-419 [no. 42], 750-96; BHL 1:646 [no. 4])
2 (fols. 18-27) Fr. loan, de Talglacotio, O.M., <Ep. > to Giacomo della
Marca, dated Florence, 10 February 1461 (inc: Admirabilem ac
stupendam de Turcis victoriam) (ed. Wadding, Annates Minorum,
12:444-66; BHL 1:646 [no. 5])
3 (fols. 27v-28) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de taudibus Bead Hiero-
nymi (inc: Praestantissimi viri, fragm.)^^ (fol. 29) blank.
Bihtiography: Albert Poncelet, "Catalogus Codicum Hagiographicorum
Latinorum Bibliothecarum Neapolitanarum," Anatecta Boltandiana
30 (1911): 195-96; Aniceto Chiappini, O.F.M., "Fr. Nicolai de Fara
Epistolae Duae ad S. loannem de Capistrano," Archivum Francisca-
num Historicum 15 (1922): 387; Chiappini, Retiquie tetterarie capestra-
nesi: Storia, codici, carte, documenti (L'Aquila, 1927), 281; Iter 1:405b,
6:115b; and Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani delta Bibtioteca Na-
zionate di Napoti, Spicilegium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi:
Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, and Grottaferrata: Editiones
Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971), 2:867-68 (no. 516).
Pa Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203
Cart, in folio, s. XVIII (ex.), Padua. 278 X 195 mm. I + 475 + I. Origi-
nal pagination in two parts: 1-324, 1-150; numeration in black ink in
upper right-hand corner (errors in numbers corrected by the copyist).
Running heads. Collation: 1-6^^ 7^\ %-9^\ \Q\ n^^^-^\ Plain horizontal
catchwords on every other page, which correspond. Pages folded twice
(outside of four columns on each page used for notes and collations). Single
column throughout. 38 lines per page except for the Petrarcae vita where
only 28 lines utilized (perhaps an effort to fill out part 1). Text area mea-
sures ca. 245 X 130 mm. Titles centered and works numbered progressively
within each genre (decorative pattern used to mark beginning and end of
specific works). Italic autograph of Gian Roberto Papafava.
History: an effort by Gian Roberto Papafava (b. 1722) to make a com-
plete collection of Vergerio's works. A draft of the same work is pre-
served in B.P. 129.^° From the collection of Antonio Piazza (ex
" Fol. 28 is constructed of three pieces of paper glued together. Fragments of a
document in Italian are legible underneath one of the sheets (perhaps by the same hand that
wrote the lender's note on fol. 15).
^° Paper. Bundles a-u of various length and size (representing the materials collected for
Manuscripts 55
libris on front pastedown) to the library. Half-parchment binding
covered by tan paper (285 X 203 mm.). Title on spine reads: "Ver-
gerii / Epistolae" (gold lettering stamped on brown leather), "Cod.
/ MSS." (gold lettering on green leather). The library shelf mark is
pasted below.
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera
Parti
1 (1-203) PPV, . . . Epistolae^^
2 (204-60) PPV, . . . Orationes^
3 (260-63) PPV, In foeneratores facetissima exprohatio {Epist., 384-87 [Ep.
140])
4 (263-69) PPV, In exequiis principis Francisci Senioris de Carraria {RIS
16:189A-94A)
5 (270-71) PPV, In traductione Arriani . . . ad Sigismundum {Epist., 379-
84 [Ep. 139])
6 (271-303) PPV, .. . De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus disciplinis (Gne-
sotto, ed., "... De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescen-
tiae," 95-146)
7 (304-6) PPV, <Oratio> (inc: O altitudo divitiarum) (ed. Smith, "Note
cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33)
8 (307-17) PPV, Petrarcae vita . . . (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca,
e Boccaccio, 294-302) (318-24) blank.
Part II
9 (1-103) PPV, . . . De Carrariensium familia et de illustrium eius princi-
pum rebus magniflce gestis HISTORIA (Gnesotto, ed., . . . De principi-
bus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber) (104) blank
Vergerio's Opera omnia). Draft of the text itself in bundle u: 298 X 202 mm. Pages 1-409.
Pages folded once vertically, yielding text area of ca. 210 X 202 mm. in two columns of 106
and 96 mm. respectively. Left-hand column for text and right-hand for notes. 36 lines per
page. Italic hand of Papafava. Half-leather binding. The draft copies of the sermons on
Jerome are found on 325-53 (in the same order as Pa). Bundle j contains a letter of Agostino
Carran? to Papafava, which indicates the existence of an eighth panegyric of Jerome printed
in a "vol. in fol." However, Papafava never found this oration.
^' The sylloge includes the following letters (using the numeration in Smith's edition):
Ep. 18, 6, 2, 12, 1, 13, 4, 21-22, 24, 27-30, 32-35, 31, 36-38, 40, 44, 3, 47-48, 56, 49-50, 57,
51-55, 58, 60-66, 120, 59, 46, 67-73, 148, 75-78, 80, 43, 81-82, 87-88, 90, 99, 41, 91-92, 23,
97, 17, 98, 15, 11, 102-5, 128, 109, 111, 115 (fragm.), 123, 116-17, 124-27, 130, 20, 131-32,
45, 133-35, 138, 118, 121, 114, 146-47, 115 (fragm.), Ep.} (inc: Plutarchus in describenda,
Epist., 451-52), 145, 119, 112, De monarchta (fragm.), 93-95, Facetia (inc: M. . . . q. . . . ,
Epist., 452-50), 143, 106, Dialogusde morte (fragm., Epist., 445-46), 137, 107-8, 96, 42, 8, 10.
^ The sylloge includes the seven sermons for Jerome as found in R.
56 CHAPTER 3
10 (105-17) PPV, . . . Carmina^
11 (117-39) VVY,...Fragmenta^'^ (140-50) blank.
Bibliography: Carlo A. Combi, "Un discorso inedito di Pier Paolo Ver-
gerio il Seniore da Capodistria," Archivio storico per Trieste, I'lstria,
e il Trentino 1 (1882): 359; Epist., Ixiv-lxviii; and Iter 2:23a.
PM Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955)
Cart, in folio, s. XVII (m.), Padua. 440 X 290 mm. I + 172 + III. Foli-
ation in black ink in upper right-hand corner. Blank folios: lv-4v, 39-
52v, 54r-v, 74v, 87r-v, 132v, 163v-64v. Collation: l-9^ 10^°, ll^ 12^
13-16^ 17^ 18-19^ 20^ 21-30\ 31^ 32^ 33^ 34-37^ 38^ 39-41^ Errors
in order of texts noted in marginalia by Roberto Papafava (see fols. 72v-
75, 85v-86, 130v-33). No signatures. Horizontal catchwords on every
folio verso. 35 lines per page on ca. 330 X 210 mm. with faint ruling.
Single column. Frontispiece: "PETRI PAULI / VERGERH / AIIANTA."
Titles of individual works centered. Elaborate cursive initials. Three Italic
hands: the amanuense, Roberto Papafava (corrections, collations, and addi-
tions), and Andrea Baretta of the Marciana (bibliographical marginalia) ."^^
History: commissioned by Abbot Roberto Papafava, who completed his
own additions to the codex in 1651; see the colophon on fol. 172v
and his letters to Alfonso Loschi in cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
33-35, where Papafava spoke of his "fatiche incredibili."^^ lacopo
^^ The sylloge includes: Poetica narratio {Epist, 453-58), . . . Super reditu natorum eius
Francisci et lacobi . . . {RIS 16:242), Omnia Petrarcae opera ....... Epitomata in Africam
(Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 301-2), Paulus . . . prologus (ed. Perosa,
"Per una nuova edizione," 321-22), De Francisco Seniore de Carraria . . . epitaphium
{RIS 16:198C), <Proverbia et sententiae>, incorrectly entitled Alegabilia dicta ex Timaeo
Platonis.
^* The sylloge includes: <Sicco Polenton>, De vita Senecae {Scriptorum illustrium
Latinae linguae, ed. Ullmann, 493-94); PPV, De repuhlica Venetorum, De republica Veneti-
arum fragmentum (ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta,"
38-49), Romae descriptio {Epist., 211-20 [Ep. 86]); M. Iunian(i)us lustinus <excerpt.>
{Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 323.13-15); FlavioBiondo < excerpt. > {Italia illustrata,
Basel, 1531, 386-88); and PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-241D).
^^ Baretta served as assistant librarian {vicebibliotecario) of the Marciana from 1847 until
his death in 1852. See Carlo Frati, Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei bibliotecari e bibliofili
italiani dal sec. XIV al XIX, edited by Albano Sorbelli, Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana 13
(Florence, 1933), 52; and Marino Parenti, Aggiunte al Dizionario bio-bibliografico dei
bibliotecari e bibliofili italiani di Carlo Frati (Florence: Sansoni Antiquariato, 1952-60), 1:80.
^' The colophon oi PM is cited by Smith, Epist., lil n. 1. Marc. ital. VI.431 is described
by Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71. The codex has the following works of Vergerio: De
principibus Carrariensibus (fols. 59-91v); Carmen ad Franciscum luniorem (fol. 94); Epistolae
(fols. 96-137v, 146); Oratio pro populo Patavino {io\s. 148-55); De dignissimo funebri apparatu
Manuscripts 57
Morelli left the codex to the Marciana in 1819. Half-parchment binding
covered by brown marbled paper (445 X 290 mm,). Old and new
Marciana shelfmarks on the spine.
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Opera
1 (fol. 1) frontispiece (fols. lv-4v) blank
2 (fols. 5-3 8 v) PPV, . . . Liber de principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum
. . . (Gnesotto, ed., . . . De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum
liber) (fols. 39-52v) blank
3 (fol. 53r-v) PPV, . . . carmen (inc: Carriger nobis pater) {RIS 16:242)
(fol. 54r-v) blank
4 (fols. 55-137) PPV, Epistolae (same order as B^)^ (fols. 74v, 87r-v,
132v) blank
5 (fols. 137-38) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D),
followed by inscription {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12])
6 (fol. 138r-v) Ep. 52 (also on fols. 59v-60) {Epist., 118-19)
7 (fol. 138v) <Dialogus de morte, fragm. > P. P. Vergerii Testamentum
. . . {Epist., 445-46)
8 (fols. 139-44) PPV, De vita, moribus, et doctrina illustris poetae Fran-
cisci Petrarcae ... et eius poemate quod "Africa" inscribitur (Solerti,
ed., Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302)
9 (fol. 144) Ep. 66 (also on fol. 84v) {Epist., 157-59)
10 (fols. 144v-46v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Testamentum {Petrarch's Testa-
ment, ed. Mommsen, 68-92)
11 (fol. 147r-v) PPV?, <Proverbia et sententiae> (inc: Non sinit obscu-
rum facinus)
12 (fols. 147v-49v) PPV, Poetica narratio {Epist., 453-58)
13 (fol. 150) PPV, <Sermopro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Gloriosi docto-
ris, fragm. at beginning)
14 (fols. 150-51) PPV, <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Hodie
mihi)
15 (fol. 151) PPV, <Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Sermo hodie,
fragm.)
16 (fols. 151-52) PPV, < Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Praestan-
tissimi patres, fragm. at beginning)
(fols. 156-59); and Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris (fols. 160-62). The last three are not
included in PM.
'" Papafava added (fol. 86r-v): Bartolomeo Facio, ...Ad Alfonsum regent epistoU.
58 CHAPTER 3
17 (fols. 152-63) PPV, Paulus (ed. Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione,"
321-56) (fols. 163v-64v) blank
18 (fol. 165) PPV, Fragmentum orationis ... ex ms. Vergeriano (inc: O
altitude divitiarum, fragm. at beginning) (ed. Smith, "Note cronolo-
giche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33)
19 (fols. 165-71) PPV, Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia . . . (ed.
Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74)
20 (fols. 171-72v) Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82).
Bibliography: Zorzanello, Catalogo, 3:289-91; Epist., xxxiii, xlv-xlvi;
Theodor E. Mommsen, ed. and trans., Petrarch's Testament (Ithaca,
N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1957), 54; Iter 2:248a; and Alessandro Pe-
rosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del Vergerio," in Vittore
Branca and Sante Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo in Istria, Civilta vene-
ziana: Studi 38 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 281-84.
R Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1287
Cart, in quarto. Watermarks: fols. 12-23, 35-136, Balance, Briquet 2509,
var. idem. Venice, 1487, Friuli, 1487; fols. 26-33, Balance, sim. Briquet
2454, var. diverg. Venice, 1476-80, Brescia, 1481, Udine, 1495. s. XV
(ex.), Venetian Empire. 206 X 152 mm. I + 161 + I (missing fols. 2-9,
11, 108, 142-53). Foliation in upper right-hand corner in faded ink.
Collation: l^^'^), l'\ 3-4^°, 5^ 6^°, 7'\ 8^^ 9'^^-'\ \0'\ 11«, 12^ 13^(-^). No
signatures or catchwords. Many blank folios. The orations of Vergerio
on Jerome occupy fascicles 4-5. The final five folios contain material
not directly related to Vergerio. An average of 26 lines per page on ca.
140 X 80 mm. The folios were folded twice yielding four columns of ca.
38 mm. each. Writing restricted to middle area and in single column
throughout. No decoration; depiction of an inscription in rustic majus-
cules on a marker-stone (fol. 27) and tracing of an astrological table (fol.
98). Humanist cursive hand. Though the scribe controlled his pen well,
he wrote so quickly that the hand can be difficult to decipher. The same
scribe made marginal corrections, while a later Italic hand made addi-
tions and cross-references.^^
History: Smith postulates origins in Capodistria. The codex entered the
^* The scribe also used a "tellos" explicit in Greek characters; see Dieter Wuttke, "Telos
als explicit," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds.. Das Verhdltnis der Humanisten zum
Buck, Kommission fvir Humanismusforschung, Mitteilung 4 (Boppard: H. Boldt, 1977), 47-
62.
Manuscripts 59
library from the suppressed convent of the Padri Riformati in Padua
(San Carlo, n. 6). It was in the possession of the convent at the time
that Gian Roberto Papafava collated it with the codex Brunaccianus
in the late eighteenth century. Half-leather binding in brown covered
by marbled paper (215 X 158 mm.). Spine has five horizontal rolls of
ovals with lines traced within.
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio et al., Opera
1 (fol. 12r-v) Pietro Dolfin, Ep. to Enrico Petronio, dated San Michele
di Murano, 23 January 1480 {Epist., xxxix) (fol. 13r-v) blank
2 (fols. 14-19) PPV, Ep. 81 {Epist., 189-202)
3 (fols. 19-21) PPV, Ep. 140 {Epist., 384-87)
4 (fols. 21-24v) PPV, Ep. 141 {Epist., 388-95)
5 (fols. 24v-29v) <Histrica>: 1 (fol. 24v) <M. Iunian(i)us lustinus,
excerpt. > {Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum 32.3.13-15). 2 (fol. 25r-
v) Flavio Biondo, <excerpt.> {Italia illustrata, Basel, 1531, 386-88).
3 (fol. 25v) < excerpt. > Ex chronica patriarcarum Aquileiensis ecclesiae
(ed. De Rubeis, Chronicon alterum. Appendix, 9a). 4 (fol. 25v) <ex-
cerpt. > Ex chronica Sancti Nicolai . . . (Andr. Dandolo, Chronica, RIS,
n.s., 12.1:65). 5 (fol. 26r-v) C. Plinius Secundus, < excerpt. > {Natu-
ralis historia 3.18.22 [no. 126]-3. 19.23 [no. 129]). 6 (fol. 26v) Strabo,
<excerpt.> translatio Latina {Geograph. 1.2.39, 7.5.3). 7 (fol. 27)
Inscriptio {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12]). 8 (fols. 28-29v) PPV, . . . De situ urhis
lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D)
6 (fols. 30-31v) PPV, Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6) (fols. 32-33v) blank
7 (fol. 34r-v) PPV, Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14)
8 (fols. 35-36) PPV, . . . Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo (inc: Reverendi
patres fratresque carissimi)
9 (fols. 36v-38v) Eiusdem Pro eodem (inc: Agite fratres carissimi diem)
10 (fols. 38v-41) Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo eiusdem (inc: Decet qui-
dem omnes ubique)
11 (fols. 41V-42) PPV, Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37)
12 (fol. 42r-v) PPV, Ep. 116 {Epist., 307-8)
13 (fols. 42V-44) PPV, Ep. 117 {Epist., 308-10)
14 (fol. 44r-v) PPV, Ep. 132 {Epist., 349-50)
15 (fols. 45-46v) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio (inc: Hodie mihi
fratres carissimi)
16 (fols. 47-51) PPV, . . . Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sermo mihi
hodie habendus ad vos)
17 (fols. 51-54) PPV, . . . Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo (inc: Gloriosi doc-
toris ac patris nostri)
60 CHAPTER 3
18 (fols. 54-57v) PPV, . . . Pro Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Praestantis-
simi patres ecclesiastica nos doctrina) (fol. 58r-v) blank
19 (fols. 59-67) PPV, Ep. 34 {Epist., 66-78, where Smith incorrectly gives
fol. 50)
20 (fols. 67V-68) PPV, Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80)
21 (fol. 68r-v) PPV <i.e., S. Polenton>, ... Def^J vita Senecae (inc:
Seneca longissime vixit) {Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae, ed.
Ullmann, 493-94)
22 (fols. 69-70) PPV, Ep. 74 [Epist., 174-75)
23 (fols. 70-71) PPV, Ep. 98 [Epist., 249-51)
24 (fols. 71-72) PPV, Ep. 48 [Epist., 109-12)
25 (fols. 72v-73) PPV, Ep. 51 [Epist., 115-18)
26 (fols. 73-74) PPV, Ep. 52 [Epist., 118-19)
27 (fol. 74r-v) PPV, Ep. 53 [Epist., 119-20)
28 (fols. 74v-75v) PPV, Ep. 55 [Epist., 123-24)
29 (fols. 75V-76) PPV, Ep. 57 [Epist., 126)
30 (fols. 76-78) PPV, Ep. 58 [Epist., 127-31)
31 (fols. 78-79) PPV, Ep. 61 [Epist., 141-42)
32 (fols. 79v-80v) PPV, Ep. 64 [Epist., 154-56)
33 (fols. 80v-81) PPV, Ep. 65 [Epist., 156-57)
34 (fols. 81-82) PPV, Ep. 68 [Epist., 160-61)
35 (fols. 82-84) PPV, Ep. 69 [Epist., 162-65)
36 (fol. 84r-v) PPV, Ep. 77 [Epist., 182-83)
37 (fols. 85-90v) PPV, . . . In exequiis principis Francisci Senioris de Carra-
ria [RIS 16:189A-94A)
38 (fols. 90v-95v) < PPV, Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris de Carra-
ria> (i?/5 16:194B-98C)
39 (fol. 96) PPV, ...Pro eodem epitaphia [RIS 16:198C)
40 (fols. 97v-98) Repertum in archivo Patavino ante palatii combustio-
nem, followed by an astrological table for 25 March 421 (cf. V. Lazza-
rini, "II preteso documento," 107-11) (fol. 98v) blank
42 (fols. 99-107) <PPV, De republica Venetorum> (ed. Robey and Law,
"The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta," 38-49) (fol. 107v)
blank
43 (fols. 109-10) <PPV, De republica Venetorum> (shorter redaction)
(ed. Robey and Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica Ve-
neta," 38-40, lines 1-52)
44 (fol. llOv) PPV, Ep. 137 [Epist., 360-62)
45 (fols. lll-12v) PPV, Ep. 109 [Epist., 283-92)
46 (fols. 113-15) PPV, Ep. 43 [Epist., 94-97)
Manuscripts 61
47 (fols. 115-16) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Cicero {Familiares 24.3)
48 (fols. 116-20) PPV, <Ep.> nomine Ciceronis ad Franciscum {EpisL,
436-45)
49 (fol. 120v) PPV, Ep. 148 {Epist., 426-27)
50 (fols. 121-30) PPV, . . . Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad cardi-
nales Romanos oratio in concistorio habita (ed. Combi, "Un discorso
inedito," 360-74) (fol. 130v) blank (except for "D")
51 (fols. 131-35v) Ep. 86 {Epist., 211-20)
52 (fols. 135v-37) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Giovanni Colonna {Familiares
6.11, fragm. concerning Rome)
53 (fols. 137V-39) PPV, Ep. 107 {Epist., 278-82)
54 (fol. 139) Ep. 108 {Epist., 283)
55 (fols. 139v-40v) PPV, < Oratio > (inc: O altitudo divitiarum) (ed.
Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," 132-33) (fols. 141,
154-56v) blank
56 (fols. 157-59) Bern. Giustiniani, . . . Ad summum pontificem oratio
dum fungeretur legatione ad serenissimum Ferdinandum Neapoli regem
(Bern. Giustiniani, Orationes, sig. D, 2-D, 3; Piccolomini, Opera in-
edita, ed. Cugnoni, 156-58)
57 (fols. 159v-60) Ippolita Sforza, . . . Oratio ad summum pontificem Pium
58 (fol. 160) <Pius II> , Responsum ex tempore (oration and response in
Pii II Orationes, ed. Mansi, 2:192-93; ed. De Tummulillis, Notabilia
temporum, 231-33)
59 (fols. 160v-61) Galeazzo Maria Sforza, . , , Ad serenissimum principem
Franciscum Fuscarum oratio {RIS 22:1160-61; cf. Sottili, IMU 12
[1969]: 397 [/ codici del Petrarca, 249]) (fol. 161v) blank.
Bibliography: Epist., xxxi, xxxviii-xl; and Iter 2:23b.
Ra Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535)
Cart, in folio. Watermarks: fols. 13-24, Arc, sim. Briquet 814, att. Man-
tua, 1482; fols. 25-94, Oiseau, sim. Briquet 12130, att. Verona, 1475. s.
XV (ex.)-XVI (in.), Venetian Empire. Vergerio material written between
1486 and 1502. 338 X 225 mm. II + 98 + II. Foliation in black ink in
upper right-hand corner. Collation: \^\ 2^ 3^^ 4^^ 5^^ 6^^ 7^^^-^\ No
signatures. Catchwords only on fol. 13v (plain horizontal that corre-
sponds to quire that begins on fol. 15) and on fol. 24v (plain vertical
corresponding to quire). An average of 40 lines on a widely varying text
area. No ruling; each folio is folded twice. Frontispiece (fol. 1: "Ramusi
ad virtutis / callem Arduum su- / dore vultus tui / enitere / cuncta
62 CHAPTER 3
domat / virtus / 1486"). Titles and divisions of Officium in greenish-
blue ink. Use of colored ink, especially red, for titles and marginalia
frequent from fols, 64-86. 3 line initial in blue with red decoration (fol.
74). Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder in Humanist cursive script
(to fol. 95v).29
History: copied by Paolo Ramusio the elder between 1486 (fol. 1) and
1502 (fol. 95v). Appended notes on earthquakes in Padua in 1504 and
1505 and an earthquake and consequent acqua alta at Venice in 1511
(fol, 95v), the latter not by Ramusio who died in 1506.^° Girolamo
Contarini left the manuscript to the Marciana in 1843. Bibliographi-
cal notes by G. Valentinelli (second flyleaf) and Andrea Baretta
(passim). One-eighth parchment binding covered by brown marbled
paper (348 X 240 mm.). Spine reads: "P. P. Vergeri / Sen. / Epistolae
/ et / Carmina" and has the old and new shelf marks of the library.
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio et al., Opera
1 (fols. 2-4 v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Testamentum {Petrarch's Testament^ ed.
Mommsen, 68-92)
2 (fols. 5-8) PPV, Ep. 81 {Epist, 189-202)
3 (fols. 8-9) PPV, De situ urbis lustinopolitanae {RIS 16:240A-41D), fol-
lowed by inscription {CIL 5.1:4 [no. 12])
4 (fols. 9-lOv) PPV, Ep. 11 {EpisL, 46-53)
5 (fols. 11-15V, fol. 14r-v blank) PPV, Ep. 34 [Epist., 66-78)
6 (fols. 15v-17v) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . .
de dispositions vitae suae (ed. Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 480-
87)
7 (fols. 17v-21v) Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta Lombardo a Serico
{Seniles 15.3)
8 (fols. 21v-22) PPV, Ep. 16 {Epist., 31-32)
^ The codex betrays the evolution of Ramusio's hand (Plate 4) over the twenty years
that he worked on it. Stage 1 (fols. 2-4v): single example of Tironian note for et; uncial and
cursive minuscule a; ct ligature; open v; tendency to close lower loop on final 5; elegant
minuscule t. Stage 2 (fols. 27-86): et written out in full, complementary use of Tironian note
and nexus; v closed by overlap on final stroke; variation in final s\ distinctive minuscule r
and -«r abbreviation; use of cursive and block majuscules occasionally for same letter, e.g.,
E and L. Stage 3 (fols. 86v-95v): use of Tironian note for et; no overlap on initial « or v;
single form of final s; different -ur abbreviation.
^ The notes were transcribed by Smith, Epist., xliii-xliiii n. 1. On Ramusio, see the
profile in Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Prince-
ton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1986), 423-24.
Manuscripts 63
9 (fols. ll-li) PPV, . . . Pro fortissimo viro Cermisono Patavino ad ...
Franciscum luniorem de Carraria acta feliciter oratio {Epist., 431-36)
10 (fols. 23-30) PPV, . . . Ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria oratio pro
populo Patavino {RIS 16:204-15)
11 (fols. 30v-31v) PPV, Ep. 128 {Epist., 339-43)
12 (fols. 31V-32) PPV, Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53)
13 (fols. 32-33) PPV, Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73)
14 (fols. 33-35) PPV, . . , Sermo omatissimus in honorem Sancti Hiero-
nymi . . . (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque carissimi)
15 (fol. 35r-v) PPV, Ep. 131 {Epist., 347-48)
16 (fols. 35V-37) PPV, Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79)
17 (fol. 37r-v) PPV, Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
18 (fols. 38-42v) PPV, Incipit Officium Divi Hieronymi editi <sic> per
spectabilem iuris utriusque consultum dominum Petrum Paulum Ver-
gerium lustinopolitanum Paduae (inc: Sancti Hieronymi clara prae-
conia)
19 (fol. 43r-v) PPV, Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46)
20 (fols. 43V-44) PPV, Ep. 125 {Epist., 332-35)
21 (fol. 44) PPV, Ep. 126 {Epist., 335-36)
22 (fol. 44r-v) PPV, <Ep.f> (inc: Plutarchus in describenda) {Epist.,
451-52)
23 (fols. 44V-45) PPV, Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29)
24 (fol. 45v) PPV, Ep. 145 {Epist., 423)
25 (fols. 45V-46) PPV, Ep. 124 {Epist., 330-32)
26 (fol. 46r-v) PPV, Ep. 127 {Epist., 337-39)
27 (fols. 46V-47) PPV, Ep. 119 {Epist., 313-15)
28 (fol. 47r-v) PPV, Ep. 97 {Epist., 246-48)
29 (fols. 47V-48) PPV, Ep. 102 {Epist., 263-67)
30 (fol. 48v) PPV, Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300)
31 (fol. 48v) PPV, Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37)
32 (fol. 49) PPV, Ep.\\% {Epist., 311-12)
33 (fols. 49V-50) PPV, Ep. 89 {Epist., 228-30)
34 (fols. 50-51v) PPV, Ep. 59 {Epist., 131-37)
35 (fol. 52r-v) PPV, De monarchia (fragm.) {Epist., 447-50)
36 (fols. 53-56) PPV, Ep. 138 {Epist., 362-78)
37 (fols. 56-57) PPV, Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6)
38 (fol. 57r-v) PPV, Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34)
39 (fol. 58r-v) PPV, Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82)
40 (fols. 58V-59) PPV, Ep. 71 {Epist., 171)
41 (fol. 59r-v) PPV, Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85)
64 CHAPTER 3
42 (fols. 59v-60v) PPV, Ep. 88 {Epist, 224-27)
43 (fols. 60v-61) PPV, Ep. 90 {EpisL, 230-32)
44 (fol. 61r-v) PPV, Ep. 87 {EpisL, 220-23)
45 (fols. 61V-62) PPV, Ep. 92 {Epist., 235-36)
46 (fol. 62) PPV, Ep. 80 (fragm.) {Epist., 187-88) (fol. 62v) blank
47 (fol. 63) PPV, Ep. 132 {Epist., 349-50) (fol. 63v) blank
48 (fols. 64-73v) PPV, <Paulus> (ed. Perosa, "Per una nuova edizio-
ne," 321-56)
49 (fols. 74-77v) <PPV, De republica Veneta> (ed. Robey and Law,
"The Venetian Myth and the De republica Veneta," 38-49)
50 (fols. 78-82v) PPV, Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia . . . oratio
(ed. Combi, "Un discorso inedito," 360-74)
51 (fol. 83) PPV <i.e., S. Polenton>, De vita Senecae (inc: Seneca lon-
gissime vixit) {Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae, ed. Ullmann,
493-94)
52 (fols. 83v-85v) PPV, . . . De situ veteris et inclitae urbis Romae {Epist.y
211-20 [Ep. 86])
53 (fols. 85v-86) < Franc. Petrarca, £p. > {Familiares 6.11, fragm. con-
cerning Rome)
54 (fol. 86v) < Giovanni Soranzo, Doge>, Littera<e> ... transmis-
sa<e> domino papae pro valendo navigare cum navibus et galeis in
terras ultramarinas de 1327 (to John XXII) (inc: Piissime pater sancti-
tati)
55 (fol. 87r-v) Copia litterarum missarum a Consilio domini imperatoris
< Vinceslai VI > cardinalibus Gallicis petentibus quod fiat generale
concilium etc. (inc: Cum verendum est)
56 (fols. 87v-92v) Litterarum copia scriptarum per Comune Florentiae ad
antipapam et anticardinales et exarata a Ser Collutio .. . de anno 1335
<sic> (actually 1378) (inc: Reverendissimi in Christo patres et do-
mini quanta cordis amaritudine)^^
57 (fols. 92v-93) Ant. Venier, Doge . . . <Ep. > Francisco de Carraria Se-
niori ac Francisco luniori eiusfilio (inc: Sicut publicum et notorium)
58 (fol. 93r-v) Franc. Novello da Carrara, Responsio suprascriptarum lit-
terarum . . . (inc: Illustris ac magnifice domine hodie hora duodecima)
59 (fol. 93v) Giangaleazzo Visconti, ... < Ep. > Francisco de Carraria
Seniori eidem bellum indicendo . . . (inc: Fallimini magnifice vir) {RIS,
n.s., 17.1:318-19)
'' Ramusio indicated that he copied this text from a codex owned by Niccolo Barisone.
Manuscripts 65
60 (fols. 93v-94v) Franc, il Vecchio da Carrara, Responsio suprascripta-
rum litterarum . . . (inc: lUustris ac magnifice vir ad litteras vestras)
61 (fol. 94v) Giangaleazzo Visconti, Litterae diffidantiae . . . transmis-
sa<e> ... Communitati Florentiae (inc: Pacem Italicam omni studio)
62 (fols, 94v-95v) Col. Salutati, Responsio litterarum suprascriptarum
. . . (inc: E manu tabellarii cuiusdam) (letter and response in RIS
16:815-17)^2
63 (fol, 95v) < Nota de inventione corporis Titi Livii > (transcribed by
Ramusio on 28 November 1502 and followed by note on Livy's
age)"
64 (fols. 96-97) loan, de Collionibus, and Testinus, Paulus, and Donda-
cius de Collionibus, < Ep. > to Giovanni Martinengo, dated Trezzo,
21 July 1411 (inc: Si litteris vestris quas heri) (Italian translation in
Spino, Istoria, 233-42)
65 (fols. 97v-98) loan, de Collionibus, and Testinus, Paulus, and Donda-
cius de Collionibus, <Ep. > to Christoforus de Conradis, dated Trezzo,
13 July 1411 (inc: Si vobis amice facti Veritas) (fol. 98v) blank.
Bibliography: Giuseppe Valentinelli, Regesta Documentorum Germaniae
Historiam Illustrantium: Regesten zur deutschen Geschichte aus den
Handschriften der Marcusbibliothek in Venedig (Munich, 1864), 116
(no. 306); Valentinelli, Codici manoscritti d'opere di Francesco Petrarca
od a lui riferentisi posseduti dalla Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia
(Venice, 1874), 47-48 (no. 52), 48 (no. 53), 73-74 (no. 77); Zorza-
nello, Catalogo, 3:444-50; Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 478;
Epist., xxxiii, xliii-xlv; Mommsen, Petrarch's Testament, 53; Iter
2:249b-50a, 6:258a; and Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione," 284-87.
S San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 144
Cart, in quarto (last flyleaf at beginning of volume is membr.).^"* Com-
'^ See Ludovico Frati, "La Lega dei Bolognesi e dei Fiorentini contro Gio. Galeazzo
Visconti (1389-90)," Archivio storico lombardo 16 (1889): 23, who gives a date of 18 April
1390 for the letter of Giangaleazzo Visconti and 2 May 1390 for the Florentine response.
^^ On the supposed discovery of Livy's body, see lacobus Salomonius, with Georgius
Cornelius Senior, Gregorius Barbadicus, and Georgius Cornelius Junior, Urbis Patavinae
Inscriptiones Sacrae et Prophanae . . . quihus accedunt vulgatae anno MDCXLIV a lacobo
Philippo Tomasino . . . (Padua, 1701), 480-81; and Gabriele Braggion, "Un indice cinquecen-
tesco della biblioteca di S. Giovanni di Verdara a Padova," IMU 29 (1986): 242-43.
'^ Laura Casarsa, La Lihreria di Guamerio d'Artegna (Udine: Casamassima Libri, 1991),
400, says that the parchment was used to wrap some of the fascicles sent to Guamerio by
courier.
66 CHAPTER 3
posite codex, s. XV (1456-66), Italy. 215 X 145 mm. IV + 231 + IH.
Modern foliation in pencil in lower left-hand corner; old numeration in
fascicle 4 in upper right-hand corner. Ruled area varies from ca. 140 X
90 mm. to ca. 185 X 110 mm.
I
fols. l-20v. Watermark: fols. 1-10, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att. Vi-
cenza, 1442. Collation: 1-2^°. No signatures. Catchword centered below
last line within periods (fol. lOv). Space left for initials with guides.
1 (fols. l-20v) Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii (fragm.) [PL 14:44-46).
n
fols. 21-30. Collation: 3^°. No signatures. Space left for initials with
guides.
2 (fols. 21-30, cf. fols. 227-28v) Homerus, Batrachomyomachia translatio
Latina Car. Marsuppinus, with glosses on fols. 29-30 (cf. Bertalot and
Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 1:242 [no. 5283]) (fol. 30v) blank.
Ill
fols. 31-62v. Watermark: fols. 31-62, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att.
Vicenza, 1442. Collation: 4^^. Enlarged initials.
3 (fols. 31-52v) < Franc. Barbaro, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 31-32) Franc. Bar-
baro, Ep. to Bart. Facio {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 158-60 [no. 119];
Sabbadini, Lettere, 53); 2 (fols. 32v-33) Ep. to Federigo da Monte-
feltro {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, App. 110-11 [no. Ill]; Sabbadini,
Lettere, 56); 3 (fols. 33v-35) Ep. to Lud. Scarampo [Epistolae, ed.
Quirini, 251-53 [no. 174]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 55); 4 (fols. 35v-37v)
Ep. to Franc. Condulmer {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 231-34 [no. 161];
Sabbadini, Lettere, 56); 5 (fols. 37v-40) Ep. to George of Trebizond
{Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 292-95 [no. 199]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 56;
Monfasani, Collectanea Trapezuntiana, 204); 6 (fols. 40-44) Ep. to
Gentile da Leonessa {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 221-27 [no. 158]; Sabba-
dini, Lettere, 57); 7 (fols. 44v-46v) Ep. to Nic. Canali {Epistolae, ed.
Quirini, 239-42 [no. 167]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 57); 8 (fols. 47-49) Ep.
to Febo Capella {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 227-30 [no. 159]; Sabbadini,
Lettere, 57); 9 (fols. 49v-51v) Ep. to Lud. Scarampo {Epistolae, ed.
Quirini, 253-57 [no. 175]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 58); 10 (fols. 51v-52v)
Ep. to Lud. Scarampo {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 258-59 [no. 177]; Sabba-
dini, Lettere, 58) (fols. 53-62v) blank.
Manuscripts 67
IV
fols. 63-142v. Watermarks: fols. 63-82, Monts, sim. Briquet 11703, att.
Vicenza, 1442; fols. 83-124, Monts, sim. Briquet 11902, att. Pistoia, 1421;
fols. 127-40, Lettre R, Briquet 8936, att. Venice, 1443-49, Fabriano,
1448. Collation: 5^°, 6^^, 7-8'*. No signatures. Horizontal catchwords
flush with or across right-hand margin (fols. 82v, 106v, 124v).
4 (fols. 63-142) <Poggio Bracciolini, Invectivae in Vallam> (Braccio-
lini, Opera, 1:188-251, 2:869-85): 1 (fols. 63-84v) P. Bracciolini, In
Vallam prima < invectiva > ; 2 (fols. 84v-l 18) . . . Invectiva secunda in
Vallam; 3 (fols. 11 8-25 v) < Invectiva tertia in Vallam >; 4 (fols.
125v-35) Invectiva quarta in Vallam; 5 (fols. 135-42) Invectiva quinta
in Vallam (fol. 142v) blank.
V
fols. 143-67v. Collation: 9'^, 10'^^"'^ No signatures. Horizontal catch-
words centered below last line within spirals.
5 (fols. 143-67) Sextus Pompeius Festus, <De significatu verhorum,
fragm. N-Z> (fol. 167v) blank.
VI
fols. 168-75v. Watermark: fols. 170-73, Tetede boeuf, sim. Briquet group
14871-74. Collation: 11*. No signatures or catchwords. An average of 30
lines on ca. 170 X 90 mm. No decoration. Humanist cursive hand. The
scribe made his own marginal corrections and apparently had difficulty
in deciphering the q abbreviations of his source. "Raptissime" at the end
of the texts (fol. 174v).
6 (fols. 168-74v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermones>: 1 (fols. 168-71)
PPV, . . . In laudem Beati Hieronymi oratio feliciter incipit acta Senis
m.cccc.viii (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque carissimi);
2 (fols. 171v-74v) Oratio . . . <pro Sancto Hieronymo> (inc: Sanctis-
simum doctorem fidei nostrae) (fol. 175r-v) blank.
VII
fols. 176-8 Iv. Collation: 12^. No signatures. Identified by Casarsa as an
autograph.
7 (fols. 176-79) <Giacomo da Udine, Oratio pro patria Foroiulii ad
Venetiarum ducem > (to Doge Pasquale Malipiero, inc: Bene ac sapi-
enter illustrime princeps) (ed. Tilatti, "L'elezione del Doge Pasquale
Malipiero," 44-47) (fols. 180-81v) blank.
68 CHAPTER 3
VIII
fols. 182-87v. Watermark: fols. 183-86, Tete de boeuf^ sim. Briquet
14752, att. Wiirzburg, 1429. Collation: 13^. No signatures or catchwords.
8 (fol, 182r-v) Herodianus, . . . Severi imperatoris funus et deificatio trans-
latio Latina Omnibonus Leonicenus (inc: Mos est Romanis conse-
crare imperatores)^^
9 (fols. 183-86) Augustinus, Ep. . .. ad Optatum episcopum de origine ani-
mae [CSEL 57:137-62 [no. 190]) (fols. 186v-87v) blank.
IX
fols. 188-226V. Collation: W^^-^\ 15-17^°. No signatures. Horizontal
catchwords centered below last line within volutes (fols. 196v, 206v,
216v). Scribal note on fol. 226v refers reader to fol. 194 (using "A" as
sign). Titles, initials, and marginalia in red ink.
10 (fols. 188-226v) <Agostino Dati, ... Elegantiolae> . Laurentius e
Valle elegantiolae feliciter incipiunt (inc: Credimus iamdudum a pie-
risque viris) (Reggio Emilia: F. Mezzali.-*, ca. 1494, IGI 3571).
X
fols. 227-3 Iv. Collation: 18^^"^\ No signatures or catchwords.
11 (fols. 227-28v) Homerus, Batrachomyomachia translatio Latina Car.
Marsuppinus (with dedicatory letter to Marasius Siculus) (cf. Resta,
"Giovanni Marrasio," 271-72)
12 (fol. 229) Anon., < excerpt. > (inc: Existimas ut reor)
13 (fol. 229) C. Plinius Caecilius Secundus, Ep. to Cornelius Tacitus (inc:
Ridebis et licet rideas) {Epistolarum libri decern, ed. Mynors, 1 1 [no.
1.6]) (fols. 229v-31v) blank.
History: the codex is not listed in the inventory of books given by
Guarnerio d'Artegna (1461). It first appears in the inventory of
Domenico Rangan (cod. 62, 30 June 1528). Casarsa dates the fascicles
from the last years of activity of Guarnerio's scriptorium, especially
given the presence of the copyist NiccoHno da Zuglio in fascicles II
and IX. Half-leather binding over pasteboards from an eighteenth-
century restoration (two sets of three vertical lines on front and rear
^* The same translation is preserved in Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.G.19. See
Francois Fossier, La bibliotheque Famhe: Etude des manuscrits latins et en langue vemacu-
laire, vol. 3.2 of Le Palais Famhe (Rome: Ecole fran^aise de Rome, 1982), 283-84; and Iter
6:111b.
Manuscripts 69
of leather portion; four nerves on spine framed by three Hnes above
and below). The fifth panel of the spine has shelf mark CLII assigned
by Gian Girolamo Coluta in 1766 and below in pencil "Vita S.
Ambro."
Bibliography: Mazzatinti, 3:134; Iter 2:568b; Claudio Griggio, "Note
guarneriane in margine alia recensio dell'epistolario di Francesco Bar-
baro e alia Mostra di codici umanistici friulani," Lettere italiane 31
(1979): 217 (no. 25); and Laura Casarsa et al., La Libreria di Guar-
nerio d'Artegna (Udine: Casamassima Libri, 1991), 397-400. For
information on the inventories, see Casarsa, Gli inventari antichi
delta Biblioteca Guameriana di San Daniele del Friuli, Quaderni
Guarneriani 9 (Udine: Del Bianco, 1986).
T Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5
Cart. Watermark: fol. 80, Monts. s. XVII, Padua. 205 X 150 mm. 80
folios. Foliation in pencil in upper right-hand corner. Collation: 1-10^.
Signatures A-K on first folio of each fascicle ("F" repeated on fol. 42).
Catchwords on recto and verso of each folio. 27 lines on ca. 165 X 95
mm. without ruling. Writing in single column with use of a template.
Titles centered above individual works and each work has "P. P. Ver-
gerii" centered below last line. Italic hand of copyist, who also added
marginal emphases. Smith attributes the notes in the codex to Gian Ro-
berto Papafava, disagreeing with the catalog's attribution to Rambaldo
Avogaro. Papafava also completed the titles and collated occasional read-
ings with the codex Brunaccianus (cf. fol. 38). Binding in pasteboards
(207 X 155 mm.); broken spine has been taped together.
History: The codex is entitled "P. P. Vergerii Orationes, Epistolae, et
Opuscula ex ms. cod. Patavino pugillari apud Zabarellas, cura I. C.
Z." It is therefore in all likelihood a copy of the manuscript that
once belonged to Count Giacomo Zabarella in Padua. Given the
similarities between this collection and the one published by Mura-
tori, Smith posited that the manuscript used by Muratori was identi-
cal to the codex in folio of Giacomo Zabarella. From G. B. Rossi to
the library (stamp: "Municipio di Treviso" on fol. 1).
Contents: Pierpaolo Vergerio, Orationes, Epistolae, et Opuscula . . .
1 (fol. 1) <Titulum>
2 (fol. 2) Index rerum
3 (fols, 3-8v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Ep. de funeralibus Francisci Senioris
de Carraria . . . {RIS 16:189A-94A)
70 CHAPTER 3
4 (fols. 9-13v) PPV, . , . Oratio in funere Francisci Senioris de Carraria
... (i?/5 16:194B-98C)
5 (fols. 14-19v) PPV, . . . Ep. de morte Francisci Zabarellae . . . [Epist.y
362-78 [Ep. 138])
6 (fols. 20-32) PPV, . . . Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria . . .
pro Communitate Patavina {RIS 16:204-15) (fol. 32v) blank
7 (fols. 33-38) PPV, . . . Ep. de Virgilii statua Mantuae eversa . . . {Epist.,
189-202 [Ep. 81]) (fol. 38v) blank
8 (fols. 39-41v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53)
9 (fols. 42-48 v) Ep. 34 [Epist., 66-78)
10 (fol. 49r-v) Ep. 16 [Epist., 31-32)
11 (fol. 50r-v) Ep. 98 [Epist., 249-51)
12 (fols. 51-52) Col. Salutati, Ep. [Epist., 253-57 [Ep. 100])
13 (fols. 52v-55) PPV, . . . Responsio ad epistolam Colutii [Epist., 257-62
[Ep. 101])
14 (fol. 55v) Ep. 114 [Epist., 303-4)
15 (fols. 56-57) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19)
16 (fols. 57V-58) Ep. 99 [Epist., 251-53)
17 (fols. 58-59v) Ep. 104 [Epist., 269-73)
18 (fols. 60-63) PPV, . . . Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi (inc: Sanctis-
simum doctorem fidei nostrae)
19 (fols. 63v-65v) PPV, . . . In foeneratores facetissima exprobatio (title
added by second hand) [Epist., 384-87 [Ep. 140])
20 (fols. 66-74v) PPV, <Petrarcae vita> (Solerti, ed., Le vite di Dante,
Petrarca, e Boccaccio, 294-302)
21 (fols. 75-76v) PPV, <De situ urbis Iustinopolitanae> [RIS 16:240A-
41D)
22 (fol. 77) PPV, . . . < Carmen > Francisco Zabarellae . . . [RIS 16:241D-
E) (fols. 77v-80v) blank.
Bibliography: lacopo Filippo Tomasini, Bibliothecae Patavinae manu-
scriptae publicae et privatae quibus diversi scriptores hactenus incogniti
recensentur ac illustrantur (Udine, 1639), 93; Biblioteca Comunale di
Treviso: Catalogo numerico di manoscritti [2 handwritten vols.), 1:1;
Epist., xxxii, xlvii-xlviii; and Iter 2:195a.
Tp Treviso, Bibl. Capitoiare, cod. 1.177
(Sala n. -1-, Scaff. Mss. 2, Lettera A.l no. 6)
Cart, and membr. (membr. folio at beginning and end protected by
paper flyleaves). Watermarks: fols. 2-27, Monts, Huchet; fols. 28-180,
Manuscripts 71
183-87, Monts, Briquet 11707, att. Padua 1453; fol. 181, Croissant?, s. XV
(2). 296 X 212 mm. I + 1 + I + 191 + I + 1 + I. Modern foliation in
pencil in upper right-hand corner; fol. 180 (double). Prior foliation in
black ink in same corner (several errors: 10, lObis, 85, 85', 103 (double),
last numbered folio is 180). Oldest foliation in fascicle 13. Collation: l\
2-3^°, 4^ 5-8^ 9^°(-'), 10^°, ll^ 12«(+i), 13-15^ 16^ 17^^ 18-21^ 22^
Late signatures (letters only on last folio in all fascicles but 18). Use of
catchwords irregular: when present, generally horizontal and centered
below last line (at times enclosed on sides and bottom by scroll, e.g., fol.
57v). Number of lines and ruling varies; an average of 40 lines in the
Vergerio sermons on ca. 245 X 152 mm. 2-7 line initials (fols. 2-57, 132,
143); initials and guides often missing. No decoration in the Vergerio
sermons. Several hands; each of the three Vergerio sermons seems to be
a distinct Humanist cursive hand. The parchment leaf may have been
the original binding.
History: the "lost codex" of Count Onigo di Treviso mentioned by
Sabbadini.^^ Ex libris of Cathedral Chapter on fol. 1. Codex re-
stored at the Laboratorio di Restauro del Libro, S. Maria di Rosano
(Florence). Modern binding in dark brown leather (four nerves on
the spine). Thong and metal hook to pentagonal clasp on rear cover
(with IHS cryptogram of Bernardino da Siena). List of contents
attached to rear pastedown (perhaps same hand that added numera-
tion in black ink).
Contents: < Miscellanea humanistica> (according to numeration in pencil)
1 (fols. Iv, 191) Chancery document [membr)
2 (fols. 2-26v) Franc. Barbaro, De re uxoria (title in late hand) {De re
uxoria liber, ed. Gnesotto, 23-100)
3 (fol. 27r-v) <Guarino da Verona, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 27) Guarino, Ep.
to Martino Rizzon [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:537-38 [no. 372]); 2
^ Remigio Sabbadini, in his edition of Guarino's Epistolario, Miscellanea di storia veneta
8, 11, 14 (Venice, 1915-19), 3:xxi, summarized the contents on the basis of information in
Memorie per servire all'istoria letteraria (Venice, 1755), 5.2:9-12, 29, 31, 32, 36, 43-44. Sab-
badini learned of the existence of the codex late in his work; he notes a variant from the
codex for Ep. 151 (ibid., 3:105). However, he did not identify the codex in the Biblioteca
Capitolare with that once in the possession of Count Onigo. The codex may help to resolve
some problems related to Guarino's Epistolario: 1) Sabbadini based his edition of Ep. 105
upon Vat. lat. 5197 alone and was unsure of the addressee (here given as Galesio della
Nichesola); 2) Ep. 74 and Ep. 499, for which Sabbadini had only single codices, are included
in this sylloge; 3) for Ep. 266, Sabbadini used Munich Clm 418 where the letter is addressed
to Battista Zendrata (the Treviso codex gives Giannicola Salerno).
71 CHAPTER 3
(fol. 27v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:565
[no. 392]); 3 (fol, 17 v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {EpistolariOy ed. Sabba-
dini, 1:529-30 [no. 364])
4 (fols. 28-45v) < Gasp. Barzizza, Opera rhetorica > : 1 (fols. 28-37v)
Gasp. Barzizza, < Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae > (inc:
Gaudeo plurimum) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:433-
34 [no. 7913]); 2 (fols. 38-45v) Exordia (inc: Exordium per ignaviam.
Noli existimare quemquam hodie)^''
5 (fols. 46-48) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae > : 1 (fol. 46) Guarino, Ep.
to Filippo Regino {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:250 [no. 152]); 2 (fol.
46r-v) Ep. to Filippo Regino {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:251-52 [no.
153]); 3 (fol. 47) Ep. to Lud. Merchenti {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini,
1:249 [no. 151]); 4 (fol. 47r-v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon {Epistolario, ed.
Sabbadini, 1:634-35 [no. 453]); 5 (fol. 47v) Ep. to Martino Rizzon
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:526-27 [no. 361])
6 (fols. 48-49) <Gasp. Barzizza, Opuscula>: 1 (fol. 48) <Gasp. Bar-
zizza, Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae > (inc: Genus hone-
stum. Nulla re scito iam multis annis) {Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:239-40);
2 (fols. 48-49) Ep. to Daniele Vettori and Valerio Marcello {Opera,
ed. Furietti, 1:141-43)
7 (fol. 49r-v) Franc. Barbaro, Ep. to Enrico Lusignano {Epistolae, ed.
Quirini, 29-31 [no. 18]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 11)
8 (fols. 49v-50) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 49v) PPV, Ep.
114 {Epist., 303-4); 2 (fol. 49v) Ep. Ill {Epist., 319-21); 3 (fols. 49v-
50) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
9 (fol. 50r-v) <Anon. (Giovanni da Spilimbergo?), Oratio> (inc: Quod
redimendi sint socii)
10 (fols. 50v-51v) Giovanni da Spilimbergo, . . . Ad Marcum Lippomano
... de congratulatione suae praeturae oratio incipit feliciter (inc: Cum
viderem praetor magnifice)
11 (fols. 51v-52v) < Guarino da Verona, Opuscula>: 1 (fols. 51v-52)
Guarino, Ep. to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:340-42
'' The work is assigned to Barzizza on fol. 45v: "Expliciunt Exordia praeclarissimi
oratoris, magistri Gasparini Pergamensis." It was first published at Padua: <Matthaeus
Cerdonis>, 12 December 1483. On BArzizzz's Epistolae ad exercitationem accommodatae, see
the remarks of Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "La raccolta dell'umanista fiammingo Giovanni
de Veris De arte epistolandi," IMU 15 (1972): 235-37. The collection of 165 letters in
Ciceronian Latin served to teach epistolary style and republican ideology.
Manuscripts 73
[no. 213]); 2 (fol. 52r-v) Oratio . . . inprincipio rhetoricae {Epistola rio,
ed. Sabbadini, 1:342-44)
12 (fols. 52v-53v) Ant. de Cumpteis?, Copia responsionis ad citationem
domini Benedicti XIII decretam per Concilium Constantiae, dated Pe-
niscola, 30 December 1416 (inc: Benedictus episcopus . . . Audiant
caeli quae loquimur) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 357 [/ codici del Pe-
trarca, 209])
13 (fols. 53v-54) Anon., Ep. to Marchese Lud. < Gonzaga? > (inc: Desi-
derio magno desideravi)'^
14 (fol. 54r-v) Simone De Lellis da Teramo?, Oratio vel epistola ... in
compatrem . . . Guedonem de Francia (inc: Inopinata doloris sagitta
percussus) (diagonal line through text; cf. Brandmiiller, "Simon de
Lellis," 259)^'
15 (fol. 54v) Anon., Ep. (inc: locundissimae fuerunt mihi litterae tuae)^
16 (fol. 54v) Anon., Ep. consolatoria (inc: Pleni fuimus anxietatibus et
maerore)^^
17 (fols. 54v-55v) Anon., Ep.} regarding death and funeral of Gianga-
leazzo Visconti (d. 1402) (inc: Stella cometa longe satis patula)
18 (fols. 55v-56v) Gasp. Barzizza, Oratio ... in laudem Martini summi
pontificis . . . {Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:76-79)
19 (fols. 56v-65) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 56v-57v)
PPV, Ep. 128 {Epist., 339-43); 2 (fol. 57v) Ep. 99 {Epist., 251-53); 3
(fols. 57v-58v) Ep. 104 {Epist., 269-73); 4 (fols. 58v-59) Ep. 48 {Epist.,
109-12); 5 (fol. 59) Ep. 51 {Epist., 115-18); 6 (fol. 59r-v) Ep. 52 {Epist.,
118-19); 7 (fols. 59v-60) Ep. 53 {Epist., 119-20); 8 (fol. 60) Ep. 55
{Epist., 123-24); 9 (fol. 60r-v) Ep. 57 {Epist., 126); 10 (fols. 60v-61) Ep.
58 {Epist., 127-31); 11 (fol. 61r-v) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42); 12 (fols.
^ The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 (Anon., Oratio gratulatoria in nativi-
tate filii marchionis).
" The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod.
Mun. UnivB. Folio 607. On the Ambrosiana codex, see Giorgio Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro
Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e I'attivita oratoria, accademica, c pubblica," Q^ademi per la
storia dell'Universita di Padova 17 (1984): 39 n. 138.
*° The letter mentions an "execrabile facinus" of a Vitalianus. The Cronaca Carrarese of
Galeazzo and Bartolomeo Gatari, RIS, n.s., 17.1:482 n. 6, 566, 577, mentions three possibly
relevant episodes from the life of Palamino Vitaliani, scion of a wealthy Paduan family. In
1400, Vitaliani wounded Ludovico da Montecatini; in 1405, he attempted with other Pa-
duans to surrender the city to the Venetians; and in 1411, he informed the Dieci in Venice
of his willingness to murder Marsilio da Carrara or to arrange for his murder.
*' The same work is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 (Anon., Ep. consolatoria ad/ratrem
eius Franciscum de morte Jiliae), cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod. Mun. UnivB. Folio 607.
74 CHAPTER 3
61V-62) Ep. 64 [Epist, 154-56); 13 (fol. 62r-v) Ep. 65 {Epist., 156-57);
14 (fol. 62v) Ep. 68 (£/?wf., 160-61); 15 (fols. 62v-63v) Ep. 69 (fpwf.,
162-65); 16 (fols. 63v-64) Ep. 77 {Epist., 182-83); 17 (fols. 64-65) Ep.
101 {Epist., 257-62)
20 (fols. 65v-69) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae et oratio > : 1 (fol. 65v)
Guarino, Ep. to Ugo Mazzolato {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:524-25
[no. 359]); 2 (fols. 65v-66v) Ep. to Manuel Chrysoloras {Epistolario,
ed. Sabbadini, 1:19-21 [no. 7]) (fol. 67r-v) blank; 3 (fols. 68-69)
Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Anim-
adverti saepenumero magnifici viri) (cf. Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 349 [/
codici del Petrarca, 201])
21 (fols. 69-77) <Leon. Giustiniani, Orationes>: 1 (fols. 69-72) <Leon.
Giustiniani > , Adc. v. Georgium Lauredanum funehris oratio (Molin,
ed., Orazioni, 1:12-20); 2 (fols. 72-77) . . . Oratio habita infunere . . .
Caroli 2eni . . . {RIS, n.s., 19.6:141-46)
22 (fols. 77v-81) Andr. Giuliano, . . . Oratio infunere . . . Manuelis Chry-
solorae habita . . . (ed. Boerner, De doctis hominibus Graecis, 16-35)
23 (fols. 81-88v) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae>: 1 (fols. 81-85)
Guarino, Ep. to loan. Chrysoloras {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:62-71
[no. 25]); 2 (fols. 85-86) Ep. to PPV {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:72-
75 [no. 27]; Epist., 356-60 [no. 136]); 3 (fols. 86-87) Ep. to Giacomo
Fabbri {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:112-14 [no. 54]); 4 (fol. 87) Ep. to
Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:183-84 [no.
102]); 5 (fol. 87) Ep. to Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sab-
badini, 1:193-94 [no. 110]); 6 (fol. 87r-v) Ep. to Galesio della Niche-
sola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:86-87 [no. 105]); 7 (fol. 87v) Ep. to
Galesio della Nichesola {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:148-49 [no. 74]);
8 (fols. 87v-88) Ep. to Ant. Corbinelli {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini,
1:213-15 [no. 125]); 9 (fol. 88r-v) Ep. to Agostino Montagna {Episto-
lario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:690-92 [no. 499])
24 (fols. 88v-89) Leon. Bruni, < Oratio infunere Othonis adulescentuli>
(ed. Santini, "Leonardo Bruni Aretino," 142-45)
25 (fols. 89-90v) Ps. Paulus et Ps. Seneca, Epistolae {L. Annaei Senecae
Opera . . . supplementum, ed. Haase, 74-79)
26 (fols. 90v-93) < Guarino da Verona, Epistolae >: 1 (fols. 90v-91v)
Guarino, Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:261-
64 [no. 159]) (fol. 92) blank; 2 (fol. 92v) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno.>
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:413 [no. 266], who gives Battista Zen-
drata as the addressee); 3 (fols. 92v-93) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno
{Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:218-19 [no. 128]); 4 (fol. 93) Ep. to
Manuscripts 75
Giannicola Salerno {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:153-54 [no. 79])
27 (fols. 93-94v) < Franc. Barbaro, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 93r-v) Franc. Bar-
baro, Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 23-24 [no.
13]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 13); 2 (fols. 93v-94) Ep. to Palla Strozzi {Epi-
stolae, ed. Quirini, 22-23 [no. 12]; Sabbadini, Lettere, 13); 3 (fol. 94r-
v) Ep. to Giannicola Salerno {Epistolae, ed. Quirini, 24-26 [no. 14];
Sabbadini, Lettere, 13)
28 (fols. 94v-98) <Guarino da Verona, Epistolae et oratio>: 1 (fols.
94v-95) Guarino, Ep. to Fantino Zorzi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini,
1:677-79 [no. 485]); 2 (fols. 95-96) Ep. to Tommaso Fano and Zeno
Ottobelli [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:238-41 [no. 145]); 3 (fols. 96-
97) < Oratio ad Bartholomaeum Storladum praetorem Veronae> (inc:
Superiori tempore vir magnifice);'*^ 4 (fol. 97r-v) £p. to Mazo de'
Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:211-12 [no. 124]); 5 (fol. 97v) Ep.
to Mazo de' Mazi {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:217-18 [no. 127]); 6
(fols. 97v-98) Ep. to Mazo de' Mazi [Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 1:216-
17 [no. 126]); 7 (fol. 98) Ep. to Cristoforo Sabbion [Epistolario, ed.
Sabbadini, 1:396-97 [no. 255]) (fols. 98v-101) blank
29 (fols. lOlv-5) < Gasp. Barzizza, Sermones et orationes>: 1 (fols. lOlv-
2) Gasp. Barzizza, . . . Sermo . . . quern protulit . . . dominus generalis
fratrum humiliatorum de domo Viscomitorum in suo publico conventu
decretalium [Opera, ed. Furietti, 1:64-66); 2 (fols. 102-3) Sermo editus
... in contemplatione magistri Baptistae de Viterbio in suo principio
artium (inc: Cum saepe mecum reputarem) (cf. Sabbadini, "Lettere
ed orazioni," 826 [no. 6]); 3 (fol. 103r-v) Sermo ... in principio
rhetoricae Tulii (inc: Etsi frequens conspectus vester) (cf. Sabbadini,
ibid., 827 [no. 13]); 4 (fols. 103v-4) < Oratio de laudibus philoso-
phiae> (inc: Maxime vellem patres eruditissimi ea) (cf. Sabbadini,
ibid., 828 [no. 27]); 5 (fol. 104r-v) <Oratio ... de laudibus philoso-
phiae> (inc: Si quis fructus est) (cf. Sabbadini, ibid., 830 [no. 61]); 6
(fols. 104v-5) In principio disputationis sermo factus . . . (inc: Si quid
est patres doctissimi quod) (cf. Sabbadini, ibid., 830 [no. 59]) (fol.
105, note in pencil: "qui il copista e incorso nell'errore di trascri-
vere— dopo la prima riga— il Sermo Zachariae ad summum pont. Gre-
gorium XII— di cui piu avanti al fol. 104," i.e., fol. 108v according to
new foliation)
*^ The same oration is found in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Arundel 138, cod. Ambros. D 93
sup., and cod. Mun. UnivB. Folio 607.
76 CHAPTER 3
30 (fol. 107) Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, Ep. to Franc. Zabarella
(inc: Reverendissime domine karissime conviva ille) (cf. Kohl,
"Works," 354)
31 (fols. 107-8v) < Franc, Zabarella, Sermones>: 1 (fols. 107-8) Franc.
Zabarella, Sermo prolatus . . . cum primo promotus fuit ad dignitatem
episcopatus Florentini in visitatione sanctissimi pontificis loannis papae
. . . (inc: Ex prudentum consiliis beatissime pater) (also in Vienna lat.
5513, fols. 104-5); 2 (fol. 108r-v) Ad summum pontificem per episco-
pum quendam . . . sermo . . . (inc: Dedisti laetitiam in corde meo
<Psal. 4> In sacris litteris) (also in Vienna lat. 5513, fols. 103v-4)
32 (fols. 108v-9, 105-7?) Zaccaria Trevisan, Oratio ad summum ponti-
ficem Gregorium XII pro ecclesiae sanctae Dei unione conficienda facta
. . . (ed. Gothein, "Trevisan," 34-42)
33 (fol. 109r-v) <Pietro Marcello?, Declamationes? > (short speeches
attributed to Demades and Demosthenes) (ed. Sabbadini, "Pietro
Marcello," 241-42; cf. Bertalot, Studien, 1:246-47)
34 (fols. 109v-ll, fol. 110 blank) < Zaccaria Trevisan > , Oratio addomi-
num Avenionensem pro redintegratione ecclesiae (ed. Gothein, "Trevi-
san," 43-46)
35 (fol. 1 1 1 v) lacopo da Forli, Sermo quidam ... in praesentatione
cui <us> dam scholaris (inc: Constat viri egregii apud veteres)"*^
36 (fols. lllv-12) Anon. (Gasp. Barzizza), Sermo . . . in praesentatione al-
terius<?> (inc: Insigne ac amplissimum deorum immortalium mu-
nus) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:533 [no. 9708])'*^
37 (fol. 112r-v) Anon. (lacopo da Forli?), Sermo pro conventu liberalium
artium editus (inc: Etsi huius divinae rei magnitudo)
38 (fols. 112v-13) Anon. (lacopo da Forli.^), Sermo praesentationis<f>
. . . lacobo Forliviensi etc. (inc: Victrix aeternis tuos expectas labores)
39 (fol. 113) Anon., Ep. consolatoria de morte (inc: Heu triste admodum
^' Tiziana Pesenti, Professori e promotori di medicina nello Studio di Padova dal 1405 al
1309: Repertorio bio-bibliogra/ico, Contributi alia storia dell'Universita di Padova 16 (Padua:
Centre per la storia dell'Universita, and Trieste: LINT, 1984), 109-10, identified this
oration as the Pro domino Lauro Bragadino in conventu eius of 1409, which is preserved in
Vat. lat. 5223, fol. 163r-v. However, the incipit of that oration (Cum varietatem aetatum
nostrarum quae mihi plurima semper visa est) does not match that in the Treviso codex.
** Gasparino Barzizza had composed a model sermon (with this incipit) to celebrate the
awarding of a laurea. Lauro Palazzolo then used the exordium verbatim (with the same
incipit) in his oration to celebrate Taddeo Quirini's attainment of a laurea in utroque iure;
see Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro Palazzolo," 39.
Manuscripts 77^
et luctuosum novum) (cf. Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:479
[no. 8715])^5
40 (fol. 113r-v) Anon., Ep. consolatoria (inc: Heu dolenti animoque un-
dantibus oculis)
41 (fol. 113v) Anon., <Sermo}> (inc: Accipite et comedite hoc est cor-
pus meum < Matt. 26:26 > Non satis possum divina mysteria)
42 (fols. 113v-14) <Pietro Marcello?, Declamatio> Demosthenes, ...
Pro Athenis ad regem Alexandrum oratio (inc: Nihil habet rex Alexan-
der) (ed. Sabbadini, "Pietro Marcello," 243-44)
43 (fols. 114-17v) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Epistolae et sermo>: 1 (fol.
114r-v) PPV, Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47); 2 (fols. 114v-15) Ep. 131
{Epist., 347-48); 3 (fols. 115-16) Ep. 75 {Epist., 176-79); 4 (fols. 116-
17v) . . . Sermo omatissimus in honore Sancti Hieronymi Senis per
ipsum editum 1408 (inc: Quotiens reverendissimi patres fratresque
karissimi)
44 (fols. 118-21) <Leon. Bruni, Epistolae>: 1 (fol. 118r-v) Guarino, Ep.
to Leon. Bruni {Epistolario, ed. Sabbadini, 2:403-4 [no. 767]; cf.
Luiso, Studi, 187, 203). 2 (fol. 118v) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Flavio
Biondo {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed. Mehus, 2:180-81 [10.10]; cf. Luiso,
Studi, 138); 3 (fol. 119r-v) . . , Praefatio addominum Eugenium papam
quartum < super translatione Politicorum Aristotelis> {Schriften, ed.
Baron, 70-73). 4 (fol. 120r-v) Flavio Biondo, Ep. to Leon. Bruni
{Scritti inediti e rari, ed. Nogara, 93-94; ed. Luiso, Studi, 181-82). 5
(fol. 120v) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Guarino {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed.
Mehus, 2:186-87 [10.16]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 158-59; Epistolario, ed.
Sabbadini, 2:404 [no. 768]); 6 (fol. 120v) Ep. to Nic. Cavitelli {Episto-
larum libri VIII, ed. Mehus, 2:190-91 [10.20]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 159); 7
(fol. 121) Ep. to Tommaso Cambiatore {Epistolarum libri VIII, ed.
Mehus, 2:192 [10.21]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 131) (fol. 121v) blank
45 (fols. 122-30) <Pierpaolo Vergerio, Orationes et sermo>: 1 (fols.
122-27v) PPV, Ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria oratio pro populo
(title at end) {RIS 16:204-15); 2 (fols. 128-29) . . . Oratio in honorem
gloriosi Hieronymi (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae); 3 (fols.
129v-30) Sermo editus in festo Sancti Hieronymi . . . (inc: Praestantis-
simi viri atque optimi patres . . . Sermo mihi hodie ad vos, fragm.)
(fols. 130v-31v) blank
■•^ The same letter is preserved in cod. Arundel 70, cod. Ambros. D 93 sup., and cod.
Mun. UnivB. Folio 607.
78 CHAPTER 3
46 (fols. 132-34) Ps. Seneca, Liber de moribus (inc: Omne peccatum) (cf.
Bloomfield et al., Incipits, 306 [no. 3609]; Meersseman, "Seneca mae-
stro," 51-53)
47 (fols, 134-35v) Gregorius Magnus, Haec sunt notabilia excerpta de
libro moralium Beati Job . . , (fol. 136r-v) blank
48 (fol. 137r-v) < Tobias Burgus, Oratio nuptialis> (inc: Non eram ne-
scius viri magnifici et cives ornatissimi anteaquam)'*^
49 (fols. 137v-38) <Guarino da Verona, Ep.> to Leonello d'Este {Epi-
stolario, ed. Sabbadini, 2:164-67 [no. 620], fragm.) (fols. 138v-42v)
blank
50 (fol. 143) PPV, Ep. 128 (fragm.) (fol. 143v) blank
51 (fols. 144-45v) Anon., < excerpt. > (inc: Aquae furtivae.^ dulciores
sunt)
52 (fol. 145r-v) Anon. (Ps. Seneca?), De contemptu fortuitorum bonorum
(inc: Nusquam est qui non est)
53 (fols. 146-47) Leon. Bruni, Ep. to Roberto de' Rossi [Epistolarum libri
VIII, ed. Mehus, 1:57-59 [2.20]; cf. Luiso, Studi, 49)
54 (fol. 147v) Sapientes Vincentini, <Ep. > . , . dominis ad utilia magnifi-
cae comitatis Tarvisinis de pietatis fratribus observandissimus < sic >
(inc: Spectatissimi viri ac observandissimi fratres non possumus,
dated Vicenza, 31 January 1460)
55 (fol. 148) Ps. Plutarchus, Ep. to Trajan (inc: Modestiam tuam nove-
ram) (cf. Bertalot, Studien, 1:17, 2:248; and Boese, Die lateinischen
Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton, 127, 260)
56 (fol. 148) Antonius, <Ep.> M. Cicero (inc: Occupationibus est)
{C\cevo Ad Att. 14.13A) (fols. 148v-83v) blank
57 (fols. 184-85) Ps. Cicero, <Invectiva in Catilinam> (inc: Non est
tempus otii) (cf. Sottili, IMU 18 [1975]: 52 [I codici del Petrarca, 724])
(fols. 185V-88) blank
58 (fol, 188v) Anon., Tulii epitaphia a duodecim sapientibus edita (inc:
Hie iacet Arpinas manibus tumulatus amici) (cf. Schaller and Kons-
gen, Initia Carminum Latinorum Saeculo Undecimo Antiquiorum, 291
[no. 6449]) (fols. 189-90v) blank.
Bibliography: Remigio Sabbadini, ed., Epistolario di Guarino, Miscellanea
di storia veneta 8, 11, 14 (Venice, 1915-19), 3:xxi; and /rer 2:194a-b.
The same oration is preserved in cod. Arundel 70 and cod. Anibros. D 93 sup.
Manuscripts 79
TV Trier, Stadtbibliothek, cod. 788/1372
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart. s. XV (ex.),
German Empire. 141 X 106 mm. IV + 240. Folios numbered uniformly
throughout. Monastic binding of woodboards covered by brown leather.
The front cover is divided by a diagonal line into triangles, in which
designs resembling an oak-leaf are stamped. Upper edge of front cover
has the stamp "Jhesus Maria." The binding has a brass closure. The
handwriting of the Vergerio oration is a Gothic script typical of the
German-speaking areas of Europe.
History: The manuscript passed from the Eberhardsklausen to the li-
brary in 1802.
Contents:
1 (flyleaves) German poetry and excerpt, from Gulielmus Parisiensis
2 (fols. 1-15) < Thomas a Kempis>, De imitatione Christi liber I
3 (fols. 16-36) <Ps. Hieronymus>, Ammonitio de laude caritatis
(inc: Tuae non immemor petitionis banc commonitiunculam) {PL
134:915-98; cf. Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:235-41, 4:253-
54)
4 (fols. 37-46) < loan, de Scoenhovia > , De contemptu mundi (inc: No-
lite diligere mundum neque ea) (cf. Gruijs, "Jean de Schoonhoven,"
39)
5 (fols. 47-48) <Petr. Cellensis, O.S.B., Sermo> (inc: Cor mundum
crea in me Deus) [PL 202:802-5; cf. Schneyer, Repertorium, 4:633)
6 (fols. 49-68) Anon., De mysteriis missae (inc: Missa secundum Innocen-
tium tertium)
7 (fols. 68-71) Anon., <Praecepta abbatis>
8 (fols. 71v-73) < excerpt. > : de societate mala; departu virginis; de nativi-
tate domini; Hieronymus, de clericis (fol. 74) blank
9 (fols. 75-S7) Anon., Quaestiones super oratione dominica (inc: Adver-
tendum Thomas de Aquino dicit) (cf. Bloomfield et al., Incipits, 679
[no. 9199])
10 (fol. 88) Anon., < Tabula monasteriorum> (inc: Domus campi Beatae
Mariae in Amsterdam)
11 (fols. 88v-96) < excerpt. >
12 (fol. 97) Anon., < Exercitationes grammaticae} >
13 (fol. 97v) Auctoritates Tobiae de amore (inc: Est amor iniustus iudex
adversa maritans)
14 (fol. 98) Auctoritates Alani de amore (inc: Pax odio fraudique fides)
15 (fols. 98v-99) Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in registro morali
80 CHAPTER 3
16 (fols. 99v-100) Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in metro de mori-
bus
17 (fol. lOOv) Hieronymus, <excerpt.>
18 (fol. 101) Anon., Fratres quidam volentes venire ad Beatum Antonium
19 (fols. 102-21) <Nic. Maniacoria>, Vita Beati Hieronymi ... (inc:
Beati Hieronymi vitam diversis auctoribus) {PL 22:183-202; cf. Lam-
bert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana, 3:664-65)
20 (fols. 121v-25) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem
fidei nostrae) (copied from the edition printed at Venice on 22
January 1476)
21 (fols. 125-31) Ps. Hieronymus, <Ep.> ad Eustochium de vinculis
Beati Petri (inc: Saepissimo rogatu o virgo Christi) {PL 30:233-40)
22 (fols. 131-38) Ps. Hieronymus, <Homilia> de corpore et sanguine
Christi (inc: Magnitudo caelestium beneficiorum) {PL 30:280-84)
23 (fols. 138-40) Ps. Hieronymus, Sermo de assumptione (inc: Scientes
fratres dilectissimi) {PL 30:147-48) (fols. 140v-41) blank
24 (fols. 142-69) Alcuinus, Vita Sancti Willibrordi (inc: Domino eximio)
{PL 101:693-724) (fol. 170) blank
25 (fols. 171-81) Anon. <Ps. Hieronymus, Ps. Augustinus, Ps. Bernar-
dus, etc. >, Speculum peccatorum (inc: Quoniam karissimi in via;
colophon reads "Datum anno Domini 1420 in profesto Martini epi-
scopi, completum per manus loannis Geseken") {PL 40:983-92; cf.
Lambert, Bibliotheca Hieronymiana^ 3:490-96, 4:260-62)
26 (fol. 182) Anon., Nota quod septem sunt virtutes missae
17 (fols. 183-203) < David ab Augusta, O.F.M.>, Speculum monacho-
rum (inc: Primo considerare debes quare) {PL 184:1189-98)
28 (fol. 204) Augustinus, < excerpt. > (fols. 205-6) blank
29 (fols. 207-37) Joannes, Ep. missa Hemescirc < Heemskerk > suo dilectis-
simo cognato (inc: Dilectissimo mihi in Christo)
30 (fols. 237v-38) Anon., Nota de mulieribus
31 (fol. 238v) Anon., German prayer (inc: Jesu der hemmelsche Arste
gedenke) (fols. 239-40) blank
32 (fol. 240v) Anon., German proverbs.
Bibliography: M. Keufer, A. Becker, and G. Kentenich, Beschreibendes
Verzeichnis der Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek zu Trier (Trier,
1899-1931), 6:112-14; and Iter 3:717b.
Manuscripts 81
V Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500)
Cart, in quarto. Composite codex, s. XV (m.), Italy. 193 X 147 mm. I +
47 + I. Late foliation in ink in upper right-hand corner (fol. 22 bound
out of order). Marginal cross-references in a later Italic hand and modern
bibliographical notes in black ink and pencil throughout the codex.
Table of contents on front flyleaf (s. XVIII).
I
fols. l-36v. Watermark: fols. 2-15, Basilic, sim. Briquet 2680, att.
Reggio-Emilia, 1448. Collation: 1-2^^, 3'*. No signatures. Horizontal
catchwords centered below last line (fols. 16v, 32v); the catchwords on
fol. 16v read "Non lex dei" and the text on fol. 17 begins "Num lex
dei." 22 lines per page on ca. 130 X 85 mm. without ruling. Written in
ink in a single column. Initials enlarged and written outside left margin.
Humanist cursive hand of high quality. The same scribe made some
marginal corrections, and he used a. finis explicit.
1 (fols. l-8v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Sermo de Beato Hieronymo in modum
orationis editus . . . (inc: Praestantissimi viri atque optimi patres
. . . Sermo mihi hodie ad vos)
2 (fols. 8v-14v) Ant. Loschi, < Ep. > ad . . . Nicolaum marchionem
Estensem . . . de morte domini Octonis Tertii . . ., dated Vicenza, 1409
{RIS 18:1066-70)^^
3 (fol. 14v) Anon., < Carmen > (introduction and six hexameters from
cathedral of Chieti) (inc: Sum caput Achillis quondam dominatus in
urbe) (Ravizza, Epigrammi antichi, 11)
4 (fols. 15-18, 22) Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam
. . . epistola de dispositione vitae suae, dialogus (ed. Ferrante, "Lom-
bardo della Seta," 480-87)
5 (fols. 18v-21, 23-25) Pierpaolo Vergerio, Oratio infunere domini Fran-
cisci Senioris de Carraria de laudibus eius {RIS 16:194B-98C)
6 (fols. 25v-27v) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Pandolfo Malatesta (Familiares
22.1)
7 (fols. 28-29v) Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Lombardo della Seta {Seniles
11.11)
*'' On the circumstances surrounding the letter, see Vittorio Zaccaria, Le epistole e i
carmi di Antonio Loschi durante il cancellierato visconteo (con tredici inediti), Atti e Memorie:
Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, ser. 7, vol. 18, fasc. 5 (Rome: Accademia
Nazionale dei Lincei, 1975), 394-95 n. 66, 402.
82 CHAPTER 3
8 (fols. 30-36v) < Pierpaolo Vergerio > , Ep. seu oratio de honore, pompa,
et ordine hahitis in exequiis domini Francisci de Carraria [RIS
16:189A-94A).
n
fols. 37-43 V. Watermark: fols. 38-41, Couronne, sim. Briquet 4764, att.
Parma, 1492. Collation: 4^^~^\ No signatures or catchwords. 26 lines on
122 X 82 mm. bounded by single vertical lines. Written in ink in a
single column. Humanist cursive hand that inclines noticeably to the
right. The scribe used a telos explicit.
9 (fols. 37-43v) Enea Silvio Piccolomini, < Ep. > to Prokop von Rab-
stein, dated Vienna, 26 June 1444 {Der Briefwechsel, ed. Wolkan,
1:343-53 [no. 151]).
Ill
fols. 44-47v. Watermark: fols. 44-45, Huchet, sim. Briquet 7693, att.
Naples, 1459, var. ident. Naples, 1461-65, Rome, 1461-79, Mantua,
1462, Palermo, 1469. Collation: 5'^. No signatures or catchwords. An
average of 28 lines on ca. 158 X 90 mm. bounded by single vertical lines
and an upper horizontal margin. Written in ink in a single column.
Titles, initials, marginalia, and telos explicit in red ink. Humanist cursive
hand with minimal ligatures (minuscule d is notable for an ascender that
angles to the left and curves back toward the top).
10 (fols. 44-47) Martino Filetico, , . . Libro quinto de noctibus Romanis
(inc: Cenabamus apud loannem MazancoUum) (with dedicatory
letter to Alessandro Sforza, inc: Diebus superioribus quam apud
te)^«
11 (fol. 47v) < Anon. > , Index textuum evangeliorum ex quibus loca mo-
ralia in promptuario dominicali eruuntur (fragm.) (for Thomas Sta-
pleton, Promptuarium morale super Evangelia dominicalia totiusanni,
"•* Filetico tutored the children of Alessandro beginning in 1456. On his career, see
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 3:474-76; Giovanni Mercati, "Tre dettati
universitari dell'umanista Martino Filetico sopra Persio, Giovenale, ed Orazio," in Leslie
Webber Jones, ed., Classical and Mediaeval Studies in Honor of Edward Kenneth Rand,
Presented upon the Completion of His Fortieth Year of Teaching (New York, 1938), 221-30;
and Carlo Dionisotti, " 'Lavinia venit litora': Polemica virgiliana di M. Filetico," IMU 1
(1958): 296-97, 307-10. Filetico expressed admiration for Vergerio in his commentary on
Cicero's De senectute (cited by Dionisotti, ibid., 308 n. 4, from London, British Library, cod.
Add. 10384: "quem <PPV> doctrina et eloquentia Ciceronem secundum audeo
appellare").
Manuscripts 83
Opera, 4:l-542v; the same scribe who copied this fragment apparent-
ly wrote marginal comments in part I).
History: from lacopo Morelli (cod. 279) to the Marciana in 1819. Binding
of pasteboards covered by brown marbled paper (194 X 148 mm.).
New library shelfmark pasted onto the lower part of spine.
Bibliography: Valentinelli, Codici manoscritti d'opere di Francesco Pe-
trarca, 41 (no. 44), 45-46 (no. 49), 47-48 (no. 52); Zorzanello, Cata-
logo, 3:398-99; Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta," 478-79; and Iter
2:248b.
Z Toledo, Archive y Biblioteca Capitolares, cod. 102, 17
Not seen; description based upon bibliography. Cart. 1496-1497, Marti-
nengo (Province of Bergamo). 284 fols. Colophons by Romelius Gua-
lenus de Solto (fol. 28: "sub die 7 lulii 1496 in oppido Martinengi per
Romelium Gualenum de Solto ibidem ludi praeceptorem et notarium";
fol. 67v: "transcriptae per me Romelium olim domini Marchesii de Gua-
lenis de Solto pubis scholasticae rectorem sub luce tertia mensis Octobris
millesimo quadringentesimo nonagesimo VI Martinengi"; fol. 95: "Per
me Romelium de Solto in Martinengo anno salutis 1497 die 29 lulii").
Humanist cursive hand for the Vergerio sermon.
History: from Cardinal Francisco Javier Zelada (1717-1801) to the Chap-
ter Library in Toledo in 1796-97.'^^
Contents:
1 (fols. ?-.^) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen > (damaged)
2 (fols. ?-28) Claudius Claudianus, <Carmina}>^
3 (fols. 41-46) loan. Matias Tyberinus, . . . <Ep. > senatui populoque Bri-
xiano de morte Beati Simonis < Tridentini> (cf. BHL 2:1124)
4 (fol. 46v) Pamphylus Moratus, <Carmen> ad Andr. Leonum ex car-
cere
*' Zelada managed to move most of his codices from Rome before the arrival of the
French revolutionaries. On his library, see Jose M. March, "Documentos insignes que
pertenecieron al Cardenal Zelada tocantes a la Compania de Jesus," Archivum Historicum
Societatis lesu 18 (1949): 119-20; Giovanni Mercati, Note per la storia di alcune hiblioteche
romane nei secoli XVI-XIX, Studi e testi 164 (Vatican City: BAV, 1952), 64-65, 68-69; and
Jeanne Bignami-Odier, La Bibliotheque Vaticane de Sixte IV a Pie XI: Recherches sur I'histoire
des collections de manuscrits, Studi e testi 272 (Vatican City: BAV, 1973), 184, 192 n. 17, 209,
219-20 n. 23.
^ The Toledo codex is not included in the massive catalog of Claudian manuscripts
supplied by J. B. Hall, Prolegomena to Claudian, Bulletin Supplement 45 (London: Universi-
ty of London, Institute of Classical Studies, 1986), 4-39.
84 CHAPTER 3
5 (fols. 47-48?) Cristoforo Barzizza, Oratio edita . . . ad benedictionem
campanae
6 (fol. 48r-v) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen >
7 (fols. 49-67v) Laudivio Zacchia, ed., Epistolae Magni Turci (Rome:
loannes Philippus de Lignamine, 17 Nov. 1473), Hain 10506; IGI
5965; and lERS 203
8 (fol. 68) Anon., De Hermafrodito (inc: Cum mea me genitrix) (cf.
Walther, Initia, 183 [no. 3662], 247 [no. 4902])^^
9 (fols. 68v-69) Pamphylus Moratus, < Carmen >
10 (fol. 69 v) Phalaris Paurolae filio translatio Latina (inc: Maxime utrum-
que)
11 (fols. .•*-95) A. Persius Flaccus, Saturae
(fols. 115-18v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem
fidei nostrae) (copied from volume one of the editio princeps printed
at Rome, 1468).
Bibliography: Iter 4:647b. Dr. Ramon Gonzalvez, director of the library,
summarized the remaining contents of the codex as "diverse works
of Jerome principally and of Augustine in lesser quantity, and a
letter of Pope Damasus to Jerome."
^' In 1466, Pamphylus Moratus copied the Hermaphroditus of Antonio Panormita into
cod. Vat. lat. 3164 (see Iter 2:359a).
CHAPTER 4
Printed Editions'
1 Hieronymus, S. Tractatus et epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi. 2 vols.
<Rome: in domo Petri Maximi (Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold
Pannartz), 13 December 1468 > .
z (Irfols. 301-2) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti
Hieronymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain 8551; BMC 4:5; /G/4733; and lERS 10.
2 Aristeas de septuaginta interpretibus translatio Latina Mathias Palme-
rius. Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. < Rome: Six-
tus Riessinger, ca. 1468 > .
(l:fols. 368-69v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8550; BMC 4:27; IGI 4734; and lERS 6.
' The following incunabular editions of the works of Jerome do not have any of
Vergerio's sermons:
a. Epistolae < Strasbourg: Johann Mentelin, not after 1469 >, Hain *8549.
b. Epistolae (Mainz: Peter Schoeffer, 7 September 1470), Hain *8553-54.
c. Epistolae ^asel: Nikolaus Kessler, 8 August 1492), Hain *8561.
d. Epistolae (Basel: Nikolaus Kessler, 1497), Hain *8565.
e. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex epistolis S. Hieronymi excerpta, Italian
translation Matteo da Ferrara (Ferrara: Lorenzo de' Rossi, 12 October 1497), Hain 8566.
In a communication of 28 October 1994, Ms. Mary S. Leahy, the Seymour Adelman Rare
Book Librarian at Bryn Mawr College, informed me that the editions of the Epistolae pub-
lished at Basel by Nikolaus Kessler on 8 August 1489 (Hain *8559) and at Nuremberg by
Anton Kober^er on 12 November 1495 (Hain "'8562) also do not include Vergerio's sermon.
86 CHAPTER 4
3 Hieronymus, S, Epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi. < Rome: in domo
Petri Maximi (Conrad Sweynheym & Arnold Pannartz), 1470 (not
after 30 August) > .
118 (l:fols. 288v-89v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanc-
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8552; BMC 4:10; /G/4736; and lERS 61.
4 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Rome: Arnold Pannartz, 28 March 1476;
Georg Lauer < using the type of Arnold Pannartz > , 5 April 1479).
118 (l:fols. 289v-90v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanc-
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain 8555; BMC 4:40, 62; IGI 4738; and lERS 468.
5 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. (Venice: Antonio
Miscomini, 22 January 1476).
(l:sig. S, 6r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum doctorem
fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8556; BMC 5:240; and IGI 4737.
6 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Parma: s.t., 18 January 1480 and 15 May
1480).
118 (l:sig. ee, 8v-ee, 9v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti
Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctis-
simum doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8557; BMC 7'3M\ and IGI 4739.
7 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae, ed. Teodoro De Lellis. (Venice: Andrea
Torresano, 15 May 1488).
(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8558; BMC 5:309; and /G/4740.
S Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice: Bernardino Benagli, 14 July 1490).
(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8560; BMC 5:372; and IGI 4742.
Printed Editions 87
9 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex epi-
stolis Hieronymi excerpta (< Venice: Filippo Pinzi> , 7 January 1496).
(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8564; and IGI 4744.
10 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum ex
epistolis Hieronymi excerpta (Venice: Giovanni Rosso, 7 January and
12 July 1496).
(l:fol. 164r-v) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hiero-
nymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius (inc: Sanctissimum
doctorem fidei nostrae)
Bibliography: Hain *8563; BMC 5:419; and /G/4745.
Vail Hieronymus, S. S. Eusebii Hieronymi Stridonensis presbyteri Opera,
ed. Domenico Vallarsi. 11 vols. (Verona, 1734-42).
(11:295-98) Pierpaolo Vergerio, . . . De Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sanc-
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae)
Sal Dominico M. Salmaso, Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo Hiero-
nymo opuscula . . . adiecta sua de eiusdem Divi Hieronymi studiis ora-
tione (Padua, 1767).
1 (4-7) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Gloriosi doctoris ac
patris, fragm. at beginning)
2 (7-19) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Hodie mihi fratres
carissimi)
3 (19-24) < PPV, Sermo in laudibus Hieronymi > (inc: Praestantissimi
patres ecclesiastica nos doctrina, fragm. at beginning)
PL J.-P. Migne, ed. Patrologia Latina, vols. 22-30, S. Eusebii Hieronymi
Stridonensis presbyteri Opera omnia (Paris, 1845-46).
(22:231-36) Pierpaolo Vergerio, ...De Divo Hieronymo oratio (inc: Sanc-
tissimum doctorem fidei nostrae)
Part III
History of the Texts
CHAPTER 5
Vergerio's Lettered Public
By emphasizing public service through oratory, Pierpaolo Vergerio
suppHed a new matrix for ItaHan humanism. He promoted a re-
covery of rhetoric in its primary sense, the act of pubHc speaking on a
specific civic occasion. As conceptualized by the Greeks, rhetoric looked
primarily to persuasion, it was primarily employed in civic life, and it
was primarily oral.^ Vergerio and his fellow humanists diffused their
ideas about rhetoric in writings that were copied into humanist miscel-
lanies now conserved in libraries around the world. Form followed func-
tion: such codices assisted the rhetorical education of the students and
teachers who put them together. That fact led Paul Oskar Kristeller to
propose a new criterion for establishing the origin of a given humanist
miscellany. In the absence of explicit attribution, one could posit that
the original owner of the codex was the author of its rarest text.^ As a
corollary, one can usually infer that the owner fashioned his collection
as a basic resource for his own education. Because the miscellany needed
to supply models of effective prose, letters and speeches comprise the
vast majority of entries in those codices. The miscellanies are one indi-
cation that humanists after Vergerio followed his proposals for educa-
' See George Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from
Ancient to Modem Times (Chapel Hill, N.C.: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1980), 4-6; and
John M. McManamon, "Innovation in Early Humanist Rhetoric: The Oratory of Pier Paolo
Vergerio the Elder," Rinascimento, n.s., 22 (1982): 3-9.
^ Paul Oskar Kristeller's norm, first proposed in "An Unknown Letter of Giovanni
Barbo to Guarino," IMU 8 (1965): 244, is cited by Claudio Griggio, "II codice berlinese Lat.
fol. 667: Nuove lettere di Francesco Barbaro," in Umanesimo e rinascimento a Firenze e
Venezia, vol. 3 of Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vittore Branca, Biblioteca deWArchivum
Romanicum 180 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 1:139 n. 14.
92 CHAPTER 5
tional reform. They also point to a collaborative effort by humanists in
various regions of Italy. The miscellanies regularly mixed texts of hu-
manists in the Veneto (Vergerio, Gasparino Barzizza, Guarino da Ve-
rona) with other texts of humanists in Tuscany (Leonardo Bruni and
Poggio Bracciolini). While Bruni and Poggio pursued a career in politics,
Guarino and Barzizza taught rhetoric in schools.
The general survival of Vergerio's works and the specific case of his
panegyrics for Saint Jerome both exemplify the shaping force of rhetoric
in his thought. Since Leonardo Smith's edition of Vergerio's Epistolario
in 1934, only one new letter of Vergerio has come to light. More perti-
nently, the examination of manuscripts with Vergerio's letters has led
scholars to appreciate the variety of reasons for which those letters were
copied. Smith emphasized the role of Vergerio's relatives in Capodistria,
who began to collect documents related to his career toward the end of
the fifteenth century. Later research established the existence of smaller
groups of letters, known technically as sylloges, that were collected in
places like Padua and Venice before any attempt was made to compile
the epistolario? One of those groups was put together to assist the task
of rhetorical education. In its most complete form, the sylloge includes
thirteen works: a letter of Vergerio to Giovanni da Bologna in 1396 {Ep.
61), his famous letter on the destruction of the statue of Virgil [Ep. 81),
a caustic invective against Cardinal Antonio de Calvis for evicting Ver-
gerio from a house in Rimini {Ep. 120), a group of letters about a gift of
"Tartar razors" to Niccolo Leonardi {Ep. 120bis, 121, 122), a letter to
Francesco Zabarella on the virtues of Cristoforo Zeno {Ep. 130), four let-
ters of introduction that Vergerio, Francesco Zabarella, Gasparino Bar-
zizza, and Guarino exchanged between 1414 and 1415 (£p. 133, 134, 135,
136), Vergerio's letter in praise of Francesco Barbaro's De re uxoria {Ep.
137), and his epistolary eulogy after the death of Zabarella at Constance
{Ep. 138).^
^ See Vittorio Rossi, review of Epistolario di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Leonardo Smith,
Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 315-16; Marcello Zicari, "11 piu antico
codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 58-59; Griggio,
"II codice berlinese," 137-38, 143 n. 23; and Vittorio Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi, i suoi
corrispondenti, e una lettera inedita di Pier Paolo Vergerio," Atti e memorie dell'Accademia
di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 95 (1982-83): 99, 103-10.
"• The codices and their letters are: Berlin Lat. fol. 667 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122,
133, 134, 135, 137, 138); Chemnitz 57 (no. 120, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 141, 142);
London Arundel 70 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138); Milan Ambros. D 93 sup.
(no. 52, 61, 120, 130); Munich UnivB. Folio 607 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136,
138); Oxford Canon, misc. 484 (no. 120, 121, 133, 134, 135); Padua Seminario 692 (no. 120,
Ver^erio's Lettered Public 93
The earliest datable version of the sylloge is preserved in a manu-
script now in the Biblioteca Oliveriana in Pesaro. That composite codex
has as its original core a miscellany of letters and speeches that Agostino
Santucci gathered together at Padua sometime between 1420 and 1425.^
The codex illustrates the humanist method of instructing from models.
There are letters by Vergerio, Barzizza, and Guarino, and there are
speeches by Poggio, Barzizza, Guarino, and their students Leonardo
Giustiniani and Pietro Donato. Santucci also transcribed the letters and
orations he had composed according to the classicizing standards he had
learned. A second codex, now in Berlin, was written by several hands in
the Veneto during the first forty years of the fifteenth century. The core
elements again consist of letters and orations written between 1400 and
1420 by Guarino and his students, by Barzizza, and by Leonardo Bruni.
The largest collection of models comes from Guarino, who added auto-
graph notes indicating his approval for changes made by the redactor.
Around 1440, a new hand added a sylloge of the letters of Niccolo Leo-
nardi, including those he had exchanged with Vergerio. Those letters
have such precise data, found in no other exemplars, that scholars trace
the codex to the household of Niccolo himself. Blind by the time that
the sylloge was assembled, Niccolo likely instructed his son Girolamo
to rummage among his papers and copy for their library the humorous
letters he had exchanged with Vergerio some years before.^
The two codices demonstrate that more than one factor motivated
those who collected such compendia. First, bonds of affection tied Ver-
gerio to his Italian friends well after his departure for Buda in 1418. Still
amused late in life by Vergerio 's gift of Tartar razors, Niccolo Leonardi
wanted to preserve his memories of their lifelong friendship.^ Secondly,
136, 137); Pesaro Oliver. 44 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 137); Sankt Paul im
Lavanttal 79.4 (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 135, 137); Stuttgart Poet, et Philol.
quarto 40 (no. 114, 120, 121, 122, 133, 135, 137); Venice Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152) (no. 100,
120, 138); Venice Marc. lat.XI.102 (3940) (no. 114, 120, 120bis, 121, 122, 133, 134, 137); and
Vienna 3330 (no. 61, 81, 120, 130, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138). The relationship among Arundel
70, Munich UnivB. Folio 607, and Vienna 3330 is discussed further in n. 12 below. See also
the description of codices Bp and Tp in Part II above. Bp has ten letters (no. 16, 27, 34, 81,
98, 121, 129, 131, 140, 141). Tp has twenty-one letters (no. 48, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 61, 64,
65, 68, 69, 75, 77, 104, 114, 120, 121, 128, 130, 131).
^ Zicari, "II pill antico codice," 38-42.
* Griggio, "II codice berlinese," 138-39; and Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 103-8.
'' The letter, which Smith did not find, was published by Zicari, "II piu antico codice,"
54-55 (from Oliveriana 44), and Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109 (from Berlin Lat. fol.
667 and Venice Marc. lat. XI. 102 [3940]). The letter is also found in Camaldoli 1201 and
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal 79.4.
94 CHAPTER 5
Vergerio had established himself as a respected apologist for a humanist
education. In Vergerio's invective against Carlo Malatesta, for example,
educators found a persuasive example of classicizing oratory and an elo-
quent defense of the humanities. In that same letter, Vergerio had
pushed his fellow humanists to concentrate on a revival of the culture of
the orator as well as the poet. The letter was frequently copied during
the Renaissance and well beyond the smaller sylloge.^ Thirdly, younger
adherents of the movement exploited their links to Vergerio in order to
launch their own careers as teachers of grammar and rhetoric. Gasparino
Barzizza and Guarino used the letters that Vergerio had written to them
as a recommendation for their abilities. Barzizza and Guarino could
both claim Francesco Barbaro as one of their best students. They appre-
ciated Vergerio's positive reaction to the treatise that Barbaro wrote on
marriage: it helped to confirm the efficacy of their lessons. The letters
constitute an endorsement of humanist learning across three generations
from Vergerio to Barzizza and Guarino and then to their students —
Francesco Barbaro and Leonardo Giustiniani. Humanist learning had
spread throughout the Veneto and helped prepare Venetian patricians
for their governing role.'
The sylloge of Vergerio's letters formed part of a larger collection of
materials, which educators like Guarino and Barzizza used to instruct
their students in classicizing rhetoric. Later humanist instructors contin-
ued to utilize those materials, and they spread beyond Italy to other
areas of Europe. Sometime after 1452, Hans Pirckheimer assembled a
huge number of model letters and orations, many of which he himself
copied into a miscellany now preserved in the British Library. ^° The
* In addition to inclusion in three manuscripts with the sylloge, the letter on the
destruction of Virgil's statue {Ep. 81) is conserved in thirty-two other humanist miscellanies
and in seven of the Vergerio manuscripts described in Part II; for details, see the "Finding-
List" below (Part VI, chap. 11). The eulogy for Zabarella {Ep. 138) exemplified the use of
epideictic principles to extol a friend and learned cleric.
' For the Berlin codex, see Griggio, "II codice berlinese," 136 n. 9, 140-45. Besides
inclusion in seven manuscripts with this sylloge, the letter praising the De re uxoria {Ep.
137) is conserved in forty-two other humanist miscellanies and in three Vergerio manu-
scripts described in Part H. See the "Finding-List" below (Part VI, chap. 11); Percy Gothein,
Francesco Barbaro: Friih-Humanismus und Staatskunst in Venedig (Berlin, 1932), 86-89; and
Tiziana Pesenti, Professori e promotori di medicina nello Studio di Padova dal 1405 al 1509:
Repertorio hio-hibliografico, Contributi alia storia dell'Universita di Padova 16 (Padua:
Centro per la storia dell'Universita, and Trieste: LINT, 1984), 125. In general, see Germano
Gualdo, "Barbaro, Francesco," D5/ 6: 101-3; and Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance
Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300-1600 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press,
1989), 125-32.
'° London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70. See Cesare Foligno, "Codici di materia
Ver^erio's Lettered Public 95
collection reflects the pedagogy of Giovanni Lamola, under whom
Pirckheimer studied in Bologna. Lamola, in turn, was a product of the
school of Guarino. The miscellany therefore includes letters and ora-
tions by Vergerio, sixty-four works of Guarino, and seven letters of
Lamola himself, who also delivered a panegyric for Jerome in Bologna
on 30 September 1442.^^ After Pirckheimer lugged his prized textbook
back across the Alps, other German students interested in the new learn-
ing made their own copies of the massive collection of over two hun-
dred and twenty-five texts. From its origins in Padua and Venice, the
sylloge of Vergerio's letters migrated across Europe as the desire for an
education in the humanities spread. ^^
veneta nelle biblioteche inglesi (cont.)," Nuovo archivio veneto, n.s., 27 (1907): 215-24; Josiah
Forshall, The Arundel Manuscripts, vol. 1, n.s., of Catalogue of Manuscripts in the British
Museum (London, 1834-40), 1:15-21; and Arnold Friedrich Siegfried Reimann, Die alteren
Pirckheimer: Geschichte eines NUmberger Patriziergeschlechtes im Zeitalterdes Fruhhumanismus
(bis 1501) (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1944), 103-20.
" Lamola's Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Animadverto non mediocre ac paene) is
conserved in Lucca, Bibl. Govemativa, cod. 1394, fols. 173-75; Munich, Staatsbibliothek,
cod. elm 504, fols. 243-44 (copied by Hermann Schedel); and Munich cod. Clm 522, fols.
194-95. It was also published by Albrecht von Eyb in his Margarita poetica (Nuremberg:
Johann Sensenschmidt, 2 Dec. 1472), GW 9529, fols. 401-2. Munich cod. Clm 504, fols.
101-2, has a letter of Vergerio to Carlo Zeno [Epist, 269-73 [Ep. 104D; it was copied from
Munich, UnivB., cod. Quarto 768. The Lucca codex also has two anonymous panegyrics for
Jerome: 1) fols. 171-73 (inc: Mihi in venerabilem ac sanctissimum patrem) and 2) fols. 175-
76 (inc: Hie est dies colendissimi patres). On the panegyrics and the codices, see Iter 1:259a;
Agostino Sottili, "I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidental, " Z^/t/ 12 (1969): 439-58;
and Ludwig Bertalot and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, Initia Humanistica Latina: Initienverzeichnis
lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts: Prosa A-M (Tubingen:
Max Niemeyer, 1990), 2.1:64 (no. 1208), 479 (no. 8722), 659 (no. 11920).
'^ Among the manuscripts with the sylloge, Berlin Lat. fol. 667, Chemnitz 57 (from
1463), Oxford Canon, misc. 484, Pesaro Oliveriana 44, and Venice Marc. lat. XL 102 were
copied in Italy during the fifteenth century. For the relationship among London Arundel
70, Munich UnivB. Folio 607, and Vienna 3330, all written by German hands, see Ludwig
Bertalot, Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Paul Oskar Kristeller,
Raccolta di Studi e Testi 129-30 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1975), 1:9 ("Eine
humanistische Anthologie"), 2:105-8 ("Eine Sammlung paduaner Reden"); and Gianni
Zippel, "Analisi di lavori dell'ultimo decennio," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di
Padova 7 (1974): 85-87 n. 15. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 44-59, offers collations of
Vei^erio's letters based upon this family of manuscripts. The Stuttgart codex (Poet, et
Philol. quarto 40) was written by a German hand between 1465 and 1469, while the manu-
script in Sankt Paul im Lavanttal has Italian and German hands. Giovanni Bernardo Dalle
Valli copied two letters of Vergerio {Ep. 104, Ep. 136) while at the University of Padua in
1452 (Munich Clm 78). Dalle Valli's variant ("Lenoni" for "Zenoni") is also found in the
copies of Ep. 104 made by Johann Heller (Munich UnivB. quarto 768) and Jakob Schenk
von Seydaw (London Harley 3716); see Bertalot, "Eine humanistische Anthologie," in
Studien, 1:16-17. On 21 July 1424, Vergerio and Johann Schenk von Seydaw together wit-
nessed a decision of King Sigismund; see Wilhelm Altmann, ed., Die Urkunden Kaiser
Sigmunds (1410-37), vol. 11 of Regesta Imperii (Innsbruck, 1896-1900), 1:419 (no. 5911).
Hartmann Schedel, who with his uncle Hermann accounts for a large proportion of Italian
96 CHAPTER 5
Humanist educators appropriately rode to success on the shoulders
of Pierpaolo Vergerio, Vergerio's treatise on humanist education, De
ingenuis moribus, far and away proved the most influential element of
his scholarly legacy. Hundreds of manuscripts conserve the text. It was
also published at least thirty times in Italy before the year 1500 and
frequently thereafter. The earliest known manuscript was copied at
Padua on 12 September 1403. The scribe, Antonius Petri Donadei de
Rocca S. Stephani de Aquila, studied canon law at the University of
Padua and passed examinations in June of 1408 before a board that
included Francesco Zabarella. Another early copy was finished at Padua
on 17 April 1423 by Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis, perhaps one of
Guarino's students. Guarino is known to have lectured on the text. Fit-
tingly, Leonello d'Este, Guarino's great patron, commissioned a luxury
copy of the work as a gift for his tutor. ^^
Many of the copies of the treatise that survive are written on parch-
ment in antiqua, and they certify that Vergerio was popular with the
humanist texts now in Germany, twice copied Vergerio's letter on the De re uxoria (Munich
elm 362 and 418). On the Schedels, see Richard Stauber, Die Schedehche Bibliothek: Ein
Beitrag zur Geschichte der Ausbreitung der italienischen Renaissance, des deutschen Humanis-
mus, und der medizinischen Literatur, Studien und Darstellungen aus dem Gebiete der
Geschichte Band 6, Heft 2-3 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1908), 228; Claude Jenkins, "Dr.
Hartmann Schedel and His Books," in Veronica Ruffer and A. J. Taylor, eds.. Medieval
Studies Presented to Rose Graham (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1950), 98-105, 132; and
Agostino Sottili, / codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale, Censimento dei Codici
Petrarcheschi 4 and 7 (Padua: Antenore, 1971-78), 3.
'^ On the number of editions, see Luzi Schucan, Das Nachleben von Basilius Magnus "ad
adolescentes": Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des christlichen Humanismus, Travaux d'humanisme
et Renaissance 133 (Geneva: Droz, 1973), 82 n. 17 (seven undated, twenty-two from 1470-
1500, thirteen from 1501-64); David Robey, "Humanism and Education in the Early Quat-
trocento: The De ingenuis moribus of P. P. Vergerio," Bibliotheque d'humanisme et Renais-
sance 42 (1980): 56-58; and Grendler, Schooling, 117-18. For the incunabular editions, see
Hain 15981-16003; IGI 10149-73. The eariiest manuscript, Naples BN cod. Vin.C.8, is
described by Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli, Spici-
legium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi: Typographia Collegii S. Bonaventurae, and
Grottaferrata: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971), 2:819-21 (no. 450),
who cites the colophon on fol. 128. Cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919) of the Marciana in Venice,
copied by Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis at Padua, is described by Giuseppe Valentinelli,
Bibliotheca manuscripta ad S. Marci Venetiarum (Venice, 1868-73), 4:184-86 (who reads
"1425"); and Carlo Miani, "Petri Pauli Vergerii—ad Ubertinum de Carraria de ingenuis mori-
bus et liberalibus adolescentiae studiis liber (Codicum conspectum recognovit brevique adno-
tatione critica instruxit Carlo Miani)," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e
storia patria 72-73, n.s., 20-21 (1972-73): 185-86, 200 (who reads "1423"). Fol. 1 of the
manuscript also has the following note: "Sancti Bamabae Brixiae, ad usum fratris Seraphim
de Luzago — Frater Paul us de Pergamo." Guarino's codex is now preserved in the Bibl.
Estense at Modena, cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8). The scribe, Biagio Bosoni, also copied
Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59).
Ver^erio's Lettered Public 97
wealthiest patrons of Renaissance society. Members of the ruling classes
wished to have a luxury copy of the work for their libraries. As late as
1471, the renowned scribe Federico Veterani finished a parchment codex
for the library of Federigo da Montefeltro.^^ Rulers patronized human-
ism because they realized that the movement served as a valuable bul-
wark in defense of elitism. One cannot assume, however, that those
princely patrons could understand, much less read the treatise. It served
primarily as a symbol of status. Nor was the copying of the work
restricted to the elite of Renaissance society. Students also made copies
at the school of Vittorino da Feltre in Mantua and at other schools.
Vergerio's principles for the education of adolescents quickly ended up
in adolescent hands. ^^ A soldier in the service of the podesta of Anco-
na copied the text in 1464, dating his work by the death of Pius II
during an unsuccessful attempt to launch a crusade. ^^ The only two
'^ The codex is BAV, Urb. lat. 1194, which also contains Ps. Plutarchus, Vergerio's
letter on the statue {Ep. 81), a declamation (by Pietro Marcello?), and Bruni's translation of
Basil. See Cosimus Stomajolo, Codices Urbinates Latini (Vatican City, 1902-21), 3:203-4;
Cecil H. Clough, "Federigo Veterani, Polydore Vergil's Anglica Historia, and Baldassare
Castiglione's Epistola . . . ad Henricum Angliae regem," English Historical Review 82 (1967):
772-83; Elisabeth Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques Latins de la Bibliotheque Vaticane
(Paris: Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1975ff.), 2.2:667-69; and
Albert Derolez, Codicologie des manuscrits en ecriture humanistique sur parchemin, Bibliologia
5-6 (Tumhout: Brepols, 1984), 2:138 (no. 979). For further examples of parchment codices,
see ibid., 2:77 (no. 455), 2:91 (no. 580), 2:93 (no. 595), 2:93 (no. 602), 2:152 (no. 1105), and
2:155 (no. 1130).
'* Marco Soardo copied the work (Budapest cod. Clmae 314) while a student under
Vittorino, who taught at Mantua from 1423 to 1446. In Padua in 1474, Bartolomeo Squara
made a copy of the treatise at the age of fourteen (Oxford Canon, misc. 87, fol. 79v).
'^ See Iter 2:62b, where Kristeller records the subscription in Perugia, Bibl. Comunale
Augusta, cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81): "Scriptus per me Bastianum Ser Antonii de Monte-
falco in civitate Anconae, cum essem ibi socius miles domini Albertini de Fulgineo potestatis
dictae civitatis anno . . . 1464, quo tempore Pius papa II obiit in dicta civiute." Among
other subscriptions, one might note: Parma Pal. 156 copied at Calchis (Greece) in 1441;
Florence Rice. 952 copied at London in 1447 by Milone da Carrara for Magister Thomas
Franchus Graecus; BAV Chig. S.V.8 copied by Antonius Pe<t?>ri Guidonis de Callio in
1450; Venice Marc. lat. VI. 131 (3596) finished by Caspar Tyburtinus in 1451; Oxford
D'Orville 525 copied by the Dutch scribe loannes Pottere at Rome from 1454 to 1456;
Weimar Octavo. 142 copied at Padua, 17 September 1456, by lop R. (perhaps lob Resta
according to Bertalot, Studien, 2:241-43); BAV Ottob. lat. 1615 copied by Nicolaus Ser
Guasparis in the houses of lulius Florentinus and Bemardus de Cursis in 1458 and 1459;
Venice Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499) copied by the notary Bartholomaeus de Rambaldo in 1460;
Bergamo Delta VI.33 copied by Bartholomaeus de Gandino in 1468; San Daniele 110
written in antiqua by Battista da Cingoli; BAV Vat. lat. 1690 copied in 1461 and glossed by
Marianus de Magistris (see Concetta Bianca, "Marianus de Magistris de Urbe," in Massimo
Miglio, with P. Farenga and A. Modigliani, eds., Scrittura, biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel
Quattrocento 2, Littera antiqua 3 [Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica,
e Archivistica, 1983], 567-68); Padua Antoniana 1.19 by Gulielmus Salinus? in 1467; BAV
98 CHAPTER 5
portraits of Vergerio from the fifteenth century indicate the extent to
which he had become identified with the De ingenuis moribus. Both
appear in historiated initials in copies of the treatise from 1441 and 1444.
The images depict Vergerio as a mature scholar in academic robes and a
long beard. ^'^
Eventually the treatise became part of a compendium of texts de-
signed to present the ideals of humanist education. First and foremost,
Vergerio's text was conjoined with Leonardo Bruni's translation of a
letter of Basil the Great (ca. 330-379) entitled Ad adolescentes. Bruni
completed the translation sometime between 1401 and 1402; he con-
ceived it as an homage to the pedagogy of Manuel Chrysoloras and as a
rebuttal to the criticism of clerics who questioned whether humanist
studies were suitable for Christian youth. While medieval interpreters of
the letter had restricted Basil's endorsement of liberal studies to monks,
Pal. lat. 1740 written by Petrus Ursuleus and obtained by Agnolo Manetti in 1467 (see
Giuseppe M. Cagni, "Agnolo Manetti e Vespasiano da Bisticci," IMU 14 [1971]: 304;
Derolez, Codicologie, 1:157-58 [no. 358]); and Savignano 23 by loannes Can de Lunardellis
de Monte Florum around 1479. Undated copies include Gotha Memb. 11.105 by Angelus
Tutus, Naples V.C.44 by Raenardus, and BAV Vat. lat. 11547 by Matthias Antonii. The
scribe Milone da Carrara was the brother of Marsilio, who led an unsuccessful attempt in
1430 to restore Carrara rule in Padua. See Bertalot, Studien, 2:128-29; and Iter 6:258b.
Notable cases of ownership include: BAV Chig. J.VI.214 (Leonardus Marchio Malaspina in
1430 and marginal notes by Cesare Baronio); Milan Ambros. C 43 sup. (Francesco Pizzol-
passo, d. 1443) (see Angelo Paredi, La biblioteca del Pizzolpasso [Milan: Hoepli, 1961], 96-97
[no. 7]); Milan Ambros. G 29 sup. (Francesco Vimercati); Cape Town 3.C.11 (Giovanni
Barbo); London Harley 2678 (probably from Raphael de Marcatellis); Munich Clm 487
(Hartmann Schedel); New York Columbia Univ. Plimpton 154 (Antonius Vursatus); Paris
Lat. 6722 (Palla Strozzi); Paris Lat. 16593 (Guillaume Fichet); Oxford Canon, misc. 146
(lacopo Zeno, bishop of Padua in 1460); San Daniele 105 (marginal notes by Guamerio
d'Artegna); BAV Vat. lat. 2906 (Angelo Colocci); BAV Vat. lat. 3440 (Fulvio Orsini); Berlin
Lat. quarto 468 (Convent of S. Maria Incoronata in Milan to Carlo Morbio); Holkham Hall
486 (Cario Sigonio); Venice Marc. lat. VL129 (3037) and 130 (3205) (Giacomo Zabarella);
Venice Marc. lat. VL501 (1712) (Giovanni Battista Recanati); and Rome Vitt. Eman. 474
(Giacomo Manzoni) (see Annibale Tenneroni, Catalogo ragionato dei manoscritti appartenuti
alfu Conte Giacomo Manzoni, Bibliotheca Manzoniana 4 [Citta di Castello, 1894], 81 [no.
89]). A codex with the De ingenuis moribus now in Innsbruck, UnivB. 962, had some
association with the University of Paris in 1460; see Iter 3:20a.
'^ Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Rawlinson G.47 [Summary Catalogue no. 14778) was copied
in 1441, perhaps at Milan. The portrait of Vergerio is found on fol. 51 (Plate 5). For
descriptions of the codex, see Otto Pacht and Jonathan James Graham Alexander, Illuminat-
ed Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966-73), 2:73 (no.
696); Andrew G. Watson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts ca. 435-1600 in
Oxford Libraries (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1984), 1:113 (no. 682); and Derolez, Codico-
logie, 2:93 (no. 602). Venice, Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664) was copied by Hiero-
nymus de Sandellis at Pirano d'Istria in 1444. The portrait of Vergerio is reproduced in
Miani, "De ingenuis moribus," 201. On the manuscript, see 'Wz[tn\int\Y\, Bibliotheca Manu-
scripta, 4:190-91; and Miani, "De ingenuis moribus," 186-87.
Vergerio's Lettered Public 99
Bruni saw it as universally applicable to adolescents.^^ So closely were
the two works joined in the minds of fifteenth-century publishers that
their titles were written chiastically: Vergerio's De ingenuis morihus et
liberalibus studiis and Basil's De liberalihus studiis et ingenuis morihus.
Shortly after translating Basil's letter, Bruni wrote his Dialogi as a
manifesto for humanist leadership in rhetorical education. He dedicated
that work to Vergerio and thereby acknowledged that Vergerio had first
emphasized rhetoric as the proper matrix for humanist studies. In later
writings, Bruni continued to supplement the resources available to hu-
manist educators. By November of 1409, for example, he had translated
Plato's Gorgias, a dialogue warning of rhetoric's dangers that Bruni
turned into a playful debate about rhetoric's worth. Throughout his life,
Bruni carried on the struggle on behalf of rhetorical culture that reflect-
ed his close friendship with Vergerio. ^^
Scholars and publishers also linked Vergerio's treatise with works on
education written by humanists in the Veneto. The De ingenuis morihus
was frequently copied with Guarino's translation of the De pueris edu-
candis, then attributed to Plutarch. Both works stressed the importance
'* Statistical information is supplied in Schucan, Das Nachleben, 79-82, 117-18. More
than fifty codices have both works. Sample codices are: Brussels Albert ler 1.10731-38;
Florence Rice. 978; Milan Ambros. F 51 sup.; Padua Seminario 92; Philadelphia U. of Penn.
Smith lat. 34 (with Bruni's De studiis et litteris); Rome Corsiniana Nic. Rossi 304; Vienna
960; and Weimar 0.142 (copied at Padua in 1456). Among printed editions, 25 of the 31
incunabular editions (81 percent) have both treatises, while 8 of the 13 editions (62 percent)
published from 1501-64 pair them. In both cases, the percentages are even higher for Italy.
" By May of 1403, Bruni had translated Xenophon's dialogue, Hiero sive Tyrannus,
interpreting it as a mirror for princes. In 1424, he also translated Plato's Phaedrus. In a letter
to Battista Malatesta da Montefeltro, he adapted the principles of humanist education for
noble women. Bruni recommended that women not bother with rhetoric because they had
no role to play in public life. All of those works were copied together with Vergerio's
treatise. BAV Chig. J.VI.214 has the De ingenuis morihus, Bruni's Dialogi, and his transla-
tions of Basil's letter, the Hiero, and the Gorgias. BAV Vat. lat. 3407 has the De ingenuis
moribus and Bruni's translation of Basil's letter and the Phaedrus. Genoa Durazzo B.V.14 has
Bruni's translations of Basil's letter and the Hiero, his Dialogi, Ps. Plutarchus, and the De
ingenuis morihus. BAV Regin. lat. 1321, copied for Zenone Castiglione by Ubertino da
Parma in 1434, has Bruni's Dialogi, his translations of the Gorgias, the Phaedrus, the Hiero,
and Basil's letter, and the De ingenuis morihus; see James Hankins, Plato in the Italian
Renaissance, Columbia Studies in the Classical Tradition 17 (Leiden et al.: E. J. Brill, 1990),
2:724. A sampling of manuscripts with the Hiero and the De ingenuis morihus includes:
Dresden Db.89; Florence Rice. 952; Kremsmiinster 329 (with Basil's letter); Milan Ambros.
A 166 sup. (with Basil's letter), C 43 sup.; Munich Clm 19652; New York Goodhart
Gordan 73 (with Basil's letter); and Venice Zan. lat. 501 (1712) (with Basil's letter and the
Dialogi). On Bruni's translations and the relevant manuscripts, see Schucan, Das Nachleben,
7i-79, 83-85, 117; Hankins, Plato, 1:29-101, 2:367-400; and David Marsh, "Xenophon,"
CrC 7:149-55.
100 CHAPTER 5
of moral formation in education. Since Vergerio argued that humanist
studies had special efficacy in training the character of adolescents, he
carried on educational theory from the point in human development
where Plutarch had left off.^° Copyists also paired Vergerio's treatise
with the De re uxoria of Francesco Barbaro. The pairing was natural
once Vergerio had written a letter to express his admiration for Bar-
baro's treatise. It also made sense given the developmental perspectives
of Vergerio's approach to education. If Vergerio himself offered princi-
ples for early adolescence, Barbaro continued to guide one after entering
upon the difficult commitment to marriage.^^ The program of educa-
^° Guarino translated the treatise of Ps. Plutarchus in 1410/1411; see Schucan, Das
Nachleben, 82-83. Sample codices that conjoin the translation with the De ingenuis morihus
include: Bergamo Delta 11.15; Milan Ambros. N 104 sup.; BAV Ottob. lat. 1669, Vat. lat.
9306; Verona Capitolare CCLV (227); and Verona Comunale 2822. A significant group of
the manuscripts has the three works (Basil's letter, Vergerio's treatise, and Guarino's
translation of Ps. Plutarchus). Among the codices, the earliest are BAV Chig. J.VI.214,
copied in 1430 and owned by Leonardus Marchio Malaspina (see Bertalot, Studien, 2:268-70;
and Hankins, Plato, 2:722); BAV Regin. lat. 1321 copied in 1434 by Ubertino da Parma; and
Milan Ambros. C 43 sup. (first third of 15th century). Further codices include: Bergamo
Delta VI.33; Berlin Lat. octavo 108; Dresden Db.89; London Harley 2678 (copied from a
printed edition); Univ. of London 288; Munich Clm 3849, Clm 19652; Padua Seminario 165
(with the Hiero); Oxford Canon, misc. 87; Paris Lat. 16593; Paris Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (with
Barbaro's De re uxoria); Schaffhausen Min. 120; BAV Ottob. lat. 1800, Ross. lat. 50 (with
the Hiero), Urb. lat. 1194, Vat. lat. 1792; and Verona Capitolare CCXLIH (212). The
combination of the three texts was likewise preferred by printers in the fifteenth century (9
of 31 editions; see Hain 15982-16003, and Schucan, ibid., 115-21). Around 1474 or 1475,
Giovanni Calfumio added to his edition of the treatises a letter attributed to Jerome {De
liberorumofficiisergaparente5).Cz\{urmoi'st(iAXxon{IGI 10153, 10166, 10171) had Vergerio's
treatise, Bruni's translations of Basil and Xenophon, Guarino's translation of Ps. Plutarchus,
and the Jerome letter. Calfumio had in his possession the manuscript of a retractatio of
Leonzio Pilato's Odyssey based on the autograph that Vergerio had borrowed from Palla
Strozzi; see Agostino Pertusi and Ezio Franceschini, "Un'ignota Odissea latina dell'ultimo
Trecento," Aevum 33 (1959): 327.
^' The following codices have both works: Berlin Lat. quarto 468 (with Ps. Plutarchus
and Vegio's De educatione liberorum); Forli 111.66 (with Ps. Plutarchus); New York
Goodhart Gordan 18; San Daniele 110 (with Ps. Plutarchus and Bruni's De studiis et litteris);
BAV Ottob. lat. 241 (with Ps. Plutarchus); and Venice Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202) (with Ps.
Plutarchus). Cod. 49 of the Biblioteca Arcivescovile in Udine supplies an instructive example
of a compendium of such treatises. Bound together with a twelfth-century fascicle of
Cicero's orations, one finds a fifteenth-century miscellany, copied by an M. C, that con-
tains: Vergerio's treatise, Bruni's translations of Basil's letter and the Hiero, Guarino's trans-
lation of Ps. Plutarchus, Barbaro's De re uxoria, Leonardo Giustiniani's funeral oration for
Carlo Zeno, and letters and orations by Leonardo Bruni. On the Udine codex, see Iter
2:201a, 6:237a; Emanuele Casamassima et al., eds., Mostra di codici umanistici di hiblioteche
friulane (Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana Firenze) (Florence: Bibl. Medicea Laurenziana, 1978),
53-54 (no. 55); Cesare Scalon, La Biblioteca Arcivescovile di Udine, Medioevo e umanesimo
37 (Padua: Antenore, 1979), 118-19; and Hankins, Plato, 2:721. On the diffusion of Bar-
baro's work, see Gothein, Francesco Barbaro, 61-99. In Oxford Canon, misc. 87, Vergerio's
treatise is linked to a work attributed to Aulus Gellius, ... De modera<n>do victu pue-
Vergerio's Lettered Public 101
tion advocated by humanists now had a clear conceptualization of stages
in education— correct grammar in childhood, humanist studies in adoles-
cence, ethical duties in marriage.
While Vergerio's theory of humanist education won him a vast
public, his practice of classicizing oratory had more restricted circula-
tion. The bulk of his orations are preserved in the same codices that
have his sermons on Jerome, and they are discusssed in the section that
follows.^ Due to its wider diffusion, however, Vergerio's Sermo de vita
Francisci Petrarcae requires some explanation. Vergerio originally deliv-
ered the sermon at a ceremony, which Francesco Zabarella organized in
Padua's cathedral to honor the memory of Petrarch.^^ Subsequently, it
came to be used as a short biography that was often appended to the
writings of Petrarch. There are approximately thirty copies of the work
in existing manuscripts. In 1398, Ramus Ramedellus copied it for Mar-
gherita Malatesta, the wife of Francesco Gonzaga. Before 1400, another
Italian scribe transcribed the Vita into a parchment codex now in the
University Library at Greifswald. By 1432, the short biography had also
become part of the library of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.^^ Gen-
rorum. The treatise was also paired with the De nobilitate of Buonaccorso da Montemagno
in codices like Augsburg UnivB. n.Lat.l.quarto.33 (with Basil, Ps. Plutarchus, letters of
PPV, and letters of Jakob Wimpfeling) and Kassel Philos. quarto 6 (with Basil and dated
Ulm, 1470). On Buonaccorso's popular work, completed by 1429, see Bertalot, Studien,
2:402-5; Hans Baron, TTje Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Repub-
lican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1955),
1:365-66, 2:623-24 n. 22, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1966), 420-23; and Paul
Oskar Kristeller, Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e
Letteratura, 1985), 332-33.
^ The oration for Francesco Novello's return is preserved in fifteen codices, of which
seven do not figure among the manuscripts described above. Five of the seven have the
sylloge of letters described earlier: London Arundel 70 (of Hans Pirckheimer); Milan
Ambros. D 93 sup.; Munich Clm 78 (written by Giovanni Bernardo Dalle Valli in 1452);
Munich UnivB. Folio 607; and Vienna 3330. The other two are late copies from the seven-
teenth century. The description of the funeral of Francesco il Vecchio and the funeral ora-
tion are paired in twelve codices, of which only four do not figure in the descriptions:
Naples Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (formerly Vienna lat. 3160); Venice Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900)
(Roberto Papafava's draft for Marc. lat. XIV.210 [PiW]); Venice Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569)
(formerly in the Nani library); and Yale Osbom a. 17 (formerly Phillipps 9627). The two
orations that Vergerio delivered at the papal court in 1406 are only preserved in the
manuscripts described above.
" Giuseppe Billanovich, Petrarca letterato I: Lo scrittoio di Petrarca, Raccolta di studi e
testi 16 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1947), 358-68.
^* Florence Laur. Ashb. 1014 was copied by Ramedellus and discussed by Nicola Festa
in the preface to his edition of L"'Africa," Edizione nazionale delle opere di Francesco
Petrarca 1 (Florence, 1926), xvi-xvii, xxx-xxxi; and by Riziero Zucchi, "Ottonello Descalzi
e la fortuna del De viris illustribus," IMU U (1974): 488. The Greifswald codex is UnivB.
682, which Kristeller dated "sec. XFV ex." Nicolaus Bildestone gave Duke Humphrey the
102 CHAPTER 5
erally coupled with Vergerio's edition of the Africa^ the work was also
linked with other writings of Petrarch such as the De remediis utriusque
fortunae. Vergerio had sought to broaden Petrarch's approach to human-
ism by making oratory the special skill of a humanist. His most fre-
quently copied oration came to serve as a biographical introduction to
Petrarch's writings. That pattern also repeats itself with one of Ver-
gerio's sermons for Saint Jerome.
copy which is now in Paris (Lat. 10209). A copy from the mid-fifteenth century was added
to the text of the Africa, which Konrad von Konstanz had copied in 1408 for Gerardus de
Boyardis Ferrariensis; the manuscript is today conserved at Stuttgart, Wiirtt. Landesbibl.,
HB.X.21. A note in Venice Marc. ital. XI. 120 indicates that Giovanni Conversini da
Ravenna helped Vergerio to revise and correct his metric summaries of the books of the
Africa; see Luciano Gargan, "Giovanni Conversini e la cultura letteraria a Treviso nella
seconda meta del Trecento," IMU 8 (1965): 132 n. 1.
CHAPTER 6
The Panegyrics for
Saint Jerome
It is possible to gauge the diffusion of the rest of Vergerio's orations
by examining the manuscripts that contain his panegyrics for Jerome.
Scribes and collectors copied the sermons for three reasons. First, they
matched some of the Jerome panegyrics with other public orations by
Vergerio that they chose for their miscellanies. Dating from the fifteenth
century, those miscellanies assisted the work of rhetorical educators,
functioning as textbooks for students from Italy and from other parts of
Europe. Secondly, when individuals for personal reasons attempted to
collect all of Vergerio's works, they usually found some of the panegy-
rics that he gave on Jerome. Relatives of Vergerio and members of the
Papafava family, direct Paduan descendants of the Carrara, engaged in
that effort beginning late in the fifteenth century. Vergerio thereby re-
ceived posthumous recognition from the family whose patronage he had
actively solicited during his lifetime. Thirdly, editors of the early printed
editions of the opera of Jerome included one of Vergerio's panegyrics as
a brief introduction to the saint's life. Sweynheym and Pannartz pub-
lished the sermon in their editio princeps at Rome in 1468, and later pub-
lishers followed their editorial choice.^
' The following editions, all from Italy, have the sermon of Vergerio as part of their
introductory material: Hain *8550, 8551, 8552, 8555, *8556, *8557, 8558, *8560, *8563,
*8564. Vergerio's sermon is not included in the editions published at Strasbourg, Mainz,
Nuremberg, and Basel (Hain 8549, *8553-54, *8559, *8562, *8565) nor in the Italian
translation from Ferrara (Hain 8566). In general, see "Opera di San Girolamo, edizione del
XV. secolo," Bullettino di archeologia e storia dalmata 39 (1916): 158-63.
104 CHAPTER 6
a. Humanist miscellanies {Bp, S, Tp, V)
A composite codex now in Venice {V) contains the earliest copy of
one of the Jerome panegyrics. The first section of that codex has Ver-
gerio's sermon on Jerome as well as his description of the funeral of
Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara and the oration that he wrote for the
funeral. Vergerio drafted all three texts in Padua between September of
1392 and November of 1393.^ The texts are also homogeneous from a
rhetorical perspective and indicate the radical perspectives that Vergerio
had adopted on public speaking. He appreciated the potential of public
spectacle to arouse patriotic sentiments and taught humanists to capi-
talize on those ceremonies as a setting for political oratory that propa-
gated the ideology of the governing elite. Vergerio likewise proposed to
use classical principles in preparing his panegyrics of Jerome, thereby
breaking with the conventions of Scholastic preaching on a scriptural
theme. The title of the panegyric in V defines the work as "a sermon
written in the manner of an oration," and the first words of the sermon
indicate that Vergerio omitted a thematic verse because he preferred to
follow the most up-to-date conventions for preaching.
Besides the three works of Vergerio, the collection also includes two
letters of Petrarch and a letter and dialogue on the value of solitude
that the Paduan scholar Lombardo della Seta composed for Petrarch.^
Those texts were included in later collections of Vergerio's opera; per-
^ The collection of Vergerio material in the first part of codex E includes the same
group of texts found in V, except that the version of the Jerome panegyric is fragmentary
here. The codex comes from the early sixteenth century and has a direct connection with
the Este family.
' Giuseppina Ferrante, "Lombardo della Seta umanista padovano (P-1390)," Atti del R.
Istituto veneto di scienze, lettere, ed arti 93, no. 2 (1933-34): 475-80, observes that the work
was copied "an infinite number of times" in the fifteenth century. Della Seta had promised
to find someone to edit Petrarch's Africa, but he died in 1390 without fulfilling his pledge.
Nicoletto d'Alessio, originally from Capodistria, was one of the two notaries who drafted
Petrarch's Testamentum. When Vergerio came to Padua in 1390, d'Alessio was chancellor for
the Carrara; see Paolo Sambin, "Alessio, Nicoletto d'," DBI 2:247-48. The works of
Petrarch in the Vergerio codices are:
Bp: Laureationis Petrarcae Privilegium; Nota de Laura; Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franci-
scum Petrarcam . . . epistola et de dispositione vitae dialogus.
E: PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae; Franc. Petrarca, Nota de Laura.
PM: PPV, Vita Francisci Petrarcae; Franc. Petrarca, Testamentum.
Ra: Franc. Petrarca, Testamentum; Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . .
epistola et de dispositione vitae dialogus; Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta Lombardo a
Sirico.
V: Lombardo della Seta, Ad . . . Franciscum Petrarcam . . . epistola et de dispositione vitae
dialogus; Franc. Petrarca, Ep. to Pandolfo Malatesta; Franc. Petrarca, . . . Responsio facta
Lombardo a Sirico.
Panegyrics 105
haps his heirs found them among his personal papers after he had left
Italy for the Empire. Vergerio had himself carried on a debate with
Petrarch about solitude and consistently espoused an activist style of
humanism. Lastly, the fascicle in V has a letter of Antonio Loschi to
Niccolo III d'Este, describing the murder of Ottobono Terzi. Loschi
wrote the letter from Vicenza in 1409, two years after he had left Rome
upon completing a diplomatic mission to Innocent VII. Vergerio and
Loschi met on that occasion, and the codex may have some relationship
to their friendship. The two humanists renewed their acquaintance in
1426, when Loschi received the poet's laurel while on an embassy to
Emperor Sigismund.'*
A second composite codex now in San Daniele del Friuli (5) contains
the two orations for Jerome that Vergerio delivered in 1406 and 1408
while a member of the papal court. The S codex had ties to humanists
from the Veneto active at the papal court and derives from the scripto-
rium of Guarnerio d'Artegna during its final years of activity (1461-
1466). The texts of Vergerio's sermons have numerous errors and many
corrections by the scribe, confirming the accuracy of his laconic post-
script where he admitted working in extreme haste (raptissime). The
latest dated components in the codex include letters that Guarino wrote
from 1451 to 1452 and an autograph copy of the oration that Giacomo
da Udine gave at Venice in 1457. The codex also has a Latin translation
of an oration by Herodian of Syria on the funeral and deification of
Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211). The translator was Ognibene
Bonisoli da Lonigo (Omnibonus Leonicenus).^ Bonisoli had completed
the translation before 1458, when Marco Barbo, a nephew of the future
Pope Paul II, gave a copy to Flavio Biondo.
^ See Amos Manni, "Terzi ed Estensi (1402-1421)," Atti e memorie della Deputazione
/errarese di storia patria 25, no. 2 (1925): 140, 159-82; Dieter Girgensohn, "Antonio Loschi
und Baldassare Cossa vor dem Pisaner Konzil (mit der Oratio pro umone ecclesiae)," IMU 30
(1987): 30-35; and Germano Gualdo, "Antonio Loschi, segretario apostolico (1406-1436),"
Archivio storico iuliano 147, no. 4 (1989): 750-64. Codex Pal. 262 of the Biblioteca Palatina
in Parma originally had the De ingenuis moribus as its first work. When the Vergerio text
was lost, an oration of Antonio Loschi to Doge Francesco Foscari (1423) was added; see
Bertalot, Studien, 2:241-43.
^ On Bonisoli's translation, see Flavio Biondo, Scritti inediti e rari . . . , ed. Bartolomeo
Nogara, Studi e testi 48 (Rome: BAV, 1927), xxxi; it is also found in Naples, Bibl. Na-
zionale, cod. V.G.19. Smith uncovered correspondence between Guarnerio d'Artegna and
Raffaele Zovenzoni, the rector of the public school in Capodistria from 1461-64 and 1470-
71. The correspondence dates from 1463. Early in the sixteenth century, Giovanni Andrea
Vergerio, a distant relative, had searched for a supposed translation of Herodian by Pier-
paolo Vergerio.
106 CHAPTER 6
It is already evident that students from a variety of places in north-
ern Italy examined Vergerio's works as a norm for proper oratory and
as a model for preaching according to classical norms. Humanist gram-
marians and teachers of rhetoric played a critical role in preserving and
transmitting his orations to posterity. The fact that humanist miscella-
nies such as Bp and Tp are written in a humanist cursive supports that
conclusion. The miscellanies were not compiled as formal texts for li-
braries, but as working texts for students of humanism. Unlike the luxu-
ry copies of the De ingenuis moribus prepared by professional scribes for
the libraries of wealthy patrons, the texts in humanist miscellanies from
the Veneto had an educational matrix. Vergerio had made his proposal
for a return to classicizing oratory at Padua late in the fourteenth cen-
tury. Fifty years later, educators had created a sylloge of model orations
with the nucleus drawn from Paduan speeches. Though scholars today
describe such manuscripts by author, they were often organized accord-
ing to rhetorical genres.^
By focusing on the importance of rhetorical education when investi-
gating the manuscripts, new perspectives emerge on the nature of some
of their texts. For instance, scholars have sometimes characterized as for-
geries the letters of Pontius Pilate to two Roman emperors, preserved in
codex Bp and in similar collections. In all likelihood, they are model
declamations, offered to students as examples of Latin prose composition
and as useful exercises in political debate. Grammarians would probably
not have tried to pass off such texts as authentic documents from a par-
ticular historical era. Manuscript Tp has copies of the speeches attributed
to Demades and Demosthenes, which are legion in humanist miscella-
nies. They comprise short reworkings of positions recorded in the his-
torical sources as Athenian statesmen debated the policy to adopt before
Alexander the Great.'' At a moment when Giangaleazzo Visconti threat-
^ See Bertalot, "Eine Sammlung paduaner Reden des XV. Jahrhunderts," in Studien,
2:209-13, who characterizes the codex, Udine Arcivescovile 70, as a textbook of rhetorical
models ("rhetorisches Musterbuch") and demonstrates that it contains all types of speeches,
though prevalently those from university life. See also Giorgio Ronconi, "II giurista Lauro
Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e I'attivita oratoria, accademica, e pubblica," Quademi per la
storia dell'Universita di Padova 17 (1984): 1, 34-35, 63, who discusses two huge repertories
from the scriptorium of Palazzolo. The repertories were organized by genre, and their
exemplars were cited verbatim in other speeches.
^ See Remigio Sabbadini, "Antonio da Romagno e Pietro Marcello," Nuovo archivio
veneto 30 (1915): 218-22; and Bertalot, Studien, 2:246-47, 263. The following texts in the
two miscellanies are probably declamations:
Bp: (4) Philippus rex Aristoteli salutem (inc: Filium mihi genitum scito) (cf. Bertalot, Studien,
Panegyrics 107
ened to unite Italy under a single ruler, an enlightened educator had his
students imagine themselves confronted with a historical choice of acute
contemporary relevance: how should Athens respond to Alexander? The
speeches continued to be studied for stylistic and ideological reasons.
Those of Demades and Demosthenes promoted ideals of liberty, but the
letters of Pilate regrettably encouraged anti-Semitism.
In addition to basic compositional exercises, the miscellanies preserve
evidence of advanced training in rhetoric as well. Manuscript Tp con-
tains exordia and model letters that Gasparino Barzizza used to teach his
students correct rhetorical technique. The same codex has a series of
speeches written by Barzizza, who used them to illustrate the ways in
which he himself applied the general principles of the art in determined
historical circumstances.^ Both codices have a group of orations closely
associated with Guarino da Verona and written in the Veneto in the
years from 1415 to 1425. The group includes the speech that Guarino
gave to welcome Francesco Pisani as podesta of Verona, the funeral ora-
tions for Giorgio Loredan and Carlo Zeno delivered by Leonardo Giu-
stiniani in Venice, and the commemorative eulogy for Manuel Chryso-
loras that Andrea Giuliano gave at Venice. Giuliano and Giustiniani
2:247-48); (16-18) Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem oratio (inc: Si Dii habitum cor-
poris tui); (153-54) Anon., Ep. to virgo nohilissima (inc: Tullium Ciceronem Romanae
virtutis); (155-58) Col. Salutati, Dedamatio Lucretiae (Menesto, ed., Coluccio Salutati
editi e inediti, 35-43); (158-59) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Claudius (inc: Nuper accidit
quod et ipse probavi); (159) Ps. Pontius Pilatus, Ep. to Tiberius (inc: De lesu Christo);
(160) Ps. Avicenna, Ep. to Aurelius Augustinus (inc: Apparuisti compatriota noster).
Tp: (fol. 109r-v) Pietro Marcello?, short speeches of Demades and Demosthenes (ed. Remi-
gio Sabbadini, "Pietro Marcello," 241-42); (fol. 148) Ps. Plutarchus, Ep. to Trajan (inc:
Modestiam tuam noveram) (cf. Bertalot, Studien, 2:248; and Helmut Boese, Die latei-
nischen Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton zu Berlin [Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz,
1966], 127, 260); (fols. 184-85) Ps. Cicero, <Invectiva in Catilinam> (inc: Non est
tempus ocii) (cf. Agostino Sottili, IMU 18 [1975]: 52 [/ codici del Petrarca, 724]).
The speech of the Scythian legates is also found in Brindisi Arcivescovile A/6 {Iter 1:38b,
5:514b-15a); Brussels Albert ler 11.1443 {Iter 3:122b-23a); Florence Rice. 671 (a copy of the
Brindisi manuscript); Gotha Chart. B.239 {Iter 3:398b-99a); London Add. 33382 Spanish
translation (/rer 4:120a), Add. 40676 (/ter 4:122a); Paris Lat. 7868 (/ter 3:222b); and Toledo
Cap. 13, 15 {Iter 4:640b). Further copies of the letter of Avicenna to Augustine are preserved
in Berlin Magdeburg 13 {Iter 3:369a) and Munich Clm 28824 {Iter 3:625b).
* See Alfredo Galletti, L'eloquenza: Dalle origini al XVI secolo, Storia dei generi letterari
italiani (Milan, 1904-38), 557-58; Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "La raccoltadell'umanistafiam-
mingo Giovanni de Veris De arte epistolandi," IMU 15 (1972): 215-81; Daniela Mazzuconi,
"Per una sistemazione dell'epistolariodi Gasparino Barzizza," /Aft/ 20 (1977): 183-84, 198-
99; and G. W. Pigman, "Barzizza's Studies of Cicero," Rinascimento, n.s., 21 (1981): 123-33.
At Padua in 1411, Barzizza dedicated his commentary on Seneca's letters to Francesco
Zabarella; see Letizia A. Panizza, "Gasparino Barzizza's Commentaries on Seneca's Letters,"
Traditio 33 (1977): 308-13.
108 CHAPTER 6
were prominent students at Guarino's school of rhetoric in Venice.
Humanists therefore taught rhetoric not only on the basis of classical
pedagogy and models but on the basis of their own speeches. They did
so with an eye to ideological considerations; Giustiniani's oration for
Carlo Zeno communicated a message sympathetic to the ideals of the
Venetian patriciate. Though one of Venice's greatest war heroes, Zeno
had obediently accepted the punishment of a year in prison after his
conviction for accepting payment from a foreign prince. His submission
to a system of justice blind to social privilege helped to maintain the
"most serene environment" desired by the republic's aristocracy.'
Both codices {Bpy Tp) have a copy of the oration that Vergerio gave
to celebrate the anniversary of Francesco Novello's return to power in
Padua. As the first oration that Vergerio composed, it is one of the
earliest examples of classicizing oratory from Renaissance Italy. One can
therefore understand why educators wished that students of rhetoric
copy the speech into their compendia. In a similar way, the panegyrics
of Jerome included in the miscellanies broadened one's collection into
the arena of preaching. Though the majority of orations in the two co-
dices are epideictic, reflecting the general situation of oratory during the
Italian Renaissance, there are also examples of deliberative orations pro-
nounced on diplomatic embassies and sermons given in a liturgical con-
text. ^° Having argued that students should be proficient in all three of
' See Galletti, L'eloquenza, 561-62; and John M. McManamon, Funeral Oratory and the
Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, N.C., and London: Univ. of North
Carolina Press, 1989), 88-91.
'° The group of orations has the following order in the two codices:
Bp: (99-100) Guarino, Oratio ... in principio rhetoricae (inc: Antequam ad hunc locum);
(101-3) Guarino, Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta (inc: Anim-
adverti saepenumero magnifici viri) (cf. Agostino Sottili, Icodici delPetrarca, 201); (104-
12) <Leon. Giustiniani > , /Ic/ . . . Georgium Lauredanum funelms oratio; (112-22) Leon.
Giustiniani, . . . Oratio hahita in funere . . . Caroli Zeni . . . ; (122-31) Andr. Giuliano,
. . . Oratio in funere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae habita . . . ; (131-33) Girolamo Dalle Valli,
Ad . . . Pasqualem Maripetrum . . . oratio pro universitate sua (inc: Qui celsitudinem tuam
his temporibus adeunt); (133-36) Bern. Giustiniani, Oratio . . . hahita ad . . . Pium
secundum . . . (inc: Sanctissime ac piissime pater cum devotissimi).
Tp: (fols. 68-69) Guarino, Laudatio . . . Francisci Pisani Veronensis praetoris . . . acta; (fols. 69-
72) < Leon. Giustiniani > , Ad . . . Georgium Lauredanum funebris oratio; (fols. 72-77)
Leon. Giustiniani, . . . Oratio habita in funere . . . Caroli Zeni . . . ; (fols. 77v-81) Andr.
Giuliano, . . . Oratio in funere . . . Manuelis Chrysolorae habita. . . .
Codex R has a small sylloge of diplomatic orations, including that by Bernardo Giustiniani
in Bp: (fols. 157-59) Bern. Giustiniani, . . . Ad summum pontificem oratio dum fungeretur
legatione ad serenissimum Ferdinandum Neapoli regem; (fols. 159v-60) Ippolita Sforza, . . .
Oratio ad summum pontificem Pium; (fol. 160) <Pius II>, Responsum ex tempore; (fols.
160v-61) Galeazzo Maria Sforza, . . . Ad serenissimum principem Franciscum Fuscarum oratio
(cf. Agostino Sottili, / codici del Petrarca, 249).
Panegyrics 109
the classical genres, Vergerio would be pleased to see a variety of model
speeches in the miscellanies.
b. Vergerio's Opera (B, C, E, MB, Pa, PM, R, Ra, T)
The redactors of manuscripts who sought to collect Vergerio's opera
omnia never succeeded in their quest; none of the manuscripts has the
complete sylloge of ten panegyrics for Jerome. The group of four pane-
gyrics that is preserved in the fourth part of manuscript B was put to-
gether at the beginning of the sixteenth century and subsequently bound
with the huge group of letters collected by Vergerio's descendants,
Pierpaolo di Vergerio and his son Paolo. Both father and son were nota-
ries active in Capodistria in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centu-
ries. The sylloge in B'* consists of fragmentary versions of four of Ver-
gerio's Jerome pangeyrics together with two speeches that he gave in
Rome in 1406 and a letter that Vergerio wrote to Salutati in the name of
Pope Innocent VII. The homogeneous nature of this little collection,
containing rather obscure texts of Vergerio regarding church affairs, sug-
gests that the texts were originally found in Rome and sent back to
Capodistria. In the early sixteenth century, Giovanni Andrea Vergerio
came to Rome from Capodistria in search of lost works of Vergerio.
Among those that he still had not located in 1509, he mentioned panegy-
rics of Saint Jerome and orations for resolving the schism.^*
Leonardo Smith has proposed that the scribe of manuscript C
worked in Capodistria at the end of the fifteenth century. That scribe
indicated that he had access to autograph notes of Vergerio in three in-
stances: the De republica Veneta, the De situ urbis lustinopolitanae, and
Ep. 27 written by Vergerio in 1391.^^ From those texts one can recon-
struct elements of Vergerio's scholarly methods. On the basis of his
reading and his examination of material evidence, Vergerio made a series
of notes for the treatises on Venice and Capodistria. After further study,
Vergerio went back to his notes and made additions and revisions in the
margins. He never had the time or motivation to expand the notes into
a prose text. In the case of the De republica Veneta, the scribe of manu-
script R attempted to do that for Vergerio. ^^
" Epist., Ivii-lx.
" Ibid., xxxvii, xlviii-xlix.
" See David Robey and John Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica VeneU of
Pier Paolo Vergerio," Rinascimento, n.s., 15 (1975): 36-38.
110 CHAPTER 6
Because Vergerio had offered various hypotheses regarding the
etymology of lustinopolis, his copyists did further research in historical
sources to try and resolve the question. The scribe of C copied from the
historian lustinus a text that recounts the settling of the Colchians in
Istria. The text almost certainly figured among Vergerio's papers, for it
supports his preferred explanation and is associated with his incomplete
treatise on Capodistria in three other manuscripts {Bp, R, Pa). The scribe
of R added other excerpts on Capodistria and the Istrian peninsula,
which he found in Pliny, Strabo, medieval chronicles of the region, and
Flavio Biondo. Finally, three of the codices {PM, R, Ra) contain the text
of an inscription that purportedly establishes a tie among the legendary
voyage of the Argonauts, the emperor Justin II (565-578), and lustino-
polis. Vergerio had speculated that the city's Latin name may have
derived from that emperor, though he personally found the association
with the historian lustinus more convincing. Scholars today judge the in-
scription to be a forgery of the Renaissance, created to fill in the histori-
cal record and enhance Capodistria's reputation.^'* There are grounds
to suspect that the forgery was inspired by Vergerio's notes.
On 2 June 1507, Marsilio Papafava finished copying into manuscript
MB Vergerio's biographies of the Carrara rulers of Padua. Papafava
proved to be the first in a series of direct descendants of the Carrara,
who collected Vergerio's works because Vergerio had narrated the his-
torical deeds of their family. In that project, Marsilio had as his succes-
sors the abbot Roberto Papafava in the seventeenth century {PM) and
Count Gian Roberto Papafava in the eighteenth century (Pa)}^ Ironi-
cally, neither of the later Papafava succeeded in publishing the edition of
Vergerio's opera that both had projected. Instead, the manuscript written
primarily by Marsilio Papafava, or a copy of that manuscript, served
Ludovico Antonio Muratori when he prepared a collection of Vergerio's
works for publication in the RIS. Muratori apparently engaged in a con-
scious subterfuge, claiming that he used a codex in the Estense library
and thereby hiding the Paduan provenance of his manuscript and its
connection to the Carrara.^^ By making copies of Vergerio's biogra-
" Maria Pia Billanovich, "Bernardino Parenzano e le origini di Capodistria," IMU 14
(1971): 269-70.
'^ See Epist, xl-xlii, xlv-xlvi, Ixiv-lxviii; and Paolo Preto, "Pietro Ceoldo (1738-1813)
tra ancien regime e rivoluzione," in Contributi alia bibliografia storica della chiesa padovana
1, Fonti e ricerche 7 (Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica Padovana, 1976), 13-32.
'^ See Epist, 490, 494 (Muratori's prefaces); and Anna Burlini Calapaj, "Tra polemica,
erudizione, e storia: Scritti editi ed inediti di Adamo Pivati, parroco di S. Giuliana in
Panegyrics 111
phies, the Carrara and Papafava kept alive their aspirations to regain
poHtical prominence. Of the thirty odd codices that conserve Vergerio's
De principibus Carrariensihus et eorum gestis liber, more than half are
now in Hbraries in Padua or Venice. The most famous copy is a luxury
codex on parchment that contains portraits of the princes matched to
Vergerio's biographies.^'' Vergerio himself believed that a verbal por-
trait that successfully renders the subject visible had the greatest poten-
tial to inspire the emulation of others.
Manuscript MB contains only one of Vergerio's panegyrics of Je-
rome, that delivered in Rome in 1406. Muratori decided not to print the
work because he felt it had no bearing on his purpose, little that was
original, and some things that were inaccurate. ^^ Curiously, neither Ro-
berto Papafava nor Gian Roberto Papafava found a copy of that sermon
to add to their intended opera omnia. The oversight is especially surpris-
ing in the second instance, for a correspondent alerted Gian Roberto
Papafava to the existence of another sermon that would complement the
seven he had already found in codex R. Perhaps the count failed to find
the sermon because the letter indicated only that the sermon was pub-
lished in an incunabulum. Papafava may have searched in vain among
the incunabular editions of Vergerio's works, not realizing that the ser-
mon was actually published in the opera of Jerome. Manuscript T was
copied from a codex in the library of Giacomo Zabarella in the seven-
teenth century. That manuscript, which Smith described as lost, is al-
most certainly codex MB or its exemplar.
Both manuscript R, now in Padua, and manuscript Ra, now in Ven-
ice, were transcribed late in the fifteenth century. The R codex opens
with a letter from Pietro Dolfin (1444-1525), the abbot of San Michele
di Murano, to Enrico Petronio, a doctor of law from Capodistria. The
letter is dated 23 January 1480. Petronio was related to the Vergerio
Padova," in Contributi alia bibliografta storica della chiesa padovana 5 (1980-83), Fonti e
ricerche 15 (Padua: Istituto per la Storia Ecclesiastica Padovana, 1983), 15-16.
'' Cod. B.P. 158 of the Museo Civico in Padua. See further Vittorio Lazzarini, "Libri
di Francesco Novello da Carrara," in Scritti di paleogra/ia e diplomatica, Medioevo e
umanesimo 6 (Venice, 1938; rev. ed., Padua: Antenore, 1969), 280-81; Giovanni Muzzioli,
ed., Mostra storica nazionale della miniatura (Florence: Sansoni, < 1954 >), 164-65; and Iter
2:22a. On the surviving manuscripts of the biographies, see the comments of Attilio
Gnesotto in Petri Pauli Vergerii De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber (Padua,
1925), ix-x, 125-27.
'* Muratori is quoted by Smith, EpisL, 495: ". . . tum quod nulla ex parte ad institutum
meum spectet, tum etiam quod nihil nisi vulgaria, eaque ne a fabulis quidem immunia,
exhibeat."
112 CHAPTER 6
family by marriage and had lent Dolfin a codex of the letters of Pier-
paolo Vergerio. Dolfin had already acquired an active interest in Ver-
gerio's work, for in 1462 he had lent his copy of the De ingenuis moribus
to a relative of the same name, Pietro di Giorgio Dolfin (ca. 1427-
1506).^^ The abbot asked Petronio if he might keep the codex of Verge-
rio's letters for a longer time in order to transcribe them. A codex
presently preserved at Camaldoli but originally in the library of San
Michele has a sylloge of Vergerio's letters which relate to Venetian
matters. That manuscript was written in the eighteenth century and can
only be a later copy of the letters selected by Dolfin.^° In addition to
Capodistria, the R codex had close associations with Padua. The manu-
script has a note, which was purportedly copied from the Paduan com-
munal archive before the burning of the Palazzo della Ragione in 1420.
The note, a famous forgery often conjoined with an astrological table
for the year 421, claims that the Paduan Senate sent out colonists to
found a settlement at the Rialto in that year."^^ The document reflected
patriotic sentiments among Paduans, who wished to liberate the city
from Venetian control. Petronio studied law at the University of Padua,
finishing his degree in 1479. Whether the work of Petronio or some
other scribe, the codex is valuable for preserving three of the sermons
on Jerome and a complete text of the short oration that Vergerio
delivered at the papal court in August of 1406.
'' The copy of De ingenuis moribus made by Pietro di Giorgio is now Venice Marc. lat.
VI.268 (3141); see Derolez, Codicologie, 2:152 (no. 1105). Venice Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664),
a De ingenuis moribus copied at Pirano in 1444, once belonged to the library of San Michele
di Murano. Smith published the letter from Dolfin to Petronio in Epist, xxxix. On the two
Pietro Dolfin, see the articles of Raffaella Zaccaria in the DBI 40:562-71. The abbot Pietro
transcribed Jerome's letters into BAV cod. Vat. lat. 13703. Luigi Pesce, La chiesa di Treviso
nel primo Quattrocento, Italia sacra: Studi e documenti di storia ecclesiastica 37-39 (Rome:
Herder, 1987), 1:207-8, discusses the contacts among Vergerio, Carlo Zeno, and Giacomo
da Treviso. Giacomo served from 1393 to 1395 as vicar general to Leonardo Dolfin, bishop
of Castello (Venice).
^° Camaldoli cod. 1201, fols. 193-21 Iv; see /ter 5:522b-23b. Smith, Epist., xxxviii-xxxix
n. 1, surmised that the manuscript was lost.
^' See Vittorio Lazzarini, "II preteso documento della fondazione di Venezia e la cronaca
del medico lacopo Dondi," in Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica, Medioevo e umanesimo 6
(Venice, 1938; rev. ed., Padua: Antenore, 1969), 107-1 1; Sante Bortolami, "Per la storia della
storiografia comunale: il Chronicon de potestatibus Paduae," Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 105
(1975): 76-78; and Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton: Princeton
Univ. Press, 1981), 70-72. Ronconi, "Lauro Palazzolo," 28, speaks of a student from Capo-
distria at the University of Padua by the name of Ericino Petroni; see further Iter 2:241a,
359a.
Panegyrics 113
Between the years 1486 and 1502, Paolo Ramusio the elder (ca. 1443-
1506) copied the texts into codex Ra. Ramusio was born in Rimini and
studied at the University of Padua; he eventually settled in Venice and
frequently served as an assessor for Venice in the cities of her empire.
Ramusio also raised a family of distinguished humanists.^ His collec-
tion of the works of Vergerio shared elements with other collections,
but he managed to give it a personal stamp as well. Like other students,
Ramusio coupled Vergerio's opera with selected works from the corpus
of Petrarch. Likewise, Ramusio offered the forged inscription from
Capodistria immediately after Vergerio's notes on the site of his home-
town. A note informs the reader that, although the inscription was un-
known to Vergerio, it confirms the thesis that the emperor Justin II had
some relationship to lustinopolis.^^ Ramusio's codex is unique for pre-
serving an office for the feast of Jerome which Vergerio put together
while studying canon law in Padua (1400-1405). The office differs in
arrangement from others written in the late fourteenth and fifteenth
century, though all of them build from a common stock of psalms,
prayers, and readings.^'^ Ramusio bridges the two worlds of those col-
lecting rhetorical miscellanies and those collecting Vergerio's opera.
^ Margaret L. King, Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton:
Princeton Univ. Press, 1986), 423-24.
^ According to Smith, Epist., xlv n. 1, Ramusio copied the inscription from cod. 21 of
the Archivio Papafava in Padua.
^^ In addition to the one in Ramusio's codex, there are offices for the feast in Oxford,
Bodleian, cod. Canon, pat. lat. 70, fols. 87-91; BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 1205, fols. 59-61; and
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. Car. C.144, fols. 131-55 (dated 1427). Because all of the
offices begin with the same antiphon, they share a common incipit in the catalogs. The
office in the Vatican manuscript has some relationship to the Hieronymite congregation of
Blessed Pietro Gambacorta and was put together after Pietro's death in 1435. The Vatican
manuscript is described in M.-H. Laurent, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1135-1266
(Vatican City: BAV, 1958), 138-39. Information on the Oxford codex is available in Henry
O. Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Canonicianos Complectens, part 3 of Catologi Codicum
Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae (Oxford, 1854), 333-34; and Bernard Lambert, Bi-
hliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de saint Jerome,
Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 3:653, 669, 688.
The Oxford codex was written in antiqua by Francesco da Poppio (see fol. 91). Possessors'
notes on fol. ii suggest a Florentine provenance: "Questo libro e di Giovan Batista
d'Attaviano Doni." "Questo libro e di Piero di Simone del Nero comprato da Santi de le
Volte il di [ . . . ] di gennaio 1580." On the office for Jerome composed by Pietro da
Viterbo, OESA, at the behest of Giovanni d'Andrea, see Joseph Klapper, "Aus der Friihzeit
des Humanismus: Dichtungen zu Ehren des heiligen Hieronymus," in Ernst Boehlich and
Hans Heckel, eds., Bausteine: Festschrift fur Max Koch zum 70. Geburtstag dargebracht (Bres-
lau, 1926), 273-80.
114 CHAPTER 6
c. Jerome's Opera {A, Ar, Br, Gn, Tr, 2)
The final group of codices all have copies of the panegyric for Je-
rome, which Vergerio delivered at Rome in 1406. In every case, the ser-
mon was copied from an incunabular edition of the works of Jerome.
The six manuscripts testify once again to the fact that, in producing
books, printing did not immediately replace handwriting. Between 1480
and 1483, Cardinal Giovanni of Aragon evidently decided to add a copy
of Jerome's opera to his personal library, and he paid a talented scribe in
Florence to make a handwritten copy of the works {A). The scribe in
turn copied Jerome's letters and treatises from the edition published at
Parma in 1480. The cardinal's luxury manuscripts, written in antiqua on
high-quality parchment, better mirrored his status as the ecclesiastical
notable of the ruling family of Naples. After Giovanni's sudden death in
1485, the two volumes passed to the Royal Library, where in 1495 they
became part of the spoils of the French invasion of Italy. The codices
passed from the Aragonese rulers of Naples to powerful French cardi-
nals (Guillaume Bri^onnet and Georges d'Amboise) and eventually to
the French Royal Library.^^
The Cambridge codex (Gn) is a similar case of luxury manuscript
production for John Gunthorpe, dean of Wells Cathedral and former
master of the Royal Palace in London. In its use of two columns and
Gothic script, the codex testifies to the cultural lag between England and
Italy. Unlike Giovanni of Aragon, the imperial counselor Jakob Spiegel
(ca. 1483-1547) had a limited interest in manuscript books. Apparently
while visiting Buda in 1514, he obtained a codex of Tacitus from the
Corvinian Library, but he gave it to Beatus Rhenanus a few years later.
Spiegel was a nephew of Jakob Wimpfeling, among the first of the
German humanists to endorse Vergerio's approach to humanist educa-
tion in the De ingenuis moribus. Spiegel himself collected a large number
of theological works, and his favorite author was Erasmus. His once
owning the codex of Jerome's works now in London {Ar) reflects the
^ On the edition printed at Parma, see Pietro Zorzanello, "La stampa nella provincia
di Parma e Piacenza," in Domenico Fava, ed., Tesori delle biblioteche d'ltalia: Emilia e
Romagna (Milan, 1932), 538; and Luigi Balsamo, "Editoria e umanesimo a Parma fra Quat-
tro e Cinquecento," in Paola Medioli Masotti, ed., Parma e I'umanesimo italiano (Atti del
convegno intemazionale di studi umanistici, Parma, 20 ottobre 1984), Medioevo e umanesimo
60 (Padua: Antenore, 1986), 80. For the dispersion of the Royal Library at Naples, see
Armando Petrucci, "Biblioteca, libri, scritture nella Napoli aragonese," in Guglielmo
Cavallo, ed., Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medievale, Biblioteca universale 250 (Bari:
Laterza, 1989), 199-201; and Hankins, P/dto, 1:96, 2:506, 710 (for the similar provenance of
Paris lat. 6858).
Panegyrics 115
interest of a follower of Erasmus in exegesis and the writings of the
church fathers.^^
Three other codices {Br, Tr, 2) are more modest efforts by individu-
als to assemble a useful collection of texts. An anonymous monk in the
Benedictine scriptorium of San Faustino probably copied codex Br. In
addition to the sermon on Jerome, the scribe chose to include a group
of "praiseworthy sermons" by John Chrysostom that had recently been
translated into Latin and published at Rome. The entire collection re-
flects emphases in the evolving spirituality of the monastery through
contact with humanist textual activities, and it served the monk primari-
ly as an aid to preaching. The Trier manuscript (TV), copied outside Italy
in a Gothic script typical of southern Germany and Austria, once
belonged to the library of the Windesheim congregation at the Augus-
tinian convent attached to the pilgrimage church of Eberhard. If copied
at the monastery, the choice of texts, featuring writings related to Je-
rome, enlightens us on the reform spirituality of the congregation toward
the end of the fifteenth century. The manuscript from the library of
Cardinal Zelada (2), now preserved in Toledo, had its origins in Marti-
nengo, in the province of Bergamo. The scribe of the first texts in the
codex, Romelius Gualenus de Solto, earned his living as the teacher in
a grammar school. He used the early folios of his manuscript for poetic
texts by a local humanist named Pamphylus Moratus.^'' The collection
probably served the master in his efforts to teach Latin grammar.
All of the scribes of those manuscripts had access to Vergerio's ser-
mon on Jerome from 1406 because the sermon was used as a biographi-
cal supplement in the first edition of Jerome's works published at Rome
^^ See Otto Herding, eA., Jakob Wimpfelings "Adolescentia," Jzcohi Wimpfelingi opera
selecta 1 (Munich: W. Fink, 1965), 85-95; Eugenio Garin, L'educazione in Europa (1400-
1600): Problemi e programmi (2d ed.. Ban: Laterza, 1966), 185; Karl Heinz Burmeister, "Die
Bibliothek des Jakob Spiegel," in Fritz Krafft and Dieter Wuttke, eds., Das Verhdltnis der
Humanisten zum Buck, Kommission fiir Humanismusforschung, Milteilung 4 (Boppard: H.
Boldt, 1977), 166-71, 180-82; and John F. D'Amico, Theory and Practice in Renaissance Tex-
tual Criticism: Beatus Rhenanus Between Conjecture and History (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and
London: Univ. of California Press, 1988), 115-16.
^^ Further manuscripts with works of Moratus are cataloged in Iter 2:204b-5a (Udine
Comunale F.P. 2686), 2:248a (Venice Marc. lat. XIV.214 [4674]), 2:359a (BAV Vat. lat.
3164), and 4:623b-24a (Seville 7-1-49). The Toledo codex has the Epistulae Magni Turd
translated by Laudivio Zacchia da Vezzano Ligurc. Zacchia also wrote a Vita Beati Hierony-
mi (Rome: J. Gensberg, ca. 1474), IGI 5700. Cod. Clm 18527b of the Bayerische Staatsbiblio-
thek in Munich has a sermon on Jerome copied in 1483 (fols. 146v-53), which quotes
Vergerio's Sermo 8 at length from the opening words. Variants indicate that the author used
the copy of Vergerio's sermon included in the works of Jerome published at Rome in 1470.
116 CHAPTER 6
in 1468. The complicated effort to print an opera omnia started with
Teodoro De Lellis, the bishop of Treviso. Before his death in 1466, De
Lellis had collected Jerome's letters and organized them into three gene-
ral groups.^^ The editorial project then passed to the humanist Gian-
nandrea Bussi. Given Bussi's familiarity with classical and patristic
manuscripts, he regularly collaborated with the first Roman printers.
When the Germans Sweynheym and Pannartz decided to publish an
edition of Jerome's works, they enlisted Bussi's help. Bussi found his
task simplified by the materials that Teodoro De Lellis had already
gathered. Using that collection as a basis, Bussi then consulted Theodore
Gaza on problems of textual transmission and possible emendation. The
printing of Jerome's works engaged a group of humanist scholars in
Rome during the pontificate of Paul II (1464-1471). The first run
numbered two hundred and seventy-five copies, and a second printing
in 1470 sold for the rather economical price of five ducats for each of
two volumes.^^
Circumstantial evidence suggests that Giannandrea Bussi and his asso-
ciates made the decision to include Vergerio's panegyric in the introduc-
tory material.^° First, the only manuscripts of Jerome's works from the
^^ On Teodoro De Lellis, see Augusto Serena, La cultura umanistica a Treviso nel secolo
decimoquinto. Miscellanea di storia veneta, ser. 3, torn. 3 (Venice, 1912), 40-42; Luigi
Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre (1462-64) e dl Treviso (1464-66),"
Archivio veneto 66 (1936): 238-56; Rodolfo Dell'Osta, Un teologo del potere papule e suoi
rapporti col cardinalato nel secolo XV ossia Teodoro de' Lelli vescovo di Feltre e Treviso (1427-
1466) (Belluno: S. Benetta, 1948); Pesce, La chiesa di Treviso, 1:365, 605, 2:7; and Diego
Quaglioni, "De Lellis, Teodoro," DBI 36:506-9. Teodoro's father, Simone De Lellis da
Teramo (ca. 1383/88-d. by Aug. 1458), studied under Francesco Zabarella at the University
of Padua. On Simone's career, see Myriam Billanovich, "Francesco Colonna, // Polifilo, e la
famiglia Lelli," IMU 19 (1976): 421-24; Walter Brandmuller, "Simon de Lellis de Teramo:
Ein Konsistorialadvokat auf den Konzilien von Konstanz und ^zst\," Annuarium Historiae
Conciliorum 12 (1980): 229-55; and Paolo Cherubini, "De Lellis, Simone," D5/ 36:504-6.
Codex 7p, described above, has the only literary work presently attributed to Simone (fol.
54v: Oratio vel epistola . . . in compatrem . . . Guedonem de Francia). However, Brandmuller,
"Simon de Lellis," 259, has challenged the attribution.
^' Hieronymus, Tractatus et epistolae, ed. Giannandrea Bussi, Hain 8551; BMC 4:5; IGI
4733. For Bussi's activity, see Sergio Samek Ludovici, "Sweynheym, Pannartz, e Giovanni
Andrea Bussi," Beitrdge zur Inkunahelkunde, ser. 3, 4 (1969): 162-64; Egmont Lee, Sixtus IV
and Men of Letters, Temi e testi 26 (Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1978), 105-11;
Massimo Miglio, "Bussi, Giovanni Andrea," DBI 15:568-69; Miglio's comments in Prefa-
zioni alle edizioni di Sweynheym e Pannartz prototipografi romani, Documenti sulle arti del
libro 12 (Milan: II Polifilo, 1978), xvii-xxxv; and Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renais-
sance (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), 121-22. Miglio published
the prefaces to vol. 1 (ibid., 3-5) and vol. 2 (ibid., 5-11) of the 1468 edition.
'° An edition of Jerome's works published at Rome around 1468 claims to reproduce
the text that De Lellis prepared, and it has Vergerio's sermon on Jerome. That does not
Panegyrics 117
fifteenth century which contain Vergerio's panegyric are those copied
from the various printed editions that had the speech. For example,
none of the approximately thirty codices of Jerome's works copied in
the fifteenth century and now preserved in the various fondi of the Vati-
can Library has Vergerio's sermon. In a few cases, the codices do have
a biographical introduction such as the life of Jerome that Giovanni
d'Andrea wrote for his Hieronymianus. Thus, even though the practice
of appending a biography to a collection of Jerome's works was not
unknown, no editor prior to Bussi chose Vergerio's panegyric as the
appropriate text.^^ Secondly, among the Vatican codices, there is a two-
volume set of Jerome's works that originally belonged to Teodoro De
Lellis (Vat. lat. 343 and 344). The letters of Jerome are preceded by the
index that De Lellis had prepared; he distributed the letters under the
headings of faith, Scripture, and morality. In the second volume, imme-
diately after the last of Jerome's writings, the manuscript has a biogra-
phy of Jerome written by Nicolo Maniacoria in the twelfth century and
two of the letters on Jerome's miracles written by a forger in the four-
teenth century. Moreover, the two volumes have annotations and
collations in a hand other than that of De Lellis. The codices appear to
be the ones that Bussi and his associates used as the basis for their edi-
tion, but they did not find Vergerio's sermon there.^^
necessarily mean that De Lellis himself chose to include Vergerio's sermon. The edition is
Aristeas de septuaginta interpretihus, translatio Latina Mathias Palmerius; Hieronymus, Epi-
stolae <Rome: Sixtus Riessinger, ca. 1468 >, Hain 8550; BMC 4:27 ; 7G/ 4734; lERS 6. Ver-
gerio's sermon is found in vol. 1, fols. 368-69v.
" Late manuscripts of Jerome's opera in the BAV include: Barb. lat. 568, 569; Pal. lat.
1262; Regin. lat. 326; Urb. lat. 51; and Vat. lat. 342, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 357, 358
(with the biography of Giovanni d'Andrea), 359, 362, 363, 364, 365, 367 (with the biogra-
phy from the Legenda aurea), 368, 4321, 7604, 8124, 8559, 9256. Vat. lat. 348, 349, 358, and
362 are included in Derolez, Codicologie, 2:141 (no. 1007, 1008, 1009, 1010).
^^ Vat. lat. 343 and 344 are described in the BAV catalog prepared by Marco Vattaso and
Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1-678 (Vatican City, 1902), 248-
54. According to Massimo Miglio and Concetta Bianca, the hand of the scholar who
conducted the collation of De Lellis's manuscript is not that of Bussi. The following codices
all belonged to the library of De Lellis: BAV Ottob. lat. 749, Vat. lat. 216, 343, 344, 345,
434, 535, 546, 619, 795, 797, 976, 1905, 2107, 4520; and Venice Zan. lat. 345 (1650). In
addition to the printed catalogs of the Vatican library, see also Marco Vattaso, / codici
petrarcheschi delta Biblioteca Vaticana, Studi e testi 20 (Vatican City, 1908), 37-38; Jose
Ruysschaert, "Recherche des deux bibliotheques romaines Maffei des XVe et XVIe siecles,"
La Bibliofilia 60 (1958): 330-31; Ruysschaert, "Le miniaturiste 'romain' de VOpus de Michele
Carara," Scriptorium 23 (1969): 216-19; Concetta Bianca, "La formazione della biblioteca
latina del Bessarione," in C. Bianca et al., eds., Aspetti e problemi, vol. 1 of Scrittura,
biblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento, Littera antiqua 1.1 (Vatican City: Scuola
Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, e Archivistica, 1980), 158-59; and Bianca, "La
118 CHAPTER 6
Thirdly, the text of Vergerio's panegyric on Jerome, as it is preserved
in the Bussi edition, has a brief series of emendations made to polish its
Latin style, Bussi liked to confer with other scholars about textual mat-
ters; he discussed the Jerome edition with Theodore Gaza, who had al-
ready worked on a text of Vergerio. Gaza and Niccolo Sagundino had
helped to revise Vergerio's Latin translation of the works of Arrian. In
the course of that project, Sagundino had expressed his disdain for the
pedestrian quality of Vergerio's version.^^ A scholar like Gaza, there-
fore, may have been prone to see a need to emend the text of Vergerio's
sermon. Most importantly, the content points to Bussi. Because Vergerio
depicts Jerome as exemplifying the value of humanist studies for a
Christian intellectual, his portrait better harmonizes with the scholarly
priorities of Bussi and his circle. In fact, those Roman humanists may
have consciously selected Vergerio's panegyric as a subtle warning to
Paul II, who was then quarreling with his humanist secretaries.
The friction between pope and humanists directly involved Teodoro
De Lellis too. De Lellis had moved up in the church hierarchy by ex-
ploiting his Venetian connections at the papal court and by refining his
skills as a defender of papal primacy.^"* In 1451, he wrote a short trea-
tise against the Pragmatic Sanction, and, ten years later, he composed a
letter in the name of Pius II to endorse Gregor Heimburg's condemna-
tion for heresy. In 1464, De Lellis came to the aid of Paul II when he
censured any attempt by the cardinals to limit papal sovereignty. De
Lellis argued that, were the pope bound by electoral capitulations, he
would find himself as powerless as Venice's Doge, the symbolic prince
biblioteca romana di Niccolo Cusano," in Massimo Miglio, with P. Farenga and A.
Modigliani, eds., Scrittura, hiblioteche, e stampa a Roma nel Quattrocento 2, Littera antiqua
3 (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia, Diplomatica, e Archivistica, 1983), 693-94.
De Lellis also prepared a table of contents for his codex of Gregory the Great (Vat. lat.
619). Among the curiosities of his library are his employing a left-handed scribe named
Egbertus Noet (Vat. lat. 976 and 4520) and his purchasing Vat. lat. 2107 from the Roman
baker Albertus Prent, to whom Cardinal Antonio Cerda y Llascos left the codex in his will.
" Gaza's collaboration with Bussi is discussed by Massimo Miglio, "Bussi," DBI 15:568-
69. Philip A. Stadter, "Arrianus, Flavius," CTC 3:7-8, pointed out Sagundino's disparaging
remarks about Vergerio's translation.
'■^ See, e.g., Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli," 238-46; Dell'Osta, Un teologo, 23-96;
Hubert Jedin, Der Kampfum das Konzil, vol. 1 of Geschichte des Konzils von Trient (2d ed.,
Freiburg: Herder, 1951), 56, 67-68; Arthur J. Dunston, "Pope Paul 11 and the Humanists,"
Journal of Religious History 7, no. 4 (1973): 292-94, 298-303, 306; John F. D'Amico, Ren-
aissance Humanism in Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation,
Studies in Historical and Political Science, ser. 101, no. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ.
Press, 1983), 92-97; and Charles L. Stinger, The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington, Ind.:
Indiana Univ. Press, 1985), 8-9.
Panegyrics 119
par excellence. In his polemical works, De Lellis appealed to the thought
of Jerome, whom he cited as an apologist for the supreme authority of
the pope.
Therefore, when Paul II found himself under attack by the human-
ists, he naturally turned to Teodoro De Lellis for assistance. The Vene-
tian pope had almost immediately antagonized his humanist employees
when he reorganized the Roman Curia in 1464 and eliminated many of
the posts that they had filled in the College of Abbreviators. The hu-
manist Bartolomeo dei Sacchi, better known as Platina, bitterly resented
a papal decision that left himself and many humanist colleagues without
work. Platina's insulting invective against Paul II earned him a hearing
where he was interrogated by Teodoro De Lellis. When Platina defend-
ed his positions and threatened to appeal to a church council, De Lellis
threw him into prison. Released in January of 1465 through the media-
tion of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga, Platina found himself back in a cell
of Castel Sant'Angelo in February of 1468, when Paul II accused the
members of the Roman Academy of plotting against his life.
The editors and printers of the Roman press issued the edition of
Jerome's works at a moment when the papal court and humanists were
in less than perfect harmony. The message of Vergerio's panegyric, in-
cluded in the first Roman editions of Jerome's opera, countered the hard
line taken by Paul II and De Lellis. The panegyric comprised a call for
humanism in the service of the ecclesiastical community; humanist stud-
ies would prepare a learned clergy capable of reforming moral corrup-
tion by living exemplary lives. Attempts to condemn those studies for
being pagan comprised myopic bigotry on the part of church authori-
ties. Bussi may have found a copy of Vergerio's panegyric in Rome,
given that Vergerio had delivered it there. And Cardinal Gonzaga,
Platina's major Roman defender, may have advised him in that choice.
In 1462, six years before Bussi's edition, Gonzaga had copied in his own
hand another of Vergerio's panegyrics for Jerome.^^
Whatever the reasons, the decision assured wide circulation for that
panegyric of Vergerio. In the eighteenth century, it was reprinted in the
•'* See Alessandro Luzio and Rodolfo Renier, "II Platina e i Gonzaga," Giomale storico
della letteratura italiana 13 (1889): 433-34; Alpago-Novello, "Teodoro de' Lelli," 240-42; D.
S. Chambers, "II Platina e il Cardinale Francesco Gonzaga," in Augusto Campana and Paola
Meldioli Masotti, eds., Bartolomeo Sacchi il Platina: Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di studi
per il V Centenario (Cremona, 14-15 novembre 1981), Medioevo e umanesimo 62 (Padua:
Antenore, 1986), 10-12, 15-16; and the description of the Naples manuscript in Part II
above.
120 CHAPTER 6
folio edition of Jerome's works edited by Domenico Vallarsi, and it
migrated from there into Migne's Patrologia Latina. Even some editors
who did not include the panegyric still seem affected by its content.
Erasmus prefaced a masterful biography of the saint to his edition of the
letters and treatises for Froben in 1516; the general spirit of Erasmus's
life, admittedly a more subtle piece of historical interpretation, mirrored
the reformist tone of Vergerio's panegyric.^^ The trail of Vergerio's
works leads to other churchmen who embraced his call for devotion to
Jerome. Pietro da Montagnana, a parish priest who taught Latin gram-
mar in Padua from 1423 until his retirement in 1477, once had in his
possession the only extensive autograph folios of Vergerio still known
today. During his long years of teaching, Pietro also copied ninety-five
letters of Jerome in his distinctive Semigothic script and became fluent
in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, the three languages that Vergerio adduced
to demonstrate that Jerome had become a proficient philologist.^^ Joan-
nes Vitez (ca. 1408-72), bishop of Nagy-Varad and later of Esztergom,
'^ Froben published the edition of Jerome's works in nine volumes in 1516. On
Erasmus's editorial contribution and his biography of Jerome, see Joseph Coppens, "Le
portrait de saint Jerome d'apres Erasme," in J.-C. Margolin, ed., Colloquia Erasmiana
Turonensia, De Petrarque a Descartes 24 (Paris: J. Vrin, 1972), 2:821-28; John B. Maguire,
"Erasmus' Biographical Masterpiece: Hieronymi Stridonensis Vita," Renaissance Quarterly 26
(1973): 265-73; John Olin, "Erasmus and the Church Fathers," in Six Essays on Erasmus and
a Translation of Erasmus' Letter to Carondelet, 1523 (New York: Fordham Univ. Press,
1979), 33-47; Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 116-36; and Anna Morisi Guerra, "La
leggenda di San Girolamo: Temi e problemi tra umanesimo e controriforma," Clio 23
(1987): 11-1%. Mariano Vittori prepared an edition of Jerome's letters that was published at
Rome in 1565, and he prefaced to it a biography, which portrayed Jerome as a champion
of counter-reform. See Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 154-56; and Morisi Guerra, "La
leggenda," 28-33. Vallarsi's first edition was printed at Verona between 1734 and 1742. The
Patrologia Latina reproduced his second edition, which was published at Venice between
1766 and 1772.
^^ On the career of Pietro da Montagnana, see Giuliano Tamani, "Catalogo dei
manoscritti ebraici della Biblioteca Marciana di Venezia," La Bihliofilia 74 (1972): 254-63;
Tamani, "Pietro da Montagnana studioso e traduttore di testi ebraici," IMLJ 16 (1973): 349-
58; Albinia de la Mare, K. Marshall, and R. H. Rouse, "Pietro da Montagnana and the Text
of Aulus Gellius in Paris B.N. Lat. 13038," Scriptorium 30, no. 2 (1976): 219-25; Silvio
Bemardinello, "Gli studi propedeutici di greco del grammatico padovano Pietro da Monta-
gnana," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di Padova 9-10 (1976-77): 103-28; and
Bemardinello, "La Consolatio coisliniana di Boezio: Le glosse e la biblioteca di Pietro da
Montagnana," /4 m e memorie dell'Accademiapatavina di scienze, lettere, ed arti: Memorie della
classe di scienze morali, lettere, ed arti, n.s., 93, no. 3 (1980-81): 29-52. Montagnana's
manuscript of Jerome's works is Venice Marc. lat. 111.35 (2502). Simone Vosich da Montona
descended from a noble Istrian family and held church offices in Hungary, Rome, and
Padua. While in Padua, Simone built a burial chapel for his family and dedicated it to
Jerome in 1467. Six years later, Simone was named bishop of Capodistria; see Mario Botter,
"Nobili istriani in Treviso: La famiglia da Montona," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana
di archeologia e storia patria 58, n.s., 6 (1958): 114-18.
Panegyrics 121
inherited a number of Vergerio's books and his love for humanism. In
the prologue of his Epistolario, completed in 1451, Vitez noted that
Jerome had often cited Virgil, Horace, and Terence in his letters. He
further argued that erudite Christians should follow Jerome's example
by writing prose according to the model of Cicero.^*
The most effective way to diffuse Vergerio's portrait of Jerome con-
tinued to be the printed editions of the saint's writings, which scholars
and churchmen bought for their libraries. In the sixteenth century, as
Vergerio would have hoped, one owner proved to be among the few
tolerant voices of that militant era. A copy of the edition of Jerome's
works published in Rome around 1468 and now preserved in the Biblio-
teca Casanatense has marginalia and emphases by Marcello Cervini,
Pope Marcellus II (1555). While studying Vergerio's panegyric, Cervini
underlined the passages on Jerome's trial before the heavenly tribunal
and his departure from Rome when his election as pope seemed assured.
In the second case, Cervini added a marginal note to remind himself that
"Jerome withdrew from the city and repudiated the pomp of a secular
ruler. "^' Cervini caught the precise emphasis that Vergerio would have
wished and gave future generations still another reason to remember
him as "good Pope Marcellus."
'* See loannes Vitez de Zredna, Opera quae supersunt, ed. Ivan Boronkai, Bibliotheca
scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum, n.s., 3 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1980), 31 {Ep.
1); and Klara Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Johannes Vitez, Studia humanitatis:
Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissanceforschung 6 (Budapest: Akademia
Kiado, 1984), 20-28.
^' "Hieronymus recessit ab urbe et renuntiavit pompis saeculi." The edition has the
shelfmark Casanatense Vol. Inc. 707. A note by Antonio Cervini indicates that the margi-
nalia and emphases were written by Marcellus II ("Postilla quae habentur in hoc et secundo
volumine sunt ex proprio charactere Marcelli H ex attestatione illustrissimi et reverendissimi
D.D. Antonii Cervini . . ."). See further Stanley Morison, "Marcello Cervini, Pope Marcel-
lus H: Bibliography's Patron Saint," IMU 5 (1962): 303-4, 314-17; and William V. Hudon,
Marcello Cervini and Ecclesiastical Government in Tridentine Italy (DeKalb, 111.: Northern
Illinois Univ. Press, 1992), 20, 39-42, 58-59. Morison, "Marcello Cervini," 308, discusses
Cervini's plan to print a polyglot Bible that would be "nothing less than a critical revision."
Part IV
Editorial Matters
CHAPTER 7
Criteria for the
Edition
a. The minimal quantity of autograph material by Pierpaolo Vergerio
makes it impossible to reconstruct Vergerio's Latin orthography.^
Therefore, I have standardized the orthography of the texts accord-
ing to the norms in the Oxford Latin Dictionary. Modern standards
have been used for punctuation and capitalization as well.
b. Professional scribes were employed for the copying of codices A and
V. In the majority of cases, however, Vergerio's texts were copied by
persons familiar with humanist Latin. That means that most of the
codices offer the possibility of editorial intervention by literate copy-
ists.^
' See Episty Ixxiv-lxxviii; and Attilio Gnesotto, "Breve ritomo a due insigni rappresen-
tanti del primo umanesimo italico," Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed
arti in Padova, n.s., 53 (1936-37): 129-35.
^ See the debate over the possible interventions by Paolo Ramusio the elder in codex
Ra. Leonardo Smith, Epist., xliv-xlv (". . . la sua imperizia ed il malvezzo di introdurre nel
testo delle modificazioni ed interVpolazioni affatto arbltrarie, privano Ra di pressoche ogni
valore per la ricostruzione dell'Epistolario"); Theodor E. Mommsen, Petrarch's Testament
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 1957), 53 ("Ramusio's text in particular contains some
evident interpolations"); and Alessandro Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del
Vergerio," in Vittore Branca and Same Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo in Istria, Civilta vene-
ziana: Studi 38 (Florence: Olschki, 1983), 296-98, all saw Ramusio as polishing and editori-
alizing. Vittorio Rossi, review of Epistolano di Pier Paolo Vergerio, ed. Leonardo Smith,
Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 108 (1936): 315-16; and Sergio Cella, "Il Paulus"
Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patna 66, n.s., 14 (1966): 45-103,
tend to give precedence to Ramusio's readings. In the case of Sermo 9 below, I judge that
Ramusio made over thirty obvious errors and approximately twenty unnecessary editorial
changes, which render his version the least reliable. The changes include four transpositions
126 CHAPTER 7
c. I have used angular brackets < > to indicate letters, words, or
passages that I have added to the text on the belief that something
was omitted in the course of transmission, I have used square brack-
ets [ ] to indicate editorial deletions from the transmitted text. In the
notes, square brackets enclosing dots or a numeral indicate a blank
space of that many letters in a given manuscript.
d. Because no sylloge has all ten of the sermons, the relationship among
the manuscripts must be explained case by case.
Sermones 1-3: Pa is a copy of i?. Therefore, the edition is based upon the
text in R. Pa has only been taken into consideration for possibly
accurate emendation and for correcting scribal errors.
Sermo 4: Bp and R share two omissions (notes s and qq), a single addi-
tion at note 1 (et), and two transpositions. They therefore form a
separate family from C and B. R has three further transpositions and
gives an abbreviated version of the quotation from Jerome. 5 is a
copy of C or C's exemplar with minor editorial changes.^ PM, Pa,
and the text published by Salmaso are copies based upon one or
more existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon P {Bp, R) + C.
Sermo 5: V is the only complete text of the sermon. N and Tp, despite
being fragmentary, have portions of the sermon found only in VJ*
The scribe of C also knew of a fuller redaction than the one he was
copying, for he left space in the manuscript at the precise point
and revisions like maiore for more; est for esse; magis for maius; reddere for reddendae; cor-
rectus for correptus; tante diem suum for ante hominem suum. In two instances {et Haethiopi-
cue for Aethiopissae, placerent for placeret), I believe that Ramusio attempted to emend the
text correctly.
' There are one instance in which B omits a word found in all the other manuscripts
(note f ) and two instances where B makes an addition (notes oo and uu). In the case of Cs
omission at note xx, the scribe of B interpolated concedat where the p manuscripts have the
correct reading praestet. R has five editorial changes, three of which are transpositions found
in no other manuscript (notes i, m [double tr.], w). At note hh, the scribe of C indicates
that he collated the reading in this sermon with that in a later sermon. He did the same
thing in Sermo 5 (see n. 5 below).
■* Within the group of three manuscripts {V, N, Tp), N is a copy of V or l^s exemplar.
When writing N, Gonzaga made three omissions (notes e, hh of seven words, ii), one
addition, and five transpositions. The material common to V and Tp indicates that they are
of independent derivation. There are eight omissions in Tp (notes c, m, n, q, qq, ss of
several words, jjj, HI) and one addition, whereas there are two omissions in V (notes rr of
several words, ggg).
Criteria for the Edition 127
where his copy was deficient.^ The edition is based upon V. Manu-
scripts C and Tp are used for possibly accurate emendation and for
correcting scribal errors.
Sermo 6: The omissions in C at notes q and ii and the space left at note
cc prove that R is not a copy of C. Likewise, the omissions in R at
notes w and xx and the space left at note ee prove that C is not a
copy of R. The fragmentary text in B is again a copy of C or C's
exemplar. PM, Pa^ and the text published by Salmaso are copies based
upon one or more existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon C
and/?.
Sermo 7: B contains only a fragment of the text but is important for
preserving several lines lost in R due to a jump from Constantinopo-
litani to Constantinopoli (note s).^ PM, Pa, and the text published by
Salmaso are copies of existing manuscripts. The edition is based upon
R, which is supplemented by B where necessary.
Sermo 8: the significant variants establish two families, P and y. P con-
sists of codices Bp, Tp, 5, together with the text printed in the edi-
tions of Jerome's opera {1-10, Vail, PL) and thence copied by scribes
into codices A, Ar, Br, Gn, Tr, ZJ The printed texts betray probable
^ C is the fullest and most accurate version of a group of manuscripts that also includes
B, E, R. B is the shortest version; it shares a common addition with E and R {vestras at note
i) but omits ne where those two do not (note h) and does not omit /idem (note j) where
those two do. E and R share a common omission (note j), but £ also omits libenter (note dd)
where R does not, while R omits vestris (note aa) where E does not. C and R have two
common omissions (notes aaaa, zzzz); there are six further omissions in R not found in C
(notes eee, iii, ttt, xxx, ww, bbbbb) and one further omission in C not found in R (note
eeee). All four manuscripts have a common variant at note k {et for iri) and make similar
transpositions at notes d and g (where the scribe of B may also have collated a manuscript
from the other group). There is a single transposition at note t that is common to these four
manuscripts and to N, Tp. For the second time, the scribe of C collates the wording in this
sermon with that used in a later sermon (note uuuu).
^ In the material common to both manuscripts, there is also one omission in R at note
t, and there are two omissions in B at notes k and r.
' Based upon significant common variants, the following relationships may be posited
between the printed editions and the manuscripts copied from them:
a. Br was copied from the first Roman edition of 1468 (/). The same is probably true {or Ar
and 2. The common variants are: cuius] eius (except 2); recte] eum add.\ oneris] honoris
(oneris ex honoris corr. Ar 2); quidem] qui; illius] illis; cuipiam] cupiam (except Ar);
quod ipsum] quidem ipsum (quid enim 2). At note ee, Ar has an omission found in no
other exemplar. Beginning about halfway through the sermon, the scribe oi Ar gives
readings that differ from the printed edition: ista vulgo] ilia wulgo; huiusmodi] huiusce-;
iidem et] iidemque et; ductorum] doctorum; utroque] utrosque; vivorum doctorum]
virorum doctorum.
b. TV was copied from the edition published at Venice in 1476 (5). They make a common
addition to the text at note pp.
128 CHAPTER 7
interventions by the editors (Giannandrea Bussi and his associates).^
5 is a copy of Tp or Tp's exemplar; they share three omissions, while
S has fifteen further omissions, one totaling twelve words.^ Tp, in all
likelihood, is a copy of Bp or Bp's exemplar. There is a single omis-
sion common to all the exemplars of P {et at note s). y consists of
codices C, MB, T, all of which add an in at note eeee. T is a copy of
MB or MB's exemplar; they share three omissions, while T has two
further omissions. ^° The edition is based upon P {Bp, 1) and y (C,
MB).
Senno 9: the significant variants establish two families, P (5, 7p) and y
(C, Ra). When compared to y, the P manuscripts betray seven com-
mon omissions and five common transpositions.^^ Within p, S has
eight further omissions and one addition not found in any other
manuscript, whereas Tp has two such omissions and one transposi-
tion.^^ Within y, C has one omission and two blank spaces not
c. A and Gn were copied from the edition published at Parma in 1480 (6). They share a
common omission at note nnnn.
d. Omissions in the texts published at Rome ca. 1468 (2) and from 1476 to 1479 [4) are not
found in any of the codices. The omissions are at note w for 2 and at note 11 for 4.
* There are five omissions common to the printed texts and the manuscripts copied
from them (notes w, ddd, fff, kkk, zzz). The same texts share the following significant
variants: perpetua] propria; non delectatur] non delectari; viventi] viventis; conservanda aug-
mentandaque] et servanda et augmentanda; qualisqualis sit] qualiscumque sit; me] non add.;
incensam] intensam (imm- ex int- corr. TV); huiuscemodi] huiusmodi; quidem] quaedem;
admirabilisque] excellentiae eum add. ; vices gererent et doctorum] vires gererent et ductorum
(doctorum Ar); quippe] bellum add. (quippe malum 4 quidem bellum A); horridam mona-
chis habitationem praestabat] horridum monachis habitaculum praestabat (praestabat habi-
taculum 2); utrosque] utroque (utros- Ar); viros interpretatione linguarum ad eruditionem
adiuvans] varia interpretatione linguarum vivorum doctorum eruditionem adiuvans (virorum
doctorum eruditionem adiuvans Ar); ipsa] ipse; deterreret] deterret; per omnia saecula (et
cetera)] in saecula saeculorum Amen. In one case (at note rr), I believe that the printed text
offers a correct emendation of nonne. Because Tp and the printed editions share an omission
at note hhhh, the Roman printers, in all likelihood, had a copy of the sermon that derived
from the same exemplar as that for Tp.
' The omissions common to Tp and S are found at notes p (blank space in Tp), eee,
hhhh. The further omissions unique to S are found at notes e, n, r, t, v, y, dd, hh, ppp, ttt,
aaaa (twelve words), ffff, gggg, iiii, jjjj. At note m, Tp alone omits an in.
'° The omissions common to MB and T are found at notes kk, www, 1111. They also
make an addition to the text at note dddd. At note hhhh, MB and T omit an et, as do most
of the exemplars in P (see n. 8 above).
" The common omissions are found at notes i, gg, 1111, pppp, ww, wwww, rrrrr. In
one instance (note 1111), where the scribe jumped from incendia to inedia, the omission
shared by S and Tp consists of eighteen words.
'^ The omissions found only in S occur at notes g, h, t, jj, ss, zzz, nnnn, mmmmm, and
the addition is found at note qqq {etiarri). The omissions found only in Tp occur at notes
oooo and sssss.
Criteria for the Edition 129
found in any other manuscript, whereas Ra has four omissions, one
blank space, and numerous editorial changes not found in the other
codices. ^^ Tp and Ra share a common title. The edition is based
upon p (5, Tp) and y (C, Ra).
Sermo 10: s. fragment preserved only in C.
" There is an omission in C alone at note sss, blank spaces at notes eee and iiii, and an
addition at note qqqq (et). Ra is the only codex with omissions at notes nn (quae), ppp, vw
(four words), ssss and a blank space at note hhh. S and Ra both omit et at note nnn.
CHAPTER 8
Vergerio's Sources
a. In examining Vergerio's use of sources in the De principibus Carra-
riensibus et gestis eorum libera Roberto Cessi and Carmela Marchente
documented his habit of compiHng data from previous authors.^
Vergerio focused upon ethical considerations, and his mind tended to
work synthetically. In composing the paneygrics for Jerome, Ver-
gerio had at his disposition the great compilation of material that
Giovanni d' Andrea had assembled {Hieronymianus) . The clearest in-
dications that Vergerio used the Hieronymianus are found in Sermo
3 (the ludicrous story of the woman's dress), Sermo 5 (the comments
about Gregory the Great), Sermo 6 (the identification of Stridon with
Sdregna), and Sermo 7 (the summary account of the miracle of the
two travelers).
b. Vergerio's use of the Hieronymianus makes it difficult to judge the
ultimate source of some of his quotations. For example, the proverb
first recorded in the letter of Ps. Augustinus, the analysis of the ety-
mology of Jerome from lacopo da Varazze's Legenda aurea, and the
' See Roberto Cessi, "Prefazione," in Gesta magnifica domus Carrariensis, RIS, n.s.,
17.1.2:xxv-xxxiv (esp. xxvii: "Poiche il componimento vergeriano e un testo composito,
privo di ogni originalita storica, se non letteraria, e naturale che I'autore segua le sue fonti
con troppa poverta critica, cui non suppliscono i commenti morali, con i quali tenta invano
coUegare gli awenimenti e dare una apparente unita organica al racconto"); and Carmela
Marchente, Ricerche intomo al "De principihms Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber" attribuito
a Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore, Universita di Padova: Pubblicazioni della Facolta di lettere e
filosofia 23 (Padua: CEDAM, 1946), 11-37 (esp. 23: "Anche in questa rassegna, il metodo,
a cui I'autore si attiene per I'uso di ciascuna delle sue fonti, non appare disforme da quello
rilevato nella prefazione, cogliendo dalle varie lezioni parallele un elemento ora dall'una, ora
dall'altra per formare un nuovo periodo").
Ver^erio's Sources 131
mistaken assertion in the Legenda aurea that everyone considered
Jerome worthy to succeed Pope Liberius are all included in the com-
pendium of Giovanni d' Andrea.
Vergerio frequently quoted three key passages from Jerome's Epi-
stolae: Ep. 11.7, Ep. 22.30, and Ep. 45.3. All three quotations were
traditionally cited in the previous biographies of Jerome. In the case
of Ep. 11.7, which Vergerio cited in eight of his ten sermons, there
are only two slight variants from the text of the critical edition. The
first involves the possible interpolation from Ep. 22.1 oi Aethiopissae
for Aethiopicae. The second involves a transposition of habitaculum
praestabat to praestabat/praestat habitaculum. Neither would permit
a precise identification of a single manuscript or a manuscript family
that Vergerio may have used.
I believe that Vergerio consulted the Epistolae of Jerome directly
rather than cited them from an intermediate source like the Hierony-
mianus. In Sermo 1 and Sermo 9, he admitted to quoting a passage
from the Epistolae, which he has apparently reworded slightly in
keeping with his penchant to improve the literary expression of his
sources. Other allusions to obscure passages from the Epistolae con-
firm Vergerio's decision, stated explicitly in Sermo 10, to return to
the original source.
There are instances of a more critical approach to the sources than
may be apparent in Vergerio's biographies of the Carrara. Because
the sources gave differing ages for Jerome's death, Vergerio simply
affirmed that Jerome had reached the age of ninety when he died.
The information ultimately derives from the Epitoma chronicae of
Prosper of Aquitaine (ca. 390-ca. 463).^ In a first attempt to discuss
the etymology of Hieronymus, Vergerio relied upon lacopo da Va-
razze, whom he then reinterpreted in order to underline the scholar-
ly character of Jerome's activities. Once Vergerio had learned Greek,
he derived the correct etymology. Finally, Vergerio expressed his
skepticism that Jerome's town of Stridon should be identified with
Sdregna in Istria, as Giovanni d' Andrea had claimed.
In a subtle tribute to Jerome, Vergerio at times used language derived
from the Vulgate (e.g., coaevus, conforto, congaudeo, demereo, gehenna,
operationes, superexcresco, supersemino, and saeculum in a negative
^ Alberto Vaccari, "Le antiche vite di S. Girolamo," in Miscellanea Geronimiana: Scritti
varii pubblicati nel XV centenario della morte di San Girolamo (Rome, 1920), 4.
132 CHAPTER 8
sense). Moreover, he used key imagery from the Bible and the Di-
vine Office (e.g., the sower and the seed, the wheat and the chaff,
messis, pignus futurae gloriae), especially when speaking to an audi-
ence of monks.
In terms of Latin style, the sermons have, on the whole, an experi-
mental quality. They are not masterpieces of classicizing style,
though that is clearly the intent. The style improves in the two ser-
mons delivered before the papal court in 1406 [Sermo 8) and 1408
{Sermo 9). In Sermo 2, Vergerio uses the figure of speech known as
anadiplosis {aut ingenio studuit aut studio lavoravit aut labore profe-
cit), and he more than once employs paralepsis when treating Je-
rome's miracles. Among the more obvious errors are Italianizations
like veniebat suffocanda, veniunt praedicanda?
The errors in Vergerio's version of the miracle of the two travelers
in Sermo 7 may indicate that he cited the story from memory rather
than directly from the written source.
' For comments on Vergerio's style in the Epistolario, see Leonardo Smith, Epist.,
Ixxxiv-lxxxv; and Marcello Zicari, "II piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il
vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 52-53 n. 1, 56-57 n. 1. Both authors found the
strongest traces of classical cursus in the letters that Vergerio reworked, though Zicari felt
that those resonances could still be fortuitous.
CHAPTER 9
Sigla
A Parisinus latinus 1890 loan. Aragonensis
Ar Londiniensis Arondellianus Bibl. Britannicae 304
B Venetus Marcianus latinus XI.56 (3827) Brunaccii
Bp Patavinus B.P. 1223
Br Brixianus L,IIL30
C Oxoniensis Bodleianus miscellaneus 166 Canonici
E Mutinensis latinus 186 Estensis
Gn Cantabrigiensis Dd.VII.l Gunthorpi
MB Mediolanensis Braidensis AC.XII.22 Papafavae
N Neapolitanus IX,F.62 Gonzagae
Pa Patavinus B.P, 1203 Papafavae
PM Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.210 (2955) Papafavae et Morelli
R Patavinus B.P. 1287 Patrum Reformatorum
Ra Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.254 (4535) Ramusii
S Sandanielensis 144 Guarnerii de Arthenia
T Tarvisinus 5
Tp Tarvisinus 1.177 Cathedralis Ecclesiae Capituli
Tr Treverensis 788/1372
V Venetus Marcianus latinus XIV.239 (4500)
2 Toletanus 102, 17 Zeladae
1 Editio princeps Hieronymus, S. Tractatus et epistolae < Rome,
1468 >
2 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Rome, ca. 1468 >
3 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Rome, 1470 >
4 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Rome, 1476-79)
134 CHAPTER 9
5 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1476)
6 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae < Parma, 1480 >
7 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1488)
8 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae (Venice, 1490)
9 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum
ex epistolis Hieronymi excerpta ( < Venice > , 1496)
10 Hieronymus, S. Epistolae. Lope de Olmedo, Regula monachorum
ex epistolis Hieronymi excerpta (Venice, 1496)
Vail Domenico Vallarsi, ed. 5. Eusehii Hieronymi . . . Opera (Verona,
1734-42)
Sal Dominico Salmaso, ed. Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo
Hieronymo opuscula . . . (Padua, 1767)
PL J.-P. Migne, ed. S. Eusehii Hieronymi . . . Opera omnia (Paris,
1845-46)
n Reading common to printed editions and codd. A Ar Br Gn Tr
z
add. scribal addition
add. et del. scribal addition that is crossed out
add. et expung. scribal addition that is expunged
ex al. litt. corr. scribal correction where original letters indecipherable
ex corr. scribal correction in the text
ex corr. in marg. scribal correction in the margin of the text
ex corr. interl. scribal correction in the space between the lines
in marg. scribal addition in the margin of the text
in ras. scribal correction over an erasure
interl. scribal addition in the space between the lines
om. scribal omission
scripsi editor's proposed emendation
Antonella da Messina, "St. Jerome in His Study."
London, The National Gallery.
With the permission of The National Gallery.
iMriobiTti v\/^^t M/f4^fM/i>n (S>-^'i»oi^'i M.''fe>'n7A^A
V ii-c S^^Mi it/c M^lhvi^ lP<'\A»5wuA /tjutj,^
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fol. 84.
Autograph subscription of Marsilio Papafava.
With the permission of the Library and
the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali-Italy.
ut<" pir«fc»Wf^ ■MistAjrO'tUfca- otiMai'tMjt^f tiM f»aiii;i^U<ac«' t»K1asar <k «.»»»
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, cod. IX.F.62, fol. 27.
Autograph subscription of Francesco Gonzaga.
With the permission of the Library and
the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e AmbientaU-Italy.
f
*ml:j^f:^>*fn , /t<H»h^^ tf r-n4M^ -mvW fCT I,t«J^ "Ci./^^ l^i"' /»•
Qm*^*».* JV.^/ »*«<^ fr^^ ik '^^ '^ ^/i-^»- nr^Jir^i. /^^
2Sf
J
^fnejrt : ll»n^ 44 MO^ r*- >.^ J»f-»? 'i»w -»«*^ »»^ *C^ h^*^ ' f
•Y^O
■nf^ — ; 5m-<' jn f-jlrMTt. ffl- «•*«*■ /v^ «**n\^ dfvt«tt* <^*- -njni- a//i</
***n 4»i»»«f»n'Cfc i)fkr>*n' fx^ , («, rt^v^ /»«tj*ii<'« \«A./»v>,7 ynMif«/»< '
l*f"^/»VHj«^
l»»\.
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 33.
Autograph of Paolo Ramusio the elder.
With the permission of the Library and
the Ministero per i Beni Culturali e Ambientali-Italy.
AH(
Titocp teaieixiilr
btif atpcllmt- . (]
mill a tacpi^a
-jootittwri ec^'m
niilU crra.7C 'c\
yxot^ iicmittitt cu
Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. Rawl. G.47, fol. 51.
Historiated initial with a portrait of Pierpaolo Vergerio the elder.
With the permission of the Library.
Party
Pierpaolo Vergerio,
Sermones decern pro Sancto Hieronymo
Sermo 1 pro Sancto Hieronymo''
Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 211-12; R, fols. 35-36.
Reverend < issim > i patres fratresque carissimi, etsi magna semper
cum delectatione animi munus hoc praestare soleo, qui singulis
annis glorioso doctori Beato Hieronymo in die dicatae ei*^ sollemni-
tatis sermonem de laudibus eius facere consuevi, numquam tamen me-
mini me antehac alacriore animo ad*^ hoc venisse quam* nunc, cum in
vestro conventu dicturus sum vobisque^ audientibus qui imitatores vitae
illius estis et pars^ quaedam messis antiquae eius bonaeque culturae.
Moveor etiam vestro studio vestroque desiderio quos scio de eo libenter
audituros, cuius vitae sanctimoniam Hbenter imitamini. Excitat enim di-
centis ingenium auditorum intentus affectus, nee possumus nisi iucunde
dicere quod scimus libenter audiri.
Hunc autem diem vobis praecipue celeberrimum esse decet, qui per
observantiam religionis monasticam vitam agitis. Ceteri nam Christianae
fidei doctores communes sunt omnibus, Hieronymus vero proprius
peculiarisque est monachorum. Nam et ipse monachus fuit et mona-
chorum pater, et nunc etiam mortuus doctor est monachorum ac vester
* Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo R. Oratio III pro
Sancto Hieronymo Pa
*" doctori ex doctoris corr. R
' scripsi: sibi R. suae Pa
'^ ad] q- add. et del. R
' scripsi: quod R Pa
' scripsi: verbisque R Pa
H ]P't
Sermon 1 for Saint Jerome
Most reverend fathers and most beloved brothers, I am in the habit
of delivering a sermon each year in praise of the glorious doctor,
Blessed Jerome. It is my way of marking the day of solemnity consecrat-
ed to him. Although I am always accustomed to discharge this duty with
great delight in my soul, I nevertheless cannot recall an occasion when
I have approached it with greater enthusiasm than I do at this moment.
For I am about to speak to your assembly and address listeners who are
imitators of the life of that man and comprise just a part of what he
began to harvest long ago through sound training. I am also moved by
your eagerness and your longing; I have no doubt that you will choose
to listen to a sermon about an individual whose blessed life you have
chosen to imitate. Strong feelings of sympathy on the part of the audi-
ence always prompt a speaker to do his best, and no audience will be
disposed to hear what we have to say if we cannot find an enjoyable
way to express it.
This day, however, ought to be especially festive for you, seeing that
you conduct your lives according to a monastic rule of piety. The other
doctors of the Christian faith are a common legacy shared by all believ-
ers, but Jerome is actually a doctor who belongs in a special way to
monks. As a matter of fact, he himself was a monk and a father to his
monks, and even now, after his death, he is an instructor for every
138 Sermo 1
praecipue, religiosi ac sancti viri, quibus quemadmodum Benedictus
auctor fuit regulae, ita Hieronymus exemplorum. Vitas enim patrum
scripsit qui tunc in monasteriis eremoque versabantur, et quae de Sanctis
viris vidit aut audivit in ilia sua per Aegyptum peregrinatione cuncta de-
scripsit. Complures ferme tunc essent monachi quam nunc Christiani.
Erant enim urbes plenae monachis quibus nunc monasteria ipsa sunt
vacua, nee erant etiam tunc tarn multi quam multo magis boni; nunc
autem maliciae peius est initium quam paucitatis. Ilia autem lectione
quid delectabilius ad legendum, quid commodius ad instruendum, quid
fructuosius ad aedificandum, quae semper est vobis in manibus? Itaque
cum ea < m > legitis, ilium auditis, illos videtis; quos si in miraculis et
virtutibus faciendis imitari non licet, at in caritate et bonis operibus
nemini negatur.
Hieronymus autem, quasi in se proprium nihil haberet quod imitari
quis posset, aliena scribebat quae ceteri possent imitari; quorum et ipse
imitatione, dum crescit merito factus est summus, et quos humiliter
sectabatur'^ gloriose praegressus est. Factus est enim iustissimus, dum se
semper existimat peccatorem, evenitque de ipso quod de alio ipsemet
scribit,' quod, dum se pauperem semper ad discendum credit, ad docen-
*" sactebatur? R
' scribit] r- interl. R
Sermon 1 139
monk and especially for you, pious and holy men. As Benedict was the
source of your rule, so Jerome was the source of your examples. For
Jerome wrote the lives of the fathers who in his day were dwelling in
monasteries or in the desert, and he described everything he saw and
heard about those holy men during his pilgrimage through Egypt. ^ I am
almost of a mind to say that the number of monks in those days was far
greater than the number of Christians in our own day. Back then, there
were entire cities of monks whereas now the monasteries are almost
empty. And it was not only a question of vast numbers in those days,
but the monks were by and large much better persons; in our day,
however, the onset of immorality gives cause for greater concern than
does the scarcity. And yet what gives greater enjoyment for your
reading, what supplies greater assistance for your instruction, what
produces greater cause for your edification than Jerome's narrative,
which you always have in your possession? Therefore, when you read
that account, you hear Jerome and you see those holy men. If you are
not allowed to imitate those monks by performing miracles and achiev-
ing heroic virtue, at least you are all allowed to imitate them by practic-
ing charity and doing good deeds.
Nonetheless, Jerome acted as if he had nothing of his own that
someone else might imitate; he wrote about matters that others accom-
plished and everyone thereafter might imitate. By emulating the example
of those men, he himself deservedly came to be ranked among the
greatest monks as he grew older, and he eventually surpassed in renown
those whom he followed in humility. For Jerome was made most just
while he always looked upon himself as a sinner,^ and what he himself
wrote about another happened to him as well. I refer to the fact that he
' Cf. Hieronymus £/>. 22.34-37 {CSEL 54:196-202). As an endorsement for the monastic
life, Jerome wrote the Vita Sancti Pauli, Vita Sancti Hilarionis, and Vita Malchi. See Ctavis,
140 (no. 617-19); J. N. D. KeWy, Jerome: His Life, Writings, and Controversies (New York et
al.: Harper & Row, 1975), 60-61, 170-74; and Philip Rousseau, Ascetics, Authority, and the
Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1978), 133-39.
2 Cf. Marc. 2:17; Rom. 3:23-24; Gal. 2:17.
140 Sermo 1
dum locupletissimum se fecit. Ecce enim dum Romae ex suis meritis
atque virtutibus dignus ab om<n>ibus summo' sacerdotio creditur,
ipse se dignum credidit qui in eremum iret ad sua peccata deflenda;
dumque'' doctissimus ab omnibus et haberetur et diceretur, tunc de-
mum Gregorio Nazianzeno se tradidit in disciplinam. Ex quibus factum
est ut non tarn summo pontificatu, ad quern etiam indigni pervenire
possunt, quam regno caelorum, quo nullus pertingit indignus, se dignis-
simum redderet, et qui, si aliis forsitan de se credidisset, auctor plurimis
fuisset erroris, humiliter de se sentiens, doctor factus est veritatis, eo
praestante qui vivit et regnat per infinita saecula benedictus. xzXXxoq
< sic >
' scripsi: suo R Pa
^ dumque] -que ex quae? corr. R
^___ Sermon l 141
made himself richly endowed to teach because he always thought of
himself as poorly endowed to learn.^ Here is my evidence: while every-
one else in Rome felt that Jerome was most worthy of the supreme
pontificate because of his virtuous deeds/ he felt that he was only
worthy of retiring to the desert in order to deplore his many sins. At a
point in Jerome's career when he was universally considered most
learned and openly described as such, he gave himself over to Gregory
of Nazianzus for further instruction.^ It all meant that he did not
render himself most worthy of the supreme pontificate, to which
heights even the unworthy are able to climb. Rather, he rendered
himself most worthy of that kingdom of heaven, into which no one
who is unworthy will ever enter. If by chance Jerome had let himself
believe what others were saying about him, he would have become a
source of error for a great many people. But because he looked upon
himself with genuine humility, he was made a doctor of truth, through
the intercession of the one who lives and reigns as blessed for ever and
ever. The end.
' The precise reference is uncertain. Vergerio cites the same phrase in Sermo 9: ". . .
cumque doctor plane ab omnibus haberetur denuo coepit esse discipulus, ac more Platonis,
cum semper se ad addiscendum pauperem credidit, ad docendum se fecit locupletem." In Ep.
53.1, Jerome described Plato's journeys for the sake of further learning {CSEL 54:443:
". . . ut, qui Athenis magistererat et potens cui usque doctrina Academiae gymnasia persona-
bant, fieret peregrinus atque discipulus, malens aliena verecunde discere quam sua aliis impu-
denter ingerere"). Jerome often quoted the Socratic aphorism "Scio quod nescio"; see, e.g.,
Contra Ruftnum 1.17 {CCL 79:15) and Comm. in Abdiam Proph. Prol. {CCL 76:350). Cf.
also Ep. 66.9 {CSEL 54:658: ". . . nee temeritate quorundam docere, quod nescias, sed ante
discere, quod docturus es") and Ep. 127.7 {CSEL 56:151: ". . . ut et in ipso, quod docebat, se
discipulam fateretur").
* Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). Jerome's affirmation is frequently cited in the
biographies. Cf. Anon., "Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus noster)," PL 22:178; Vin-
cent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 (Duoai, 1624, 623a); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda
aurea vulgo historia Lombardica dicta. Ad optimorum librorum fidem, edited by Johann
Georg Theodor Grasse (2d ed., Leipzig, 1850), 654; and Giovanni d' Andrez, Hieronymianus,
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17.
5 Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 50.1, 52.8 {CSEL 54:389, 429); Comm. in Isaiam 3.6.1 {CCL 73:84);
Contra Ruftnum 1.13 {CCL 79:12); De viris illustribus 117 {PL 23:747). Gregory of Nazianzus
(329-89) was summoned to Constantinople in 379 and briefly served as bishop of the city
in 381.
Sermo 2 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 212-15; R, fols, 36v-38v.
Agite, fratres carissimi, diem hunc natalem sancti doctoris Hierony-
mi devota laetitia, laetaque cum devotione celebremus, ut eius
merita gloriose pieque recolentes^ in terris, propitie propitium merea-
mur in caelis habere patronum. Indiget namque nostrae fragilitatis con-
ditio talibus semper praesidiis muniri, ut, quae per se subsistere firma
non potest, sanctorum electorum Dei et ope substentetur ne cadat et
adiumento confortetur ut proficiat. Accedit ad haec quod, dum virtutem
alienam recensendo probamus, magis ipsi ad imitationem probitatis ac-
cendimur, et quod miramur in aliis hoc ipso nos mirandos videri stude-
mus, Hinc veteri more proponuntur clarorum virorum imagines, descri-
buntur gesta, et benefacta memorantur ut aemulatione virtutis studiosa
posteritas assequi quos probat nitatur.
Hodie autem proponitur nobis magnum sive doctrinae, sive reUgio-
nis, sive virtutis ac sanctitatis exemplum: sanctus doctor Hieronymus,
cuius doctrina mirabiUs, reHgio sancta ac immaculata, virtus vero vitae
' Eiusdem Pro eodem R. Oratio FV pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa
^ recolentes] re- interl. R
Sermon 2 for Saint Jerome
May you mark this birthday of the holy doctor Jerome with dedi-
cated rejoicing, most cherished brothers, and let us together cele-
brate it with joyful dedication, so that, by recalling with devout pride
his merits on earth, we may by grace deserve to have a gracious patron
in heaven. As a matter of fact, the weakness of our human condition
always has need of the protection of such defenses. Because we find it
difficult to stand up on our own, we are supported by the aid of the
elect saints of God so that we do not fall; because we are weak, we are
strengthened by their assistance so that we can move forward. I can
think of another service to add to this list. At the same time that we call
to mind the virtue of someone else and give it our stamp of approval,
we ourselves are greatly inflamed to imitate such probity; we give our
best effort to become an object of admiration because we possess the
very quality that we admire in someone else. Consequently, in keeping
with ancient custom, we display the images of distinguished men, we
describe their deeds, and we recall their services in order that men of
succeeding generations zealously strive to emulate the virtue and follow
the path of those whom they esteem.^
Today, however, we have before us an exemplar who stands out
from the crowd whether he is ranked on the basis of learning or piety
or virtue and holiness. I refer to the holy doctor Jerome, whose learning
was extraordinary, whose piety holy and blameless, whose virtue truly
' Cf. P. Ovidius Naso Pont. 4.2.35-36; C. Sallustins Crispus lug. 4.5-6; and Hieronymus
Ep. 24.1 {CSEL 54:214).
144 Sermo 2
excellentissima fuit. De cuius laudibus, cum dicere multa vellem, ne
pauca quidem mihi attingere posse videor. Tantus se virtutum cumulus
ac paene infinitus acervus offert meritorum ut, quantum facilitas inco-
handi ad dicendum promovet, desperatio finis tantum retardet; immo,
cum facilius sit ubique desinere quam in dicendo longius progredi, exor-
dium orationi dare difficillimum est, cum inter tam multas magnasque
viri laudes unde initium cum delectu sumatur non facile inveniri quis
possit?
Quid ergo? Congaudere magis possumus quam digne laudare, congau-
dere, inquam, cum de meritis vitae, tum de praemiis gloriae. Magnum
iudicatur in terris vicisse regna, occupasse imperium, devictis hostibus
triumphasse, et terrenam gloriam plausu populorum et favoribus quae-
sisse mundanis. At quanto maior*^ est triumphus regna possidere caele-
stia, aeternum parasse imperium mundo calcato, et immarcescibilem
gloriam iusto Dei iudicio quaesivisse! Quae quidem hodie sancto doctori
Hieronymo*^ repetitis morum periodis obtigerunt. Congaudeamus ergo
illi de gloria ut meritorum participes esse valeamus. Reddamus honorem
ut preces pro nobis fundat apud Deum.
Nam si natales hominum dies celebrare gentilitas^ caeca solebat, qui-
bus erant in banc vitam adducti^ miseriarum et omnis angustiae plenam,
quanto nos magis vera fide illuminati sanctorum Dei festa colere debe-
mus, quibus in vitam mortis < in > noxiam, calamitatis ignaram, omnis-
que adversitatis immunem translati sunt! Praecipue vero post apostolos
' maior ex magis corr. interl. R
doctori Hieronymo ex Hieronymo doctori corr. R
* gentilitas ex antiquitas corr. in marg. R
' scripsi: additi R Pa
Sermon 2 145
outstanding throughout his life. Although I would like to say many
things about his claims to distinction, I have the impression that I will
only be able to touch upon a few of them. So enormous an assortment
of virtues and an almost infinite multitude of merits present themselves
that the ease of beginning your speech spurs you on to the same extent
that the hopelessness of finishing it holds you back. Now the opposite
holds as well. Whereas it is rather easy to stop speaking at some point
rather than continue on at greater length, it is extremely difficult to
formulate an exordium for an oration when you find yourself in the
midst of such compelling motives to praise the man. Who could possi-
bly claim that in such a case it is easy to find a topic from which he
could begin his speech and feel a sense of satisfaction?
Where does that leave us? We have a greater capacity to rejoice with
one another for Jerome than we do to praise him worthily— to rejoice
together, I say, for the merits of his life and in a special way for the re-
ward of his glory. It is usually considered a great accomplishment to
have conquered kingdoms on earth, to have seized power, to have won
a triumph for defeating the enemy, and to have pursued the glory that
is attained here by granting worldly favors in exchange for the acclaim
of various peoples. But how much greater a triumph it is to possess
heavenly kingdoms, to have prepared dominion for eternity by treading
the world under foot, and to have pursued the unfading glory that is at-
tained only through the just judgment of God! Those things certainly
have occurred on this day for the holy doctor Jerome, as you can con-
firm by reviewing the patterns of his ethical conduct. Let us therefore
rejoice together with Jerome for his glory so that we may be able to par-
ticipate in his merits. Let us render him homage so that he may pour
out prayers before God on our behalf.
For if blind antiquity was accustomed to celebrate the birthday of
human beings,^ the day on which they were conducted into this misera-
ble life where needs of every sort abound, how much the more should
we who are illumined by true faith treasure the feast-day of God's saints,
the day on which they are conveyed into a life free from death, safe
from catastrophe, and immune from all adversity! Holy Mother Church
^ Cf. P. Terentius Afer Ph. 48; M. Tullius Cicero Fin. 2.31.101; P. Ovidius Naso Tr.
3.13.2, 5.5.1; C. Plinius Caeciliiis Secundus Ep. 6.30.1; and M. Valerius Martialis Epigram-
mata 8.64.14.
146 Sermo 2
Christ! summo studio doctorum suorum natalia colere debet^ sancta
mater ecclesia quae illorum praedicationibus fundata, horum doctrinis
adornata est, atque ut ab illis instituta, ita ab iis Deo auctore defensa. Illi
Christo loquente acceperunt quod crederent, ii Spiritu Sancto inspirante
hauserunt quod docerent. Illi verbum Dei seminaruntl^ ii iam natum colue-
runt et superexcrescentes errores paenitus extirpare? studuerunt. Quid enim
proderat uberem fidei segetem in agro dominico germinare, si malis grami-
nibus suffocanda veniebat,' cum initio ex orientis ecclesiis?' diabolo semi-
nante zizania novi cottidie generis haereses puUularent?
Inter ceteros vero fidei sanctae doctores non minime omnium Hiero-
nymus aut ingenio studuit aut studio laboravit aut labore profecit.
Totum enim ferme quod in ecclesia Dei legitur ipsius labor est, aut ordi-
nando aliena, aut extranea^ interpretando, aut propria certe condendo.
Hinc Psalterium™ distraxit in partes, et divinum officium per hebdoma-
dam ordinavit. Totum veteris novique testamenti corpus in Latinam ver-
tit orationem, et prophetas et quaecumque" in sacris litteris aut obscura
erant aut dubia diffusis commentariis cottidianisque homeliis explanavit.
Libros edidit complures, multas gravesque materias per tractatus expli-
cavit, sermones et epistolas magno numero fecit. In omni ferme oratione
adversus invidos suos et haereticos Catholicae fidei repugnantes nunc
* debet ex debemus corr. interl. R
^ seminarunt] q- add. et del. R
' extirpare ex exst- corr. R
' veniebat ex veniebant corr. R
^ scripsi: ecclesias R Pa
' scripsi: extrema R Pa
" scripsi: Psalmista R Pa
" quaecumque ex quo-? corr. R
Sermon 2 147
should definitely treasure the birthdays of her doctors and mark them
with an outpouring of fervor second only to that shown the apostles of
Christ. Once we grant that God was the ultimate source, it is then fair
to say that the church was built upon the preaching of the apostles^ and
decorated by the teaching of the doctors; that means that she was estab-
lished by the former and protected by the latter. The apostles accepted
what they were believing through the verbal instruction of Christ; the
doctors embraced what they were teaching through the interior inspira-
tion of the Holy Spirit. The apostles sowed the word of God; the doc-
tors cultivated that word once it had germinated and strove to uproot
entirely all errors that were growing in its midst. For what good would
it do for an abundant crop of faith to sprout in the Lord's field, if it was
being strangled by harmful weeds? From the beginning, chaff planted by
the devil was springing up every day in the form of new and different
heresies that came from the churches in the east.^
Among all the other doctors of our holy faith, Jerome surely did not
rank last when it came to giving effort through one's talent or expend-
ing energy in the struggle or making progress through such energetic
labor. Virtually everything that is read in the church of God is the fruit
of Jerome's labor; he either reorganized the works of others or translat-
ed the works of foreigners or produced thoughtful works of his own.
He therefore divided the Psalter into parts, and he organized the Divine
Office by weeks.^ He translated the entire corpus of the Old and New
Testaments into Latin prose, and in his extensive commentaries he
explained the writings of the prophets and any matters in sacred letters
that were obscure or uncertain. He published several books, he offered
his opinion in treatises on many important issues, he brought out
sermons and letters in great numbers. In virtually every oration, he
denounced his jealous rivals and the heretics who were opposing the
^ Cf. Eph. 2:19.
* Cf. Matt. 13:24-25, 36-39; and Hieronymus Comm. in Mathaeum 2:958-79 {CCL
77:111-12).
* Cf. Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita," PL 22:191; Honorius of
Autun, Gemma animae 4.1 {PL 172:689); loznnesBeleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis 19(c),
57(a) {CCL con. med. 41A:41-42, 103-4); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 657 (citing loan.
Beleth); Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola . . . de morte gloriosissimi Hieronymi doctoris eximii," in
Joseph Klapper, ed., Hieronymus: Die unechten Briefe des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe
des Heiligen, part 2 of Schriften Johanns Neumarkt, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation 6 < Ber-
lin, 1932 > , 18; Ps. Augustinus, "Epistola . . . de magnificentiisBeati Hieronymi," in Joseph
Klapper, ed., Hieronymus, 252; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob.
lat. 480, 11-12.
148 Sermo 2
acrimonia sermonis, nunc argumentorum vi,° nunc acumine salium
invectus.
Verum ut vehemens fuit in corrigendis malis et refellendis haereticis,
ita multas ab iis persecutiones passus est. Quorum malitiae cedens Ro-
mae discessit, et, a Gregorio Nazianzeno sufficienter imbutus, trans mare
se contulit in desertum, cumque a bonis omnibus summo sacerdotio di-
gnus iudicaretur, se ipsum dignum iudicavit quem in eremo maceraret.
Ex presbytero urbis Romae monachus transmarinus effectus, Gregorio
se discipulum praebuit^ ut ab eo disceret quod universos edoceret. Fugit
urbem ut orbi prodesset. Eremum petiit ut et sibi et iis qui in saeculo
erant consuleret et viam vitae ac salutis aperiret.
Quo in loco cum multa Deus magnaque miracula per ilium fecisset,
illud*' certe non parvum fuit quod leo, saevissima beluarum, in eius usus
est datus et velut rationis particeps mandatis parebat. Sicque factum est
ut Romae Hieronymus a bestialibus hominibus immansuete tractatus,
ferocissimam"^ beluam solo aspectu mansuefecerit in eremo, et qui huma-
nitatem in hominibus non invenit ferae abstulerit feritatem.'' Hie ego
iam mihi infinitum pelagus propositum video, sive vitam moresque eius
aspecto, sive ad miracula mentis oculum verto. Verum sermonis longitu-
dini parcens finem facio, eo praestante qui dedit initium, qui et vivit et
regnat per infinita saecula benedictus. T8A,A,coq <sic>
° vi interl. R
P praebuit ex credidit corr. in marg. R
'^ ilium ;?
■" feracissimam R
' feritatem] I? add. et del. R
Sermon 2 149
Catholic faith; at times he used the sharpness of his speech, at times the
force of his arguments, at times the cunning of his wit.
Because Jerome was so forceful in reproving evil men and confuting
heretics, he suffered much persecution at their hands. Yielding to the
malice of their machinations in Rome, he left the city, and, once he had
been sufficiently instructed by Gregory of Nazianzus,^ he sailed across
the sea and journeyed into the desert. And although everyone else
judged him worthy of the supreme pontificate,^ he only felt worthy of
doing penance in the wilderness. From a priest in the city of Rome, he
transformed himself into a monk overseas; as a disciple, he paid close
heed to Gregory in order that he learn from Gregory what he might
teach to everyone else. He fled the city in order to be of benefit to the
world. He sought out the desert in order that he might have regard for
his own needs and the needs of those still engaged in the world and
thereby blaze a trail to life and salvation.
In that place, God worked many great miracles through Jerome, not
the least of which involved a lion, the most savage of beasts, who
dedicated himself to the tasks of Jerome and obeyed his commands as
though he possessed the power to reason.^ And so it happened that
Jerome was treated savagely by bestial human beings in Rome, while in
the desert he tamed the most ferocious beast by his demeanor alone; a
person who did not find humanity in his fellow human beings removed
the ferocity from a truly ferocious animal. At this point I see stretching
before me a boundless expanse of ocean, whether I look toward his life
and his morals or train my mind's eye upon his miracles. But, in an
effort not to lengthen this sermon, I now bring it to a close, through the
intercession of the one who inspired the undertaking in the first place
and who lives and reigns as blessed for ever and ever. The end.
* See Sermon 1, n. 5 above.
' Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See Sermon 1, n. 4 above.
* Cf. Anon., "Vita Divi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," in Sanctuarium seu vitae
sanctorum, ed. Boninus Mombritius (Paris, 1910), 2:34; Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:193; Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 puoai, 1624,
623b); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 655-56; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus,
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 18.
Sermo 3 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: Pa, part 1, 215-18; R, fols. 38v-41.
Decet quidem omnes ubique terrarum Christianos diem hunc sol-
lemnem habere, memoriam celebrem facientes gloriosissimi doc-
tori < s > Beati Hieronymi cuius vita, doctrina, ac miraculis tota Chri-
stiana religio illustrata est. Maxime vero eos qui re[li]gionem istam
incolunt singulari devotione convenit diem eius festum celebrare,
quando'' hinc proximo loco illud fidei nostrae praecipuum lumen exor-
tum est. Nam cum ceteri gloriari permaxime soleant si quos claros
secundum saeculum homines aut litteris aut virtute originis suae con-
sortes habuere, quanto nos iustius ex hoc sancto gloriari possumus cui
praeter mortales virtutes saecularumque peritiam*^ litterarum quae vel
sola quemvis possent clarissimum reddere, tantum accessit et sanctitatis
vitae et eruditionis sacrae ut ad harum elationem nihil ilia videri possint.
Festum hoc igitur inter pauca nobis debet esse sollemne, quod non
solum illustrem virum habeamus quem imitemur in terris sed et sanctum
patronum qui pro nobis intercedat in caelis.
Sed (quod ad omnes attinet Christianos) et hie dies et ceteri, quibus
sanctorum fidei nostrae doctorum memoriae celebrantur, summo studio
ab omnibus Christianis colendi sunt. Quid enim proderat fidei nostrae
praedicatione seminatum esse aut apostolorum studio aut labore excul-
* Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo eiusdem R. Oratio V pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa
^ cum Pa
■^ peritiam ex doctrinam corr. in marg. R
^ hoc interl. R
Sermon 3 for Saint Jerome
It is undoubtedly appropriate for all Christians everywhere on earth to
see this as a solemn day and accordingly extol the memory of the
most glorious doctor, Blessed Jerome, for the entire Christian religion
is given luster by his life, his teaching, and his miracles. Those Chris-
tians who inhabit this particular region have an even greater obligation
to celebrate Jerome's feast day with singular devotion since that excep-
tional light of our faith was born in a place nearby. While others have
a tendency to boast in the most outrageous way if they have shared
their birthplace with persons distinguished in letters or in virtue as the
world reckons things, how much the more justly can we boast about
this saint, who, over and above virtues in this mortal life and expertise
in secular letters (which in and of themselves can render someone very
distinguished), added such great holiness of life and sacred erudition that
the former could seem to pale before the sublime character of the latter.
To state matters succinctly, this feast ought to be solemn for us not only
because we have an illustrious man whom we imitate on earth but also
because we have a holy patron who intercedes for us in heaven.
Still (if I may address a matter of relevance to all Christians), this day
and the others, on which we celebrate the memory of the holy doctors
of our faith, ought to be revered with the greatest enthusiasm by every
single Christian. For what good would it do for our faith to be sown by
the preaching of the apostles or cared for by their zealous labor or
152 Sermo 3
turn aut martyrum sanguine irrigatum esse, si superexcrescentibus vario-
rum errorum spinis universa seges suffocata periret nee posset fructum
afferre salutis? Ob quam renf ille optimus caelestis agricola, quo possent
bene nata semina salubriter adolescere, istos sibi ministros delegit qui et
haereticorum zizania ex agro suo vellerent et teneram segetem spinis tri-
bulisque ac ceteris noxiis herbis plantisque purgarent. Inter ceteros au-
tem gloriosus doctor Beatus Hieronymus plurimum in hoc agro, hoc est
in sacrosancta Dei ecclesia, sua industria suoque labore profectum attuHt.
Humiles et eos qui se doceri vellent erudiendo non minus exemplo vitae
quam dignitate sermonis, haereticos et eos qui sanam doctrinam perver-
terit castigando tarn efficacia quam sacrae auctoritate scripturae, aemulos
ac doctores ubique corripiendo et acrimonia stili et gravitate monendi^
insecutus est.
Sed, per Deum immortalem, quis maiores est umquam aemulorum
passus persecutiones, quando^ illi non modo doctrinae detrahebant ve-
rum etiam honestati nominique insidiati sunt? Nam muliebri veste per
fraudem contectum de incontinentia calumniati sunt. Quamobrem saluti
magis eorum quam*^ nomini suo consulens, Roma, ubi iam erat presby-
ter cardinalis, abire decrevit ne, si praesens perseveraret, radicato iam
odio, amplius illis praeberet deUnquendi materiam; quos tamen non
' scripsi: Obigitur R. Ob id igitur Pa
' monendi] est add. et del. R
* cum Pa
••quod/?
Sermon 3 153
irrigated by the blood of the martyrs, if the entire crop were then to be
suffocated by the thorns of diverse errors that grow among it and perish
before it can produce the fruit of salvation? For that reason, wherever
the seeds were well sown and able to mature in good health, the most
skilled heavenly farmer selected as his servants those persons who would
pull up the chaff of heretics from his field and rid the tender crop of
nettlesome thorns and other harmful weeds and plants.^ Within that
group of servants, however, the glorious doctor, Blessed Jerome, pro-
duced the greatest benefits by his exertion and toil in that field, by
which I mean the sacred church of God. He accompanied the humble
and those willing to be taught by instructing them no less through the
example of his life than the dignity of his speech; he hounded the here-
tics and those perverting sound doctrine by censuring them on the basis
of his own cogent positions and on the authority of Holy Scripture; he
debated his rivals and scholars everywhere by countering their claims
through the pungency of his style and the urgency of his warnings.
But, by the immortal God, who ever suffered greater persecution at
the hands of his rivals! They not only disparaged his teaching, but they
also conspired to destroy the integrity of his name. For they set a trap
and used a woman's dress to accuse him falsely of fornicating.^ On that
occasion, Jerome took more account of the salvation of those men than
of his own reputation, and he decided to leave Rome, where he was
already a cardinal-priest.^ If he were to continue to reside in a place
where hatred had become so deeply rooted, he would give his adversar-
ies further opportunities to commit crimes. Nevertheless, even after
departing, he was not able to escape from those men. For, whatever he
' Cf. Matt. 13:7, 24-30, 37-43; and Hieronymus Comm. in Mathaeum 2:958-1001 {CCL
77:111-12).
^ The episode of the woman's dress is narrated in Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:186; Joannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis 157(i) {CCL con.
med. 41A:301); Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola de morte," 33-34; lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea,
654 (citing loan. Beleth); and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480,
17 (citing loan. Beleth and Vincent of Beauvais). Vergerio's language is closest to that of
Giovanni d'Andrea: "lUi nimium indignati ei insidias paraverunt et per vestem muliebrem
. . . ab eis turpiter est derisus." Cf. Anon., "Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus
noster)," PL 22:178; and Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale 16.18 (Douai, 1624, 623a),
who spoke only of a trap.
^ Cf. Anon., "VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," 2:31; Nicolo Maniacoria,
"Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi vita," PL 22:185; loannes Beleth, Summa de ecclesiasticis qfficiis
157(i) {CCL cont. med. 41A:301); Vincent of Beauvais, 5pec«/«m /«5rorw/e 16.18 (Douai, 1624,
623a); lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 654; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV,
cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17.
154 Sermo 3
absens effugere potuit, nam' quicquid postea interpretaretur' aut scribe-
ret aut doceret totum illi carpebant nee quicquid ei abinde morsibus
tutum erat. Quapropter et in epistolis saepe et in prologis semper nata
est illi querela qua in calumniantes invehitur aemulos.
Haec vero tametsi per se gravia sint, levia videri possunt si ad ilia con-
ferantur quae sua sponte in eremo passus est. Quae libet nunc ut antehac
sum saepe solitus suis ipsius verbis commemorare. "O quotiens," inquit, "in
eremo constitutus (et cetera)." Haec ille de se ipso non inanis gloriae causa
sed exhortationis atque exempli et ut intelligamus tanto nobis maiora
praemia preparari quanto fuerimus in graviori pugna victores. Nam quid
tantum'^ demeruerit vir sanctus et per omnem aetatem Deo gratus unde
tam austeram paenitentiam subiret, nisi quod perfecta innocentia ibi cul-
pam deputat, ubi culpa non est, sed si quas incurrit, magnas iudicat et ita
corpus castigat ne in minimis quoque perlabi possit. Omne itaque genus
vitae laudabilis hie pretiosus sanctus exercuit: Romae apostolicam, ubi et
defuncto pontifice qui tunc ecclesiae praeerat ab omnibus summo sacer-
dotio dignus iudicabatur; eremiticam in deserto quod anachoritarum est;
in Bethlehem coenobiticam; ubique sanctissimam ac Deo placentem.
' scripsi: nee R Pa
' scripsi: interpretabatur R Pa
** quidnam Pa
Sermon 3 155
subsequently translated or wrote or taught, those men tore it to pieces,
and from that moment on nothing was safe from their mordant criti-
cisms. Therefore, Jerome frequently lodged a complaint in his letters
and consistently did so in his prologues in which he denounced those
rivals who had wrongly accused him/
Even though these matters might well appear to be serious on their
own merits, they can seem piddling when compared to the things that
Jerome voluntarily suffered in the desert. It is a pleasure to refresh your
memory of those events by citing Jerome's own words, as I have fre-
quently done in the past. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living
in the desert (etc.)."^ Jerome related these things about himself not for
the sake of his own vain glory but for the sake of a persuasive example:
he wanted us to understand that, the more dangerous the battle in
which we earn victory, the greater the rewards prepared for us. For that
holy man, truly gratifying to God throughout his life, never committed
so terrible a sin that he would have to undergo that harsh a penance,
unless we have a case of scrupulous innocence imputing blame to itself
where there really is none. Yet whenever such innocence does fall into
any sins, it considers them mortal and mortifies the body in such a way
that it will never slip again, even in the most trivial matters.^ Therefore,
this exceptional saint practiced every type of life that is worthy of com-
mendation: he practiced the life of an apostle in Rome, where all judged
him worthy of the supreme pontificate after the pope who was presiding
over the church had died;'' he practiced the life of a hermit in the
desert, as typified by the anchorites; he practiced the life of a monk in
Bethlehem;^ everywhere he lived he practiced a life most holy and
pleasing to God.
^ Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 2.2 {CCL 79:34); Vulg. Isaia Praef. {PL 28:772, quoted
in Contra Ruf. 2.32, CCL 79:69); and Comm. in Isaiam 11. Praef. {CCL 73:428).
^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, Loeb Classical Library 262 (London and New York, 1933; repr. Lon-
don: W. Heinemann, and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), 67.
^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 15.2 {CSEL 54:64).
' Hieronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See Sermon 1, n. 4 above.
' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.34 {CSEL 54:196-97). In general, see Paul Antin, "Le mona-
chisme selon saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels:
Latomus, 1968), 101-24.
156 Sermo 3
Qui cum talis fuerit tamque mirabilis, plurimum tamen et adiumen-
tum et ornamentum habuit ex eruditione ac doctrina studiisque littera-
rum in quibus omnes propemodum doctos homines qui umquam fue-
runt excessit. Trium enim linguarum peritissimus extitit, Hebraeae,
Graecae, et Latinae. Omnis historiae tam ecclesiasticae' quam saecularis
peritissimus fuit. Poetarum fabulas figmentaque novit omnia; notitiam
omnem rerum contemplatus est. Eloquentia vero tanta ut Ciceronem
cuius libros studiosissime legebat prope aequaret. Haec omnia ex scriptis
eius licet*" deprehendere plane.
Quae quidem quam prompta haberet quamque tenaciter ipsius me-
moriae inhaererent indicat id quod ipse de se scribit. Nam cum gravis-
sima quondam febre circa medium, ut ipse ait, quadragesimae laboraret
iamque ad extremum venisse videretur ita ut pararentur exequiae, subito
raptus est in spiritu ante iudicis aeterni tribunal ac de conditione interro-
gatus, Christianum se esse respondit. Tunc iudex, "Mentiris," inquit,
"Ciceronianus es," et flagellis eum graviter caedi iussit. Ille vero cum
inter verbera strepitumque flagellorum unam banc assidue vocem emit-
teret, "Domine, si umquam saeculares libros legero, te negavi," interce-
dentibus his qui aderant dimissus est. Inde vero ad vitam rediens liventes
ex verberibus scapulas habuit et in corpore suo vera vestigia flagellorum
ut non tam somnium dici possit sed res vere gesta certumque iudicis
aeterni indicium.
' ecclesiasticae] eccliasticae < sic > ex al. Hit. corr. R
" licet ex libet corr. interl. R
Sermon 3 157
Although he was surely the sort of person who arouses our admira-
tion, he nevertheless supplied the most appealing assistance through his
erudition and his teaching and his study of letters, in which he surpassed
nearly all the learned individuals who ever lived. He became most profi-
cient in three languages: Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.' His vast expertise
extended across the range of history, from that of the church to that of
society. He lifted the veil from the mysterious images of the poets; he
attentively observed every phenomenon of nature. One can honestly say
that his eloquence was so great that he practically equalled Cicero,
whose books he read with the utmost attention. You can easily find
confirmation for all of these claims by examining his writings.
I can show that Jerome tenaciously memorized these things and kept
them ready at hand by referring to something that he wrote about him-
self. For, when he was struggling with a very severe fever around the
middle of Lent, as he himself tells us, and he seemed so near to death
that preparations were being made for his funeral, suddenly he was
caught up in the spirit before the judgment seat of the eternal judge.
When he was asked to state his condition in life, he said that he was a
Christian. Then the judge replied, "You are lying; you are a Cicero-
nian." And he ordered him to be handed over for a painful scourging.
Amidst the cracking blows of the whip, Jerome steadfastly repeated a
single phrase, "Lord, if ever again I read worldly books, I have denied
you." After the bystanders interceded on his behalf, he was sent away.
Upon awakening, Jerome found that he actually had shoulders swollen
black and blue from the blows and such authentic traces of the scourg-
ing on his body that no one could label the experience merely a dream.
Rather, it actually took place and indicated an incontrovertible verdict
rendered by the eternal judge.
' Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79: "Ego philosophus, rhetor, gram-
maticus, dialecticus, Hebraeus, Graecus, Latinus, trilinguis?")
158 Sermo 3
Posthac autem, ut ipse asserit, codices gentilium legit, sed tanto
studio divina tractavit quanto" ilia ante non legerat, unde aut totum aut
certe partem maximam suorum librorum postquam id even[en]it edidit.
In quibus tamen tantum est peregrinae historiae, tantum gentilium fabu-
larum externaeque disciplinae, omnia ad fidei usum accommodata ut
nihil aliud dies ac noctes egisse quam ut ilia conquirat videri possit. Sed
et de fide tot tantaque praescripsit ut nusquam ei vacasse libros genti-
lium legere facile credi queat. Totum enim vetus testamentum ex integro
interpretatus est Hebraicam veritatem secutus. In omnes prophetas com-
mentarios scripsit. Expositiones in evangelia epistolasque canonicas,
contra haereticos libros complures, tractatus varies pro variis quaestioni-
bus ac materiis, sermones, homilias, epistolas, omnis generis scripturas
edidit, ut non modo austeritas vitae sed etiam exuberantia doctrinae
miraculum sit.
Sed iam de ceteris miraculis quid dicam, quae Deus mirabilis in Sanc-
tis suis per hunc sanctum gloriosum et in vita et in morte operari di-
gnatus est? Quae quidem tarn multa sunt tamque° illustria ut, si quip-
piam attingere possim, nee complectar omnia. Illud asseverare audeo:
non esse genus aliquod hominum in quod, si modo devotionem in eum
habuerint, certa illius beneficia miraculosaque opera non extent. Quam-
obrem horter unumquemque ut singularem in eum devotionem habeant
eumque sibi cum aliis Sanctis quos colunt patronum eligant. Sentient
profecto sese ei utiliter commendatos opesque suas bene in illo locatas
cum ad huius vitae commoda, tum ad aeterna praemia, quae ipsius meri-
tis et intercessione necnon et aliorum sanctorum ille nobis concedat, qui
vivit et regnat trinus et unus per infinita saecula saeculorum. Amen.
scripsi: quam R Pa
tamquam R
Sermon 3 159
Afterwards, however, as he himself asserted, he continued to read the
books of the pagans, but he treated divine matters with greater enthusi-
asm than he had ever shown for pagan literature in the past.^° For that
reason, I infer that he published the entire corpus of his writings or cer-
tainly the vast majority of them after that event. In those writings, nev-
ertheless, there is so much from the history of other peoples, so much
from pagan poetry and foreign practice, and all of it accommodated to
the utility of faith, that it could actually appear that he did nothing else
day and night but delve into those matters. On the other hand, he
taught so many things of great magnitude about the faith that it is
almost inconceivable that he would have had enough time free to read
the books of the pagans. For he translated anew the entire Old Testa-
ment by working from the original Hebrew text, he wrote commentar-
ies on all of the prophets, he published explanations for the Gospels and
the canonical epistles, several books against the heretics, various treatises
on a wide range of controversial issues, sermons, homilies, letters, writ-
ings of every sort, so that not only the austerity of his life but the
breadth of his erudition must also be considered a miracle.
But what shall I say now about the other miracles, which the God
who proves so awesome in his saints" deigned to perform through this
glorious saint during his lifetime and after his death? Those miracles are
honestly so numerous and so impressive that, if I should attempt to
touch upon any aspect of them, I could never cover them in their entire-
ty. I will not back away from making one claim: there is no type of
human beings for whom Jerome did not grant genuine services and
perform miraculous deeds, provided only that they have nurtured
sincere devotion toward him. For that reason, let me exhort each and
every one of you to nurture a special devotion toward Jerome and to
choose him as a patron along with the saints you already venerate. You
will undoubtedly feel that I do you a service by commending you to his
care and by having you invest your money wisely in him, if you earn a
profit in this life and especially if you gain an everlasting reward.
Through the merits and intercession of Jerome along with the other
saints, may God concede such a reward to us, the God who lives and
reigns, three and one, for ever and ever. Amen.
'° Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190-91). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, Loeb Classical Library 262 (London and New York, 1933; repr.
London: W. Heinemann, and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1980), 127-29.
" Vulg. Ps. 67:36.
Sermo 4 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: B, fol. 89r-v; Bp, 143-46; C, fols. 146v-49;
Pa, part 1, 204-6; PM, fols. 150-51; R, fols. 45-46v.
Edition: Sal, (Padua, 1767), 7-19.
Hodie mihi, fratres carissimi, pro more institutoque meo veter^
habendus est ad vos sermo de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi, ad quem
digne laudandum tantam vellem mihi suppetere dicendi facultatem quan-
ta subest illi copia meritorum, meque eum tam eximie laudare posse
quam cupio. In altero enim satisfactum est illius dignitati, in altero vo-
luntati meae. Sed contra, nescio quo modo, in his rebus < plus > quam
in ceteris evenit ut, cum est de alicuius laudibus*^ dicendum, quo maior
extat laudum copia, eo minor sit semper bene laudandi facultas. Sic opi-
nor quod maiestate rerum dicendarum aut multitudine meritorum pre-
mitur vis dicentis. Nam illud quidem commune est in omnibus: num-
quam^ satis videri a se factum aut fieri posse satis quod magno quis cum
desiderio facit.
Longe autem^ lateque superexcedit ingenioli mei modum Hieronymi
laudum immensitas, quantumque devotione animus ad dicendum impel-
litur, tantum admiratione retardatur. Nescit enim initium invenire dum
* Petripauli Vergerii Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio R. Eiusdem Pro Sancto Hieronymo
elegantissima oratio B. Oratio pro eodem C. Oratio I pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa
^ veteri Bp R
' alienis laudibus Bp: laudibus alicuius B
** dicendarum] aut multitudine rerum dicendarum add. et expung. B
' numquam numquam Bp: nusquam R
' autem om. B
Sermon 4 for Saint Jerome
Today, most beloved brothers, in keeping with my custom and my
long-standing commitment, I have to deliver a sermon to you on
the praises of Saint Jerome. In order to praise him worthily, I would
wish for two things: to possess at this moment a skill in public speaking
as great as the abundance of merits that supplies the basis for his praise
and to be able to praise him as exceptionally as I desire. In the first
instance, satisfaction is rendered to the worth of that man, in the second
to my own affection. But the exact opposite tends to occur when you
have to give a panegyric as opposed to another type of speech, and I am
not sure why that is so. When you have to extol someone else, your
ability to do a good job in praising that person always decreases as the
number of things you need to praise increases. I suppose this is so be-
cause the splendor of what must be addressed or the multitude of merits
overwhelms the power of the one speaking. As a matter of fact, I sus-
pect you all know the feeling: we never seem to have done a sufficient
job or even seem capable of doing a sufficient job when we come to the
task so eagerly.
The immensity of the praises of Jerome, however, far and wide
surpasses the capabilities of my feeble intellect, and as much as I feel the
urge to speak out of devotion to Jerome, I am likewise held back by my
admiration for him. No speaker knows how to find a way to begin a
162 SERMO 4
videt sibi non patere^ exitum, dumque se in terrenis*^ metitur desperat
prorsus digne' commendari posse caelestia. Nam si de mundanorum
hominum laudibus dicturis' hoc evenit ut non satis dicere posse videan-
tur, quanto magis enarraturo huius sancti praeconia qui virtute et meritis
gloriosis Christianam fidem et ecclesiam Catholicam illustravit. Solent
autem in mundanis laudibus celebrari certamina, victoriae, triumphi, et
cetera huiuscemodi. Quae profecto multo excellentius alio quodammo-
do in Sanctis Dei veniunt praedicanda.
Tres sunt enim hostes" et gravissimi atque infestissimi qui dies noc-
tesque*^ mentem studentem° placere Deo impugnant: mundus per po-
tentiamP, caro per blanditias, daemon** cum insidiis. Mundus opum
magnificentia*^ honorumque fulgore aciem mentis obruit, et, dum reges
ac populos a se victos ostentat, intelligi vult nemini^ iam turpe esse cum
vincitur. Caro voluptatibus atque deliciis robur animi enervare conten-
dit, et, ut vinci se patiatur, dulcia cuncta promittit. Daemon^ vero frau-
dum omnium artifex instructissimus mille cottidie retia tendit, mille sub-
nectit laqueos quibus animas Deo devotas apprehendat.
Age nunc, comparentur, si placet, hae pugnae" animi cum illis quae
manu ferroque geruntur/ In illis enim indutiae nonnumquam'*' inter-
veniunt, et post bellum pax tranquilla subsequitur; in istis autem sine
fine pugnatur, non mora datur aut requies, nee hora* aut momentum
^ petere B
^ tererenis B PM {ex terenis corr. al. m.)
' digne prorsus R
' dicturus R
^ Catholicam ecclesiam Bp R
' multo] et add. Bp R {in ras.})
" Tres enim hostes sunt R
" atque noctes B
° audentem Bp
P impotentiam Bp R
*• daemon ex demum? corr. C R
' magnificentiam Bp R C
* nemini om. Bp R
' Demum B
" haec pugna B
* gerantur R
" nonnumquam indutiae R
* hora ex Mora corr. interl. B
Sermon 4 163
speech as long as he sees that he has no good way to end it, and, as long
as a speaker appraises himself honestly according to earthly standards, he
will abandon any hope of being able to commend worthily the affairs of
heaven. For if those who are about to pronounce the praises of worldly
men find that they do not seem capable of covering those subjects suffi-
ciently, how much the more will one feel inadequate who is about to
pronounce publicly a panegyric of this saint, who by his virtue and glor-
ious merits has added luster to the Christian faith and the Catholic
Church. In worldly praises, however, it is customary to celebrate con-
flicts, victories, triumphs, and other things of this sort. Matters that are
unquestionably far more excellent according to a different standard must
comprise the focus when you preach on the saints of God.
As a matter of fact, there are three enemies, of a most fearsome and
hostile variety, who day and night attack the mind of one striving to
please God: the world through power, the flesh through pleasures, the
devil with his snares. The world breaches the battle line of the mind by
displaying the brilliance of wealth and the glitter of public office, and,
while the world boasts about kings and peoples whom it has conquered,
it wants to give the impression that no one should feel shame in defeat.
The flesh struggles to weaken one's strength of soul through selfish
pleasures, and it promises everything agreeable in order that you let
down your guard. The devil, a craftsman most skilled in every form of
deceit, daily casts out a thousand nets and sets a thousand traps in which
he catches those souls devoted to God. '
With your permission, I would like to move on and compare the
battles of the soul with those which are fought with sword in hand. In
the latter, a truce on occasion intervenes, and, after the war, an interval
of peace generally follows; in the former, however, one must struggle
without end, no pause or rest is given, not an hour or even a moment
164 Sermo 4
ullum est vacuum. In illis ut plurimum adverse invicem pectore decerta-
tur^ et facie ad faciem; in his undique impugnatur homo ex nulla parte
securus. In illis videri licet tela a quibus precaveri oportet; hie autem
velut in nocte tectum^ est certamen et pugna incerta, cum hostis invisi-
bilis mentem impugnat.
Verum conferantur nunc et victoriae. Si enim magnum est urbem
aliquam** aut^'' regnum unum'^'^ mundi vincere, quanto maius est
mundum ipsum superare? Nam plane vincit is mundum qui despicit
omne quod est in eo,*^*^ nee se permittit aut ambitione honorum aut
opum cupiditate detineri. Vincere vero carnes et dulces Sirenum cantus
surda aure praeterire, quid est aliud quam se ipsum vincere et sensui
rationem praeferre? Quod genus pulcherrimum est victoriae. Quam vero
feram saevissimam aut quod monstrum immanissimum gloriosius est
vincere quam daemonis artes eludere ipsiusque tendiculas^^ illaeso pede
pertransire?
Ab^^ his autem qualiter fuerit in vita praesenti vexatus gloriosus iste
sanctus et qualiter huiusmodi pugnas cum Dei adiutorio fortiter evice-
rit^^ minime arroganter de se ipse scribit in epistola ad Eusthochium.
Quod quoniam elegantius aliter dici non potest, ''*' eius ipsius verba
subiciantur. "O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus et" in ilia vasta
solitudine quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestabat
habitaculum" putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis. Sedebam solus quia
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s] et squa-
lida cutis situm Aethiopicae''^ carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cot-
tidie gemitus, et si quando repugnantem somnus imminens oppressisset,
'' decertantur CB. decertatur ex decertantur corr. ("redundat n in antiq. codice" in marg.
al. m.) PM
^ tecum Bp R C
aliquem R
bb
ve
\BpR
" aliquod Bp R
^ mundo R
" tendicula B
f' Ab] is add. et del. C
" vicerit B
^^ potest] "aliter posset" in marg. C. posset B Bp R
" et] cetera add. (in ilia . . . currimus om.) B
" habitaculum] et cetera add. (putavi me . . . currimus om.) R
''*' scripsi: Aethiopissae Bp C
Sermon 4 165
is free from battle. In the latter, it is most frequently the case that one
confronts another by squaring off face to face; in the former, a human
being finds himself attacked from every direction and vulnerable on all
sides. In the latter, you are permitted to wield weapons as a vital means
to parry the enemy's thrust; the former, however, involves a hidden
conflict and an uncertain struggle, as though it were occurring at night,
when an invisible enemy attacks the mind.
But let us also compare the victories won in each instance. For if it
is a great achievement to conquer some city or an individual kingdom
in this world, how much greater an achievement is it to conquer the
world itself? Clearly, the person who conquers the world disdains
everything that is in it, and he does not allow himself to become a slave
to ambition for office or greed for riches. All in all, if one overcomes
the flesh and turns a deaf ear to the sweet songs of the Sirens,^ what else
has he done but conquer himself and put reason ahead of emotions?
That is the sort of victory that is most rewarding. Is it really more glori-
ous to overpower a most savage beast or a most inhuman monster than
it is to elude the artifice of the devil and pass through his snares un-
harmed? Obviously not.
To get some idea of the extent to which that glorious saint was
pestered by these enemies during his lifetime and the extent to which he
courageously emerged the victor in battles of this sort with God's assis-
tance, we can read what Jerome writes about himself without the least
arrogance in a letter to Eustochium. Since no one could express it more
elegantly, let me now quote his own words. "Oh, how often," he says,
"when I was living in the desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the
burning sun, which affords to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how
often did I fancy myself surrounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to
sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were
covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin through long neglect had be-
come as rough and black as an Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every
day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame my resistance and fell upon
' Cf. P. VirgiliusMaro/len. 5.684; and Hieronymus £/>. 22.18 [CSEL 54:167). In general,
see Paul Antin, "Les sirenes et Ulysse dans I'oeuvre de saint Jerome," in Recueil sur saint
Jerome, Collection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 59-70.
166 Sermo 4
nude humo ossa vix haerentia coUidebam. De cibis vero et potu taceo,
cum etiam languentes monachi aqua frigida utebantur^' et coctum ali-
quid accepisse luxuriae sit. Ille igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali
me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum,
saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens deside-
riis extuabat in frigido corpore et ante hominem suum iam carne prae-
mortua sola libidinum incendia bulliebant.
Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri-
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem ebdomadarum inedia subiu-
gabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae miseriam, quin
potius plango non esse, quod fuerim. Memini me clamantem diem cre-
bro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus, quam re-
diret domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam meam
quasi cogitationum mearum consciam pertimescebam et mihimet iratus
et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium, aspera mon-
tium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus erat, illud
miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et, ut mihi testis est Dominus, post multas
lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam videbar mihi in-
teresse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam: In odorem
unguentorum tuorum currimus." Haec autem tantilla narratio scientibus
multa ex paucis intelligere satis"™" sit.
De peritia vero litterarum quae et ipsa laus hominis sancti"" est
quid dicam, cum maxime in scripturis sacris°° ita doctum fuisse con-
stet, ut in proverbium deductum sit nullum hominum^P scivisse quod
Hieronymus ignoravit? Nee fuit, ut in plerisque, otiosa in hoc''*' ho-
mine tanta doctrina. Multa enim et per se scripsit, et aliorum multa inter-
pretatus est. Trium linguarum eruditissimus, Hebraeae," Graecae, zcf^
" utantur Bp
""" satis] est add. et del. C. add. et expung. B
"" sancti hominis Bp R
°° sacris] eum add. B
PP hominem Bp R
<w hoc om. Bp R
" Hebraicae B
"et5
Sermon 4 167
my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against the naked earth. Of food
and drink I will not speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even
when they are sick, and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked
dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this
prison-house, where my only companions were scorpions and wild
beasts, I often found myself surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My
face was pale with fasting; but though my limbs were cold as ice my
mind was burning with desire, and the fires of lust kept bubbling up
before me when my flesh was as good as dead.
And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus'
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the
Lord's behest, I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory,
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the angel-
ic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anointing oils
are fragrant we run after you.' "^ This brief account should more than
suffice to help us understand a whole host of things.
Now what shall I say about his expertise in letters, which also consti-
tutes fair grounds for praising a person of sanctity? It is especially
apparent that he was well versed in the Holy Scriptures: you all know
the saying that nobody has ever discovered something that Jerome did
not already know.^ Nor did he acquire such vast erudition merely for
his own personal enjoyment, as tends to be the case with many others.
He wrote many things of his own accord, and he translated many things
that others had written. Because he was extremely fluent in three lan-
guages— Hebrew, Greek, and Latin^— he also wrote several lengthy vol-
2 Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, (37-(>9.
^ Cf. Ps. Augustinus, "Epistolade magnificentia,"253: "Quae Hieronymus ignoravit in
natura nullus hominum umquam scivit."
* Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79).
168 Sermo 4
Latinae, obscura quoque sacrae scripturae per multa ac magna volumina
commentatus est ut non modo variis nationibus sed rudibus quoque
ingeniis fundamenta fidei innotescere possent.
De moribus vero dici hoc potest, quod tota eius vita exemplum bene
Vivendi fuit. Maledicos bene vivendo confudit. Persequentes secedendo"
superavit, Sibi parous, ceteris largus, tam mitis in alios ut et feras man-
suefaceret, et in se tam austerus ut vix in hostem quis eadem pateretur.
Non mirum igitur si, tantis dotibus praeditus atque ita in terris vexatus,
nunc coronatus triumphat in caelis, dignum praemium tot certaminum
tantarumque virtutum,"" quibus propemodum dici potest eum intulisse
vim^ caelo. Cuius rei argumentum est quod et in vita et post mortem
ita miraculis claruit, ut miraculum permagnum sit eum tot et tanta ope-
ratum esse miracula. Ipse igitur cuius diem soUemnem agimus a rege re-
gum et dominatore"^ omnium Deo, cui in illo caelorum regno semper
assistit, nobis imploret ut in praesenti gratiam saeculo et in futuro
gloriam praestet,"' ad quam^ nos perducat ipse Dei Filius, qui cum
Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat per infinita saecula benedictus.
" secedendo ex secendo? corr. R
"" virtutum] consecutus add. B
"" vim] in ras. Bp: in add. et del. R
"" donatore B
"* praestet] om. C: concedat B
^^ quas R
Sermon 4 169
umes of commentary on obscure matters in Holy Scripture. That means
that the fundamentals of faith can be known by various peoples and
even by those with little formal education.
In discussing his morals, I have no trouble claiming that his whole
life serves as an example of ethical conduct. He frustrated those slander-
ing him by his integrity. He overcame those persecuting him by his
departure. Sparing to himself, he was generous to everyone else; he was
so kind to others that he even tamed the wild beasts^ and so strict in his
own regard that hardly anyone suffered as much when battling an
enemy. It is no wonder, then, that one who was endowed with so many
gifts and harassed to such an extent on earth, should now be crowned in
triumph in heaven, a worthy reward for so many conflicts and such
great virtues. On that basis, I am almost tempted to say that Jerome
took heaven by storm. The proof for such a claim lies in the fact that
Jerome gained wide renown for miracles during his lifetime and after his
death. In the final analysis, it is truly an enormous miracle that he
worked so many miracles of such great substance. May Jerome himself,
therefore, whose solemnity we observe today, make supplication on our
behalf to the king of kings and lord of all, the God whom he forever
attends in that kingdom of heaven, that God confer his grace to us in
the present age and his glory to us in a future one. It is toward that
glory that the Son of God himself directs us, he who lives and reigns
with the Father and the Holy Spirit as blessed for ever and ever.
Vergerio alludes to the story of the lion; see Sermon 2, n. 8 above.
Sermo 5 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: B, fol. 89v (fragm.); C, fols. 152v-57v (fragm.);
E, fols. 21V-23 (fragm.); N, fols. 27v-28 (fragm.); Pa, part 1, 206-11
(fragm.); PM, fol. 151 (fragm.); R, fols. 47-51 (fragm.);
Tp, fols. 129V-30 (fragm.); V, fols. l-8v.
Praestantissimi viri^ atque optimi patres, cum bona venia vestra prae-
termittam nunc parumper solitum morem sermocinandi, et, omisso
themate (qui mos iam*^ apud modernos deciderat) primo gloriosissimam
virginem ad auxilium mihi invocabo, dicens "Ave Maria (et cetera)."
Sermo mihi hodie ad vos habendus est, viri clarissimi, non de stu-
diis litterarum ut saepe soleo, non de bellicis rebus quae, ut difficiles
fieri,* ita iucundae sunt memoratu, non denique de ullis negotiis quae
aut ad publica iura hominum aut ad privatas res pertineant, sed de reli-
gione et sanctitate. Neque enim vereor, viri optimi,^ ne, cum de reli-
gione dicturum me pollicitus sim, parum attentas aures' praestituri sitis.
* Sermo de Beato Hieronymo in modum orationis editus per dominum Petrumpaulum
Vergerii de lustinopoli devotissimum Beati Hieronymi V. Sermo editus in festo Sancti Hie-
ronymi per Petrumpaulum Vergerium oratorum elegantissimum Tp. Petripauli Vergerii
Sermo de laudibus Beati Hieronymi N. Petripauli Vergerii Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio R.
Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Pro Sancto Hieronymo oratio elegantissima£. Pro Sancto
Hieronymo oratio 11 Pa
^ Praestantissimi viri . . . et cetera om. B C E R
' iam om. Tp
clarissimi viri B. optimi viri C E R
* fieri om. N
' enim in ras. V
* optimi patres B. clarissimi viri C E R
^ ne om. B
' aures] vestras add. B E R
Sermon 5 for Saint Jerome
Most eminent men and most honest fathers, with your kind indul-
gence, I will slightly depart today from the usual manner of deliv-
ering a sermon. Because I have not cited a thematic verse from Scripture
(a convention that is no longer observed by the most up-to-date preach-
ers), I will immediately begin by praying that the most glorious virgin
assist me, as I say, "Hail Mary (etc.)."
Today I do not have to deliver a sermon to you, most distinguished
men, about the study of letters (as I am often accustomed to do), nor
about matters of war that are gratifying to recall in proportion as they
were difficult to conduct, nor finally about any dealings that apply to
the common rights or private affairs of human beings. I must rather
speak about belief and sanctity. And yet I have no fear that you will not
listen attentively, most honest men, now that I have stated my intention
to address matters of faith. I have come to know your devotion, loyalty,
172 Sermo 5
Novi devotionem vestram, pietatem, moderationem, fidem,^ palamque
ab universis perpetuo scitum est, cum summo studio in^ omni vita ho-
nestissimas res colueritis, divina tamen iura caerimoniasque sacrorum
primo semper apud vos loco constitisse.
Quod si igitur, ut*" vere sensit Tales, non modo actus sermonesque
nostri sed ne cogitationes quidem latere Deum possunt, quam putatis
nunc ei" gratum fieri quod intra hos sacros parietes ad audiendum de se
deque Sanctis suis sermonem frequentes convenistis? Delectant siquidem
Deum homines (si passionibus eum ullis agi existimamus) cum quid erga
se pie, iuste, sancte, ac religiose factum videt. Quod quam iure quamque
merito a nobis faciendum sit hinc licet accipiamus.° Si enim tanta pro
patria, pro parentibus, pro liberis, si pro domo, fortunis, rebusque no-
stris^ tanta sponte nostra** patimur tamque difficiles et periculosos labo-
res subimus, quantum debemus eniti ut ea quae ad interiorem salutem
attinent sedulo exequamur? Nemo est nostrum qui non summo studio
incolumitatem suam aut praesentem tueri aut amissam recuperare molia-
tur; nemo qui"^ vitam quam perbrevem et communem cum brutis habet
non studeat omni nixu,' viribus omnibus^ servare, tenere, et, quoad" li-
cuerit,^ prorogare. Ne igitur incolumitatem^ animae quam sacrae res
efficiunt, ne ipsam perpetuam vitam parvo labore consequi studebimus?
' fidem om. E R
^ txBCER
' res colueritis] res recol- V N
"" ut om. Tp
" ei om. Tp
° aucupemur N: experiamur Tp
P nostris] tanta . . . Amen om. B
'' nostra om. Tp
' qui interl. V
* nisu V Tp
' omnibus viribus N Tp C E R
" quoad in ras. V
* decuerit C E R
* incolumitatem ex incon- corr. V: columitatem Tp
Sermon 5 173
moderation, fidelity, and they have become objects of universal acclaim
for some time now. Although you have devoted yourselves with the
greatest enthusiasm to very noble concerns throughout your lives, you
have always awarded a place of primacy, nevertheless, to the sacred
duties and ceremonies of religion.
But if, then, Thales was right to feel that we cannot hide our deeds
or words nor even our thoughts from God,^ will you all not agree that
your having come together now in great numbers within these sacred
walls to hear a sermon about God and his saints is quite gratifying to
God.^ Human beings do give pleasure to God (if we are right in thinking
that God is affected by any emotion) when God sees that some action is
directed toward the divinity with due loyalty and pious trust. You can
get some idea just how legitimate and deserved our actions will be in
this instance from what follows. If we choose to endure so much to pro-
tect our country, our parents, our children, if we undergo very difficult
and dangerous trials to defend our household, our possessions, and our
business activities, how much effort should we exert to perform with
the utmost care those tasks which regard our interior health? There is
not a single one of you who does not apply himself with the greatest
energy to protect the security you have attained or recover the security
you have lost. Everyone of you puts forth every effort and strength to
safeguard, maintain, and, insofar as it is possible, prolong this most ephe-
meral existence, which we share in common with wild beasts. Will we
not strive, then, to attain the security for our souls that religion produc-
es? or to attain through minimal expense of energy eternal life itself?
' Cf. Diogenes Laertius 1.1. In the Middle Ages, a Latin epitome of the Greek original
was published and then used in texts like that attributed to Walter of Burley. See Ps. Walter
of Burley, . . . Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum mit einer altspanischen Ubersetzung der
Eskurialbibliothek, ed. Hermann Knust (Tubingen, 1886; repr., Frankfurt am Main: Minerva,
1964), 10; and Remigio Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici latini e greci ne' secoli XIV e XV,
Biblioteca storica del Rinascimento 4 (1905-14; repr., Florence: G. Sansoni, 1967), 2:262-63.
Thales of Miletus was one of the "Seven Wise Men," and many aphorisms are attributed to
him.
174 Sermo 5
Solebant vetusto tempore hi quos vulgato nomine gentiles dicimus,
ut crebro res veterum legens animadverti (quod id etiam nunc'' facere
opinor eos, si pristinae religionis suae apud se morem tenent, qui non-
dum in veritatem religionis nostrae venerunt)— solebant, inquam, atten-
tissima cura et diligentissimo studio sacra celebrare et ne minimum qui-
dem impune praetermittere quod ad divina pertineret, quibus tamen
nondum persuasum erat esse post mortem corporis victuram animam
aut ex his meritis beari posse. Quanto igitur magis id facere nos^ decet,
qui et veram professionem assecuti sumus et sine ambiguitate ulla cer-
tum tenemus esse immortalem animam atque ex piis operibus vitae, ora-
tionibus, sacrificiis, votis felicem post mortem animam fieri in beato
loco.
Semper itaque probavi, ut ex diebus hebdomadarum prima atque ex
horis matutina ab homine quovis et quantumvis occupato rebus divinis
daretur. Reliquos dies reliquasque dierum partes mundanum opus ha-
beat. Nunc autem vespere a me evocati^ convenistis, propterea quod
hanc ipsam horam diurnis negotiis et laboribus vestris/* tum et^^ cot-
tidiano officio, quod in his sacris altaribus agitur, minus incommodam
arbitratus sum. Venistis itaque audire de ea re,'^'^ quam vellem ego tam
bene dicere me posse quam libenter'^'^ audituri vos estis.^^ De gloriosis-
simo Hieronymo et laudibus eius sermonem facturus sum. Quis est ve-
strum, obsecro, qui non ad huius nomen recordationemque et aures et
animum arrexerit?^^ Nam cui et vivus et vita defunctus non profuit?
Quod hominum genus, qui sexus, quae aetas beneficiorum eius expers
est.^ Quare non vereor me incomposite aut inornate dicere posse quod
cum summa aviditate audituros vos scio.
" quod id etiam nunc] quod id et nunc N E. quod etiam nunc Tp. quod id etiam R
^ igitur . . . facere] ergo magis id facere nos V. igitur magis id nos facere Tp E. igitur
{interl.) id nos magis facere R
^ vespere a me evocati] vesperi a me convocati R: vespere vocati a me Tp
" vestris om. R
^^ tum etiam C R: tam et E
*^ ea de re Tp
^ libenter om. E
" estis] De gloriosissimo . . . merita attinet om. C R. De gloriosissimo . . . Amen om. E
'^ nostrum V
^ qui . . . arrexerit] qui ad huius nomen recordationemque aures et animum non
arrexerit Tp
'''' scio] Communi . . . ei omnes om. N
Sermon 5 175
In ancient times, the pagans (as we call them in common parlance)
were accustomed, as I have frequently noticed while reading the history
of that era (I am of the opinion that even today those, who have not yet
come into the truth of our religion, still conduct themselves in this way,
if they have retained among themselves the traditions of their primitive
religion)— they were accustomed, I was saying, to celebrate sacred rites
with the most intent concern and assiduous zeal. If they neglected even
the slightest matter which pertained to the gods, they were held account-
able. They took such care even though they were not yet convinced that
the soul will live on after the death of the body or that they are able to
attain a heavenly reward in keeping with their merits. How much more
fitting it is, then, that we conduct ourselves in this way, for we have
attained the true profession of faith and firmly believe that the soul is
immortal and that it achieves true happiness in a blessed place after
death in keeping with the pious works of one's life, the prayers, sacrific-
es, solemn promises.
Thus, I have always felt that all human persons, no matter what their
job, should dedicate the first day of the week and the first hour of the
morning to divine matters. They can use the other days of the week and
the other hours of the day for secular activities. Now, however, I have
summoned you to assemble in the evening because I thought that this
time of day was less inconvenient, given your daytime activities and
labors and particularly that daily recitation of the Divine Office, which
you pray around this sacred altar. Thus, you have come to hear about
that subject, which I wish that I were able to address with a skill com-
mensurate with the willingness with which you will listen. I am about
to deliver a sermon on the praises of the most glorious Jerome. Which
one of you here present, I wonder, did not pay closer attention at the
mere mention of Jerome's name? For is there anyone whom Jerome has
not assisted either during his lifetime or after his death? What type of
person, what gender, what age-group has not partaken of his services?
That is why I am not afraid of speaking in a disorderly fashion or
without sufficient embellishment. I have every confidence that you will
listen to what I say with the greatest interest.
176 SERMO 5
Communi enim quadam devotione astringuntur ei omnes; omnes
sanctitatem memoriamque laeti venerantur. Ego vero" singular! studio
praecipuaque indulgentia affectus ei sum, cum" vetusta religione meo-
rum maiorum, turn plurimis, maximis, atque evidentissimis beneficiis et
in me et in familiam nostram coUatis. Quare ingratus mihi videri pos-
sem, si non tantis meritis aliquid quod industriae studiisque meis conve-
niret grati animi signum redderem. Solebant parentes mei, dum fortuna
laetaeque res starent, atque id a suis fieri solitum commemorabant
perpetuo hoc ipso festo die, cum sacra ritu debito et solito more peracta
essent, sollemne convivium pauperibus facere'— his quidem primum,
turn et amicis, familiaribus, atque domesticis hominibus — quo et in illos
pietas et in hos™" alacritas funderetur. Omnes enim, quoad poterant
et facuhates suae ferre sustinebant, gaudii sui studebant participes facere.
Dies hie et foris et domi"" laetus agebatur. Nunc vero, postquam belH-
cis fragoribus inimica fortuna res arbitrio suo vertit, mansit animus,
cessit mos. Ego autem, qui nihil maius in tanta egestate quod tribuam
habeo, decrevi singulo anno dum vixero laudes Hieronymi et praeclara
merita in conventu optimorum recensere. Si quando tamen fortuna pla-
cid© vultu faverit, ne vetustum quidem morem familiae nostrae praeter-
mittam.
At vero nunc debitum meum iam°° promissione consignatum ut
exolvam praefixus a me dies exigit.^P Verum cum in'^'' tam ampla re-
rum area difficile sit initium dicendi facere," aliquanto difficilius erit
exitum orationi invenire. Unde enim quis in tot tantisque rebus aut
principium'" ordietur aut ubi sistat orationem inveniet? Clara, magna,
praecipua sunt quaecumque de eo dici possunt, neque opinione neque
verbis aut exaugeri aut minui possibilia; quorum unumquodque se
primum dici principiumque sermonis esse se postulat.
" um Tp: om. N
" turn V Tp
^ res starent ex restarent corr. interl. V
" facere] his quidem . . . Amen om. N
""" et in illos pietas et in hos] et illos pietas et hos Tp
"" et domi et foris V
~ turn Tp
PP exigitur V
"^ in om. Tp
" facere] aliquanto . . . enim om. V
" aut principium] auriet principium (ordietur . . . non est ita om) Tp
Sermon 5 177
As a matter of fact, all persons are bound to Jerome by a certain
common devotion, all joyfully venerate the memory of his sanctity. Yet,
I am touched by a particular devotion and special affection for Jerome,
which springs from the enduring piety of my ancestors and even more
from the extremely numerous, significant, and obvious services extended
to me personally and to my entire family. Therefore, I would consider
myself ungrateful, if I did not respond to such great merits and give
some sign of the gratitude I feel which puts my diligence and education
to good use. After my parents had attended the sacred rites celebrated in
the appropriate and conventional manner, they were accustomed for as
long as their resources permitted to offer a solemn banquet for the
indigent of the city. Moreover, they had clear memories that their own
ancestors had consistently performed the same service on this feast day.
They first took care of the poor and then welcomed friends, relatives,
and domestic servants, thereby expressing their loyalty to the latter and
their compassion toward the former. As long as my parents had the
resources to cover the costs of such a celebration, they eagerly desired to
make all the others share in their own joy. We celebrated the feast day
in public and private rituals. Now, however, after hostile fortune turned
against us and unleashed war's destructive furies, only the intention
remains. The celebration itself has ceased. Nevertheless, although I
regret having nothing greater to offer in my state of poverty, I have
vowed that, as long as I live, I will review the praises and excellent mer-
its of Jerome in a speech before an assembly of the best citizens. If ever
fortune will look upon me and smile once again, I will not hesitate to
revive that ancient custom of our family.
In all honesty, my debt at this moment is already registered in a
promissory note, and the date on which I have to repay it has arrived.
If it is hard to find a way to begin my speech as I gaze over such an
extensive range of possibilities, it will be that much harder for me to
find a way to end it. For among so many substantial matters, who could
find a topic to use in organizing the exordium or one to use in conclud-
ing the oration? No matter what you say about Jerome, it constitutes
distinguished, great, unique subject matter, and you really cannot
significantly embellish or diminish the possible topics, no matter what
you choose to say. Each one of those topics virtually demands to be the
first one mentioned and thereby become the focus of the sermon's
exordium.
178 Sermo 5
Nam cum animadverto res ipsas" quas [ut] dicere non tam potens
quam volens et debens aggressus sum, geminum in laudibus ei < u > s iter
mihi propositum video, quorum utrumque longe lateque supra vires
ingenii est. Primum enim si dicere instituero de his in quibus praesentes
et saeculares homines gentilesque etiam laudare solemus — puta de Httera-
tura, de moribus, de summa honestate vitae — abundantem ac fere inexpH-
cabilem dicendi materiam nactus sum, ut"" ad quod secundum est hoc
ordine, re autem primum, nuUo pacto exequi posse me sperem. Quis
enim sanctitatem, fidem, religionem, caritatem, spem, tum maxime
innumerabiles res gestas atque infinita miracula et mortuo et vivente ab
eo confecta verbis consequi possit? Omnia et creduHtatis et orationis
modum excedunt.
Nam, ut maiora omittam et ea primum attingam in quibus mediocres
etiam viri laudem sibi vindicare possunt, quis ei (ne superiorem dicam)
litteris par? quis praestantior virtute? quis usu vitae moderatior? Trium
linguarum peritissimus extitit, Hebraicae, Graecae, et Latinae; omnis
generis doctrina<m> complexus est interpretator vehementissimus.
Quo adeo magnum adiumentum fidei nostrae dedit, ut nihilo utere-
tur^ Latina ecclesia quod ipse non transtulerit. Sed quam ornatus, ob-
secro, viri doctissimi; ipsum medius fidius Ciceronem mihi legere videor
cum libros Hieronymi lego. Tanta inest maturitas orationi, tanta festi-
vitas comitasque sermoni. SoHs profecto rebus de quibus agunt distant a
se; stilus prope par est.
Sed quid de sacris litteris.^ Cum enim dici soleat, legi Dei deesse
quicquid contingit ignorare Hieronymum, ego prompte id dico, super-
flua et inutilia esse legi Dei quae Hieronymus ignoravit. Ea enim sic
" scripsi: suas V
"" scripsi: cum V
"" scripsi: utar? V
Sermon 5 179
When I ponder the topics that not so much from abiHty as from
desire and oWigation I now plan to address, I see two parallel paths that
I can follow in this panegyric. Each of them exceeds far and wide my
intellectual aptitude and physical strength. If I will have resolved to
speak first about the topics that customarily motivate us to praise men
of our own age who are engaged in the business of the world and to
praise the pagans as well— topics like one's literary expertise, one's
morals, the supreme integrity of one's life— I have procured material so
abundant that I could almost never cover it in a speech. Consequently,
I would have to abandon all hope of being able to do what comes next
in my overall plan but has priority in terms of importance. For who
could adequately cover in words his holiness, faith, piety, charity, hope,
and even more so the countless deeds and infinite miracles that he
performed during his lifetime or after his death? They all exceed any
degree of plausibility and manner of speaking.
I will postpone for now the more important topics and begin by
touching upon those which make it possible even for ordinary men to
win acclaim. For who was ever the equal of Jerome in letters (to call
anyone superior is out of the question)? who was more eminent in
virtue? who was more temperate in his manner of living? He became
most fluent in three languages— Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.^ He was a
most energetic translator and embraced learning of every sort. That is
why Jerome gave such great assistance to our faith: he personally trans-
lated virtually everything that the Latin Church still utilizes. But what
command of style, I beg you, most learned men; I swear to God that I
seem to read Cicero himself when I read the books of Jerome. There is
such great maturity in his prose, so much elegance and harmony in his
language. To tell the truth, those men differ only in the substance of the
matters that they treat; as to style, they are virtually the equal of each
other.
But what about sacred letters? A familiar saying tells us that whatev-
er Jerome did not happen to know is not part of God's law.^ I would
go further and claim that the things which Jerome did not know are
utterly superfluous and without relevance to God's law. Thus, he con-
^ Cf. Hieronymus Contra Rufinum 3.6 {CCL 79:79).
' Cf. Ps. Augustinus, "Epistola de magnificentia," 253.
180 Sermo 5
ignoravit quia voluit;'^ nihil autem quod penitus scire vellet latere
tantum acumen ingenii potuit. Multa, ut dixi, ex Unguis transtulit, sed
quam multa, oro, per se scripsit, quam multa in confirmandis fidelibus
quamque multa in redarguendis haereticis? Neminem vere possem dicere
praestantiorem virum. At certe magis necessarium neminem habuit
ecclesia: talem siquidem tum primum adolescens tumque primum oriens
alumnum sibi expetebat, tarn solidum cui inniteretur cardinem, tam for-
tem qui se tueretur patronum. Quem profecto non casu aliquo sed
summa Dei providentia atque aeterno consilio illi tempori datum exi-
stimandum est, ut esset qui teneram et invalidam atque a multis adversa-
riis impetitam ducatu, monitis, praesidioque suo protegeret.
Indignari possunt tempora nostra proque"' gravissima sibi execra-
tione ducere quod nullos huiuscemodi iam parturiant viros, cum idem
saeculum tres summos et prope coaevos tulerit. Fuerunt una atque iis-
dem diebus tria nondum clarissima lumina, certissimi nascentis ecclesiae
praeceptores, Ambrosius, Augustinus, et, qui utrique sine eorum invidia
anteponendus est, Hieronymus. Fuere et nonnulli alii eodem tempore
clari viri, quorum extant et opera et crebra memoria; sed multo^ post
Gregorius exortus est, qui quartus ab his connumerari solet et ipse vir
non parvae litteraturae neque mediocris vitae sanctitatis. His quattuor
veluti firmissimis basibus ecclesia Dei nixa subsistit. Quorum non est
** voluit ex noluit corr. V
"" scripsi: pro qua V
^^ scripsi: multa V
Sermon 5 181
sciously chose not to know them; nothing, however, would go unexam-
ined by his very great perspicacity of intellect if he desired to explore it.
He translated many things from other languages, as I have already
stated; but how many things, I beg you, did he write of his own accord,
often to confirm the faithful and just as often to refute the heretics? I
could honestly say that the church never had a more eminent member.
But I am sure you would all agree that the church never had a more
indispensable member. For indeed, just after the church had come into
existence and then entered her adolescence, she was looking for a
disciple, who was such a solid hinge that she could rely on him,^ such
a courageous defender that she could feel safe. We have to conclude that
Jerome was given to the church at that time not by pure chance but
through the greatest providence and eternal plan of God, so that Jerome
might use his leadership, his warnings, and his protection to shield that
frail church, which was assailed by so many adversaries at a tender age.
Our own times are able to feel indignation and consider themselves
under a very serious curse because they have not produced men of this
sort, whereas the same century produced three outstanding individuals
who were, practically speaking, contemporaries. One and the same
epoch produced three lights who became most brilliant, three teachers
who proved most reliable for the church early in her existence: Am-
brose, Augustine, and Jerome, who should be esteemed more highly
than the other two without any jealousy on their part. There were also
other distinguished men of that era, and their extant works remind us of
their important contribution. Years later, Gregory was born, who is
usually considered the fourth member of that group^ because he was an
individual of significant literary accomplishment and one whose life was
marked by a sanctity beyond the norm. The church of God survives be-
cause it rests upon those four as though they were most solid pedestals
* Punning upon the Latin word cardo, Vergerio alluded to the tradition that Jerome was
a cardinal. See Sermon 3, n. 3 above.
^ Cf. the decretal of Boniface VIII (20 September 1295) in Corpus luris Canonici, Liber
Sextus Decretalium, HI, tit. XXII, cap. 1 (cited by Eugene Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renais-
sance [hzhimore and London: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985], 218-19 n. 1); and Giovanni
d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 2 (cited by Joseph Klapper, "Aus der
Friihzeit des Humanismus: Dichtungen zu Ehren des heiligen Hieronymus," in Ernst Boeh-
lich and Hans Heckel, eds., Bausteine: Festschrift fiir Max Koch zum 70. Geburtstag dargebracht
[Breslau, 1926], 257-58). In addition to Jerome, the other three doctors of the Latin Church
are Ambrose (ca. 339-97) who became bishop of Milan in 374, Augustine (354-430) who
became bishop of Hippo Regius around 396, and Gregory I (ca. 540-604) who became
bishop of Rome in 590.
182 Sermo 5
mihi animo gloriam beataeque vitae munera invicem comparare, utpote
qui et beatitudinis gradus illorum caelestium civium ignorem et unum-
quemque supra quam existimari possit humano animo beatum credam.
Sed quoad disciplinarum doctrinas atque huius vitae merita attinet, nemo
est qui Hieronymum neget ceteris^^ anteferendum, qui modo vel tenui-
ter quae ipse scripsit quaeque de eo scripta sunt viderit. Praestiterunt
enim fortasse alii voluminibus et numero librorum; at qui^*^ magis ma-
ture, magis graviter magisque commode, et, quod non minima pars est,
magis necessaria scripserit^^^ nemo est, Sed de litteris iam satis multa;
quantum brevitas sermonis patiebatur dictum est.
De vita vero et morum integritate quid dicam? Nondum enim ad
illud"*^ veni, ut de his dicerem quae ut sanctus, ut vere Catholicus, ut
caelo dignus egit. Nam et multa scribere, etiam'^'^'^ de sacra religione,
et bene atque^^^ secundum virtutem vivere mundano homini etsi non
vitioso, at saltem infideli et irreligioso^^^ commune est. Quis igitur, ut
propositum sequar, eo modestior fuit, quis iustior, quis prudentior, quis
omni genere virtutum ornatior, quis fortior in adversis tolerandis, in^^
repellendis obsistentibus, in laboribus obeundis, inque opprobriis et per-
secutionibus, quibus saepenumero affectus est, magno fortique animo
ferendis.^ Quam abstinens, oro, quam frugi, quam pudicus, quam aequus,
quam vigil, quam sollicitus in bonis studiis, quam in rectis operationibus
sagax: omnia supra solitum modum habuit.
" ceteris] -ris ex -tis? corr. V
"" atque V
'''''' scripsit V
^idC
ddd gj y
'" bene atque om. R
''' irreligioso] -ioso ex -iose corr. C: religioso V
*^ in om. V
Sermon 5 183
of support. It is not my intention to make some odious comparison
about the relative glory and quantity of heavenly gifts that each of them
has attained. As you might well have guessed, I do not know the level
of beatitude accorded those citizens of heaven, though I certainly believe
that each of them is blessed beyond anything that the human mind can
imagine. But if we are speaking about the mastery of disciplines and the
merits of life here on earth, no one would dispute that Jerome must be
given precedence over the others, provided that he has only cursorily
examined what Jerome wrote and what is written about him. Perhaps
others have surpassed him in the size and the number of books; but
there is no one who wrote with greater maturity, with greater influence
and greater timeliness, and, what is certainly not least significant, with
a greater sense of urgency. Nonetheless, I think that I have already said
enough about letters, for I have dealt with that topic to the extent that
the appropriate length of a speech allows.
But what shall I say about his life and the integrity of his character?
For I have not even reached the part of the sermon where I am to speak
about the matters which Jerome accomplished as a saint, as one authen-
tically Catholic, as one worthy of heaven. If a person engaged in secular
activity is not evil (which means that he could be an infidel or a non-
believer), he shares with Jerome the capacity to write extensively, even
about religious belief, and the capacity to live well by adhering to the
norm of virtue. In order that I follow my stated plan, let me ask who
was more temperate than that man, who more just, who more prudent,
who more appealing for practicing every type of virtue, who was more
courageous in bearing adverse circumstances, in driving back those
offering resistance, in undergoing labors with a decidedly resolute spirit,
and in enduring the abusive insults which repeatedly tormented him.-*
How self-restrained, I beg you, how thrifty, how chaste, how balanced,
how alert, how dedicated to good studies, how wise in making the
upright choice: he possessed all of those qualities to an unusual degree.
184 SERMO 5
Sed vereor, optimi patres, ne parum me deceat hoc studium meum,
quo tarn vehemens sum in explicandis sanctissimi viri laudibus. Videor
enim fortasse existimare me tot tantasque res aut amplecti opinione aut
comprehendere posse sermone,**'*'^ sed non est ita. Neque enim aut de
rerum magnitudine aut de"' ingenii mei'" linguaeque imbecillitate
fallor; verum affectione quae in me maxima erga hunc est impulsus, non
possum in tam patenti laudum suarum campo dicendi impetum conti-
nere.
Sciebam satius esse, idque mihi a principio constitueram, ut,
cum''' pauca dixissem, finem orationi facerem et vos tacitus in cetero-
rum admiratione dimitterem,™™" praecipue cum is ipse de quo
loquor in epistola quadam dicat omnem humanum sermonem inferio-
rem esse caelesti laude. Quod et""" fecissem ut conceperam,°°° sed,
cum in ipso procursu sermonis viderem vos audiendi avidos neque
antehac quemquam vestrum aut oculos aut aures alio detorsisse, crevit
mihi voluptas desideriumque dicendi. Neque parum placere vobis
arbitratus sum quod cum tanta attentione audiretis. Ut itaque et vobis et
animo meo morem gererem, coeptum dicendi cursum sequi destinavi,
Sed quoniam hae virtutes de quibus dixi fidei religionique iunctae id
efficiunt quod postremo mihi dicendum restabat, ad illud nunc venio, et
me in patentissimum mare, ex quo nullus quantumvis doctus enatare
tuto possit,PPP sponte conicio. PericuH tamen prudens'''^'' non procul
a litoribus abero/"
'*'''' opinione . . . sermone] opinionem . . . sermone V. opinionem . . . sermonem C
'" de om. R
"' mei om. Tp
^^^ id quod V
'" cum om. Tp
■"""" facerem et . . . dimitterem] facere et . . . dimittere Tp
""" et in ras. V
°°° fecissem ut conceperam] fecisse conceperam V
PPP posset (sponte conicio . . . Amen om.) Tp
°^ providens V
'" aberro V
Sermon 5 185
But I fear, most honest fathers, that the enthusiasm, which makes me
so eager to expound upon the praises of that most holy man, may now
violate proper decorum. For I may well give you the impression that I
think I can mentally comprehend so many substantial matters or treat
them in words, but that is not the case. I do not underestimate the mag-
nitude of those affairs or the feebleness of my talent and my tongue.
Yet, I am urged on by the affection which I feel so strongly toward that
man, and I cannot hold myself back from entering that vast field of his
praises.
I was aware that it would be more than enough to say only a few
things, and I had determined to do so from the start. Once I had said
them, I intended to bring the oration to a conclusion and then be silent,
as I sent you off to reflect privately on the rest. That seemed especially
fitting because the very person about whom I am speaking affirms in
one of his letters that all human utterance cannot adequately extol what
is of heaven.^ And I would have done as I had planned, but I see that
you continue to listen attentively as I go on with the sermon. To this
point, not a single one of you has turned his eyes or ears away from me.
Thus, my enjoyment of what I am about and my desire to continue
speaking have grown at the same rate. I never really entertained the
possibility that you would listen with such rapt attention to something
that you did not enjoy. In order that I behave in a way that conforms to
your wishes and my own intentions, I have therefore decided to extend
the course of speaking that I have begun. But since the virtues which I
have mentioned can be joined to pious faith and yield the results that I
planned to discuss in the final portion of the speech, I now come to that
topic, and, by my own choice, I throw myself into the widest expanse
of ocean from which no one, no matter how skilled, is able to swim
safely to shore. Cognizant of the danger, however, I will not wander far
away.
* Hieronymus Ep. 1.1 {CSEL 54:1).
186 Sermo 5
Quis enim de eo dicturus de quo mihi nunc sermo est— taceo fervo-
rem fidei, ardentissimos caritatis affectus,"" indefessam rerum aeterna-
rum spem — quis, inquam, omnia sanctitatis opera singulaque monumenta
virtutum exacta in diuturna vita et longa aetate, quae nonagesimum qui-
dem annum transgressa est, comprehensurum sermone se speret? Quis
denique omnia"^ miraculorum exempla et praeclara beneficia iam ferme
per mille annos continuato cursu in""" tempora nostra delapsa, quo-
rum bona magnaque pars in vobis^^ atque in me evidentissime depre-
hensa est, credat se unius diei oratione posse complecti? Ego vero id non
aggredior qui impar sum tantae rei. Satis enim est""^^ mihi de his
carptim et perfunctorie et, ut aiunt, summis labiis attingere.
In quo tamen et^™' multa dicta sunt et dicenda sunt multa: muha
quidem cum ad dicentem referri volumus, sed pauca si ad ea referantur
quae dicenda, si quis prosequi velit, superessent. Non enim vererer me
in hac re posse nimium dicere in qua nihil potest esse nimium. Nam si
diem verbis egero noctemque et menses et annos una iunxero,'^
pauca dicam eorum collatione quae dici iam possent. Itaque perfunctorie
magis et quam breviter rem sequar.
»" effectus C
"' omnia om. R
uuu e^ y
^ nobis C
"** est enim C R
"* et om. R
^^^ vixero V
Sermon 5 187
For what person, intending to address the topic which my sermon
will now treat — I pass over in silence the intensity of faith, the most
impassioned feelings of charity, the unwavering hope for eternal re-
wards—what person, I say, would realistically expect to cover in a
sermon all the works of sanctity and the single monuments of virtue
that are scattered across the entire span of Jerome's life right into old
age, which in his case clearly went beyond the ninetieth year?'' What
person, accordingly, would be so rash as to believe that he could cover
in a single day's oration all the exemplary miracles and splendid services,
which for almost a thousand years now have flowed down to us in a
steady stream; a substantial portion of them have evidently affected you
and me. I frankly will not undertake so great a task, for I prefer to ac-
knowledge that I am unequal to it. As a matter of fact, I feel that it is
sufficient to touch upon these things selectively and in a perfunctory
way and only let you taste them, as they say, with the tip of the
tongue.^
All the same, many things have been said and many things ought to
be said on this topic: the expression "many things" accurately reflects
the situation if we want to refer to the person speaking, but those
"many things" are actually few when compared to the matters that still
remain to be discussed, should someone ever wish to exhaust the topic.
I really should not be afraid to say too much on this subject, given that
no treatment could be excessive. For if I will have filled the entire day
and night with my words and then continued on for months and years,
I will only have addressed a few from the vast array of topics one might
address. Therefore, I will go on with my presentation in rather schemat-
ic fashion and be as brief as I can.
' The following authors described Jerome as at least 90 years old at his death: Anon.,
"VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum)," 2:36; Nicolo Maniacoria, "Sancti Eusebii
Hieronymi vita," PL 22:200; lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 657; Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola
de morte," 41; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 19-20.
* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 125.14 {CSEL 56:133): ". . . ut non levi ciutoque sermone et— ut
ita loquar— summis labiis hospites invitemus."
188 SERMO 5
Primum id dico quod, cum scripta Hieronymi video, quae semper
scribentis animum et mores redolent, cumque historiam lego, qua^^
dicta factaque sua quantum fieri^** commode potuit continentur, con-
fingo mihi mente virum^^^** cuius effigiem crebro in animum re-
voco:"*^*^ senio gravem qualis tunc erat cum ultimos et morti proximos
annos ageret, canum barba capilloque, austerum facie, acrem studiosum-
que et'^'^'^'* permodestum, cui non ornatior cultus, non splendida toga,
ut eorum qui praelati nobis sunt, cui non pinguedine marcida venter
tumens, sed moderata facies, validiori tamen macie parumper castigata,
vetus attritumque vestimentum ad necessitatem non ad voluptatem
comparatum. Huiuscemodi effictio tum iucunda, turn et^"^ perutilis
est mihi. Quotiens enim libet devotissimum mihi patronum meum^^^^
coram induco; quo praesente, ne dicere quidem aut facere, ac ne cogitare
quidem quicquam mali audeo. Sed, hortante^^^^ eo, in bona studia et
bonas spes laetus erigor.
Quid ni erigar? Non solum enim verbo et scriptis sed re et exemplo
docuit quid bono viro, quid vere Catholico faciendum esset, quidque ex
his sperandum. Hie cum esset in amplissimo gradu dignitatis, cum
Romae optimus et doctissimus celebraretur, abiit potius et monasterii
parietibus se inclusit;***'**'^ fugiens (quod tunc pulcherrimum et praeci-
puum in orbe erat) Romam, secessit in desertam solitudinem, ubi quae
passus sit non alio quam suo verbo, quod crebro a me cum fit sermo de
Hieronymo repetitum est, libet explicare. "O quotiens," inquit, "in
eremo constitutus,"" in ilia vasta solitudine, quae exusta solis ardoribus
horridum monachis praestat"" habitaculum, putavi me Romanis interes-
se deliciis! Sedebam solus quia amaritudine repletus eram. Horrebant
sacco membra deformi, et squalida cutis situm Aethiopicae^'''''' carnis
"^ qua] de causa add. V
"^ fieri om. C R
bbbb ixientem virum V
cccc
reve
hoC
""^ studiosum et C
•*" et om. C
"^' mecum V
^^ hortante] h- interl. V
^^^^ recluslt C
"" constitutus] et cetera add. (in ilia . . . currimus om.) R
"" praestabat C
kkkk Aethiopissae C
Sermon 5 189
First, I say that, when I see the writings of Jerome, which are always
evocative of the spirit and the behavior of their author, and when I read
a historical account, which records his sayings and deeds insofar as any
biography can adequately do so, I can see a picture of him in my imagi-
nation that I often call back to mind: a wise old man as he appeared in
the years just before he died, with gray beard and hair,^ gaunt face,
feisty and learned and extremely temperate. Jerome did not have fash-
ionable attire, no luxurious toga like those typically worn by prelates in
our day, nor was his stomach swollen and drooping from obesity. He
was of average build, though he disciplined his body and lost much
weight, and he had tattered old clothing acquired to meet his needs and
not his fancy. ^° I find an image of that sort enjoyable and extremely
useful. For whenever I have a chance, I summon up my most loyal pa-
tron before me; and when I am in his presence, I do not dare to say or
do or even to think of something that is evil. In keeping with his exhor-
tations, I am joyfully encouraged in my pursuit of the good arts and in
my optimism about the future.
And why should I not be encouraged? For not only through his
written words but also through his exemplary activity, Jerome taught
what a good man, what an authentically Catholic man must do, and
what one should hope to accomplish thereby. Although Jerome had
already achieved the widest respect and was acknowledged to be the best
and most learned citizen living in Rome, he preferred to leave the city
and shut himself within the walls of a monastery; fleeing Rome (which
was then the most beautiful and important place on earth), he withdrew
into the solitude of the desert. I know of no better way to explain the
things Jerome suffered in that place than to cite his own words, as I
often do when I preach on him. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was
living in the desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun,
which affords to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy
myself surrounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I
was filled with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless
sackcloth; my skin through long neglect had become as rough and black
as an Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if
' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 52.1 {CSEL 54:414: ". . . nunc iam cano capite et arata fronte
. . ."); Comm. in Amos 2.Prol. {CCL 76:256: ". . . cano iam mecum capite . . ."); and Contra
Rufinum 1.30 {CCL 79:30: "... nunc cano et recalvo capite ...").
'° Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 43.2 {CSEL 54:319): "Vestes non ad usum tantum, sed ad delicias
conquiruntur."
190 Sermo 5
obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cottidie gemitus et, si quando repugnantem
somnus imminens oppressisset, nuda humo ossa vix haerentia collide-
bam, De cibis vero et potu taceo, cum etiam languentes monachi aqua
frigida utantur et coctum aliquid accepisse luxuriae sit. Ille igitur ego,
qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum
tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant
ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat in frigido corpore"^™" et
ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola libidinum incendia
buUiebant.
Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri-
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia
subiugabam,"""" Non me pudescit infelicitas mea,°°°° quin potius
plango non esse, quod fuerim. Memini me clamantem diem crebro iun-
xissePPPP cum nocte nee prius a pectori[bu]s cessasse verberibus, quam
rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam meam
quasi cogitationum mearum consci[enti]am pertimescebam et mihimet
iratus et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium, aspera
montium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus erat,
illud miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et, ut mihi ipse testis est Dominus,
post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam vide-
bar mihi interesse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam:
post te in odorem unguentorum currimus."
An vos ista, viri praestantissimi,*^'^'''' et quae sub"" his compre-
hensa intelligi possunt magna iudicatis? Solet quippe indoctum vulgus
existimare non posse magnas res fieri nisi caede, bello, armis, militia,
obsidione urbium, captione, eversione, sed fallitur. Longe enim praestan-
tius est se quam hostem vincere, multo praeclarius subicere se rationi
quam urbes et regna sibi. Quare magna et egregia videri debent quae hie
ob cultum verae et Catholieae religionis spemque aeterni regni et egit et
"" scripsi: horrentia C V
mmmm (-ordc V
"""" subiugabam] et cet. add. (Non me . . . currimus om) C
°°~ scripsi: meae V
PPPP scripsi: vix- V
*'*'^ praestantissimi] viri add. et expung. V
"" sub om. V
Sermon 5 191
sleep ever overcame my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my
restless bones against the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not
speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even when they are sick,
and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though
in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this prison-house, where
my only companions were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found my-
self surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting;
but though my limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire,
and the fires of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as
good as dead.
And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus'
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I am not
ashamed to admit my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now
what once I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my
wailings and ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned
to me at the Lord's behest. I used to dread my poor cell as though it
knew my secret thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would
make my way alone into the desert; and when I came upon some
hollow valley or rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set
up my oratory, and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy
flesh. There sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness — after
many a tear and straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the pres-
ence of the angelic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because
your anointing oils are fragrant we run after you.' "^^
Will you not agree that those were heroic deeds, most eminent men,
along with everything else that you can infer once you are aware of
them? The uneducated masses are especially prone to believe that a
person cannot accomplish heroic deeds without resorting to slaughter,
warfare, arms, and troops and without besieging, capturing, and pillag-
ing cities. However, they are mistaken in that assumption. For it is far
better to conquer oneself than to conquer an enemy, it is much more
splendid to subject oneself to reason than to subject cities and kingdoms
to oneself. For that reason, the things Jerome accomplished and the
things he suffered because he practiced the true Catholic faith and hoped
" Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, (i7-(>^.
192 Sermo 5
passus est, Fugit urbes, fugit homines, fugit se, fugit denique omnia quae
cara hominibus esse*"' solent, ut ea quae sibi cara essent consequeretur.
Domuit carnem, maceravit, afflixit ne spiritui rebellis esset utque docta
servire rationis imperium facilius ferret.
Sed quid ego longior sum? Quid frustra conor praestringere"" quod
amplecti nullis viribus possem? Saepe fateor dicendo, revocavi impetum,
orationi finem facturus, ut, quoniam"""" non possem dicere quantum
est, id dicerem quod sat est. Verum ille impatiens habenae et cohiberi
nescius crebro manus effugit. Nunc vero iam^'^^ tandem sistatur cur-
sus dicendi, et orationi modus esto.'^'^^''^ Si enim omnia quae retro
supersunt pertinax consectari perseverem, neque umquam finem dicendi
faciam, neque umquam'"^" id consequar ut omnia penitus dicam.
Quare^"^^ satius est, ut iam desinam.
Sed memini me, cum in principio rem ordirer, ita constituisse ut
aliqua ex illustrioribus miraculis quae Hieronymus egit sub finem ser-
monis dicerem. Quae quoniam omnia praeclarissima sunt neque possem
desiderii mei conscius pauca dicere, praetermittam ilia simulque ne ora-
tione longior fastidium ingeram desino. Etsi timendum non sit vobis
haec audientibus accidere id posse, attamen aequum^^^ est esse me
eum qui studeat ne taedium aut ulla molestia quovis modo oboriatur
vobis. Taceo itaque infinitas res et miracula sine numero, mansuefactas
feras, validatos aegros, conservatos peregrinos, resuscitatos denique a
morte homines, et omne genus rerum in quo sentire"^** beneficia so-
lent aut possunt.
"" quae cara esse hominibus C: quae esse cara hominibus R
"" perstringere C R
""""' quoniam] "aliter quando" in marg. C
"^^ iam om. R
"'""' est V
"*'"' umquam om. V
yyyy quam C
'^^ aequum om. C R
"*" sentire] homines add. C R
Sermon 5 193
for the eternal kingdom ought to seem especially illustrious. He fled
cities, he fled human beings, he fled himself, he fled all things, finally,
which human beings customarily prize, in order that he might attain
those things which he himself prized. He subjugated the flesh, he
weakened it, he tormented it to prevent its rebelling against the spirit
and to teach it to obey more readily the rule of reason.
But why do I go on any longer? Why do I attempt in vain to narrate
briefly matters I could never treat in full, no matter how strong I was
physically .-* Frequently when I give a speech, I say that I have "called off
the attack" at the point when I am about to bring the speech to a close.
I use that phrase to acknowledge that I cannot fully explain something
and therefore say only what suffices. But Jerome bridles at the reins and
does not know how to be held back, and he often slips out of my grasp.
Now let me keep my word and terminate the flow of my words, and let
me set a precise limit to the speech. For if I should stubbornly continue
to pursue all the things that still remain, I will never bring the oration
to a close and I will never accomplish my goal of addressing all the top-
ics in depth. For that reason, I feel that I have said more than enough,
and I should now cease and desist.
But I just remembered that the outline I gave you early on indicated
that I would address some of the more celebrated miracles that Jerome
worked as I neared the end of the sermon. Since all of those miracles are
extremely worthy of note and I would not be able to control my enthu-
siasm and simply treat a few of them, I will pass them over in silence
and simultaneously bring things to a close. I do not want to lengthen
the speech and thereby cause you annoyance. Although it would be
wrong for me to fear that you could ever be annoyed while you are
listening to a speech on these matters, it is still right that I should be
careful not to cause you boredom or bother you in any way whatsoever.
Thus, I will not mention the countless accomplishments and the mira-
cles without number, the beasts tamed, the sick healed, the pilgrims
protected, the persons raised from the dead, and every sort of difficulty
which customarily affords us an opportunity to experience human
goodness.
194 Sermo 5
Et hoc solum postremo dico quod egregio auctore suo muni-
tum''^''^'' ipsaque re mirabile non patitur se praeteriri. Cum enim
Hieronymus gravis ulterior! senio mortique, quam non refugiebat,
proximus evocaretur ad felicia praemia, ea ipsa""^" hora qua gloriosa
anima e corpore migrabat vidit eam (ita enim scribit is ipse qui nescit
mentiri) Augustinus, grandi terrarum spatio ab eo tunc distans. Neque
solum ipse sed et multi sanctissimi viri viderunt vera certaque animi et
sensuum praesentia comitatam angelis, ut par erat, ferri in beatam cae-
lorum sedem, digna praemia'*'*'^'^'^ quibus tanta integritas vitae honare-
tur.^^"^ Gratias, viri praestantissimi atque optimi patres, et ea premia
quae de gloriosissimo Hieronymo commemoravi ipsius meritis et
precibus nobis reddat et tribuat, qui vivit et regnat per infinita saecula
benedictus. Amen.
'•'''''* munitum om. R
"°^ ipsa ea ipsa V
ddddd praemia] recepturam add. (quibus tanta . . . Amen om) R
"*" scripsi: donaretur C V. Paduae 1392 add. (Gratias . . . Amen om) C
Sermon 5 195
And, as I conclude, I will only mention this one miracle, which I
cannot pass over in silence because it is authenticated by a very credibile
source and is a source of great wonder on its own. When Jerome was
well along in age and nearing the end of his life, he did not try to flee
death because he felt that he was about to be called to the rewards of
beatitude. At the precise hour when Jerome's glorious soul was migrat-
ing from his body, Augustine saw it (for he so testifies in writing and he
did not know how to lie), even though a vast expanse of land at that
time separated him from Jerome. And along with Augustine, several
other men of great holiness used the utterly reliable assistance of their
spiritual senses to see Jerome's soul accompanied by angels, a fitting
escort who carried his soul to a blessed seat in the heavens.*^ What
worthy rewards to honor such great integrity of life! Through the
merits and prayers of Jerome, may God shower graces on us, and may
God bestow on us rewards like those I have just commemorated in the
case of that most glorious saint, the God who lives and reigns as blessed
for ever and ever. Amen.
'^ Cf. Ps. Eusebius, "Epistolade morte," 213-17; Ps. Augustinus, "Epistolade magnifi-
centia," 255-72; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 21, 26-
27.
Sermo 6 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: B, fol. 89 (fragm.); C, fols. 144-46v; Pa, part 1, 218-21;
PM, fol. 150 (fragm.); R, fols. 51-54.
Edition: Sal, 4-7 (fragm.).
Gloriosi doctoris^ ac patris nostri Sancti Hieronymi dies natalis
adest, quo ille mundo'^ mortuus natus est caelo et nostrae mortali-
tatis servitute liberatus in aeternae vitae coepit throno regnare. Itaque
gaudeamus, et diem festum in hilaritate mentis ac bonorum operum
studio peragamus. Nam etsi hoc officium Sanctis omnibus debeamus,
ut eos veneremur in terris quos Deus in regno caelorum honorare
dignatus est et eorum celebremus natales qui multo melius moriendo
nati sunt quam nascendo, praecipue tamen nos, huius regionis incolae,
speciali quadam cura ac propensiore^ diligentia natale Sancti Hieronymi
celebrare debemus, ut qui loco terrestris illius regionis vicini sumus eius
meritis et precibus caelestis suae originis consortes efficiamur.
Monstratur enim in proximo Sdregna, rus tenue ac paucis incolis
habitatum, unde^ lumen hoc ortum memorant quod longe lateque fidem
Christianam illustravit. Credibilem rem efficit^ vulgaris opinio a maiori-
bus quasi per manus tradita et nominis corrupti, ut dicunt, similitudo
* Petripauli Vergerii Oratio pro Sancto Hieronymo R. Eiusdem Pro eodem C. Oratio
VI pro Sancto Hieronymo Pa
^ Gloriosi doctoris . . . graves patiebatur om. B PM Sal
'^ modo R
^ hominibus R
' perpensiore C
' inde R
8 effecit R
Sermon 6 for Saint Jerome
The day of birth of the glorious doctor and our father, Saint Jerome,
is now upon us, the day on which he died to the world to be born
into heaven and was freed from the slavery of our mortality to begin to
reign on the throne of eternal life. Let us therefore rejoice, and let us ob-
serve this feast-day with joy in our hearts and zeal for good works.
Although we on earth have a duty to venerate all the saints whom God
has deemed worthy to honor in the kingdom of heaven and to celebrate
the birthday of those who enter into life much more effectively by dy-
ing than being born, nevertheless it is especially incumbent upon us, as
inhabitants of this region, to celebrate the birthday of Saint Jerome with
special regard and greater attention. By doing so, those of us who live
near the location of his earthly residence may be made members of his
heavenly lineage through his merits and prayers.
People locally identify Sdregna, a small village with few inhabitants,
as the place where they believe that this light was born, a light that
eventually illumined far and wide the Christian faith. The weight of
public opinion has even made this identification credible among the
better educated, who base themselves upon an apparent similarity in
198 Sermo 6
quaedam, tametsi cetera parum conveniant. Nam ex oppido Stridonis
historiae natum perhibent quod olim Dalmatiae Pannoniaeque confinia
tenuit et a Gothis eversum est. Utcumque habet se Veritas, nos^ famam
banc veterem cupide amplexati tanto coindigena' gloriamur, et speramus
ex hoc magis propitium ilium habere apud Deum patronum quod ter-
rena qualisqualis cognatio' et locorum vicinitas intercessit.
Verum enimvero non ortus propinquitas, non coniunctio sanguinis,
non ulla mundialis necessitudo, sed honestas morum, vitae sanctitas,' ac
mentis devotio Sanctis Dei acceptabiles nos reddit et gratos. Per ea ete-
nim" sola placere ipsis possumus" per quae et ipsi Deo placuerunt.
Qui vero ex aliis causis aut Dei clementiam aut sanctorum patrocinia
sibi sperant vel advocant frustra laborant, et, ut malefaciendo confidunt,
ita confidendo perduntur. Argumentum° autem sumere vel ab ipso
sancto possumus,P cuius hodie festum celebramus. Nam, ut dictum est,
aut hie in proximo aut certe non multo procul hinc natus est.'' Amore
tamen patriae teneri non potuit, quin originis locum linquens eo"^ profi-
cisceretur ubi melior atque eruditior fieri posset; patriaeque Romam
praetulit, non quia maior* ilia esset aut clarior, sed quia ad perficien-
dum^ eum magis erat idonea, quippe qui non illud potissimum quaere-
bat unde natus esset aut vitam ubi duceret sed quo post mortem esset
abiturus.
nos ex non? corr. R
' condigena R
' cognitio R
^ propinquitatis R
' sanctitatis C
"* etenim ex est enim? corr. R: Praeterea ut re Pa
" possimus C
° argumento C
P possimus C
'' est om. C
' etR
' melior R
' proficiendum R
Sermon 6 199
name that would have undergone slight changes as it passed from gene-
ration to generation. But the identification with Sdregna does not fit the
other information well. Historical sources indicate that Jerome actually
came from the town of Stridon, which formerly stood at the border
between the Roman provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia and was de-
stroyed by the Goths. ^ Whatever the truth may be, those among us
who have warmly embraced this ancient tradition now boast about such
a great fellow citizen, and on that basis we hope to have a more gracious
patron before God, seeing that some vague sort of earthly relationship
and proximity of location join us together.
But indeed, neither proximity of birth, nor blood relationship, nor
any earthly bond renders us acceptable and gratifying to the saints of
God; only moral integrity, sanctity of life, and spiritual devotion can do
that. As a matter of fact, we can only please the saints by doing the
same things that made the saints themselves pleasing to God. Those who
for any other reason expect or petition the mercy of God or the patron-
age of the saints do so in vain. While they place their trust in harmful
deeds, they will likely perish because of their mistaken trust. We can
supply further proof from the very experience of Saint Jerome, whose
feast we celebrate this day. For local rumor has it that Jerome was born
in the immediate vicinity of this place or certainly not far from it.
Nevertheless, he could not be held back by love for his country; he
abandoned his place of origin and set out for a place where he could
become a better and more learned person. He preferred Rome to his
own country, not because Rome was greater or more illustrious, but be-
cause it was more suitable for bringing him to perfection. It is evident
that he was not primarily concerned with the place where he had been
born or the place where he was living; he was concerned with the place
where he would go after his death.
' Hieronymus De viris illustrihus 135 ifL 23:755): "Hieronymus, patre Eusebio natus,
oppido Stridonis quod, a Gothis eversum, Dalmatiae quondam Pannoniaeque confinium
fuit." Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 16: ". . . locus, quo
sepulti sunt parentes Hieronymi, hodie vocatur Sdregna in dioecesi Triestina et ibi est
ecclesia Beati Hieronymi tamen pauperrima et dicitur quod olim vocabatur Strido." The
tiny town {oppidulum) of Sdregna is located to the southeast of Capodistria, in the center of
the Istrian peninsula, between Pinguente and Portole. The exact location of Stridon is still
a mystery. See Kelly, /erome, 3-5; and Giuseppe Cuscito, Cristianesimo antico ad Aquileia e
in Istria, Fonti e studi per la storia della Venezia Giulia: Studi, n.s., 3 Trieste: Deputazione
di storia patria per la Venezia Giulia, 1977), 233-38.
200 Sermo 6
Eodem itaque proposito postquam coepit Roma quieti animi eius
adversari et esse mora ibi ut sibi iam parum utilis, ita aemulis suis quos
ibi" multos virtus paraverat valde nociva/ in Graeciam ad Gregorium
Nazianzenum sanctum episcopum et doctissimum virum se contulit,
illiusque et exemplis et doctrina confirmatus ac non parum prove[he]ctus
Hierosolymam navigavit, atque inde^ in eremum Deo militaturus per-
rexit. Nihil igitur apud eum aut amor patriae aut attinentium caritas do-
musve aut vitae prioris consuetudo valuit quin pro eremo patriam, pro
monasterio domum, pro monachis attinentes et notos, vitamque civilem
pristinam pro austerissima eremo commutaret.
Quae qualis fuerit quaeque ipse ibi bella pertulerit opere pretium est
eum ipsum audire in epistola quam ad Eustochium scribit de virginitate
servanda. "O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus et in ilia vasta
solitudine, quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum'' monachis praestat^
habitaculum, putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s], et squa-
lida cutis situm Aethiopicae^ carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cotti-
die gemitus et, si quando repugnantem somnus imminens oppressisset,
nuda** humo''^ ossa vix haerentia collidebam.'^'^ De cibis vero et potu
taceo, cum etiam languentes monachi aqua frigida utantur et coctum
aliquid accepisse luxuriae sit. lUe igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum'*'*
tali me carcere ipse damnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum,
saepe choreis intereram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desi-
deriis aestuabat in frigido corpore et ante hominem suum*^ iam carne
praemortua sola libidinum incendia bulliebant.
" sibi C
" nocuit R: novit Pa
" inde om. R
" horridum] hor- ex al. litt. corr. R
'' praestabat C
'^ scripsi: Aethiopissae C R
" nude C
'''' humi R
" collidebam] [-9-] C
^ metu (ex metum corr.) R
« et . . . suum] [-18-] R
Sermon 6 201
With that goal in mind, then, once Jerome found that Rome upset
his peace of mind and that remaining in Rome would be of little use to
himself and positively harmful to the jealous rivals whom his virtue had
procured in large numbers there, he sailed for Greece and put himself at
the disposition of Gregory of Nazianzus, a holy bishop and most
learned man.^ After Jerome had been strengthened by the examples and
teaching of Gregory and had made no little progress, he sailed to Jerusa-
lem, and from there set out for the desert where he might do battle on
God's behalf. Thus, neither love for his country nor the affectionate
embrace of his relatives nor his previous way of life had such power
over him that he could not exchange his country for the desert, his
home for a monastery, his friends and relatives for monks, and his
previous civic activity for the most barren desert.
To comprehend the sort of place he chose and the wars he engaged
in while living there, it is worthwhile to hear his own words recorded
in the letter he wrote to Eustochium to advise her on ways to protect
her virginity. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living in the
desert, in that lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords
to hermits a savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself sur-
rounded by the pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled
with bitterness. My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth;
my skin through long neglect had become as rough and black as an
Ethiopian's. Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep
ever overcame my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my
restless bones against the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not
speak. Hermits have nothing but cold water even when they are sick,
and for them it is sinful luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though
in my fear of hell I had condemned myself to this prison-house, where
my only companions were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found my-
self surrounded by bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting;
but though my limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire,
and the fires of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as
good as dead.
Sec Sermon 1, n. 5 above. Cf. M. TuUius Cicero Inv. 1.1.1.
202 SERMO 6
Itaque omni auxilio destitutus^^ ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam
lacrimis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia
subiugabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae miseriam,
quin potius plango non esse, quod fuerim.^^ Memini me clamantem
diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus,
quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque cellulam
meam quasi cogitationum mearum consciam'^'^ pertimescebam et mihi-
met iratus et rigidus solus" deserta penetrabam. Sicubi concava vallium,
aspera montium, rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi meae orationis locus
erat, illud miserrimae carnis" ergastulum; et, ut mihi testis est Dominus,
post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes nonnumquam vide-
bar mihi interesse agminibus angelorum et laetus gaudensque cantabam:
in odorem unguentorum tuorum currimus." Haec ille.
Merito igitur post talia victa certamina triumphat victor in caelis.
Merito post tot merita colitur memoria eius cum laudibus in terris. Ex
quibus non tamquam de nostrae nationis^'' sancto viro gloriari, sed no-
strae fidei sanctum doctorem ac ducem ad imitandum conari debemus.
Quotiens enim vitam ipsius" legimus, quotiens laudes meritorum
audimus, nisi plane desides atque hebetes sumus,™" ad imitandum me-
rito provocamur.
Sed heia nunc credat"" quispiam inter delicias°° tutum^P esse pos-
se ab insidiis hostis antiqui, quandoquidem Hieronymus in tanta austeri-
tate vitae tam graves patiebatur incursus? Putet quis adhaerere posse Deo
'' destitutus] d- ex s-? corr. R
^ fueram R
''*' conscientiam C
" solus om. C
" camis] r interl. R
^^ nationis] -nis ex -ns corr. R
" ipsius vitam R
""" simus R
"" certat R
''° delicias ex -ciis corr. C
PP tantum C
Sermon 6 203
And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus'
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the
Lord's behest, I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory,
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the angel-
ic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anointing oils
are fragrant we run after you.' "^ These are his own words.
Jerome truly deserves, then, to enter heaven in triumph after he won
conflicts of that sort. He also deserves to have his memory extolled here
on earth after he accomplished so much. On the basis of these consider-
ations, we should not restrict ourselves simply to boasting about a holy
man of our own ethnic group, but we ought to make every effort to
imitate that holy doctor and leader of our faith. As a matter of fact, as
often as we read the life of Jerome, as often as we hear a panegyric of
his accomplishments, we are right to feel roused to imitate him, unless
we are nothing but lazy sluggards.
But is there anyone who really believes that he can be safe from the
traps set by our ancient enemy while he lives in the midst of many
comforts, when Jerome clearly suffered such dangerous incursions while
he was immersed in a life of great austerity? Does anyone think that he
' Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69.
204 Sermo 6
tractando quae mundi sunt, quando'^'^ Hieronymus, relicto mundo o-
mnique occupatione mundana a se abducta, tanta vi abstrahebatur a
Deo? Ipse autem mortificando carnem et calcando mundum se ipsum
exinaniens in humilitate spiritus cuncta superabat. Qui tantae humilita-
tis" fuit atque modestiae ut, cum/* mortuo Liber <i>o Papa, a cunc-
tis dignus summo sacerdotio duceretur ac crederetur, ipse se vix dignum
monasterio iudicaret. Non multo post ex presbytero urbis Romae eremi
monachum se fecit. Sciebat enim non posse quempiam" Deo placere
sibi ipsi"" placendo, nee magnum fieri apud Deum^ posse nisi in pro-
priis oculis parvus fieret. Itaque cum et doctissimus esset ac doctor plane
ab omnibus haberetur, tamen denuo coepit esse discipulus ac tam diu
discere voluit, donee inveniret qui docere se posset. Non enim quod
aderat sed quod deerat sedulo cogitabat, ideoque et vita et doctrina
summus evasit.
Multisque propterea"^ ac paene innumerabilibus et in vita et post
mortem miraculis claruit, quae nedum explicare sed nee vel attingere
facile quisquam posset, ut plane liceat quam acceptus sit is^ Deo, per
quem tot miracula facta sunt, tot beneficia tantaeque^ gratiae populis
conferuntur. Eius igitur precibus ac meritis detur nobis ita innocenter ac
sancte in hoc mundo vivere ut post mortem ad ipsius consortium pertin-
gere et cum eo in aeternum vivere mereamur, praestante Domino nostro
lesu Christo, qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto vivit et regnat per infinita
saecula benedictus.^
•" quando] d add. et del. C
" humanitatis R
"eum C
" quempiam non posse B
"" ipse C R
"eum/?
** praeterea R
" is om. R
yy tot R
° benedictus] Amen add. R
Sermon 6 205
can cling to God while engaged in the activities of this world, when
Jerome felt himself powerfully drawn away from God after he had
withdrawn from the world and all its activity? Jerome himself, however,
by mortifying his flesh and treading upon the world, so emptied himself
in true humility of spirit that he overcame all obstacles. The humility
and modesty of that man were so great that, at the moment when Pope
Liberius died and everyone considered Jerome worthy of the supreme
pontificate and expected his election,^ he felt that he was hardly worthy
to enter a monastery. Shortly thereafter, he transformed himself from a
presbyter in the city of Rome to a monk in the desert. For he knew that
you could not please God by seeking your own pleasure, nor could you
become great in the eyes of God unless you became small in your own
eyes. Therefore, although he was most learned and widely regarded as
such by all, he nevertheless began anew to be a disciple, and he wished
to keep learning as long as he could find someone capable of teaching
him. As a matter of fact, he did not concentrate on what he had attained
but paid special attention to what he still needed to do. It should come
as no surprise that he turned out to be outstanding in his life and
learning.
On top of that, he became renowned for so many miracles during
his lifetime and after his death that they can hardly be counted. It is
therefore not possible to explain them in any detail, nor would it be
possible even to mention them in passing. That does make clear, howev-
er, how gratifying God found Jerome because God worked so many
miracles and conferred so many benefits and favors to a variety of
people through him. By the prayers and merits of Jerome, then, may we
be permitted to live with such innocence and holiness in this world that,
after we die, we will deserve to join the company of Jerome himself and
to live with him forever, through the intercession of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who lives and reigns with the Father and the Holy Spirit as
blessed for ever and ever.
* Cf. lacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, 654 (cited verbatim in Giovanni d'Andrea, Hie-
ronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17). Only these biographies include the mistaken
detail about Liberius, who was pope from 352-66. Vergerio slightly reworded the sources
to conform more closely to Jerome's statement.
Sermo 7 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: B, fol. 90 (fragm.); Pa, part 1, 221-25;
PM, fols. 151-52 (fragm.); R, fols. 54-57v.
Edition: Sal, 19-24 (fragm.).
Praestantissimi patres,'' ecclesiastica nos doctrina salubriter admonet
et ratio certe convincit ut sanctos, quorum meritis et exemplis
caritate ac spe vivimus, in vera fide miremur.*^ Ingrati enim et iniqui
plane Deo hominibusque videremur, si eruditorum ac fortium gentilium
memoriam cum honore celebrantes Catholicos viros et fidei Christianae
bases negligeremus, Laudamus namque illos et ingentibus praeconiis atto-
limus, propterea quod aut fortiter operando virtutis exempla aut scri-
bendo bene vivendi doctrinam reliquerunt, et ob haec dignos eos sempi-
terna memoria ducimus. Sed quanto magis sancti et religiosi viri esse in
honore apud nos debent qui, dum viverent in hoc saeculo in sacrosancta
fide militantes, modestiae, castitatis, continentiae, ceterarumque virtu-
tum omnium exemplarem nobis normam dederunt, sed potissimam
fidei, caritatis, et spei, sine quibus non licet cuiquam ad aeternam glo-
riam aspirare. Post vero vita defuncti, quam aut martyrio aut laudabiU
mortis genere terminarunt, apud aeternum omnium patrem pro nobis et
salute nostra iugiter deprecantur.
Pa
* Petripauli Vergerii Pro Divo Hieronymo oratio R. Oratio VII pro Sancto Hieronymo
*" Praestantissimi patres . . . quod antea om. B PM Sal
' scripsi: morimur R
Sermon 7 for Saint Jerome
Most eminent fathers, the teaching of the church advantageously
warns us and our powers of reason surely convince us that we
should admire the saints in true faith, just as we live our lives in charity
through their example and in hope through their merits. For we would
plainly seem ungrateful in the eyes of God and unfair in those of our
fellow men, if we were to celebrate the memory of learned and coura-
geous pagans with the proper respect and then disregard those Catholic
men who supplied the foundations for the Christian faith. As a matter
of fact, we praise and exalt the pagans in lengthy panegyrics, principally
because they have left us examples of virtue by what they did so coura-
geously or instruction in ethical conduct by what they wrote; on the
basis of those contributions, we consider them worthy to be remem-
bered forever. But how much the more ought holy and pious men to re-
ceive recognition among us, for they gave us a normative example of
modesty, chastity, continence, and all the other virtues while they were
living in this world and waging war on behalf of our venerable faith.
Above all, they gave us an example of faith, hope, and charity; without
those virtues, no one can aspire to eternal glory. And once the saints
have ended their lives through martyrdom or some other praiseworthy
type of death, they continue to intercede before the Eternal Father for
us and for our salvation.
208 SERMO 7
Habet enim fides nostra'* viros quales esse in unamquamque republi-
can! bene dispositam convenit. Nam, ut illis sunt praestantes quidam
homines et primores urbium ad agendas legationes circuendasque provin-
cias et populos in pace et societate confirmandos instituti, ita^ in ecclesia
nostra apostoli < hoc > locum obtinent. Sunt item alii magno spiritu
excellentique robore corporis qui, cum mortem non exhorreant, ad tu-
tandas armis defendendasque viribus urbes dati sunt. Quo loco sunt in
fide nostra martyres qui, grandi animo et fidei fervore dotati, innumera-
bilia ac paene intolerabilia supplicia passi sunt.
Sunt et alio ordine docti quidam viri qui prudentia ceteris antecel-
lant, infirmi fortasse corporis imbecilliumque virium, qui de publicis
commodis, de iustitia et aequitate consultant. Ex quibus sunt qui ad cor-
rigendum populum, ad animandos oratione milites singulosque pro sa-
lute publica adhortandos constituti sunt, qui etiam, ut posteritati consu-
lant, salubria documenta litterarum monumentis tradunt. Horum primi
sunt confessores sancti, qui recte ac pie viventes non cessarunt in vitam
saluti omnium monitis et orationibus sacris consulere. Alii vero docto-
res^ peritissimi, soUemnissimi, et fidei nostrae lumina, qui, ne uUa pars
vitae suae inutilis nobis esset, die ac nocte, negotio et quiete, scribendo
praedicandoque nobis profuerunt. Qui etsi non subierint martyrium pro
fide Christi, nonnullos tamen existimo et optasse et cum caelesti adiuto-
rio potuisse fortiter ferre. Quia tamen persecutiones passi non sunt, con-
fessores obierunt, quemadmodum et animosis militibus contingit ut in
pace et sine vulnere moriantur, qui tamen nee vulnera nee mortem^ pro
salute patriae recusarent. Quorum omnium sunt aliqui praestanti nobili-
tate praediti ut in fide nostra virgines, alii mediocri ut viduantes, alii
•* nostra] pro nobis et salute nostra iugiter deprecantur habet enim fides nostra add. et
expung. R
' scripsi: ut R
' doctores] solent add et del. R
* scripsi: mortes R
Sermon 7 209
I contend that our faith has men who are similar to those who serve
any republic that is well organized. For instance, in those republics there
are some prestigious individuals who belong to the highest social class in
the city and therefore are designated to conduct diplomatic embassies
and circulate among the peoples of the provinces in order to confirm
them in peaceful harmony; in our church the apostles performed a
similar service. There are likewise other men endowed with a coura-
geous spirit and superior bodily strength who are commissioned to use
their arms to protect their cities and to use their strength to defend
them, since they do not fear the prospect of dying. The martyrs per-
formed an analogous service for our faith, for they were endowed with
such great courage and ardor for the faith that they suffered countless
and almost unbearable torments.
In another social class, there are a certain number of learned men
who surpass others for their practical wisdom, even though they may
well have frail bodies and little strength; those men give advice about
matters of public expediency, about equal justice under the law. Among
their number are those who are designated to give speeches which
admonish the common people, those to motivate soldiers and urge indi-
viduals to preserve the common good; with an eye toward future genera-
tions, the same men also hand on beneficial lessons that they have in-
scribed in the monuments of letters. The first of these correspond to the
church's holy confessors, who conducted their entire lives in upright
and pious fashion and never ceased to work for the salvation of all
through their admonitions and pious prayers. The others are actually
like the most learned doctors, men of great reverence and lights of our
faith, who, day and night, at work or at rest, aid our cause through their
writing and preaching, lest any moment of their lives not be of service
to us. Although those doctors did not undergo martyrdom for their
belief in Christ, I still think that some of them longed to give their lives
and would have been able to bear such suffering courageously with
assistance from heaven. Since they did not suffer persecution, they died
as confessors; but the same thing can happen to fearless soldiers who end
up dying in peacetime without ever being wounded, even though they
never tried to avoid a potentially fatal wound when called upon to
defend the safety of their country. Within each of those groups, there
are some endowed with the status of nobility who are like the virgins in
our faith, some of middle-class standing like our widows, some finally of
210 SERMO 7
vero plebeia ut in coniugali statu degentes. Horum igitur meritis et
gloria impulsi tenemur eorum nomen sacramque memoriam venerari et
dies eorum festos intentione devotissima celebrare.
Sed inter omnes gloriosum Hieronymum, cuius hodie sollemnitas est,
debemus praestantissimis verbis laudare et sacra devotione complecti.
Qui fuit inter apostolos^ non alienus; nam et apostolus quidem dici iure
potest. Apostolus enim idem quantum' missum sonat. Ut igitur illi
Christi voce per universum orbem missi sunt ut praedicarent evangelium
omni creaturae, ita et a Spiritu Sancto missus et instinctus est ut sacras
litteras fidemque Christianam praesens voce, absens litteris et epistolis
praedicaret.
Qui etiam fuit inter doctores summus, inter virgines praecipuus,
inter confessores primus, inter monachos egregius, inter eremitas notis-
simus, et, quod prius dicendum erat, inter martyres eximius. Si enim
martyres sunt qui tormenta passi semel pro confessione Christiani
nominis mortui sunt, quanto martyres dicendi sunt qui cottidie carnem
suam pro Christo macerantes, se ipsos exinanientes affectusque suos
fid<e>i fervore domantes, ut cum Deo viverent, per omnem vitam
mortui mundo sunt? Nescio quis sanae mentis neget hunc venerabilem
patrem Hieronymum iure martyrem dici posse, cum animadvertat quas
aemulorum persecutiones passus sit, quas insidias diaboli, quos labores
in eremo, quas vigilias quosque sudores in sacris studiis tulerit, quas in
domando adversantem carnem passiones. Libet igitur nunc, ut alias soli-
tus sum, aliqua perstringere quae ipse non ad iactantiam sed ad sanctum
exemplum praebendum posteris de se scribit.
^ apostolos] ap- ex app- corr. R
' scripsi: quanto R. qui Pa
Sermon 7 211
commoner status like those among us living in the state of marriage.
Inspired therefore by the glorious merits of these heroes, we feel an
obligation to venerate the holy memory of their name and to celebrate
their feast-days with the most intent devotion.
But among all those saints, we ought to praise the glorious Jerome
with the finest speech and embrace him with holy reverence on this day
set apart as his feast. He is not out of place among the apostles, for there
is a certain sense in which we can use that designation for him. I say
that because the word "apostle" means "one sent." As the apostles were
once sent through the entire world by the command of Christ in order
that they preach the Gospel to every creature,' so Jerome was sent and
even driven by the Holy Spirit that he preach sacred letters and the
Christian faith to those in his presence through his voice and to those
far away through his written letters.
Jerome should also be ranked as the greatest among doctors, unique
among virgins, first among confessors, eminent among monks, highly
renowned among hermits, and, what must be emphasized above all,
extraordinary among martyrs. For if those persons are martyrs who
only once suffered torments and were then put to death for confessing
the name of Christ, to what extent are persons to be called martyrs,
who mortify their own flesh every day for the sake of Christ, who
empty themselves in humility and make their personal desires subservi-
ent to their fervor for the faith, and who pass their entire lives as
though dead to the world in order to live for God alone? I know of no
one of sound mind who would deny that this venerable father, Jerome,
can justly be labeled a martyr, provided that he have some awareness of
the persecution that Jerome suffered at the hands of his jealous rivals,
the snares he faced at the hands of the devil, the struggles he bore to live
in the desert, the sleeplessness and fatigue he put up with to engage in
sacred studies, the sufferings he endured to subdue his rebellious flesh.
Therefore, as I have often done on other occasions, I take pleasure now
in citing a few words that Jerome wrote to supply an example of holi-
ness for future generations and not to boast about himself.
Cf. Marc. 16:15.
212 Sermo 7
"O quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus, in ilia vasta solitudine,
quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestat habitaculum,
putavi me Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia amaritudine
planus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi, et squalida cutis situm
Aethiopicae carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacrimae, cottidie gemitus et, si
quando repugnantem imminens somnus oppressisset, nuda humo ossa
vix haerentia collidebam. De cibis vero et potu taceo, cum etiam lan-
guentes monachi aqua frigida utantur et coctum aliquid accepisse luxu-
riae sit. lUe igitur ego, qui ob gehennae metum tali me carcere ipse da-
mnaveram, scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis inte-
reram puellarum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat in
frigido corpore et ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola
libidinum incendia bullieba < n > t.
Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam [os]
lacrimis, crine tergebam, et repugna < n > tem carnem hebdomadarum
inedia subiugabam. Non enim erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae mise-
riam, quin potius plango non esse, quod fueram. Memini me clamantem
diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nee prius a pectoris cessasse verberibus,
quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas (et reliqua)."' Haec igitur,
praestantissimi patres, quisquis intelligat, non iure dicet eum vivendo
martyrem fuisse? Taceantur reliqua quae, cum ipse de se scriberet, alii
plenissime tradiderunt.
Verum quia non solum ferendo passiones sed magis praestando bene-
ficia gloriosus quis est, vellem, si possem, connumerare breviter eorum
rationem. Dico igitur in omne genus hominum beneficia sua extare am-
plissima: in utrumque sexum, in omnem aetatem, in nobiles et plebeios,
scholasticos et indoctos, urbanos et rusticos, divites et egenos, peregri-
reliqua] quae cum ipse de se scriberet add. et expung. R
Sermon 7 213
"Oh, how often," he says, "when I was Hving in the desert, in that
lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a
savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself surrounded by the
pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness.
My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin
through long neglect had become as rough and black as an Ethiopian's.
Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame
my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against
the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not speak. Hermits have
nothing but cold water even when they are sick, and for them it is sinful
luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had
condemned myself to this prison-house, where my only companions
were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found myself surrounded by
bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; but though my
limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, and the fires
of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as good as dead.
And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus'
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my waitings and
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the
Lord's behest (and so forth). "^ Therefore, if anyone carefully considers
these matters, most eminent fathers, will he not admit that Jerome can
justifiably be called a "living martyr?" Let us pass over in silence the
rest of the story, which others have treated exhaustively by drawing
upon his own account.
But since any person achieves glory not only for bearing sufferings
but even more so for bestowing favors, I would like to go over briefly
the entire record of his services, if that were possible. I will at least say
that Jerome bestowed the most substantial favors to every type of
human being: toward both sexes, toward persons of every age, toward
the nobility and the common people, the educated and the uneducated,
those who dwell in the cities and those in the countryside, the rich and
the poor, those who travel and those who stay home, those engaged in
^ Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69.
214 Sermo 7
nantes et incolas, negotiatores et otiosos, gentiles quoque et infideles, in
religiosos et saeculares, in homines et bruta, in aegrotos pariter et defunc-
tos, cum his vitam, ilUs sanitatem restitueret, feras mansuefaceret, infideles
converteret, fideles et religiosos in sancto proposito conservaret, aliis opes et
custodiret et adiiceret, incolis pacem, peregrinantibus portum redderet,
doctrinam doctis atque indoctis adderet, omnem conditionem, omnem
statum tutum ac integrum precibus et meritis suis praestaret.
Hieronymus enim interpretatur sacrum nemus— nemus, inquam,
virtutum et scientiarum omnium — vel sacra lex, lex siquidem et norma
sancte et honeste vivendi, vel diiudicans elocutiones, et sane diiudic[ic]a-
tur. Elocutionum ac diversarum linguarum interpres extitit hie gloriosus
sanctus, qui Latino, Graeco, et Hebraeo sermone doctissimus universam
sacram scripturam, libros novi ac veteris testamenti, interpretatus est.
Totum divinum officium, quod antea incertum erat, de mandato summi
pontificis qui tunc ecclesiae praeerat ordinavit. Homilias, sermones, epi-
stolas, et libros edidit. Omne denique tempus vitae in sacris litteris et''
studiis scientiarum virtutumque consumpsit.
Quamobrem et vivus et mortuus infinitis miraculis claruit. Quae
omnia quoniam exarare non possum propter eorum multitudinem et
temporis' brevitatem, supersedeo invitus"™ tamen et omitto resuscitatos
mortuos, sanatos" aegros, defensum ab infamia et errore Silvanum,
ligneum factum haereticum, custoditos a morte et insidiis peregrinos.
^ litteris et om. B
' temporis] parviutem add. et expung. R
"* invictixs B
" sanctos B
Sermon 7 215
business and those in retirement, even pagans and unbelievers, toward
the religious and the laity, toward human beings and animals, toward
the sick as well as the dead. As a matter of fact, Jerome restored the
dead to life, the sick to good health, he tamed wild beasts, he converted
unbelievers, he sustained believers and members of religious orders in
their holy commitment, he safeguarded and added to the riches of some,
he brought peace to those who stayed home and offered protection to
those who traveled, he helped the educated and the uneducated to
progress in learning, he kept persons of every class and condition safe
from harm through his prayers and his merits.
The word "J^ro^i^" means "a sacred grove" — a grove, I would sug-
gest, of every virtue and branch of knowledge. Or it can mean "a sacred
law," a law in the best sense and a norm of holy and moral living. Or
it can mean "one determining the meaning of expressions," and they
were sensibly determined.' This glorious saint became prominent as a
translator of expressions in diverse languages; because he was most flu-
ent in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, he translated the entire
Holy Scripture, all the books of the New and Old Testaments, He was
commissioned by the supreme pontiff who then presided over the
church to organize the whole Divine Office; until that time it was not
clearly arranged in any precise order.'* He published homilies, sermons,
letters, and other books. Finally, he kept himself busy throughout his
life by studying sacred letters and matters related to knowledge and
virtue.
As a consequence, he was distinguished by countless miracles during
his lifetime and after his death. Since I am not able to plough them all
up, seeing that there are so many and I have so little time at my dispos-
al, I reluctantly refrain from mentioning the dead resuscitated to life, the
sick healed, Silvanus shielded from disgrace and error, a heretic turned
into wood, travelers protected from mortal ambush, brigands converted.
' Cf. Anon., "VitaDivi Hieronymi (inc: Plerosque nimirum),"2:31; lacopo da Varazze,
Legenda aurea, 653; and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 16.
* See Sermon 2, n. 5 above. Among the possible sources, Vergerio's phrasing is closest
to Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, Ottob. lat. 480, 11-12: "Si de divinis officiis
loquitur, nonne ipse, quia prius quisque ad libitum dicebat officium, mandato Damasi sanc-
to(?) hoc per primum Theodosium requisiti ordinavit officium. . . .' "
216 Sermo 7
latrones converses, protectos eos qui in eo° fidem et devotionem habe-
rent. Haec omnia cum omittam, unicum eius miraculum retexam, et
post dicendi finem faciam.
Mortuo hoc glorioso sancto et corpore eius in Bethlehem sepuho,
quemadmodumP tanta sanctitas exactae vitae requirebat, innumerabiH-
bus miraculis memoria sanctitatis eius clarescebat in dies. Quapropter
divulgatis his per universum orbem, sicut plurimi aHarum gentium, ita^
et*^ duo ConstantinopoUtani' iuvenes, infideles tamen et Christianae re-
Hgionis ignari, ad haec videnda miracula quae undequaque praedicaban-
tur ire disponunt. Constantinopoli discedunt, et^ Alexandriam veniunt,
pedestre iter inde facturi; a qua cum discederent ignorantia" viarum et
ductorum inopia in obscurum et periculosum nemus introeunt, ubi dux
quidam praedonum cum plurima comitiva latebat in specula. Quos ille
cum vidisset errantes, misit protinus quosdam ex suis qui eos praedaren-
tur et vita privarent.
lUi mandato sui ducis obsequentes ad hos veniunt, cumque proximi
fiunt, videtur eis numerosam fortium armatorum turbam praeeunte duce
procedere. Ob quam rem territi ad suos ire disponunt, cumque aliquanto
se elongassent, iterum illos esse duos indicant, et tamquam falso illusi,^
ad exequendum iniquum propositum iter flectunt, cumque adhuc appro-
pinquarent, priore'*' imagine territi ad ducem suum divertunt narratione
singula < ri > .* Dux tamquam ignavos redarguens maiori numero alios
destinat ad hoc opus, quibus et idem missis accidit.
°se5
P quemadmodum] exacta? add. et del. R
'is'icR B PM
' et om. B
' Constantinopoli ex Constantinopolitani corr. (Constantinopolitani . . . disponunt om.)
' et om. R
" ignoravit B (ignorantia ex ignoravit corr. PM)
" timent falso illudi R
* prima R
* Narrant ei singula R
__^ Sermon 7 217
those safeguarded who had a faithful devotion toward Jerome.^ I there-
fore make no mention of all the other miracles and will only describe
one at any length before I bring my speech to a close.
After this glorious saint had died and his body had been buried in
Bethlehem, his reputation for sanctity grew stronger by the day due to
countless miracles, which were virtually a foregone conclusion based
upon the impressive holiness of the life he had led. Once the report of
those miracles had circulated widely through the entire world, two
young men from Constantinople, following the lead of a host of others
from various places, decided to take a trip in order to see for themselves
the miraculous events that were then a topic of conversation every-
where. They did so even though they were not believers and were unfa-
miliar with the tenets of Christianity. The pair embarked from Constan-
tinople and arrived in Alexandria; from there, they planned to continue
their journey on foot. Upon leaving Alexandria, they wandered off into
a dark and dangerous forest because they did not know the route and
had no guide. The leader of a band of thieves, in the company of his
large entourage, was hiding up on a cliff in the forest. When the leader
spotted the young men wandering aimlessly, he at once sent some of his
men to rob and then kill them.
Those men obeyed his order and approached the young men; when
they had gotten close to them, they thought that they saw a large group
of armed soldiers, who marched in close formation at the command of
their general. They were frightened by what they saw and decided to re-
turn to their companions. When they had retreated a short distance,
they turned around and saw only the two travelers again. At that point,
convinced that they had somehow been misled by an optical illusion,
they reversed their path in order to carry out their evil plan. And when
they came up close a second time, they were frightened away by what
they had seen before and went back to their leader to tell him their re-
markable story. The leader rebuked them for their cowardice and desig-
nated a greater number of men for the task. But the same thing hap-
pened to them.
* Cf. Ps. Eusebius, "Epistola de morte," 221-24; Ps. Cyrillus, "Epistola . . . de miraculis
Beati Hieronymi ad Sanctum Augiistinum," in Joseph Klapper, ed., Hieronymus: Die
unechten Briefe des Eusebius, Augustin, Cyrill zum Lobe des Heiligen, part 2 of Schriften
Johanns Neumarkt, Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation 6 < Berlin, 1932 >, 292-512; and
Giovanni d' Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 28-40.
218 Sermo 7
Quare et ipse demum'' ire constituit. Ut primum vera esse cognovit,
turn demum deposito nocendi animo, ob tale miraculum ad peregrines
sese convertit, qui subito bini apparuerunt solum, sciscitatusque an ullos
in ilia solitudine vidissent et quo tenderent, subintulere postquam a via
aberrassent praeter eos vidisse neminem et, Hieronymi fama perciti, ad
eius visitandum sepulcrum in Bethlehem tendere. Quibus auditis illi in
intimo corde^ compuncti, priorem** vitam deponere et beati una^''
Hieronymi sepulcrum visitare contendunt, venientesque in Bethlehem,
isti baptizati sunt; illi claustra et eremum subierunt.
Sic*^*^ igitur hie gloriosus sanctus in gentiles et nefarios homines tam
pronus tamque beneficus extitit; quanto magis in Christianos et vere
Catholicos, si nomen suum venerabuntur, existet? Suis ergo meritis et
precibus pro nobis imploret ut in hoc mundo bene viventes per gratiam,
in futuro gaudeamus per gloriam ad quam nos perducat (etc.).
^ demum] esse? add. et del. R
* cordis B
" primam R
^^ una beati B
«Sifi
^ perducat (etc.)] etc. B
Sermon 7 219
Therefore, the leader finally decided to go himself. As soon as he
realized that his men were telling the truth, he finally abandoned his
intention to commit the crime. Dumbfounded by such a great miracle,
he turned his attention to the travelers, who at once appeared to be only
the original pair. When he asked whether they had seen anyone else in
that wilderness and where they were going, they responded that they
had seen no one except the leader and his men after they had gotten
lost. They added that they were spurred by the fame of Jerome to go to
Bethlehem and visit his tomb. When the thieves heard their answers,
they were stung in the depths of their hearts. They firmly resolved to
abandon their previous way of life and to join the two young men in
visiting the tomb of Blessed Jerome. Once they reached Bethlehem, the
two young men were baptized; the robbers entered the cloistered life of
a monastery.^
This is how that glorious saint showed that he was quite ready to
assist pagans and criminals; how much the more will he be ready to
assist Christians and especially Catholics if they will venerate his name?
May Jerome use his merits and prayers to beseech that we lead an
ethical life in this world through the power of divine grace and then
rejoice in the world to come through the power of that glory, toward
which God now guides us (etc.).
^ See Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 32-33, which is a
summary of the longer account of the miracle in Ps. Cyrillus, "Epistola de miraculis," 370-
80. Vergerio's dependence on the text of Giovanni d'Andrea in this case seems clear (Ottob.
lat. 480, 33): "Apprehendit illos timor, stupor, et admiratio, et ad mittentem reddire coe-
perunt. Elongati autem et retroversi solum illos duos esse viderunt, et se putantes illusos, ad
illos reddeunt, quibus propinquantes multitudinem viderunt ut prius et sic amplius stupefacti
ad suum principem reddierunt." Vergerio's assertion that the two young men hailed from
Constantinople is not found in the sources. The following miracle (Ps. Cyrillus, ibid., 381-
91) spoke of two Romans who were wrongly condemned for murder at Constantinople
while on their way to Bethlehem. When the sources indicated that the robbers thereafter led
"a praiseworthy life," Vergerio interpreted that to mean that they became monks. The
sources say that the two travelers, after converting to Christianity, entered a monastery.
Sermo 8 pro Sancto Hieronymo''
Manuscripts: A, fols. 437v-39; Ar, fols. 87-92; Bp, 138-43;
Br, fols. 131-33v; C, fols. 141-44; Gn, fols. 319-20v; MB, fols. 153-57v;
5, fols. 171v-74v; T, fols. 60-63; Tp, fols. 128-29;
Tr, fols. 121V-25; 2, fols. 115-18v.
Editions: 1, Hieronymus, Epistolae < Rome, 1468 > ;
2, <Rome, ca. 1468 >; 3, <Rome, 1470 >; 4, (Rome, 1476-79);
3, (Venice, 22 January 1476); 6, < Parma, 1480 >; 7, (Venice, 1488);
8, (Venice, 1490); 9, (< Venice >, 1496); 10, (Venice, 1496);
Vail, (Verona, 1734-42); PL, (Paris, 1845-46).
Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae Hieronymum, cuius^ dies sol-
lemnis adest, ita mihi dari cupio recte*^ laudare ut in eo laudando
laudem ipse meam non quaeram, sed sit ei quemadmodum sermo, ita et
mens perpetua'^ intentione dedicata, quamquam quid sperandum sit lau-
dis locuturo non video ubi magnitudine rerum eloquentiae vis omnis^
obruitur et excellentiae meritorum omnis impar est sermo. Me vero mi-
nime omnium sperare id convenit, ac si quid talium mentem subeat,
plane desipio qui, cum obire quot annis munus hoc laudum soleo, sem-
* Sermo pro Sancto Hieronymo Petripauli Vergerii Bp. Petripauli Vergerii Oratio in
honorem gloriosi Hieronymi Tp. Oratio Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani S. Petripauli
Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus Sancti Hieronymi habitus in anniversario natalis
eius 1 Z 2 5 Tr. Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus Beati Hieronymi ha-
bitus in anniversario natalis eius Br. Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo de laudibus
Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri habitus in anniversario natalis eius 3 4 6 A. Sermo de Sancto
Hieronymo eiusdem C. Oratio de laudibus Divi Hieronymi m. rec. MB
^ eius /
' recte] eum acU. 1
^ propria O
' omnis om, S
Sermon 8 for Saint Jerome
When I praise the most holy doctor of our faith, Jerome, as part of
the solemnity we observe this day, I am adamant about not want-
ing to seek my own praise by my praise for him. I would much rather
dedicate the sermon to him and focus my attention on him alone at
every moment. I say that even though I cannot imagine what praise one
who is about to speak here should expect, for the magnitude of the
subject matter overwhelms all force of eloquence and the entire sermon
can never approach the excellence of its subject's merits. It is especially
inappropriate that I should harbor such fantasies. If I should entertain
any idea of the sort, I would clearly be acting like a fool, seeing that I
have regularly fulfilled the duty of praising Jerome for the last several
years. As I have gained experience in delivering this panegyric, I have
222 Sermo 8
per tamen, posteaquam id coepi, ita deinceps per annos affectus sum ut
augeri mihi desiderium sentiam, minui facultatem.
Evenit autem hoc fortasse, sive quod nondum satis sunt mihi^ vires
ingenii mei perpensae qui subire tanti oneris^ causam non verear quod
quantum sit et intellexi tantisper dudum et in dies perspicio magis; sive
quod illius merita apud plurimos quidem parum diligenter^ animadver-
sa, a me vero etiam summo studio considerata quo magis elucescunt, eo
magis affectum mentis alliciunt et a consequendi spe ingenii acumen
magis magisque deterrent; sive quod prae desiderio meo studioque reli-
gionis in ilium tanto mihi retardari facultas videtur ingenii quanto prae-
currit studium voluntatis. Quarum equidem' rerum ut subesse utramque
primarum non nego, ita adesse postremam magnopere mihi cupio. Nam
officio quidem^ ille meo aut cuiusquam alterius in reddendis de se laudi-
bus nihil indiget, ac non delectatur,'^ opinor, nisi boni profectusque'
nostri gratia, cum per se ipse infinito proprio bono in beata ilia aeterna-
que vita fruatur. Devotione vero, cultu, religione, pietate, ac fide cum in
hunc, tum in"" reliquos caelites nos ipsi nostra causa indigemus, atque
imprimis ego, qui meritis huius sancti gloriosi multa magnaque saepenu-
mero beneficia apud Deum immortalem consecutum manifesta fide me
deprehendi et difficillimis temporibus fuisse de gravissimis periculis eius
ope atque intercessione liberatum.
Quod si antehac devotionis ullum studium a me" debebatur, multo
certe nunc amplius adhibendum est mihi ut parentis nuperrime diem
functi qui erat devotissimus tibi, sancte pater Hieronyme, vicem hie
referam; cuius apud te preces mea causa plurimum valuisse sum crebro
^ sunt mihi] sint mihi Bp Tp S {ex mihi sint corr.) 1
* oneris ex hon- corr. Tp Ar Z: honoris 1
^ diligenter parum Bp Tp S 11
' quidem C MB
' qui 1
^ scripsi: non delectat Bp. ne delectatur Tp C MB. nee delectatur S. non delectari H
' perfectusque Bp
"* in om. Tp
" a me om. S
Sermon 8 223
found myself increasingly troubled by the experience. I now have the
distinct impression that my desire to praise him has grown greater
through the years even as my ability to praise him has diminished.
Maybe that has happened because I have not yet gauged accurately
the strength of my own abilities, and consequently I am not afraid to try
and lift such a heavy weight. For some time now, I have honestly
assessed how heavy that burden really is, and I have the impression that
it gets heavier by the day. Or maybe the explanation should be sought
in Jerome's merits. The vast majority of people regard those merits with
far too little attention whereas I reflect on them with the greatest
interest. As they increase in intensity, they make a greater impression
on the mind and increasingly dissuade a judicious intellect from the illu-
sion of ever doing them justice. Or maybe the explanation lies in my
affection and pious devotion to Jerome, which seem to cause the func-
tioning of my intellect to slow down and the eagerness of my will to
rush ahead. I will not dispute in the least that the first two explanations
apply in my case, and I would wish with all my heart that the final one
may apply to me too. For Jerome surely has no need of my commit-
ment to extol him — or that of anyone else— nor does he derive any
pleasure from it, I suspect, unless it should serve to spur our own sound
progress. On his own merits, Jerome now partakes of a beatitude that
by its nature is boundless because it brings a life of eternal happiness.
Rather, it is for our own sake that we have need of devotion, worship,
piety, loyalty, and faithfulness toward this man and the other citizens of
heaven. That holds especially in my case, for his loyalty to me has been
obvious. I realize that I have frequently attained many great favors from
the immortal God through the merits of this glorious saint, and in the
most difficult moments I have been freed from extremely serious dan-
gers through his powerful intercession.
But if in the past I felt an obligation to practice fervent devotion to
Jerome, I surely feel an even greater need to cling to it now. I say that
because of my recent loss: just a few days ago my father, who was most
devoted to you, holy father Jerome, passed away.^ I have frequently
experienced how extremely influential his prayers to you on my behalf
' Vergerio's father, Vergerio de' Vergeri, made his will on 18 July 1406 and died
sometime between that date and the feast of Jerome on 30 September. Early in 1407,
Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna mentioned the death of Vergerio's father in a letter to
him; see Epist., 299-300 n. 1, 301.
224 SERMO 8
expertus ut, quemadmodum praeclari huius instituti familiarisque devoti-
onis discipulus viventi° fui/ ita et ei quoque'^ defuncto sim heres, et
quod mihi patrocinium in illo erat, nunc omne sit in me ipso, quam-
quam eum'^ confido tuis meritis atque precibus, praeterea quod rectus
homo erat et timens Deum, excedentem ex hac luce in ea loca deductum
ubi et' a te et per te multo facilius' consequi quidvis possit.
Quod igitur ad me attinet, quemadmodum devotio animi conser-
vanda augmentandaque" est, ita munus hoc annuum^ reddendarum
laudum nuUatenus est^ negUgendum, in quo qualisqualis sit'' sermo,
dum mens sit integra ac penitus iUi devota, non magnifaciendum arbi-
tror quod in eum magis esse gratus cupio^ quam disertus. Nee me fallit
eum qui laudare quempiam ex illustribus accedat (maxime vero quod ad
rem divinam attineat)^ debere et ipsum quoque laude dignum esse labe-
que omni carere, ne dicentis vitam reprehendat oratio verbisque specio-
sis mores sordidi fidem abrogent. Quod, ut in me** sit, boni tamen
piique ingenii solet esse argumentum laudare studiose virtutem et rebus
sacris cultum adhibere praecipuum. Quod si ex me quispiam^^ quaerat
quam huius sancti gloriosi primam potissimamque laudem existimem,
hanc scilicet incunctanter respondebo, quod meo quidem iudicio non
possit digne*^*^ humano ore laudari, deinde quod in unoquoque ge-
nere laudum earum quae ad doctum rectumque hominem ac plane reli-
giosissimum Christianum pertinent laudari eximie de singulis potest.
° viventis O
P fui] [ . . . ] Tp. om. S
'^ quoque et ei MB T
" eum] cum Bp Tp: om. S
' et om. Bp Tp SU
' multo facilius om. S
" et servanda et augmentanda n
" annuum om. S
" est om. n
" qualisqualis sit] qualis sit Tp S. qualiscumque sit FI
'' cupio om. S
* attinet S C MB
** me] non add. Tl
^^ quisquam MB
" digno Bp
^ quod om. S
Sermon 8 225
have proven to be. I learned from his noble instruction and the devotion
he practiced at home throughout his life, and I have now become the
heir to that devotion after his death. The advocacy that he practiced on
my behalf now falls entirely to me, although I am confident that, once
he withdrew from this light, he was led back through your merits and
prayers to a place where it is all the easier for him to have you do
something or see that it is done. I am especially confident of that be-
cause I know he was an upright man and one who was fearing God.^
My own obligations are clear: I have to maintain and increase the
devotion in my soul, and I must likewise never neglect my annual duty
to deliver a panegyric. In performing that service, I do not think that
much should be made of the sermon, no matter what its style, as long
as the heart is of a single purpose and entirely devoted to Jerome. As a
matter of fact, I consider it a greater achievement to prove gratifying to
Jerome than to be learned. Nor am I unaware that the person who steps
forward to praise somebody famous (and this has particular relevance in
the case of religion) ought to be worthy of praise himself and be with-
out any shortcoming. Otherwise, the oration may seem at variance with
the life of the one speaking, and the speaker's immoral behavior may
undermine the credibility of his flashy words. In order that my integrity
seem genuine, I remind you that we customarily take it as evidence of
a good and holy disposition if one enthusiastically praises virtue and
attends with special reverence to sacred matters. But if someone should
ask me what I consider the principal and most prominent reason to
praise this glorious saint, I will respond without any hesitation. In my
opinion, there is no human tongue that can worthily utter Jerome's
praises; moreover, among all the accolades that are appropriate to a
learned and upright person and are obviously appropriate to a most de-
vout Christian, you could choose any one of them and praise Jerome at
length.
^ Cf. lob 1:8.
226 Sermo 8
Quod si iam" in eo laudando coepero litterarum peritiam comme-
morare, diversarum experientiam linguarum, orationis facundiam,
tectos^^ fabularum sensus, multam historiarum memoriam, naturalium
rerum cognitionem moraliumque sermonum, turn vero scripturae sacrae
veraeque theologiae perceptionem,^ non videbor forsitan aliquid ma-
gnum dicere, quod haec ipsa malis etiam hominibus possunt advenire;
neque enim ista bonos faciunt, sed eruditos. Aut si praeterea conti-
nentiam, fortitudinem, prudentiam, constantiam, mansuetudinem, pati-
entiam, benignitatemque in illius" laudibus recognovero, ne"^ sic qui-
dem'^'' forsitan magnopere eum ornare iudicabor, quod et his virtutibus
plurimi gentilium praediti fuere, suntque hae laudes, ut debitae quidem
viro bono, ita plane non propriae homini Christiano. Postremo si fidem
constantem,™" spem certam, caritatem incensam,"" omnemque sanc-
timoniam et caerimoniarum cultum religionisque studium demon-
stravero, ne°° sic quoque fortassis laus erit eximia, quod haec ipsa debet
unusquisque de se rectus fidelisque Christianus exhibere.
At vero si haec omnia et quaecumque^P his nominibus aut omnino
virtutis nomine continentur in eo fuisse universa contester^'' eaque ipsa
non mediocriter aut vulgari quodam summotenus modo sed excellentis-
sime atque incomparabiliter affuisse constet, nonne" hoc divinum quid-
dam*^ in homine videri necesse est? Ego sane cum trita vulgo ista"
vocabula eruditionem, eloquentiam, fortitudinem, prudentiam, fidem, ac
" iam] in marg. S: om. Ar
^ rectos Tp SU
^ perceptorem C MB
^^ enim om. S
" illis ;
" nee S n
'''' quidem om. MB T
" forsitan om. 4
""" constantiam MB
"" intensam n (immensam ex intensam corr. Tr)
°° ne ex nee corr.} C: nee MB S O
PP quaeeumque] quod add. 5 Tr
•w contestor Tp S MB
" non Bp Tp S: num C MB
" quoddam MB
" vulgo ista] vulgo in marg. MB: ista vulgo Bp Tp S U (ilia wulgo Ar)
Sermon 8 227
If I will already have begun my praise for him by commemorating
his expertise in letters, his fluency in diverse languages, his eloquence in
speech, his interpretation of poetry's hidden meanings, his vast recall of
history, his knowledge of natural phenomena and of moral principles,
combined with his understanding of Holy Scripture and authentic the-
ology, I probably will not seem to say anything worthy of note, given
that evil persons as well can achieve all of those things. For those sorts
of accomplishments do not make you good, only learned. But if, in
addition to them, I will have certified that temperance, courage, pru-
dence, loyalty, kindness, patience, and affability figure among Jerome's
claims to distinction, not even in that case will I probably feel that I
have greatly embellished his reputation, given that the vast majority of
pagans have also been endowed with those virtues. I would grant that
such praises are surely owed to a good man, but they are not expressly
characteristic of a Christian. If I will have finally produced evidence for
his firm faith, his secure hope, his ardent charity, and his consummate
holiness and reverence for sacred ceremonies and zeal for religion, not
even at that point will the praise be extraordinary, given that every
upright and faithful Christian ought to display those qualities in his life.
But truly, if I should prove that he possessed all of those qualities
and whatever else is implied comprehensively by the words or summari-
ly by the one word "virtue" and then I make a sound case that he did
not possess those things in an ordinary or common manner but to the
maximum degree and without peer, will we not have to conclude that
there was something divine about that human being? When I conscious-
ly use those words from the vocabulary of the common people and
commemorate his learning, eloquence, courage, prudence, faith, and
228 Sermo 8
caritatem et cetera huiuscemodi"" commemoro, talia quaedam dicere
mihi videor qualia solent in communi hominum vita reperiri et non
eminentissimas illas virtutes, quas in excellentissimis viris paucis illis
quidem omni aetate fuisse constat. Quamobrem aegre ferre soleo et^
Latinae orationi indignari, quod propriis atque exquisitis nominibus
exquisitissimas laudes efferre non licet, quae tantum paene a communi-
bus distant virtutibus quantum ferme virtus a vitio.
Verum quod orationi deest, oro, suppleat audientis intellectus, et non
quod dicam sed quod"^ dicere velim accipiat. Quod et hinc quoque
licebit intelligere. Nam solent pauca horum aut singula quidem,** dum
intenso^ gradu cuipiam" adsunt, magnum virum constituere, admira-
bilisque*** videri qui plura ex his''^^ sit assecutus. Quid ergo is debet
existimari, qui omnium virtutum cunctarumque bonarum artium cumu-
lum non perfunctorie'^'^'^ quidem'^'^'^ sed^^^ ad summum in se
collegisset, cuius vita totius sanctitatis exemplum fuit,^^^ eloquentia
stupor, doctrina miraculum? Itaque non tam sanctum nomen habuit,
quod ipsum^^^ denotat Hieronymi vocabulum, quam ipsam in se habu-
it sanctitatem. Nam cum*^*^*^ duabus rebus fundata est in initio sacra
religio, praedicatione scilicet apostolorum et sanguine martyrum, cum,
quod'" illi sermone docebant, hi per carceres et tormenta ac denique
mortem ipsam astruerent,"' in utrorumque locum suo tamen^''*' gradu
subierunt sancti doctores, qui, quod illi compendiose docuerunt,'" latius
explicarent, quodque martyres sanguine suo testati sunt, hoc isti sancti-
"" huiuscemodi] ce- interl. MB: huiusmcxli TTl (huiusce- y4r)
"' et] atque S: om. 2
** quod dicam sed quod] quid dicam sed quod Tp C: quid dicam sed quid S MB
" quaedam 11
^^ incenso Bp
° cupiam Tp 1
"* admirabilisque] excellentiae eum add. Yl
bbb iij J
"^ perfunctorie in ras. C
"^ quidem] de? 5: om. U
•" sed om. Tp S
"' fuit om. n
^^ quod ipsum] quod ipsum ipsum Tp. quidem ipsum 1 Ar Br 2 4. quid enim 2. quod
quidem ipsum 3 5 Tr 6 A Gn
^^^ in MB
'" cumque Z 5 Tr 6 A Gn
"' astrueret S. astruerunt C MB
^'^^ suo tamen] imo tamen MB. suo tantum Bp. suo cum 5. suo (tamen om.) O
'" docuerant Bp Tp S Yl
Sermon 8 229
charity and other things along those Hnes, I have the impression that I
am speaking about the sorts of things that are customarily found in the
ordinary life of human persons and not about those most notable
virtues, which we all agree are characteristic of an elite group of men in
every age. That explains why I am accustomed to feel a certain regret
and to consider a Latin oration inadequate because I am not permitted
to proclaim the most extraordinary praises in appropriately extraordi-
nary words. For his virtues are almost as far from the ordinary as virtue
is from vice.
But whatever may be lacking in the oration, I hope and pray that the
intelligence of those of you listening will compensate for it; may you
intuit what I would like to say and not restrict yourselves to what I will
say. You will be free to understand exactly what that is from what
follows. For just a few of these qualities or even one of them by itself
normally make a man great, as long as the person possesses them to an
extraordinary degree, and anyone who has acquired a number of them
perforce earns our admiration. How then must we appraise Jerome, who
amassed within himself all the virtues and mastered all the liberal arts
and did so not in some superficial manner but to the maximum degree?
His life has been an example of all holiness, his eloquence a cause of
amazement, his learning a veritable miracle! Therefore, it is not simply
the case that he had a holy name, which is what the word "Jerome"
means,^ but that he made himself holy in a real sense. In the beginning,
our sacred religion was founded on two things: the preaching of the
apostles and the blood of the martyrs. I say that because the latter
through imprisonment and torments and, ultimately, death itself were
exemplifying in their deeds what the former were teaching in their
words. In terms of responsibility, the holy doctors succeeded both of
those groups, and yet we assign them their own rank. What the apostles
taught in succinct fashion, the doctors explained more fully, and what
the martyrs witnessed to by shedding their own blood, the doctors cor-
' Vergerio gives a correct interpretation of the Greek etymology of Hieronymus that is
not found in the sources; see Rice, Saint Jerome in the Renaissance, 1, 24-25.
230 Sermo 8
monia vitae confirmarent atque adversus omnem haeresim omnemque
vitiorum labem pro fide iustitiaque consisterent iidemque et*™™" mili-
tum vices gererent et doctorum."""
Multa autem variaque Hieronymus uti fortis miles in hac vita bella
sustinuit. Cum mundo quippe°°° gessit et vicit, quando sacerdos iam
factus et summo sacerdotio dignus habitus ab urbe cessit pompisque sae-
culi etPPP omni ambitioni*''''' mundanorum honorum""^ renumiavit;
cum carne ac daemonibus, cum in ilia trans mare vasta solitudine, quae,
ut ipse ait, "exusta solis ardoribus horridam monachis habitationem
praestabat,"*" carnem quidem ieiuniis frangeret, spirituales autem ho-
stes orationibus effugaret; cum improbis atque aemulis, in quos saepe per
prologos, saepe per epistolas scribendo invectus est; cum haereticis, quos
libris tractatibusque scribendis saepenumero de"^ diversis convicit erro-
ribus disputandoque vi rationum superavit.
Doctoris ergo nomen ut habet, ita et officium studiosissime vivens
gessit, praesentes voce et exemplis erudiens, absentes scriptis, utros-
que""" vero tam suae aetatis quam posteros voluminibus diversi idio-
matis viros interpretatione linguarum ad"^ eruditionem adiuvans,
rudiores historia delectans, acutiores instruens arcanis sacrae scripturae sensi-
bus explicandis. Eloquentiam certe iam eius"*""^ laudare temptarem,
quae tamquam rivus limpidissimus leniter*** defluens et aspectu et
sono delectat, nisi ipsa^^ se multo melius quam quod^^ a me fieri
elegantia sua legentibus commendaret; ad quanf*** digne praedicandam
■"""" iidem et Bp Tp S U fiidemque et Ar)
""" vices gererent et doctorum] vires gererent et ductorum IT (doct- Ar)
°°° quippe] bellum add. U (quippe malum 4 quidem bellum A)
PPP et om. S
'^ ambitione 2 4 5 Tr 6 A Gn
"' bonorum Bp
*" horridam . . . praestabat] horridam monachis praestabat habitationem MB. horridum
monachis habitaculum praestabat n (praest- hab- 2)
'« de om. S
""" utroque n (utros- Ar)
"'"' viros . . . ad] varia interpretatione Unguarum vivorum doctorum 11 (virorum doc-
torum Ar)
*"'' eius om. MB T
'""' leviter C MB
^yy ipse n
^^ quod om. Tl
"** ad quam . . . deterreret om. S
Sermon 8 231
roborated by the holiness of their lives. Moreover, the doctors took up
positions in defense of faith and justice by combatting every heresy and
sinful vice. Thus, the same persons were fulfilling the respective duties
of a soldier and a teacher.
Jerome, however, brave soldier that he was, engaged in a great
variety of wars in this life. First and foremost, he waged war against the
world and was victorious: after he had already been ordained a priest
and was considered worthy of the supreme pontificate, he withdrew
from the city and renounced the affectations of the world and all
ambition for worldly honors. He waged war against the flesh and the
demons and was victorious: in that lonely waste across the sea, which,
as he himself says, "scorched by the burning sun, was affording to
monks a savage dwelling,'"* he subdued his flesh by means of fasting
and also put his spiritual enemies to flight by means of prayer. He
waged war against wicked men and jealous rivals and was victorious: he
often attacked them in the prologues and the letters that he wrote. He
waged war against heretics and was victorious: more than once, he proved
them guilty of a variety of errors in the books and treatises he composed,
and he defeated them in debate by the sheer force of his arguments.
Thus, he has now attained the title of doctor, and that is because he
fulfilled to the utmost the duties thereby implied while he was alive,
instructing those in his presence by means of his words and deeds,
instructing those far away by means of his writings, assisting the work
of scholars of his own era and those of generations to come by translat-
ing volumes written in foreign languages, amusing the less educated by
narrating past events, teaching the better educated by explaining the
hidden meanings of passages in Holy Scripture. At this point, I would
certainly attempt to praise the eloquence of Jerome, which flows
smoothly like a most limpid river and gives delight by its appearance
and sound,^ if the elegance of his prose were not readily apparent to
those who read his works and come across much more effectively there
* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152).
* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 36.14, 58.10 {CSEL 54:280, 539); and Paul Antin, " 'Hilarius
Latinae eloquentiae Rhodanus' (Jerome, In Gal., prol. 2)," in Recueil sur saint Jerome, Col-
lection Latomus 95 (Brussels: Latomus, 1968), 259-69. Paraphrasing Cicero {Or. 11.39), Ver-
gerio described his ideal for oratorical prose in similar terminology in a letter that he wrote
in 1396 {Epist., 178): "Sit sermo non scaber aut horridus, non praeruptus, non praeceps, sed
lenis et planus, apricique in morem rivi continue mollique cursu defluens. . . ." See further
Ronald G. Witt, "Still the Matter of the Two Giovannis: A Note on Malpaghini and Con-
versino," Rinascimento, n.s., 35 (1995): 194-95.
232 Sermo 8
eius ipsius eloquentia opus esset. Nee me deterreret*^* quod damnatus
fuerit^^^'' eius studii aliquando'^"^*^'^ Hieronymus, cum'*'^'^'* extatica
visione tractus ad iudicis aeterni tribunal et quinam esset^^^^ interro-
gatus, pro Christiani nomine quod inter metum trepidationemque
profitebatur Ciceroniani sibi nomen obici audivit. Neque enim res ipsa
damnata est (sed fortassis eius studium vehementius) sine qua profecto
vix^^^^ sacrae litterae, certe non tanta cum voluptate, legerentur.
Haec igitur, ut et^^^^ ceterae quoque dotes quas strictim comme-
moravi, multos acerbissimosque illi aemulos comparavere. Quo-
rum ut improbitati cederet, Roma migravit, et, qui doctor late cla-
rissimus habebatur, Gregorio Nazianzeno in disciplinam se tradidit.
Postque studia, cum de frequentissima urbe cessisset, ad eremum se tran-
stulit, et, qui in urbe omnium urbanissima homines perpessus erat
bestiales, in desertissima eremo bestias est expertus humanas. Ibique leo
natura saevissimus imperium eius"" pertulit, cum hie homo natura
mitis in se saeviret. Roma igitur Bethlehem permutavit, divitique*'" ex
urbe non stam pulsus quam cedens, elegit ibi pauper vivere ubi pau-
pgj,kkkk christus est natus, et inde salutem petere unde ortus est""
auctor ipse™™™" salutis. Quid enim"""" adversus malignitatem
tutum uspiam esse poterit, quando tanta virtus persecutore non caruit?
Quod siquid nobis tale accidat, ex eius casu consolari nos ipsos debemus,
interea vero maledicos benefaciendo vincere et eorum in nos odium
virtute patientiae mansuetudinisque superare, illo praestante, qui vivit et
regnat per omnia saecula (et cetera) .°°°°
"" deterreret] deterret n
'*'"'''' quod . . . fuerit interl. MB
"" aliquando] causa add. MB T
*^ cxxm-l'm add. C MB T
"" esset om. S
^''' vix om. S
8888 et om. MBTTpSn
^^^^ -que om. S
"" eius om. S
ID) divesque MB
^^^^ pauper om. MB T
"" unde Ortus est] unde est ortus C MB
mmmm jp^^ om. 6 A Gfi 7 8 9 10
"""" Quid enim] Quid autem C MB
°°°° per omnia saecula (et cetera)] per omnia saecula Amen MB. in saecula benedictus Bp.
in saecula saeculorum Amen n
Sermon 8 233
than in anything I could say. To do justice to that subject in a sermon,
you would need the eloquence of Jerome himself. Nor would the fact
that Jerome was once censured for his zeal deter me from treating the
subject. That happened when Jerome was dragged in an ecstatic vision
before the judgment seat of the eternal judge, who asked him what sort
of person he was. He responded that he was a Christian, and he gave the
response with much fear and trembling. Then he heard the name of
Ciceronian thrown back at himself.^ You must understand that the fact
of being a Ciceronian was not the cause for his censure; it is far more
likely that his zeal had become too intense. If you were not a
Ciceronian, you could barely read sacred letters and you certainly would
not read them with the same enjoyment.
These gifts, therefore, and the others that I have briefly recounted
for you, earned for Jerome many rivals who were extremely jealous of
him. In order that he leave their wickedness behind, he departed from
Rome, and, although he was widely considered to be the foremost
teacher of the era, he gave himself over to Gregory of Nazianzus for
further training.^ After studying with Gregory and after definitively
abandoning the most populous city on earth, Jerome went to live in the
desert. The man who had patiently endured the savagery of human
beings in that most cosmopolitan of cities now became acquainted with
the humaneness of beasts in that most barren desert. In that place, a
lion, who was by nature most fierce, obeyed his command,^ while a
human being, who was so gentle by nature, fiercely disciplined himself.
He therefore exchanged Rome for Bethlehem, but he was not really
driven from that prosperous city so much as he left of his own free will.
He then chose to live in poverty at Bethlehem where Christ was born
in poverty and to seek his own salvation in the place where the very
source of salvation was born. For what person could ever be safe from
harm, if so virtuous a person could not avoid persecution? But if any-
thing of the sort should befall us, we ought to console ourselves by
recalling the case of Jerome. And we should also try to defeat those who
slander us by doing good toward them and overcome their hatred by
practicing the virtues of patience and kindness,' through the interces-
sion of God, who lives and reigns for ever (etc.).
^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:190). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, 127.
' See Sermon 1, n. 5 above.
* For the story of the lion, see Sermon 2, n. 8 above.
' Cf. Matt. 5:44.
Sermo 9 pro Sancto Hieronymo^
Manuscripts: C, fols. 149-52v; Ra, fols. 33-35; 5, fols. 168-71;
Tp, fols. 116-17V.
Quotiens, reverendissimi^ patres fratresque carissimi, dies advenit
reddendi'^ sermonis pro meo annuo more de laudibus Sancti Hie-
ronymi, quod'^ ipso natali eius die facere sum solitus, semper mihi sin-
gulis annis videor minus esse solvendo^ minusque praestare posse quod^
debeo, non quemadmodum quantitatibus evenit ut, quo pluries fit de-
tractio, certum sit semper^ minus esse quod*^ restat, sed quod' magis in
dies et debitum ipsum intelligo quantum sit' et facultates meae quam
sint exiles agnosco. Nam*" quid ego de me dicam, qui nee omnes quidem
homines quicumque sunt aut umquam fuerunt' satis idoneos arbitror ad
* Petripauli Ver^erii lustinopolitani In laude Beati Hieronymi oratio feliciter incipit acta
Senis m. cccc. viij. 5. Praeclarissimi omnium virtutum et scientiarum monarchae domini
Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo omatissimus in honore Sancti Hieronymi Senis per
ipsum editum < sic > 1408 Tp. Praeclarissimi omnium virtutum et scientiarum monarchae
domini Petripauli Vergerii lustinopolitani Sermo omatissimus in honorem Sancti Hieronymi
Senis per ipsum editi <sic> 1408 Ra
^ reverendi C
"^ reddendi] -endi ex -endudi corr. C
^ quid Ra: id C
' solvendae C
' quid Ra
8 semper om. S
*" esse quod] est quid Ra: esse om. S
' quod om. S Tp
' scripsi: est codcl.
^ Nam] N- ex q- corr. Tp
' fuerint Tp
Sermon 9 for Saint Jerome
No matter how often, most reverend fathers and most beloved
brothers, the day arrives when I deUver a sermon on the praises of
Saint Jerome, something I have committed myself to do every year and
usually do on the actual birthday of that man, over the years I find that
I have fewer resources to liquidate the debt and pay back what I owe.
My experience does not follow the pattern of mathematical quantities,
where the more often something is subtracted from a sum, it is certain
that what remains will always be less. On the contrary, I understand
how much greater the debt that I owe becomes by the day, and I realize
how meager my resources are to repay it. Yet, why should I only speak
about myself.^ I do not think that the entire human race, everyone who
is alive today or has lived in the past, is sufficiently endowed to praise
236 Sermo 9
hunc sanctum digne laudandum, sive quod tantum est eius"* meritum
quod" quidem esse maximum nemo negat, sive quod tanta° est mea
erga eum^ devotio ut nihil ad id humanarum virium opinor posse
sufficere? Quam quidem, quantacumque'' est mea devotio, augeri sem-
per et cupio*^ vehementer et studeo. Neque enim* habeo aliud^ maius"
aut melius, quod ei praestare queam aut quod^ a me ipse requirat, nisi
affectionem animi gratam et promptum reddendae^ laudis obsequium,
ac ne id quidem. Quo sancti Dei humana egeant laude, qui extra" o-
mnem necessitatem ambitionemque constituti sunt? Sed eorum laudando
virtutes imitari discamus quod^ praedicamus in eis.
Quod si aliquis vel ad laudandum materiam amplam expetit sibi
dari^ vel ad imitandum in omni genere virtutum exemplar insigne quae-
rit, non facile alibi usquam" reperiet aut latiorem aream colligenda-
rum^'' laudum aut speculum ad quod se componere quis valeat magis
illustre. De iis*^*^ rebus loquor quae ad religionem et^^ sanctitatem ac
Deo dicatam vitam pertinent, non de^^ saecularibus studiis et his^**
quae vanitas hominum et vulgi caecitas suspensa miratur, quamquam et
in saecularibus litteris apprime fuerit eruditus. Nihil eum sive de histo-
riis quae quidem cognitu dignae videntur, sive de figmentis poetarum
•" eius] debitum add. et del. Tp
" quid Ra
° tanta ex tantaim corr. C: tantae Tp
P ilium C Ra
'' quantacumque] quanta- ex quantum-? corr. S
' cupio] s add. et del. S
' enim] neque add. et del. Tp
' aliud om. S
" maius] magis Ra. h add. et del. S
^ quod ei . . . aut quod] quid ei . . . aut quid Ra
" reddere S Ra
* extra in marg. S: ex Ra
^ quid Ra
^ dare Tp Ra
** usque S Tp
^^ colligendarum] virtutum add. et del. S
"his 5
<" loquar S
« vel 5 Tp
'' vitam] pertirent add. et del. Tp
^ de om. S Tp
^^ iis Ra
Sermon 9 237
this saint worthily. There are two ways to explain this: there is no one
who disputes that Jerome's accomplishments rank among the greatest
ever, and I am personally so devoted to him that I assume that no skill
within the grasp of man can ever suffice to discharge the appointed task.
And no matter how great my devotion is, I constantly desire and
vehemently strive to have it become even greater. Other than the
grateful affection of my soul and a firm commitment to extol him, I do
not have anything more noble or honorable that I can offer for his sake
or that he himself requires of me, and even that is not really necessary.
Why do the saints of God have need of human praise, if they have been
granted a place beyond all need and ambition? Rather, we should praise
the saints so that we learn to imitate the virtues we accentuate in their
lives.
But if someone were to demand abundant material that he could
praise or if he were to ask for an outstanding exemplar of every kind of
virtue that he could imitate, he will be hard-pressed to find a more vast
field in which he may harvest reasons for praise or a more lucid mirror
according to which he may shape his own conduct. I am going to speak
about those matters which pertain to belief and to the holiness of a life
dedicated to God, not about secular studies and the things which the
vanity of human persons and the blindness of the common people hold
up for admiration. Even so, I would never deny that Jerome was exceed-
ingly learned in secular letters as well. Nothing from antiquity escaped
his notice, whether it was recorded in the histories which genuinely
seem worthy of our investigation or in the figurative speech of poets
238 Sermo 9
latuit" in quibus antiquitas evanescebat. In cognitione praeterea naturae
rerum atque his disciplinis quas liberales appellant praeclare fuit institu-
tus. Indicant elegantissima eius scripta quae edidit varie his referta.
Teste est et'^ illud imprimis vulgatum quod ipsemet scribit iudicium
de se^^ habitum; quod commentum forsitan videri posset, nisi tam cer-
tum auctorem haberet et tam probatum*™" qui de se ipso non de alio
facta testetur. Cum enim is (ut ait) ceteras a se mundanas delectationes
abdicasset solaque quae una manserat"" legendi saeculares libros ac
praecipue Ciceronem voluptate teneretur, acutissima aliquando°** febre
correptus est quae brevi ita invaluit^P ut intra paucos dies*''' ad" ex-
trema perduxisse eum" videretur." lam itaque parabantur exequiae,
omnisque de sepultura et efferendo funere cura erat, cum interea visus
est sibi ad iudicis aeterni"" tribunal astare. Atque ab eo cum interroga-
retur quisnam esset,"^ Christianum se esse^^ respondit. Tunc ille:
"Minime," inquit, "sed Ciceronianus es,'"" iussitque eum graviter
flagellis caedi. Qui inter verbera flens identidem iurabat, "Domine, si
umquam saeculares libros habuero, si legero, te negavi." Ac diu
flagellatus, intercedentibus tandem^ qui aderant sub eius iuramenti"
fide**^ quod praestiterat dimissus est, et ex eo coeperunt in illo appa-
rere signa vitae ac subinde salutis.
" latuit] quae quidem add. et del. Tp
'' et om. S
''*' de se ex desse corr. Ra
" et] i add. et del. S
""" probum S Tp
"" quae una manserat] quae una? remanserant S. quae una reliqua manserat C. una reli-
qua manserat Ra
°° aliquando] fre add. et del. Tp
PP invaluit] ac? add. et del. Tp
'^ dies] ab add. et del. Ra
" ad] exteram? add. et del. Tp
" perduxisse eum] eum om. S: eum perduxisse C
" scripsi: videret codd. {ex videretur corr. Ra)
"" iudicis externi Tp. iudicis extremi S: aetemi iudicis Ra
"" esset] p add. et del. Tp
** Christianum se esse in marg. Tp
"'' es ex est corr. Ra
^^ tamen S Tp
" iuramenti ex -tis corr. S: iurata Ra
"* fide ex fides corr. Ra
Sermon 9 239
which betrays a more ephemeral side of ancient thought. On top of
that, Jerome was very well trained in natural philosophy and in the
disciplines which they call liberal. The very elegant writings which he
published reveal in myriad ways his mastery of those disciplines.
I can offer further proof mainly by citing that famous trial which
involved Jerome directly and which he personally described in a letter.
The trial could perhaps seem a fiction, were it not reported by so
reliable and so esteemed a source, who gives testimony about matters in
which he, and not someone else, was involved. For when (as he says) he
had cut himself off from other worldly delights and his energy was
absorbed by the one pleasure that still remained of reading secular
authors and especially Cicero, he was sometime thereafter struck down
by a very high fever, which in a matter of days so weakened him that
people thought he was fast coming to the end of his life. Thus, prepara-
tions were already being made for his funeral and great care was expend-
ed on arranging his burial and planning the rites, when suddenly Jerome
had the impression that he was standing before the judgment seat of the
eternal judge. And when he was asked what sort of person he was, he
responded that he was a Christian. Then the judge said, "That is out-
wardly the case, but you are really a Ciceronian," and he ordered him
to be handed over for a painful scourging. Weeping amidst the blows,
Jerome swore over and over, "Lord, if ever again I possess worldly
books, if ever again I read them, I have denied you." And after the
scourging had gone on for some time, the bystanders at last intervened
on his behalf, and he was sent away under guarantee of the oath he had
sworn. At that very moment, he began to show signs of life and then of
a full return to health.
240 Sermo 9
Non fuisse autem hoc somnium aut visionem incertam argumen-
tum^''^ affert quod, cum post huiusmodi visionem moveri sentireque
iam coepisset,'^" suffusos lacrimis oculos et liventis"^ plagis habe-
re se scapulas reperit, ut constaret se vere atque in ipso corpore pas-
sum esse. Sed fuerit haec correptio^^^ non peritiae^^^ maioris'" argu-
mentum^" sed studii fortasse vehementioris quam deceret, ut, quoniam
ille saeculares libros nimia voluptate'"'"'" legendi tenebatur atque ideo
sacrae scripturae studium negUgebat, idcirco divino iudicio correptus sit.
Illud tamen negari non potest magnae eruditionis argumentum esse,
quod postea, cum a saecularium scripturarum lectura se perpetuo absti-
nuisset,''^ tamen scribens, quotiens ex eo genere convenire aliquid suo
proposito visum est, scriptis"^™" inserere non dubitavit. Quae tanta
eorum copia, tam decenti varietate ac fide tam certa distinxit, ut habere
plane omnia et""" memoriter et prompte videretur.
Haec autem extra laudem sunt viri sancti. Peritia vero sacrarum Htte-
rarum, quae res non est a Sanctis viris aHena, quanta in eo fuerit non
ahunde magis constare potest quam quod quicquid Htterarum sacra-
rum°°° habemus, omne novum vetusque testamentum ipsius opera stu-
dioque translatum est; quicquid ferme in ecclesia Dei^^P legitur praeter
pauca, eo derivante aut tractante aut exponente, ad nos devenit.
'''''' argu(u)ntur S Tp
°^ incepisset S
*" lacris (os mM. et del.) Ra
"• liventis ex livetins corr. Tp. liventes Ra: [ ] C
''' vere se C Ra
^^ correctio S C
^^^[ ]Ra
'" maiore Tp C
wi argumentum] quidem add. et del. S
^^ nimia voluptate saeculares libros C Ra
'" perpetuo se abdicasset Ra
"""■" scripturis S
""" et om. S Ra
°°° sacrarum litterarum 5
PPP Dei om. Ra
Sermon 9 241
That was not, however, some imaginary dream or vision; we have
the compelHng evidence that Jerome appeared with eyes suffused by his
tears and shoulders black and blue with welts when he regained his
senses and began to move about after a vision of this sort. We can there-
by conclude that he himself truly suffered these things in the flesh. ^
Still, Jerome's punishment does not prove that he was wrong to im-
prove his scholarly expertise; it is more likely that he was wrong to
allow his study to become so engrossing that it was no longer deco-
rous.^ Since Jerome was consumed by an excessive desire to read
worldly books and was consequently neglecting the study of Holy Scrip-
ture, he was punished by divine judgment. No one can deny, however,
that the episode ultimately supplies proof of great erudition on Jerome's
part. It is accurate to say that Jerome consistently refrained from reading
secular works after the event. Nonetheless, he did not hesitate to insert
citations from those sources in his own writings whenever a citation
seemed germane to his overall purpose. He punctuated his texts with so
many references, such a variety of material cited word for word, that he
actually seemed to have memorized it all and kept it ready at hand.^
These matters, however, take us beyond the praise of a holy man. To
get an accurate idea of the extent of his expertise in sacred letters, which
is not a topic unrelated to the question of sanctity, you cannot adduce
better proof than the fact that whatever we now possess in the realm of
sacred letters, the whole of the New and Old Testaments, was translated
through the energetic labor of Jerome himself. Practically everything
that is read in the church of God, except for a tiny number of items, has
come down to us after he had written it or discussed it or commented
upon it.
' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.30 {CSEL 54:189-91). English translation by F. A. Wright,
Select Letters of Saint Jerome, 125-29.
^ Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 24.1 {CSEL 54:214): "... et in arguendis malis sit correptio cete-
rorum et in optimis praedicandis bonorum ad virtutem concitentur."
^ Cf. Jerome's comments later in life on the oath he swore during the dream {Contra
Rufinum 1.30, CCL 79:29): "De futuro sponsio est, non praeteritae memoriae abolitio."
242 SERM0 9
Et quoniam peritia ad vitae meritum non''*'*' videtur attinere, ad ea
veniamus quae mores contingunt. Imprimis autem continentissimae vitae
fuit et austeritatis"^" in victu prope extremae eo maxime tempore quo
per aetatem et valitudinem caro adversus spiritum acerrime"" rebella-
bat. Quid vero pugnas praedicamus armatorum? Quid victores exercitus
admiramur? Una gravissima pugna est qua secum homo confligit, una
gloriosa victoria qua ratio"^ sensum superat et repugnantem""" sibi
subiugat carnem. Stupor est audire vel legere quae sit olim Sanctus Hie-
ronymus in eremo passus. Quae quoniam aliter melius dici non possent,
eius ipsius verba subiciam quae ad Eustochium scribit,^^
"Quotiens," inquit, "in eremo constitutus, in ilia vasta solitudine,
quae exusta''^^ solis ardoribus horridum"'^ monachis praestat habi-
taculum, putavi me^^ Romanis interesse deliciis! Sedebam solus, quia
amaritudine plenus eram. Horrebant sacco membra deformi[s], et^^
squalida cutis situm Aethiopicae**" carnis obduxerat. Cottidie lacri-
mae, cottidie gemitus et, si quando repugnantem somnus imminens op-
pressisset,''*'''*' nuda"*^*^ humo ossa vix haerentia collidebam. De cibis
vero et potu taceo, cum etiam languentes*^'^'^'^ monachi^^^'^ aqua fri-
gida utantur^^^^ et coctum aliquid^^^^ accepisse luxuriae sit. lUe igitur
ego, qui ob**^**** gehennae"" metum tali me carcere ipse damnaveram,
''*'*' non] etiam add. S
■" austeritate (in ras) Ra
"* acerrime om. C
'" victora <Jtc> est qua (re add et del.) ratio Ra
""" repugnationem Tp. repugantem <sic> Ra
"'"' quae ad Eust- scribit om. Ra
'""' exusta] s interl. C
"'"' horridum ex -dudum corr. Ra
'''''' me] rationis add. et del. Tp
^ et] e Ra: om. S
"** Aethiopicae] et Haethiopicae Ra: Aethiopissae S Tp C
^^^^ oppressisset in marg. S
"^ nude S Tp (habet add. et del.)
^^^ languentes] maci add. et del. Tp
"" monachi] monac- ex monah- corr. Tp
^^^ utebantur (ex utantur corr. in marg) C
***^ aliquid coctum Ra
'"'''''' zeche add. et del. Ra
"" [ ] C
Sermon 9 243
Nonetheless, since Jerome's scholarship does not seem wholly
relevant to the merit of his life, let us move on to those matters which
have a direct bearing upon his morals. Above all, however, he led a
most chaste life and practiced an almost extreme asceticism in what he
ate, especially at a time in his life when his physical development led the
flesh to rebel most violently against the spirit. Can anyone tell me why
we extol the battles of armed men? Why do we admire the victories of
armies? The single most consequential battle is that in which a human
person struggles with himself, the single glorious victory is that in
which reason subdues passion and subjugates a rebellious flesh to itself.
It is amazing to hear or read the things that Saint Jerome suffered long
ago in the desert. I will cite the very words which he wrote to Eusto-
chium, since there is no better way to tell you what happened,
"How often," he says, "when I was living in the desert, in that
lonely waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a
savage dwelling-place, how often did I fancy myself surrounded by the
pleasures of Rome! I used to sit alone; for I was filled with bitterness.
My unkempt limbs were covered in shapeless sackcloth; my skin
through long neglect had become as rough and black as an Ethiopian's.
Tears and groans were every day my portion; and if sleep ever overcame
my resistance and fell upon my eyes, I bruised my restless bones against
the naked earth. Of food and drink I will not speak. Hermits have noth-
ing but cold water even when they are sick, and for them it is sinful
luxury to partake of cooked dishes. But though in my fear of hell I had
condemned myself to this prison-house, where my only companions
244 Sermo 9
scorpionum tantum socius et ferarum, saepe choreis intereram"" puel-
larum. Pallebant ora ieiuniis et mens desideriis aestuabat''^''^ in frigi-
do corpora et ante hominem suum iam carne praemortua sola libidinum
incendia'"' buUiebant.
Itaque omni auxilio destitutus ad lesu iacebam pedes, rigabam lacri-
mis, crine tergebam, et repugnantem carnem hebdomadarum inedia sub-
iugabam. Non"'™'™ enim"""" erubesco confiteri infelicitatis meae
miseriam, quin potius plango non esse quod fuerim. Memini me claman-
tem diem crebro iunxisse cum nocte nec°°°° prius a pectoris cessasse
verberibus, quam rediret Domino increpante tranquillitas. Ipsam quoque
cellulam meam^P^P quasi cogitationum mearum consciam pertimesce-
bam et mihimet iratus et rigidus solus deserta penetrabam. Sicubi con-
cava vallium,'^*''^'' aspera montium,"" rupium praerupta cernebam, ibi
meae orationis locus erat, illud miserrimae carnis ergastulum; et"" ut
mihi testis est Dominus, post multas lacrimas, post caelo oculos inhaerentes
nonnumquam videbar mihi interesse"^^ agminibus angelorum et laetus
gaudensque cantabam: in odorem unguentorum tuorum currimus."
Huiusmodi itaque secum et interius"""" pugnas ille^''^ substulit.
Exterius vero et cum aliis ne utique expers fuit, sive quas intulit ipse,
sive quas ab aliis passus est. Aemulos namque quos sibi sua^"^*"^*^
insignis virtus pepererat"™* usque adeo sensit inimicos, ut numquam
cessarent donec^'''^ commentis variis urbe ubi magna veneratione
habebatur eum pepulissent.^^^^ Erant enim nonnulli ex*^**^ clerico-
rum monachorumque ordinibus qui suae professionis immemores parum
'"' intereram] int? add. et del. Tp
^^^^ aestuabat desideriis S Tp
"" incendia] buUiebant . . . inedia om. S Tp
"""" enim om. S
~~ nee] ex al. litt. corr. S: om. Tp
PPPP meam om. S Tp
'N'N vallium] et add. C
"" montium] rupri? add. et del. Ra
"" et om. Ra
'"' interesse] adh add. et del. (-h ras.) Ra
'"""' interdum C
""'"' ille om. S Tp
wwww j^jj^ Q^ ^ Yp
*'""' reperat 5
^^^^ donee] eonventis? add et del. Tp
"" repullissent 5 Ra
»^ ex interL Ra
Sermon 9 245
were scorpions and wild beasts, I often found myself surrounded by
bands of dancing girls. My face was pale with fasting; but though my
limbs were cold as ice my mind was burning with desire, and the fires
of lust kept bubbling up before me when my flesh was as good as dead.
And so, when all other help failed me, I used to fling myself at Jesus'
feet; I watered them with my tears, I wiped them with my hair; and if
my flesh still rebelled I subdued it by weeks of fasting. I do not blush to
confess my misery, nay, rather, I lament that I am not now what once
I was. I remember that often I joined night to day with my wailings and
ceased not from beating my breast till tranquillity returned to me at the
Lord's behest. I used to dread my poor cell as though it knew my secret
thoughts. Filled with stiff anger against myself, I would make my way
alone into the desert; and when I came upon some hollow valley or
rough mountain or precipitous cliff, there I would set up my oratory,
and make that spot a place of torture for my unhappy flesh. There
sometimes also— the Lord Himself is my witness— after many a tear and
straining of my eyes to heaven, I felt myself in the presence of the
angelic hosts and in joy and gladness would sing: 'Because your anoint-
ing oils are fragrant we run after you.' "^
Those are the sorts of battles, then, that this man waged within
himself. That does not mean, however, that he never fought battles
against external enemies; there were times when he started the fight and
times when he suffered the aggression of others. For his remarkable
virtue had produced a large group of jealous rivals, who eventually
became so hostile that they never stopped spreading various lies about
him in a city where he was held in high esteem until at last they suc-
ceeded in driving him away. At that time, there were individuals in the
ranks of the clergy and religious who led their lives with too little
* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67-69.
246 Sermq 9
decenter vitam agebant. Hi sustinere eum^^''^^ bene monentem non
poterant, tantoque odio insecuti sunt'^'^'^'^'^ ut non aliter saluti eorum
consul! posse sperarent quam si eis cederet. Qui tamen effugiens effugere
ipsos non valuit. Nam etiam absentem et, ut ipse ait, latentem detrac-
tionibus et maledictis perpetuis lacerabant. Quorum in suis scripturis
meminit et obiurgando confutat, ne forsitan de malo opere sibi valde
placerent.'*'^'*'^'^
Haereticos vero sponte^^*" insectatus est ubicumque terrarum esse
ullum audierat. Cum eo pugnam calami scripturaeque consere-
batjSsggg complures haereses et nascentes extinxit et antea natas extir-
pavit, tantaeque erat auctoritatis et fidei ut nonnulli haereticorum post
eius obitum^*^*^^^ libros quos ipsi'"" composuerant Hieronymo ascri-
berent, quasi nemo ausurus esset improbare quod ipse comprobasset,
sive forsitan ut convictus de haeresi qui vivens eos damnaverat ipse""'
mortuus damnaretur. Sed deprehensis erroribus, certum erat non fuisse
Hieronymi quod errorem'^''^'^^ in se aliquem contineret aut saperet.
Pleraque etiam miraculo diiudicata sunt.
^^^^^ eum sustinere C Ra
"^ sunt] un? add. et del. Tp
"^^ placeret C Tp>
•**" sponte] insectatos add. et del. Tp
''''' ullum esse S. nullum (ex nullus corr.) esse Tp
***^ conserebat ex -bant corr. Ra
hhhhh obitum eius Ra
'"" ipsi ex ipse corr. Ra
«'« ipse ex al. litt. corr. S
kkkkk grrorum S
Sermon 9 247
regard for the profession that they had pubHcly made.^ Those men
could not tolerate Jerome's salutary admonishment, and they pursued
him with such venomous hatred that they were actually hoping that he
could not assist their salvation unless he were to withdraw from their
presence. Even though Jerome did leave the city, he was not able to
leave their attacks behind.^ With their slanders and their relentless
insults, they harassed him even though he was no longer there and, as he
himself says, had gone into hiding/ He dealt with those men in his
own writings and frustrated their efforts by rebuking them, lest they
gain some lasting sense of satisfaction for their evil deeds.
On his own initiative, moreover, he reproached the heretics no
matter where on earth he heard they were present. He joined battle
with them and fought them with reed-pen and script; he extinguished
several heresies as they burst into flame and eradicated others even
before they took root. As a matter of fact, Jerome had become such a
reliable authority that, after his death, a few of the heretics attributed to
his authorship books that they themselves had written. They acted on
the assumption that no one would dare to disapprove what he himself
had approved, or maybe they hoped that the one who had condemned
them during his lifetime might be judged guilty of heresy and con-
demned after his death.* But once the errors in those books were ex-
posed, people were certain that Jerome was not their author. He could
not be responsible for writing something that had errors of its own or
cited something erroneous. Several cases were actually resolved by
means of a miraculous intervention.
* Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 22.28 [CSEL 54:185-86); and Giovanni d'Andrea, Hieronymianus,
BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 17: ". . . sed dum quorundam clericorum et monachorum lasci-
viam increparet cuius rei fiduciam a conscientiae puritate sumebat. . . ."
' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 16.2 {CSEL 54:69): ". . . ita me incessabilis inimicus postergum
secutus est, ut maiora in solitudine bella nunc patiar."
^ The exact reference is uncertain. Cf. Hieronymus Vita Malchi 1 {PL 23:55: ". . . et si
vituperatores mei saltem fugientem me et inclusum persequi desierint . . .").
* Works of Sabinianus, Origen, Pelagius, and Rufinus were attributed to Jerome; cf. Ps.
Cyrillus, "Epistola de miraculis," 340-50 (re Sabinianus); and Rice, Saint Jerome in the Ren-
aissance, 45-46. One may find an exhaustive list of works attributed to Jerome in Bernard
Lambert, Bihliotheca Hieronymiana Manuscripta: La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres de saint
Jerome, Instrumenta patristica 4 (Steenbrugge, Belg.: in abbatia S. Petri, 1969-72), 3A-B (no.
301-807); see esp. 3B:411-16, 433 (no. 504-7, 517), for works written against heretics.
248 SERM0 9
Nee minim vero immunem"'" fuisse eum ab erroribus quantum
sinit humana fragilitas, qui tantae modestiae fuerit ut, cum doctissimus
g^mmnunm ^^^^^ ^^ habcrctur dignusquc cunctorum iudicio summo
sacerdotio crederetur, tamen""""" in disciplinam°°°**° se traderet.
Urbe enim cedens Gregorio Nazianzeno discendi gratia conversatus est,
cumque doctor plane ab omnibus^PPPP haberetur'^*'''*'*' denuo coe-
pit esse discipulus, ac more Platonis, cum semper se ad addiscendum
pauperem credidit, ad docendum se fecit locupletem. Vere itaque doctor
evasit qui tam diu discere voluit, dum esset qui docere se posset. Non
enim quod habebat sed magis quod deerat cogitabat, nee vero*^""
minus*"" ei""^ studium fuit meritis vitae ereseere quam laudibus di-
seiplinae, sciens apud Deum mores magis quam""""" peritiam existi-
mari multoque damnabilius eruditos peccare quam rudes. Itaque sic post-
ea docuit, ut quod verbo monstrabat confirmaret^'^'^^ exemplo nee a
vita discreparet oratio.
Unde fuisse eum Deo acceptissimum tenor vitae suadet, et miracula
quae per eum facere Dominus dignatus est confirmant. Quae quoniam
multa magnaque se dieenti offerunt nee possibile est omnia attingere aut
facile vel pauca narrare, narratione omissa, pro conelusione preces por-
rigam Deo, ut meritis intereessioneque Sancti Hieronymi, cuius hodie
festa celebramus, dignos nos gratia sua^"'^*'^'*'^*^ reddat, qui vivit et
regnat per infinita saecula benedictus."™™
'"" vero immunem in ras. Ra
mmmmm g^-| j^^^^^ 7^. ^^ ^
nnnnn ^^^^ 5
°°°°° disciplinis S Tp {ex disciplina? corr.)
ppppp plane ab omnibus] ab (h- add. et del.) omnibus plane Tp
'****^ haberetur ex -entur corr. Ra
"^ vero om. S Tp
"^ minus] interl. S: om. Tp
"*" eius S
""""" quam] rudes add. et del. Ra
"'*" confirmaretur 5 Tp
wwwww jyj^j J ^j^ gj ^^i Yp
"'"'" saecula benedictus] Amen add. Tp. Senis 1408 add. C: saecula saecxilorum Amen
Deo gratias Ra
Sermon 9 249
It is really not that surprising that Jerome was immune from error to
the extent that the imperfection of our nature allows, for he was an
extremely modest person. Although he was so learned that he was
worthy of the supreme pontificate and was universally considered to be
such,^ he nevertheless decided that he had to get further training at that
point in his life. He therefore left the city and went to live with Grego-
ry of Nazianzus so that he could learn even more.^° At a moment
when all clearly considered Jerome a master, he resumed the life of a
disciple. After the manner of Plato, he became well endowed to teach
because he always focused upon his need to learn. ^^ Truly, then, the
one who for so long a time wished to learn, long enough to become the
sort of person who could teach himself, turned out to be a skilled
pedagogue. For he did not concentrate on what he possessed but what
he still needed, and he was no less zealous to add to the merits of his life
than he was to add to his reputation as a scholar. He knew that God's
reckoning counts ethical behavior for more than scholarly expertise, and
he appreciated that the learned deserve far greater blame for sinning
than the uneducated. Therefore, he taught in such a way afterwards that
he confirmed by his example what he emphasized in his speech, and he
never advocated anything publicly that contradicted his own manner of
life.^2
The very quality of his life ought to convince us that God found
Jerome most gratifying, and the miracles which the Lord deigned to
work through him confirm us in that conviction. Since anyone who
speaks on Jerome can choose from among many significant miracles and
cannot possibly treat them all or easily rehearse even a few of them, I
will omit their treatment. By way of conclusion, I will offer prayers to
God, that by the merits and intercession of Saint Jerome, whose feast we
celebrate today, God may render us worthy of his grace, the God who
lives and reigns as blessed for ever and ever.
' Hicronymus Ep. 45.3 {CSEL 54:325). See also Sermon 1, n. 4 above.
'° See Sermon 1, n. 5 above.
" The precise reference is uncertain. See Sermon 1, n. 3 above.
'^ Cf. Cato's description of the ideal orator (cited in authors like L. Annaeus Seneca
Contr. l.Pr.9 and M. Fabius Quintilianus Inst 12.1.1): "vir bonus dicendi peritus"; and Hic-
ronymus Ep. 23.2 {CSEL 54:212): ". . . comites suas plus exemplo docuisse quam verbo."
Senno 10 pro Sancto Hieronymo
Manuscript: C, fols. 157v-58v (fragm.).
Veni ad vos, religiosi ac sancti viri, ut huius vestrae beatae conversa-
tionis, qua favemini semper quaeque vobis est arra ac pignus quod-
dam* futurae gloriae, aliquid gustarem simul et ut gloriosi Hieronymi
laudes, cuius vitae imitatores facti estis, vobiscum hac die quae sollemnis
est celebrarem. Sed vereor ne sensus mei saeculi voluptatibus infecti has
veras delicias sentire non possint, ne ille, quem iubemur in Sanctis suis
laudare, ex ore peccatoris emissas in se laudes abhorreat. Verum spero
me vestris Sanctis precibus impetraturum et eius misericordia, qui nemi-
nem repellit ad se venientem, ut utrumque mihi hodie liceat: ut et ve-
strae pacis tantisper sim particeps et hoc anniversarium munus in
commemoratione meritorum gloriosi Hieronymi volente Deo peragam.
Scio vos quidem, fratres, abundantia caritatis quae in vobis est optare
ut omne vestrum bonum mihi communicetis, ut omnis mihi gloria ve-
stra pateat, Scio et illud pro magnitudine devotionis ac fidei vestrae ma-
* quoddam in marg. C
Sermon 10 for Saint Jerome
I have come to you, religious and holy men, in order that I might taste
something of your blessed fellowship, which you have always main-
tained in silence and which thereby serves as a sort of down payment
and a pledge on your behalves toward future glory. ^ I have also come
in order that I might celebrate the praises of glorious Jerome with you
on this day, which you mark as solemn because you have become
imitators of his manner of life. But I fear that my senses may not be able
to taste the essence of these delicacies because they are tainted by the
pleasures of the world. Similarly, I fear that our God, whom we are
ordered to praise in the saints, will shudder to hear such praises uttered
in the divine presence from the mouth of a sinner.^ But I hope that
your holy prayers and the mercy of God, who drives away no one
coming to him, will allow me to succeed in realizing both of the desires
I have brought with me today. I want to share in your peacefulness for
some time, and, God willing, I want to fulfill my annual duty of com-
memorating the merits of glorious Jerome.
I know full well, brothers, that, from the abundance of charity you
possess, you desire to communicate to me everything you have that is
good, so that I benefit fully from the reputation you have acquired. I
know as well that the intensity of your faith and devotion makes you
' Cf. Eph. 1:14 ("pignus herediutis nostrae"); and Hieronymus Comm. in Ep. ad
Ephesios 1:14 (PL 26:457-58).
^ Cf. Ps. 150:1 ("Laudate Dominum in Sanctis suis,") and Eccli. 15:9 ("Non est speciosa
laus in ore peccatoris,") the latter cited in Hieronymus Ep. 147.3 (CSEL 56:318).
252 SERMO 10
gnopere desiderare vos, ut hac die qua gloriosus Sanctus Hieronymus
terrena*^ miseria in caelestem gloriam migravit, sicut ipsi memoriam ex
officio facitis, ita et laudes eius perpetuo sermone cognoscatis. Sed
utrumque quantum Dominus dederit assequemur. Ego enim, cum haec
silvestria loca video procul ab urbana frequentia, cum hunc vestrum con-
ventum secretum ab occupationibus saeculi, conversationem vestram in
humilitate ac silentio, assiduitatem in divinis officiis, continent iam in
omni vita considero, magnam ipse mihi voluptatem capio ac simul indu-
cor ut illius temporis quod Hieronymus in deserto cum Sanctis fratribus
exegit reminiscar. Ubi (quod'* attinet commemorare) quantae austeritatis
vitam duxerit, quantum bonae patientiae fru<c> tum messuerit, ipse
sibi testis est, qui et errare de propriis rebus non potuit et mentiri
noluit, in* ea epistola, quam ad Eustochium scribit de virginitate servan-
da. Eius referam verba quae mihi quotienscumque de hac re sermo fit
semper ab origine repetuntur. "O quotiens," inquit, "in ilia vasta soli-
tudine quae exusta solis ardoribus horridum monachis praestabat habita-
culum (et cetera),"
Scio nunc vos, si quis est vestrum qui aut propter aetatem aut pro-
pter valitudinem aut aliam quamlibet causam de solito vitae rigore sibi
aliquid remittit, angi nunc et compungi in animo suo, cum audit mona-
chos illos (ut Hieronymum taceam cuius austeritas vitae miraculum est
et mihi stupori)— illos, inquam, Hieronymi discipulos in vasta atque hor-
rida solitudine habitantes nihil solitos coctum manducare, omnes aquam
potare usos, ac ne languentibus quidem delicatioris quicquam consuetu-
"^ scripsi: aetema C
^ scripsi: quid C
' In ex ine? corr. C
Sermon 10 253
yearn to call Jerome to mind as you recite the office and learn his claims
to distinction as you hear an uninterrupted sermon on this day when
Saint Jerome gloriously departed from earthly misery for heavenly
splendor. But we will achieve both of those desires to the extent that
God has granted it. As a matter of fact, when I look around this wooded
setting far removed from the crowds of the city, when I see this gather-
ing of yours sheltered from the business of the world, your fellowship
in humble silence, your dedication to divine duties, when I consider the
chastity you have kept throughout your lives, I find myself touched by
a deep sense of admiration,' and at the same time I am led to reminisce
about the time that Jerome spent with the holy brothers in the desert.
It is relevant to recall now the severe asceticism of the life he led there,
the considerable fruit he harvested through his admirable patience. Je-
rome could not make a mistake when he was speaking about his own
experience, and he had no intention of lying. He gave explicit testimony
about that time in the letter he wrote to Eustochium to advise her on
ways to protect her virginity. I will refer to his own words which I
always cite from the original source when I deliver a sermon on this
subject. "Oh, how often," he says, "when I was living in that lonely
waste, scorched by the burning sun, which affords to hermits a savage
dwelling-place (etc.)."^
If there is anyone among you who has softened the customary rigor
of your way of life because of age or health problems or another reason
of that sort, I am sure that he is now troubled and stung in the depth of
his soul upon hearing that those monks (I will pass Jerome over in
silence because the austerity of his life is a miracle that never ceases to
amaze me)— those disciples of Jerome, I was saying, dwelt in that lonely
and savage waste, were accustomed to eat nothing that had been cooked,
drank water on all occasions,^ and did not even permit any lessening of
' Cf. Hieronymus Ep. 2.1 {CSEL 54:10): "Quam, quam vellem nunc vestro interesse
conventui et admirandum consortium, licet isti oculi non mereantur aspicere, tota cum
exultatione complecti!" Jerome addressed the letter to Theodosius and his fellow anchorites,
and he admitted that his sins kept him from becoming a member of their blessed society
{consortio beatorum).
* Hieronymus Ep. 22.7 {CSEL 54:152-54). English translation by F. A. Wright, Select
Letters of Saint Jerome, 67.
^ Jerome's text actually speaks of frigid water. Vergerio may therefore be referring to
the custom among monks in his day to drink wine on special occasions.
254 SerMO 10
dinis permitti solitum. Quod si ita est, quid mihi faciendum est misero?
qui saeculo implicitus nee praeteritorum culpam peccatorum nee futuri
poenam iudicii metuo,^ sed errores impunitate sua nutrio negligensque
paenitentiae deterior in dies fio. Verum ea una res me eonsolatur et ad
spem erigit, quoniam seio maiorem esse miserieordiam Dei mei quam
peeeantium omnium iniquitatem. Spero itaque quod, qui me nihil
entem, nihil sentientem ereavit, idem quoque me volentem ae se depre-
cantem salvabit.
Vos autem, viri saneti, qui iam arram tenetis aeternae felicitatis, nihil
est ut eommoveamini eum haee auditis aut legitis. Ut enim non omnia
omnibus nosci, sed nee omnibus omnia posse eoneessum est. Varia
namque sunt gratiarum munera, ut apostolus ait, neque omnia uni nisi
divino illi atque ineommutabili verbo eontingerunt. Suseipientes igitur
quod datum est vobis eum gratiarum actione, de reliquo eontristari
oportet, nihil quidem praesumentes de vobis sed omnia de divina boni-
tate sperantes, quae dat omnibus abundanter et non improperat, unicui-
que autem secundum capacitatem eius et secundum [et secundum]
dispositionem incomprehensibilis providentiae suae. Cum enim in ilia
quasi adoleseentia fidei nostrae undique pullularent errores, qui tam-
quam spinae teneram segetem suffoearent, opus fuit ut sollieitum ac
fortem eolonum agro suo Deus immitteret et^
' metuo ex medtuo corr. C
' scripsi: nosce C
* "<sua>sionis? multum <habe>t?" in marg. C
Sermon 10 255
this severe regime if one were sick. If that was the case, what is a wretch
like me to do? Until now, I have been engaged in worldly affairs, and
yet I fear neither the guilt that has accumulated for my past sins nor the
punishment that will be meted out at a future judgment. Rather, I
multiply my sins through a misguided sense of my own impunity, and
I become worse by the day because I fail to repent. Still, there is one
thing that consoles me and encourages me to have hope: I know that the
mercy of my God is greater than the iniquity of all sinners. Thus, I
hope that the same God, who brought me into existence and gave me
consciousness and feeling, will also save me since I wish and pray for it.
However, it serves no good purpose for you, holy men, who have
already made a deposit toward eternal happiness, to be anxious when
you hear or read these things. As we all are not granted the power to
know everything, nor are we all granted the power to do everything.^
As a matter of fact, the ministries that fall to us vary according to the
graces given, as the apostle says,'' and all of those ministries fall to no
single individual except to the divine and immutable Word. Therefore,
while you accept what has been given to you with a sense of gratitude,
you may reasonably be expected to feel a certain regret about the rest,
as long as you do not rely in any way on yourselves but hope for all
things from the divine goodness, which gives to all abundantly and re-
proaches no one. God bestows gifts to each individual, however, accord-
ing to the capacities of the individual and according to the dispositions
of a providence that we will never fully understand. For instance, when
errors were sprouting up everywhere in the adolescent years of our
faith's development and they were suffocating the young crop the way
that thorns do,^ it was necessary that God send into his field a tireless
and courageous farmer and
* Cf. P. Virgilius Maro Eel. 8.63 ("non omnia possumus omnes"), cited in Hieronymus
Ep. 52.9 {CSEL 54:431).
' Cf. 1 Cor. 12:4; Rom. 12:6.
" Cf. Man. 13:7.
Part VI
Bibliographical Aids
CHAPTER 10
The Library of
Pierpaolo Vergerio
Budapest, University Library (Eotvos Lorand Tudomany
Egyetem Konyvtara), cod. Lat. 23
Cart. s. XV (in.), Italy. 192 X 130 mm. 108 fols. Single column. Written
in "Bastarda Italica" (fol. 108v: notes by various hands in Latin, Greek,
and Slavonic). Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in red leather.
Contents: Misc. humanistica
1 (fols. 1-104) Anon., Grammatica Latina (inc: Nota quod grammatica
est scientia)
2 (fol. 104) Anon., Ep. (dated Constance, 1414) (fragm.) (fols. 105-8)
blank
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph note from 1440 on fol. 108).
Matthias Corvinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University
Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877.
Bibliography: Ladislaus Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi Bibliothecae
Universitatis Budapestinensis (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1961), 41;
Csaba Csapodi, The Corvinian Library: History and Stock, Studia hu-
manitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renaissance-
forschung 1 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1973), 422 (no. 835); G. L.
Bursill-Hall,y4 Census of Medieval Latin Grammatical Manuscripts, Gram-
matica speculativa 4 (Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1981), 45; Iter
4:287b; and Klara Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Johannes Vitez,
Studia humanitatis: Veroffentlichungen der Arbeitsgruppe fiir Renais-
sanceforschung 6 (Budapest: Akademia Kiado, 1984), 26-27.
260 CHAPTER 10
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Auct. F.I. 14
Membr. s. XIV (ex.), Italy. 346 X 248 mm. 162 fols. Written in "early
Gothico-antiqua." Original gilded binding in red leather for Matthias
Corvinus. Initials (north Italian).
Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca, Tragoediae
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses). loannes Vitez (auto-
graph glosses). Matthias Corvinus (arms). Siileyman II (Istanbul).
Presented to Oxford in 1608 by Sir Henry Lillo, consul of the
English merchants in Istanbul.
Bibliography: Falconer Madan, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manu-
scripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford . . . (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1895-1953), 2.1:390 (no. 2481.599); Csaba Csapodi, Klara
Csapodi-Gardonyi, and Tibor Szanto, eds., Bibliotheca Corviniana:
The Library of King Matthias Corvinus of Hungary (Shannon: Irish
Univ. Press, 1969), 62 (no. 101, Plate 55); Csapodi, The Corvinian
Library^ 352 (no. 590); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des
Vitez, 13-lA, 134-35 (no. 96, Plate 67).
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 6390
Membr. s. XIV, northern Italy. 315 X 220 mm. 136 fols. Written in
"Gothic minuscule" by a loannes. Initials (Lombardy?).
Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca et Ps. Seneca, Opera^
1 Ps. Seneca, De remediis fortuitorum
2 L. Annaeus Seneca, De septem liberalibus artibus <Ep. 88 >
3 Ps. Seneca / Martinus de Braga, De quattuor virtutibus
4 Proverbia Senecae
5 Ps. Seneca, Liber de moribus
6 L. Annaeus Seneca, De beneficiis
7 Seneca, De providentia Dei
8 Seneca, De beata vita
9 Seneca, Liber de tranquillitate animi
10 Seneca, De brevitate vitae
1 1 Seneca, De ira
12 Seneca, De consolatione libri tres
13 Seneca, De quaestionibus naturalibus
14 Verba Ecclesiastae filii David regis
' In general, see Gilles Gerard Meersseman, "Seneca maestro di spiritualita nei suoi
opuscoll apocrifi dal XH al XV secolo," IMU 16 (1973): 43-58, 92-100.
Vergerio's Library 261
15 L. Annaeus Seneca, De dementia ad Neronem
History: Possessor's note (fol. 136v: "lacobi Parleonis iuris doctoris Ari-
minensis"). Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses on fols. 69, 83, 93,
95). loannes Vitez (autograph glosses on fols. 13v, 94). Matthias Cor-
vinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Paris.
Bibliography: Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae
(Paris, 1739-44), 4:237-38; Leopold-Victor Delisle, Le cabinet des
manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale . . . (1868-81; repr., Amster-
dam: Philo Press, 1969), 1:297-98; Csapodi et al., eds., Bibliotheca
Corviniana, 63 (no. 104, Plate 60); Csapodi, The Corvinian Library y
352 (no. 591); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des ViteZy 25-26,
135 (no. 97, Plate 69).
Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte, cod. W.43 (Inventory no. 1594)
(described by Csapodi-Gardonyi as an exact copy of Oxford
Bodl. Auct. F.I. 14, including initials by the same artist)
Membr. s. XIV (ex.), Italy. Initials.
Contents: L. Annaeus Seneca, Tragoediae
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses). loannes Vitez and the
Cathedral Library of Esztergom (Gran). Johann Beckensloer and the
Cathedral Library of Salzburg (cod. lb). Vienna (cod. Lat. 43). Trent.
Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orien-
tales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi Asservatorum (Vienna,
1864-99), 1:6; Ezio Franceschini, "Glosse e commenti medievali a
Seneca tragico," Studi e note di filologia latina medievale, Pubblica-
zioni dell'Universita Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (S. Quarta): Scienze
filologiche 30 (Milan, 1938), 103-4; Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek
des Vitez, 24, 134-35 (no. 96, Plate 68); and Iter 6:232a-b, 233b
(where Kristeller corrects errors in Csapodi-Gardonyi's references).^
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 100
Membr. in fol. 1338, Italy. 290 X 210 mm. 95 fols. Written in "Gothic
minuscule." Late Hungarian binding. Floriated initials.
Contents: M. Annaeus Lucanus, Pharsaliorum libri X
History: according to the colophon on fol. 95, the codex was copied
^ A parchment copy of Seneca's Tragoediae, copied in 1395 and glossed by Francesco
Zabarella, is now preserved in Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. Xn.26
(3906); see Iter 2:240b-41a.
262 CHAPTER 10
originally by Martino da Trieste in 1338: "Millesimo CCC XXX
VIII hoc opus factum fuit per Martinum de Trieste in scholis magi-
stri Bonaventurae scriptoris de Verona." Pierpaolo Vergerio (auto-
graph notes). loannes Vitez (autograph notes) and the Cathedral Li-
brary of Esztergom (Gran). Johann Beckensloer and the Cathedral
Library of Salzburg (cod. 3d). Vienna.
Bibliography: Stephanus Endlicher, Catalogus Codicum Philologicorum La-
tinorum Bibliothecae Palatinae Vindobonensis (Vienna, 1836), 89 (no.
186); Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 1:15; Franz Unterkircher,
Die datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek bis
zum Jahre 1400, vol. 1 of Katalog der datierten Handschriften in latei-
nischer Schrift in Osterreich (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1969), 17-18; and Csapodi-Gardonyi,
Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 25, 117 (no. 65, Plate 51).
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3099
Cart. s. XIV (ex.)-XV. 409 X 290 mm. 296 fols. Two columns. Written
in "Gothico-antiqua."
Contents: Titus Livius, Historiarum decades tres: /., ///,, IV. (fols. 290-96)
blank
History: Possessor's note: "Sibi et suis omnibus. VF." Pierpaolo Ver-
gerio (autograph notes). loannes Vitez (autograph notes in red ink).
Matthias Corvinus(?). From Buda to Vienna in 1686.
Bibliography: Endlicher, Catalogus Codicum Philologicorum Latinorum,
45-46 (no. 92); Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 2:196; Csapodi,
The Corvinian Library, 277-78 (no. 406); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die
Bibliothek des Vitez, 25, 113-14 (no. 57, Plate 41).
Ibid., cod. Lat. 4229
Membr. s. XV (in.), Italy (Bologna). 308 X 213 mm. 395 fols. Written in
"Gothic minuscule." Ornamentation.
Contents:
1 (fols. l-177v) Lapo da Castiglionchio, Allegationes abbreviatae per
Antonium de Butrio (fols. 178-79) blank
2 (fols. 180-395v) Gulielmus de Holborch, Collectio conclusionum, deter-
minationum, et decisionum Rotae ab anno 1376 usque ad annum 1381
(inc: Prima est quod attemptata)
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio (autograph glosses on fols. 3v, 5, 8, 11.^).
loannes Vitez and the Cathedral Library of Esztergom (Gran).
Vergerio's Library 263
Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 3:211; and Csapodi-
Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, lb-Id, 111 (no. 55, Plate 38).
? Budapest, University Library, cod. Lat. 15
Membr. s. XIII/XIV, Italy (Bologna). 330 X 230 mm. I + 46. Two
columns. Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda." Nineteenth-
century Turkish binding in leather.
Contents: (fols. 1-44) Albucasis, Chyrurgia translatio Latina Gerardus
Cremonensis
History: Conversino da Frignano?^ Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvi-
nus. Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University Library in Buda-
pest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877.
Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 34; Csapodi, The Cor-
vinian Library, 121 (no. 18); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek
des Vitez, 17.
? Ibid., cod. Lat. 16
Membr. s. XIV, Italy (Bologna). 290 X 205 mm. 58 fols. Two columns.
Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda in littera Bononiensi."
Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in leather.
Contents: Misc. philosophica
1 (fols. 1-52) Aristoteles, Physica
2 (fols. 54-58v) Averroes, De substantia orbis
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus. Siileyman II (Istanbul).
Returned to University Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in
1877.
Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 34-35; George Lacombe
and Lorenzo Minio Paluello, eds., Aristoteles Latinus: Codices (Rome:
La Libreria dello Stato, and Cambridge: Typis Academiae, 1939-55),
2:865 (no. 1250); Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 139 (no. 63); Iter
4:287b; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 17 n. 67.
? Ibid., cod. Lat. 17
Cart, and Membr. 1449-51,'^ Italy (Venice). 333 X 235 mm. 173 fols.
' Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 121, suggests that the codex was moved from the
Royal Court at Naples to that of King Louis the Great of Hungary (1342-82). Louis then
gave it to his physician Conversino.
* The colophon on fol. 145v reads "Finit liber posteriorum Aristotelis cum eiusdem
sententiae explanatione . . . Pauli Veneti . . . expeditus per < ras. > die quinta mensis
264 CHAPTER 10
Two columns. Ornamentation. Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in
leather.
Contents: Misc. philosophica
1 (fols. l-145v) Paolo Veneto, In II. Posteriorum Analyticorum Aristotelis
expositio (fols. 146-47) blank
2 (fols. 147v-48) Tabulae festorum mobilium et numerorum aureorum de
anno 1432 ad annum 1564 (fols. 148v-53v) blank
3 (fols. 154-58) Egidio Romano, OESA, De intellectus possihilis plurali-
tate contra Averroistas
4 (fols. 159-60v) Egidio Romano, OESA, Sollemnis quaestio . . . quid sit
medium in demonstratione potissima
5 (fols. 160v-63v) <Ps. Thomas de Aquino >, De demonstratione (fol.
164) blank
6 (fols. 164v-67) Antonio da Parma, OESA, Quaestio disputata de unitate
intellectus
7 (fols. 167v-72v) Alanus ab Insulis, O. Cist., De arte fidei Catholicae
(abbrev.) (fol. 172v) "Hie infra describitur qualis et quanta fuit sta-
tura et effigies corporis domini nostri lesu Christi."
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus. Barnabas Trainatus?^
Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to University Library in Budapest
by Abdul Hamid II in 1877.
Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 35-37; Lacombe and
Minio Paluello, eds., Aristoteles Latinus: Codices, 2:865 (no. 1251);
Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 430 (no. 874); Iter 4:288a; and
Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 27 n. 67.
? Ibid., cod. Lat. 20
Membr. s. XIV-XV, Italy. 250 X 185 mm. II + 89. Single column.
Written in "Gothica textualis formata rotunda." Two hands. Initials.
Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in green leather.
Contents: Misc. humanistica
1 (fols. l-76v) M. Tullius Cicero, De amicitia; De senectute; De officiis
Septembris 1449 hora quinta de maci <sic> ." The colophon on fol. 167v reads "Quaestio
edita ab eruditissimo . . . Antonio de Parma die 24 Septembris 1451." The ubles on fols.
147v-48 were probably added later.
* Csapodi, The Corvinian Library, 430, cites Maria Kubinyi, who copied a possessor's
note from the original binding: "Hie liber est magistri Bamabae Trainati artium et medi-
cinae doctoris, qui emit in . . . Cipri a serenissimo Benedicto de . . . regiae cancellariae 1497
(1491?) 17a Februarii."
Ver^erio's Library 265
2 (fols. 76v-79v?) M. Tullius Cicero, Somnium Scipionis
3 (fols. 80-82v) M. Tullius Cicero, Pro Milone 1-3 (expl: an est quisquam
qui hoc)
4 Ps. Cicero, Rhetorica ad Herennium 3.11-19 (expl: pronuntiationem
bonam id perficere)
5 (fols. 86v-88v?) < Ps. > Bernardus, Ep. paraenetica ad dominum Rai-
mundum
6 (fol. 88 v) < Ps. Phalaris > , Ad Demotelem Ep. translatio Latina loannes
Aurispa (inc: Monitus tuos)^
History: Shield of Castellini (Castiglione.'*) family (fol. 1). Pierpaolo Ver-
gerio?^ Matthias Corvinus? Siileyman II (Istanbul). Returned to Uni-
versity Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid II in 1877.
Bibliography-. Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 39; Csapodi, The Corvi-
nian Library, 185-86 (no. 182); Iter 4:288a; and Csapodi-Gardonyi,
Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 93 (no. 24, Plate 14).
? Ibid., cod. Lat. 26
Membr. s. XV (1), Italy. 205 X 135 mm. I + 59. Single column. Written
in "Humanistica bastarda." Nineteenth-century Turkish binding in red
leather.
Contents: Plutarchus, Aristides et Cato Maior translatio Latina Franciscus
Barbarus
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio? Matthias Corvinus? Siileyman 11 (Istanbul). Re-
turned to University Library in Budapest by Abdul Hamid 11 in 1877.
Bibliography: Mezey, Codices Latini Medii Aevi, 43; Csapodi, The Corvi-
nian Library, 'hl7 (no. 527); Iter 4:287b; and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die
Bibliothek des Vitez, 27 n. 67.
? Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 7881
Membr. s. XIV (ex.), northern Italy. 346 X 236 mm. 84 fols. Two
columns. Binding of the Royal Library.
* See Barbara A. Shailor, Marston Manuscripts, vol. 3 of Catalogue of Medieval and Renais-
sance Manuscripts in the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, Medi-
eval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 100 (Binghamton, N.Y., 1992), 195 (no. 12). Aurispa
had a codex with the Greek text of Arrian that may have served Vergerio for his Latin
translation; see Epist., 381n.
' Among the books that Francesco Zabarella left to Vergerio, there is a volume with
Cicero, De amicitia, De senectute, Orationes. See Agostino Sottili, "La questione ciceroniana
in una lettera di Francesco Zabarella a Francesco Petrarca (tav. TV)," Quademi per la storia
dell'Universita di Padova 6 (1973): 37-38.
266 CHAPTER 10
Contents:
1 (fols. l-80v) Homerus, Iliad translatio Latina Leontius Pilatus (inc:
Iram cane dea Pelidis Achillis)
2 (fol, 80v) Epigrammata Homerica (inc: Viri ab Archadia)
History: Pierpaolo Vergerio or Francesco Zabarella? Library of Jean-
Baptiste Colbert (no. 1123). Royal Library (no. 5071.3).
Bibliography: Catalogus Codicum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Regiae,
4:409; and Agostino Pertusi, Leonzio Pilato fra Petrarca e Boccaccio:
Le sue versioni omeriche negli autograft di Venezia e la cultura greca
del primo umanesimo, Civilta veneziana: Studi 16 (Venice and Rome:
Istituto per la Collaborazione Culturale, 1964), 148-49 (Plate 25).^
? Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 4792
Cart. 1449?, Italy? Netherlands? 423 X 290 mm. II + 129. Two columns.
Written in "Gothica textualis." Oversize initials (north Italian). Hunga-
rian Renaissance binding in leather.
Contents: Franciscus de Maironis, Quaestiones super primo libro
Sententiarum (fragm. at beginning)
History: Possessor's note (fol. 1): "liber fratris Michaelis emptus Paduae
novem ducatis." Pierpaolo Vergerio?^ loannes Vitez (note on fol.
128v: "Deo gratias, finivi repetendo die ultimo Octobris 1463. Z.
Inceperam autem repetere < anno del. > eodem anno in festo Beati
Gregorii."). From Buda to Vienna in 1686.
Bibliography: Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum, 3:389; Unterkircher, D?e
datierten Handschriften der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek von
1401 bis 1450, vol. 2 of Katalog der datierten Handschriften in latei-
nischer Schrift in Osterreich (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften, 1971), 115; Csapodi, The Corvinian Li-
brary, 225 (no. 277); and Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez,
25-26, 103 (no. 39, Plate 27).
' Pertusi, Leonzio Pilato, 149-50, suggests that the scribe who wrote fols. 1-12 and added
interlinear and marginal notes throughout the codex may be Vergerio, but he admits that
there are differences between letters like minuscule s and r in this codex and in Vergerio's
autograph in Marc. lat. XrV.54 (4328), fol. lOlr-v. I would add that there are differences in
minuscule b, g, h, I as well. Pertusi, ibid., 125-31, finds that the same hand made notes in
Pilato's autograph of the Odyssey, now Marc. gr. IX.29 (1007), and in this case suggests that
the scribe may be Francesco Zabarella.
' The identification of Vergerio's hand in this codex poses problems because the codex
has a date of 1449 at the end; the best evidence indicates that Vergerio died at Buda in 1444.
Csapodi-Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 25-26, therefore suggested that Vergerio may
not have died in 1444 or, more likely, that the date was added later to the codex.
CHAPTER 11
Pierpaolo Vergerio,
Opera: A Finding-List^
1 . Adhortatio adfideles nomine summi pontificis facta pro unione ecclesiae
(inc: Popule meus, popule meus) Rome, 1407
Manuscript:
Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barbabianca, unnumbered cod., fol. 94
(destroyed in World War II)
Edition:
Leonardo Smith, Epist.y 305-7 n. 1.
2. Alegabilia dicta collecta ex Thymaeo Platonis (Calcidius, trans.,
Timaeus. Edited by loannes Wrobel, 42, 44A-45B, 47, 48C-E, 5 IE)
(inc: Esse autem naturam hominis) Capodistria, 1388
Manuscript:
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.54 (4328), fol.
lOlr-v (autograph) {Iter 2:264a)
Edition:
Facsimile (fol. lOlv) in Epist., Tav. II (facing page 24).
' There are verses by "Publius" Vergerio in Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. IV.F.19, fol.
165v. Manuscripts with excerpts from the works of Vergerio include Marburg, UnivB., cod.
80, fols. 122V-23; Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 18611, fols. 47-48v; and Venice, Bibl. Na-
zionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. Xn.8 (4161), fol. 11 (inc: Habet enim potentum eruditio).
Among the books that Alberto Pio da Carpi sent out for binding on 10 August 1499, there
were writings of "Paulo Vergerio"; see Iter 5:525b, where Kristeller cites Carpi, Bibl. Comu-
nale, cod. Archivio Pio, filza 2, no. 94.
268 CHAPTER 11
3. Arrianus, Flavius. Anabasis, Indica translatio Latina (inc:
Quaecumque quidem Ptolomaeus Lagi) with a preface to Emperor
Sigismund (inc: lussisti me Sigismunde) Buda, 1433-37
a, PPV translation (dedicated to Emperor Sigismund):
Manuscripts:
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.9893-9894, fols. Iff. (with
preface to Sigismund) {Iter 3:117b)
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 12v-13
(preface to Sigismund) {Iter 6:130a-31b)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. 1203, part 1, 27 0-7 \ (preface to
Sigismund)
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1302, fols. l-162v (with
preface to Sigismund) {Iter 3:289a)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
22r-v (preface to Sigismund)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 84v-85v (preface to
Sigismund)
Editions:
Apostolo Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, 1:54 (Preface). Venice, 1752-
53.
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 84-85 (Preface). Venice, 1887.
Leonardo Smith, Epist, 379-84 (Preface, Ep. 139).
b. Revised version of Bartolomeo Facio (dedicated to Alfonso V of
Aragon):
Manuscripts:
El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, cod. N.n.2 (Stadter,
CTC, 3:11)
Naples, Bibl. Governativa dei Gerolamini, cod. S.M. XXVin.1-37
{Iter 1:396a, 2:545b)
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.G.I {Iter 1:401b, 6:103b)
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 13v-14 (pre-
face to Alfonso) {Iter 6:130a-31b)
Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi, cod. Landi 176 (/rer 2:69b)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Urb. lat. 415 (Stornajolo, Codices Urhinates
Latini, 1:427)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5268 {Iter 2:332b)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955),
fol. 86r-v (preface to Alfonso)
opera: A Finding-List 269
Editions:
Arrianus de rebus gestis Alexandri regis quern Latinitate donavit Bar-
tholomaeus Facius. Pesaro, 1508. Basel, 1539. Lyon, 1552. Berne
and Basel, 1554.
4. Carmen ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria (inc: Carriger nobis
pater) Padua, November 1402
Manuscripts:
London, University of London, cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184),
<fols. 52-53v> (/fer 4:216b)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 173-74 {Iter 1:284b)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 78, fol. 76v (in marg.)
(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del Petrarca, 197-212
[no. 873)
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, lat. 126, fol. 64v (Coxe, Codices Grae-
cos et Latinos Canonicianos Complectens, 163-64)
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 188-89
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 108-10
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 36-38
Turin, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. H.III.8, fol. 202 {Iter 2:lSU-h)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5223, fol. 55v {Iter 2:372b-73a)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fol.
94r-v (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 53r-v
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. 7.1.31, fols. 152-52(bis)v
{Iter 2:302a)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3481, fols. 26v-27v {Tabu-
lae Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:306-7)
Editions:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, Id-.lAl.
Edoardo Alvisi, Ugo Brilli, and Tommaso Casini, Ode saffica di Pier
Paolo Vergerio, il vecchio, per il ritomo dei Carraresi in Padova.
Rome, 1888: "Per le nozze Chiarini-Pelaez."
Tommaso Casini, "Notizie e documenti per la storia della poesia ita-
liana: Tre nuovi rimatori del trecento," Il Propugnatore, n.s., 1,
no. 2 (1888): 352-55.
270 CHAPTER 11
5. Carmen Francisco Zabarellae (inc: Omnia iam dudum cum sint)
Padua, 1400
Manuscripts:
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 196, fol. 230 (Iter 2:9b)
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223, 160
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fol. 77
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XII.50 (4376), fol.
103v (Zorzanello, Catalogo del codici latini, 2:135-37)
Washington, D. C, Library of Congress, cod. Phillipps 5819, fol.
102 {Iter 5:418b-19a)
Editions:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:241D-E.
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 367 n. 1.
6. De arte metrica (with Francesco Zabarella) (inc: Penes omne sae-
culum ingenti praeconio) Padua, 1395
Manuscript:
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIIL41 (4729), fols.
1-52
Edition:
Remigio Sabbadini, "La metrica e prosodia latina di Francesco Zaba-
rella," La Biblioteca delle scuole italiane, n.s., 9-10 (1904), no. 2
(15 gennaio): 3-5; no. 12 (15 giugno): 5-8 (excerpt.)
7. De dignissimo funebri apparatu in exequiis clarissimi omnium principis
Francisci Senioris de Carraria (inc: Soleo saepe maiorum nostrorum)
Padua, November 1393
Manuscripts:
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XIL22, fols. 90-97
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 29-
36v
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (Vindob. 3160),
fols. 146ff. {Iter 1:437b, 3:59a-b)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly
Phillipps 9627), fols. 94v-100 {Iter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census,
194-97 [no. 77])
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 160b-64
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 263-69
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 59-66
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 85-90v
opera: A Finding-List 271
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 3-8v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
156-59 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), fols. 30-36v
Edition:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:189A-94A.
De ingenuis moribus et liberalibus studiis adulescentiae (inc: Franciscus
senior avus tuus) Padua, 1402-3
Manuscripts:
Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. n.Lat.l.quarto.33, fols. 71-
91v {Iter 3:571a)
Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. O.III.23, fol. 234v (fragm.) {Iter
5:78b-79a)
Beauvais, Bibl. de la Ville, cod. 14, fols. Iff. {Catalogue general:
Departements, 3:326-27)
Bergamo, Bibl. Civica, cod. Delta 11.15, fols. 37v-101 {Iter 1:9b)
Ibid., cod. Delta V.20, fols. 139v-45 {Iter 1:11a)
Ibid., cod. Delta VI.33 {Iter 1:12a)
Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, cod. Hamilton 397, fols. l-42v
{Iter 3:365a)
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat.
quarto 239, fols. 251-61v {Iter 3:486b-87a)
Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 468, fols. 53v-71v {Iter 3:489a)
Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 32, fols. 97-124 {Iter 3:479b)
Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 108 {Iter 3:479b)
Ibid., cod. Lat. octavo 195 (formerly Phillipps 9212) {Iter 3:480a)
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.10731-10738, fols. 54-77 {Iter
3:118a)
Budapest, Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar (National Szechenyi Li-
brary), cod. Clmae 314, fols. 2-60 {Iter 4:293b)
Cape Town, South African Library, cod. 3.C.11, 197-243 {Iter
4:477a-b)
Ceske Budejovice, Krajske vedecka knihovna, cod. 40, fols. 7-22v
{Iter 6:461a)
Chicago, University of Chicago Library, cod. 807 (formerly Phil-
lipps 3386) {Iter 5:254b)
Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. Db.89 {Iter 3:376b)
Ibid., cod. Dc.l40 {Iter 3:376b)
Dublin, Trinity College, cod. C 2.17, fols. l-33v {Iter 3:194a)
272 CHAPTER 11
Durham (USA), Duke University Library, cod. Lat. 21-25 (24), fols.
146-76V {Iter 5:260a)
Evora, Bibl. Piiblica, Incunabulos 307-12 (impr.) (Iter 4:455b-56a)
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.205 [Iter 1:55a)
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 1704, fols. 42-60 {Iter 1:98a)
Florence, Bibl. Marucelliana, cod. C.CCCXXXV {Iter 1:108a)
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 413, fols. 251v-62v (fragm.)
{Iter 1:191b)
Ibid., cod. Rice. 697 {Iter 1:179a)
Ibid., cod. Rice. 907, fol. 114v (excerpt.) {Iter l:208a-b, 5:607b)
Ibid., cod. Rice. 952, fols. l-29v {Iter 1:211b, 2:516b)
Ibid., cod. Rice. 978, fols. 1-39 {Iter 1:213a)
Ibid., cod. Rice. 1175, fols. 1-24
Ibid., cod. Rice. 4046, fols. 1-30 {Iter 5:613a)
Forli, Bibl. Comunale, cod. III.66 (384) {Iter 1:231a)
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. B.V.14, fols. 65-86 {Iter l:246a-b, 2:523a,
6:7a-b)
Gotha (Germany), Forschungsbibliothek, cod. Memb. 11.105, fols. 1-
26 {Iter 3:396b)
Granada, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. Caja 2-29 (B.93), fols. l-21v {Iter
4:506a-b)
Harburg, Fiirstlich Oettingen- Wallerstein'sche Bibliothek und
Kunstsammlung, cod. II.Lat.l.quarto.33, fols. 71-91v (Sottili,
IMU 11 (1968): 36S-75, 1 codici del Petrarca, 106-13 [no. 40])
Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of Leicester, cod. 486 {Iter 4:41a)
Ibid., cod. 487, fols. 1-34 {Iter 4:46a-b)
Innsbruck, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 962 {Iter 3:20a)
Kassel (Germany), Gesamthochschul-Bibliothek, cod. Philos. quarto
6, fols. 181-207V {Iter 3:585a)
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska, cod. 3245, fols. 53-85 {Iter 4:406b)
Krakow, Bibl. Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie, cod. 1242, 474-
504 (fragm.) {Iter 4:408a-b)
Kremsmiinster (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 329 {Iter 3:23b)
Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85, fols. 89-
124 {Iter 4:371b)
Leningrad. See Saint Petersburg
London, British Library, cod. Add. 1996 {Iter 4:142b)
Ibid., cod. Add. 27580, fol. 74 (fragm.) {Iter 4:117a-b)
Ibid., cod. Arundel 353, fols. 104-36 {Iter 4:131a)
Ibid., cod. Egerton 1996 (/fer 4:142b)
opera: A Finding-List 273
Ibid., cod. Harley 2678, fols. 5-15 {Iter 4:165a-b)
Ibid., cod. Harley 3949, fols. 76-84 {Iter 4:177b-78a)
Ibid., cod. Harley 4150, fols. 40-93v {Iter 4:179b)
London, University of London, cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184),
<fols. l-51v> (/fer 4:216b)
Madrid, Bibl. Nacional, cod. 10161 (Ii.l51), fols. 62-99v (/fer 4:568a)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. J 33 inf., fols. 18-31 {Iter 1:294a)
Ibid., cod. A 50 sup., fols. l-68v {Iter 1:327a)
Ibid., cod. A 166 sup., fols. 25-43v {Iter 1:296b)
Ibid., cod. C 43 sup., fols. 30v-57 {Iter 1:297a, 2:531a)
Ibid., cod. E 13 sup., fols. l-43v {Iter 1:297b, 6:40a)
Ibid., cod. F 51 sup., fols. Iff. {Iter 1:298b)
Ibid., cod. G 29 sup., <fols. lff.> {Iter 1:299b, 6:41a; Derolez, Codi-
cologie, 2:77 [no. 455])
Ibid., cod. N 22 sup. (fragm.) {Iter 6:42b)
Ibid., cod. N 104 sup., fols. 87-116 {Iter 1:335b)
Ibid., cod. N 202 sup., fols. Iff. {Iter 1:303a)
Milan, Bibl. dei Padri Cappuccini, cod. 24 (fragm.) {Iter 2:538b)
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Campori 175 (Gamma Z.6, 21) {Iter 1:388a)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59), fols. 117-62v {Iter 1:377b)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8), fols. Iff. {Iter 1:372a)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 666 (Alpha Q.5, 28) {Iter 1:372b)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 943 (Alpha K.7, 10) {Iter 1:373a)
Montecassino, Bibl. della Badia, cod. 335 {Iter 1:394a)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 424, fols. 124-44 (Sot-
tili, IMU 12 [1969]: 421-27 , 1 codici del Petrarca, 273-79 [no. 99])
Ibid., cod. Clm 426, fols. 36-76 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 427-30, /
codici del Petrarca, 279-82 [no. 100])
Ibid., cod. Clm 487, fols. 104-3 Iv (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 436-39, /
codici del Petrarca, 288-91 [no. 103])
Ibid., cod. Clm 520, fols. Iff. (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus,
Editio Altera, 1.1:146)
Ibid., cod. Clm 3849 (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Al-
tera, 1.2:144)
Ibid., cod. Clm 18170, fols. 168ra-90ra (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 438-
40, / codici del Petrarca, 486-88 [no. 146])
Ibid., cod. Clm 19652, fols. 39ff. (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus,
Editio Altera, 2.3:265)
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. IV.G.31bis (impr. & bound in ms.)
{Iter 1:399b)
274 CHAPTER 11
Ibid., cod. V.C.44, fols. Iff. {Iter 1:415a; Cenci, Manoscritti, 1:205 n.
1)
Ibid., cod. V.E.21 (fragm.) {Iter 1:401a)
Ibid., cod. V.E.22, fols. 15ff. {Iter 1:416b)
Ibid., cod. V.E.24 {Iter 1:401a)
Ibid., cod. VI.D.2, fols. 131-51 {Iter l:421b-22a; Fossier, La bi-
bliotheque Famese, 318-21)
Ibid., cod. VIII.C.8, fols. 121-28 {Iter 1:403b; Cenci, Manoscritti,
2:819-21)
Ibid., cod. XIII.D.128 {Iter 1:432a)
Neustadt an der Aisch (Germany), Evangelische Kirchenbibliothek,
cod. 81 {Iter 3:655a)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Marston 107 (formerly
Phillipps 1010), fols. 49-77 {Iter 5:287a)
New York, Columbia University Library, cod. Plimpton 153, fols.
2-27v (fragm. at beginning) {Iter 5:306b-7a)
Ibid., cod. Plimpton 154, fols. 1-34 {Iter 5:307a)
Ibid., cod. Plimpton 187, fols. l-23v {Iter 5:308b)
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis Goodhart Gordan, cod. 18, fols.
l-57v {Iter 5:350a)
Ibid., cod. 73, fols. 20v-55 {Iter 5:351a)
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 87 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:91
[no. 580}
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 146 (Pacht and Alexander, Illuminated
Manuscripts, 2:35 [no. 354])
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 114-39v
Ibid., cod. D'Orville 525 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:93 [no. 595}
Ibid., cod. Rawl. G.47 (Derolez, Codicologie, 2:93 [no. 602}
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 2, fols. Iff. {Iter 6:130a)
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. 1.19, fols. 90-1 13v (Abate and Luisetto,
Codici e manoscritti della Biblioteca Antoniana, 1:20-21)
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 92 {Iter 2:8b)
Ibid., cod. 165 {Iter 2:9b)
Padua, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 70 {Iter 2:12b)
Ibid., cod. 187 {Iter 2:13a)
Ibid., cod. 1138 (/rer 2:15b)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 271-303
Ibid., cod. CM. 728 {Iter l-.lld)
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1676, fols. 70-92 (Lauer, ed., Cata-
logue general, 2:120-21)
opera: A Finding-List 275
Ibid., cod. Lat. 2742, fol. 94 (excerpt.) (Lauer, ed.. Catalogue general^
3:53-54)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6722 (Alexander and De la Mare, Italian Manuscripts^
98)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 16593 {Iter 3:264a)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 16594, fols. 18-38v {Iter 3:264a-b)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 17888, fols. 148-81 {Iter 3:267a-b)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 18529, fols. 202-29v {Iter 3:269a-b)
Ibid., cod. Moreau 849, fols. 42ff. {Iter 3:328b)
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1103 (fragm.) {Iter 3:273b)
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (formerly Phillipps 3348), fols. 8-24
{Iter 3:295b-96a)
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Pal. 156, fols. l-30v {Iter 2:34b)
Ibid., cod. Parm. 94 {Iter 2:41b)
Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta, cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81), fols.
73-lOOv {Iter l-.dlh, 6:137b)
Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Library, cod. Smith lat. 34,
fols. l-33v {Iter 5:373a)
Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi, cod. Landi 7, fols. 66ff.
{Iter 2:70b)
Pisa, Bibl. del Seminario Arcivescovile S. Caterina, cod. 136, fols. 70-
78 {Iter 6:142a-b)
Prague, Statni Knihovna Ceske Republiky, cod. XXIII.G.56, fols.
Iff. {Iter 3:164a-b)
Rieti, Bibl. Comunale Paroniana, cod. O.I.21 {Iter 2:86b)
Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, cod. 868, fols. 131-42v (/fer 2:99b-100a)
Ibid., cod. 1283, fols. 34v-52 (/fer 2:101a)
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana, cod. Nic. Rossi 304, fols. ll-20v {Iter
2:116b, 6:170a)
Ibid., cod. Nic. Rossi 354, fols. 175-81v (excerpt.) (/fer 2:117a,
6:171a-b)
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emanuele II, cod. Vitt.
Eman. 474 (673.454) (/ter 2:121b, 562a)
Ibid., cod. Vitt. Eman. 1414 (186.692) {Iter 6:181b)
Saint Petersburg, Archive of the Historical Institute, cod. 1.614, fols.
l-21v {Iter 5:173a)
Saint Petersburg, Public Library Saltykov-Shchedrin (formerly: re-
turned to Warsaw and destroyed in World War II), cod. Lat.
F.XVIII.5 {Iter 5:185a)
Ibid., cod. Lat. O.IH.Sl, fols. 1-49 {Iter 5:187a)
276 CHAPTER 11
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 70, fols. 126-
38v {Iter 2:567a; Casarsa et al., La Libreria, 279-84)
Ibid., cod. 105, fols. 1-15 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 16 [no. 12];
Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 344-46)
Ibid., cod. 110, fols. 1-29 [Iter 2:568a; Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 352-
53)
Savignano sul Rubicone, Bibl. deirAccademia Rubiconia dei Filopa-
tridi, cod. 23, fols. 65-90v {Iter 2:570a)
Schaffhausen (Switzerland), Stadtbibliothek, cod. Min. 120, fols. 35-
55v {Iter 5:130b-31a)
Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, cod. P.l.a {Iter 5:10b)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Theol. et Philos.
quarto 11 (/fer 3:701b)
Trent, Bibl. Comunale (formerly in the Museo Nazionale), cod. Vin-
dob. lat. 3191 (/ter 2:192a-b, 3:59b, 6:232a)
Trieste, Bibl. Civica, cod. R.P. 1-20 (Alpha BB.3) (Iter 2:200b,
6:235b)
Ibid., cod. R.P. 1-21 (Alpha BB.l), fols. Iff. (/ter 2:200b, 6:235b)
Ibid., cod. R.P. 1-25 (Alpha BB.2) {Iter 2:200b, 6:235b)
Ibid., cod. R.P. 3-6, fols. 205-16v {Iter 6:236a-b)
Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile, cod. 49 (Quarto.36.II.14), fols. l-25v {Iter
2:201a, 6:237a; Casamassima et al., Mostra, 53-54 [no. 55]; Sca-
lon. La Biblioteca Arcivescovile, 118-19; Hankins, Plato, 2:721)
Urbino, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. Fondo dell'Universita vol. 71
(fragm. at beginning) {Iter 2:207b, 6:247b)
Utrecht, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. E.quarto.341 (ex-
cerpt.) {Iter 4:384b)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 211 {Iter 2:443a)
Ibid., cod. Borg. lat. 344, fols. 43ff. {Iter 2:439b, 6:385a)
Ibid., cod. Capponiani 3, fols. 2-18v (Salvo Cozzo, / codici Cappo-
niani, 4-8)
Ibid., cod. Chig. H.IV.102, fols. 41-82v {Iter 2:47 4h, 6:394b)
Ibid., cod. Chig. H.IV.105 {Iter 2:474b)
Ibid., cod. Chig. J.VI.214, fols. 117ff. {Iter 2:484a)
Ibid., cod. Chig. S.V.8, fasc. 10, fols. 17-43 {Iter 2:490a)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 241 {Iter 2:413a)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1615, fols. 35-74v {Iter 2:418b, 6:375b)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1669, fols. 63-87 {Iter 2:431b-32a)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1800, fols. 1-28 {Iter 2:433a)
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 327, fols. 267vff. {Iter 2:390b)
opera: A Finding-List 277
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1740 [Iter 2:395a)
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 806, fols. llff. (/fer 2:406a-b)
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1321 [Iter 2:402a)
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1676, fols. 122-31v (fragm.) (/fer 2:410a)
Ibid., cod. Ross. 42 {Iter 2:465a)
Ibid., cod. Ross. 43 [Iter 2:465a)
Ibid., cod. Ross. 50, fols. 42-80 [Iter 2:468b)
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1194, fols. 2-44v (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates
Latini, 3:203-4; Derolez, Codicologie, 2:138 [no. 979])
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1257, fols. 1-86 (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates
Latini, 3:238)
Ibid., cod. Vat lat. 1690, fols. 337-64v (Nogara, Codices Vaticani La-
tini: Codices 1461-2059, 186-87)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1791, fols. 1-44? (followed by Vita Vergerii, fols.
44v-49v) (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1461-2059,
267)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1792, fols. 1-25? (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini:
Codices 1461-2059, 267-68)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2906, fols. 78-84 {Iter 2:356a-b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2913 {Iter 2:314b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 2931 (/ter 2:315a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3167 {Iter 2:317a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3407 {Iter 2:319b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3440, fols. 103-9 (fragm.) {Iter 2:319b, 6:332a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5123 (/fer 2:331a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5124 {Iter 2:33 U)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 6878, fols. 29-69v {Iter 2:341a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 9306 {Iter 2:346b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 11253, fols. 16-54v {Iter 6:348b-49a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 11547, fols. l-48v (Ruysschaert, Codices Vaticani
Latini: Codices 11414-11709, 282-83)
Venice, Biblioteca De Franceschi, unnumb. codex, fols. 1-25 (Miani,
"De ingenuis moribus," 191)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202), fols.
48-66 {Iter 2:222a)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.129 (3037), fols. Iff. {Iter 2:223b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI. 130 (3205) (/fer 2:223b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.131 (3596) (/fer 2:223b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.268 (3141), fols. 1-23 {Iter 2:226a; Derolez,
Codicologie, 2:152 [no. 1105])
278 CHAPTER 11
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.306 (2891), <fols. lff.> (/fer 2:237b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.501 (1712), fols. 36-64 (Miani, "De ingenuis
moribus" 187-88)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.46 (4476), fols. 23-59 {Iter 2:244b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664) {Iter 2:235b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.184 (4670), fols. 85-115v (/ter 2:248a)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.214 (4674) (impr. Brescia: B. de Bonnis,
1485) (Zorzanello, Catalogo del codici latini, 3:297-301; Iter
2:248a)2
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.215 (4675), fols. 1-23 {Iter 2:248a)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499), fols. 91-127 (/fer 2:268b; Dero-
lez, Codicologie, 2:155 [no. 1130])
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.243 (4070), fols. 1-lOv (fragm.) (Zorza-
nello, Catalogo del codici latini, 3:404-9)
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919), fols. 25-46 {Iter 2:214b)
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), fols. 35-63 {Iter 2:214b)
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 575 (/fer 2:281a)
Ibid., cod. Cicogna 797, fols. 2v-25 {Iter 2:283b)
Ibid., cod. Correr 37 {Iter 2:288a, 6:269b)
Ibid., cod. Correr 79 {Iter 2:288a, 6:270a)
Ibid., cod. Correr 189 {Iter 2:288a, 6:270a)
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCXLIII (212) {Iter 1'29A2)
Ibid., cod. CCLV (227) {Iter 2:294a)
Verona, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 1186 (Biadego, Catalogo, 295 [no. 559})
Ibid., cod. 2822 {Iter 2:300b)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 960, fols. 43v-68 {Tabulae
Codicum Manuscriptorum 1:164-65)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3191, fols. 42-62v {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum
2:225)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3219, fols. 246-85 {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum
2:236-37)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3481, fols. l-25v {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum
2:306-7)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 4159, fols. 251v-68 {Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum
3:185-86)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 5180, fols. 36-4 Iv (excerpt.) {Tabulae Codicum Manu-
scriptorum 4:50-51)
^ On the codex, see also Dennis E. Rhodes, "A Volume of Tracts Illustrating Humanist
Culture at Verona at the End of the Fifteenth Century," IMU 25 (1982): 401-6.
opera: A Finding-List 279
Warsaw, Biblioteka Narodowa, cod. 3458 (/fer 4:417b, 5:184a)
Weimar, Thiiringische Landesbibliothek, cod. Octavo. 142, fols. 24-
75v {Iter 3:434b)
Wroclaw, Bibl. Uniwersytecka, cod. IV.quarto.53, fols. 385v-400
{Iter 4:426a)
Wiirzburg, Franziskanerkloster, cod. 1.78, fols. 138-86v {Iter 3:740a)
Zeitz (Germany), Domherrenbibliothek, cod. 51, fols. 2-24 (fragm.
at beginning) {Iter 3:436a-b)
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. C.74 {Iter 5:140a)
Editions:
Editio princeps Venice, 1470/71. Seven undated editions. Twenty-two
editions from 1470-1500 (Hain 7606, 15981-16003, IGI 10149-
73). Thirteen editions from 1501-64.
William Harrison Woodward, trans., "De ingenuis moribus," in
Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators: Essays and
Versions, 93-118. Cambridge, 1897.
Attilio Gnesotto, "Petri Pauli Vergerii De ingenuis moribus et libera-
libus studiis adulescentiae etc.," Atti e memorie delta R. Acca-
demia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 34 (1917-18): 95-
146; Gnesotto, "Vergeriana (Pierpaolo Vergerio seniore)," Atti
e memorie della R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Pado-
va, n.s., 37 (1920-21): 45-57. Repr. in Eugenio Garin, ed., Ilpen-
siero pedagogico dell'umanesimo, 126-37 (excerpt.). Florence:
Giuntine, and Florence: Sansoni, 1958.
Everardo Micheli, trans., with revisions by Eugenio Garin, in L'edu-
cazione umanistica in Italia, 49-104. Bari: Laterza, 1949.
Carlo Miani, "Petri Pauli Vergerii— Ad Ubertinum de Carraria de in-
genuis moribus et liberalibus adolescentiae studiis liber (Codicum
conspectum recognovit brevique adnotatione critica instruxit
Carlo Miani)," Atti e memorie della Societa istriana di archeo-
logia e storia patria 72-73, n.s., 20-21 (1972-73): 183-251.
De monarchia sive de Optimo principatu (inc: Illud mihi ante omnia
certum) Padua, 1400-5
Manuscripts:
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 48vff. {Iter
6:130a-31b)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 159-62 (fragm.)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), part
1, fols. 56-57 (fragm.)
280 CHAPTER 11
Ibid., part 3, fols. 84r-v, 87 (fragm.)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 119v-20v (fragm.)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 52r-v (fragm.)
Editions:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 75-77. Venice, 1887.
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 447-50.
10. De principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber (inc: Carrariensis
familia unde Paduanorum) Padua, 1390-1405
Manuscripts:
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.392 {Iter 1:54a)
Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of Leicester, cod. 485 {Iter 4:41a)
Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 022 {Iter 3:425b)
London, Robinson Trust, cod. Phillipps 7698 (Italian translation
Giacomo Zabarella?) {Iter 4:233b)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 116-66 {Iter 1:284b)
Ibid., cod. P 215 sup. {Iter 1:307a)
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 1-84
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 3-104
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 3 {Iter 6:130a)^
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. XXII.566, fols. Iff. (Abate and Luisetto,
Codici e manoscritti delta Biblioteca Antoniana^ 2:593)
Ibid., cod. XXII.596, fols. 20-84 (Italian translation Giacomo Zaba-
rella, fragm.) (Abate and Luisetto, Codici e manoscritti della Bi-
blioteca Antoniana^ 2:608)
Ibid., Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 577
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 158 {Iter I'll?)
Ibid., cod. B.P. 805 {Iter l-lli)
Ibid., cod. B.P. 915 {Iter l-lli)
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1029 {Iter l-lli)
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 1-103
Ibid., cod. B.P. 2157 {Iter 2:22b)
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5876
Rome, Bibl. Angelica, cod. 55
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1331 (/fer 2:417b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5263 {Iter 2:332a-b)
' When Attilio Gnesotto prepared his edition in 1925, he said that there were three
codices with Vergerio's work in the Archivio Papafava; see Gnesotto, ed., De principibus
Carrariensibus, 125-27.
opera: A Finding-List 281
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
59-9 Iv (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
Ibid., cod. Marc. ital. XI.78 (6773) {Iter I'.lldz)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.226 (3730) {Iter 2:232b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.292 (3335) {Iter 2:233b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. X.384 (2951) (excerpt.) (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei
codici latini, 1:406-7)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 5-38v
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 148 (abridged by
Vincenzo Zacco in 18th c.) {Iter 2:281a)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3319, fols. l-53v {Tabulae
Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:259)
Editions:
loannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Ita-
liae . . . , 6.3. Leiden, 1722.
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:113-84.
Attilio Gnesotto, "Petri Pauli Vergerii De principibus Carrariensibus
et gestis eorum liber" Atti e memorie della R. Accademia di scien-
ze, lettere, ed arti in Padova 41 (1924-25): 327-475. Repr. . . . De
principibus Carrariensibus et gestis eorum liber. Padua, 1925.
11. De republica Veneta (inc: Venetorum respublica optimatum) Padua,
1402-5
Manuscripts:
a. Shorter version (fragm.):
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 235v-37
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62, fol. 17r-v
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 123ff.
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 109-10
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.255 (4576),
fol. Ir-v {Iter 2:236a)
b. Longer version (fragm.):
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 118-23
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 99-107
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5879, fols. 2-6v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535),
fols. 74-77V
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 3052, fasc. 20 {J.ter
6:267b)
282 CHAPTER 11
Editions:
Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, De republica Veneta fragmentu, nunc
primum in lucem edita. Venice, 1830.
David Robey and John Law, "The Venetian Myth and the De republica
Veneta of Pier Paolo Vergerio," Rinascimento, n.s., 15 (1975): 38-
49.
12. De situ urbis lustinopolitanae, fragm. (inc: Urbs quae Latine)
Manuscripts:
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 234-35v
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fol. 39r-v {Iter
6:130a-31b)
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62, fol. 16r-v {Iter 2:6a)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 137-39
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 53-56
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 28-29v {Iter 2:23b)
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 75-76v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955),
fol. 137r-v
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 8-9 {Iter 2:249b-50a)
Editions:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:240A-41D.
G. F. Tommasini, "De' commentari storico-geografici della provincia
deiristria," Archeografo triestino 4 (1837): 324-26.
13. Dialogus de mortCy fragm. (inc: Discrucior metu mortis)
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 166-67
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), part
3, fol. 88v
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 138v
Editions:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 33-34. Venice, 1887.
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 445-46.
14. Epistolae
Manuscripts:
Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. II.Lat.l.quarto.33 (/?er3:571a)
1 (fols. 233-37) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
opera: A Finding-List 283
Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano, cod. LoUiniana 49 {Iter 2:496b)
1 (fol. 9) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonard! {Epist., 360-62)
Bergamo, Bibl. Civica Angelo Mai, cod. AB.463 {Iter 5:485b-86a)
1 (fols. 48vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi (fragm.) {EpisL, 189-
202)
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat.
folio 667 (formerly Phillipps 11907) {Iter 3:484b)
1 (fol. 9) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62)
2 (fol. 61r-v) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55;
ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109)
3 (fol. 61v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
4 (fol. 62) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52)
5 (fol. 62r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54)
6 (fols. 62V-63) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
7 (fol. 63v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4)
8 (fol. 63v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21)
9 (fol. 63v) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 322-23)
10 (fols. 76V-79) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death (Smith, 362-79)
11 (fol. 130) Ep. 121 (Smith, 319-21)
Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 468 {Iter 3:489a)
1 (fol. 8) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 2948 ^isc. Tioli) {Iter 1:21a, 22b,
2:499a, 499b)
1-3 (15:464ff.) Ep. 83-85 (from Vat. lat. 5223)
4 (25:.>) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi (from Vat. lat. 5911)
Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. A.VII.3 {Iter l:32b-33a)
1 (fols. 99v-101v) Ep. 138 to "Leonardus Aretinus" (fragm.)
{Epist., 362-78)
Ibid., cod. C.V.IO {Iter 1:34b)
1 (fol. Ir-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. C.V.20 {Iter l:35a-b)
1 (fol. 68r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. C.VII.l {Iter 1:35b)
1 (fols. 113-16v) Pro stattia Virgilii {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi)
{Epist., 189-202)
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 11.1442 (formerly Phillipps
10441) {Iter 3:108b)
1 (fols. 354-56) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Bruni" {Epist., 362-78)
284 CHAPTER 11
Ibid., cod. n.1443 (formerly Phillipps 8901) {Iter 3:122b-23a)
1 (fols. 192V-94) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death [Epist., 362-78)
Budapest, National Szechenyi Library, cod. Clmae 294 {Iter 4:291b)
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {EpisL, 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Clmae 314 {Iter 4:293b)
1 (fols. Iff.) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo, cod. 1201 {Iter 5:522b-23b)
19 letters (fols. 193v-211v):
1 Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53)
2 Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
3 Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23)
4 Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; ed. Zacca-
ria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109)
5 Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
6 Ep. 20 {Epist., 36-37)
7 Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82)
8 Ep. 45 {Epist, 102-6)
9 Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61)
10 £p. 131 {Epist., 347-48)
11 £p. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
\2Ep. WA {Epist., 303-4)
13 Ep. 21 (£/7wf., 38-39)
14 Ep. 40 (£i?wf., 87-89)
15 Ep. 23 (fpwf., 41-42)
16£/7. 118 {Epist.,in-\1)
17 £/7. 36 {Epist., 81)
18 £p. 37 {Epist., 82-84)
19£/;. 119 (£/;wf., 313-15)
Ibid., cod. 1202 {Iter 5:523b)
1 (195) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Casale Monferrato, Seminario Vescovile, cod. I.b.20 (formerly 16 bis)
{Iter l:40a-b)
1 (fols. 105V-8) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Chemnitz (Karl-Marx-Stadt), Bezirksbibliothek, cod. 57 (now
deposited in Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. 5.57
[24.11a]) {Iter 3:413a-b, 6:501a-b, 507b)
1 (fols. 75-76) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52)
2 (fols. 76-77.5) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54)
3 (fol. 77) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-
56)
opera: A Finding-List 285
4 (fols. 117-23) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death [EpisL, 362-78)
5 (fols. ISlvff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
6 (fols. 166-67v) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
7 (fol. 167v) Ep. 137 (£pwf., 360-62)
8 (fols. 193-96v) Ep. 141 to loannes de Dominis {Epist., 388-95)
9 (fol. 196v) Ep. 142 (Nic. Leonard! to PPV) (£pwf., 395-98)
Como, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 4.4.6 {Iter l:47a-b)
1 (fols. 371-75) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, cod. 5.57 (24.11a). See Chem-
nitz.
Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, cod. W.113 (formerly Phillipps
6640) {Iter 3:197a-b)
1 (fol. 48v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 398 {Iter 5:105a)
\Ep.%\ to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. n.l51 {Iter 1:58b)
1 Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 272 {Iter l:83a-b)
1 (fol. 89r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Ashb. 278 {Iter 1:83b)
1 (fol. 154v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Ibid., cod. Plut. XLVI.l (Bandini, Catalogus Codicum Latinorum,
2:370)
1 (fol. 76) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Magi. XXI.9 {Iter 1:120a)
1 (fol. 58) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 779 {Iter l:201a-b)
1 (fols. 150-53v) Pro eversione statuae Virgilii {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202)
Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico, cod. 12 (missing since World
War T) {Epist., xxxii; Ziliotto, "Alia ricerca," 91-94)
1 (fol. 50v) Ep. 66 {Epist., 157-59)
2 (fol. 57) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5)
3 (fol. 58) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6)
4 (fol. 58) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20)
5 (fol. 58v) Ep. 40 {Epist., 87-89)
6 (fol. 60) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42-43)
7 (fol. 60v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 32-33)
8 (fol. 61) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24)
9 (fol. 61v) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34)
286 CHAPTER 11
10 (fol. 62) Ep. 12 {Epist., 24-25)
11 (fol. 62v) Ep. 21 [Epist., 38-39)
12 (fol. 63v) Ep. 96 (243-46)
13 (fol. 65v) Ep. 126 {Epist., 335-36)
14 (fol. 66v) Ep. 30 {Epist., 58-61)
15 (fol. 68) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87)
16 (fol. 68v) Ep. 108 (£pi5f., 283)
17 (fol. 69v) Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80)
18 (fol. 70v) Ep. 109 (£/;wt., 283-92)
Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Philol. quarto
132b {Iter 3:562b-63a)
1 (fols. 82v-83) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)^
Holkham Hall, Library of the Earl of Leicester, cod. 487 {Iter 4:46a-b)
1 (fol. 34r-v) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20)
2 (fol. 35r-v) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41)
3 (fols. 35V-36) Ep. 7 {Epist., 17-18)
4 (fols. 36v-37) Ep 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) (fragm.) {Epist., 18-19)
5 (fol. 37r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
6 (fols. 42v-43) Ep. 142 (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) (£pwt., 395-98)
7 (fols. 46-48v) Ep. 141 to loannes de Dominis {Epist., 388-95)
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellofiska, cod. 1961
1 (332) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56)
Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85
{Iter 4:371b)
1 (fol. 64r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 1270 {Iter 3:423a-b)
1 (fols. 182v-87v) In Carolum Malatestam invectiva {Ep. 81 to Lud.
degli Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202)
London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70 {Iter 4:126a-27b)
1 (fols. 73v-74) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
2 (fols. 83V-84) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
3 (fol. 93) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42)
^ Two letters of Leonardo Bruni that are cataloged as written to Vergerio are actually
letters to other correspondents. The letter beginning on fol. 92 is to Niccolo Niccoli; see
Ludwig Bertalot and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, Prosa A-M, vol. 2.1 of Initia Humanistica La-
tina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts
(Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1990), 414 (no. 7591). The letter beginning on fol. 94v is to
Pope Innocent VII (inc: Qui laudant sanctitatem tuam). Dr. Eva Horvath kindly sent me
photocopies.
opera: A Finding-List 287
4 (fols. 99V-100) Ep. 133 [Epist., 351-52)
5 (fol. 100) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54)
6 (fols. lOOff.) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
7 (fol. 138) £/;. 136 (Guarino to PPV) (£pwf., 356-60)
8 (fols. 156vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
9 (fols. 158V-61) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
Ibid., cod. Harley 2268 {Iter 4:157b-58a)
1 (fol. 78) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Harley 2492 {Iter 4:159b-60a)
1 (fol. 327v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
2 (fols. 378ff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Harley 3716 {Iter 4:175a-b)
1 (fols. 59-60) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
2 (fols. 119V-24) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Lyon, Bibl. de la Ville, cod. 100 (168) {Catalogue general: Departe-
ments, 30:30-33)
1 (fol. 150) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
2 (fol. 166) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. J 33 inf. {Iter 1:294a)
1 De eversa Virgilii statua {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi) {Epist.,
189-202)
Ibid., cod. A 166 sup. {Iter 1:296b; Jordan and Wool, Inventory, 1:71-
73)
1 (fols. 43v-47) Invectiva de eversione statuae Virgilii {Ep. 81 to
Lud. degli Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. D 93 sup. {Iter l:330a-b, 6:54b; Jordan and Wool,
Inventory, 2:191-202)
1 (fol. 133r-v) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
2 (fol. 135r-v) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
3 (fol. 136) Ep. 52 to Giovanni da Bologna {Epist., 118-19)
4 (fol. 136v) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42)
Ibid., cod. H 21 sup. {Iter 1:332a)
1 (fols. 107V-8) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Sussidio H 52 {Iter l:347b-48a)
1 (fols. 90-92v) . . . In Collucium Florentinum invectiva {Ep. 101)
{Epist., 157 -dl)
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22
13 letters (fols. 103v-9v, 123-53, 157v-59v). See Part II above for
details.
288 CHAPTER 11
Milan, Societa Storica Lombarda, cod. 43 {Iter 1:365a)
1 (2:fols. 87-88v) Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to
PPV) [EpisL, 293-96)
2 (2:fol. 94r-v) Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV)
{Epist., 300-2)
Modena, Archivio Capitolare, cod. O.II.8 {Iter 2:538b)
1 (fols. 103-4v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59) {Iter 1:377b)
1 (fols. 2-3) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 140 (Alpha R.9, 6) {Iter 1:369b)
1 De statu urbis Romae {Ep. 86) {Epist., 211-20)
Ibid., cod. Est. lat. 217 (Alpha P.6, 25) {Iter 1:370a)
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {EpisL, 360-62)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 76 (Halm, Laub-
mann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Altera, 1.1:16-17)
1 (fols. 275ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
Ibid., cod. Clm 78 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del
Petrarca, 197-212 [no. 87])
1 (fol. 112r-v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
2 (fol. 164r-v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
Ibid., cod. Clm 362 (Sottili, IMU 19 [1976]: 459-62, / codici del
Petrarca, 775-79 [no. 264])
1 (fol. 42v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Clm 418 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 409-21, / codici del
Petrarca, 261-73 [no. 98])
1 (fol. 170v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Clm 443 (Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus, Editio Al-
tera, 1.1:121-22)
1 (fols. 54ff.) Invectiva in Carolum Malatestam {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Clm 504 (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 439-58, / codici del Pe-
trarca, 291-310 [no. 104])
1 (fols. 101-2) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (copied from Mun., UnivB.,
cod. Quarto 768) {Epist., 269-73)
Ibid., cod. Clm 5350 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 332-55, / codici del
Petrarca, 380-403 [no. 120])
1 (fol. 112r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Clm 6717 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 369-75, / codici del
Petrarca, 417-23 [no. 129])
1 (fol. 58r-v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
opera: A Finding-List 289
Ibid., cod. Clm 7612 (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 376-82, / codici del
Petrarca, 424-30 [no. 131])
1 (fols. 160-64) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {EpisL, 189-202)
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Folio 607 {Iter 3:648a-49a)
1 (fol. 103r-v) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist., 316-19)
2 (fols. 120-21) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
3 (fols. 136V-37) Ep. 61 (Epist., 141-42)
4 (fols. 148V-49) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52)
5 (fol. 149) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist, 353-54)
6 (fols. 149v-50) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella)
{Epist., 355-56)
7 (fol. 225v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) (£pi5f., 356-60)
8 (fols. 257V-61) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
9 (fols. 261-65) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
Ibid., cod. Quarto 768 (Bertalot, Studien, 1:1-82)
1 (fols. 90-91) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.F.19 {Iter 1:419b)
Ep.}^
Ibid., cod. VIII.G.31 {Iter 1:428a; Fossier, La bibliotheque Famese,
398-99)
1 (fols. 47V-48) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis Goodhart Gordan, cod. 96 {Iter
5:351b)
1 (fols. 90v-91v) Ep. 137? to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Oxford, Balliol College, cod. 132
1 (fol. 138v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166
69 letters (fols. Iv, 140cv, 218-33v, 248-313). See Part II above for
details.
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 169 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano-
nicianos Complectens, 543-52)
1 (fols. 51-55) Invectiva contra Carolum {Ep. 81 to Lud. degli
Alidosi) {Epist., 189-202)
^ Kristeller states that, "according to L. Bertalot, there is also a letter of Vergerius." The
description of the manuscript in Cesare Cenci, Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca
Nazionale di Napoli, Spicilegium bonaventurianum 7-8 (Quaracchi: Typographia CoUegii S.
Bonaventurae, and Grottaferrau: Editiones Collegii S. Bonaventurae ad Claras Aquas, 1971),
1:214-15, has no letter of Vergerio.
290 CHAPTER 11
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 225
1 (fol. 33v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 316 (Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia,
2.1:419 [no. 7681])
1 (fol. 271v) Ep. 133 {Epist, 351-52)
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 317 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano-
nicianos Complectens, 676-78)
1 (fols. 83-86) Ep. 101 {Epist., 257-62)
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 484 (Coxe, Codices Graecos et Latinos Cano-
nicianos Complectens, S02-7)
1 (fols. 22v-23, repeated on fols. 55v-56) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza
{Epist., 351-52)
2 (fol. 23r-v, fols. 56-57) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist.,
353-54)
3 (fols. 23v-24, fol. 57r-v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc.
Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56)
4 (fols. 24-25, fols. 57v-58) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist.,
316-19)
5 (fol. 25, fol. 58r-v) Ep. 121 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21)
Oxford, Bodleian. See also Holkham Hall.
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2 {Iter 6:130a-31b)
87 Letters:
1 (fols. Iff.) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
2 (fol. 4) Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6)
3 (fol. 6) Ep. 76 {Epist., 180-82)
4 (fol. 6v) Ep. 71 {Epist., 171)
5 (fol. 7) Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85)
6 (fol. 7v) Ep. 88 {Epist., 224-27)
7 (fol. 9) Ep. 90 {Epist., 230-32)
8 (fol. 9v?) Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34)
9 (fol. 9v) Ep. 87 {Epist., 220-23)
10 (fol. 10) Ep. 92 {Epist., 235-36)
11 (fol. lOv) Ep. 80 {Epist., 187-88)
12 (fol. 11) Ep. 75 (£/;w^, 176-79)
13 (fol. 12v) Ep. 139 (£pwf., 379-84)
14 (fol. 13) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30)
15 (fol. 19) Ep. 66 (£/7wt, 157-59)
16 (fol. 21) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52)
17 (fol. 21) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (fpwr., 353-54)
opera: A Finding-List 291
18 (fol. 21v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
19 (fo
20 (fo
21 (fo
22 (fo
23 (fo
24 (fo
25 (fo;
26 (fo
27 (fo
28 (fo
29 (fo
30 (fo
31 (fo
32 (fo
33 (fo
34 (fo
35 (fo
36 (fo
37 (fo
38 (fo:
39 (fo
40 (fo
41 (fo
42 (fo
43 (fo
44 (fo
45 (fo
46 (fo
47 (fo
48 (fo
49 (fo
50 (fo
51 (fo
52 (fo
53 (fo
54 (fo
55 (fo
56 (fo
22) Ep. 46 {Epist., 106-8)
23) Ep. 23 {Epist., 41-42)
23) Ep. 3 {Epist., 6-11)
23 v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5)
24) Ep. 13 {Epist., 25-26)
24) Ep. 24 {Epist., 42-43)
24v) Ep. U {Epist., 32-33)
24v) Ep. 40 {Epist., 87-89)
25) Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14)
25v) Ep. 38 {Epist., 84-86)
25v) Ep. 47 {Epist., 108-9)
26) Ep. 39 {Epist., 86-87)
26) Ep 49 {Epist., 113-14)
26v) Ep. 54 (£pwr., 121-22)
26v) Ep. 56 (£pw^, 124-26)
27) Ep. 63 (£/?wf., 152-54)
27) Ep. 70 {Epist., 165-69)
28) Ep. 71 (£pwf., 170-71)
28v) Ep. 67 (£pwr., 159-60)
28v) Ep. 50 (£pwr., 114-15)
29) Ep. 2 {Epist., 5-6)
29) Ep. 82 (£pwf., 202-5)
31) Ep. 6 (£pwr., 15-17)
31) Ep. 9 (£pwf., 19-20)
31) Ep. 22 (£pwf., 39-41)
31v) Ep. 11 (£pwt, 22-24)
31v) Ep. 18 (£pwf., 33-34)
32) Ep. 12 (£/;wf., 24-25)
32) Ep. 21 (£/7z"5f., 38-39)
32v) Ep. 17 {Epist., 46-53)
33 v) Ep. 34 (£/>wr., 66-78)
37) Ep. 81 (£pwf., 189-202)
40) Ep. 44 (£pwt., 97-101)
40) Ep. 103 (£/7i5r., 267-69)
41) Ep. 96 (£pwr., 243-46)
41v) Ep. 125 (£/7wr., 332-35)
41v) Ep. 126 (£pwr., 335-36)
42) Ep. 145 (£pwf., 423)
292 CHAPTER 11
57 (fol. 42) Ep. 123 {Epist., 323-29)
58 (fol. 42v) Ep. 124 {EpisL, 330-32)
59 (fol. 42v) Ep. \17 {Epist., 337-39)
60 (fol. 43) Ep. 119 (£/;i5r., 313-15)
61 (fol. 43) £p. 97 {Epist., 246-48)
62 (fol. 43v) Ep. 102 (£/?i5r., 263-67)
63 (fol. 43v) Ep. 112 {Epist., 299-300)
64 (fol. 44) Ep. 118 (£/7wf., 311-12)
65 (fol. 44) Ep. 20 (£pwt., 36-37)
66 (fol. 45v) Ep. 89 {Epist., 228-30)
67 (fol. 47) Ep. 59 (£/?wt., 131-37)
68 (fol. 49) Ep. 93 {Epist., 237-39)
69 (fol. 49) Ep. 95 (£pwr., 240-42)
70 (fol. 49) Ep. 60 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV)
{Epist., 138-40)
71 (fol. 49v) Ep. 62 (£pwf., 143-52)
72 (fol. 51) Ep. 41 (£pwt., 89-91)
73 (fol. 51v) Ep. 28 {Epist., 53-56)
74 (fol. 51v) Ep. 30 (£/7wf., 58-61)
75 (fol. 52) Ep. 32 (Col. Salutati to PPV) (£pwf., 64)
76 (fol. 52) Ep. 33 {Epist., 64-66)
77 (fol. 52v) Ep. 29 (£;7isr., 56-58)
78 (fol. 53) Ep. 35 {Epist., 79-80)
79 (fol. 53) Ep. 36 (£;7wf., 81)
80 (fol. 53v) Ep. 37 (£/;wt., 82-84)
81 (fol. 54) Ep. 109 {Epist., 283-92)
82 (fol. 55v) Ep. 42 (£/7wt, 91-93)
83 (fol. 55v) Ep. 105 {Epist., 273-76)
84 (fol. 56) Ep. 106 (£/7wf., 276-77)
85 (fol. 56v) Ep. 108 (£pwt., 283)
86 (fol. 56v) Ep. 79 {Epist., 186-87)
87 (fol. 63r-v) Ep. 31 (£/;?5f., 62-63)
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana, cod. V.90 {Iter 2:3a-b; Abate and Luisetto,
Codici e manoscritti delta Biblioteca Antoniana, 1:112-15)
1 (fols. 70v-71v) Ep. Ill {Epist., 296-99)
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. B.62 {Iter 2:6a)
1 (fol. 18) Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53)
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 46 {Iter 2:7b-8a)
1 (fols. 189-90v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
opera: A Finding-List 293
Ibid., cod. 692 (/fer 2:10b)
1 (fols. 102ff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
2 (fols. 190vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
3 (fol. 195) Ep. 137 {Epist., 360-62)
Padua, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 528 (/iter 2:13b)
I Ep. 128 to Franc. Zabarella (fragm. inc: Colonus erat non
procul) {Epist., 339-43)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203
135 letters (part 1, 1-203, 260-63; part 2, 128-34). See Part II above
for details.
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223
II letters (23-35, 38-53, 136-38, 146-50). See Part II above for
details.
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287
32 letters (fols. 14-24v, 30-34v, 41v-44v, 59-68, 69-84v, llOv-15,
120v, 131-35V, 137V-39). See Part II above for details.
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 1676 (Lauer, ed., Catalogue general^
2:120-21)
1 (fols. 96v-100v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 5882
1 (fol. 381) Ep. 98 to Ubertino da Carrara [Epist., 249-51)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 7868 [Iter 3:222b-23a)
1 (fols. 84-87v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 8572 [Catalogus 4:472)
1 (fols. 73ff.) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV) [Epist., 253-57)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 11138 [Iter 3:248b)
1 (fol. 48r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1181 [Iter 3:288b)
1 (fols. 43vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi [Epist., 189-202)
2 (fol. 47) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Pal. 156 [Iter 2:34b)
1 (fols. 86V-87) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana, cod. 44 (Unnumbered folios) (Zicari, "II
piu antico codice"; Iter 2:64a)
1 (fol. 13) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza [Epist., 351-52)
2 (fol. 13r-v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) [Epist., 353-54)
3 (fol. 14) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55; ed.
Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109)
4 (fol. 14) Ep. 122 (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) [Epist., 322-23)
294 CHAPTER 11
5 (fol. 14r-v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21)
6 (fols. 14V-15) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4)
7 (fol. 15) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
8 (fols. 15-16) Ep. 120 (£/;i5t., 316-19)
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 117
1 (292) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Ibid., cod. 121
1 (fol. 13 Iv) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Rome, Bibl. Angelica, cod. 234
1 (fol. 161) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana, cod. Corsin. 583 (/ter 2:110a-b)
1 (fols. 34v-37v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Gesuitico 973 {Iter 2:124b)
1 (fols. 36ff.) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Bruni" {Epist., 362-78)
Salamanca, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 64 {Iter 4:603b)
1 (fols. 162-65v) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 70 {Epist.,
xxxvii-xxxviii [cod. 69]; Iter 2:567a; Casamassima et al., Mostra,
15-16 [no. llbis]; Casarsa et al., La Lihreria, 279-84)
19 letters (fols. 139-45v):
1 (fol. 139) Ep. 9 {Epist., 19-20)
2 (fol. 139r-v) Ep. 22 {Epist., 39-41)
3 (fol. 139v) Ep. 7 {Epist., 17-18)
4 (fols. 139V-40) Ep. 8 (Ant. Baruffaldi to PPV) {Epist., 18-19)
5 (fol. 140) Ep. 11 {Epist., 22-24)
6 (fol. 140r-v) Ep. 25 (Giovanni da Bologna to PPV) {Epist., 43-44)
7 (fol. 140v) Ep. 1 {Epist., 3-5)
8 (fols. 140V-41) Ep. 18 {Epist., 33-34)
9 (fol. 141r-v) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) (£/7wt., 26-28)
10 (fols. 141V-42) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30)
11 (fol. 142v) Ep. 12 (£pwt., 24-25)
12 (fols. 142V-43) Ep. 19 (£/7wf., 34-36)
13 (fol. 143r-v) Ep. 10 {Epist., 20-22)
14 (fol. 143v) Ep. 23 (£/?w^, 41-42)
15 (fols. 143V-44) Ep. 13 {Epist., 25-26)
16 (fol. 144r-v) Ep. 21 (£/?wt., 38-39)
17 (fols. 144V-45) Ep. 26 (£/7wt., 44-45)
18 (fol. 145) Ep. 4 {Epist., 12-14)
19 (fol. 145v) Ep. 40 (£/7wr., 87-89)
opera: A Finding-List 295
Ibid., cod. 97 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 20-21 [no. 17]; Casarsa et
al., La Libreria, 319-21)
1 (fols. 50v-57v) Ep. 138 to "Leon. Aretinus" on Zabarella's death
{Epist., 362-78)
Ibid., cod. 100 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 22-23 [no. 19]; Casarsa et
al., La Libreria, 325-37)
1 (fol. 86v, repeated on fol. 126r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi
{Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. 105 (Casamassima et al., Mostra, 16 [no. 12]; Casarsa et al.,
La Libreria, 344-46)
1 (fol. 55r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. 110 {Iter 2:568a; Casarsa et al.. La Libreria, 352-53)
1 (fol. llOr-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4 {Iter
3:44a-48a)
1 (fol. 192) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
2 (fol. 229) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
3 (fol. 229v) Ep. 114 {Epist., 303-4)
4 (fol. 229v) Ep. 121 {Epist., 319-21)
5 (fol. 229v) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 'Sll-lh)
6 (fol. 263v) Ep. 120bis (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico codice," 54-55;
ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109)
7 (fol. 263 v) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
8 (fol. 264r-v) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52)
9 (fol. 264v) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54)
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. H.V.3 {Iter 2:164a)
1 (fols. 74-79) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. H.VI.26 {Iter 2:165a)
1 (fols. 41v-42) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52)
2 (fol. 43) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
3 (fols. 81-84v) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol.
quarto 40 {Iter 3:703a)
1 (79-81) Ep. 120 to Franc. Zabarella {Epist., 316-19)
2 (81) Ep. Ill to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21)
3 (81-82) Ep. Ill (Nic. Leonardi to PPV) {Epist., 311-13)
4 (82-83) Ep. 114 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 303-4)
5 (91-92) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
296 CHAPTER 11
6 (151-52) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza [Epist., 351-52)
7 (185-86) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) [Epist.^
355-56)
Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capitolares, cod. 100,42 {Iter 4:645b-
47a)
1 (fols. 103-4v) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5)
Trent, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 42 (temp. 258), Unnumbered fols. {Iter
2:189b-90a, 6:231b)
1 Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (inc: Si tibi occurrerem) {Epist., 269-73)
Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 1.177
24 letters (fols. 49v-50, 56v-65, 114-16, 143). See Part II above for
details.
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5
13 letters (fols. 14-19v, 33-59v, 63v-65v). See Part II above for
details.
Troyes, Bibl. Municipale, cod. 1531
1 (fol. 318) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
2 (fols. 451V-52) Ep. 121 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 319-21)
Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Mc.l04 {Iter 3:721b, 6:544a)
Ep.}''
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 61 (/fer 2:442a; Prete, Codices Bar-
heriniani Latini: Codices 1-150, 103-7)
1 (fols. 170V-71) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 116 (/fer 2:442b; Prete, Codices Barberiniani La-
tini: Codices 1-150, 202-4)
1 (fol. I) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi (fragm.) {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 1952 {Iter 2:448b, 6:389a)
1 £p. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
2 (fol. 195) Ep. 82 {Epist., 202-5)
Ibid., cod. Barb. lat. 2087 {Iter 2:463a, 6:392a)
1 (fols. 17v-20v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1592 {Iter 2:397b-98a)
1 (fols. 75-78v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
2 (fol. 79) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
^ According to the description in the printed catalog prepared by Hedwig Rockelein,
Signaturen Mc 1 bis Mc 150, Band 1, Teil 1 of Die lateinischen Handschriften der Universi-
tatsbibliothek Tubingen (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1991), 219-21, there is no letter of
Vergerio in the manuscript. The description gives an anonymous letter on page 58 (inc: Ho-
diema me die gaudeo ac iocunditate affectum sentio).
opera: A Finding-List 297
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1555 {Iter 2:408b-9a)
1 (fol. 153r-v) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonard! {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Ross. 409 {Iter 2:465b)
1 (fol. 43) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1194 (Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Latini, 3:203-
4)
1 (fols. 74-82v) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 3155 {Iter 2:317a)
1 (fol. 35v) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5126
1 (fols. 141-42) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5131 (/fer 2:331a, 586b-87a)
1 (fols. 23v-24v) Ep. 101 to Col. Salutati {Epist., 257-62)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5223 {Iter 2:372b-73a)
1 (fol. 54) Ep. 83 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 205-6)
2 (fol. 54r-v) Ep. 84 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 207-9)
3 (fols. 54V-55) Ep. 85 to Ognibene della Scola {Epist., 210-11)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5382 {Iter 2:333b)
1 (fols. 4-10) Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5911 {Iter 2:377b-78a)
1 (fols. 21V-22) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
96-137V, 146 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
78 letters (copied from cod. Archivio Papafava 21, fasc. 17, part 2)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569) {Iter 2:225a)
1 (fol. 72) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.21 (3814) (/fer 2:238b)
1 (fol. 38) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-
56)
2 (fols. 40vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.26 (4428) {Iter 2:239a)
1 (fol. 38) Ep 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827)
Part 1 (fols. l-73v): 124 letters
Part 2 (fols. 74v-77v): 8 letters
Part 3 (fols. 78-88 v): 15 letters
Part 4 (fols. 89-96v): 1 letter. See Part II above for details.
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152) {Iter 2:253b-54a)
1 (fols. 22ff.) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
298 CHAPTER 11
2 (fols. 76ff.) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19)
3 (fol. 257v-58v) Ep. 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV, fragm.) [Epist.,
253-57)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XL 102 (3940) {Iter 1:15^2)
1 (fols. 16V-17) Ep. 133 {Epist., 351-52)
2 (fol. 17) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) (£pwf., 353-54)
3 (fol. 17v) Ep. 120bis to Nic. Leonard! (ed. Zicari, "II piu antico
codice," 54-55; ed. Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi," 109)
4 (fol. 18) Ep. 120 [Epist., 316-19)
5 (fol. 18v) Ep. Ill OSric. Leonardi to PPV) [Epist., 311-13)
6 (fol. 19) Ep. Ill [Epist., 319-21)
7 (fol. 19) Ep. 114 [Epist., 303-4)
8 (fols. 19v-20) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XI.106 (4363) (/fer 2:240a)
1 (fols. 74-78 v) Pro diruta Virgilii statua [Ep. 8 1 to Lud. degli Ali-
dosi) [Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIL50 (4376) [Iter 1:14U)
1 (fols. 105-12) De eversione statuae [Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi)
[Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.71 (4142) [Iter l:lA5z, 6:257a)
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIII.72 (4109) [Iter 2:245a)
1 Ep. 137? to Nic. Leonardi [Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.7 (4319) [Iter 2:245b-46a)
1 (fol. 31v) Ep. 101 [Epist., 157-(>1)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.50 (4238) [Iter 2:263b-64a)
1 (fols. 171ff.) Ep. 81 on the statue of Virgil [Epist., 189-202)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955)
124 letters (fols. 55-137, 138r-v, 144, 171-72v). See Part II above
for details.
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.221 (4632) (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici
latini, 3:319-26; Iter 6:262b-63a)
1 (fol. 42v) Ep. 133 [Epist., 351-52)
2 (fol. 43) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) [Epist., 353-54)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535)
38 letters (fols. 5-8, 9-15v, 21v-22, 30v-33, 35-37v, 43-44, 44v-
51v, 53-63, 83v-85v). See Part II above for details.
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.266 (4502) [Iter 2:269a-70a)
1 (fols. 248-49v) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno [Epist., 269-73)
opera: A Finding-List 299
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.287 (4303) {Iter 2:236a-b)
1 (fol. 239) Ep. 14 (Santo de' Pellegrini to PPV) {EpisL, Id-li)
2 (fol. 239r-v) Ep. 18 [Epist., 33-34)
3 (fols. 240ff.) Ep. 15 {Epist., 28-30)
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 408 (2029) {Iter 2:213b)
1 (fols. 94ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 473 (1592) {Iter l-.lUs)
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Venice, Museo Civico Correr, cod. Cicogna 3407
1 Ep. 45 {Epist., 102-6)
Ibid., cod. Cicogna 3409
1 Ep. 99 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 251-53)
Ibid., cod. P.D. C.2455 {Iter 6:281a)
(fasc. 5) Epistolae (copies)
(fasc. 7) Notes on the letters
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. G.7.1.25 (Mazzatinti 2:78-
79)
1 (fols. 22V-23) Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Ibid., cod. 7.1.31 (/fer 2:302a)
1 (fols. 149-52) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno (inc: Si tibi occurrerem)
{Epist., 1(^9-71)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3315 {Tabulae Codicum
Manuscriptorum 2:258)
1 (fols. 176ff.) Ep. 104 to Carlo Zeno {Epist., 269-73)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 3330
1 (fols. 98vff.) Ep. 120 {Epist., 316-19)
2 (fols. 114V-15) Ep. 130 {Epist., 345-47)
3 (fols. 129vff.) Ep. 61 {Epist., 141-42)
4 (fol. 141) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52)
5 (fols. 141V-42) Ep. 134 (Gasp. Barzizza to PPV) {Epist., 353-54)
6 (fol. 142) Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist.,
355-56)
7 (fols. 214ff.) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
8 (fols. 247vff.) Ep. 81 to Lud. degli Alidosi {Epist., 189-202)
9 (fols. 251ff.) Ep. 138 to "L. B." {Epist., 362-78)
Washington, D. C, Library of Congress, cod. Phillipps 5819 {Iter
5:418b-19a)
1 (fols. 304V-8) Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist, 362-78)
Wiirzburg, UniversitatsbibHothek, cod. M.ch.f.60 {Iter 3:744b-45a)
1 (fols. 152V-53) Ep. 133 to Gasp. Barzizza {Epist., 351-52)
300 CHAPTER 11
Zagreb, Knjiznica Akademije Znanosti i Umjetnosti, cod. II.c.61 {Iter
5:453a-b)
1 (fols. 154-55) Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV)
{Epist., 293-96)
2 (fols. 158-59) Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV)
{Epist., 300-2)
Ibid., Sveucilisna Knjiznica, cod. MR. 107 {Iter 5:454b-55b)
1 (fols. 76V-77) Ep. 137} to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Editions:
Francesco Barbaro, De re uxoria libri duo. < Paris > , 1513. Hagenau,
1533. Amsterdam, 1639.
1 Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Michelangelo Biondo. Venice, date unknown.''
1 £p. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Bernardino Scardeone, . . . De antiquitate urbis Patavii et claris civibus
Patavinis libri tres . . . , 168ff. Basel, 1560. Repr. in I. G. Grae-
vius. Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiae . . . , 6.3:192ff.
Leiden, 1722.
1 Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death (fragm.) {Epist., 362-78)
Epistolae illustrium virorumpost obitum Francisci Zabarellae cardinalis
Constantia Patavium missae, 5-16. Padua, 1655.
1 Ep. 138 on Zabarella's death {Epist., 362-78)
Johann Georg Schelhorn, Amoenitates Litterariae, quibus variae obser-
vationes, scripta item quaedam anecdota et rariora opuscula exhi-
bentur, Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1725-31.
\Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
Edmond Martene and Ursinus Durand, Thesaurus Novus Anecdoto-
rum. . . . Paris, 1717.
\Ep. 81 on Virgil's statue {Epist., 189-202)
G. A. Furietti, Gasparini Barzizii . . . Opera, l:164ff. Rome, 1723.
1 Ep. 135 (Gasp. Barzizza to Franc. Zabarella) {Epist., 355-56)
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:198D-203E, 215C-40.
13 Letters: Ep. 138, 81, 27, 34, 16, 98, 100 (Col. Salutati to PPV),
101, 114, 120, 99, 104, 140
Dominico M. Salmaso, Petri Pauli Vergerii Senioris De Divo Hiero-
nymo opuscula ... ,25. Padua, 1767.
^ On the problems in dating the edition, see Giorgio Stabile, "Biondo, Michelangelo,"
DBI 10:562-63, who establishes that Biondo had set up the press in his Venetian home by
1545.
opera: A Finding-List 301
1 Ep. 78 {Epist., 184-85)
lacopo Morelli, Delia biblioteca manoscritta di Tommaso Giuseppe
Farsetti patrizio veneto e ball del Sagr'Ordine Gerosolimitano,
2:41 (fragm.). Venice, 1771-80.
1 Ep. 91 {Epist., 232-34)
Giambattista Verci, Storia della Marca Trivigiana e Veronese, 17:39ff.
(no. 1934), 44£f. (no. 1936), 51ff. (no. 1937). Venice, 1790.
3 letters: Ep. 27, 34, 35
lacopo Bernardi, "Di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore: Lettera a Carlo
Combi," Rivista universale, n.s., 22 (1875): 427.
1 Ep. 115 {Epist., 304-6)
lacopo Bernardi, "Pier Paolo Vergerio il seniore ed Emanuele Criso-
lora," Archivio storico italiano, ser. 3, 23 (1876): 176-80.
1 (177-79) Ep. 96 {Epist., 243-46)
2 (179-80) Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV, fragm.) {Epist., 356-60)
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole di Pietro Paolo Vergerio seniore da Capodi-
stria. Miscellanea della R. Deputazione veneta di storia patria
4.5. Venice, 1887.
138 Letters
Remigio Sabbadini, "Epistole di Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore da
Capodistria," Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 13 (1889):
295-304.
1-3 Ep. 83-85 to Ognibene Scola {Epist., 205-11)
Domenico Vitaliani, Della vita e delle opere di Nicolb Leoniceno vicen-
tino, 274-75. Verona, 1892.
\ Ep. 137 to Nic. Leonardi {Epist., 360-62)
Francesco Novati, Epistolario di Coluccio Salutati, Fonti per la storia
d'ltalia pubblicate dall'Istituto storico italiano: Epistolari, secoli
XIV-XV, 15-18. Rome, 1891-1911.
6 letters (2:277-78, 4:78-86, 365-75, 478-80) Ep. 32, 100-1, 107-8,
111 {Epist., 64, 253-62, 278-83, 296-99)
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 1:72-75. Venice, 1915.
1 Ep. 136 (Guarino to PPV) {Epist., 356-60)
Remigio Sabbadini, Giovanni da Ravenna insigne figura d'umanista
(1343-1408), 11%-19, 231-32, Studi umanistici 1. Como, 1924.
1 Ep. 110 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV, excerpt.)
{Epist., 293-96)
2 Ep. 113 (Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna to PPV, excerpt.)
{Epist., 300-2)
Leonardo Smith, "Pier Paolo Vergerio: De situ veteris et inclytae
302 CHAPTER 11
urbisRomae" English Historical Review A\ (1926): 57'h-77. Repr.
in Roberto Valentini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, eds., Scrittori
(secoli XIV-XV), vol. 4 of Codice topografico della citta di Roma,
89-100, Fonti per la storia d'ltalia 91. Rome: Istituto storico ita-
liano per il Medio Evo, 1953.
1 Ep. 86 {Epist., 211-20)
Leonardo Smith, Epistolario, Fonti per la storia d'ltalia pubblicate
dairistituto storico italiano per il Medio Evo 74. Rome, 1934.
148 letters
15. Epistola 120bis (inc: Spero te cito videre)
Manuscripts:
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat.
folio 667, fol. 61r-v {Iter 3:484b)
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo, cod. 1201 {Iter 5:522b-23b)
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana, cod. 44 (Unnumbered folios), fol. 14
(Zicari, "Il piu antico codice"; Iter 2:64a)
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fol.
263v {Iter 3:44a-48a)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI. 102 (3940), fol.
17v {Iter 2:256a)
Editions:
Marcello Zicari, "Il piu antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio
il vecchio," Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 54-55.
Vittorio Zaccaria, "Niccolo Leonardi, i suoi corrispondenti, e una
lettera inedita di Pier Paolo Vergerio," Atti e memorie del-
I'Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova, n.s., 95 (1982-
83): 109.
16. Epistola (inc: Plutarchus in describenda Antonii vita)
Manuscripts:
Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico, cod. 12, fol. 66 (missing since
World War I) {Epist., xxxii; Ziliotto, "Alia ricerca," 91-94)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 156-57
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fols.
46V-47
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. llOv-11
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fol. 44r-v
Editions:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 144. Venice, 1887.
opera: A Finding-List 303
Leonardo Smith, EpisL, 451-52.
17. Epistola nomine Ciceronis ad Franciscum Petrarcam (inc: Sero iam
tandem quisquis es) Padua, 1 August 1394
Manuscripts:
Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana, cod. A.VII.3, fols. 95v-96 (Petrarch
to Cicero), fols. 96-99 {Iter l:32b-33a)
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 269, fols. 34-35 (Petrarch to
Cicero), fols. 35-39v {Iter 1:82b)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 504, fol. 329v (Pe-
trarch to Cicero), fols. 329v-30v (fragm.) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]:
439-5S, I codici del Petrarca, 291-310 [no. 104])
Ibid., Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Quarto 768, fols. 44v-45 (Petrarch
to Cicero), fols. 45v-47 {Iter 3:650a-b)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Mellon 14, fol. 40r-v (Pe-
trarch to Cicero), fols. 40v-43v {Iter 5:290b; Dutschke, Census,
213-15 [no. 83])
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 238-39 (Petrarch to
Cicero), fols. 239-43 v
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 189-90 (Petrarch to Ci-
cero), part 1, 190-95
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 115-16 (Petrarch to Cicero), fols. 116-20
Rimini, Bibl. Civica Gambalunga, cod. SC-MS 22 (formerly
4.A.L22), fols. 18-19v (/rer 2:87b-88a, 6:149a)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Pal. lat. 1552, fols. 172v-73 (Petrarch to Ci-
cero), fols. 173-74V {Iter 2:394a, 590b, 6:360b-61a)
Edition:
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 436-45.
18. Epitaphium (for Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara) (inc: Magnanimi
sunt ossa senis) Padua, 21 November 1393
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 115
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 73
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fol. 96
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Parm. 283, fols. 32v-33 {Iter 2:45b-46a)
Edition:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:198C.
304 CHAPTER 11
19. Epitaphium (for Manuel Chrysoloras) (inc: Ante aram situs est)
Constance, April 1415
Editions:
Emile Louis Jean Legrand, Bibliographie Hellenique, ou, Description
raisonnee des ouvrages publics par des Grecs au dix-huitieme siecle,
Irxxvi. Paris, 1918-28. Repr. in Epist, 357n.
Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino, 1:112 {Ep. 54), Miscellanea
di storia veneta 8, 11, 14. Venice, 1915-19.
Elena Necchi, "Una silloge epigrafica Padovana: Gli Epygramata illu-
strium virorum di loannes Hasenbeyn," IMU 25 (1992): 156.
20. Facetia (inc: M q. Cauchius primi apud Venetos)
Manuscripts:
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2 {Iter 6:130a-31b)
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 164
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
68v
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 130v
Editions:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 98. Venice, 1887.
Leonardo Smith, Epist, 452-53.
21. Hippocrates, lusiurandum translatio Latina (inc: Testor ApoUinem
et Aesculapium)
Manuscripts:
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 481, fol. 45r-v {Iter
3:280a-b)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Pal. lat. 1248, fol. 91r-v (where the translation
is attributed to Leonardo Bruni) (Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus
[VI]," 354-55; Schuba, Die medizinischen Handschriften, 278-83)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 4772, fols. 62v-63 (repeated
on fols. 108v-9) (Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus (VI)," 354-55)
Editions:
Articella, sen thesaurus operum medicorum antiquorum. Venice, 1483,
1487, 1491, 1493, 1500. GIT 2679-83.
Articella. Lyon, 1515.
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio
veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 131.^
Pearl Kibre, "Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin
opera: A Finding-List 305
22. . . . Officium Divi Hieronymi . . . (inc: Sancti Hieronymi clara prae-
conia) Padua, 1400-5
Manuscript:
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535),
fols. 38-42V
23. <Oratio> (inc: O altitude divitianim sapientiae <Rom. 11:33 >)
Rome, 6 August 1406
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 304-6
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 139v-40v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
91 (fragm. at beginning)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 165 (fragm. at beginning)
Edition:
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio
veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 132-33.
24. Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem de Carraria, Paduae principem, pro
Communitate Patavina (inc: Vellem ego optimi viri) Padua, 1392-93
Manuscripts:
London, British Library, cod. Arundel 70, fols. 74v-79v (/rer4:126a-
27a)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 93 sup., fols. 46-52 {Iter l:330a-b)
Ibid., Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 110-22v
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 23-29
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 78, fols. 71v-76v
(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 345-60, / codici del Petrarca, 197-212
[no. 87])
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Folio 607, fols. 104v-13 {Iter
3:648a-49a)
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 169-80
Middle Ages (VI)," Traditio 36 (1980): 354-56, discusses a previous translation of Nicolaus
de Reggio (1308-45) and later translations of Niccolo Perotti and perhaps Andreas Brentius.
On Perotti's translation, see also Paul Oskar Kristeller, "Niccolo Perotti ed i suoi contributi
alia storia dell'umanesimo,"in Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters 2 (Rome: Edizioni
di Storia e Letteratura, 1985), 310. The incipit of BAV Pal. lat. 1248 matches that of
Vergerio's translation, and not Perotti's. In addition to the fourteen manuscripts listed by
Kristeller and Kibre, Perotti's translation is also found in Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Cen-
trale, cod. Magi. Vin.1435, fols. 133v-34 {Iter 5:576a-b), and Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod.
Est. lat. 56 (Alpha 0.7, 12), fols. 114v-15v {Iter 1:368b, 6:84a-b).
306 CHAPTER 11
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 578
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 231-47
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 74-92
Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. 1.177, fols. 122-27v
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 20-32
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
148-55 (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 23-30
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3330, fols. 100-8
Edition:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:204-15.
25. Oratio infunere Francisci Senioris de Carraria, Patavii principis (inc:
Vereor optimi viri ne si) Padua, 21 November 1393
Manuscripts:
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AC.XII.22, fols. 97v-103
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. 37-57
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57 (Vindob. 3160),
fols. ?-152 (Iter 1:437b, 3:59a-b)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly
Phillipps 9627), fols. 100-4v (/ter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194-
97 [no. 77'^
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 164-68v
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 225-31
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 69-73
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 90v-95v
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 9-13v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), fols.
160-62V (Zorzanello in Mazzatinti 77:170-71)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569), fols. 56-61 (Valentinelli, Biblio-
theca manuscripta, 4:193; /fer 2:225a)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), fols. 18v-25
Edition:
Ludovico Antonio Muratori, RIS, 16:194B-98C.
26. Oratio pro fortissimo viro Cermisone Patavino ad illustrissimum prin-
cipem Franciscum luniorem de Carraria (inc: Multa mihi verba faci-
enda essent) Padua, 8 September 1390-January 1392
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 178-79 (fragm.)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Ottob. lat. 1223, fols. 109-11 (/fer 2:428b-29a)
opera: A Finding-List 307
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
72r-v (fragm.)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 135v-36 (fragm.)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 22-23
Editions:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 103-5. Venice, 1887.
Leonardo Smith, Epist., 431-36.
27. Paulus (inc [Prologus]: Hanc dum poeta mihi verecundus) Bologna,
1388-90
Manuscripts:
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. C 12 sup., fols. 6v-27 {Iter 1:329a)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 114-15 (Prologus)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol.
quarto 37, fols. 115v-29v {Iter 3:707b-8a)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 6878, fols. 93-1 13v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955),
fols. 152-63
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 64-73v
Editions:
Filippo Argelati, . . . Bibliotheca Scriptorum Mediolanensium, 393ff.
{Prologus). Milan, 1747.
Apostolo Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane, 1:59 {Prologus). Venice, 1752.
Karl Milliner, "Vergerios Paulus, eine Studentenkomodie," Wiener
Studien: Zeitschrift fiir classische Philologie 11 (1900): 236-57.
Revisions proposed by Remigio Sabbadini, "II Paulus di P. P.
Vergerio," Giomale storico della letteratura italiana 38 (1901):
464-65. Repr. in Vito Pandolfi, ed., and Erminia Artese, trans.,
Teatro goliardico dell'umanesimo, 47-119. Milan: Lerici, 1965.
Amalia Clelia Pierantoni, Pier Paolo Vergerio seniore, 167-201.
Chieti, 1920.
Alessandro Perosa, trans., // teatro umanistico, 55-85. Milan: Nuova
Accademia, 1965.
Sergio Cella, ed., and Francesco Semi, trans., "II Paulus" Atti e me-
morie della Societa istriana di archeologia e storia patria 66, n.s.,
14 (1966): 45-103.
Giuseppe Secoli, "II Paulus di Pierpaolo Vergerio il Vecchio," Studi
vergeriani, 13-23. Trieste, 1971.'
' I am aware of the editions of Pierantoni and Secoli because they are cited in Smith's
edition of the Epistolario and in Perosa's edition of the Paulus.
308 CHAPTER 11
Alessandro Perosa, "Per una nuova edizione del Paulus del Ver-
gerio," in Vittore Branca and Sante Graciotti, eds., L'umanesimo
in Istria, 321-56, Civilta veneziana: Studi 38. Florence: Olschki,
1983.
28. Petrarcae vita (inc: Franciscus Petrarca Florentinus origine) Padua,
1395-96
Manuscripts:
Cambridge, Pembroke College, cod. 249 {Argumenta in Africam)
(Mann, "Petrarch Manuscripts," 172-73 [no. 17])
Cambridge (USA), Harvard University, Houghton Library, cod. Typ.
17, fol. 152 {Materiae omnium librorum Ajricae) {Iter 5:232a; Dut-
schke. Census, 87-90 [no. 23|
Erlangen (Germany), Universitatsbibliothek, Inc. 590 (ms. fascicle
bound within), fols. 2-4v {Petrarcae vita . . . , fols. 2-4; Argu-
menta in Africam, fol. 4; Materiae omnium librorum Africae, fol.
4r-v) (Sottili, IMU 19 [1976]: 450-51, /co^id del Petrarca, 766-
67 [no. 257])
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Acquisti e Doni 441 {Iter 1:105b)
Ibid., cod. Acquisti e Doni 715, fol. 74v {Versus de principalibus operi-
bus domini Francisci Petrarcae, inc. Illustres celebrare viros) {Iter
5:567b)
Ibid., cod. Ashb. 1014 {Argumenta in Africam, Materiae omnium li-
brorum Africae) {Iter 1:85b)
Ibid., cod. Laur. XXXIII.35 {Argumenta in Africam, Materiae o-
mnium librorum Africae) (Bandini, Catalogus Codicum Latino-
rum, 2:131-32)
Greifswald (Germany), Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 682, fols. 131-
35v {Iter 3:403b)
Karlsruhe (Germany), Badische Landesbibliothek, cod. Aug. (Reiche-
nau) 53, fols. 201-4 (Sottili, IMU 11 [1968]: 383-84, / co^id del
Petrarca, 121-22 [no. 46])
Ibid., cod. Aug. (Reichenau) fragm. 205 (copied from Reich. 53), fols.
l-4v {Iter 3:579b)
London, British Library, cod. Add. 10234, fols. 1-10? {Petrarcae vita
. . . , Argumenta in Africam) {Iter 4:69b)
Ibid., cod. Harley 3722 {Argumenta in Africam) (Mann, "Petrarch
Manuscripts," 301-2 [no. 118])
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. D 223 inf., fols. 166-73 {Iter 1:284b)
Modena, Bibl. Estense, cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22), fols. l-20v
opera: A Finding-List 309
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 124, fols. 1-4 {Pe-
trarcae vita . . . , fols. 1-3; Argumenta in Africam, fols. 3-4; Ma-
teriae omnium librorum Africae, fol. 4) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]:
360-63, / codici del Petrarca, 212-15 [no. 88])
Ibid., cod. Clm 350, fols. 149-55v {Petrarcae vita ..., fols. 149-54;
Argumenta in Africam, fols. 154-55; Materiae omnium librorum
Africae, fol. 155v) (copied from Clm 124) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]:
392-98, / codici del Petrarca, 244-50 [no. 94])
Ibid., cod. Clm 3561, fols. 286-89v {Petrarcae vita . . . , fols. 286-88v;
Argumenta in Africam, fols. 288v-89v; Materiae omnium li-
brorum Africae, fol. 289v) (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 281-84, / co-
dici del Petrarca, 329-32 [no. lli;0
Ibid., cod. Clm 21203, fols. 212v-15v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 447-48,
/ codici del Petrarca, 495-96 [no. 150])
Ibid., cod. Clm 23610, fols. 35v-36 (fragm.) (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]:
456-58, / codici del Petrarca, 504-6 [no. 153])
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.E.40, fols. l-8v {Iter 1:401b, 6:103b)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly
Phillipps 9627), fols. 105-12 {Petrarcae vita . . . , Argumenta in
Africam) {Iter 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194-97 [no. 77^
Olomouc, Statni Archiv, cod. CO.509, fols. 115v-17 {Iter 3:158b)
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, lat. 311, fols. 1-6 (modern foliation,
51-56) (Mann, "Petrarch Manuscripts," 374-75 [no. 170])
Ibid., cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 105-13
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 17, part 2, fols. 16-19 {Iter
6:130a-31b)
Ibid., Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 403 (/rer 2:10a)
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 307-17 {Petrarcae vita
. . . ), part 2, 110-11 {Omnia Petrarcae opera his . . . versibus conti-
nentur), part 2, 111-14 (. . . Epitomata in Africam)
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1223, 5-16 {Iter 2:23a-b)
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 10209, fols. lv-5 {Iter 3:229b)
Prague, Knihovna Metropolitni Kapituli, cod. D.LX, fols. 235ff.
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 627, fols. 28ff. {Petrarcae vita ... ,
Argumenta [fragm.]) {Iter 2:83b)
Seville, Bibl. Capitular y Colombina, cod. 5-6-13, fols. 59-62v {Iter
4:619b-20a)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. HB.X.21, fols.
2-4 {Iter 3:704a)
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 5, fols. 66-74v
310 CHAPTER 11
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Barb. lat. 3064 {Iter 2:452a)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 4521, fols. 2-5v
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5155, fols. 224-29 (/fer 2:331b)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 5263, fols. 76-84 {Iter 2:332a-b)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. ital. XI. 120 (6931),
fols. 56ff. {Iter 2:278b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XII. 17 (3944), fols. 100-3v {Petrarcae vita . . . ,
Argumenta) {Iter 2:240b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 139-44 {Iter 2:248a)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 3319, fols. 54-60 {Tabulae
Codicum Manuscriptorum 2:259)
Wellesley (USA), Wellesley College Library, cod. Plimpton 751, fols.
39-43v {Iter 5:421b; Dutschke, Census, 280-81 [no. 123])
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek, cod. Car. C.118, fols. 1-4 {Iter 5:143a)
"Utopia," Private Collection 386, flyleaves 1-3 {Petrarcae vita,
abbrev.) (Dutschke, Census, 287 [no. 130])
Editions:
lacopo Filippo Tomasini, Petrarca redivivus, 175-89 (fragm.). Padua,
1650. Repr. in Jacques Francois Paul Aldonce De Sade, Me-
moires pour la vie de Frangois Petrarques, 3:13-19. Amsterdam
< i.e., Avignon > , 1764-67.
Egerton Brydges, Epistola Francisci Petrarcae posteritati, 18-19.
Naples, 1820.
Angelo Solerti, Le vite di Dante, Petrarca, e Boccaccio scritte fino al
secolo decimosesto, 294-302. Milan, 1904.
29. Poetica narratio (inc: Anni tempus erat quo sol) Rome, September
1406
Manuscripts:
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 166, fols. 320-22
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 105-8
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
97r-v
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 147v-49v
Edition:
Leonardo Smith, "Note cronologiche vergeriane, III-V," Archivio
veneto, ser. 5, 4 (1928): 134-37. Repr. in Epist., 453-58.
30. Pro redintegranda uniendaque ecclesia ad Romanos cardinales oratio
tempore schismatis in concistorio habita (inc: Ecce nunc tempus acce-
opera: A Finding-List 311
ptabile <2 Cor. 6:2b >) Rome, 6 November 1406
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 1, 247-60
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fols. 121-30
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fols.
91-95V
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fols. 165-71
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), fols. 78-82v
Edition:
Carlo A. Combi, "Un discorso inedito di Pier Paolo Vergerio il seni-
ore da Capodistria," Archivio storico per Trieste, I'Istria, ed il
Trentino 1 (1882): 360-74.
31. ? Proverbia et sententiae (inc: Non sinit obscurum f acinus)
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, part 2, 115-17
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), fol.
97
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), fol. 147r-v
Edition:
Facsimile (Marc. lat. XI.56, fol. 97) in Epist, Tav. HI (facing page 452)
32. Quaestiones de ecclesiae potestate (inc: Utrum procurantes quod abs-
que expresso) Constance, 10 August 1417
Manuscripts:
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 5596, fol. 95 (Halm,
Laubmann, et al., Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 1.3:26)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Theol. et Philos.
folio? 137, fol. 176
Edition:
Heinrich Finke et al.. Acta Concilii Constanciensis, 3:667-69. Miin-
ster in Westphalia, 1896-1928.
33. Sermones decern pro Sancto Hieronymo
See Part II above.
34. Testamentum (inc: In nomine Domini, Amen. . . . Quia praesentis
vitae conditio) Buda, 3 May 1444
Manuscript:
Capodistria, Archivio Civico, cod. 27, fol. 161v
312 CHAPTER 11
Editions:
Baccio Ziliotto, "Nuove testimonianze per la vita di Pier Paolo
Vergerio seniore," Archeografo triestino 30 (1905-6): 257-61.
Leonardo Smith, Epist.y 463-71.
Addenda
1. (to 292) Siena H.VI.26 also has Ep. 134 (fol. 42r-v) and Ep. 135
(fols. 42v-43) and is a further example of the sylloge of letters
discussed in Chapter 5.
2. (to 304) the epitaph for Manuel Chrysoloras is preserved in
Munich cod. Clm 78, fol. 112.
CHAPTER 12
Works Attributed to
Pierpaolo Vergerio
1. Anon., Apologia pro Carrariensihus in Albertinum Mussatum (inc:
Fuerunt aliqui qui cum scripserunt)
Manuscripts:
Padua, Archivio Papafava, cod. 21, fasc. 16, Iff. (where attributed to
PPV) {Iter 6:130a)
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 408 (V. Lazzarini, "Libri di Francesco
Novello," in Scritti di paleografia e diplomatica^ 278-79; Epist.,
493-94 n. l;/rer 2:22a)
Edition:
Giovanni Cittadella, Storia delta dominazione Carrarese in Padova,
1:443-44. Padua, 1842.
2. Anon., Epistola to Pellegrino Zambeccari on the destruction of Vir-
gil's statue, 1397 (inc: Neminem vir insignis eloquentiae)^
Manuscripts:
Cambridge, University Library, cod. Add. 6676 E, fols. 204-11
(Robey, "Virgil's Statue," 184)
Freiburg im Breisgau, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. 159, fols. 46v-50v
(Sottili, IMU 11 (1968): 350-55, I codici del Petrarca, 88-93 [no.
32])
' In a review of Bischoff's Studien zu P. P. Vergerio dem Alteren from 1910, Ludwig Ber-
talot proposed Vergerio as the author of the letter.
314 CHAPTER 12
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 487, fols. 29-36v
(Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 436-39, / codici del Petrarca, 288-91 [no.
103)]
Ibid., cod. Clm 5354, fols. 335-39v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 355-60, /
codici del Petrarca, 403-8 [no. 121])
Ibid., cod. Clm 14134, fols. 219-21v (Sottili, IMU 13 [1970]: 402-17,
/ codici del Petrarca, 450-65 [no. 140])
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fols.
189v-91v {Iter 3:45a-48a)
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, cod. Poet, et Philol.
quarto 40, 14-32 {Iter 3:703a)
Edition:
David Robey, "Virgil's Statue at Mantua and the Defence of Poetry:
An Unpublished Letter of 1397," Rinascimento, n.s., 9 (1969):
183-203.
3. Anon., Hymni quattuor (inc: Plausibus laetis canit omnis aetas)^
Editions:
Gedeone Pusterla, San Nazario, protovescovo di Capo d'Istria: Me-
morie storiche con note e cronologie. Capodistria, 1888.
Francesco Babudri, San Nazario protovescovo di Capodistria. Capodi-
stria, 1901.
4. Anon., Oratio de bonis artibus (inc: Scio amantissime praeceptor et
colendissime)
Manuscript:
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VII.266, fol. 67 (cites De ingenuis
moribus, ed. Gnesotto, 97, lines 3ff.) {Iter 2:486a-87b)
5. Gasparino Barzizza, De nominibus magistratuum Romanorum liber
(inc: Rex Romulus omnium primus)
Manuscript:
Volterra, Bibl. Comunale Guarnacciana, cod. 9637, fols. 9v-ll {Iter
2:310b)^
^ Information on St. Nazarius and his cult in Capodistria is supplied by Daniele Ireneo,
"Nazario, vescovo e patrono di Capodistria, santo," in Bibliotheca Sanctorum (Rome: Istitu-
to Giovanni XXm, Pontificia Univ. Lateranense, 1961-69), 9:777-79. The hymns were writ-
ten in 1422 to celebrate the fact that the relics of Sts. Nazarius and Alexander were restored
to Archbishop Geremia Pola of Capodistria by Archbishop Pileo de Marini of Genoa.
' Further manuscripts containing the work include: Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek,
Works Attributed to Vergerio 315
6. Leonardo Bruni, Epistola ad Petrum Histrum (i.e., to Col. Salutati)
(inc: Etsi sciam quae tu nuper de me)'*
Manuscripts:
Hamburg, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Philol. quarto
132b, fols. 55V-56 (Iter 3:562b-63a)
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCCIII (303), fols. 78-79 (Iter 2:299a)
7. Giovanni Conversini da Ravenna, De regimine principum (inc:
Memini domine insignis et amanda)
Manuscript:
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. G.X.33, fols. 137-63v
(Iter 2:164a, 6:215a; Kohl, "Works," 353-54, 356)
8. Pietro del Monte?, Facetia (inc: Solveramus ratem e Patavio)^
Manuscripts:
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Bywater 38, fols. 171vff. (Iter 4:248b-49b)
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1223, 161-63 (where attributed to
PPV or Guarino) (Iter 2:23a-b)
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 43, fols. lllv-
13 (Iter 6:207a-b)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Vat. lat. 5346 (where attributed to PPV)
(Iter 2:333a)
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana, cod. G.7.1.25, fols. 23ff. (Mazza-
tinti 2:78-79)
Edition:
Gilbert Tournoy, "Un nuovo testo del periodo padovano di Pietro
del Monte," Quademi per la storia dell'Universita di Padova 8
(1975): 70-72.
cod. Hamilton 541, fols. 67-69 {Iter 3:366b-67a); Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Laur.
Gadd. 64; Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1867, fols. 92v-94v {Iter 3:293b);
Rome, Bibl. dell'Istituto Nazionale di Archeologia e Storia deirArte, cod. 47, fols. 48-50
(/ter 6:196b); Turin, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. H.IH.S, fols. 199-200v (/ter 2:181a-b); BAV, cod.
Regin. lat. 786, fols. 4v-5v; cod. Vat. lat. 1541, fols. 160-61v; and cod. Vat. lat. 7229, fol. 14.
In general, see Alfredo Azzoni, "Ricerche barzizziane," Bergomum 54 (1960): 18-20, 24-25.
* See Francesco Paolo Luiso, Studi sull'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni, ed. Lucia Gualdo
Rosa, Studi storici, fasc. 122-24 (Rome: Istituto storico italianoper il Medio Evo, 1980), 7-8;
and Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia, 2.1:362-63 (no. 6656).
^ Claudio Griggio has argued that t)\c facetia is better attributed to Guarino; see Claudio
Griggio and Albinia de la Mare, "D copista Michele Salvatico coUaboratore di Francesco
Barbaro e Guamerio d'Artegna," Lettere italiane 37 (1985): 347 n. 3.
316 CHAPTER 12
9. Sicco Polenton, Vita Senecae (excerpt, from Book XVII of . . .
Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae lihri XVIItf
a. Oratio Senecae ad Neronem imperatorem (inc: Si aut aetati meae) and
Responsio Neronis (inc: Gratias debeo tibi amplissimas)
Manuscripts:
Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano, cod. LoUiniana 49, fol. 74 (Mazza-
tinti 2:125-27; /fer 2:496b)
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Ashb. 269 (where attributed to
PPV) {Iter 1:82b)
Parma, Bibl. Palatina, cod. Parm. 937b {Iter 2:42a)
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica Guarneriana, cod. 121 {Iter
2:568a)
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare, cod. CCXLI (202) {Iter 2:296a-b)
Editions:
Baccio Ziliotto and Giuseppe Vidossich, "Frammenti inediti della
Vita di Seneca di P. P. Vergerio il vecchio," Archeografo triestino
30 (1905-6): 352-55.
B. L. Ullmann, . . . Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguae libri XVIII,
482-85, Papers and Monographs of the American Academy in
Rome 6. Rome, 1928.
Wolfgang Speyer, "Tacitus, Annalen 14, 53/56 und ein angeblicher
Brief wechsel zwischen Seneca und Nero," Rheinisches Museum
fur Philologie 114 (1971): 351-59.
b. De vita Senecae (inc: Seneca longissime vixit)
Manuscripts:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 1203, 2:117-18
Ibid., cod. B.P. 1287, fol. 68r-v
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535),
fol. 83
Editions:
Baccio Ziliotto and Giuseppe Vidossich, "Frammenti inediti," 355-
56.
B. L. Ullmann, Scriptorum illustrium Latinae linguaCy 493-94.
* Renata Fabbri, "Un esempio della tecnica compositiva del Polenton: La Vita Senecae
{Script, ill. Lat. ling. lib. XVJl)," Res Publica Litterarum: Studies in the Classical Tradition 10
(1987): 85-86.
Works Attributed to Vergerio 317
10. Ps. Leonardus Aretinus, Ep. to Petrus Paulus (inc: Cum saepe et
multum de singulari)''
Manuscript:
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. XIV.286 (4302)
{Iter 2:250b)
Edition:
Carlo A. Combi, Epistole, 205-7. Venice, 1887.
^ On the author, see Remigio Sabbadini, Storia e critica di testi latini, 2d ed., Medioevo
e umanesimo 11 (Padua: Antenore, 1971), 274-79; and Epist, Ixx-lxxi n. 1.
CHAPTER 13
Works Dedicated to
Pierpaolo Vergerio
1. Leonardo Bruni, Dialogi ad Petrum Histrum (inc: Vetus est cuiusdam
sapientis sententia)
Manuscripts:
Arezzo, Bibl. della Citta, cod. 145 (Preface to PPV)
Basel, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. O.II.32, fols. l-19v (Iter 5:78a)
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz, cod. Lat.
folio 667, fols. 67-76 {Iter 3:484b)
Ibid., cod. Lat. quarto 272, fols. 77-\Qi7 (Klette, Leonardi Aretini Ad
Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus, iv; Iter 3:477b)
Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria, cod. 2720 (Preface to PPV)
Budapest, Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar (National Szechenyi Li-
brary), cod. Clmae 292, fols. 145-68 {Iter 4:291b)
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana, cod. Plut. Ln.3, fols. 58-75v (Bandini,
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 2:545-47)^
Ibid., cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 50 (Gaddianus), fols. 48v-63v (Bandini,
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 3:627-28)
Ibid., cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 60 (Gaddianus), fols. 61-82 (Bandini,
Catalogus Codicum Latinorum, 3:642-43)
Ibid., cod. Strozzi 104 (Preface to PPV)
' On the codex, see also Annaclara Cataldi Palau, "La biblioteca Pandolfini: Storia della
sua formazione e successiva dispersione, identificazione di alcuni manoscritti," IMU 31
(1988): 334.
Works Dedicated to Vergerio 319
Ibid., Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Conv. soppr. J.I.31 (478), fols.
109-21V {Iter 1:161b)
Ibid., cod. Magi. Vni.1311, fols. 51-70 {Iter 1:132b)
Ibid., cod. Naz. II. 1.64 (Preface to PPV)
Ibid., cod. Naz. 11.8.129^
Ibid., Bibl. Riccardiana, cod. Rice. 976, fols. 26v-34 (Book I) {Iter
1:213a)
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo, cod. B.V.14, fols. 31-43 {Iter l:246a-b, 2:523a,
6:7a-b)
Jena, Universitatsbibliothek, cod. Buder quarto 105, fol. 67r-v (Pre-
face to PPV), fols. 70-72v (speech of Salutati) {Iter 3:411a)
Karlsruhe (Germany), Badische Landesbibliothek, cod. Aug. (Reiche-
nau) 131, fols. 77-93 (Holder, Die Reichenauer Handschriften,
1:323-25)
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska, cod. 519, fols. 37-45, 90v (Preface to
PPV) {Iter 4:404b-5a)
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, cod. H 49 inf. (Preface to PPV) {Iter
1:325a)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cod. Clm 350, fols. 9-17v
(Book 1) (Sottili, IMU 12 [1969]: 392-98, / codici del Petrarca,
244-50 [no. 94])
Ibid., cod. Clm 14134, fols. 210v-ll (excerpt.) (Sottili, IMUU [1970]:
402-17, / codici del Petrarca, 450-65 [no. 140])
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale, cod. V.E.69, fols. 104-19v {Iter 1:418b)
Ibid., cod. XIII.G.33, fols. 120v-21v (Preface to PPV) (Kristeller,
"Un' ars dictaminis," 192)
New Haven, Yale University Library, cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly
Phillipps 9627), fols. 113-32 (/fer 5:291a; Dutschke, Census, 194-
97 [no. 77])
Oxford, Bodleian, cod. Canon, misc. 225 (Preface to PPV)
Palermo, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 2.Qq.C.79 (Book I) {Iter 2:26b-27a)
Paris, Bibl. Nationale, cod. Lat. 5919B (Preface to PPV)
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6179
Ibid., cod. Lat. 6315
Ibid., cod. Lat. 11290, fols. 2-28 {Iter 3:231a)
^ I found reference to this and other manuscripts of the Dialogi, as well as several manu-
scripts having only the preface to Vergerio, in James Hankins, review of Leonardo Bruni,
Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum, ed. Stefano Ugo Baldassarri, Renaissance Quarterly 51
(1998): 964-65.
320 CHAPTER 13
Ibid., cod. Lat. 17888, 235-58 {Iter 3:267a-b)
Ibid., cod. Moreau 849, fols. 2-34v {Iter 3:328b)
Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta, cod. H.78, fols. 80-lOlv {Iter
2:58a-b)
Princeton, Princeton University Library, cod. 107 {Iter 5:380a)
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense, cod. 419 (Preface to PPV)
Reims, Bibl. Municipale, cod. 1111, fols. 118-30 (Book I) {Iter
3:342a-b)
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale, cod. Varia 10 (619) {Iter l-Albz-h)
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal (Austria), Stiftsbibliothek, cod. 79.4, fol.
42r-v (excerpt.) {Iter 3:45a-48a)
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati, cod. H.VI.26, fols. 1-14 {Iter
2:165a)
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale, cod. 170, fols. 2v-12 (/fer 2:197a)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VI.214, fols. 169-84 {Iter 2:484a)
Ibid., cod. Chig. J.VI.215, fols. 107-16v {Iter 2:484a-b)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 856, fols. 2-18 {Iter 2:415a)
Ibid., cod. Ottob. lat. 1901, fols. 37v-58 {Iter 2:419b, 6:380a-b)
Ibid., cod. Pal. lat. 1598, fols. 1-19 {Iter 2:398a-b)
Ibid., cod. Regin. lat. 1321, fols. 164-82 {Iter 2:402a)
Ibid., cod. Urb. lat. 1164, fols. 17ff. (Stornajolo, Codices Urhinates La-
tini, 3:180-82)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1560, fols. 3-4 (Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini:
Codices 1461-2059, 64-65)
Ibid., cod. Vat. lat. 1883, fols. 12-15v (Book I, fragm.) (Nogara,
Codices Vaticani Latini: Codices 1461-2059, 335-36)
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana, cod. Marc. lat. VI. 134 (3565), fols.
32-49v {Iter 2:251a)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.31 (4701), fols. l-20v (Zorzanello, Catalogo
dei codici latini, 3:51-54; Iter 2:263b)
Ibid., cod. Marc. lat. XIV.118 (4711), 27-58 (Zorzanello, Catalogo dei
codici latini, 3:149-50; Iter 2:247a)
Ibid., cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), fols. 131v-46 {Iter 2:214b)
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek, cod. Lat. 229, fols. 13-32v (Klette,
Leonardi Aretini Ad Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus, iv; Csapodi-
Gardonyi, Die Bibliothek des Vitez, 110 [no. 52])
Editions:
Giuseppe Kirner, / dialoghi "Ad Petrum Histrum." Livorno, 1889.
Karl Wotke, Dialogus de tribus vatihus Florentinis. Leipzig, Prague,
and Vienna, 1889.
Works Dedicated to Vergerio 321
Theodor KJette, Leonardi Aretini Ad Petrum Paulum Istrum dialogus.
Vol. 2 of Beitrdge zur Geschichte und Litteratur der Italienischen
Gelehrtenrenaissance. Greifswald, 1889.
Eugenio Garin, Prosatori latini del Quattrocento, 44-99. Milan and
Naples: R. Ricciardi, < 1952 > .
Stefano Ugo Baldassarri, Dialogi ad Petrum Paulum Histrum.
Florence: Olschki, 1994.
2. Francesco Zabarella, De felicitate . . . libri tres (inc: Multa et praeclara
naturae munera)
Manuscripts:
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler, cod. 1.11479-11484, fols. 2-31 {Iter
3:119a)
London, British Library, cod. Harley 1883, fols. 81-118 (/ter 4:157a)
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario, cod. 196 {Iter 2:9b)
Ibid., Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 2042 {Iter 2:22b)
Edition:
Giacomo Zabarella, . . . De felicitate libri tres. . . . Padua, 1655.
CHAPTER 14
Renaissance Commentary on
Works of Pierpaolo Vergerio
1. Anon., Chronica Carrarese (1314-1435/
Manuscript:
Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B.P. 757, fols. 14v-24v
2. Anon., Commentarius in "De ingenuis moribus" (inc: In hoc expo-
nendo aureo et paene divino libello)
Manuscripts:
Forli, Bibl. Comunale, cod. III.83 (454) {Iter 1:231a)
Vatican City, BAV, cod. Chig. J.VII.266, fols. 252-54 (inc: In expo-
nendo hoc aureo Hbello) {Iter 2:486a-87b)
3. Anon., Sermo de laudibus Hieronymi^
Manuscript:
Munich, Bayerische StaatsbibHothek, cod. Clm 18527b, fols. 146v-53
(Halm, Laubmann, et al., Catalogus Codicum Latinoruniy
2.3:171)
' Sante Bortolami, "Per la storia della storiografia comunale: II Chronicon de potestatibus
Paduae," Archivio veneto, ser. 5, 105 (1975): 78-80, describes the work as a compendium of
Vergerio's biographies with an epilogue on Francesco il Vecchio and Francesco Novello.
^ In the opening passages (fols. 146v-47), the sermon quotes Vergerio's panegyric for
Jerome ^nc: Sanctissimum doctorem fidei nostrae) and therefore has the same incipit. A
colophon on fol. 154 indicates that the sermon was copied in 1483. The manuscript came
to the StaatsbibHothek from the Benedictine monastery at Tegemsee.
Renaissance Commentary on Vergerio 323
4. Guarino da Verona, Oratiuncula . . . pro libello "De ingenuis moribus"
inchoando (inc: Saepissime viri doctissimi)
Manuscripts:
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea, cod. 11.110, fols, 112v-13 {Iter
l:57a-b)
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense, cod. AD.XIV.27, fol. 46 (plagiar-
ized by loannes Grasus) {Iter 1:356b)
Edition:
Attilio Gnesotto, "Vergeriana (Pierpaolo Vergerio seniore)," Atti e
memorie delta R. Accademia di scienze, lettere, ed arti in Padova,
n.s., 37 (1920-21): 57.
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Alexander, Jonathan James Graham, and Albinia de la Mare. The Italian
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General Index
Abdul Hamid II (Sultan), 259, 263, 264,
265
Adolescence {adolescentia), 2, 4-5, 10,
18, 97-101, 153, 181
Aegidius Romanus. See Egidio Romano
Alanus ab Insulis, O. Cist., 79; De arte
fidei Catholicae, 264
Alaric, 9
Albucasis: Chyrurgia, 263
Alcuinus: Vita Sancti Willibrordi, 80
Alessio, Nicoletto d', 104 n. 3
Alexander and Nazarius, Saints, 314 n.
2. See also Capodistria
Alexander of Macedon (the Great), 36,
77, 106-7, 268-69
Alexandria, 217
Alidosi, Ludovico degli, 282, 283, 284,
285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 293, 294,
298, 299
Almerico da Serravalle: Epistola, 38, 45
Amboise, Georges d' (Cardinal), 29, 114
Ambrose, Saint, 6, 10, 16, 66, 181
Anastasius I (Pope), Saint, 50; Epistola,
50
Anchorites, 11, 155, 253 n. 3
Ancona, 97
Angelus Tutus, 98 n. 18
Antioch, 3, 4, 5, 6
Antonello da Messina: "Saint Jerome in
His Study," 24-25 (Plate 1)
Antonio da Bergamo, 38, 39, 40
Antonio da Lucca, 39
Antonio da Parma, O.E.S.A.: Quaestio
disputata de unitate intellectus, 264
Antonius de Butrio, 262
Antonius de Cumpteis, 73
Antonius Gurceensis Brixiensis, 96
Antonius Petri Donadei de Rocca S.
Stephani de Aquila, 96
Antonius Petri Guidonis de Callio, 97
n. 16
Antonius Vursatus, 98 n. 16
Apostles, 147, 151, 155, 209, 211, 229,
255
Aragon, Alfonso V of, 268
Aragon, Giovanni of (Cardinal), 30,
114, 133
Argonauts, 110
Aristotle, 36, 77, 106 n. 7, 264; Physica,
263
Arrian (Flavius Arrianus), 55, 118, 265
n. 6, 268-69
372
General Index
Auctoritates Alani de amore (inc: Pax
odio fraudique fides), 79
Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in
metro de morihus, 80
Auctoritates de amore quae habentur in
registro morali, 79
Auctoritates Tobiae de amore (inc: Est
amor iniustus iudex), 79
Augustine, Saint, 8, 10, 14, 16, 38, 41,
80, 84, 107 n. 7, 181, 195; Epistola
ad Optatum, 68; Retractationes, 50.
See also Ps. Augustinus
Aurispa, Giovanni, 265
Austria, 40, 48, 115
Averroes: De substantia orbis, 263; Aver-
roists, 264
Avogaro, Rambaldo, 69
Badoer, Giacomo, 40
Banchini, Giovanni di Domenico. See
Dominici, Giovanni, O.P.
Baraninas, 8
Barbaro, Francesco, 94; De re uxoria, 71,
92, 94, 100-1, 300; Epistolae, 37, 66,
72, 75; translation of Plutarch's
Aristides et Cato Maior, 265
Barbo
Giovanni, 98 n. 16
Marco, 41, 105
Baretta, Andrea, 56, 62
Barisone, Niccolo, 64 n. 31
Baronio, Cesare, 98 n. 16
Bartholomaeus de Gandino, 97 n. 16
Bartholomaeus de Rambaldo, 97 n. 16
Baruffaldi, Antonio, 45, 286, 294
Barzizza
Cristoforo: Oratio ad benedictionem
campanae, 84
Gasparino, 76 n. 44, 92, 93, 94, 107,
290, 293, 295, 296, 299; com-
mentary on Seneca's letters, 107
n. 8; De nominibus magistra-
tuum Romanorum, 314; Episto-
lae, 32, 45, 72, 92, 283, 284, 286,
287, 289, 290, 291, 293, 295,
296, 297, 298, 299, 300; Epistolae
ad exercitationem, 71; Exordia,
72; Oratio in laudem Martini,
73; Sermones et orationes, 75, 76
Basil the Great, Saint: Ad adolescentes,
98-99, 100 n. 20, n. 21
Bastianus Ser Antonii de Montefalco, 97
n. 16
Battista da Cingoli, 97 n. 16
Battles: spiritual and military compared,
155, 163-65, 169, 201, 243-47
Beckensloer, Johann (Bishop), 261, 262
Benedict, Saint, 139; rule of, 15 n. 2
Benedict XIII (Antipope), 23, 73
Berlin, 93
Bernardino da Siena, O.F.M., Saint, 71
Bernardus de Cursis, 97 n. 16
Bethlehem, 7, 9, 12, 20, 155, 217-19, 233
Bible, xi, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 17, 21, 22,
23, 104, 117, 121 n. 39, 132, 153,
167-69, 171, 215, 227, 231, 241;
Deuteronomy, 4; Psalter, 76, 113,
147; Verba Ecclesiastae filii David
regis, 260
Biglia, Andrea, O.E.S.A., 38-39, 39-40
Bildestone, Nicolaus, 101-2 n. 24
Biondo
Flavio, 77, 105; Italia illustrata, 56
n. 24, 59, 110; Epistola, 77
Michelangelo, 300
Blesilla, 7
Boccaccio, Giovanni, 14
Bocchetti, Elpidio, O.F.M., 53 n. 18
Boethius: De consolatione philosophiae,
41
General Index
373
Bologna, 95, 262, 263, 307; University
of, 13
Boniface VIII (Pope), 12, 181 n. 5
Bonisoli, Ognibene (da Lonigo), 105
Bosoni, Biagio, 96 n. 13
Boyardis (Ferrariensis), Gerardus de, 102
n. 24
Bracciolini, Poggio, 38, 92; Invectivae in
Vallam, 67
Bragadin, Lauro, 76 n. 43
Bravo, Pietro (da Verona), 36
Brentius, Andreas, 305 n. 8
Brescia: San Faustino, 42; Santa Barbara,
96 n. 13
Brifonnet, Guillaume (Cardinal), 29, 114
Brown, Peter, 1; Body and Society, 5 n.
8
Brunacci, Giovanni (Abbot), 35, 59, 69,
133
Bruni, Leonardo (Aretino), 21-22, 40,
77, 92-93, 283, 294, 304; De studiis
et litteris (to Battista Malatesta da
Montefeltro), 99 n. 18, n. 19, 100 n.
21; Dialogi, 99, 318-21; Epistolae,
77, 78, 100 n. 21, 286 n. 4, 315;
Oratio in funere Othonis, 74; ora-
tions, 100 n. 21; translation of Basil's
letter, 97 n. 14, 98-101; translation of
Plato's Gorgias, 99; translation of
Plato's Phaedrus, 99 n. 19; translation
of Xenophon's Hiero sive Tyrannus,
99 n. 19, 100 n. 20, n. 21; See also Ps.
Leonardos Aretinus
Buda (Budapest), 93, 114, 266 n. 9, 268,
311; Corvinian Library, 114, 259-
66; University Library, 259, 263-65
Buonaccorso da Montemagno: De nobili-
tate, 101 n. 21
Burgus, Tobias: Oratio nuptialis, 7S
Bussi, Giannandrea, 85, 86, 116-19, 128
Calchis
(Greece), 97 n. 16
(Syria), 4-5, 10
Calcidius, 267
Calfurnio, Giovanni, 100 n. 20
Calvis, Antonio de (Cardinal), 92
Camaldoli, 112
Cambiatore, Tommaso, 77
Cambridge: Jesus College, 49 n. 13
Campolongo, Niccolo, 40
Canali, Niccolo, 66
Canonici
Giuseppe, 43
Matteo Luigi, 42-43, 133
Capella, Febo, 66
Capodilista, Giovanni Francesco, 39
Capodistria (Koper), 15, 35, 48, 58, 92,
104 n. 3, 105 n. 5, 109-10, 111-12,
113, 120 n. 37, 199 n. 1; cult of St.
Nazarius, 314; forged inscription on
founding of, 110
Carmen (inc: Sum caput Achillis), 81
Carrara family, 21, 43, 51-52, 55, 57,
103, 104 n. 3, 110-11, 130-31,
280-81, 313, 322
Francesco il Vecchio da, 37, 44, 47,
52, 55, 60, 64-65, 69-70, 81-82,
101 n. 22, 104, 270-71, 303, 306,
322 n. 1
Francesco Novello da, 36, 37, 44,
46-47, 52, 63, 64, 70, 77, 101 n.
22, 108, 269, 305-6, 322 n. 1
Marsilio da, 73 n. 40, 98 n. 16
Milone da, 97-98 n. 16
Niccolo il Vecchio da, 52 n. 16
Ubertino da, 279, 293
See also Papafava family
Casarsa, Laura, 65 n. 34, 67-69
Castiglionchio, Lapo da: Allegationes
ahhreviaXae, li>l
374
General Index
Castiglione family, 265
Zenone, 99 n. 19
Catiline (L. Sergius Catilina), 78
Cavitelli, Niccolo, 77
Cellensis, Petrus, O.S.B.: Sermo, 79
Celotti, Luigi (Abbot), 51
Cerda y Llascos, Antonio (Cardinal),
118 n. 32
Cermisone, Bartolomeo, 33, 63, 306-7
Cervini
Antonio, 121 n. 39
Marcello. See Marcellus II (Pope)
Cessi, Roberto, 130
Christianity, xi, 1-2, 3, 5-6, 8, 9-10, 12,
14, 17, 20, 23-24, 98, 118, 121, 137,
139, 151, 157, 163, 197, 207, 211,
217, 219, 225, 227, 233, 239
Christoforus de Conradis, 65
Chrysoloras
loannes, 74
Manuel, 16, 37, 74, 98, 107-8, 304
Church, 6, 8, 10, 12, 18, 23-25, 109,
118-19, 120-21, 145-47, 153, 157,
181, 207, 209-11, 241; of Antioch,
6; councils, 5, 119; eastern, 147;
fathers of, 115; reform of, 17, 19-
20; Roman Catholic (Latin), 10, 12,
22, 155, 163, 179, 181 n. 5, 215
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 3, 14, 17-18, 22,
44, 61, 72 n. 37, 78, 121, 157, 179,
231 n. 5, 233, 239, 303; De amicitia,
264; De ojficiis, 264; De senectute,
264; orations, 265 n. 7; Pro Milone
1-3, 265; Somnium Scipionis, 265.
See also Ps. Cicero
Cippicus ad lectorem, 39
Cividale del Friuli, 15, 20
Claudius (Emperor), 38, 106-7
Claudius Claudianus, 83
Clement, Nicolas, 30
Colbert, Jean-Baptiste, 266
Collionibus
Dondacius de, 65
loannes de, 65
Paulus de, 65
Testinus de, 65
Colocci, Angelo, 98 n. 16
Colonna, Giovanni (Cardinal), 61
Coluta, Gian Girolamo, 69
Condulmer, Francesco, 66
Confessors of the Roman Church, 209-
11
Constance: Council of, 92, 259, 304, 311
Constantinople, 6, 10, 127, 217, 219 n.
6. See also Istanbul
Contarini, Girolamo, 62
Conversini, Giovanni (da Ravenna), 102
n. 24, 223 n. 1; De regimine princi-
pum, 315; Epistolae, 33, 76, 288, 292,
300, 301
Conversino da Frignano, 263
Corbinelli, Antonio, 74
Corner family, 43 n. 9
Correr, Angelo (Cardinal). See Gregory
XII (Pope)
Corvinus, Matthias (King), 259, 260,
261, 262, 263, 264, 265
Crivelli, Antonio Maria, 47
Dalle Valli
Giovanni Bernardo, 95 n. 12, 101 n.
22
Girolamo: Ad Pasqualem Maripe-
trum oratio pro universitate sua,
37, 108 n. 10
Dalmatia, 1, 199
Damasus (Pope), 1-2, 6-7, 10, 84
Dandolo
Andrea poge), 59
Fantino, 40
General Index
375
Dati, Agostino, 68
David ab Augusta, O.F.M., 80
Declamation {Declamatio), 38, 76, 77,
106-7
De differentia inter stellam, astrum, sidus,
imaginem, et planetam (inc: Licet
unumquodque), 48
De diversitate durationum omnium re-
rum (inc: Duratio est misera), 48
De Dominis, loannes (Bishop), 285, 286
De Hermafrodito (inc: Cum mea me
genitrix), 84
De la Mare, Albinia, 30
De Lellis
Simone, 73, 116 n. 28
Teodoro (Bishop), 85-86, 116-19;
treatise against the Pragmatic
Sanction, 118; library, 117-18 n.
32
De le Volte, Santi, 113 n. 24
Delia Nichesola, Galesio, 71 n. 36, 74
Del Monte, Pietro, 38, 315
Del Nero, Piero di Simone, 113 n. 24
Demades, 76, 106-7
Demosthenes, 76, 77, 106-7
De mysteriis missae (inc: Missa secundum
Innocentium tertium), 79
De sacerdotio domini lesu, 39
Devil: as enemy of faith, 147, 163-65,
211
Divine Office, 132, 147, 175, 215, 253;
Office for Jerome's feast, 62-63,
113, 305
Doctors of the Roman Church, xi-xii,
12, 16-17, 18, 23, 137, 141-47, 151-
53, 197, 203, 209-11, 221, 229-31
Dolfin
Leonardo (Bishop), 112 n. 19
Pietro (Abbot), 59, 111-12
Pietro di Giorgio, 112
Dominicans, 12, 14, 22
Dominici, Giovanni, O.P., 22
Donato, Pietro, 93
Donatus, Aelius, 2
Doni, Giovan Battista d'Attaviano, 113
n. 24
Eberhard: pilgrimage church of, 79, 115
Egidio Romano, O.E.S.A.: De intellectus
possibilis pluralitate, 264; Sollemnis
quaestio, 264
Egloga Theoduli, 41
Egypt, 7, 139
Eloquence, 11, 17-18, 24, 157, 221, 227-
29, 231-33
England, 49, 114
Epigrammata Homerica (inc: Viri ab
Archadia), 266
Epistola (dated Constance, 1414), 259
Epistola (inc: locundissimae fuerunt
mihi), 73
Epistola amico nomine alterius (inc:
Reminiscenti mihi), 39
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Heu dolenti
animoque), 77
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Heu triste
admodum), 76-77
Epistola consolatoria (inc: Pleni fuimus
anxietatibus), 73
Epistola on death of Giangaleazzo Vis-
conti (inc: Stella cometa), 73
Epistola on Virgil's statue ^nc: Nemi-
nem vir insignis), 313-14
Epistola to Condeus Drudo (inc: Dedit
litteram tuam), 39
Epistola to Fantinus (inc: Delapsus sum),
39
Epistola to "virgo nobilissima" (inc:
Legimus Tullium Ciceronem), 38,
107 n. 7
376
General Index
Erasmus, Desiderius, 114-15, 120
Este family, 104 n. 2
Bernardino d', 47
Leonello d', 78, 96
Marco d', 47
Niccolo III d', 105
Esztergom (Gran), 120; Cathedral Li-
brary, 261, 262
Ethos. See Integrity
Eustochium, Julia, 6-7, 9, 80, 165, 201,
243, 253
Evagrius, 3
Fabbri, Giacomo, 74
Facio, Bartolomeo, 57 n. 27, 66, 268-69
Fano, Tommaso, 75
Farsetti, Tommaso Giuseppe, 35
Federigo da Montefeltro (Duke), 66, 97
Festus, Sextus Pompeius, 67
Fichet, Guillaume, 98 n. 16
Filetico, Martino, 82
Flesh: as enemy of faith, 4-5, 163, 165,
167, 191-93, 201-3, 205, 211, 213,
231, 243-45
Florence, 29, 54, 71, 114
Foscari, Francesco (Doge), 105 n. 4, 108
n. 10
Francesco da Faenza, 45
Francesco da Poppio, 113 n. 24
Franciscans: Spiritual, 12
Franciscus de Maironis: Quaestiones
super primo libro Sententiarum
(fragm.), 266
Freedom, 6, 16, 18, 107
Friedmann, Herbert: Bestiary for Saint
Jerome, 24 n. 18
Fulgosius, Raphael, 40
Gambacorta, Pietro, Blessed, 113 n. 24
Gaspar Tyburtinus, 97 n. 16
Gaza, Theodore, 116, 118
Gellius, Aulus: story of Androcles, 11;
treatise attributed to, 100-1 n. 21
Gentile da Leonessa, 66
Gerardus Cremonensis, 263
Gerasimus, Saint, 11
Germany, 115
Giacomo da Treviso, 112 n. 19
Giacomo da Udine, 67, 105
Giacomo della Marca, Saint, 53-54
Giovanni da Bologna, 92, 287, 294
Giovanni d' Andrea (loannes Andreae),
13-14, 16, 113 n. 24, 117, 130-31;
Hieronymianus, 13, 16, 117, 130-31
Giovanni da Spilimbergo, 37, 72
Giovannino da Mantova, O.P., 14
Girardini, Bartolomeo, 39
Giuliano, Andrea, 107-8; Oratio in
funere Manuelis Chrysolorae, 37, 74,
107
Giustiniani
Bernardo: Oratio habita ad Pium
secundum, 37, 61, 108 n. 10
Leonardo, 93-94, 107-8; Ad Georgi-
um Lauredanum funebris oratio,
37, 74, 107; Oratio in funere
Caroli Zeni, 37, 74, 100 n. 21,
107-8
God, 4, 7, 23, 143, 145, 147, 149, 153,
155, 159, 163, 165, 169, 173, 179,
181, 195, 197, 199, 201, 205, 207,
211, 219, 223, 225, 233, 237, 249,
251, 253, 255. See also Holy Spirit;
Jesus Christ
Gonzaga
Francesco (Cardinal), 53 (Plate 3),
101, 119, 126 n. 4, 133
Ludovico (Marchese), 73
Goths: sack of Rome, 9; sack of Stri-
don, 2, 199
General Index
^77
Grammar: Latin, 2, 94, 101, 106, 115,
120
Grammatica Latina (inc: Nota quod
grammatica), 259
Gratiadeus, Franciscus, 47
Gratian: Decretum, 13
Gravisi-Barbabianca, Anteo (Count), 48;
manuscript formerly in possession
of, 48, 267
Greece, 4, 91, 97 n. 16, 201
Greek language, 6, 16, 17, 24, 49, 120,
131, 157, 167-69, 179, 215, 259
Gregorian Reform, 10-11
Gregory I (Pope), Saint, 10, 16, 78, 118
n. 32, 130, 181, 266
Gregory XII (Pope), 21, 23-24, 75-76
Gregory of Nazianzus, Saint, 6, 10, 18,
141, 149, 201, 233, 249
Gualenus de Solto, Romelius, 83, 115
Guarino da Verona, 49 n. 13, 77, 92-96,
105, 107-8, 315; Epistolae, 37, 71-73,
74-75, 77, 78, 92-93, 105, 285, 287,
288, 289, 293, 294, 295, 297, 299,
301; Laudatio Francisci Pisani, 37,
74, 108 n. 10; Oratio ad Bartholo-
maeum Storladum, 75; Oratio in
principio rhetoricae, 37, 73, 108 n.
10; Oratiuncula, 323; translation of
Ps. Plutarchus De liberis educandis,
99-101
Guarnerio d'Artegna, 68, 98 n. 16, 105,
133
Guerrini, Paolo, 42
Gulielmus de Holborch: Collectio con-
clusionum, determinationum, et deci-
sionum Rotae, 262
Gulielmus Parisiensis, 79
Gulielmus Salinus, 97 n. 16
Gunthorpe, John, 49, 114, 133
Hebrew language, 5, 7-8, 17, 120, 157,
159, 167, 179, 215
Heimburg, Gregor, 118
Heller, Johann, 95 n. 12
Helvidius, 7
Heretics, 147-49, 153, 159, 181, 215,
231, 247
Hermits, 2, 4-5, 9, 18-19, 155, 165-67,
189-91, 201, 211, 213, 243, 253
Herodian of Syria (Herodianus), 68, 105
Hieronymite congregations, 12-13; Poor
Hermits of Saint Jerome, 113 n. 24
Hieronymus, S. See Jerome, Saint
Hieronymus de Sandellis, 98 n. 17
Hippo, 8
Hippocrates: lusiurandum, 304
History, 22-23, 157, 159, 175, 227
Holy Spirit, 147, 169, 205, 211
Homer: Batrachomyomachia, 66, 68;
Iliad, 266; Odyssey, 100 n. 20, 266 n.
8
Horace (Q. Horatius Flaccus), 121
Humanism, xi-xii, 13-14, 15-17, 20-25,
91-92, 93-94, 96-102, 104-6, 108,
113, 114, 115, 116, 118-19, 121, 125;
humanist miscellanies as rhetorical
textbooks, 91-95, 103, 106-9; pa-
tronized by rulers, 96-97, 106
Humanities {studia humanitatis), 14, 24,
94-95
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 101
Hungary, 120 n. 37. See also Louis the
Great; Pannonia; Sigismund of
Hungary
lacopo da Forli: Sermo, 76
lacopo da Varazze: Legenda aurea, 16,
117 n. 31, 130-31
Innocent VII (Pope), 21-23, 105, 109,
286 n. 4
378
General Index
Integrity (Ethos), xi, 18-19, 153, 169,
179, 183, 195, 199, 225
loannes: Epistola missa Hemescirc, 80
loannes (scribe), 260
loannes Andreae. See Giovanni d' Andrea
loannes Cari de Lunardellis (de Monte
Florum), 98 n. 16
loannes de Talglacotio, O.M., 53-54
loannes Hierosolymitanus (Bishop), 50
loannes Hispalensis, 48
loannes Matias Tyberinus, 83
loannes Moschus: Pratum spirituale, 11
n. 26
loannes Pottere, 97 n. 16
lob Resta, 97 n. 16
Istanbul, 259, 260, 261, 263, 264, 265.
See also Constantinople
Istria, peninsula of, 15 n. 2, 37, 59, 110,
120 n. 37, 131, 199 n. 1. See also
Capodistria; Pirano d'Istria
Italy, 12, 13, 31, 40, 41 n. 8, 53, 66, 81,
92, 94, 96, 99 n. 18, 103, 105, 106,
107, 108, 114, 115, 259, 260, 261,
262, 263, 264, 265, 266
lulius Florentinus, 97 n. 16
lustinus, M. Iunian(i)us, 37, 56 n. 24, 59,
110
Jean de Schoonhoven (loannes de
Scoenhovia), 79
Jerome, Saint (Hieronymus, S.), 1-25,
30-31, 41, 49-50, 79-80, 84, 85-87,
92, 95, 101-2, 103-21, 127, 130-31,
137-255; as an example of integrity,
18-19, 139-41, 143-45, 169, 183-93,
195, 203, 227-29, 243, 249; depic-
tions in art, 12-13, 24-25 (Plate 1),
189; disputes with heretics, 8, 12,
147-49, 153, 159, 181, 231, 247;
doctor of the Latin Church, 12, 16-
18, 22-23, 137, 141, 143-49, 151-53,
181-83, 197, 203, 211, 221, 229-31;
dream of, 3-4, 13-14, 17, 23, 24,
121, 157-59, 233, 239-41; education
and baptism in Rome, 2-3, 4-5,
199; Epistolae, 6-7, 30-31, 41, 49-50,
84, 85-87, 131, 133-34; etymology
of, 16-17, 130-31, 215, 229; human-
ist cult of, xi-xii, 13-25; late manu-
scripts of his works, 116-17; left
Rome when election as pope
seemed assured, 6, 18, 23, 121, 141,
149, 153-55, 189, 201, 205, 233, 249;
legend that a cardinal, 6, 10, 13, 16,
24, 153, 181; lived as hermit in
Syrian desert, 4-5, 9, 10, 13, 16, 18-
19, 149, 155, 165-67, 189-93, 201-5,
211-13, 233, 243-45, 253; lives of
the desert fathers, 19, 139; medieval
cult of, 10-13; ministries and trial
in Rome, 1-2, 6-7, 10, 18; miracles
(in addition to lion), 11-12, 20-21,
117, 130, 132, 149, 151, 159, 169,
179, 187, 193-95, 205, 215-19, 229,
249, 253; monastic life in Bethle-
hem, 7-9, 149, 155, 233; ordained in
Antioch, 5-6; persecuted by jealous
rivals, 16, 18, 147-49, 153-55, 201,
211, 231, 233, 245; printing of his
works, 103, 115-20, 127-28; studied
with Gregory of Nazianzus, 6, 10-
11, 18, 141, 149, 201, 233, 249;
supposedly organized Divine Office,
11 n. 25, 147, 215; supposedly
tamed a lion, 9-10, 11, 16, 23, 25,
149, 169, 233; translation and exe-
gesis of Bible, 6, 8, 9, 13, 17, 18, 21,
22-23, 120, 147, 159, 167-69, 179-
81, 215, 227, 231, 241; won victories
over enemies of faith, 18-19, 145,
General Index
379
163-67, 191-93, 203-5, 211, 231,
243-45. See also Ps. Hieronymus
Jerusalem, 201
Jesus Christ, 3, 147, 167, 169, 191, 203,
205, 209, 211, 213, 233, 245, 264
John XXII (Pope), 64
John Chrysostom, Saint, 41-42, 115
Justin II (Emperor), 110, 113
Kelly, J. N. D., 9
Konrad von Konstanz, 102 n. 24
Koper. See Capodistria
Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 91, 97 n. 16, 101
n. 24, 261, 267 n. 1
Lactantius, Saint, 37
Laelius, 39
Lamola, Giovanni, 95
Latin language, 6, 9, 11, 17, 105, 106,
110, 115, 118, 120, 125, 132, 147,
157, 167, 179, 215, 229, 259. See also
Grammar: Latin
Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hie est
dies colendissimi patres), 95 n. 11
Laudatio Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Mihi in
venerabilem), 95 n. 11
Legati Scytarum ad Alexandrum regem
oratio, 36, 107 n. 7
Leonardi
Girolamo, 93
Niccolo, 92-93, 283, 284, 285, 286,
287, 288, 289, 290, 293, 294,
295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300,
301, 302; Epistolae, 38, 45, 283,
285, 286, 293
Leopoldus de Austria, 48
Letters {litterae): discipline of, 17, 151,
157, 167, 171, 179, 183, 209, 227,
237; sacred letters, 147, 179-81, 211,
215, 233, 241
Liberal arts, 229
Liberius (Pope), 131, 205
Liberty. See Freedom
Libidinous desire (lihido), 2, 16. See also
Lust
Lillo, Sir Henry, 260
Livy (Titus Livius), 65; Historiarum de-
cades tres, 262
London, 97 n. 16
Loredan, Giorgio, 37, 74, 107-8
Loschi
Alfonso, 56
Antonio, 81, 105
Louis the Great (King of Hungary), 263
n. 3
Lucan (M. Annaeus Lucanus): Pharsali-
orum libri X, 261
Lucca, 23
Lucius II (Pope), 11 n. 26
Lucretia, 38, 107 n. 7
Ludovico (Marchese). See Gonzaga,
Ludovico
Ludovico da Montecatini, 73 n. 40
Lusignano, Enrico, 37, 72
Lust, 4-5, 8, 167, 191, 201, 213, 245
Maffei
Scipione, 51
Timoteo, 24
Magnaguadagnus, lacobus, 39
Malaspina, Leonardo (Marchese), 98 n.
16, 100 n. 20
Malatesta
Battista (da Montefeltro), 99 n. 19
Carlo, 94, 286, 288. See also Ver-
gerio, Pierpalo, the elder, Ep. 81
Margherita, 101
Pandolfo, 81
Malipiero, Pasquale (Doge), 67, 108 n.
10
380
General Index
Mamluks, 12
Manetti, Agnolo, 98 n. 16
Maniacoria, Nicolo, 10-11, 16 n. 3, 80,
117
Mantua, 37, 70, 97
Manzoni, Giacomo, 98 n. 16
Marcello
Pietro, 76, 77, 97 n. 14
Valerio, 72
Marcellus II (Pope), 121
Marchente, Carmela, 130
Marcus, 39
Marianus de Magistris, 97 n. 16
Marrasio, Giovanni, 68
Marshall, Thomas, 30
Marsuppini, Carlo, 66, 68
Martinengo (Province of Bergamo), 83,
115
Martinengo, Giovanni, 65
Martino da Trieste, 261-62
Martinus de Braga: De quattuor virtu-
tibus, 260
Martyrs, 3, 151-53, 209, 211, 213, 229-
31
Mary, 7, 171
Matthias Antonii, 98 n. 16
Mazi, Mazo de', 37, 72, 75
Mazzolato, Ugo, 74
Merchenti, Ludovico, 72
Michael (Frater), 266
Migliorati, Cosimo (Cardinal). See Inno-
cent VII (Pope)
Migne, J.-P.: Patrologia latina, 120, 134
Milan, 98 n. 17; convent of S. Maria
Incoronata, 98 n. 16
Monks, 11, 15 n. 2, 19, 98-99, 115, 132,
137-41, 149, 155, 175, 201, 205, 211,
231, 251-55. See also Anchorites;
Hermits
Montagna, Agostino, 74
Monte, Pietro del. See Del Monte,
Pietro
Moratus, Pamphylus, 83-84, 115
Morbio, Carlo, 98 n. 16
Morelli, lacopo, 56-57, 83, 133
Morisi Guerra, Anna, 11
Moro, Cristoforo (Doge), 36
Muratori, Ludovico Antonio, 69, 110-
11
Mussato, Albertino, 14
Nani family, 101 n. 22
Giacomo, 51
Naples, 114; convent of S. Ephrem
Novus, 53; Royal Library, 30, 114,
263 n. 3
Niccoli, Niccolo, 286 n. 4
Niccolino da Zuglio, 68
Nicholas of Cusa, 24
Nicolaus de Reggio, 305 n. 8
Nicolaus Ser Guasparis, 97 n. 16
Noet, Egbertus, 118 n. 32
Onigo di Treviso (Count), 71
Oratory, 22, 91, 94, 101-2, 106, 108;
deliberative, 108-9; epideictic, xii,
104, 108-9; judicial, 108-9
Origen, 4, 8, 247 n. 8
Orsini, Fulvio, 98 n. 16
Ottobelli, Zeno, 75
Padua, 14, 21, 35, 44, 51, 54, 56, 62, 63,
69, 73 n. 40, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97 n. 15,
98 n. 16, 99 n. 18, 101, 103, 104,
106, 108, 110-12, 113, 120, 266, 269,
270, 271, 279, 280, 281, 303, 305,
306, 308; burial chapel dedicated to
Jerome, 120 n. 37; convent of the
Padri Riformati, 59; forged note on
founding of Venice, 112; Santa
General Index
381
Giustina, 51; University of, 95 n.
12, 96, 112, 113. See also Carrara
family; Antonio Piazza
Pagans, 1, 3-4, 5, 14, 17, 20, 23, 119,
159, 175, 179, 207, 215, 219, 227
Palazzolo, Lauro, 76 n. 44, 106 n. 6
Palmieri, Matteo, 35 n. 4, 85, 117 n. 30
Pannonia, 199
Panormita, Antonio: Epistola, 38; Her-
maphroditus, 84 n. 51
Paolo Veneto, O.E.S.A.: In II Posteri-
orum Analyticorum Aristotelis expo-
sitio, 264
Papafava family, 103, 110-11
Gian Roberto (Count), 54, 59, 69,
110-11, 133
Marsilio, 51 (Plate 2), 110, 133
Roberto (Abbot), 52, 56, 101 n. 22,
110-11, 133
Paris, 261; Royal Library, 30, 114, 265-
66; University of, 98 n. 16
Parma, 30, 50, 114, 128 n. 7
Paul, Saint, 4-5. See also Ps. Paulus
Paul II (Pope), 105, 116, 118-19
Paula, Saint, 6-7, 9
Paulinus of Milan: Vita Amhrosii, 66
Paulus de Pergamo (Frater), 96 n. 13
Pelagius, 8-9, 247 n. 8
Pellegrini, Santo de', 45, 294, 299
Perissinotti, Giovanni, 43
Perleone, lacopo (da Rimini), 261
Perotti, Niccolo, 305 n. 8
Persius Flaccus, A.: Saturae, 84
Persona, Cristoforo, 41
Pesaro: Bibl. Oliveriana, 93
Peter Lombard: Sentences, 13
Petrarca, Francesco (Francis Petrarch),
14, 36, 38, 43, 46, 54-55, 57, 62, 70,
81, 101-2, 104-5, 113, 303, 308-10;
Africa, 36, 46, 57, 101-2, 104 n. 3,
308-10; De remediis utriusque for-
tunae, 102; Epistola to Cicero {Fam.
24.3), 44, 61, 303; Epistola to Gio-
vanni Colonna {Fam. 6.11), 61, 64;
Epistola to Lombardus a Serico {Sen.
11.11), 81; Epistola to Pandolfo
Malatesta {Fam. 22.1), 81, 104 n. 3;
Laureationis privilegium, 36, 104 n.
3; Nota de laura, 36, 46, 104 n. 3;
Responsio facta Lombardo a Serico
{Sen. 15.3), 62, 104 n. 3; Testamen-
tum, 57, 62, 104 n. 3
Petronio family, 48
Enrico, 59, 111-12
Petrus Ursuleus, 97-98 n. 16
Phalaris, 84
Philippus Rex Aristoteli salutem, 36, 106-
7n. 7
Phillipps, Thomas, 51; manuscripts for-
merly in possession of, 51, 101 n.
22, 269, 270, 271, 273, 274, 275,
280, 283, 284, 285, 299, 306, 309,
319
Philology, 8, 13, 17, 21, 24, 120
Piazza, Antonio, 36, 54-55
Piccolomini, Enea Silvio. See Pius II
Pietro da Montagnana, 120
Pietro da Viterbo, O.E.S.A.: Office for
the feast of St. Jerome, 113 n. 24
Pilato, Leonzio: translation of Homer's
Iliad, 266; translation of Homer's
Odyssey, 100 n. 20, 266 n. 8
Pio, Alberto (da Carpi), 267 n. 1
Pirano d'Istria, 98 n. 17, 112 n. 19
Pirckheimer, Hans, 94-95, 101 n. 22
Pisani, Francesco, 37, 74, 107-8
Pius II (Pope), 37-38, 61, 97, 118;
Epistolae, 36, 82; Responsum to
speech of Ippolita Maria Sforza, 37,
61, 108 n. 10
382
General Index
Pizzolpasso, Francesco, 98 n. 16
Platina (Bartolomeo dei Sacchi), 119
Plato, 141 n. 3, 249; Gorgias, 99; Phae-
drus, 99 n. 19; Timaeus, 267
Pliny the Elder: Naturalis historia, 59, 110
Pliny the Younger, 68
Plutarch, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 302; Aristides
et Cato Maior, 265. See also Ps.
Plutarchus
Poetry, 14, 94, 105, 115, 157, 159, 227,
237-39
Polenton, Sicco: Epistolae, 38-40; Scrip-
torum illustrium Latinae linguae
libri XVIII, 56 n. 24, 60, 64, 316
Prent, Albertus, 118 n. 32
Prosodia latina, 41
Prosper of Aquitaine: Epitoma chronicae,
131
Ps. Augustinus: Epistola to Cyril, 12,
130; Dialogus, 50; Speculum pecca-
torisj 80
Ps. Avicenna: Epistola, 38, 107 n. 7
Ps. Bernardus: Epistola paraenetica ad
dominum Raimundum, 265; Specu-
lum peccatoris, 80
Ps. Cicero: Invectiva in Catilinam, 78,
107 n. 7; Rhetorica ad Herennium,
265
Ps. Cyrillus: Epistola to Aug;ustine, 12
Ps. Eusebius: Epistola de morte Hierony-
mi, 12
Ps. Hieronymus: Ammonitio, 79; Contra
cinque haereses, 49; De corpore et san-
guine Christi, 50, 80; De fidei credu-
litate, 49; De liberorum officiis erga
parentes, 38, 100 n. 20; Dialogus, 50;
Epistola, 80; Expositio fidei Nicaeni,
49; Homilia, 50; Sermo de assump-
tione, 80; Speculum peccatoris, 80
Ps. Leonardus Aretinus: Epistola, 317
Ps. Paulus: Epistolae, 74
Ps. Phalaris: Ad Demotelem Epistola, 265
Ps. Plutarchus: "De liberis educandis,"
97 n. 14, 99-100; Epistola to Trajan,
78, 107 n. 7
Ps. Pontius Pilatus: Epistolae, 38, 106-7
Ps. Seneca: De remediis fortuitorum, 78,
260; Epistolae, 74; Liber de moribus,
78, 260; Proverbia, 260. See also
Martinus de Braga
Ps. Thomas Aquinas: De demonstratione,
264
Ps. Walter of Burley: Liber de vita philo-
sophorum, 173 n. 1
Quaestiones super oratione dominica (inc:
Advertendum Thomas de Aquino
dicit), 79
Quirini
Lauro, 39
Taddeo, 76 n. 44
Raenardus (scribe), 98 n. 16
Ramedellus, Ramus, 101
Ramusio, Paolo, the elder, 61-62 (Plate
4), 65, 113, 125 n. 2, 133
Rangan, Domenico, 68
Raphael de Marcatellis, 98 n. 16
Recanati, Giovanni Battista, 98 n. 16
Reggio, Raffaele, 39
Regino, Filippo, 72
Repertum in archivo Patavino ante pala-
tii combustionem, 60
Republics, 209; republican ideology, 72
n. 37
Rhenanus, Beatus, 114
Rhetoric, 2, 3-4, 8, 17, 20, 21, 22, 37,
72-73, 75, 91-92, 94, 99, 103, 104,
106-8, 113. See also Declamation;
Eloquence; Integrity; Oratory
General Index
383
Rice, Eugene, 8
Rigault, Nicolas, 30
Rimini, 92, 113
Rinuccini, Neri, 29
Rizzon, Martino, 71, 72
Rome, 3, 4, 5, 6-7, 9, 10, 11 n. 26, 12,
18, 19, 20, 21-23, 36, 41, 42, 61, 64,
83 n. 49, 84, 97 n. 16, 103, 105, 109,
111, 114, 115-16, 118-20, 121, 127
n. 7, 128 n. 8, 141, 149, 153, 155,
165, 189, 199-201, 205, 213, 233,
243, 267, 305, 310-11; Biblioteca
Casanatense, 121; Castel Sant'
Angelo, 119; church and canons of
Santa Maria Maggiore, 12; papal
court, 15 n. 2, 17-18, 21, 23, 101 n.
22, 105, 112, 118, 119, 132; Roman
Academy, 119
Rossi
G. B., 69
Roberto de', 78
Rufinus, 8, 247 n. 8; Apologiae, 50; Ex-
positio in symbolum apostolorum, 49
Sabbadini, Remigio, 71
Sabbion, Cristoforo, 75
Sabinianus, 247 n. 8
Sacchi, Bartolomeo dei. See Platina
Sagundino, Niccolo, 118
Saints, 9, 10, 143, 145, 159, 163, 173,
197, 199, 207, 211, 237, 251. See also
Apostles; Confessors of the Roman
Church; Doctors of the Roman
Church; Martyrs
Salerno, Giannicola, 71 n. 36, 74-75
Salmaso, Dominico M., 87, 126-27, 134
Salutati, Coluccio, xi, 14, 70, 109, 297,
315, 319; Declamatio Lucretiae, 38,
107 n. 7; Epistolae, 33, 45, 52, 65,
70, 292, 293, 298, 300, 301
Salzburg: Cathedral Library, 261, 262
Sandal, Ennio, 41-42
San Daniele del Friuli, 105
Santucci, Agostino, 93
Scarampo, Ludovico (Cardinal), 66
Schedel
Hartmann, 95-96 n. 12, 98 n. 16
Hermann, 95 n. 11, 95-96 n. 12
Schenk
Jakob (von Seydaw), 95 n. 12
Johann (von Seydaw), 95 n. 12
Schism: Great Western, 19-20, 22-23,
108, 310-11
Scholasticism: and preaching, 104; and
theology, 12. See also Thematic
sermon
Scola, Ognibene, 297, 301
Scriba, Giacomo, 39
Scripture. See Bible
Sdregna (Sdrigna, Stregna, Zrenj, Zrinj),
130, 131, 197-99
Seneca, Lucius Annaeus, 60, 64, 107 n.
8, 316; De beata vita, 260; De
beneficiis, 260; De hrevitate vitae,
260; De dementia, 261; De consola-
tione lihri tres, 260; De ira, 260; De
providentia Dei, 260; De quaestioni-
bus naturalibus, 260; De septem libe-
ralibus artibus <Ep. 88>, 260; Liber de
tranquillitate animi, 260; Tragoediae,
260, 261
Seraphim de Luzago (Prater), 96 n. 13
Sermo (inc: Accipite et comedite <Matt.
26:26> Non satis possunt divina
mysteria), 77
Sermo de morte et de die iudicii (inc: In
hac vita), 31
Severus, Septimius (Emperor), 68, 105
Sforza
Alessandro, 82
384
General Index
Galeazzo Maria: Ad Franciscum Fus-
carum oratio, 61, 108 n. 10
Ippolita Maria: Oratio ad summum
pontifican Pium, 37, 61, 108 n. 10
Siena, 15 n. 2, 23, 43-44, 234
Sigismund of Hungary (Emperor), 55,
95 n. 12, 105, 268
Sigonio, Carlo, 98 n. 16
Silvanus, 215
Sirens, 165
Smith, Leonardo, xii, 31-32, 48, 58, 69,
92, 105 n. 5, 109, HI
Soardo, Marco, 97 n. 15
Soranzo
Giovanni (Doge), 64
lacopo, 42-43
Soul, 4, 137, 163, 173-75, 195, 225, 237,
253
Spiegel, Jakob (von Schlettstadt), 30,
114-15
Squara, Bartolomeo, 97 n. 15
Stapleton, Thomas, 82-83
Strabo, 59, 110
Stridon, 2, 130, 131, 199
Strozzi, Palla, 75, 98 n. 16, 100 n. 20
Siileyman II (Sultan), 259, 260, 261, 263,
264, 265
Sweynheym and Pannartz: German
printers, 85, 86, 103, 116
Syria, 105; desert of, 4, 10, 18. See also
Antioch; Calchis
Tabula astrologica (astrological chart),
48, 58, 60, 112
Tabula monasteriorum, 79
Tabulae duodecim astronomicae, 47
Tabulae festorum mobilium, 264
Tabulae planetariae, 48
Tacitus, 68, 114
Tegernsee: monastery at, 322 n. 2
Terence (Publius Terentius Afer), 39,
121
Terzi, Ottobono, 81, 105
Thales of Miletus, 173
Thematic sermon, 21 n. 11; thematic
verse for, 21, 104, 171
Theology, xi, 8-9, 12, 22, 23, 24, 114-
15, 227
Thomas a Kempis: Imitatio Christi, 79
Thomas Franchus Graecus, 97 n. 16
Tiberius (Emperor), 38, 106-7
Toledo: Archivo y Biblioteca Capitu-
lares, 83, 115
Tractatus de diebus creticis, 48
Trainatus, Barnabas, 264
Trajan (Emperor), 78
Trebizond (Trapezuntius), George of, 66
Trent, 261
Trevisan, Zaccaria: Oratio ad dominum
Avenionensem, 76; Oratio ad Grego-
rium XII, 76
Treviso, 69, 71, 116
Tula epitaphia (inc: Hie iacet Arpinas),
78
Ubertino da Parma, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20
Valentinelli, Giuseppe, 62
Valla, Lorenzo, 24, 35-36 n. 4, 67
Vallarsi, Domenico, 87, 119-20, 134
Vatican Library (Bibl. Apostolica Vati-
cana), 117
Vegio, Maffeo, O.E.S.A.: De educatione
liberorum, 100 n. 21
Venice, 39, 46, 47, 51, 62, 73 n. 40, 80,
92, 95, 104, 105, 107-8, 109, 111,
113, 118-19, 127 n. 7, 263; convent
of San Michele di Murano, 59, 111-
12; Rialto, 112
Venier, Antonio (Doge), 64
General Index
385
Venturinus, 40
Vergeri, Vergerio di Giovanni de':
father of PPV, 223 n. 1
Vergerio
Giovanni Andrea, 105 n. 5, 109
Girolamo, 35
Paolo, 31-32
Pierpaolo di Vergerio, 32
Vergerio, Pierpaolo, the elder: xi-xii,
15-25, 91-121, 125, 130-32, 259-
323; advocated church reform, 19-
20, 119-21, 139-41, 189, 245-47,
249; advocated monastic reform, 19,
139, 253-55; advocated reform of
preaching, 19, 21, 171; affeaed by
legends about Jerome, 15-17; assem-
bled office for feast of Jerome, 113;
autograph material of, 36 n. 4, 42,
109, 120, 125, 259-62, 267; com-
mentary on works of, 322-23; com-
pared saints to officials in a repub-
lic, 17, 209-11; convinced of power
of sight, 20, 111, 143, 189; depicted
Jerome as humanist saint, xi-xii,
16-25, 118-21, 147-49, 157-59, 167-
69, 179-83, 215, 227-33, 237-41;
emphasized rhetoric as matrix for
humanism, 91-95, 99, 102, 106-7,
108-9; family took Jerome as pa-
tron, 15, 20, 177, 223-25; library,
259-66; popular ideas on humanist
education for adolescents, 96-101,
114; portraits of, 97-98 (Plate 5);
practice of classicizing oratory, 21,
94, 101-2, 104, 106, 108-9, 171;
preached on Jerome before papal
court, 21-24, 105, 109, HI, 114-21,
132, 221-49; scholarly methods of,
109-10, 130-31; sources used in
Jerome panegyrics, 130-32; sylloges
of his letters, 92-95, 111-12; treat-
ment of Jerome's miracles, 20-21,
132, 149, 159, 169, 187, 193-95, 205,
215-19, 249; works attributed to,
313-17; works dedicated to, 318-21
Epistolae, 56 n. 26, 92-95, 101 n. 21,
282-302; Ep. 1, 32, 45, 55 n. 21,
291, 294; Ep. 2, 33, 45, 55 n. 21,
285, 291; Ep. 3, 32, 45, 55 n. 21,
291; Ep 4, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 59, 291,
294; Ep. 5, 45; Ep. 6, 32, 45, 55 n.
21, 291; Ep. 7, 45, 286, 294; Ep. 8,
45, 55 n. 21, 286, 294; Ep. 9, 33, 45,
285, 286, 291, 294; Ep. 10, 55 n. 21,
294; Ep. 11, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285,
291, 294; Ep 12, 32, 45, 55 n. 21,
286, 291, 294; Ep. 13, 32, 45, 55 n.
21, 291, 294; Ep. 14, 45, 294, 299;
Ep 15, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 290, 294,
299; Ep. 16, 32, 38, 44, 52, 62, 70,
300; Ep. 17, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285,
291; Ep. 18, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 285,
291, 294, 299; Ep. 19, 294; Ep. 20,
33, 34, 55 n. 21, 59, 63, 284, 292;
Ep 21, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 284, 286,
291, 294; Ep. 22, 33, 45, 55 n. 21,
286, 291, 294; Ep. 23, 32, 45, 55 n.
21, 284, 291, 294; Ep. 24, 32, 45, 55
n. 21, 285, 291; Ep. 25, 294; Ep. 26,
294; Ep. 27, 33, 36, 44, 52, 55 n. 21,
62, 70, 109, 291, 300, 301; Ep. 28,
33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep. 29, 33, 55 n.
21, 292; Ep. 30, 33, 55 n. 21, 284,
286, 292; Ep 31, 33, 55 n. 21, 292;
Ep. 32, 33, 55 n. 21, 292, 301; Ep.
33, 33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep 34, 33, 36,
44, 52, 55 n. 21, 60, 62, 70, 291,
300, 301; Ep. 35, 33, 55 n. 21, 60,
286, 292, 301; Ep. 36, 33, 55 n. 21,
284, 292; Ep. 37, 33, 55 n. 21, 284,
386
General Index
292; Ep. 38, 32, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep.
39, 32, 291; Ep. 40, 32, 45, 55 n. 21,
284, 285, 291, 294; Ep. 41, 33, 55 n.
21, 292; Ep. 42, 33, 43, 55 n. 21,
292; Ep. 43, 33, 44, 55 n. 21, 60; Ep.
44, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 45, 32,
55 n. 21, 59, 63, 284, 290, 299; Ep.
46, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 47, 32,
55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 48, 32, 34, 45, 55
n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 49, 32, 55 n. 21,
291; Ep. 50, 32-33, 55 n. 21, 291;
Ep. 51, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73;
Ep. 52, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 57, 60,
73, 287; Ep. 53, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21,
60, 73; Ep. 54, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 291;
Ep. 55, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep.
56, 33, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 57, 32, 34,
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 58, 32, 34,
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73; Ep. 59, 33, 55
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 60, 33, 55 n. 21,
292; Ep. 61, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 73,
92-95, 286, 287, 289, 299; Ep. 62,
33, 55 n. 21, 292; Ep 63, 33, 55 n.
21, 291; Ep. 64, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60,
74; Ep. 65, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74;
Ep. 66, 32, 55 n. 21, 57, 285, 290;
Ep. 67, 33, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep. 68, 32,
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep. 69, 32, 34,
45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep 70, 33, 55
n. 21, 291; Ep. 71, 33, 55 n. 21, 291;
Ep. 72, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290; Ep. 73,
32, 44, 55 n. 21; Ep. 74, 44, 60; Ep.
75, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 290; Ep.
76, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 290; Ep.
77, 32, 34, 45, 55 n. 21, 60, 74; Ep.
78, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290, 300-1; Ep.
79, 33, 45, 286, 292; Ep 80, 32, 55
n. 21, 64, 290; Ep. 81 (Letter on
Virgil's statue), 33, 36, 44, 52, 55 n.
21, 59, 62, 70, 92-95, 97 n. 14, 282,
283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289,
291, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298,
299, 300; Ep. 82, 33, 55 n. 21, 285,
291, 296; Ep 83, 283, 297, 301; Ep.
84, 283, 297, 301; Ep 85, 283, 297,
301; Ep. 86 (Fragmentary letter on
Rome), 56 n. 24, 61, 64, 288, 301-2;
Ep. 87, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 284, 290;
Ep. 88, 32, 64, 290; Ep. 89, 33, 63,
292; Ep. 90, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 290;
Ep. 91, 32, 55 n. 21, 63, 290, 301;
Ep. 92, 32, 55 n. 21, 64, 290; Ep. 93,
33, 34, 292; Ep. 94, 33, 34; Ep. 95,
33, 34, 292; Ep. 96, 33, 34, 55 n. 21,
63, 286, 291, 301; Ep. 97, 33, 34, 55
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 98, 32, 38, 44, 52,
55 n. 21, 60, 70, 293, 300; Ep. 99,
32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 63, 70, 73, 284,
292, 299, 300; Ep. 100, 45, 52, 70,
293, 298, 300, 301; Ep. 101, 45, 52,
70, 74, 287, 290, 297, 298, 300, 301;
Ep. 102, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63, 292;
Ep. 103, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 291; Ep.
104, 32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 63, 70, 73,
95 n. 11, n. 12, 284, 287, 288, 289,
292, 296, 298, 299, 300; Ep. 105, 33,
55 n. 21, 292; Ep 106, 33, 55 n. 21,
292; Ep. 107 (Letter to Salutati in
name of Innocent VII), 35, 55 n. 21,
58, 61, 109, 301; Ep. 108, 55 n. 21,
61, 286, 292, 301; Ep. 109, 33, 44, 55
n. 21, 60, 286, 292; Ep. 110, 288,
300, 301; Ep. Ill, 55 n. 21, 292,
301; Ep. 112, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63,
292; Ep. 113, 288, 300, 301; Ep. 114,
32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 70, 72, 283,
284, 294, 295, 298, 300; Ep. 115, 32,
55 n. 21, 301; Ep. 116, 33, 55 n. 21,
59; Ep 117, 33, 55 n. 21, 59; Ep.
118, 33, 34, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 292;
General Index
387
Ep. 119, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 284, 292;
Ep. 120, 32, 45, 52, 55 n. 21, 70, 72,
92-95, 283, 285, 286, 287, 289, 290,
293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 300;
Ep. nobis, 92-95, 283, 284, 293,
295, 298, 302; Ep. 121, 32, 38, 45, 55
n. 21, 72, 92-95, 283, 290, 294, 295,
296, 298; Ep. 122, 38, 45, 92-95,
283, 293, 295, 298; Ep. 123, 33, 55
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 124, 33, 34, 55 n.
21, 63, 292; Ep. 125, 33, 34, 55 n.
21, 63, 291; Ep. 126, 33, 34, 55 n.
21, 63, 286, 291; Ep. 127, 33, 34, 55
n. 21, 63, 292; Ep. 128, 32, 45, 55 n.
21, 63, 73, 78, 293; Ep. 129, 38, 45;
Ep. 130, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 92-
95, 284, 286, 287, 289, 299; Ep. 131,
32, 38, 45, 55 n. 21, 63, 77, 284; Ep.
132, 32, 55 n. 21, 59, 64; Ep. 133,
32, 45, 55 n. 21, 92-95, 283, 284,
287, 289, 290, 293, 295, 296, 298,
299; Ep. 134, 32, 45, 55 n. 21, 92-
95, 283, 284, 287, 289, 290, 293,
295, 298, 299; Ep. 135, 32, 45, 55 n.
21, 92-95, 283, 284, 286, 287, 289,
290, 291, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300;
Ep. 136, 74, 92-95, 285, 287, 288,
289, 293, 294, 295, 297, 299, 301;
Ep. 137, 32, 44, 55 n. 21, 60, 92-95,
283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289,
293, 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299,
300, 301; Ep. 138 (Epistolary eulogy
for Zabarella), 32, 43, 44, 52, 55 n.
21, 63, 70, 92-95, 283, 284, 285,
287, 289, 290, 294, 295, 297, 299,
300; Ep. 139, 32, 55, 268, 290; Ep.
140, 32, 36, 44, 52, 55, 59, 70, 300;
Ep. 141, 32, 36, 44, 59, 285, 286; Ep.
142, 285, 286; Ep. 143, 33; Ep. 144,
33; Ep. 145, 33, 55 n. 21, 63, 291;
Ep. 146, 32, 55 n. 21; Ep. 147, 32, 55
n. 21; Ep. 148, 45, 55 n. 21, 61
Works: Adhortatio ad fideles, 267; Ale-
gainlia, 120, 267; Argumenta in Afri-
cam, 46, 56 n. 23, 308-10; Carmen
ad Franciscum luniorem, 36, 44, 56
n. 23, n. 26, 269; Carmen Francisco
Zabarellae, 38, 70, 270; De arte
metrica (with Francesco Zabarella),
270; De dignissimo funebri apparatu,
37, 44, 47, 52, 55, 56-57 n. 26, 60,
69, 82, 101 n. 22, 104, 270-71; De
ingenuis moribus, 22, 43, 55, 96-101,
105 n. 4, 106, 112, 114, 271-79, 314,
322, 323; De monarchia, 33, 34, 55
n. 21, 63, 279-80; De principibus
Carrariensibus, 43, 51-52, 55, 56 n.
26, 57, 110-11, 130-31, 280-81; De
republica Veneta, 44, 56 n. 24, 60,
64, 109, 281-82; De situ urbis lusti-
nopolitanae, 36, 44, 56 n. 24, 57, 59,
62, 70, 109-10, 113, 282; DUlogus de
morte, 34, 55 n. 21, 57, 282; Epistola
nomine Ciceronis, 44, 61, 303; Epi-
taphium (for Francesco il Vecchio
da Carrara), 37, 56 n. 23, 60, 303;
Epitaphium (for Manuel Chryso-
loras), 304; Facetia, 33, 55 n. 21,
304; Officium Divi Hieronymi, 62-
63, 113, 305; <Oratio> (inc: O
altitudo divitiarum), 35, 55, 58, 61,
305; Oratio ad Franciscum luniorem,
37, 44, 46-47, 52, 56 n. 26, 63, 70,
77, 101 n. 22, 305-6; Oratio in
funere Francisci Senioris, 37, 44, 47,
52, 57 n. 26, 60, 70, 81, 101, n. 22,
104, 306; Oratio pro Cermisone, 33,
63, 306-7; Paulus, 56 n. 23, 58, 64,
307-8; Petrarcae vita, 36, 43, 46, 54-
55, 57, 70, 101-2, 104 n. 3, 308-10;
388
General Index
Poetica narratio, 21-22, 33, 45, 56 n.
23, 57, 310; Pro redintegranda unien-
daque ecdesia, 35, 58, 61, 64, 310-11;
Proverbia et sententiae, 33, 56 n. 23,
57, 311; Quaestiones de ecclesiae po-
testate, 311; Sermones 0erome pane-
gyrics), xi-xii, 15-25, 30, 31, 34-35,
38, 41-42, 43-44, 46, 48, 50, 54, 55
n. 20, n. 22, 57, 59-60, 63, 67, 71,
77, 80, 81, 83, 84, 85-87, 101, 103-
21, 125-34, 136-255, 311; Testamen-
turn, 311-12; Translation of Arrian,
59, 118, 265 n. 6, 268; Translation
of Hippocrates, 304
Verona, 36 n. 6, 75, 107, 120 n. 36, 262
Veterani, Federico, 97
Vettori, Daniele, 72
Vicenza, 78, 81, 105
Victories, 18, 155, 203; spiritual and
military victories compared, 163-65,
231, 243
Vienna, 82, 261, 262, 266
Vimercati, Francesco, 98 n. 16
Vincent Ferrer, O.P.: Les Sermons
Panegyriques, 21 n. 11
Virgil (Publius Virgilius Maro), 3-4, 14,
121; statue in Mantua, 92-94. See
also Vergerio, Pierpaolo, the elder,
Ep. 81
Virginity, 2, 6-7, 10, 79, 201, 253
Virgins, 209-11
Virtue(s), 92, 139, 143-45, 151, 163, 169,
179, 183, 185-87, 201, 207, 215, 225,
227-29, 233, 237, 245; theological
(faith, hope, charity), 179, 187, 207,
227-29
Visconti, Giangaleazzo (Duke), 73, 106-
7; Epistolae, 64, 65
Visual arts, 12-13, 29. See also Antonello
da Messina
Vita Divi Hieronymi 0nc: Plerosque ni-
mirum), 10-11, 49
Vitaliani, Palamino, 73 n. 40
Vita Sancti Hieronymi (inc: Hieronymus
noster), 10-11
Vitez, loannes (Bishop), 120-21, 260,
261, 262, 266
Vittori, Mariano, 120 n. 36
Vittorino da Feltre, 97
Von Eyb, Albrecht: Margarita poetica,
95 n. 11
Von Rabstein, Prokop, 82
Vosich, Simone (da Montona), 120 n. 37
Warfare, 9, 108, 163-65, 171, 191, 201,
207, 231; War of Chioggia, 15, 177;
World War I, 285, 302; World War
II, 48, 267, 275
Wimpfeling, Jakob, 101 n. 21, 114-15
World: as enemy of faith, 145, 163-65,
197, 205, 211, 231, 251. See also
Devil: as enemy of faith; Flesh: as
enemy of faith
Xenophon: Hiero sive Tyrannus, 99 n.
19, 100 n. 20, 100 n. 21
Zabarella
Francesco (Cardinal), 32, 38, 45, 70,
76, 92, 96, 101, 107 n. 8, 116 n.
28, 265 n. 7, 266, 270, 283, 284,
285, 286, 287, 289, 290, 291,
293, 295, 296, 297, 299, 300; De
felicitate, 321; glossed Seneca's
Tragoediae, 261 n. 2; Sermones,
76. See also Vergerio, Pierpaolo,
the elder, De arte metrica
Giacomo (Count), 69, 98 n. 16, HI,
280, 321
Zacchia, Laudivio (da Vezzano Ligure):
General Index 389
translated Epistulae Magni Turd, 84,
115 n. 27; Vita Beati Hieronymi, 115
n. 27
Zambeccari, Pellegrino, 313
Zelada, Francisco Javier (Cardinal), 83,
115, 133
Zendrata, Battista, 71 n. 36, 74
Zeno
Carlo, 95 n. 11, 100 n. 21, 107-8,
112 n. 19, 284, 287, 288, 289,
292, 296, 298, 299
Cristoforo, 92. See also Vergerio,
Pierpaolo, the elder, Ep. 130
lacopo (Bishop), 98 n. 16
Zorzi
Fantino, 75
Marin, 43 n. 9
Zovenzoni, Raffaele, 105 n. 5
Zuehavel de Masarada, Zuane, 53
Index of Manuscripts
A page number is followed by an asterisk (*) when the same manu-
script appears more than once on that page.
Austria
Innsbruck, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. 962, 98 n. 16, 272
Sankt Paul im Lavanttal, Stiftsbib-
liothek:
cod. 79.4, 93 n. 4, n. 7, 95 n. 12,
295, 302, 314, 320
Vienna, Ost. Nationalbibliothek:
cod. Lat. 100, 261-62
cod. Lat. 229, 320
cod. Lat. 960, 99 n. 18, 278
cod. Lat. 3099, 262
cod. Lat. 3160. See Naples Gia
Vien. lat. 57
cod. Lat. 3191, 278
cod. Lat. 3219, 278
cod. Lat. 3315, 299
cod. Lat. 3319, 281, 310
cod. Lat. 3330, 93 n. 4, 95 n. 12,
101 n. 22, 299, 306
cod. Lat. 3481, 269, 278
cod. Lat. 4159, 278
cod. Lat. 4229, 262-63
cod. Lat. 4772, 304
cod. Lat. 4792, 266
cod. Lat. 5180, 278
cod. Lat. 5513, 76
Belgium
Brussels, Bibl. Royale Albert ler:
cod. L9893-9894, 268
cod. L10731-10738, 99 n. 18, 271
cod. LI 1479-1 1484, 321
cod. n.l442 (formerly Phillipps
10441), 283
cod. n.l443 (formerly Phillipps
8901), 107 n. 7, 284
Croatia
Zagreb, Knjiznlca Akademije Znanosti
i Umjetnosti:
cod. n.c.61, 300
Zagreb, Sveucilisna Knjiznica:
cod. MR.107, 300
Index of Manuscripts
391
Czech Republic
Ceske Budejovice, Krajske vedecka
knihovna:
cod. 40, 271
Olomouc, Statni Archiv:
cod. CO.509, 309
Prague, Knihovna Metropolitnl Kapituli:
cod. D.LX, 309
Prague, Statni Knihovna Ceske Repub-
liky:
cod. XXIII.G.56, 275
England
Cambridge, Pembroke College:
cod. 249, 308
Cambridge, University Library:
cod. Add. 6676 E, 313
cod. Dd.VII.1-2, 49-50, 114, 127-
28, 133-34
Holkham Hall, Library of Earl of
Leicester:
cod. 485, 280
cod. 486, 98 n. 16, 272
cod. 487, 272, 286
London, British Library:
cod. Add. 1996, 272
cod. Add. 10234, 308
cod. Add. 10384, 82 n. 48
cod. Add. 27580, 272
cod. Add. 33382, 107 n. 7
cod. Add. 40676, 107 n. 7
cod. Arundel 70, 73 n. 38, n. 39, n.
41, 75 n. 42, 77 n. 45, 78 n. 46,
92-93 n. 4, 94-95, 101 n. 22,
286-87, 305
cod. Arundel 138, 75 n. 42
cod. Arundel 304, 30-31, 114-15,
127-28, 133
cod. Arundel 353, 272
cod. Egerton 1996, 272
cod. Harley 1883, 321
cod. Harley 2268, 287
cod. Harley 2492, 287
cod. Harley 2678, 98 n. 16, 100 n.
20, 273
cod. Harley 3716, 95 n. 12, 287
cod. Harley 3722, 308
cod. Harley 3949, 273
cod. Harley 4150, 273
London, Robinson Trust:
cod. Phillipps 7698, 280
London, University of London:
cod. 288 (formerly Phillipps 9184),
100 n. 20, 269, 273
Oxford, Balliol College:
cod. 132, 289
Oxford, Bodleian:
cod. Auct. F.L14, 260
cod. Bywater 38, 315
cod. Canon, lat. 126, 269
cod. Canon, lat. 311, 309
cod. Canon, misc. 87, 97 n. 15,
100-1 n. 20, n. 21, 274
cod. Canon, misc. 146, 98 n. 16, 274
cod. Canon, misc. 166, 42-46, 109-
10, 126-29, 133, 269, 270, 274,
280, 281, 282, 289, 303, 305,
306, 309, 310
cod. Canon, misc. 169, 289
cod. Canon, misc. 225, 290, 319
cod. Canon, misc. 316, 290
cod. Canon, misc. 317, 290
cod. Canon, misc. 484, 92 n. 4, 95
n. 12, 290
cod. Canon, pat. lat. 70, 113 n. 24
cod. D'Orville 525, 97 n. 16, 274
cod. Rawlinson G.47, 98 n. 17
(Plate 5), 274
392
Index of Manuscripts
France
Beauvais, Bibl. de la Ville:
cod. 14, 271
Lyon, Bibl. de la Ville:
cod. 100 (168), 287
Paris, Bibl. Nationale:
cod. Lat. 1676, 274, 293
codd. Lat. 1890 and 1891, 29-30,
114, 125, 127-28, 133
cod. Lat. 2742, 275
cod. Lat. 5876, 280
cod. Lat. 5879, 281
cod. Lat. 5882, 293
cod. Lat. 5919B, 319
cod. Lat. 6179, 319
cod. Lat. 6315, 319
cod. Lat. 6390, 260-61
cod. Lat. 6722, 98 n. 16, 275
cod. Lat. 6858, 114 n. 25
cod. Lat. 7868, 107 n. 7, 293
cod. Lat. 7881, 265-66
cod. Lat. 8572, 293
cod. Lat. 10209, 101-2 n. 24, 309
cod. Lat. 11138, 293
cod. Lat. 11290, 319
cod. Lat. 16593, 98 n. 16, 100 n. 20,
275
cod. Lat. 16594, 275
cod. Lat. 17888, 275, 320
cod. Lat. 18529, 275
cod. Lat. 18611, 267 n. 1
cod. Moreau 849, 275, 320
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 481, 304
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1103, 275
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1181, 293
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1302, 268
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 1867, 315 n. 3
cod. Nouv. acq. lat. 2609 (formerly
Phillipps 3348), 100 n. 20, 275
Reims, Bibl. Municipale:
cod. nil, 320
Troyes, Bibl. Municipale:
cod. 1531, 296
Germany
Augsburg, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. n.Lat.l.quarto.33, 101 n. 21,
271, 282
Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek:
cod. Hamilton 397, 271
cod. Hamilton 541, 314-15 n, 3
cod. Magdeburg 13, 107 n. 7
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Stiftung Preus-
sischer Kulturbesitz:
cod. Lat. folio 667 (formerly Phil-
lipps 11907), 92-94 n. 4, n. 7, n.
9, 95 n. 12, 283, 302, 318
cod. Lat. quarto 239, 271
cod. Lat. quarto 272, 318
cod. Lat. quarto 468, 98 n. 16, 100
n. 21, 271, 283
cod. Lat. octavo 32, 271
cod. Lat. octavo 108, 100 n. 20, 271
cod. Lat. octavo 195 (formerly Phil-
lipps 9212), 271
Chemnitz (Karl-Marx-Stadt), Bezirksbib-
liothek:
cod. 57, 92 n. 4, 95 n. 12, 284-85
Dresden, Sachsische Landesbiblio-
thek:
cod. 5.57. See Chemnitz cod. 57
cod. Db.89, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20, 271
cod. Dc.l40, 271
Einsiedeln, Stiftsbibliothek:
cod. 398, 285
Erlangen, Universitatsbibliothek:
Inc. 590, 308
Freiburg im Breisgau, Universitatsbib-
liothek:
cod. 159, 313
Index of Manuscripts
393
Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek:
cod. Chart. B.239, 107 n. 7
cod. Memb. 11.105, 98 n. 16, 272
Greifswald, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. 682, 101, 308
Hamburg, Staats- und Universitats-
bibliothek:
cod. Philol. quarto 132b, 286, 315
Harburg, Fiirstlich Oettingen- Waller-
stein'sche Bibliothek und Kunst-
sammlung:
cod. II.Lat.l. quarto. 33, 272
Jena, UniversitatsbibHothek:
cod. Buder quarto 105, 319
Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek:
cod. Aug. (Reichenau) 53, 308
cod. Aug. (Reichenau) 131, 319
cod. Aug. (Reichenau) fragm. 205,
308
Kassel, Gesamthochschul-Bibliothek:
cod. Philos. quarto 6, 101 n. 21, 272
Kremsmiinster, Stiftsbibliothek:
cod. 329, 99 n. 19, 272
Leipzig, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. 022, 280
cod. 1270, 286
Marburg, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. 80, 267 n. 1
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek:
cod. Clm 76, 288
cod. Clm 78, 95 n. 12, 101 n. 22,
269, 288, 305
cod. Clm 124, 309
cod. Clm 350, 309, 319
cod. Clm 362, 288
cod. Clm 418, 288
cod. Clm 424, 273
cod. Clm 426, 273
cod. Clm 443, 288
cod. Clm 487, 98 n. 16, 273, 314
cod. Clm 504, 95 n. 11, 288, 303
cod. Clm 520, 273
cod. Clm 522, 95 n. 11
cod. Clm 3561, 309
cod. Clm 3849, 100 n. 20, 273
cod. Clm 5350, 288
cod. Clm 5354, 314
cod. Clm 5596, 311
cod. Clm 6717, 288
cod. Clm 7612, 289
cod. Clm 14134, 314, 319
cod. Clm 18170, 273
cod. Clm 18527b, 115 n. 27, 322
cod. Clm 19652, 99 n. 19, 100 n. 20,
273
cod. Clm 21203, 309
cod. Clm 23610, 309
cod. Clm 28824, 107 n. 7
Munich, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. Folio 607, 73 n. 39, n. 41, 75
n. 42, 77 n. 45, 92-93 n. 4, 95 n.
12, 101 n. 22, 289, 305
cod. Quarto 768, 95 n. 11, n. 12,
289, 303
Neustadt an der Aisch, Evangelische
Kirchenbibliothek:
cod. 81, 274
Schaffhausen, Stadtbibliothek:
cod. Min. 120, 100 n. 20, 276
Stuttgart, Wiirttembergische Landes-
bibliothek:
cod. HB.X.21, 102 n. 24, 309
cod. Poet, et Philol. quarto 37, 307
cod. Poet, et Philol. quarto 40, 93
n. 4, 95 n. 12, 295-96, 314
cod. Theol. et Philos. folio 137, 311
cod. Theol. et Philos. quarto 11, 276
Trier, Stadtbibliothek:
cod. 788/1372, 79-80, 115, 127-28,
133
394
Index of Manuscripts
Tiibingen, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. Mc.l04, 296
Weimar, Thiiringische Landesbibliothek:
cod. Octavo.142, 97 n. 16, 99 n. 18,
279
Wiirzburg, Franziskanerkloster:
cod. 1.78, 279
Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. M.ch.f.60, 299
Zeitz, Domherrenbibliothek:
cod. 51, 279
Hungary
Budapest, National Szechenyi Library
(Orszagos Szechenyi Konyvtar):
cod. Clmae 292, 318
cod. Clmae 294, 284
cod. Clmae 314, 97 n. 15, 271, 284
Budapest, University Library (Eotvos
Lorand Tudomany Egyetem
Konyvtara):
cod. Lat. 15, 263
cod. Lat. 16, 263
cod. Lat. 17, 263-64
cod. Lat. 20, 264-65
cod. Lat. 23, 259
cod. Lat. 26, 265
Ireland
Dublin, Chester Beatty Library:
cod. W.113 (formerly Phillipps 6640),
285
Dublin, Trinity College:
cod. C 2.17, 271
Italy
Arezzo, Bibl. della Citta:
cod. 145, 318
Belluno, Seminario Gregoriano:
cod. LoUiniana 49, 283, 316
Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria:
cod. 2720, 318
cod. 2948, 283
Bergamo, Bibl. Civica Angelo Mai:
cod. AB.463, 283
cod. Delta 11.15, 100 n. 20, 271
cod. Delta V.20, 271
cod. Delta VI.33, 97 n. 16, 100 n.
20, 271
Brescia, Bibl. Civica Queriniana:
cod. A.VIL3, 283, 303
cod. C.V.IO, 283
cod. C.V.20, 283
cod. C.Vn.l, 283
cod. L.in.30, 40-42, 115, 127-28,
133
Brindisi, Bibl. Arcivescovile:
cod. A/6, 107 n. 7
Camaldoli, Archivio del Sacro Eremo:
cod. 1201, 93 n. 7, 112, 284, 302
cod. 1202, 284
Capodistria, Archivio Civico:
cod. 27, 311
Capodistria, Archivio Gravisi-Barba-
bianca:
unnumbered codex, 48, 267
Carpi, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. Archivio Pio, filza 2, no. 94,
267 n. 1
Casale Monferrato, Seminario Vescovile:
cod. I.b.20, 284
Como, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. 4.4.6, 285
Ferrara, Bibl. Comunale Ariostea:
cod. 11.110, 323
cod. IL151, 285
cod. n.205, 272
cod. n.392, 280
Florence, Bibl. Laurenziana:
cod. Acquisti e Doni 441, 308
Index of Manuscripts
395
cod. Acquisti e Doni 715, 308
cod. Ashb. 269, 303, 316
cod. Ashb. 272, 285
cod. Ashb. 278, 285
cod. Ashb. 1014, 101 n. 24, 308
cod. Ashb. 1704, 272
cod. Laur. XXXIII.35, 308
cod. Laur. Gadd. 64, 315 n. 3
cod. Plut. XLVI.l, 285
cod. Plut. LII.3, 318
cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 50 (Gaddia-
nus), 318
cod. Plut. LXXXX sup. 60 (Gaddia-
nus), 318
cod. Strozzi 104, 318
Florence, Bibl. Marucelliana:
cod. C.CCCXXXV, 272
Florence, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale:
cod. Conv. soppr. J.L31 (478), 319
cod. Magi. Vin.1311, 319
cod. Magi. Vin.1435, 305 n. 8
cod. Magi. XXI.9, 285
cod. Naz. n.1.64, 319
cod. Naz. n.8.129, 319
Florence, Bibl. Riccardiana:
cod. Rice. 413, 272
cod. Rice. 671, 107 n. 7
cod. Rice. 697, 272
cod. Rice. 779, 285
cod. Rice. 907, 272
cod. Rice. 952, 97 n. 16, 99 n. 19, 272
cod. Rice. 976, 319
cod. Rice. 978, 99 n. 18, 272
cod. Rice. 1175, 272
cod. Rice. 4046, 272
Forli, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. in.66, 100 n. 21, 272
cod. in.83, 322
Genoa, Bibl. Durazzo:
cod. B.V.14, 99 n. 19, 272, 319
Gorizia, Bibl. del Seminario Teologico:
cod. 12, 285-86, 302
Lucca, Bibl. Governativa:
cod. 1394, 95 n. 11
Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana:
cod. D 223 inf., 269, 280, 308
cod. H 49 inf., 319
cod. J 33 inf., 273, 287
cod. A 50 sup., 273
cod. A 166 sup., 99 n. 19, 273, 287
cod. C 12 sup., 307
cod. C 43 sup., 98 n. 16, 99 n. 19,
100 n. 20, 273
cod. D 93 sup., 73 n. 39, n. 41, 75
n. 42, 77 n. 45, 78 n. 46, 92 n.
4, 101 n. 22, 287, 305
cod. E 13 sup., 273
cod. F 51 sup., 99 n. 18, 273
cod. G 29 sup., 98 n. 16, 273
cod. H 21 sup., 287
cod. N 22 sup., 273
cod. N 104 sup., 100 n. 20, 273
cod. N 202 sup., 273
cod. P 215 sup., 280
cod. Sussidio H 52, 287
Milan, Bibl. dei Padri Cappuccini:
cod. 24, 273
Milan, Bibl. Nazionale Braidense:
cod. AC.XIL22, 51-52, 110-11, 128,
133, 270, 280, 287, 305, 306
cod. AD.XIV.27, 323
Milan, Societa Storica Lombarda:
cod. 43, 288
Modena, Arehivio Capitolare:
cod. O.II.8, 288
Modena, Bibl. Estense:
cod. Campori 54 (Gamma H.6, 56),
36 n. 5
cod. Campori 175 (Gamma Z.6, 21),
273
396
Index of Manuscripts
cod. Est. lat. 17 (Alpha F.2, 59), 96
n. 13, 273, 288
cod. Est. lat. 56 (Alpha 0.7, 12),
305 n. 8
cod. Est. lat. 140 (Alpha R.9, 6), 288
cod. Est. lat. 186 (Alpha 0.6, 22),
46-48, 104 n. 2, n. 3, 127 n. 5,
133, 270, 305, 306, 308
cod. Est. lat. 217 (Alpha P.6, 25),
288
cod. Est. lat. 572 (Alpha M.9, 8), 96
n. 13, 273
cod. Est. lat. 666 (Alpha Q.5, 28), 273
cod. Est. lat. 943 (Alpha K.7, 10),
273
Montecassino, Bibl. della Badia:
cod. 335, 273
Naples, Bibl. Governativa dei Gerola-
mini:
cod. S.M. XXVIII. 1-37, 268
Naples, Bibl. Nazionale:
cod. IV.F.19, 267 n. 1
cod. IV.G.31bis, 273
cod. V.C.44, 98 n. 16, 274
cod. V.E.21, 274
cod. V.E.22, 274
cod. V.E.24, 274
cod. V.E.40, 309
cod. V.E.69, 319
cod. V.F.19, 289
cod. V.G.I, 268
cod. V.G.19, 68 n. 35, 105 n. 5
cod. VI.D.2., 274
cod. VIII.C.8, 96 n. 13, 274
cod. VIII.G.31, 289
cod. IX.F.62, 52-54, 119, 126-27, 133
cod. XIII.D.128, 274
cod. XIII.G.33, 319
cod. Gia Viennesi lat. 57, 101 n. 22,
270, 306
Padua, Archivio Papafava:
cod. 2, 274
cod. 3, 280
cod. 21, 113 n. 23, 268*, 279, 282,
290-92, 304, 309, 313
Padua, Bibl. Antoniana:
cod. 1.19, 97 n. 16, 274
cod. V.90, 292
cod. XXII.566, 280
cod. XXII.596, 280
Padua, Bibl. Capitolare:
cod. B.62, 281, 282, 292
Padua, Bibl. del Seminario:
cod. 46, 292
cod. 92, 99 n. 18, 274
cod. 165, 100 n. 20, 274
cod. 196, 270, 321
cod. 403, 309
cod. 577, 280
cod. 578, 306
cod. 692, 92-93 n. 4, 293
Padua, Bibl. Universitaria:
cod. 70, 274
cod. 187, 274
cod. 528, 293
cod. 1138, 274
Padua, Museo Civico:
cod. B.P. 158, 111 n. 17, 280
cod. B.P. 408, 313
cod. B.P. 757, 322
cod. B.P. 805, 280
cod. B.P. 915, 280
cod. B.P. 1029, 280
cod. B.P. 1203, 54-56, 110-11, 126-
27, 133, 268, 269, 270, 274, 279,
280, 281*, 282*, 293, 302, 303*,
304, 305, 306*, 307, 309, 310,
311*, 316
cod. B.P. 1223, 35-40, 93 n. 4, 104
n. 3, 106-9, 110, 126-28, 133,
Index of Manuscripts
397
269, 270*, 282, 293, 303, 306*,
309, 315
cod. B.P. 1287, 58-61, 108 n. 10,
109-10, 111-12, 126-27, 133,
270, 281*, 282, 293, 303*, 305,
306, 311, 316
cod. B.P. 2042, 321
cod. B.P. 2157, 280
cod. CM. 728, 274
Palermo, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. 2.Qq.C.79, 319
Parma, Bibl. Palatina:
cod. Pal. 156, 97 n. 16, 275, 293
cod. Pal. 262, 105 n. 4
cod. Parm. 94, 275
cod. Parm. 283, 303
cod. Parm. 937b, 316
Perugia, Bibl. Comunale Augusta:
cod. H.78, 320
cod. 2862 (formerly N.F.81), 97 n.
16, 275
Pesaro, Bibl. Oliveriana:
cod. 44, 93, 95 n. 12, 293-94, 302
Piacenza, Bibl. Comunale Passerini-Landi:
cod. Landi 7, 275
cod. Landi 176, 268
Pisa, Bibl. del Seminario Arcivescovile
S. Caterina:
cod. 136, 275
Ravenna, Bibl. Classense:
cod. 117, 294
cod. 121, 294
cod. 419, 320
cod. 627, 309
Rieti, Bibl. Comunale Paroniana:
cod. O.I.21, 275
Rimini, Bibl. Civica Gambalunga:
cod. SC-MS 22 (formerly 4.A.I.22),
303
Rome, Bibl. Angelica:
cod. 55, 280
cod. 234, 294
Rome, Bibl. Casanatense:
cod. 868, 275
cod. 1283, 275
Rome, Bibl. Corsiniana:
cod. Corsin. 583, 294
cod. Nic. Rossi 304, 99 n. 18, 275
cod. Nic. Rossi 354, 275
Rome, Bibl. dell'Istituto Nazionale di
Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte:
cod. 47, 315 n. 3
Rome, Bibl. Nazionale Centrale Vit-
torio Emanuele II:
cod. Gesuitico 973, 294
cod. Varia 10 (619), 320
cod. Vitt. Eman. 474 (673.454), 98
n. 16, 275
cod. Vitt. Eman. 1414 (186.692), 275
San Daniele del Friuli, Bibl. Civica
Guarneriana:
cod. 43, 315
cod. 70, 276, 294
cod. 97, 295
cod. 100, 295
cod. 105, 98 n. 16, 276, 295
cod. 110, 97 n. 16, 100 n. 21, 276, 295
cod. 121, 316
cod. 144, 65-69, 105, 127-29, 133
Savignano sul Rubicone, Bibl. dell'Acca-
demia Rubiconia dei Filopatridi:
cod. 23, 98 n. 16, 276
Siena, Bibl. Comunale degli Intronati:
cod. G.X.33, 315
cod. H.V.3, 295
cod. H.VI.26, 295, 320
Trent, Bibl. Capitolare:
cod. 42 (temp. 258), 296
Trent, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. Vindob. lat. 3191, 276
398
Index of Manuscripts
Trent, Museo Provinciale d'Arte:
cod. W.43, 261
Treviso, Bibl. Capitolare:
cod. 1.177, 70-78, 93 n. 4, 106-9,
116 n. 28, 126-29, 133, 296, 306
Treviso, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. 5, 69-70, 111, 128, 133, 270,
271, 282, 296, 306*, 309
cod. 170, 320
Trieste, Bibl. Civica:
cod. R.P. 1-20 (Alpha BB.3), 276
cod. R.P. 1-21 (Alpha BB.l), 276
cod. R.P. 1-25 (Alpha BB.2), 276
cod. R.P. 3-6, 276
Turin, Bibl. Nazionale:
cod. H.III.8, 269, 315 n. 3
Udine, Bibl. Arcivescovile:
cod. 49, 100 n. 21, 276
cod. 70, 106 n. 6
Udine, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. P.P. 2686, 115 n. 27
Urbino, Bibl. Universitaria:
cod. Fondo dell'Universita vol. 71,
276
Venice, Bibl. De Franceschi:
unnumbered codex, 277
Venice, Bibl. Nazionale Marciana:
cod. Marc. gr. IX.29 (1007), 266 n. 8
cod. Marc. ital. VI.431 (6900), 56, 101
n. 22, 269, 271, 281, 297, 306*
cod. Marc. ital. XI.78 (6773), 281
cod. Marc. ital. XI. 120 (6931), 102
n. 24, 310
cod. Marc. lat. m.35 (2502), 120 n. 37
cod. Marc. lat. VI.84 (3202), 100 n.
21, 277
cod. Marc. lat. VI. 129 (3037), 98 n.
16, 277
cod. Marc. lat. VI.130 (3205), 98 n.
16, 277
cod. Marc. lat. VI. 131 (3596), 97 n.
16, 277
cod. Marc. lat. VI.134 (3565), 320
cod. Marc. lat. VI.208 (3569), 101 n.
22, 297, 306
cod. Marc. lat. VI.268 (3141), 112 n.
19, 277
cod. Marc. lat. VI.306 (2891), 278
cod. Marc. lat. VI.501 (1712), 98 n.
16, 278
cod. Marc. lat. X.226 (3730), 281
cod. Marc. lat. X.292 (3335), 281
cod. Marc. lat. X.384 (2951), 281
cod. Marc. lat. XI.21 (3814), 297
cod. Marc. lat. XI.26 (4428), 297
cod. Marc. lat. XI.56 (3827), 31-35,
59, 69, 109, 126-27, 133, 268,
279, 280, 282, 297, 302, 304,
305, 307, 310, 311*
cod. Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152), 93 n. 4,
297-98
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 102 (3940), 93 n.
4, n. 7, 95 n. 12, 298, 302
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 106 (4363), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XI. 108 (4363), 47 n.
11
cod. Marc. lat. XII.8 (4161), 267 n. 1
cod. Marc. lat. XII. 17 (3944), 310
cod. Marc. lat. XII.26 (3906), 261 n.
2
cod. Marc. lat. Xn.50 (4376), 270, 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.41 (4729), 270
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.46 (4476), 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.71 (4142), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIII.72 (4109), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.7 (4319), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.31 (4701), 320
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.50 (4238), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.54 (4328), 120,
266 n. 8, 267
Index of Manuscripts
399
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.118 (4711), 320
cod. Marc. lat. XIV. 126 (4664), 98
n. 17, 112 n. 19, 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.184 (4670), 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.210 (2955), 56-
58, 101 n. 22, 104 n. 3, 110-11,
126-27, 133, 268*, 269, 280, 281,
282*, 298, 302, 304, 305, 307*,
310*, 311*
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.214 (4674), 115
n. 27, 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.215 (4675), 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.221 (4632), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.236 (4499), 97
n. 16, 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.239 (4500), 81-
83, 104-5, 125, 126-27, 133, 271,
306
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.243 (4070), 278
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.254 (4535), 61-
65, 104 n. 3, 110, HI, 113, 125-
26 n. 2, 128-29, 133, 280, 281,
282, 298, 302, 305, 306, 307*,
311, 316
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.255 (4576), 281
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.266 (4502), 298
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.286 (4302), 317
cod. Marc. lat. XIV.287 (4303), 299
cod. Zan. lat. 345 (1650), 117 n. 32
cod. Zan. lat. 408 (2029), 299
cod. Zan. lat. 473 (1592), 299
cod. Zan. lat. 498 (1919), 96 n. 13,
278
cod. Zan. lat. 501 (1712), 99 n. 19,
278, 320
Venice, Museo Civico Correr:
cod. Cicogna 148, 281
cod. Cicogna 575, 278
cod. Cicogna 797, 278
cod. Cicogna 3052, 281
cod. Cicogna 3407, 299
cod. Cicogna 3409, 299
cod. Correr 37, 278
cod. Correr 79, 278
cod. Correr 189, 278
cod. P.D. C.2455, 299
Verona, Bibl. Capitolare:
cod. CCXLI (202), 316
cod. CCXLIII (212), 100 n. 20, 278
cod. CCLV (227), 100 n. 20, 278
cod. CCCIII (303), 315
Verona, Bibl. Comunale:
cod. 1186, 278
cod. 2822, 100 n. 20, 278
Vicenza, Bibl. Comunale Bertoliana:
cod. G.7.1.25, 299, 315
cod. 7.1.31, 269, 299
Volterra, Bibl. Comunale Guarnacciana:
cod. 9637, 314
The Netherlands
Leiden, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit:
cod. Voss. lat. octavo 85, 272, 286
Utrecht, Bibl. der Rijksuniversiteit:
cod. E.quarto.341, 276
Poland
Krakow, Bibl. Jagiellonska:
cod. 519, 319
cod. 1961, 286
cod. 3245, 272
Krakow, Bibl. Muzeum Narodowego w
Krakowie:
cod. 1242, 272
Warsaw, Bibl. Narodowa:
cod. 3458, 279
Wroclaw, Bibl. Uniwersytecka:
cod. IV.quarto.53, 279
400
Index of Manuscripts
Portugal
Evora, Bibl. Publica:
Incunabulos 307-12, 272
Russia
Saint Petersburg, Archive of the His-
torical Institute:
cod. 1.614, 275
Saint Petersburg, Public Library Salty-
kov-Shchedrin:
cod. Lat. F.XVIII.5, 275
cod. Lat. O.III.81, 275
South Africa
Cape Town, South African Library:
cod. 3.C.11, 98 n. 16, 271
Spain
El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San
Lorenzo:
cod. N.II.2, 268
Granada, Bibl. Universitaria:
cod. Caja 2-29 (B.93), 272
Madrid, Bibl. Nacional:
cod. 10161 (Ii.l51), 273
Salamanca, Bibl. Universitaria:
cod. 64, 294
Seville, Bibl. Capitular y Colombina:
cod. 5-6-13, 309
cod. 7-1-49, 115 n. 27
Toledo, Archivo y Biblioteca Capito-
lares:
cod. 13, 15, 107 n. 7
cod. 100,42, 296
cod. 102, 17, 83-84, 115, 127-28,
133
Sweden
Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket:
cod. P.l.a, 276
Switzerland
Basel, Universitatsbibliothek:
cod. O.n.32, 318
cod. O.m.23, 271
Zurich, Zentralbibliothek:
cod. C.74, 279
cod. Car. C.118, 310
cod. Car. C.144, 113 n. 24
United States
Cambridge, Harvard University,
Houghton Library:
cod. Typ. 17, 308
Chicago, University of Chicago Library:
cod. 807 (formerly Phillipps 3386),
271
Durham, Duke University Library:
cod. Lat. 21-25 (24), 272
New Haven, Yale University Library:
cod. Marston 107 (formerly Phil-
lipps 1010), 274
cod. Mellon 14, 303
cod. Osborn a. 17 (formerly Phil-
lipps 9627), 101 n. 22, 270, 306,
309, 319
New York, Columbia University Li-
brary:
cod. Plimpton 153, 274
cod. Plimpton 154, 98 n. 16, 274
cod. Plimpton 187, 274
New York, Library of Mrs. Phyllis
Goodhart Gordan:
cod. 18, 100 n. 21, 274
cod. 73, 99 n. 19, 274
cod. 96, 289
Philadelphia, University of Pennsyl-
vania Library:
cod. Smith lat. 34, 99 n. 18, 275
Princeton, Princeton University Library:
cod. 107, 320
Index of Manuscripts
401
Washington, D.C., Library of Congress:
cod. Phillipps 5819, 270, 299
Wellesley, Wellesley College Library:
cod. Plimpton 751, 310
Vatican City
Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana:
cod. Barb. lat. 61, 296
cod. Barb. lat. 116, 296
cod. Barb. lat. 211, 276
cod. Barb. lat. 568, 117 n. 31
cod. Barb. lat. 569, 117 n. 31
cod. Barb. lat. 1952, 296
cod. Barb. lat. 2087, 296
cod. Barb. lat. 3064, 310
cod. Borg. lat. 344, 276
cod. Capponiani 3, 276
cod. Chig. H.IV.102, 276
cod. Chig. H.IV.105, 276
cod. Chig. J.VL214, 98 n. 16, 99 n.
19, 100 n. 20, 276, 320
cod. Chig. J.VI.215, 320
cod. Chig. J.Vn.266, 314, 322
cod. Chig. S.V.8, 97 n. 16, 276
cod. Ottob. lat. 241, 100 n. 21, 276
cod. Ottob. lat. 480, 141 n. 4, 147
n. 5, 149 n. 8, 153 n. 2, n. 3,
181 n. 5, 187 n. 7, 195 n. 12,
199 n. 1, 205 n. 4, 215 n. 3, n.
4, 217 n. 5, 219 n. 6, 247 n. 5,
340
cod. Ottob. lat. 749, 117 n. 32
cod. Ottob. lat. 856, 320
cod. Ottob. lat. 1223, 306
cod. Ottob. lat. 1331, 280
cod. Ottob. lat. 1615, 97 n. 16, 276
cod. Ottob. lat. 1669, 100 n. 20, 276
cod. Ottob. lat. 1800, 100 n. 20, 276
cod. Ottob. lat. 1901, 320
cod. Pal. lat. 327, 276
cod. Pal. lat. 1248, 304, 305 n. 8
cod. Pal. lat. 1262, 117 n. 31
cod. Pal. lat. 1552, 303
cod. Pal. lat. 1592, 296
cod. Pal. lat. 1598, 320
cod. Pal. lat. 1740, 97-98 n. 16, 277
cod. Regin. lat. 326, 117 n. 31
cod. Regin. lat. 786, 315 n. 3
cod. Regin. lat. 806, 277
cod. Regin. lat. 1321, 99 n. 19, 100
n. 20, 277, 320
cod. Regin. lat. 1555, 297
cod. Regin. lat. 1676, 277
cod. Ross. 42, 277
cod. Ross. 43, 277
cod. Ross. 50, 100 n. 20, 277
cod. Ross. 409, 297
cod. Urb. lat. 51, 117 n. 31
cod. Urb. lat. 415, 268
cod. Urb. lat. 1164, 320
cod. Urb. lat. 1194, 97 n. 14, 100 n.
20, 277, 297
cod. Urb. lat. 1257, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 216, 117 n. 32
cod. Vat. lat. 342, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 343, 117
cod. Vat. lat. 344, 117
cod. Vat. lat. 345, 117 n. 32
cod. Vat. lat. 348, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 349, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 350, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 351, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 352, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 353, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 357, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 358, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 359, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 362, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 363, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 364, 117 n. 31
402
Index of Manuscripts
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
cod. Vat.
27
cod. Vat. lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
lat.
365, 117 n. 31
367, 117 n. 31
368, 117 n. 31
434, 117 n. 32
535, 117 n. 32
546, 117 n. 32
619, 117-18 n. 32
795, 117 n. 32
797, 117 n. 32
976, 117-18 n. 32
1205, 113 n. 24
1541, 315 n. 3
1560, 320
1690, 97 n.l6, 277
1791, 277
1792, 100 n. 20, 277
1883, 320
1905, 117 n. 32
2107, 117-18 n. 32
2906, 98 n. 16, 277
2913, 277
2931, 277
3155, 297
3164, 84 n. 51, 115 n.
3167, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 3407, 99 n. 19, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 3440, 98 n. 16, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 4321, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 4520, 117-18 n. 32
cod. Vat. lat. 4521, 310
cod. Vat. lat. 5123, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 5124, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 5126, 297
cod. Vat. lat. 5131, 297
cod. Vat. lat. 5155, 310
cod. Vat. lat. 5223, 76 n. 43, 269, 297
cod. Vat. lat. 5263, 280, 310
cod. Vat. lat. 5268, 268
cod. Vat. lat. 5346, 315
cod. Vat. lat. 5382, 297
cod. Vat. lat. 5911, 297
cod. Vat. lat. 6878, 277, 307
cod. Vat. lat. 7229, 315 n. 3
cod. Vat. lat. 7604, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 8124, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 8559, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 9256, 117 n. 31
cod. Vat. lat. 9306, 100 n. 20, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 11253, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 11547, 98 n. 16, 277
cod. Vat. lat. 13703, 112 n. 19
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